The third part of a seasonable, legal, and historical vindication of the good old fundamental liberties, franchises, rights, laws, government of all English freemen; with a chronological collection of their strenuous defenses, by wars, and otherwise: of all great Parliamentary Councills, synods, and chief laws, charters, proceedings in them; of the publike revolutions of state, with the sins and vices occasioning them; and the exemplary judgements of God upon tyrants, oppressors, perjured perfidious traitors, rebels, regicides, usurpers, during the reigns o [sic] four Saxon and Danish Kings, from the year of our Lord 600. till the coronation of William the Norman, anno 1066. Collected out of our antientest, and best historians, with brief usefull observations on and from them. / By William Prynne esq; a bencher of Lincolns Inne.

A Seasonable, Legal and Historical Vin∣dication of the good old Fundamental Li∣berties, Rights and Laws of England.

Chapter 3. Section 4.

Comprehending a brief Collection of all the most observable Parliamentary Councils, Synods, Conven∣tions, Publique Contests, Debates, Wars, Historical Proceedings, Passages, Records, relating to the fun∣damental Liberties, Franchises, Rights, Customs, and Government of the People under our English Saxon Kings, from the year of our Lord 600, till the death of King Edmund Ironside, and reign of Cnute the Danish King, Anno Dom. 1017. with some brief Observations on and from the same.

IN the former Section I have presented you with a general brief Account of our first English Saxon Christian Kings limited Power and Prerogative, being obliged to govern their English-Saxon Subjects, not arbitrarily, but justly, according to their known Laws, and totally disabled, to alter, repeal any old, or enact any new Laws; to impose any publique Taxes, Tallages, Imposts, Customs whatsoever, on their people, upon any real or pre∣tended

necessity; to make any War, Peace; or to alienate the Lands or ancient Revenues of their Crowns, to any pious, publique or private uses whatsoever, without the common consent of their Nobles and Wisemen in general Parliamen∣tary Councils; together with a Summary of the Laws of Ethelbert, the first Christian Saxon King, wholly pretermitting the Names, Acts, Kingdoms, of our first Pagan Saxon Usurpers, rather than lawfull Kings: who, though many and great in their generations, were very speedily brought to nothing their * 1.1 Kingdoms begun, e∣rected by blood, conquest, and meer power of the Sword, standing not long unshaken by civil wars among themselves, each King envying his equals greatness, and seeking to in∣large his own Dominions upon the next. In which Combu∣stions few or none of them came to the Grave in due time, but were either slain in war, or treacherously murdered in Peace, or expelled their Realms by, or forced to resign their Crowns to others, after all their former prosperous succes∣ses and reigns wholly spent in Wars, Troubles, Seditions, Rebellions, Rapines, affording nothing worthy memory for their peoples good, the Kingdoms settlement, or imitation of Posterity. Whence Henry Huntindon in the close of the 2 Book of his Histories, p. 320, hath this Observation concerning them, very seasonable for our present times; Vide igitur Lector, & perpende, quanta Nomina quam cito ad nihilum devenerint; Attende quaeso & stude, cum nihil hic duret, ut adquiras tibi regnum, & substan∣tiamillam, quae non deficiet, Nomen illud & honorem qui non pertransibit, monimentum illud & claritatem quae nullis saeculis veterascet. Hoc praemeditare, summae prudentiae est, acquirere summae caliditatis, adipisci summae faelici∣tatis.

I shall now in this Section proceed in my inten∣ded Chonological Method, to their next succeed∣ing Christian Saxon Kings reigns in England, till the reign of King Cnute the Dane, Anno Domini, 1017.

It is recorded of Aethelbert a 1.2 the first Christian * 1.3 Saxon King of Kent, that keeping the Feast of our Sa∣viours Nativity at Canterbury, with his Queen, Ead∣bald his Son, Arch-Bishop Augustine, and the Nobles of the Land; he there held a Parliamantary Council with them, on the 5. of January, in the year of our Lord 605. Which Thomas Sprot thus expresseth (in the Language of his age rather than of that) Convo∣cato ibidem communi Concilio tam Cleri quam Po∣puli, dic quinto Januarii, he did then and there, * 1.4 Omnium & singulorum approbatione, & consensu, as he relates; or cum consensu Venerabilis Archie ••is∣copi Augustini Ac Principum meorum, & cum Aedbal∣di filii mei, aliorumque Nobilium optimatum meo∣rum Consilio, as his Charters recite, give, grant and confirm to the Church of St. Peter and Paul in Canterbu∣ry for ever, sundry Lands, pretious Utensils, Privileges and Immunities by his Charters, made and ratified in this Council. In which (it is most probable) he likewise made those Judicial Decrees and Laws, with the advice of his Wise men, for the benefit of his people in his own Country Saxon Language, Which our venerable b 1.5 Beda, c 1.6 William of Malmesbury, d 1.7 Huntindon, e 1.8 Bromton, and f 1.9 others mention only in the gene∣ral, and Bishop g 1.10 Enulph hath registred to posterity in his famous manuscript, intituled Textus Roffensis, of which I have given you some account before. Section 3. p. 50, 51, 52. on which you may reflect.

In the year of Christ 627 h 1.11 Paulinus perswading Edwin King of Northumberland to become a Christian,

to avod eternal torments, and to be made a partaker of the Kongdom of Heaven; The King answered, That he was both willing, and ought to receive the faith which he taught, but he ought first to confer with his Friends, Princes, and Counsellors concerning it, that so, if they concur∣red in judgement with him, they might all be baptized to∣gether. Assembling therefore his Wisemen, and advising with them, he demanded severally of them all, What that Doctrine, which they never heard of till then, and that new worship of God which was preached by Paulinus, seemed to them? To whom Coyfi the chief of the Priests presently answered: Do thou consider, O King, what that * 1.12 Religion is which is now preached to us; I profess unto thee, that which I have most certainly learned, that the Religi∣on we have hitherto imbraced, hath no virtue at all in it; whereupon it remains, that if those new things which are now preached unto us, shall appear to thee upon examination, to be better and stronger than our Religion, let us hasten to embrace them without any delay. To whose wise perswa∣sions and words, Another of the Kings Nobles giving his Assent, spake something concerning the brevity and incertainty of this life, and of their ignorance and incertainty of that life which is to come, concluding, That if this new Doctrine brought any thing to them more certain, than that they formerly imbraced, it ought to be deservedly followed: The rest of the Elders and Kings Counsellors prosecuting the like things, by Divine ad∣moni••ion, Coyfi added; that he desired to hear Pauli∣nus preaching concerning God, more diligently than before; which when he had done, by the Kings command; he cryed out (having heard his preaching) I heretofore understood, that what we worshipped was nothing, because by how much the more diligently I sought the truth in that worship, the less I found it. But now I openly professe, that in this preaching, the truth shines forth, which is able to give unto us the gifts of eternal life, salvation, and happi∣ness; Whereupon, O King, I advise thee, that the Temples,

and Altars we have consecrated without any fruit or bene∣fit, we should now presently execrate and burn. Upon this, without more debate, the King openly gave his assent to the preaching of Paulinus, & renouncing Idolatry, confessed that he did imbrace the faith of Christ. And when the King de∣manded of Coyfi his Priest, who ought first to prophane and destroy the Altars & Temples of the Idols, with the rails & and bounds wherewith they were inclosed? He answered, I, who have worshipped them through foolishness. And pre∣sently renouncing his Superstition, he demanded Arms and an Horse of the King, (* 1.13 which by their old Law Priests might no•• use:) which being granted him, he mounted the Horse, with a Sword and Lance in his Hand, and riding to the Idols thus armed (the people deeming him to be mad) prophaned the Temple, and commanded his Companions to destroy and burn it, with the Idols, and all the Hedges about it, which they did. Whereupon the King, with his Nobles, and ve∣ry many of the people, embraced the Christian Religion, and were baptized by Paulinus, in the Church of St. Peter at York; (which the King there speedily commanded to be built of Wood, and afterwards enlarged) or∣daining Paulinus Bishop of that place, who converted, baptized him and his people; as Beda and others more largely record the History. From which memorable president we may observe these particulars.

1. That the King himself could not then alter the established Laws or received Religion of this Realm, though falfe; nor introduce new Laws, or set up the true Religion, without the concurrent Assent of his No∣bles and Wisemen in a general Parliamentary Council

2. That the Princes, Chief Priests, Nobles, an•• Ael∣dermen of the Realm, were the Parliament Mem∣bers in that Age.

3. That every one of them in these Councils had freedom of Vote and Debate; and gave their voices severally, for the bringing in of Christianity, and de∣struction of Idolatry.

i 1.14 William of Malmesbury gives this Character of this Kings Government, after he became a Christian, and of the vicissitude of humane affairs, worthy our present observation, he being suddenly slain in battle, together with his Son, after all his former conquests and felicity.

Nullus tunc Praedo Publicus, nullus latro domesti∣cus, insidiator conjugalis pudoris procul; Expilator alienae Haereditatis exul: Magnum id in ejus laudi∣bus, * 1.15 & nostra aetate splendidum. Itaque Imperii sui, ad eos limites incrementa perducta sunt, ut Justitia & Pax libentèr in mutuos amplexus concurrerent os∣culorum, gratiam grata vicissitudine libantes; & faeli∣citer tunc Anglorum Respublica procedere potuisset, ni∣si mors immatura, temporalis be atitudinis Noverca, turpi fortunae ludo, virum abstulislet Patriae. Aetatis enim 48. Regni 17. Rebellantibus Regulis, quos sub jugum miferat, Ceadwalla Britonum, & Penda Mer∣ciorum, cum Filio interemptus, miserabile varietatis humanae fuit exemplum: nulli prudentiâ inferior, qui nè Christianam fidem, nisi diligentissimè inspectatâ ra••ione, voluit suscipere, susceptaeque nihil existima∣re comparabile,

Anno 673 k 1.16 Theodor Archbishop of Canterbury, held a great Council at Hertford; presentibus Episco∣pis * 1.17 Angliae, ac Regibus, & Magnatibus universis; the Bishops of England, and Kings (to wit, King Lotharius and Easwine) and all the Nobles being present at it. In this Council, they made ten Canons or Laws, which they all subscribed and ra••ified with their hands; the 7th. whereof was, That a Synod (or Parliamentary Assembly) should be assembled twice, or (because divers causes hindred) Placuit omnibus in commune, they all a∣greed in common, that in the Calends of August, in a place called Cloveshoon, a Synod should be congrega∣ted, at least once every year. The rest of them you may * 1.18

peruse in the marginal Authors at leisure, being meer∣ly Ecclesiastical, and not so pertinent to my Dis∣course.

l 1.19 Ceadwalla King of the West-Saxons, In the year of our Lord 680. granted to Bishop Wilfrid certain * 1.20 Lands, with their appurtenances, called Pagaliam; cum consensu & devotâ confirmatione omnium Optimatum meorum; with the consent and devout confirmation of all his Nobles (assembled in a Parliamentary Coun∣cil) the grant of his Crown Lands to him, being not * 1.21 valid to bind his Successours without his Nobles con∣current confirmation.

m 1.22 William of Malmesbury writes of him; That though before his conversion unto Christianity, he addi∣cted himself to wars, and to plunder and spoil his neigh∣bouring Kings; yet he conscientiously dedicated the tenth of all his spoils to God. Inter haec arduum memo∣ratu est, quantum etiam ante Baptismum inservierit pietati, ut omnes manubias quas jure praedatorio, in suos usus transcripserat, Deo Decimaret. In quo, et si approbamus, affectum, improbamus exemplum; juxta illud; Qui offert sacrificium de substantia Pauperis, quasi qui immolat fili∣um in conspectu patris.

If all the Plundering, warring Saints of this Age would imitate his example, in giving the Tenths of all their spoils and plunders to God & his Ministers, instead of spoi∣ling them of their Tithes and antient Church-Revenues, men would deem them as good Saints as this plunder∣ing conquering Saxon King; of whom it is likewise storied, that n 1.23 before he turned Christian, intending to invade the Isle of Wight, and unite it to his Kingdom; he vowed to give the 4th. part of the Iland, and Prey, to Christ, if he should vanquish it: Whereupon he con∣quering the Isle, slew the Natives in it, being Pagans, with a Tragical slaughter; and in performance of his vow,

gave to Bishop Wilfrid and his Clerks (for their main∣tenance and encouragement) the possession of 300 I- Hides of Land, being the fourth part thereof. When our new Conquerours shall be so bountifull in bestow∣ing the fourth (or but the tenth) part of all the pre∣tended conquered Lands they have gotten on Christs Church and Ministers, instead of invading and purcha∣sing the Churches antient Lands, Glebes, Tithes and Inhe∣ritance, they may demerit the Name and praise of Saints, as well as Ceadwalla; who, before he came to the Crown, as he was unjustly banished from his Country, through the envy of others, only for his vertues and wor∣thiness, which first caused him to take up armes and in∣vade the South-Saxons, two of whose Kings he slew successively in the field, after which he twice in∣vaded, and afflicted Kent with grievous wars (taking advantage of their civil discords) wherein he shed abun∣dance of Christian blood: So when he had reigned but two years space, after all his victories, out of meer devotion, he voluntarily left his Crown, Kingdom, Con∣quests, and went in Pilgrimage to Rome (where he was baptized) to be wail and expiate the guilt of all his former wars, bloodshed, plunders, rapines, perplex∣ing his Conscience, and there died.

The first Charter and grant I find extant of any Lands given to the Church, after those of Ethelbert King of * 1.24 Kent, forecited, is that of o 1.25 King Eadbaldus his Son and successour, Anno Dom. 616, who being by Gods mercy, through the admonition of Archbishop Law∣rence converted from the pravity of his life, for the Sal∣vation of his soul, and hope of a future reward, gave to Christ-Church in Canterbury, and to the family serving God in that Church, his Lands called Edesham, with the Fields, Woods, Pastures, and all things thereunto of right ap∣pertaining, free from all secular services, & Fiscal tributes; except these three; Expedition, Building of Castle and Bridge.

The next in time, is the p 1.26 Grant of Lotharius * 1.27 King of Kent, Anno 679. of certain Lands in the Isle of Thannet, to the Monastery of Raculph, free from all secular services, except these three, Expedition, Building of Bridge and Castle: To which I might annex these ensuing Grants and Charters, which I shall only name; The Grant of King Egfrid, and his Queen Etheldrida, of Hestodesham to Bishop Wilfrid, Anno 674.

The Charter and Grant of Ceadwalla aforesaid, and Kendritha his wife (of 4 plough-Lands to Archbishop Theodor, and the Family of Christ-Church in Canterbu∣ry, free from all secular services, but those 3 forementioned) An. 687. of Withrid King of Kent, Anno. 694, of King Offa, An. 774. of King Edmund, An. 784. of King Kenewlfe, An. 791, 814, 815, 822. of King Wilof, An. 829. of King Athulfus, An. 832, 833, 834. of King Ethelstan, An. 927, 940. of King Edred, An. 941, 948, 949. of King Egered, An. 979, 980. and of King Cnute, An. Dom. 1016. To pretermit others of this kind.

All which Grants being for the most part, only of their own private Lands gotten by Purchase, or Con∣quest, * 1.28 not of the Lands, or Demesnes of their Crowns, passed by their own Charters alone, without any con∣firmation or assent of their Nobles in a Parliamentary Council, not mentioned at all in them. But no grants of any Lands, Rents or Revenues of their Crowns, to pious or other uses, were then either valid in Law, or obligatory to their successors, without common con∣sent and ratifications of their Nobles in Parliamentary Councils, which for this reason is still mentioned in all their Charters and donations of such Lands and Rents to pious uses. Neither could they exempt those Lands from any of these three forenamed pub∣lick charges (for the common defence and benefit of their Realms) by their own royal Charters alone, un∣less ratified by the Nobles in their great Councils. Whereupon in all these forecited Charters, and o∣ther

grants of Lands by particular persons, ratified by these Kings, they exempted them only from all secu∣lar services, exceptis Expeditione, Pontis & Arcis con∣structione, which they could not discharge them from, but by special Grants in General Parliamentary As∣semblies, as subsequent Presidents will more fully de∣monstrate.

q 1.29 Theodor Archbishop of Canterbury, Anno 685. * 1.30 held a Council at Twyford, in the presence of Egfrid King or Northumberland, who going in person to St. Cutbert (when as he neither by Letters nor Messengers could be drawn out of his Iland Lindesfarne to the Sy∣nod) brought him to it much against his will: where; by the command of all the Synod, he was constrain∣ed to take upon him the Office of a Bishop: Whereupon King Egfrid by the advice of Archbishop Theodor, Bishop Trumwin, & totius Concilii, and of the whole Council, for the salvation of his and his successors souls, by his Charter gave to St. Cutbert and all his successors, the Village called Creic, and 3 mile in circuit round about it, together with the City called Lugabadia, and 15 miles circuit round about it, to have to him and his successors, for the service of God for ever, as freely and quietly as he * 1.31 himself enjoyed them, and to dispose thereof at his pleasure; which Charter the Arch-Bishop and Bishops present in the Conncil, confirmed with their Subscriptions. What other Councils and Synods were held under this Arch-Bishop Theodor at Hartford, Clovesho, * 1.32 Heathfield, (or Hatfeild) and what Canons were made in them, for the confirmation of the Christian faith, the 5 first General Councils, &c. you may read at leisure in Gervasius, Do∣roberniensis, Matthew Parker, and Godwin in his life, where they are recorded; and in Matthew Westminster, An. 880. Chronicon Johannis Bromton, Col. 741, 756, 799, 780. Radul. de Diceto Abbreviationes Chronic. Col. 441. Chronica Wil. Thorne, col. 1770, Henry Hun∣tindon, Historiarum lib. 3. p. 335, Spelmanni Conci∣lia,

p. 152. Beda Ecclesiasticae Historiae, l. 4. c. 5, 17, 18. Mr. Fox Acts and Monuments vol. 1. p. 160, 161. To which I shall refer you.

About the year of Christ 692.

r 1.33 Ina King of the * 1.34 West-Saxons, who succeeded Ceadwalla, by the exhor∣tation and advice of Cenred his Father, Hedda and Erkenwald his Bishops, and of all his Aldermen (or Se∣nators) and of all the Elders and Wisemen of his Realm, in a great Assembly of the Servants of God, for the salvation of his peoples souls, and the com∣mon conservation of his Realm, Enacted sundry Ec∣clesiastical and civil wholsom Laws, that by them just judgements might be founded and established, throughout his Dominions, and that from thence∣forth it might be lawfull for no Alderman, Senator, or other person living within his Realm, to abolish these his Laws;

tending all to advance Piety, Justice, * 1.35 Peace, and preserve his people from violence, rapine, oppression, and all Punishments, Taxes, Fines, but such only as were imposed, ascertained by his Laws and Parliamentary Councils, as you may read at large in the Laws themselves, especially Lex 2, 3, 4, 6, 9, 10, 11, 16, 17, 51, 73, 74.

In the year 694 s 1.36 Withred King of Kent summoned * 1.37 Brithwald Archbishop of Canterbury, Toby Bishop of Rochester, with the other Abbots, Abbesses, Priests, Deacone, Dukes and Earls to a great Council at Beccanceld (or Baccanceld, as others, write it:) where consulting all together concerning the State of the Churches of God, within that Realm, how they might establish and perpetuate to them to the end of the World, those Lands and Reve∣nues which their pious Kings and Ancestors had granted * 1.38 and appropriated to God and his Church, as their perpetual inheritance, without substraction or diminution, They thereupon enacted, decreed, and in the name of God Almighty commanded, that all their successours, both Kings and Princes, with all other Laymen whatsoe∣ver,

should not invade the Rights, Lands or Dominions of the Churches, which they then confirmed; nor presume to violate the Privileges granted to them, and specially by king Withreds Charter, which they ratified in this Council with all their subscriptions; wherein he and they exempted Churches from all secular services and Tributes, but such as they should voluntarily and freely render without compulsion, which should not be drawn into custom to their prejudice; witnesse this Clause of the Charter, and ex∣emption then confirmed; & ab omni debito vel pulsa∣tione Regalium Tributorum, nisi suâ spontaneâ vo∣luntate, ex largitate beneficiorum quid facere velint; ta∣men hoc imposterum non servetur, nec habeatur in malam consuetudinem.

The same t 1.39 King Withred, in the Parliamentary * 1.40 Council of Berghamsteed, Anno 697. by the advice and common consent of his Bishops, and other Ecclesiastical Or∣ders, cum viris quibusdam militaribus; enacted sundry Ecclesiastical and civil Laws, to be added to the former * 1.41 Laws and customs of Kent: the first whereof is this, That the Church shall be free, and enjoy her Judgements, Rents, and Pensions.

And u 1.42 Anno Dom. 700. this king Withred, unâ cum * 1.43 consensu Principum meorum, together with the con∣sent of his Nobles and Bishops (who subscribed their names to his Charter) granted to the Churches of God in Kent. that they should be perpetually freed ab omni ex∣actione publica tributi, atque dispendio vel laesione; à praesenti die & tempore, &c. From all publick exaltion of Tribute, and from all dammage and harm: rendring to him & his posterity, such honour and obedience as they had yeelded to the Kings his antecessors; under whom Justice and Li∣berty * 1.44 was kept towards them. * 1.45

About the year of our Lord 678. x 1.46 Wilfrid Arch∣bishop * 1.47

of York being in a Council unjustly deprived of his Bishoprick by Theodor Archbishop of Canterbury, who envied the greatness of his Wealth, Power, and Diocess, which he would and did against Wilfrids will, in that Council divide into 2 more Bishopricks, was after that time exiled the Realm, through the malice of Eg∣frid king of Nortbumberland, and Emburga his Queen, (whom he would have perswaded to become a Nun, and desert her Husband, as some Authors write, and others deny in his favour) without any just and lawfull cause; and after that about the year 692. being again deprived of his Bishoprick and right by the Judgement and sentence of another Council held under Aldrid king of Northumberland, and Bertuald Archbishop of Can∣terbury; he thereupon made two successive appeals to Rome against their two unjust sentences, as he concei∣ved them: The first to Pope Agatho, and a Council of 150 Bishops, held under him; who decreed, he should be restored to his Bishoprick and make such Bishops under him (by advice of a Council to be held by him) as he should deem meet; with which decree against his first sentence, he returning from Rome to king Egfrid, to whom he de∣livered it, sealed with the Popes Seal; the king upon sight and reading thereof, in the presence of some of his Bishops, tantùm à reverentiâ Romanae sedis abfuit, was so far from obeying this Decree of the Roman See, that he spoiled Wilfrid of all his Goods and possessions, and committed him prisoner to a barbarous and cruel Gover∣nour; who thrust him into a dark dungeon for many days; and after that committed him to another more cruel Gaoler than he, called Tumber, who endeavoured to put him in∣to Fetters by the Kings command; which he could no ways fasten upon his Legs, but they presently fell off again, through a Miracle. Whereupon wickedness giving place to Religion, he was loosed from his Bonds, detain∣ed in free custody, and afterwards released, but not resto∣red. After which, about the year 693. he appealed a∣gain

to Pope John, against the proceedings of the second Council, which refused to re-admit him to his Archbi∣shoprick, unless he would submit to the decrees of Archbi∣shop Theodore, and Brithwald his successor; which he refused to do, unless they were such as were consonant to the decrees of the holy Canons, which he conceived theirs not to be, because they would order him to condemn himself with∣out any Crime objected to him. Upon which appeal, this Pope, with his Bishops, pronounced Wilfrid, free from all Crime, and ordered him to return to his A••chbishoprick; wri∣ting Letters to Ethelred King of Mercians, and Alfrid King of Northumberland to restore him thereunto. Al∣frid receiving the Popes Letters by Wilfrids Messengers, altogether refused to obey the Popes commands in this Case; saying,

Quod esset contra rationem, homini jam bis * 1.48 à toto Anglorum Concilio damnato, propter quaelibet Apostolica scripta communicare:

That it was against reason, to communicate with a man already twice condemned by the whole Council of the English Nati∣on for any writings of the Pope (so little were the Popes authoritie and decrees then regarded in England, con∣tradicting the kings and English Councils proceedings) neither would he restore him all his life. After his death Edulfe usurping the Crown by Tyranny, Wilfrid re∣paired to him to restore him to his Archbishoprick, upon this account of the Popes Letters; Whereupon he was so inraged with him for it, though formerly his great friend, that he presently commanded him to depart the Realm forthwith, unless he would be spoiled of all his goods, and cast out of it with disgrace. But this Usuper being deprived both of his Realm, Crown, and Life, in little more than 3 Months space, and Osred son of king Alfrid, being restored to the Crown by the Nobles, as right heir thereunto; at last Wilfrid was re-invested in his Bishoprick by the decree of a Council held under * 1.49 him in Northumberland, at a place called Nidden, An. 705. not so much in obedience to the Popes command,

as king Alfrids, attested by Elfleda his Sister, then Ab∣bess of Streneshash; witness these words of Berfride,

Ego jussionibus Papae obediendum censeo, praesertim cum eorum robori, accedat Regis nostri Jussio & no∣strae necessitatis sponsio, &c. Puer in Regem levatus, hostis abactus, Tyrannus extinctus; est igitur Regiae voluntatis ut Episcopus Wilfridus revestiatur.

Upon which he was accordingly restored: whereupon all the Bishops embraced him, and reconciled them∣selves to him.

This Bishop Wilfrid procured to the Church of Ha∣gustald, which he founded, and was Bishop thereof, many privileges, and that for one miles circuit round about, none should be arrested going or coming, but * 1.50 injoy inviolable peace.

Quod institutum authori∣tate & privilegiis Romanae sedis Apostolicorum, & Archiepiscoporum, & Episcoporum, & Regum & Prin∣cipum tam Scotiae quam Angliae confirmatum est. Quod si aliquis y 1.51 temerarius infringere audebit, & magnae pecuniae damno obnoxius erit, & perpetuo Anathematis gladio ab ecclesiâ seperabitur;

as Ri∣chard Prior of Hagustald records.

Anno Domini 708 z 1.52 Egwin Bishop of Worcester, procured king Kenred and Offa by their Charters, to grant and confirm many Lands and Privileges to the Abbey of Evesham; which Pope Constantine likewise ratified by his subscription at Rome, as well as these kings, in the presence of many Archbishops, Bishops, Princes and Nobles of divers Provinces, who commen∣ded and approved their Charters and Liberality. In pursuance whereof, Pope Constantine writ a Letter to Brithwald Archbishop of Canterbury, to summon Conci∣lium totius Angliae, a Council of all England, to wit, * 1.53 of the Kings, Bishops, Religious persons of Holy Orders, Optimatesque Regni cum proceribus suis, with the No∣bles and great men of the Realm; who being all assembled together in the name of the Lord; The Archbishop should

in their presence, read the Charters of these Kings and the Popes confirmation of them, that they might be confirmed by the favour and assent of the Clergy and the people, and consecrated with their Benediction. Whereupon king Ken∣red and Offa, after their return from Rome, assembled a General Council in a place called Alne, where both the Archbishops Brithwald and Wilfrid, with the rest of the Bishops, Nobles, and these two Kings were present: wherein, Donationes omnes confirmatae sunt, all these their Donations and Charters were confirmed; and like∣wise in another Synod at London, An. 712. A most pregnant evidence, that these kings Charters and Do∣nations, though ratified by the Pope himself, were not valid nor obligatory to their successors or people, with∣out their common consent to, and confirmation of them in a general Parliamentary Council of the Pre∣lates, Nobles, Clergy and Laity, even by the Popes and these kings own confessions and practice in that age.

In the year of our Lord 716. a 1.54 Ethelbald king of Mercians, by his Charter gave to God, the blessed * 1.55 Virgin, Saint Bartholomew & Kenulphus, the whole Isle of Croyland, to build a Monastery; and confirmed it to them for ever, free from all Rent and secular ser∣vices; & inde Chartam suam in praesentia Episcopo∣rum, * 1.56 Procerumque Regni sui securam statuit; all his Bishops and Nobles of his Realm assenting to, and ratifying this Charter of his, both with the subscriptions of their names, and sign of the Cross, as well as the King; that so it might be firm and irrevocable, being his demesne Lands, which Charter is at large recorded in the Hi∣story of Ingulphus.

About the year of Christ 720. b 1.57 some (fabulously) * 1.58 write, that king Ina took Guala daughter of Cadwalla∣der, last king of the Britons to wife, with whom he received Wales and Cornwal, and the blessed Crown of

Britain. Whereupon, all the English that then were, took them wives of the Britons race, and all the Britons took them wives of the illustrious blood of the English and Saxons, which was done, Per commune Concilium et assensum omnium Episcoporum ac Principum, Pro∣cerum, * 1.59 Comitum, et omnium Sapientum, Seniorum, et populorum totius Regni, (a••••embled together in a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Parliamentary Council) Et per praeceptum Regis Inae; whereby they became one Nation and Peo∣pl••. Af••er which, they all called that, the Realm of Eng∣land, which before was called, the Realm of Britain, and they all ever after stood together, united in one, for common profit of the Crown of the Realm, and with a una∣nimous consent most fiercely fought against the Danes and Norwegians, and waged most cruel wars with them, for the preservation of their Country, Lands and Liber∣ties.

An. 705. King c 1.60 Ina by his Royal Charter, grant∣ed * 1.61 and confirmed many Lands to the Abbey of Glaston∣bury, endowing that Abbey and the Lands thereto belonging, with many large and great Privileges, ex∣empting them from all Episcopal Jurisdiction, and from all regal exactions and services, which are accustomed to be excepted and reserved; to wit, from Expedition and build∣ing and repairing of Castles or Bridges; from which they should inviolably remain free and exempted, and from all * 1.62 the promulgations and perturbations of Arch-Bishops and Bishops: which privileges were formerly granted and confirmed by the ancient Charters of his Predecessors Kenewalcus, Kentwin, Ceadwalla and Baldred. This Charter of his was made and ratified by the consent and subscription, not only of king Ina himself; but also of Queen Edelburga, king Baldred Ad••lard, the Queens Brother, consentientibus etiam omnibus Britanniae Regibus, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Ducibus, atgue Abbatibus, all the Kings, Archbisho••s, Bishops, Dukes, and Abbots of Britain, consenting likewise thereunto; ma∣ny

of which subscribed their names unto it, being as∣sembled in a Parliamentary Council for that end.

King d 1.63 Ina, In the year 727. travelling to Rome, * 1.64 built there a school, for the English to be instructed in the faith; granting towards the maintenance of the Eng∣lish Scholars there, a penny out of every house within his Realm, called Romescot, or Peterpence; to be paid towards * 1.65 it every year. All which Things and Tax; That they might continue firm for perpetuity, Statutum est ge∣nera••l decreco, &c. were confirmed by a general decree of a Parliamentary Council of his Realm; then held for that purpose; of which e 1.66 before more largely.

In the year of our Lord 742. There was f 1.67 a Great Parliamentary Council held at Clovesho (or Clyffe) * 1.68 where Ethelbald King of Mercia sate President, with Cuthbert Archbishop of Canterbury; the rest of the Bishops sitting together with them, diligently examined things neces∣sary concerning Religion, and studiously searched out of the antient Creeds and institutions of the holy Fathers, how things were ordered according to the rule of equity in the be∣ginning of the Churches birth in England; whiles they were inquiring after these things, and the antient privileges of the Church, at last there came to their hands, the Liberty and Privileges which King Withred had granted to the Chu••ches in Kent: which being read * 1.69 before all, by King Ethelbalds command; they were all very well pleased therewith, and said unanimously, That there could not be found any so noble and so prudent a Decree as this, formerly made, touching Ecclesiastical Discipline; and therefore, Hoc ab omnibus firmari sanxerunt, decreed that it should be confirmed by them all. Where∣upon King Ethelbald for the salvation of his soul and stability of his kingdom, confirmed and subscribed with his own munificent hand, That the Liberty, Honour, Authority, and security of Christs Church in all things, should be denied by no person, but that it should be free from all secular services, with all the lands pertaining there∣unto,

except Expedition and building of Bridge and Castle. And like as the said King Withred himself ordained, those privileges should be observed by him and his, so he and this Council commanded, they shall continue irrefragably and immutably in all things. And if any of our Successors, Kings, Bishops, or Princes shall attempt to infringe this wholsom Decree, let him render an account to Almighty God in that terrible day; But if any Earl, Priests, Clerk, Deacon or Monk shall resist this Decree, let him be de∣prived of his degree, and sequestred from the participation of the body & blood of the Lord and alienated from the king∣dom of God, unless he shall amend with due satisfaction, what he hath unjustly done, through the evil of Pride.

g 1.70 Anno 747. There was another Parliamentary * 1.71 Council held at Clovesho, or Clyffe, under king Ethelbald, where the king himself, with Cumbert, Archbishop of Canterbury, eleven other Bishops, cum Principibus et Dutibus, with the Princes and Dukes, were pre∣sent.

In this Council were some Ecclesiastical Laws and Ca∣nons made, the last whereof was, for Prayers to be pub∣likely made for Kings and Princes incessantly; that the People might live a Godly and peaceable life under their pi∣ous protection. In this Council king Ethelbald renewed and enlarged his former Grant of Privileges to the Chur∣ches, recited at large in the Marginal Authors, the sum whereof is this, * 1.72

Plerumque contingere solet, pro incertâ futurotum temporum vicissitudine, ut ea quae prius multorum fidelium personarum testimonio consilioque roborata fuissent, ut fraudulenter per contumaciam plurimorum & machinamentis simulationis, sine ullâ considera∣tione rationis, periculose dissipata essent, nisi aucto∣ritate Literarum, & testimonio Cyrographorum ae∣ternae memoriae inserta sint. Quapropter Ego Ethel∣baldus Rex Merciorum, pro amore caelestis patriae, hanc donation em me vivente concedo; Ut omnia

Monasteria & Ecclesiae Regni mei, A publicis vecti∣galibus, & ab omnibus operibus, oneribusque absolvantur, nisi in instructionibus Arcium vel Pontium, quae nulli unquam possint laxari, (as Ingulph. renders it, or as other Copies; 'nisi sola quae communiter fruenda sint, omni{que} populo edicto Regis, facienda jubentur, id. est, instru∣ctionibus Pontium, vel necessariis defensionibus Arcium contra ••ostes, non sunt renuenda••) Sed nec hoc praetermit∣tendum est, cum necessarium constat Ecclesiis Dei. Prae∣terea habeant famuli Dei propriam Libertatem in proficuis Sylvarum, in fructu Agrorum, in captura piscium; nec munuscula praebeant Regi, vel Principibus, nisi voluntaria, sed liberi Domino serviant, in contempla∣tione pacificâ, per totum regnum meum us{que} in aevum. Sed cunctas rribulationes quae nocere vel impedi∣re possint in Domo Dei, omnibus Principibus sub meâ potestate degentibus, demittere & auferre praecipio; Quatenus sublimitas Regni mei prosperis successibus polleat in terris, & meritorum manipuli multiplici∣ter maturescant in coelis. Qui vero haec benigna men∣tis intentione atque in-laesâ cogitatione custodierit, aeternâ claritate coronetur, ornetur, glorificetur; Si quis hoc, quod absit, cujuslibet personae tyrannica cu∣piditate instinctus, contrà hanc donationis chartulam saeculari potentiâ fretus venire nititur, sit sub Anathe∣mate Judae Proditoris Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Ad confirmandum verò hoc nostrae beneficentiae munus, Hi Testes adfuerunt, & Nostri Magistrarus, Optimates, et Duces, fidelissimique amici concesserunt et scripse∣runt:

Then follow the subscriptions of the King, Bi∣shops and Nobles, with, Ego his statutis consentiens subscripsi, confirmandoque signum crucis aravi.

In this h 1.73 Council, amongst other Synodal Decrees subscribed by the Bishops, It was decreed, That the Feasts of St. Gregory the Pope, and St. Augustine the En∣glish Apostle, should be perpetually observed with great∣est solemnity, King Ethelbald, with his Nobles, * 1.74

being there present, and approving it.

In the year of Grace 752. Cuthred king of the West-Saxons * 1.75 being unable to endure the proud Exactions and insolencies of king Ethelbald, for vindica••ion of his own and his peoples Liberty from his oppressions, raised an Army, and fought a bloody Battel with him at Beorford; where through Gods assistance (who gi∣veth grace to the Humble, and resisteth the Proud) he routed him and his whole Army, and after, An. 755. slew him in a second battel (he disdaining to fly) by the Treachery of Bernred, his Captain, the chief Author of his death.

King i 1.76 Cuthred deceasing, Sigibert his kinsman who succeeded him, growing insolent and proud by his Prede∣cessors great successes, became intollerable to his Subjects, * 1.77 treating them very ill in every kind, Depraving or altering the Laws of his Ancestors, for his own pri∣vate * 1.78 Lucre, and exercising exactions and cruelties * 1.79 upon his Subjects, setting aside all Laws. Where∣upon his faithfull Counsellor Earl Cumbra, ovingly ad∣monishing him to govern his people more mildly and just∣ly, that so he might become amiable to God and men; he was so incensed with him, that he commanded him most wickedly to be stain, and became more cruel and Ty∣rannical to his people than before. The Peers and Com∣mons hereupon seeing their Laws and Liberties thus violated, and their Estates and Lives every day in danger, being incensed into fury, assembling themselves together, did all unamimously rise up in Arms against him and upon mature prudent deliberation, by the unanimous consent of all, expelled him the Kingdom for his Ty∣ranny and mis-government. Upon which Sigebert flying into the woods for shelter, like a forlorn per∣son, was there slain by Cumbra his Swine-herd, in revenge of his Masters murder. Florentius Wigorniensis relates, that after his expulsion from the Realm by the Noble••, for the multitude of his unjust deeds; Ke∣nulphus * 1.80

allotted him the County of Hampshire for his maintenance, until he slew Earl Cumbra (such was the Charity and Humanity of those times, even to an ex∣pelled, deposed Tyrannical King, now quite out of date) with whom Ethelwerdus, Hist. l. 2. c. 17. and Polychronicon, l. 5. c. 24. accord. Some of our Histori∣ans (especially Ethelwerdus and Wigorniensis) relate; that Kenulphus usurped the Crown by meer force of Arms, first drawing the Nobles and People to rise up against, and expell Sigebert for his exorbitant actions, and the multi∣••ude of his unjust deeds, and then usurping the Throne, be∣ing not of the blood Royal (as Malmesbury relates) though of a Noble family: But they all l 1.81 unanimously record, that he came to a miserable end upon this occasion. When he had reigned 31 years with honour and good success, being puffed up therewith, and fearing lest Ki∣neardus (Sigiberts Brother) who began to be potent, should revenge his Brothers death upon him, and dispossess him or his posterity of the Crown, he banished and compel∣led him to depart his Kingdom. Who thereupon giving way to the time, voluntarily fled out of his Domini∣ons. But soon after secretly drawing together (through private Conventicles) a band of desperate men, he found an opportunity to fall upon Kenulphus, when he went with a few followers to visit his Paramore at Merton, where he besetting the House round, slew the King, with all his followers. The fame of which Act coming to his Nobles and Souldiers not far from the place, They upon Exhortation of Esric, the chiefest of them, not to let pass the death of their Lord unrevenged, to their notorious and perpetual infamy, furiously encountred Keneardus and his Complices, and notwithstanding all their fair promi∣ses of Mony, & preferments to them, and all intreaties, after a sharp bloody incounter, put them all to the sword, with the loss of some of their own lives.

Ecce quomodo Dei Iu∣stitia, non solum futuro saeculo, verum etiam in isto, * 1.82 digna meritis manifesto judicio recompensat, &c. Add * 1.83

Henry Huntindon, Roger Hoveden, John Bromton, Malmes∣bury, and others, as a Corollary to this History of Sigi∣bert; and Kenulphus.

Which all Traitors, Tyrants and Usurpers treading in their exorbitant footsteps, may do well advisedly to consider.

In the year of our Lord 758. m 1.84 The people of the * 1.85 Realm of Mercia rising up against their King Bernred, because he governed them not by just Laws, but by Ty∣ranny; assembled all together in one, as well Noble as Ignoble; and Offa being their Captain, they ex∣pelled him out of the Kingdom, and then, by the unanimous consent of all, as well Clergy as people, they crown∣ed Offa King. This Bernred, (as Malmesbury, Speed, and Simeon Dunelmensis write) treacherously murthered King Ethelbald his Soveraign, whose General he was, and thereupon usurping his Throne, and turning a Tyrant, (as most Usurpers do) was in the very first year of his u∣surped reign, expelled the Realm, and soon after slain by Offa; and so dignum finem insidiarum tulit, being Au∣thor necis of his Sovereign, King Ethelbald, à suis tuto∣ribus fraudulentèr interfectus, as our Historians ob∣serve. A good Memento for other Traitors and Usur∣pers treading in his footsteps;

Qui Regnum Tyran∣nus invasit, & per modicum tempus in parvâ laeritiâ & jocunditate tenens, Regnum cum vitâ perdidit,

as Wigorniensis writes of him. * 1.86

The n 1.87 English complaining to King Offa, in the year 775. of the great exactions in forein parts under * 1.88 Charls the Emperour, they being then at variance, so as their trading and merchandize was every where prohibi∣ted in both their Realms, thereupon King Offa, by gifts sent to the Emperour, obtained this Grant and Pri∣vilege from him for his Subjects. That all Pilgrims pas∣sing through his Dominions to Rome for piety and devotion sake alone, should have free and peaceable passage without a∣ny * 1.89 molestation or Tribute. That all Merchants and others in the company of Pilgrims passing only for gain, not devo∣tion,

should pay only a certain established Tribute in fitting places. That all English Merchants and Traders should have lawfull protection, by his command, within his Realm, and if in any place they were vexed with unjust oppression, that upon complaint to him or his Judges, they should have full justice done unto them.

In the year 780. Aeth••••red, or Adelred, king of Northumberland, was deposed by his Subjects after he * 1.90 had reigned 3 years, and quite driven out of his Realm * 1.91 by his Nobles; who the next year after assaulted and burnt a certain Consull (or Earl) being their justice in his own house, plus aequo saevientem, for tyrannizing be∣yond the Bounds of Law and Right. I shall not insist up∣on the manifold Insurrections of these Northumber∣landers against their kings, nor their disloyal depositi∣ons, expulsions, Murders of most of them, upon pre∣tended oppressions and Exorbitancies in Government, rather than ••eal: nor on the strange, general, bloody, * 1.92 frequent depredations, wars, devastations, Plagues, Judgements, Invasions by Danes, Normans, Scots, and others, inflicted justly on them for the same by Di∣vine Justice, more than on all other parts of this I∣land, since I have touched some of them p 1.93 before, and shall glance at more of them hereafter; all which the studious may read at leisure, in Maslmesbury, Huntindon, Hoveden, Aethelwerdus, Matthew Westmin∣ster, Bromton, Florentius Wigorniensis, Simeon Dunel∣mensis, Radulphus de Diceto, Polychronicon, Holinshed, Speed, and others: Only I shall give you the sum of them about this age in the words of Simeon Dunelmen∣sis, and Richardus Hagulstaldensis q 1.94

Crudelis exinde Barbarorum manus innumeris navibus in Angliam

transvecta, omnia quaqua versum depopulans, Nor∣thunhymbrorum autem provincias atrocius devastans, omnes Ecclesias, omnia Monasteria ferro, & incen∣dio delevit, adeo ut nullum pene Christianitatis signum post se discedens reliquerit. Monachi qui lo∣ci reverentia confidentes remanserunt de Ecclesiâ extracti, alii in mare sub hostibus submersi, alii Cap∣tivi abducti, alii detruncati, alii aliis tormentis mi∣serabiliter affecti, omnes simul interiêrunt. Et indè prosiliens flammâ et ferro, in exterminium omnia duxit, &c.

After which sad successive devastations for sundry years by the Danes, they were so totally depopulated, and extirpated by Famine, Sword, and Pe∣stilence by the Normans, An. 1069. that the whole Country was reduced into a desolate Wilderness, without an inhabitant, and lay untilled for nine years space; besti∣arum tantum & latronum latibula; being only Dens of Beasts and Theeves. And how many times it hath been wasted, depopulated with fire and sword since this, by the Scots, and what barbarous cruelties they have exercised therein, you may read in the Continu∣ation of Simeon Dunelmensis by the Prior of Hagustald, col. 264. in Historia Ricardi Prioris Hagustaldensis de Gestis Regis Stephani & bello Standardi, col. 315, 316. and other Chronicles since that time. The Lord in Mercy divert the like judgements from that Northern part, and the whole kingdom now, for the like trans∣gressions of a later date.

In the year of Christ 787. (as most account) r 1.95 Pope * 1.96 Adrian sent Legates into England, to confirm the faith which Augustine had preached: who being honoura∣bly * 1.97

received both by the Kings, Clergy, and People: thereupon held a great Parliamentary Council at Cal∣chut, Chalchuthe, or Cealtide (as Henry Huntindon stiles it.) In this Council Offa king of Mercians, and Ke∣nulphus king of West-Saxons, with all their Ecclesiasti∣cal and secular Princes, Nobles, Elders, Bishops, Abbots, were present; who all subscribed and con∣sented to the Ecclesiaestical and Temporal Laws and Canons * 1.98 therein made and published, being 20 in Number; The principle whereof relating to my Theam, I have for∣merly recited. In this Parliamentary Council King Offa caused Egfrid his eldest son, to be solemnly crowned King, who from thenceforth reigned with him, And in it Jambertus (or Lambert) Archbishop of Canterbury, much against his will, resigned part of his Arch-Bishoprick to the Arch-bishop of Litchfield, by the command and power of King Offa; who envying the power and Pride of the Archbishop of Canterb. deprived him in this Council (notwithstanding all Jamberts appeals to Pope Adrian) of all Lands and Jurisdiction within his Realm of Mercia, erecting a new Arch-bishoprick at Litch∣field, to which he subjected all the Bishops of Mercia, (being then six in number) ill by another Council they were reunited of Canterbuny, after the decease of Offa.

s 1.99 About the year 788. (there being some diffe∣rence * 1.100 amongst Historians in the year) there was a great Council held at Ade, and after that ano••her Council kept at Wincenhale or Pincanhale in Northumberland, now called Finkely. Sir Henry Spelman conceives, that these Councils were principally summoned to prevent the incursions of the D••nes, who in the year 787. came into Britain with 3 ships; to discover the Coasts and prey upon it, slew King Bricticus his Provost, and after that many thousand thousands of the English at sundry

times. After this there was another Parliamentary * 1.101 Council or Synod held at Aclea, or Aclith,; at which time Duke Sigga by wicked Treason slew his Sovereign Alfwold, king of Northumberland, and was, not long afterwards, slain himself by the Danes, (who miserably wasted and destroyed that rebellious kingdom of Nor∣thumberland with fire and sword) as a condigu punish∣ment for their treasons, Rebellions and Regicides of their Kings.

t 1.102 Anno 792. there was a Council held at a place * 1.103 called Fincale, where the Archbishop with his Suffra∣gan Bishops, and many others were present: What the occasion of it was, appears not: only our Histori∣ans relate, That Osred king of Northumberland, was this year chased out of his Kingdom by his rebellious sub∣jects, when he had reigned but one year, and Ethelred, son of Mollo substituted King in his place. Whereupon Osred gathering forces together to expel Ethelred, which had expulsed him out of his Realm, was in his march into it again taken prisoner and slain by this Usurper at Tymmouth. Upon occasion of which Insurrections and Wars, I conceive this Council was most probably sum∣moned. Soon after this usurping Regicide Ethelred, was slain himself, even by those seditious Subjects who expelled and slew Osred, to advance him to the Throne. The common fate of bloody Usurpers, espe∣cially * 1.104 in this kingdom of Northumberland, as our Hi∣storians observe.

u 1.105 King Offa, in the year 793. called a Provincial * 1.106 Parliamentary Council, where Archbishop Humbert, and his Suffragans, with all the Primates and No∣bles were present; wherein he treated with them a∣bout founding the Monastery of St. Albane, the first Martyr, in the place where his Corps was found; en∣dowing it with lands and Privileges. Placuit omnibus Regis propositum. Whereupon they concluded, the King should go to Rome in person, and procure from the * 1.107

Pope the Canonization of St. Albane, and a Confirmation of Privileges to the Abbey he intended to build. He re∣pairing to Rome accordingly, the Pope commending his Devotion, gave him his full as••ent, both to found a Monastery, and endow it with all such Privileges as he desired: enjoyning him, that returning to his Coun∣try, ex Consilio Episcoporum, & Optimatum suorum, by advice of his Bishops and Nobles, he should confer * 1.108 to the Monastery of St. Albane, what Possessions or Privileges he would; which he should grant or con∣firm to it by his special Charter first, and afterwards he would confirm his original with his Privilege and Bull. The king hereupon receiving the Popes Benediction, returned home, and held two great Councils for the set∣ling of the Lands, Privileges and Liberties of St. Albanes: The one at Celcyth, where were present, 9 Kings, 15 Bishops, and 20 Dukes (as John Stow relates in his Chro∣nicle) who all subscribed and ratified his Charter of Lands and Privileges granted to St. Albane. The o∣ther Council was held at Verolam, which Matthew Westminster thus expresseth. Congregato apud Verola∣mium Episcoporum & Optimatum Concilio, unanimi omni∣um consensu & voluntate, beato, Albano Amplas contu∣lit terras, & possessiones innumeras, Quas multiplici Li∣bertatum privilegio insignivit. Monachorum vero con∣ventum ex Domibus bene Religiosis ad Tumbam Martyris congregavit, & Abbatem eis Nomine Willegodum prae∣fecit, cui cum ipso Monasterio, Jura Regalia concessit. This king then reigning over 20 Shires, at the same time (by the unanimous assent of the Bishops and No∣bles) (z) gave out of all those Counties to the English * 1.109 School at Rome, Peter-Pence, in English called Romes∣cot. Yet he privileged the Church of St. Albane with so great Liberty, that this Church alone should be quit of the Apostolical Custom and Tribute called Romescot, when as neither the King nor Archbishop, nor any Bishop, Abbot, or Prior, or any other in the Realm was exempted * 1.110

frow this payment. And likewise granted, that the Church of St. Albane should faithfully collect the said Romescot, from all the County of Hertford, wherein the said Church is situated, and receive the money col∣lected to that Churches own use. And that the Ab∣bot thereof, or a Monk constituted his Archdeacon under him, should exercise Episcopal Authority over all the Priests & Laymen within the possessions belonging to the Abbey, and that he should make subjection to no Archbishop, Bishop, or Legate, but only to the Pope himself. So as that Church hath omnia jura Regalia; and the Abbot thereof for the time being; Pontificalia ornamenta. And that by the great Charter of this king then made, with the una∣nimous consent of all his Bishops and Nobles in this great Council. What Lands he gave to the Monastery of St. Augustines and Christ-church in Canterbury, and the Archbishops there, you may read at large in the Chronicles of William Thorne, col. 1775. and Evidentiae Ecclesiae Christi Cantuariensis, col. 2203, 2219.

y 1.111 King Offa deceasing An. 797. his Son Egfrid, so * 1.112 soon as he was settled in his Fathers kingdom, imita∣ting the pious footsteps of his Father, devoutly confer∣red many Lands and possessions on the Church of St. Albanes, and confirmed them by his Charter and Pri∣vilege; with all those other Lands, Privileges and Royal Liberties which his Father had conferred on the said Church, to enjoy them in the freest manner. Et ejus Do∣natio, ut perpetuae firmitatis Robur obtineret, jux∣ta morem Romanae Ecclesiae, omnium Episcoporum Comitum et Baronum totius imperii sui (••ssembled in a general Council of the Realm) Subscriptionem, * 1.113 & signum crucis apposuit, Causing all his Blshops, Earls, and Barons of his whole Realm to subscribe and ratifie his Charter and Donation with the sign of the Cross, after the manner of the Roman Church, That it might be of perpetual force and validity. Moreover declining his Fathers covetousness in all things, whatever he for

the exaltation of his Kingdom, had diminished out of the possessions of divers Monasteries, he, out of a pious devo∣tion, restored and confirmed with his Privilege (or Char∣ter) to all who desired it.

This pious King Egfrid, (as our Historians observe) and let others note it who gain their Kingdoms, Pow∣ers, Possessions by Bloodshed and Treason (was taken away by sudden death on the 141 day after his Fathers de∣cease (which gave great cause of grief to all the people of his Realm) not for his own sins, which is not to be sup∣posed; but because his Father (pro Regni sui confir∣matione sanguinem 〈…〉〈…〉 ••ffudit) for the confirma∣tion of his Kingdom shed much blood. For ne z 1.114 came to the Crown by the slaughter of King Bernred, fore∣mentioned; deposed and slain by him for his usurpati∣on, Tyranny, and Mis-government, then he invaded and slew with his own hand Alrick King of Kent, routed his forces, and reduced that kingdom under his own: After this, marching from South to North, even be∣yond Humber, he made Havock of all that stood in his way: Whence returning in Triumph, he set upon the West-Saxons, and vanquished them, forced their king Kenwolf to fly into Wales to the Britons for aid; then en••red into Wales, routed their King Mar∣modius, for breaking his Truce; made a great slaughter of the Britons & after ten years prosperous wars to conquer others, returned victoriously into his own territories. After his return thither, to compleat his bloody Tragedies, E∣thelbert King of East-Angles coming upon solemn invi∣tation to his Court in great state, to marry his Daugh∣ter, was there treacherously murdered by his Wife Quen∣dreda's solicitation and practice, with his privity and con∣sent, who caused a deep pit to be digged in his Bed cham∣ber, under his Chair of State, or Bed, into which he fal∣ling was there treacherously murdered, and his head cut off by Gaymbertus, who presented it all bloody to King Offa; who (to colour the business) seeming to be sor∣rowfull

for this murder, shut himself up in his Chamber, and there fasted 8 days space, but then, sending a great Ar∣my into the Kingdom of this murtherea Prince, seised on & united it to his own Empire. But Gods exemplary venge∣ance pursued this hainous bloody Treachery (not∣withstanding all his feigned magnified Saintship, and works of Charity and Piety) for, within one year after this bloody fact committed, both Queendreda, Offa, and their Son Egfrid (the only joy and pride of his Pa∣rents) all died, and his very kingdom it self was translated from the Mercians to the West-Saxons, whom he had con∣quered and oppressed. O that all men of blood, and un∣just invaders of others Crowns, Realms, Possessions by war, bloodshed and Treachery, would seriously consider this President, with all others of this nature both at home and abroad, collected to their hands by Sir Walter Raughly, in his excellent Preface, before his famous History of the World. * 1.115

About the year of Christ 797. a 1.116 Cynwolfe (or Ke∣nulph) King of West-Saxons held a Council, wherein he with his Bishops, unacum caterva Satraparum, and likewise with a great company of his Nobles, there as∣sembled, writ a Letter to Lullus Bishop of Mentz touching some matters of Religion then in Debate.

In the b 1.117 year 798. (the third of King Kenulph his Proposit. 5, 6. reign) there was a great Parliamentary Synod assem∣at Anno. 798. Pinchamhalch, wherein Eanbaldus, or Embaldus, Archbishop of Yorksate President, with very many wise and great Men; by whose Wisdom and Justice the King∣dom of Northumberland was then much advanced and re∣nowned: Who after they had debated many things con∣cerning the benefit of holy Church, and profit of all the Pro∣vinces of the People of Northumberland; the observation of Easter, and of Divine and secular Laws, the increase of Gode service, and the honours and necessities of the ser∣vants of God, rehearsed and ratified the faith of the 5 first General Councils, concerning the Trinity, in brief and pi∣thy

expressions, fit now to be revived in these times of Heresie and Blasphemy.

The c 1.118 same year, there was another Great Council held at Bacancold, wherein Kenulph King of Mercians sate President, Athelardus Archbishop of Canterbury, 17 other Bishops, sundry Abbots, Arch-deacons, and other fit persons being there likewise present; Wherein, by the command of Pope Leo, it was decreed; That from thence∣forth no Laymen should exercise, Dominion over the Lords Inheritance and Churches; but that they should be govern∣ed by Holy Canons, and the Rules of their first founders and possessors, under pain of Excommunication: and that Christ-church in Canterbury, should be restored to its an∣tient * 1.119 Metropolitan Jurisdiction. Which all the Prelates and Abbots confirmed with their Subscriptions. And this year this King consecrated the Church of Winchel∣cumbe, endowing it with great gifts and possessions, in a kind of Parliamentary Assembly of 13 Bishops, and 10 Dukes, where he manumitted and set free at the high Altar, Edhert King of Kent, surnamed Pren, whom he had taken prisoner in Battel. Moreover Eanbaldus Archbishop of York, this year assembled a Synod at Fin∣••hale; most likely for the assistance of Eardulfus King of Northumberland against Duke Wadus, and other Con∣spirators, who rose up against him, whom he vanquished and utterly routed, after a long and bloody battle at Bilin∣geho, where many were slain on both sides; which Hi∣story Matthew Westminster couples with this Synod, An. 798.

d 1.120 King Kenulph in the year 799. By the con∣sent of his Bishops and Princes, at the request of A∣thelardus * 1.121 Archbishop of Canterbury, restored to Christ-Church in Canterbury, four parcels of Land which king Offa had formerly taken from it, and gave to his Ser∣vants, free from all secular service and Regal Tribute: ra∣tifying * 1.122 this restitution by his Charter, signed with the Cross, that it might remain inviolable by their concurrent as∣sent.

There was a Provincial Council held at Clovesho (or * 1.123 Clyffe) In the year of our Lord 800. by Kenulf king of e 1.124 Mercians, Athelwerdus Archbishop of Canterbury, and all the Bishops, Dukes, Abbots, & cujuscunque dignita∣tis viros, and men of all sorts of aignity; where after some inquiry, how the Catholique Faith was kept, and Christian Religion practiced amongst them? The Lands which king Offa and king Kenulph had forcibly taken away from Christ-Church, with the Nunnery of Cotham, and the Hides of Land called Burnam, were Synodali Judicio, by the Judgement of the Council, resto∣red to Christ-Church. Et omnium voce Decretum est, and, It was decreed by the voice of all the Council, upon sight of the Books and Deeds there produced before them by the Archbishop, that it was just Cotham should be resto∣red to Christ-Church (being given to it by King Aethel∣bald, * 1.125 by his Charter) of which it had, for a long time unjustly been spoiled, notwithstanding the frequent com∣plaints made by Archbishop Bregwin and Iambert in every of their Synods. In hoc Concilio annuente ipso Rege, Athe∣lardus recuper avit dignitates & possessiones quas Offa Rex Merciorum abstuler at Iamberto: writes Gervasius. Af∣ter which the Archbishop in this Council made this Ex∣change with Cynedritha, then Abbess of Cotham; that she and her successors should enjoy all the Lands, and Nunnery of Cotham, in lieu whereof she should give to him one hundred and ten Hydes of Land in Kent, lying in Fleot, Tenaham, and Creges, together with all the writings thereto belonging, which exchange was made before, confirmed and attested by this Noble Synod; that so no Controversie might arise between them, their Heirs and Successors, or King Offa's, in future times con∣cerning the same, but that they might peaceably injoy them without interruption, for ever. And moreover the Archbi∣shop gave unto Cynedrytha the Monastery called Preta∣nege, which king Egfrid gave to him & his heirs. Which proves the Great Counc••ls and Synods in that age to be

Parliaments; and that they judicially restored Lands unjustly taken away by Kings, upon complaint, exami∣nation and due proof made thereof, as well as inqui∣red of errors and abuses in Religion,

In this Councill conceive i•• was, that f 1.126 Kenulph, with his Bishops, Dukes, et omni sub nostra Ditione Dignatis gradu, compi••ed and sent a Letter to Pope Leo the third; promising obedience to his commands; requesting, that the ancient Canons might be observed, and the Jurisdiction and Power of the See of Canterbury (which King Osta and Pope Adrian had diminished and divided into two Provinces or Archbishopricks) might be restored and united again thereto, to avoid Scisms: and craving the Popes answer to these their requests: which he re∣turned in a special Letter to the King, restoring to Athe∣lardus and his successors the Bishopricks substracted from his Province, with the Metropolitan Jurisdiction over them, as amply as before.

g 1.127 Hereupon, in the year 802. or thereabouts, there was another Parliamentary Council assembled at Clove∣sho; * 1.128 wherein the Archbishoprick of Litchfield was dis∣solved, the See of Canterbury restored to its former ple∣nary Metropolitical Jurisdiction (according to Pope Leo his Decree) By the advice and Decree of the whole Coun∣cil: which commanded in the name of God; That no Kings, nor Bishops, nor Princes, neque ullius Tyrannicae pote∣stat * 1.129 is Homines, should diminish the honour of the Me∣tropolitical See, or presume to divide it in any particle what∣soever, under pain of an Anathema Maranatha; which Decree the Archbishop, with 12 other Bishops, subscri∣bed and ratified with the sign of the Cross (as they formerly did in the Council of Bechanceld, An. 798.) And in this Council divers controversies concerning the Lands, Limits and Jurisdictions of other Bishops & Bishopricks were likewise decided and setled; as you may therein read at large.

h 1.130 Eadburga Daughter to King Offa married Brith∣ric * 1.131 King of the West-Saxons: proud of her parentage and match, she grew so ambitious, insolent, and Tyrannical, that she became odious, not only to all the Prelates, No∣bles, and Courtiers, but to the people likewise. For be∣ing incited with malice and tyranny, she usually accused and execrated to the King all the Nobles of the Realm, Or∣dinaries, Bishops, and Religious persons, and so overcame him by her flatteries, that those whom she began to accuse, aut vitâ aut Regno privaret, she would either deprive of Life, or banish them the Realm; and if she could not ob∣tain this from the King against them, she accustomed to destroy them privily with poison. At last, An. 802. She preparing poison, to destroy a rich and noble Favourite of the Kings, whom he extra ordinarily lov'd; so as she could not banish or destroy him by her false accusati∣ons; the King casually drinking of the Poison (contra∣ry to her intention) as well as his Favourite, they were both therewith suddenly poisoned and destroyed. Where∣with this wicked woman being tetrified, fled with all her invaluable Treasures beyond the Seas to Charles the Great: who for her Lasciviousness, in making choice of his Son for her Husband before himself, (though much inamoured with her transcendent beauty) thrust her into a Monastery, where soon after, she abusing her bo∣dy * 1.132 by uncleaness, in lying with a lewd man, was expelled thence, forced to beg her bread, and ended her days in ex∣treme misery. A just judgement of God, both upon a Tyrannical Queen, and unrighteous King, seduced to banish and condemn his Nobles and Subjects unjustly by her solicitations. For this her most hainous crime the West-Saxons ordained a Law, to the Grand preju∣dice of all their succeeding Queens: That none of them should have either Title, Majesty, or place of Royalty or Queen:

Non enim West-Saxones Reginam, vel juxta Regem sedere, vel Reginae appellatione insigniri pati∣untur, propter malitiram Eadburgae, quae virum

suum Brithicum veneno perdidit, & juxta Regem se∣dens, omnes Regni Nobiles accusare solebat, & quos accusare non potuit, potu eos venenifero necare consu∣evit. Itaque pro Reginae maleficio omnes conjurave∣runt, quod nunquam se regnare permitterent, qui in praedictis culpabilis inveniretur:

as William of Mal∣mesbury, Asserius Menevensis, Matthew Westminster, Florentius Wigorniensis, and others out of them re∣late,

i 1.133 There was a Parliamentary Synod, or Council, held at Celichith, in the year 816. at which, not only * 1.134 Wulfred Archbishop of Canterbury, with all his Suffra∣gan Bishops, but likewise Kenulf king of Mercians, with his Princes, Dukes, and Nobles, and sundry Abbots, Priests, Deacons, and other sacred Orders were present, * 1.135 wherein they enacted 11 Constitutions, the 6th. where∣of was this in substance. That the Judgements and De∣crees of Bishops made in Synods should not be infringed, but remain firm and irrefragable, being ratified with the sign of the holy Cross (by the Kings and Nobles Subscriptions) un∣less perchance the King or Princes deemed the subscriptions of their Antecessors of no force, and feared not to reform, or cease from this error, which shall rest and bring a Curse on them and their heirs. The 7th. That no Bishops, Ab∣bots or Abbesses shall alienate or part with the Lands, wri∣tings and evidences of their Churches and Monasteries, which they are intrusted to keep, nisi rationabilis cau∣sa poposcit adjuvari, contra invasionem famis, & De∣praedationem Exercitus, & ad Libertatem obtinendam: which causes they reputed reasonable.

In the year of our Lord 822. there was a Parliamen∣tary Council assembled at Clovesho, wherein Beornulph * 1.136 King of Mercians sate President, at which Wulfred Arch∣bishop * 1.137 of Canterbury, with the rest of the Bishops, Ab∣bots, omniumque dignitatum Optimatibus, Ecclesi∣asticarum scilicet & saecularium personarum, were pre∣sent,

debating things both concerning the benefit and re∣gulation of the Church, and defence and safety of the Realm (the proper subjects of our present English Par∣liaments) as these words import,

Utilitatem & ne∣cessitatem Ecclesiarum, Monasterialisque vitae Regu∣lam et observantiam, stabilitatem quoque Regni pertractanter.

In this Parliamentary Council, the Proceedings in 3 precedent Councils, touching the Com∣plaints * 1.138 of the Archbishops of Canterbury, of the Injuries done unto them, in taking away the Lands of the Church by their Kings and Officers, with the proceedings thereupon are at large recited, which I shall here transcribe, be∣cause generally unknown to most, and best difcove∣ring the proceedings of our antient Parliamentary Councils in Cases of this nature; of any Council I have met with in that Age, and those which next pro∣ceeded, or succeeded it.

All the said persons in the said Council sitting down quietly together, it was inquired by them; quomodo quis cum Justitia sit tractatus, seu quis injustè sit spoliatus? In what manner any one had been handled with justice? or if any one had been unjustly spoiled? Whereupon, amids other things there acted and spo∣ken, it was shewed, That Archbishop Wulfred by the mis-information, and enmity, and violence and a∣varice of king Kenulph, had suffered many injuries, and was most unjustly deprived of his just dominations, as well by those things which were done unto him amongst us here in England, as by those things which were brought against him to the See Apostolick, by the procurement of the fore∣said King Kenulph: by which accusations and discords, not only the fore-named Archbishop, but also the whole English Nation, for almost six years space, was deprived of its primordial authority, and of the Ministry of sacred Baptism. Above all these things, the said king Ke∣nulph at a certain time with his Council, coming to the City of London, appointed a day (with great in∣dignation)

wherein the Archbishop should come un∣to * 1.139 him▪ whither when he came, the King commanded, that relinquishing all his goods, he should speedily depart out of England, without hopes of returning any more, nei∣ther by the command of our Lord the Pope, neither by the intreaties of the Emperour, nor of any other person, unless he would consent to his will, in demising to him a farm of 300 Hides of Land, called Leogenesham, and moreover would give to the said King one hundred and twenty pounds in money; This reconciliation the said Wulfred refusing, long contradicted; and when the friends of the man of God, and Nobles of the King, who loved him very much, perceived the rapacity and violence of the King, they importuned the Arch∣bishop, that he would consent to the Kings will, upon this condition; that the King should relinquish the difference which he had raised between the Pope and Archbishop, by his Messengers, and should restore to the said Father all the power and dignity which belonged to the said Pri∣mates See, according to the authority which his Pre∣decessors most amply enjoyed in former time. But if the King could not do this, that he should then restore the mo∣ny and Land, which he exacted of the Arohbishop to him again. Upon this condition therefore, the said re∣verend Father gave his assent: But nothing of the aforesaid condition was performed: For three whole years after the said agreement, he remained deprived of the power which his predecessors and himself had before that difference over Suthmenstre, as well in pasture, mony, vestments, as obedience, which belon∣ged to the Metrapolitical See.

But after the death of King Kenulf, when Beornulf reigned; the said Archbishop Wulfred invited Ab∣bess Kenedrytha, Heir and Daughter of King Kenulf, to the foresaid Council; whither when she came, the Archbishop complained in the audience of all the Council, of the injuries and troubles offered and done to him, and

to Christs Church, by her Father; and required repara∣tion from her, if it were Just: Then all the Council found it to be Iustice, et hoc unanimi consenm De∣crevit, and Decreed it by a unanimous consent, * 1.140 That all those things which her Father had taken away from the Archbishop, she ought justly to restore unto him, and to give him so much again for reparation. And moreover should restore all the use (or profit) the fore∣said Father had lost in so long a space: which she hum∣bly promised to do.

It seemed good therefore to king Beornulf, with his Wisemen, for friendship sake, most diligently to make a reconciliation and amends for the said Lands, between the heirs of King Kenulf and thc Archbishop; and because this pleased the king, and he humbly intreated it; out of Love and Friendship to the King the Archbi∣shop consented thereto; for the heirs of the said king Kenulf often desired to have the said Father to be their Patron and intercessor; And they intreated him with humble devotion, that for a full reconcili∣ation, he would receive in four places one hundred Hides of Land; to wit Herges, and Herfording Land, Wamdelea, and Gedding. Then the Archbishop for the love of God, and the amiable friendship of Beornulf, consenred to this accord, upon this condition; that the foresaid Abbess should deliver to the said Archbi∣shop, the foresaid Lands of one hundred Hides, with the Books which the English ••all Landbor, and with the same liberty which he had before, for a perpetual inheritnace: Whereupon king Beornulf, with the testimony of the whole Council, proclaimed it to be altogether free.

But this Agreement was not all this time ratified, because after these things, the promise remained un∣fulfilled for 12 Moneths: for three Hides (or tene∣ments) of the foresaid Lands, were detained; and the Books of 47 tenements; to wit, the Book of Bockland, the Book of Wambelea, and also the Book

of Herfocdingland, But in the year following she the said Ahbess desired a Conference with the foresaid Archbishop, who at that time was in the Country of the Wicii, at a place called Ostaveshlen, where he held a Council: where, when she had found the man of God, she confessed her folly in delaying her former agreement: upon which the Archbishop with great sweetness shewed; that he was altogether free from the foresaid a∣greement, and that of her part there were many things wanting which she ought to have restored; but she being brought before the Councill, greatly blushing; hum∣bly promised, that she would restore all those things that were wanting, and with a willing mind restored to the Archbishop the Books of certain Lands, which before she had not promised, with the Lands (adjudged to him, as Sir Henry Spelmans Margent supplies the defect) in the same Council. She likewise added thereto a farm of 4 tenements in Hevgam for his favour; likewise She gave to the Archbishop 30 Hide land (or tenements) in Cumbe; with a Book of the said Lands, that a firm and stable friendship and accord might remain between all the heirs of King Kenul••f and the Archbishop.

To all which things the Arch∣bishop gave his consent, upon this Condition, that the names of the aforesaid Lands should be rased quite out of the An∣cient Privileges which belong to Wincelcumbe, lest in after times some controversie should be raised, De hoc quod Sy∣nodali authoritate decretum est, et signo crucis firma∣tum: concerning this which was ended by authority of the Council, and confirmed with the sign of the Ctoss▪ By this, and the precedent Councils of Clove∣sho, it is apdarent; first, That the Injustice, Rapine, and oppression of our Saxon Kings themselves, was then examined and redressed in and by our Parliamen∣tary Councils: 2ly. That Tittles to Lands, Jurisdicti∣ons, Privileges unjustly taken from the Church and o∣ther men, by our kings, or other great persons and

complaints touching the same, were usually heard, determined and redressed in the great Parliamentary Councils of that Age, upon complaints made thereof, and that to and before the whole Council, not to any pri∣vate Committees, not then in use. 3ly. That restitution, reparations and damages in such Cases, were usually awarded in such Parliamentary Councils, not only a∣gainst the Kings & Parties that did the wrong, but like∣wise * 1.141 against their heirs; as here against Abbess Cenedritha, Daugher and heir to king Kenulph, After the decease of her father the Tort Feasor. 4ly. That the same cause and complaint was revived, continued, ended in suc∣ceeding, that rested undecided, and unrecompensed in former Councils. 5ly. That Agreements, Exchan∣ges, and Judgements given upon Complaints in Parli∣amentary Councils, were conclusive and final to the Parties and their Heirs. 6ly. That Injuries done by the power of our Kings or great Men in one Parlia∣mentary Council (as in dividing the Archbishoprick of Canterbury, &c.) were examined, & redressed by ano∣ther subsequent Council. 7ly. That Parliamentary Councils in that Age, were very frequently held, at least once or twice a year (if not interrupted by wars) and that usually at Clovesho, according to the l 1.142 De∣cree of the Council of Heartford under Archbishop The∣odor, That the Bishops once a year should assemble together in a Council at Clovesho; as Gervasius Doroberniensis records; there being 4 Councils there, and elsewhere, held in King Beornulfs 4 years reign.

I find (m) another Council held at Clovesho, in the year 824 the 3. of the Calends of November, under Be∣ornulf * 1.143 King of Mercians and Wulfred Archbishop of Can∣terbury, where this King, which all his Bishops and Ab∣bots, and all the Princes, Nobles, and many most wise * 1.144 men we••e assembled together. Amongst other businesses debated therein, there was a sute between Heabere Bishop of Worcester, and the Nuns of Berclea concerning the inheritance of Aethelfrick Son of Aethelmund,

to wit the Monasterie called West-Burgh, the Lands whereof, with the Books, the Bishop then had, as Ae∣thelfrick had before commanded, that they should be restored to the Church of Worcester. This Bishop, with 50 Mass Priests, and 160 other Priests, Deacons, Monks and Abbots (whose names are recorded in the Manuscript) swore, that this Land and Monastery were impropriated to his possession and Church; which Oath with all these fellow swearers, he was ordered to take at Westminster, and did it accordingly, after 30 nights re∣spire. Whereupon, It was ordained and decreed by the Archbishop, & all the Council consenting with him; that the Bishop should enjoy the Monastery, Lands, and Books to him and his Church; and so that sute was en∣ded, and this Decree pronounced thereupon.

Quapropter, si quis hunc agrum ab illâ Ecclesiâ in Ceastre nititur evellere, contra Decreta sanctorum Canonum sciat se facere; quia sancti Canones decer∣nunt, Quicquid Sancta Synodus universalls cum Catholico Archiepiscopo suo adjudicaverit, nullo mo∣do fractum vel irritum esse faciendum. Haec autem gesta sunt. Hi sunt Testes & Confirmatores, hujus rei, quorum nomina hic infrà notantur, à die tertio Ca∣lend. Novembrium.

Ego Beornulf Rex Merciorum hanc chartulam Synodalis decreti signo sanctae Christi Crucis con∣firmavi.

Then follows the Archbishops Subscription and con∣firmation in like words; with the subscriptions of sun∣dry Bishops, Abbots, Dukes and Nobles, being 32 in number, all ratifying this Decree.

An. 833. n 1.145 Egbert, King of West-Saxons, Athel∣wulfe his Son, Witlasius king of Mercians, both the * 1.146 Archbishops, Abbots, cum Proceribus majoribus toti∣us Angliae, with the greatest Nobles of all England, were all assembled together at London (in a National

Parliamentary Council) pro consilio capiendo contra * 1.147 Danicos Piratas Littora Angliae assidne infestantes: to take Counsel what to do against the Danish Pirates, dayly infesting the Sea-Coasts of England.

In this Council the Charter of Witlasius king of Mer∣cians, to the Abbey of Croyland (where he was hid and secured from his enemies) was made and ratified; where∣in he granted them many rich gifts of Plate, Gold, Sil∣ver, Land, and the Privilege of a Sanctuary, for all offenders flying to it for shelter; which grant could not be valid without a Parliamentary confirmation; for he being elected King, omnium consensu, after the slaughters of Bernulf and Ludican (two invading Ty∣rants cut off in a short time; qui contra fas purpuram in∣duerent, & regno vehementet oppresso, totam militi∣am ejus, quae quondam plurima extiterat, & victorio∣sissima, sua imprudentia perdiderant, as Ingulphus writes) was enforced to hold his kingdom from Eg∣bert king of West-Sax••ns under a Tribute. And there∣upon conferring divers Lands by his Charter to this Ab∣bey for ever, to be held of him, his heirs and Successors, Kings of Mercia, in perpetual and pure Frankalmoigne, quietae & solutae ab omnibus oneribus secularibus, ex∣actionibus, & vectigalibus universis quocunque nomi∣ne censeantur. That his grant might be sound and valid, he was necessitated to have it confirmed in this Parlia∣mentary Council, by the consent of King Egbert and his Son and of all the Bishops, Abbots. et Proceribus Ma∣joribus Angliae, and the greater Nobles of England there present; most of them subscribing and ratifying this Char∣ter with the sign of the Cross, and their names.

About the year of Grace 838. there was a Parliamen∣tary * 1.148 Council held at o 1.149 Kingston, in which Egbert king of the West-Saxons, and his Son Aethelwulfe, Ceolnoth Archbishop of Canterbury, with the rest of the Bishops and Nobles of England were present. Amongst many things there acted and spoken, Archbishop Ceolnoth shewed be∣fore

the whole Council, That the foresaid Kings Egbert and Aerhelwulfe had given to Christchurch, the Mannor called Malinges in Sussex, free from all secular service and Regal Tributes, excepting only these three, Ex∣pedition, building of Bridge and Castle: which foresaid * 1.150 Mannor and Lands King Baldred gave to Christchurch; Sed quia ille Rex cunctis Principibus non placuit, no∣luerunt donum ejus permanere ratum; But because this King pleased not all his Nobles, they would not that this his gift should continue firm: (To which Sir Henry Spelman adds this Marginal Note, Rex non potuit distrahere pa∣trimonium Regni, sine assensu Procerum) Wherefore the foresaid Kings (in this Parliamentary Council, with their Nobles assent) at the request of the said Archbishop, regranted and confirmed it to Christchurch; with this A∣nathema annexed against the infringers of this grant, If any shall presume to violate it, on the behalf of God, and of us Kings, Bishops, Abbots, and all Christians, let him be separated from God, and let his portion be with the Devil and his Angols.

o 1.151 Polydor Virgil, records, that King Athelwulfe, in the year 847. going in pilgrimage to Rome, repaired * 1.152 the English School (there lately burned down) and in i∣mitation of King Ina, made that part of his Kingdom which Eghert his Father had added, Tributary towards it; Legeque sancibit, and enacted by a Law (made in a * 1.153 Parliamentary Council) that those who received 30 pence rent every year out of their possessions, or had more houses, should pay for those houses they inhabited, every of them a penny a peece to the Pope (for the maintenance of this School) at the Feast of Peter and Paul, or at least of St. Peters bonds; which Law some (writes he) though false∣ly, ascribr to his Son Alfred; which act others refer to the years 855, or 857, and that more truly.

p 1.154 Abbot Ingulphus in his Hist. of the Abby of Croyland, * 1.155 records; that Bertulf usurping the Crown, by the trea∣cherous

murder of his Cosen St. Westan (tantâ ferebatur ad regnandum ambitione) passing by the Abbey of Croy∣land, most wiskedly and violently took away all the Jew∣els, Plate and ornaments of the Church, which his Brother * 1.156 Withlasius and other Kings had given to it; together with all the mony he could find in the Monastery; and hiring Souldiers therewith against the Danes, then wasting the Country about London, he was vanquished and put to flight by the Pagans; Whereupon this King soon after, holding a great Council at Benningdon, An. 850. with the Pre∣lates and Nobles of his whole Realm of Mercia there as∣sembled (about the Danes invasions, how to raise for∣ces and monies to resist them, as is most probable by our Historians.) Abbot Siward, and the Monks of Croy∣land therein complained before them all, by Askillus their fellow Monk, of certain injuries malitiously done unto them by their Adversaries, who lying in wait in the utter∣most banks of their Rivers, did seise upon their servants (being such as fled thither for Sanctuary) in case at any time they went out of their precincts never so little way (ei∣ther to fish, or bring back their stragling Sheep, Oxen, or other Cattle) as infringers of their Sanctuary, and subject∣ed them to the publick Laws, to their condemnation and de∣struction; to the great dammage of the Abbey, by the loss of their service; Of which complaint, the King and all the Council being very sensible, and desirous to provide for the peace and quiet of the Abbey, and to declate and en∣large their Privileges; The King thereupon comman∣ded Radbott Sheriff of Lincoln, and the rest of his Offi∣cers in those parts, to go round about, describe and set forth the bounds of their I sle of Croyland, and of the Mari∣shes thereunto belonging, and faithfully and clearly to de∣monstrate them to him and his Council, wherever they should be, the last day of Easter next ensuing; Who ful∣filling his command, openly presented an exact description of their Boundaries to the King and his Council, (which bounds are recited at large in Ingulphus,) keeping their Easter at Kingsbury.

Anno 851. Whereupon the king in this Parliamen∣tary * 1.157 Council at Kingsbury, in Hebdomada Pascha, pro * 1.158 Regni negotiis congregati; In Recompensationem tamen aliquam pecuniae direptae; to make some kind of Recompence of the Mony he had formerly taken from the Abbey, by the Common Council of his whole Realm, by his Charter made and ratified in this Council (wherein he makes this recital touching this money, as if they had freely lent it to him in his necessities; though the Hi∣storian relates, he took it away by force:

Gratias Debit as * 1.159 vobis omnibus dignissimè reddo pro pecuniâ quâ me per vos dudum praetere untem, in me â maximâ indigen∣tiâ contra Paganorum violentiam gratissimo & libe∣ralissimo animo defovistis)

granted unto them, That the bounds of their Sanctuary and liberties should extend 20 foot in breadth beyond the farthest banks of their grounds compassing their Iland; And 20 foot from the water it self; where ever their fugitive servants should ascend, to draw their nets, or do their other necessary businesses; and that this Sanctuary for fugitives should extend to all the Marishes where they had Common for their Cattle; and that if their Cattel through tempest, thefe, or other misfortune, stray∣ed beyond these limits into the fields adjoyning, their fugi∣tive servants might pursue and fetch them back thence, without any seisure or danger;

sub mutilatione membri magis dilecti, si quis i••••ud privilegium meum in ali∣quo temerè violaret.

After which, he confirmed all the Lands and privileges formerly granted to this Abbey, by Kings, Earls, or other persons, particularly recited in this Charter; which was made & granted by the common consent, sent and advice of this whole Parl. Council, & of the Bishops and Nobles of the Realm, as these Clauses in the Char∣ter abundantly attest.

Cum communi concilio toti∣us Regni mei concedo. Consentientibus omnibus * 1.160 Praelatis & Proceribus me is concedo; cum communi Concilio, gratuitoque consensu omnium Magnatum * 1.161 Regni mei concedo; complacuit unanimiter mihi, ac

universo Concilio vestra omnia loca mei authoritate Regii Chirograpi confirmare. Unanimo consensu to∣tius presentis Concilii, hic apud Kingsbury, Anno in∣carnationis Christi Dom. 855. seria sexta in hebdo∣mada Paschae, pro Regni negotiis congregati, istud meum Regium Chirographum sanctae crucis signo sta∣biliter & immutabiliter confirmavi.

After which the Archbishop of Canterbury, with other Bishops, 3 Abbots, 2 Dukes, 3 Earls, with Oflat Ambassadour of King E∣thelwulf and his Sons, in their Names, and the Name of the West-Saxons, subscribed and ratified this Chart••r, affixing the sign of the Cross, and their names thereto, as you may read at large in Ingulphus.

That this Parliamentary Council, and the former at Beningdon were principally summoned for the defence of the Realm against the invading Danes, who r 1.162 then incessantly molested it; and that this was the chief of those Regni nagotiis for which they were assembled, is evident by this publick prayer of the Kings, then sub∣scribed under this Charter.

Ego Bertulphus Rex Merciorum palam omnibus Praelatis & Proceribus Regni mei, divinam deprecor Majestatem, quatenus per intercessionem sanctissimi Confessoris sui sancti Guthlaci, omniumque sancto∣rum suorum, dimittat mihi, & omni populo meo, peccata nostra, & sicut per aperta miracula sua oigna∣tus * 1.163 est misericordiam suam; sic super Paganos hostes suos dare nobis dignetur omni certamine victoriam & post praesentis vitae fragilem cursum in consortio san∣ctorum suorum gloriam sempiternam, Amen.

After which s 1.164 Ingulphus subjoyns this Monkish miracle, relating the order of the proceedings in this Council, the sole end for which I cite it.

God wrought in this Council to the honour of his most holy Confessor Guthlac, a most famous miracle, whereby the devotion of the whole Land, now more lukewarm than ordinary, to goe in pilgrimage to

Croyland, might thenceforth become more frequent, and by all ways, through all Counties might day∣ly be revived, for whereas a certain disease like to a Palsie, this year afflicted all England; the Nerves of Men, Women, and Children, being smitten with a sudden and excessive cold (their veins swelling and growing harder, the which no remedy of cloathes could prevent) and especially the Arms and hands of men being made useless, and altogether withred; in which disease, like a fore-running most certain Messenger thereof, an intollerable pain pre-occupa∣ted the Member so growing ill. It hapned in this Council, that many, as well of the greater as lesser ranck, were sick of this Malady, & cum regni nego∣tia proponerentur, and when as the businesses of the Realm were to be proposed, Lord Celnoth Archbishop of Cant••rbury, who was vexed with this disease, openly counselled;

Divina negotia deberi primitus proponi, * 1.165 & sic humana negotia Christi suffragante gratia, finem prosperum posse sortiri; Assentientibus universis, &c. * 1.166 That Dtvine businesses ought first of all to be proposed, and so humane business, through the suffrage of Christs grace, might obtain a prosperous end. All assenting thereunto, when Lord Siward, then Abbot of Croyland was inquired for; because in Councils and Synods for his great eloquence and holy Religion, he had been, as it were, a divine inter∣preter for many years, and the most gratious Expositor and Promotor of innumerable businesses of the whole Clergy; who by reason of his great old age, was not present; but by Frier Askillus, his fellow Monk, he excused his absence with a most humble Letter, by the burden of his long old age; King. Bertulph himself remembring the former com∣plaint of the Church of Croyland, openly related before the Council, the Injuries frequently done to the Lord Abbot Siward, and to his Monastery of Croyland, by the foolish fury of their Adversaries; and commanded that Remedy should be provided and Decreed by com∣mon

advice. When as therefore this business was in agi∣tation amongst them, & Petitio Domini Siwardi, (the first Petition I meet with of this Nature to and in our Parliamentary Councils) and the Petition of the Lord Abbot Siward concerning the same, delivered by the foresaid Frier Askillus, had run from hand to hand of the Prelates and Nobles of the whole Council, and one advised one thing, another another: Lord Ceolnoth Archbishop of Canterbury cried out with a loud voice, that he was healed of his disease, and perfectly recovered by the me∣rits of the most holy Confessor of Christ, most bles∣sed Guthlac, whose businesses were then handling in their hands: likewise many other most potent men in the said Council cryed out, as well Prelates as Nobles, that they had been sick of that disease, but now by Gods Grace, and the merits of most holy Guthlac, they felt no pain in a∣ny of their Members, through the said malady: And all of them presently bound their Consciences with a most strict vow, to visit the most sacred Tomb of most holy Guthlac at Croyland with devout pilgrimage, so soon as they could. Wherefore our Lord King Bertulf, commanded the Bishop of London (who was then accounted the best Notary, and most eloquent speaker, who being more∣over touched with the same disease, now predicated, with greatest joy, that he was healed) to take the Privi∣leges of Croyland into his hands, and that he should insist to honour his Physicitian S. Guthlac with his hand writing, prout consilium statueret, as the Council should ordain; which also was done; Therefore in the Subscriptions of the Kings Charter (afore-mentioned) the Archbishop of Canterbury, Ceolnoth, confesseth himself whole and sound: St. Swithin Bishop of Winchester, rejoyceth con∣cerning * 1.167 the Lords Miracles. Alstan Bishop of Sher∣burn, and Orkenwald of Lichenfeld, give thanks for the successes of the Church; and Rethunus Bishop of Leice∣ster, professeth himself a Servant to St. Guthlac so long as he lived: Unniversique Concilii Optimates. And

all the Nobles of the Council, with a most ardent affection, yeelded obedience to the Kings benevolent affection towards St. Guthlac In all things.

From all which precedent passages in these two Coun∣cils, it is apparent.

First, That the Parliamentary Councils of that Age, consisted only of the King, spiritual and tempo∣ral Lords and Peers, without any Knights of Shires, or Burgesses, of which we find no mention in this, or any other former or succeeding Councils, in the Sax∣ons times; though sometimes Wise-men of inferior quality, both of the Clergie and Laity, were particu∣larly summoned to them, without any popular electi∣on, by the Kings special direction, for their advice.

2ly. That all Divine and Ecclesiastical matters, touching God, Religion, and the Church, and all af∣fairs of the Realm of publique concernment, relating to war or peace, were debated, consulted of, & setled in Parliamentary Councils. 3ly. That the businesses of God and the Church, were therein usually first deba∣ted and setled, before the affairs of the kingdom, of which they ought to have precedency. 4ly. That all private grievances, injuries and oppressions done by the King, his Officers, or other private persons, to the Church, or other men, were usually complained of, and redressed in Parliamentary Councils, by the ad∣vice and judgement of the King and Peers; and that either upon the parties Petition, setting forth his grievances, or a relation made thereof by the King, or some other Prelate or Nobleman, before the whole Council. 5ly. That what could not be redressed in one great Council, was in the next succeeding Coun∣cil revived and redressed, according to the merits of the cause. 6ly. That no Peer nor Member of the great Coun∣cil might absent himself in those times, but upon just and lawfull excuse, which he ought humbly to signifie to the King and Council by a special Messenger, and

Letter, as Abbot Siward did here. 7ly. That all Mem∣bers of the Council had free liberty of Debate and Vote, in all businesses complained of, or proposed to them; and a negative, as well as an affirmative voice. 8ly. That all businesses then were propounded and debated before all the Council, and resolved by them all, not in private Committees. 9ly. That our Kings in those days, in Cases of necessity, could not lawfully seise their subjects monies and plate against their wills, to raise Soldiers to resist invading fore in Enemies, but only borrow them by their free consents, and held them∣selves bound to restore or recompence the monies lent or taken by them in such exigencies, with thankfull ac∣knowledgment. 10. That our Kings in that age, could not grant away their Crown lands, create or inlarge San∣ctuaries, or exempt any Abbies from Taxes and pub∣lique payments, or impose any publique Taxes on their Subjects, but by Charters, or grants made and ra∣tified in and by their great Councils.

Anno 854. t 1.168 King Aethelulf gave the tenth part of * 1.169 his Realm to God and his Saints, free from all secular ser∣vices, exactions and Tributes, by this Charter, made and confirmed, by the advice and free assent of all the Bishops and Nobles throughout the Realm then assembled in a Great Council, to oppose the invading plundering Danes.

Regnante in perpetuum domino nostro Jesu Chri∣sto, in nostris temporibus bellorum incendia, & di∣reptiones opum nostrarum, & vastantium crudelissi∣mas hostium barbarorum paganorumque gentium multiplices tribulationes, asfligentium usque ad in∣ternecionem cernimus, tempota incumbere pericu∣losa; Quamobrem ego Aethelulfus, Rex Occidentali∣um Saxonum, cum Consilio Episcoporum, ac Prin∣cipum

meorum, Consilium salubre arque uniforme re∣me iam assirmavi, ut aliquam portionem Terrae meae Deo & beatae Mariae & omnibus sanctis, Iure perpetuo * 1.170 possidendam concedam, Decimam scilicet partem terrae meae, ut sit tuta mu••eribus, et libera ab omni∣bus servitiis secularibus, nec non Regalibus Tributis Majoribus et Minoribus, seu Taxationibus, quae nos * 1.171 W••tereaden appellamus, Sitque omnium rerum libe∣ra, pro remissione animarum & peccatorum meorum; ad serviendum soli Deo, sine expeditione, et pontis constructione, arcis munitione, ut eo diligentius pro nobis preces ad Deum sine cessatione fun∣dant, quo eorum servitutem in aliquo levigamus.

The Copies in our Historians vary in some expressi∣ons, and in the date of this Charter, some placing it in Anno 855. others Anno 865. This Charter; as Ingul∣phus records, was made at Winchester, Novemb. 3. Anno. 855. praesentibus & subscribentibus Archiepiscopis Angliae universis, nec non Burredo, Merciae, & Edmun∣di East-Anglorum rege, Abbatum, & Abbatissarum Du∣cum, Comitum, Procerumque totius terrae, aliorum{que} fidelium infinita multitudine. Dignitates vero sua nomi∣na subscripserunt. After which, for a greater Confirma∣tion the King offered the Written Charter up to God upon the Altar of St. Peter, where the Bishops recei∣ved it, and after sent it into all their Diocesses to be pub∣lished: and hereupon the Bishops of Sherburne and Winchester, with the Abbots and religious persons, on whom the said benefits were bestowed, decreed, That on every Wednesday, in every Church, all the Fri∣ers and Nuns should sing 50 Psalms, and every Priest 2 Masses; one for the King, and an other for his Captains. It is observable, first, That the Parliamentary Coun∣cil wherein this Charter was made and ratified by common consent, and this exemption and tenth gran∣ted, was principally called to resist the invading plunde∣ring Danes. 2ly. That this King and Council, in those

times of Invasion and necessity, were so far from taking away the Lands and Tithes of the Church, for defence of the Realm, or from imposing new unusual Taxes and Contributions on the Clergy for that end, that they granted them more Lands and Tithes than for∣merly, and exempted them from all former ordinary Taxes and Contributions, that they might more cheer∣fully and frequently pour forth prayers to God for them, as the best means of defence and security, against these forein invading enemies.

u 1.172 Mr. Selden recites another Charter of this King of the same year (different from it in month and place) out of the Chartularies of Abbington Abbey, to the same effect, made by Parliamentary consent of that time, & per consilium salubre cum Episcopis, Comitibus, ac cun∣ctis Optimatibus meis, which Charter is subscribed by this King and his two Sons, with some Bishops and Ab∣bots; ratified with their signs of the Cross, and this an∣nexed curse, Si quis ver ò minuere vel mutare nostram donationem praesumpserit, noscat se ante tribunal Christi redditurum rationem, nisi prius satisfactione emendaverit, usual in such Charters.

Aftet x 1.173 which, this King going to Rome, carried Alfred his youngest Son thither with him (whom he most loved) to be educated by Pope Leo; where con∣tinuing a year, he caused him to be crowned King by the Pope, and returning into his Country married Judith, the King of France his Daughter, bringing Alfred and her with him into England. In the Kings absence in forein parts, Alstan Bishop of Sherburne, Eandulfe Earl of Somerset, and certain other Nobles making a Con∣spiracie with Ethelbald the Kings eldest Son, conclu∣ded, he should never be received into the Kingdom, upon his return from Rome, for two Causes: One, for that he had caused his youngest son Alfred, to be crowned King at Rome, excluding thereby, as it were, his eldest Son, and others from the Right of the Kingdom. Another, for that

contemning all the women of England, he had married the Daughter of the King of France, an alien et contra mo∣rem et Statuta Regum West-Saxonum, and against the use and Statutes of the Kings of the West-Saxons, called Ju••ith, (the King of France his Daughter, whom he lately espoused) Queen, and caused her to sit by his side at the Ta∣ble, as he east••d; For the West-Saxons permitted not the KingsWife to sit by the King at the Table, nor yet to be cal∣ed Queen, but the Kings Wife: y 1.174 Which Infamy arose from Eadburga, Daughter of King Offa, Queen of the same Nation, who destroyed her Husband King Brith∣r••ic with poison, and sitting by the King, was wont to accuse all the Nobles of the Realm to him, who thereupon de∣prived them of l••fe or banished them the Realm; & whom she could not accuse•• she used to kill with poison: Therefore, for this mis-doing of the Queen; they all conjured and swore, that they would never permit a King to reign over them who should be guilty in the premi∣ses: Whereupon King Aethelulfe returning peaceably from Rome, his Son Aethelbald, with his Complices, attempted to bring their conceived wickedness to effect, in excluding him from his own Realm and Crown. But Al∣mighty God would not permit it; for lest peradventure a more than civil war should arise between the Father and the Son, the Conspiracie of all the Bishops and No∣bles ceased, though the King Clemency, who divided the Kingdom of the West-Saxons (formerly undivided) with his Son, so that the East part of the Realm should go * 1.175 to his Son Ethelbald, and the West-part remain to the Father. And when tota Regni Nobiliras, all the Nobility of the Realm, and the whole Nation of the West-Saxons, would have fought for the King, thrust his Son (Ethelbald) from the right of the Kingdom, and ba••ished him and his Complices out of the Realm, qui tantum facinus perpetrare ausi sunt, & Regem à regno proprio repellerent (which Wigorniensis, Anno 855. ••iles Facinus, et inauditum omnibus saeculis ante in∣fortunium) if the Father would have permitted them to do

it. He out of the nobleness of his mind, satisfied his Sons desire; so that where the Father ought to have reign∣ed by the just judgement of God, there the obstinate and wicked Son reigned. This King z 1.176 Aethelulfe before the death of Egbert his father, was ordained Bishop of Win∣chester, but his Father dying, he was made King by the Prelates. Nobles, and People, much against his will, cum non esset alius de Regio genere qui regnare de∣buisset, because there was none other of the Royal Race who ought to reign: Haeredibus aliis deficientibus, post∣modum necessitate compulsus, gubernacula Regni in se suscepit, as Bromton and others expresse it.

At his death (Anno 857.) he did by his will (lest his * 1.177 Sons should fall out between themselves after his decease) give the kingdom of Kent, with Sussex and Essex, to Ethelbert his second son, and left the kingdom of the West-Saxons to his eldest son Aethelbald; then he de∣vised certain sums of Money to his Daughter, Kindred, Nobles, and a constant annuity for ever, for meat, d••ink, and cloths to one poor man or pilgrim, out of every 10 Hides of his Land, & 300 marks of mony to be sent yearly to Rome, to be spent there in Oyl for Lamps, & Almes: which sums I never find paid by his Successors, as he prescribed by his Will and Charter too, because not confirmed by his great Parliamentary Councils, of Prelates and Nobles, as his forcited Charter, and a 1.178 Peter-pence (likewise grant∣ed by him) were; upon this occasion (as some record) that he being in Rome, and seeing there outlawed men doing penance in bonds of Iron, purchased of the Pope, that Englishmen after that time should never out of their Country, do penance in Bonds.

About the year of our Lord 867. b 1.179 Osbrith King of Northumberland (as Bromton records) residing at York, * 1.180 as he returned from hunting, went into the house of one of his Nobles called Bruern Bocard; to eat; who was then gone to the Sea-coasts, to defend it & the Ports against Theeves and Pirates, as he was accustomed; His Lady

being extraordinarily beautifull, entertained him very honorably at dinner; The K. enamored with her beau∣ty, after dinner taking her by the hand, leads her into her Chamber, saying he would speak with her in private; and there violently ravished her against her will: which done he presently returned to York, but the La∣dy abode at her house, weeping and lamenting the deeds of the King; whereby she lost her former colour and beauty. Her Husband returning, and finding her in this sad condition, inquired the cause thereof; wherewith she fully acquainting him; he thereupon cheered her up with comfortable words, saying, that he would not love her the lesse for it, since her weakness was unable to resist the Kings power; and vowed by Gods assi∣stance, speedily to avenge himself & her of the King, for this indignity. Where upon, being a Noble and very po∣tent man, of great Parentage, he called all his kins∣men, and the chief Nobles of his Familie to him, with all speed, and acquainted them with this dishonour done to him by the king, saying, he would by all means be avenged thereof; and by their Counsel and Consent, they went all together to York, to the king, who when he saw Bruern called him courteously to him; But he, guarded with his kinred and friends, presently defying the King, resigned up to him his Homage; Fealty, Lands, and what ever he held of him, saying, that he would never hold any thing of him hereafter as of his Lord: And so without more words, or greater stay, instantly depar∣ted, and taking leave of his friends, went speedily in∣to Denmark, and complained to Codrinus king there∣of, of the Indignity done by King Osbrith to him and his Lady, imploring his aid and assistance, speedily to revenge it, he being extracted out of his Royal blood. The king and Danes hereupon, being exceeding glad that they had this inducing cause to invade England, pre∣sently gathered together a great Army to revenge this Injury done to Bruern, being of his Blood, appointing his

two Brothers, Inguar and Hubba most valiant Souldi∣ers, to be their Generals; who providing Ships and o∣ther Necessaries, transported an innumerable Army into England, and landed them in the Nothern parts; This being the true Cause why the Danes at this time invaded England in this manner. In the mean time, the Parents, kindred, and Friends of Bruern, expelled and rejected King Osbrith, for this Injury done to him and his Lady, r••fusing to hold their Lands of, or to obey him * 1.181 any longer as their Soveraign, and advanced one Ella to be King, though none of the Royal bloud. Our other c 1.182 Historians, who mention not this fact of Osbrith, and occasion of these Danes arival to revenge it, write, that the Danes upon their Landing marched to the Ci∣ty of York, wasting all the Country before them with fire and Sword unto Tinmouth. At that time (they write) by the Devilsinstinct, there was a very great discord raised between the Northumberlanders, Sicut semper populo qui odium incurrerit evenire solet: For the Northumberlanders at that time had expelled their lawfull King Osbrith out of the Realm, and advanced one Ella, a Tyrant, not of the Royal bloud, to the Regal Soveraignty of the Kingdom: By reason of which division, the Danes taking York, ran up and down the Country filling all places with bloud and Grief, wasting and burning all the Churches and Monaste∣ries far and near, leaving nothing standing but the Walls and ruines of them, pillaging, depopulating, and laying waste the whole Country. In which great necessity and distress the Northumberlanders reconciling their two Kings, Osbrith and Ella, one to another, gathered a great Army together against the Danes; which their two Kings and eight Earls marched with to York; where after a long fight, with various success, both the said Kings with most of the Northumberlanders were all slain, April 11. Anno. 867. The City of York consumed with fire, and the whole Kingdom made tributarie to the Danes: d 1.183 Simeon Dunelmensis relates, that both

these kings had violently & sacrilegiously taken away cer∣tain Lands from S. Cuthberts Church in Durham for Os∣brit * 1.184 had by a sacrilegious attempt taken away Wirce wood and Tillemouth; and Ella, Billingham, Heclif and Wigeclif & Creca from S. Cuthbert: tandem cum maxi∣mâ parte suorum ambo praefati Reges occubuerunt, & In∣jurias quas Ecclesiae sancti Cuthberti aliquando irrogave∣rant, vitâ privati, & regno persolverurt; Which the Author of the History of St. Cuthbert, observes and re∣cords more largely, as a punishment of their sacrile∣gious Rapine: The Danes hereupon made Egbert king of Northumberland, as a Tributary and Viceroy un∣der them: Sic Northumbria bellico jure obtenta barbaro∣rum dominium multo post tempore pro conscientiâ liber∣tatis Ingemuit, writes Malmesbury de Gestis Regum Angliae, l. 2. c. 3. p. 42.

These rebellious Northumberlanders about 7 years after, uno conspirantes consilio, expelled Egbert the Realm by unanimous consent, together with Archbishop Wilfer, * 1.185 making one Richius King in his Place; the Danes both then and long after possessing and wasting their Coun∣try, and slaughtering them with fire and sword (as the * 1.186 Marginal Historians record) more then any other parts of the Iland, by a just divine punishment for their manifold Treasons, Seditions, Factions, Rebellions against, and Murders of their Soveraigns.

In the year e 1.187 868. a great Army of these vi∣ctorious plundering Danes, marched out of the King∣dome * 1.188 of Northumberland to Nottingham, which they took, and there wintered; Whereupon Beorred (or Brithred) King of Mercians, Onmesque ejusdem gentis Optimates, and all the Nobles of that Nation as∣sembled together, Where the King, Consilium habu∣it cum suis Comitibus, & comilitonibus, & omni po∣pulo

sibi subjecto, Quasitèr inimicos bellicâ virtute exuperaret, sive de Regno expelleret; held a Council with his Earls and fellow Souldiers, and all the people sub∣ject to him, how he might vanquish these Enemies with mi∣litary power, or drive them out of the Realm: By whose advice, he sent Messengers to Ethelred King of the * 1.189 West-Saxons, and to his Brother Elfrid, humbly re∣questing them, that they would assist and joyn with him against the Danish Army; which they easily condescen∣ing to, gathered a very great Army together out of all parts, and joyning all together with Beorred and his forces, marched to Nottingham, unanimously, with a a resolution to give the Danes battel; who sheltering themselves under the works of the Castle and Town, refused to fight with them; whereupon they besieged them in the Town, but being unable to break the Walls, they concluded a Peace at last with the Danes, upon condition, that they should relinquish the Town, and march back again into Northumberland, which they did; where their Army continued the whole year following, in & about York, debacchans & insaniens, oc∣cidens & perdons perplurimos viras & muli••res.

f 1.190 Abbot Ingulphus records; that during the siege of Nottingham, King Beorred, (as he stiles him) at the re∣quest of Earl Algar the younger (who was very gracious with him and the other Kings causâ suae nobilis militiae) granted a Charter of Confirmation, not only of all the Lands, Advowsons, Possessions, which this Earl, with * 1.191 other particular persons and Kings had given to the Abby of Croyland, but likewise of all their former Privileges, confirming all their Ilands, Marishes, Churches, Chapels, Mannors, Mansions, Cottages, Woods, Lands, Meadows, (therein specified) to God and Saint Guthlae for ever, Libera & Soluta, & emancipata ab omni onere terreno, & servitio seculari, in Eleemo∣fynam aeternam perpetuo possidendam. Which Char∣ter hath this memorable exordium, expressing the mo∣tives

inducing this King to grant it.

Beorredus largiente Dei gratiâ Rex Merc••orum, om∣nibus provinciis, & populis earum universam Mer∣ciam inhabitantibus, & fidem Catholicam conser∣vantibus salutem sempiternam, in Domino nostro. Jesu Christo. Quoniam peccatis nostris exigentibus, manum Domini super nos extensum, quotidiè cum virgâ ferreâ cernimus cervicibus nostris imminere, Necessarium nobis & salubre arbitror, piis sanctae matris ecclesiae precibus Eleemosynarumque liberis largitionibus iratum Dominum placatum reddere, et dignis devotionibus ejus gratiam in nostris necessita∣tibus auxiliariam implorare, Ideoque et ad petitionem strenui Comitis, mihi meritoque dilectissimi, concessi regio Chirographo meo Theodoro Abbati Croyland, Tam donum dicti Comitis Algari, quam dona aliorum fi∣delium praeterit orum ac praesentium, &c. And it concludes thus. Istud Regium Chirographum meum, Anno Incarnationis Domini nostri Jesu Christi, 868. Calendis Augusti apud Snothingham coram fratribus, & amicis, & omni populo meo in obsidione Paga∣norum congregatis, sanctae crucis munimine confir∣mavi,

Then follow the subscriptions and confirmati∣ons of Ceolnoth Archbishop of Canterbury, 5. Bishops, 3. Abbots, Ethelred king of West-Saxons, and Alfred his Brother, Edmund kingof East-Angle, 2 Dukes, and twelve Earls, who all ratified this Charter.

After which Charter confirmed, this king Beorred renders special thanks to all his Army, for their assistance against the Danes, especially to the Bishops, Abbots, and other inferior Ecclesiastical Persons, for their voluntary assistance of him in those wars against these Enemies, nor∣withstanding his Fathers exemption of them by his Char∣ter from all military expeditions and secular services: thus recorded by g 1.192 Ingulphus, and most worthy ob∣servation.

Ego Beorredus Rex Merciorum, Intimo animi af∣fectu,

totisque praecordiis gratias exolvo specia∣les, omni exercitui meo; maximè tamen Viris Ec∣clesiasticis, Episcopis & Abbatibus, aliis etiam in∣ferioribus status & dignitatis. Qui licèt piis∣simae * 1.193 memoriae, Rex quondam Ethelwulfus pater mens, per sacratissimam Chartam suam, ab omni ex∣peditione militari vos liberos reddiderit, & ab omni servitio saeculari penitus absolutos••; dignissimâ ta∣men miseratione super oppressiones Christianae ple∣bis Ecclesiarumque, & Monasteriorum destructic∣nes luctuosas, benignissimè compassi, contra nefan∣dissimos Paganos in exercitum domini prompti & spontanei convenistis, ut tanquam Martyres, Chri∣sti cultus sanguine vestro augeatur, & barbarorum superstitiosa crudelitas effugetur.

From these last Passages, it is apparent: first, That in those days our Saxon Kings made War and Peace by the advice and consent of their Nobles and Parliamen∣tary great Councils. 2ly. That in cases of common in∣vasion and danger by forein Enemies, all the for∣ces raised, and ways and means to resist them, were concluded on by advice and consent of these great Councils, and not by the kings absolute power. 3ly. That all, or most Church-men and their Church-lands, in those days, were absolutely freed and discharged from all military, expeditions, Contributions, Aids and Assistance against Enemies, by express Charters, but only such as themselves voluntarily and freely contri∣buted in cases of incumbent great Danger and Necessi∣ty, without compulsion; for which their kings ren∣dred them special and hearty thanks; acknowledging and confirming these their Immunities, not violating them upon such Necessities, as this Notable passage of Ingulphus attests, together with that of h 1.194 Mat. West. An. 867. Concerning Alstan Bishop of Sherborne, * 1.195

a man of very great Power and Counsel in the Realm: Contra Danos quoque quitunc primò insulam infestabam, Regis Aethelulfi saevitiam exacuit; Ipse ex fisco pecuni∣am accipiens, ipse excercitum componens, Martiis felix eventibus contra hostes bella plurima constanter * 1.196 peregit: receiving Mony out of the Kings Exchequer (not the Peoples Purses or Conrributions) to manage these Wars and not warring on his own expences. 4ly. That the Nobles, Gentry, and People of the Realm, were the only standing Militia in that Age, to defend it against forein Enemies in times of danger or actual invasion; when they marched out of their own Coun∣ties against them, voluntarily and freely adventuring their lives for defence of their King, Country, Religi∣on, Liberties, Properties; as they did at this siege of Nottingham, and during all the long-lasting Danish Wars, Invasions, and Depredations both by Land and Sea. 5ly. That our Christian Kings, Nobles, and great Councils of those days, in times of greatest danger, Invasion and Wars, held it most seasonable and neces∣sary to confirm and enlarge the Churches Patrimony, Liberties, and Privileges, thereby to stir up their Clergy-men more earnestly to assist them with their Prayers; not to diminish, invade or infringe them, un∣der * 1.197 pretext of Real inevitable necessity and danger (the practice of late and present times) Whereupon they granted and, confirmed this forecited Charter in the very Armi•• during the siege of Notingham, be∣fore all the Kings, Princes, Prelates, Dukes, Earls, and people there present.

l 1.198 In the year 870. Inguar and Hubba, with the rest of the Danes comming into Kesteven in Lineoln-shire, wasting and slaying all the Country with fire and sword, thereupon Earl Algarus, Osgot Sheriff of Lincoln, and all the Gentry and People in those parts, with the Band of the Abby of Croyland (••nder the Command of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Monk, formerly a Souldier) consisting of 200 stout

men, (most of them Fugitives thither for Sanctuary) uniting all their forces together in Kesteven, on the Feast of St. Maurice, fought with the Danes, and slew 3 of their Kings, with a great multitude of their for∣ces. That night the other Danish Kings (dispersed abroad to pillage the Country) wirh a great booty & many cap∣tains, coming to the tents of their routed Companions, with a numerous Army, were inraged with the slaugh∣ter of their Confederates, in their absence: Whereup∣on most of the English secretly fled away from the Earl and their Captains in the night through fear: who early in the morning having heard divine Offices, and recei∣ving the Sacrament, resolved not to retreat, but manfully to fight with the Danes (though not above 700 to their many thousands) being most ready to die for the defence of the faith of Christ and of their Country: Whereupon the Danes assailing them with great mul∣titudes and fury, they all standing and fighting close together, valiantly susteined their assaults from morning till evening, without giving ground. Upon which the Danes to sever them, purposely feigned a Flight, and began to leave the Field: Hereupon the English, contrary to the commands of their Captains, dissolving their Ranks, and dispersing themselves to pursue the Danes, they suddenly returned and slew most of the English, who fought gallantly with them to the last gasp, some few of them only escaping; After which the Danes marching to the Abby of Croyland, put the Abbot with all the Monks and Persons they there found (one Child excepted) to the Sword, after they had extremely tortured them to discover where their Trea∣sures were; broke up all the Tombs, pillaged and burnt the Abby, with all the Edifices thereof, leaving it a mee•• ruinous heap; then marching on, laying all the Country waste before them with fire and Sword, spa∣ring neither person, age, nor sex, they cast down, burnt, destroyed, and levelled to the Ground the goodly

Monasteries of Bradney, Peterborough, Huntingaon, E∣ly, with sundry others, murthering as well all the Monks as Nuns therein, which their merciless Swords, after they had first polluted them. To avoid whose barbarous rape, m 1.199 Ebba Abbess of Coldingham and her Nuns (by her example and perswasion) cut off their upper Lips, and Noses, to deform themselves to their lasci∣vious eyes; which bloody Spectable preserved their Chastity from their Lust; but not their Monasterie or bodies from their Cruelty, they burning them and their Nunnery to Ashes. * 1.200

After which, the same year Inguar and Hubba mar∣ched * 1.201 against St. Edmund, who in the year 855. was chosen King of the East Saxons Ab omnibus Regionis illius magnatibus et (populis, by all the Nobles and People of that Realm (being sprung from the antient Royal blood of the Saxons) and compelled to take the Government on him much against his will, being then but 13 years old, and consecrated King by Bishop Humbert in the Royal Town called Bury. The reason of their malice to this King, (as some of our Historians write) was this, that he was maliciously accused to have murthered their Father Lothbroc, driven by a sudden storm in a small boat into England as he was hawking at Fowl, by this Kings Faulkoner: who ha∣ving murthered himself out of meer malice, was by judgement of the Knights and Lawyers banished the Realm, and put alone into Lothbrocs Boat, without Oare or Sails for murthering him, and so sent to Sea; being driven in it into Denmark, to excuse himself, he maliciouslie accused the King of this Murther, to these his Sons; Who thereupon invaded England with an Army to revenge their Fathers death. And the Reason why they at this time so ex∣traordinarily prevailed, aud over-run the Land, was The Civil Discords, Wars, and Emutations amongst the Saxon kings; who either out of Malice or Ambition to advance their own Dominion, or base unworthy

fears, would rather induce these common Enemies to over-run them, than assist one another against them; which n 1.202 William of Malmesburie thus expresseth. Me∣minerit interea lector, quod interim Reges Merciorum et Northanimbrorum, captata occasione adventus Dano∣rum, quorum bellis Ethelredus insudabat, a servitio West-Saxonum respirantes, domina••ionem suam penè asseruerant. Ardebant ergo cunctae saevis popularibus provinciae, unusquisque Regum inimicos magis in suis sedibus sustinere, quam compatriotis Laborantibus o∣pem porrigere curabat: Ita dum maluit ivindicare, quam praevenire injuriam, socordiâ suâ exanguem red∣diderunt Patriam. Dani sine obstaculo succressere; dum et provincialibus timor incresceret, et proxima quae{que} victoria per additamentum Capti••orum, instru∣mentum sequentis fieret, &c. Northanimbri jamdudum civilibus dissentionibus fluctuantes, adventante hoste correxerunt discordiam. Itaque Osbirthum Regem quem expulerant, in solium reformantes, magnosque mo∣liti paratus, obviam procedunt; sed facilè pulsi, infra Urbem Eboracum se includunt: quâ mox à victoribus succensâ, cum laxos crines effusior flamma produceret, tota depascens maenia, ipsi quo{que} conflagrati, patriam ossibus texêre suis, Mercii non semel obtriti, obsidatu miserias suas levaverunt. At vero Ethelredus multis laboribus infractus obiit: Orientalium Anglorum pagi, cum ur∣bibus et vicis à praedonibus possessi; Rex eorum sanctus Edmundus, ab eisdem interemptust Anno Dominicae In∣carnationis 870. 12 Calendas Decembris, temporaneae mor∣tis compendio regnum emit aeternum.

The manner of King Edmunds Martyrdom o 1.203 Histo∣rians * 1.204 thus relate. An. 870. Hinguar King of the Danes invading King Edmunds Realm with a great Power sent a Messenger to King Edmund to demand the half of his Treasure and Wealth, and that he should hold his Realm under him; threatning otherwise to waste his Kingdom and extirpate him and his People. Sed nimis fraudulen∣tèr

Hinguar thesauros exigebat, qui Clementissimi Regis caput potius quam pecunias sitiebat, writes q 1.205 Matthew Westminster. Whereupon Bishop Hum∣bert advising him to fly from the Danes (who approach∣ed with their forces towards him) to save his life, The King wished; Would to God that I might preserve the lives of my Subjects, for whom I desire to lay down my life; for this is my chiefest wish, that I may not survive my faithfull Subjects, and most dear friends, which this Cru∣el Pirate hath theevishly slain; neither will I stain my glory by fl••ght, who never yet sustained the reproaches of Wa••re. The Heavenly King also is my Witness, that no fear of the Barbarians shall separate me from the Love of Christ, whether living or dead. Then turning to the Messenger of Hinguar, he said, Thou art worthy to suffer the punishment of death, being wet with the blood of my people; But imitating the example of my Christ, If it should so happen, I am not afraid wil∣lingly to die for them; Return therefore speedily to thy Master, and carry my answers to him: Although thou takest away my Treasures and riches which the Divine Cle∣mency hath given me, by thy power; yet thou shalt never subject me to thy infidelity: for it is an honest thing to de∣fend perpetual liberty, together with purity of Reli∣gion fo•• which also, if there be need, we think it not un∣profitable to die: Therefore, as thy proud cruelty hath begun, after the servants slaughter cut thou the Kings throat; because the King of Kings seeing these things, will translate * 1.206 me into Heaven, there to reign eternally. The Messen∣ger departing, the King commanded his Souldiers to run to their Arms, affirming, that it was a worthy thing to fight both for their Faith and Country ••est * 1.207 they should prove deserters of their Realm, and betray∣ers of the people. And being incouraged by Bishop Humbert, his Nobles, and fellow Souldiers, he march∣ed against the Enemy, and near Thedford fought a bloody battel with the Danes, from morning to night,

the place being all dyed red with the blood of the slain. At which grievous sight King Edmund was much grieved, not only for the great slaughter of his own Souldiers fight∣ing for their Country & native liberty, & the faith of Jesus Christ, & so already Crouned with Martyrdome: But likewise for the death of the Barbarous Infidels, sent down to Hell in great numbers; which he overmuch lamented. After which battel, retiring to Hegels∣dun with his forces that were left, he immutably re∣solved in his mind, never to fight battel w••th the Enemies more, saying only this; that it was necessary that he a∣lone should die for the People, and not the whole Na∣tion perish. Soon after Hinguars Army being recru∣ted by the access of Hubba to him, with ten thousand men, he marched to Hegelsdun, and surrounded it, that none might escape thence; Whereupon King Edmund flying to the Church, and casting down his temporal Armes, humbly prayed the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost to give him constancy in his passion: Then the Danish Souldiers seising on him, brought him from the Church before Hinguar, by whose command he was tyed to a tree hard by, cruelly whipped a long time, then shot through with Darts, wherewith his Body was stuck full; after which, being taken from the tree, his Head was cut off from his Body, with a bloody sword by the Barbarous Executioner appointed for that purpose; and so he died a most glorious Martyr for his Kingdom, Country, Subjects, and Religion: to whose memory a famous Monastery was after built; Of which William of Malmesbury de Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 13. p. 89. gives this Relation;

Quibus Artibus Edmundus ita sibi omnis Britanniae devinxit incolas, ut beatum se in primis astruat, qui Coenobium illius, vel nummo vel valenti illustraret. Ipsi quoque Reges aliorum Domini, servos se illius gloriantur, & coronam ei re∣giam missitant, magno si uti volunt redimentes com∣mercio. Exactores vectigalium qui alibi Bacchan∣tur

fas nefasque juxta metientes ibi supplices, ci∣tra * 1.208 ••ossa um sancti E••mundi, litigationes sistunt, ex∣perti multorum paenam, qui perseverandum puta∣runt;

which I wish our Tax-Exactors, and Excisers would now remember.

Whiles the Danes were thus wasting the Kingdoms of Northumberland and the East-Saxons with Fier and * 1.209 Sword, and martyring King Edmund [x] Beorred king * 1.210 of Mercians was busied in warring against the Britains, who infested the Western parts of his Realm: But hearing the Danes had invaded the Eastern part of his Kingdom, he came to London, and gathering a great Army together, marching with it through the Eastern quarters of his Realm, he applyed the whole Isle of Ely to his Exchequor, taking into his hands all the lands formerly belonging to the Monastery of Medehamsted, lying between * 1.211 Stamford, Huntindon and Wisebeck, assigning the Lands more remote, lying scattered through the Country, to his Souldiers. The like he did with the Lands of the Monastery of St. Pega of Rikirk; retaining certain of them to himself, and giving some of them to his Souldiers. And the like did he with the Lands of all other Mona∣steries, destroyed totally by the Danes: whose Lands by Law * 1.212 esch••ated to the Crown, and those Lords, whose predecestors founde•• and endowed them, by the slaughter and chasing away of all the Monks & Nuns & burning of the Monasteries; whose Lands thereupon were resumed and confiscated to the Kings Exche∣quer: Et cum caetera Monasteria per Danorum ferocita∣tem funditus destructa, Regali fisco fuerant ascripta, denuo et assumpta, omnibus Monachis eorum neca∣tis, perditis, seu penitus fugatis, as Ingulphus in∣forms us of the Reason; yet many of the Monks of Croyland escaping the Danes fury, and returning soon after thither again, electing a new Abbot, and repair∣ing their Monastery by degrees, as well as that exi∣gency would permit, thereupon they enjoyed the sight

of the whole Abby, and the Isle of Croyland, with the self same Liberties and Privileges they had from the be∣ginning, dischardged from all secular services, during all the time of this their desolation, & the Danish wars, till the time of its restoration; & after that till Ingulphus time, as he records. Notwithstanding, because many of the Monks were slain, and the Abby burnt down & demolish∣ed by the Danes, King Beorred thereupon seised some of their lands into his own hands, & gave other of their Lands more remote from the Abby to his stipendiary Soldiers.

And although venerable Abbot Godric, took very much paines, frequently demanding restitution of them both from King Beorred & his Souldiers, and very often shewed the Charters of the Donors, & the confirmations of former Kings, together with, his own proper Charter, to this Kings, yet he received always nothing but empty words, from & him them: whereupon he at last utterly despaired of their restitution. Perceiving therefore the overmuch malice of the times, et Militiam * 1.213 Regis Terrarum cupidissimam, and the Kings Militia, and Soldiers most covetous of Lands, he resolved with himself in conclusion to passe by these Royal Donations Surdo Tempore, in a deaf time; being over-glad & re∣joycing, that the Kings grace had granted the whole Island lying round about the Monastery unto it, free and dischar∣ged from all Regal exactions, much more specially to him then at that time, which had not happened to many other Monasteries. There departed therefore at that time from the Monastery of Croyland these possessions which never retur∣ned to this present day: The Mannor of Spalding given to Earl Adelwulfe, with all its appurtinances: The Mannor of Deeping given to Langfer a Knight, (or Souldier) and * 1.214 the Kings Baker, with all its appurtenances; The Mannor of Croxton given to Fernod a Knight (or Souldier) the Kings Ensign-bearer, with all its appurtenances; The Mannors of Kerketon and Kimerby in Lindesy, with all their appurtenances, given to Earl Turgot; but Bukenhale and Halington, then appropriated to the Exchequer,

were afterwards restored to the said Monastery by the In∣dustry of Turketulus Abbot of Croyland; and the gift of most pious King Edred, the Restorer of them with 12 other Mannors (named by Ingulf.) belonging to Croyland; quas Rex Beorredus Fisco suo assumserat, Which King Beorred had then assumed in his Exchequor. After which K. Beorred passing with his Army into Lindesey, Latissimas Terras Monisterio Bardney (totally ruined by the Danes) Du∣dum Pertinentes Fisco suo accepit, remotas vero in diversis patriis divisas jacentes, Militibus suis dedit. But mark the issue. At last s 1.215 the Danes returning into Mercia Anno 874. wasting and spoiling all the Country with fire and sword, and destroying all Churches and Monasteries, King Beorred, when he beheld all the Land of England, in every corner thereof, wasted with the slaughters and ra∣pines of these Barbarians, vel de victoriâ desperans, vel tot laborum Labyrinthum fastidiens, either despairing of victory, or loathing the labyrinth of so many troubles, left the Kingdom, and went to Rome, where he died few days after, and was there buried in the English School, and his Wife following after him, died in her way to Rome; Some write, he was driven out of his kingdom by the Danes.

Hereupon the t 1.216 Danes, Anno 874. substituted * 1.217 in his place in the Realm of Mercia, one Ceolwulfus, a servant of King Beorreds, an Eglishman by Nation, sed Barbarus impietate; but a Barbarian in impiety. For he swore fealty, and gave pledges to the Danes, Quod tri∣buta imposita eis fidelitèr persolveret, that he would faithfully pay unto them the Tributes they imposed, and that whensoever they would redemand the Kingdom committed to him, He would resign it without any Resistance, under pain of losing his Head. Whereupon he (as Ingulphus records) going round about the Land, paucos Rusticos relictos excoriavit, Mercatores absorbuit, Viduas & Orphanos oppressit, religiosos omnes tanquam con∣scios thesaurorum innumeris tormentis afflixit; plucked off the Skins of the few Countrymen that were left; swallowed

up the Merchants, oppressed the Widows and Or∣phans, and afflicted all Religious Persons, as con∣scious * 1.218 of hidden Treasures, with innumerable tor∣ments: whence amongst very many evils he did, Impo∣posing a Ttibute of a thousand pounds upon Godric, the venerable Abbot of Croyland, and his miserable Freers, he almost undid the Monastery of Croyland.

For no man after that, by reason of the overmuch Poverty of the place, would come to conversion; Yea Abbot Go∣dric being unable to sustain his professed Monks, disper∣sed many of the Monks amongst their Parents and other Friends of the Monastery through all the Country, very few remaining with him in the Monastery, and protra∣cting their life in greatest want. Then all the Cha∣lices of the said Monastery except 3. and all the silver Vessels, besides the Crucible of King Withlasius, and other Jewels very precious, being changed into Mo∣ny, or sold for Mony, were scarce able to satisfie the unsatiable covetousness of Ceolwulfe, the Vice-roy: who at last, by his Lords the Danes, most just in this, (after all his Rapines and Oppressions of the People by un∣just Taxes and imposts) was deposed and stripped na∣ked of all his ill-gotten Treasure, even to his very Privities, and so ended his life most miserably.

And the Kingdom also of the Mercians at this very time, (King Alfred prevailing against the Danes) was united to the Kingdom of the West-Saxons, and remained so united ever after, when it had continued a Kingdom from the first year of Penda (the first King thereof) to the last times of this miserable Viceroy Ceolwulph, a∣bout 230 years: Of which Kingdom a 1.219 William of Malmesbury thus concludes; Ita Principatus Merci∣orum, qui per tumidam gentilis viri insaniam subitó efflo∣ruit, tunc per miseram semiviri ignaviam omninó emar∣cuit, Anno Dom. 875. though Speed post-dates its pe∣riod in the year 886. Whence it is observable, that unjust Rapines, Taxes, Oppressions speedily & sud∣denly destroy both Kings and Kingdoms.

The next year following Anno 876. b 1.220 Halden king of the Danes, seising upon the seditious kingdom of Northumberland, sibi eam, suis{que} Ministris distribuit, illam{que} ab exercitu suo coli fecit auobus Annis; totally dispossessing the seditious, murtherous Northumber∣landers thereof; who but a little before had expelled both their King and Archbishop out of their Realm. This Halden and his Souldiers miserably wasted and destroyed the Churches of God in those parts, for which the wrath of God suddenly f••ll upon Halden; who was not only struck with madnesse of mind, but with such a most loathsome disease in his body, which much torment∣ed him, that the intollerable stink thereof made him so odious & loathsome to his whole Army, that being contem∣ned and cast out by them all, he fled away from Tine, only with three Ships, and soon after perished with all his Plundering, Sacrilegious Followers; The * 1.221 Danes elected Guthred king in his stead, possessing this seditious Realm of Northumberland till dispossessed of it by king Edmund An. 944. who then annexed it to his kingdom.

Our Noble Saxon King c 1.222 Alfred the first anointed king of England, (as glorious for his most excellent Laws, transcendent Justice and civil Government, as for * 1.223 his Martial Exploits, Victories; and for his incom∣parable Piety and extraordinary bounty to the Cler∣gy and Learned men) comming to the Crown Anno Dom. 871, in the years 873, 874, and sundry years fol∣lowing, by common consent of his Wise men, com∣manded long Ships and Gallies to be built, throughout the Realm, and furnished with Mariners, to guard the Seas and encounter the Danish Ships and Pirates, which then infested and wasted the Realm, from time to time: whose forces he often encountred, as well by Sea as by Land, with various success. At last having obtained the * 1.224

Monarchy of all England, and received their Homages and Oaths of Fealty to him, he appointed special Guar∣dians to guard the Seas and Sea-costs in all places; Where∣by he very much freed the Land from the Danes devasta∣tions. About the year 887. (even in the midst of his wars, when Laws use to be silent) he compiled a body of Ecclesia∣stical * 1.225 and Canon Laws out of the sacred Scriptures, and the Laws which his pious predecessors, Ina, Offa, and Ethel∣bert had religiously made and observed; antiquating some of them, retaining, reforming others of them, and adding some new Laws of his own, by the advice and counsel of his wisemen & of the most prudent of his Subjects; the obser∣vation of which Laws was enjoyned by the consent of them * 1.226 all. Wherein certain fines and penalties were prescribed for most particular offences, which might not be altered or exceeded: Amongst other Laws, (as d 1.227) Andrew Horn, and others record) this King and his Wisemen ordain∣ed: That a Parliament twice every year, and oftner in time of Peace, should be called together at London, that therein they might make Laws and Ordinances to keep the People of God from sin, that they might live in peace, and receive right and Justice by certain customs and Holy Judgements; and not be ruled in an arbitrary manner, but by stable known Laws.

And it was then agreed, that the king should have * 1.228 the Soveraignty of all the Land unto the midst of the Sea invironing the Land, as belonging of Right to the Soveraign Jurisdiction of the Crown.

This King, e 1.229 by appointing Hundreds and Tithings through∣out the Realm, with Constables and Tithing men, who were to take sureties, or pledges for the good behaviour of all within their Jurisdictions, or else the hundred to answer all offences & injuries therein committed, both to the party and king, caused such a general peace throughout the Realm; and such security from Robbers and plunderers even in those times of war, That he would hang up golden bracelets in the

High-ways, and none durst touch them, and a ••ir•• might have travelled safely, laden with Gold, from one end of the Realm to the other, without any vi∣olence, f 1.230 Matthew Westminster, and Florence of Wor∣cester record,

That he spent a great part of his time in Compositione legum, Quibus Milvorum Rapacita∣tem Reprimeretur, & simplex ••••denum de otio fir∣maretur; And amongst many other m••morable acts of his Justice, as he frequently examined the Judgements and Proceedings of his Judges and Justices, severely checking them when they gave any illegal Judgement a∣gainst Law and Right, meerly out of Ignorance, of which they were to purge themselves by Oath, that they could judge no better: so he severely punished them when they thus offen∣ded out of Corruption, Partiality and Malice. g 1.231 An∣drew Horn in his Mirrour of Justices records, That he hanged up no less than 44 of his Judges and Justices in one year, as Murtherers and Capital Offenders, princi∣cipally, for their false judgements in condemning and ex∣ecuting sundry of his people against Law, without any lawfull tryal by their Peeres, or Verdict and Iudge∣ment by a sworn Iury; or upon in sufficient evidence, or * 1.232 for Crimes not Capital by the Laws. The names of these Judges with their several offe••ces, you may read at large in Horn. Had those pretended Judges of a new edi∣tion, who of late arraigned, condemned, executed the King, Nobles, Gentlemen and Freemen of England in strange new arbitrary Courts of high Iustice, without any legal Indictment and Tryal by a sworn Jury of their peers; and many of them, for offences not Capi∣tal by any known Lawes or Statutes of the Realm, and upon very slender evidence, lived in this Just Kings reign, they might justly fear he would have hanged them all up, as Murtherers and Capital Malefactors, as well as these 44 Judges, not altogether so peccant in this kind as they: this form of tryal by sworn Juries of their Peers then in use, being since confirmed by the

Great Charters of King John and King Henry the 3, some hundreds of subsequent Statutes, and the Petition of Right not known in Alfreds days.

I find in the Preface to King Alfreds Laws (of which Laws Abbot Ethelred gives this true encomium, Leges * 1.233 Christianissimas & scripsit, & promulgavit, in quibus fides ejus et devotio in deum, sollicitudo in subditos, h 1.234 misericordia in pauperes, Iusticia ci••ca omnes cunctis legentibus pate••) this observable passage: That the A∣postles & elders assembled in a Synod at Jerusalem, Acts 15. in their Epistle to the Churches of the Gentiles, to ab∣stain from things offered unto Idols; added this Summa∣ry of all Laws: And what ye would not to be done to your selves, that doe ye not to others: from which one precept it sufficiently appeareth, unicuique ex aequo jus es∣se reddendum; that right or Law is of Justice to be ren∣dred to every one; neither will there be need of any other Law or Law-book whatsoever, if he who sits Judge upon others, shall only remember this, that he would not himself should pronounce any other sentence against others than what he would should be passed against himself in their Case. But when the Gospel was propa∣gated, many Nations, and amongst them the English, em∣braced the faith of Gods word, there were then held some Assemblies and Councils of Bishops, and other most il∣lustrious * 1.235 Wise men, throughout the World, and like∣wise in England: and these being throughly instructed by Gods mercy, did now first of all, Impose a pecunia∣ry Mulct upon Offenders; and without any Divine Of∣fence, delegated the Office of exacting it to Magistrates, leave being first granted: Only on a Traitor and Deser∣ter of his Lord (or King) they decreed, that this Milder punishment (by pecuniary Mulcts) was not to be in∣flicted: because they thought just, that such a man was not at all to be spared; both because God would have Contem∣ners of him unworthy of all mercy, and likewise because Christ did not at all compassionate them who put him to

death, but appointed the King to be honoured above all others: These therefore in many Councils, singulorum scele∣rum paenas constituerum, ordained the punishments of every kind of offences, and commit••ea them to writing.

From whence it is apparent, First, That all capital, coporal, and pecuniary Mulcts and penalties for any ci∣vil or Ecclesiastical offences whatsoever, inflict∣ed on the Subjects of this Realm, in that and all former ages since they embraced the Gospel, were only such as were particularly defined and prescribed by their Parliamentary Councils, and the Laws there∣in enacted, and not left arbitrary to the King, Judges, or Magistrates, as it appears by the forecited passages of Beda, Malmesbury, Huntindon and Bromton concern∣ing King Ethelberts Laws, part 2. p. 50. by the Laws of King Ina, Lex 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 46, 47, 48, 49, 54, 57, 58, 64, 73, 75, 76, 80. & more specially by the Laws of King Alfred him∣self, Lex 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 48, 51. with the Laws of our other Saxon kings, prescribing particular fines, pecuniary, corporal and capital punishments for all sorts of offences and injuries, to avoid all arbitrary proceedings and censures in such Cases. 2ly. That no imprisonment Corporal, Capital, or pecuniary Mulcts, or punishments whatsoever, justly might, or legally ought to be then inflicted upon any Malefa∣ctors or Trespassers whatsoever, but when, where, and for such offences only, as the known Parliamentary and common Laws then in force, particularly warrant∣ed and prescribed: which penalties and Laws could not be altered nor abrogated, but by Parliamentary Councils only. 3ly. That Common right and Justice, were then to be equally dispensed to all men, by our Kings, Judges, and other Magisttates, according to the Laws then established, in such sort as they would

have them administred to themselves in the like Cases. 4ly. That wilfull Traitors and Deserters of their law∣full Lords & Soveraigns, were not to be spared or par∣doned by the Laws of God or Men, nor yet punished only with sines, but put to death without Mercy: Wherce this Law was then enacted by king Alfred and his Wisemen. i 1.236 Lex 4. Si quis vel ger se ve•• susceptam vel suspectam ••ersonam. De morte Regis tradet, vitae suae reus sit, et omnium quae habebit, and if any fought or drew any weapon in the Kings house, and was ap¦prehended, sit in arbitrio Regis, sit vita, sit mors, sicut ei condonate voluerit, Lex 8. because it might endan∣ger the kings person.

This king Alfred made two special Laws for secu∣ring even Leets, and Inferiour Courts of Iustice from armed violence and disturbances by fighting, which I shall recite.

k 1.237 Lex 41. Si quis coram Alderma••no Regis pug∣net. In publico, emendet Weram & Witam sicut rectum sit, & supra hoc CXX s. ad Witam.

Lex 42. Si quis Folemot id est populi placitum. Ar∣morum exercitione turbabit, emendet Aldermanno CXX s. Witae, id est foris factu••ae.

What Fines and punishments then do they deserve, who not only fight before, and disturb Aldermen and Leets with their Armes, but even disturb, fight, and use their Armes against our Aldermen themselves, yea, all the Aldermen, Peers, and Great men of the Realm, assembled in the highest greatest Parliamentary Coun∣cils, and over-awe, imprison, secure, seclude, and for∣cibly dissolve them at their pleasures? as some of late times have done, beyond all former Presidents.

During the reign of this Noble king Alfred, Gythro the Dane, (sometimes stiled Godrin, or Guthurn) * 1.238 l 1.239 Anno 878. with an invincible Army running over

all the Coasts of England, wasiing the Country, and de∣populating all sacred places wheresoever he came, quicquid in auro et argento rapere potest, Militibus e∣rogavit; and seising upon loca quaeque munita, for∣ced King Alfred (being so distressed that he knew not what to do, nor whither to turn himself) to retire and save himself in the Isle Aethelingie, for a season; till recol∣lecting his scattered Subjects and Forces together, he vanquished Githro and his Army in a set battel at E∣thendune, and then besieging him and his remaining forces 15 dayes in a Castle, to which they fled, com∣pelled them by Famine and the Sword, to make peace with him upon this Condition: ut Regni et Regis infe∣stationem perpetuo abjurarent; That they should per∣petually abjure the infesting of the King and Realm, and that they should turn Christians: which they accordingly performed, Githro, with 30 of the choicest men in his Army being baptized at Alve, 15 days after, king Alfred being their Godfather, and giving him the name of Aethelstane. After which Alfred feasting him and his Captains 12 days in his Court, gave Gi∣thro Eastengland to inhabit, wherein king Edmund reigned, to be held of and under him: Whereupon Gi∣thro and his Danes An. 879. leaving Cirencenster marched into the East parts of England, which he divided a∣mongst his Souldiers, who then began to inhabit it by Alfreds donation.

Upon this accord, or some time after, King Alfre and Gythro, by the Common consent of their Great Councils and wise men, made and enacted certain civil and Ecclesiastical Laws, for the government of their People and Realms, recorded in Bromton, Lambert, and Spel∣man, where those who please may peruse them: the Prologue and 2 first Laws whereof, I shall only re∣cite, as both pertinent to my purpose, and seasonable * 1.240 for our times, much opposing the Magistrates coer∣cive power in matters relating to God and Religi∣on.

m 1.241

Hoc est consili••m quod Alredus Rex et Godrinus Rex eligerunt, et condixerunt, quando Angli et Dani ad pacem et concordiam plenè convenerunt, et Sapientes, et qui posteà successerunt, saepiùs Hoc est assid••è renovantes, in bonum semper adduxe∣runt.

Cap. 1. Inprimis est, ut unum Deum diligere velint, et omni Paganismo sedulo renunciare: et instituerunt se∣cularem Iustitiam, pro eo quod sciebant, quod non po∣terant multos alitèr castigare: plures verò Nolebant ad Dei cultum sicut deberent ali••è. Inclinari; et secu∣larem emendationem instituerunt, communem Chri∣sto, et Regi, ubicunque Recusabitur Lex Dei justè ser∣vari secundum dictionem Epis••opi. Et hoc est primum edictum Ecclesiae, Pax intra parietes suos, ut Regis Hand∣grith, semper inconvulsa permaneat.

Cap. 2. Siquis Christanitatem suam malè mutat, vel Paganismum veneretur verbis vel operibus, reddat sic Weram, sic Witam, sic Lashlyte, secundum quod factum sit▪ that is, Let him be fined, and ransomed accor∣ding to the quality of his offence.

This Noble King Alfred (who fought no lesse than 46 bloody Battels with the Danes by Land and Sea for his Countries Liberties) Although he was in∣volved in perpetual Wars and Troubles with the Danish Invaders all his daies, as our Historians and this his n 1.242 Epitaph Demonstrates,

Nobilitas innata tibi, probitatis Honorem Armipotens Alurede dedit, Probitas{que} laborem; Perpetuumque Labor nomen; cui mixta dolori Gandia semper erant, spes semper mixta timori; Si modò victus er at, ad crastina bella parabat: Si modò victor erat, ad crastina bella pavebat. Cui vestes sudore jugi, cui sica cruore Tincta jugi, quantum sit onus regnare probarunt. Non fuit immensi quisquam per climata mundi

Cui tot in adversis vel respirare liceret. Nec tamen aut ferro contritus ponere Ferrum Aut Gladio potuit vitae fiuisse Labores. I am post transactos Regni vitaeque Labores Christus ei fit vera quies sceptrumque perenne.

Yet o 1.243 these things are remarkable in him. 1. That he most exactly and justly governed his people by and according to his and his Predecessors known Laws, in the midst of all his Wars; not by the harsh Laws of Conquest and the largest Sword. 2. That he advanced Learning and all sorts of Learned Men, erecting Schools of Learn∣ing, and the famous University of Oxford; which he founded, or at least refounded when decayed, in the heat of all his Wars and Troubles. 3. That he was so far from spoyling the Church and Churchmen, or any o∣ther his Subjects of their Lan••s, Tithes or Reve¦nues to maintain his perpetual Wars against the im∣pious Pagan Danes, who destroyed all Churches and Religious, as well as other Houses, where ever they came; that he not only prepared, adorned, endow∣ed many old deoayed Churches and Monasteries, but likewise in the year 888, he built two new Mona∣steries of his own, at Ethelingei and Shaff••esbury, and en∣dowed them with ample riches and possessions; and by sundry Charters gave several Lands to the Churches of Durham, Worcester, and Canterbury. Moreover he not only duly paid Tithes and other Duties to the Church himself, but also by his Laws, enjoyned all his Subjects under sundry mulcts, justly to pay Tithes and Churchels to their Priests and Ministers, with all other Duites and Oblations belonging to the Church for the maintenance of the Ministers and Gods worship: together with Peterpence for the maintenance of the Eng∣lish School at Rome; prohibiting all men to invade the Churches Rights and Possessions under severe penalties. 4.

That he equally divided all his annual Revenues in∣to

two equal parts: The first moity was for Pious u∣ses, which he subdivided into three parts. The first parcel he bestowed in Almes, to relieve the poor both at home and in forein parts; The second, he be∣stowed on Religious Houses and Persons; The third, he gave towards the maintenance of Schools, Scho∣lars, Doctors, and learned Men of all sorts, resort∣ing to and liberally rewarded by him according to their merits. The other moity was for civil uses, which he likewise divided into 3 equal portions. The first he gave unto his Souldiers; whom he divi∣ded into 3 Squadrons: The first Squadron, which were Horse, waited one month on him at his Court, (as his Life-guard) whiles the other two were im∣ployed in military expeditions in the Field: And when their month expired, they all returned from the wars, and then another new Company succeed∣ed them; And when their Month was ended, they returning to their Houses, the other Company succeed∣ed them. And so they successively kept their monthly courses during all his Reign, being one month in actu∣al service, and two months at home about their own affairs. The second part he gave to his Workmen and Artificers of all sorts, skilfull in all Worldly af∣fairs. The third part he gave to Strangers in Royal Gifts and Presents, and that as well to the Rich as Poor. Besides, he had a very great Care Ne à Viceco∣mitibus et Ministris pauperes opprimere••tur, et indebitis exactionibos gravarentur; That the poor people should not be oppressed by Sheriffs and other Offi∣cers, nor burthened with unjust Exactions or Con∣tributions; Yea by his large Almes and Gifrs he sent * 1.244 to Rome, he procured the English School to be fréed from all Taxes and Tributes by the Popes special Bull.

And we never read he imposed the least pub∣lick Tax upon his Subjects during all his wars and Ex∣igences, by his own Regal Power, upon any pretext

of publick Necessity, Danger, Defence or Safety of the Realm against the Numerous Invading, plundering Danish forces both by Sea and Land; Which our late and present Aegyptian Tax-masters may do well to consider.

In the year of our Lord 894. this King Alfred and * 1.245 Guthurn the Dane, gave to the Church of St. Cutbert in Durham, all the Lands between Weor and Tyne, for a perpetual Succession, free from all Custome and secu∣lar Services, with all Customes, Saca, and Socua, and infaugtheof thereunto belonging, with sundry other Privile∣ges, * 1.246 which they ordained to be perpetually observed, Non solum Anglorum sed et Danorum consentiente et col∣laudante exercitu; by the consent and approbation of the ARMY, not only of the English but Danes also: Has Leges & haec Statuta (which proves that it was done by a Parliamentary Counsell then held in both their Ar∣mies,) Quicunqu•• quolibet nisu Infringere praesumpserint, eos in perpetuum, nisi emendaverint, Gehennae Ignibus puni∣endos, anathematizando, Sententia omnium contradidit.

I pretermit the q 1.247 Welsh Synods held under the Bi∣shops of Landaff during King Alfreds Reign (as Sir Henry Spelman conjecture••, in whom the Reader may peruse them) where in the Bishop of Landaff and his Clergy excommunicated some of their petty Welsh Kings for Murder, Perjury, violating the Churches Patri∣mony; and Injuring the Bishops family; who upon their Repentance and Reconciliation gave all of them some parcels of Land to the Church of Landaff. The rather because I conceive them fabulous, there being no such form of Excommunication used in those daies, as r 1.248 Sir Henry Spelman proves, nor any such Episcopal Synods held in England under King Alfred himself.

The barbarous Danes having throughout all England with fire and sword utterly wasted and destroyed all Cities, Towns, Castles, Monasteries, Churches, put most of the Bishops, Abbots, Clergy to the Sword, and almost quite deleted the knowledge of Learning and Religi∣on

out of the whole Nation; insomuch that there were very few spiritual persons on this side Humber, who could either understand the Common prayers in the English tongue, or translate anywriting out of latine into English; yea so few, that there was not so much as one man on the South-side of the Thames that could do it, till King Alfred after his Conquest of the Danes in the latter part of his Reign) restored Learning and Religi∣on again by Degrees;

as this King himself records in expresse terms, in his Epistle to Bishop Wulsug, by way of Preface to his own Translation of Gregories Pastorals into the English Saxons Language.

King Alfred deceasing, his Son Edward sur∣named the Elder, s 1.249 succeeding his Father in the * 1.250 year of Christ 901, thereupon Prince Aethelwald his Uncles Son, aspiring to the Crown without the consent of the King and Nobles of the Realm, seised upon Ox∣lie and Winburne: whereupon King Edward marching with his Armie against him to Bath, he fled from Win∣burne to the Danes in Northumberland for assistance: who being glad thereof, they all make him King and Prince over all their Kings and Captains: Whereupon they invading Essex and Mercia, King Ed. raised a great Army, chased them into Northumberland, and harrowed the whole Country to the Lakes of Northumberland; where the Kentishmen remaining (contrary to the Kings Command, and Messengers sent to them) after the retreat of the rest of the Army; The Danish Army upon this advantage setting upon them, they gallantly defending themselves, slew their new King Aethel∣wald, with King Eorit, and sundry of their chief Com∣manders, and many of their Souldiers, though they lost the field. This King and Edelfled his Sister, Queen of Mercians, to prevent the frequent eruptions, plun∣ders the Danes, repaired many old ruinated Towns, and built many new ones in convenient places, which they re∣plenished with Souldiers, to protect the Inhabitants and re∣pell

the Enemies, whereby the Common people we••e so incou∣raged, and became such good Souldiers, that if they heard of the Enemies approach, they would fight and rout them, Rege etiam & Ducibus inconsultis in certamen rue∣rent, * 1.251 eisque semper numero & scientia praeliandi prae∣starent, ita hostes contemptui milit••bus, Regi risui e∣rant, as Malmesbury writes. The Country people themselves fighting with the Danes at Ligetune, put them to flight, recovered all the prey they had taken, and likewise the Danes Horses, as they likewise did in some other parts. Amongst other places, this King repaired the walls of Colchester, put warlike men in it, & certum eis stipendium assignavit; and assigned them a certain stipend, as Mat, Westm. records, neither he, nor other our Historians making mention of assigned wa∣ges, to any other Garrisons or Souldiers in that age; At last the Danes in most places throughout England, per∣ceiving King Edwards power and wisdom, submitted themselves unto him, elected him for their King and Pa∣tron, and swore homage and fealty to him; as likewise did the Kings of Scotland, Northumberland, and Wales.

In the year of Grace 905. This t 1.252 King Edward * 1.253 assembled a Synod of the Senators of the English Nation, as Malmesbury, or a great Council of Bishops, Abbots, and faithfull people (as Matthew Westminster, and others stile it) in the Province of the Gewisii; which by reason of the Enemies incursions had been desti∣tute of a Bishop for 7 years space. Whereupon the King and Bishops in this Council, taking good advice, made this wholsom constitution; That instead of 2 Bishops, whereof one had his Sea at Winchester, the other at Schireburn, 5 Bishops should be created; ne Grex Domini, absque cu∣ra Pastorali, luporum incursionibus quateretur: Where∣upon they in this Council elected 5 Bishops; to wit Frithstan, for Winchester; Athelin for Schireburn; Aedulfe for Wells; Werstan for Crideton, and Herstan for Corn∣wal; assigning them their several Sees and Diocess; and * 1.254

two other Bishops for Dorchester and Cirencester, all consecrated by Archbishop Plegmond at Canterbury in one day. Wil. of Malmesb. and some others write, that this Council was summoned upon the Letter of Pope Formosus, who excommunicated king Edward with all his Subjects, * 1.255 for suffering the Bishopricks of Winton and Scireburn to be void for 7 years space together: But this must needs be a great mistake, since Pope Formosus was dead ten years before this Council, and before these Bisho∣pricks became void, and his pretended Epistle to the Bishops of England makes no mention at all of the king, as Sir Henry Spelman well observes.

In the year 906. u 1.256 king Edward made a Peace and firm agreement with the Danes of Northumberland, and * 1.257 East-England, at Intingford, when (as some think) he and Guthurn the Dane reconfirmed the Civil and Eccle∣siastical Laws formerly made and ratified by his Father King Alfred and Guthurn. But Guthurn dying in the year 890, full eleven years before this Edward was king, could not-possibly ratifie these Laws at the time of this Accord, being 16 years after his decease, as the Title and Prologue to those Laws in Mr. Lambard and Spel∣man erroneously affirm; wherefore, I conceive, that this confirmation of these Laws was rather made in * 1.258 the year 921. when all our Historians record; that after king Edward (Anno 910. had sent an army into Nor∣thumberland, against the perfidious and rebellious Danes, slain and taken many of them Prisoners, and miserably wa∣sted their Country for 4 days space, for breaking their for∣mer Agreement with him: after his Sister Aegelfled, An. 919. had forced the Danes at York to agree, and swear, that they would submit to her and her Brothers pleasure in all things; and after Edward had vanquished the other Danes, Scotch and Welsh in many Battles; thereupon, in the yeat 921. the king of Scots, with all his Nati∣on, Stredded king of Wales, with all his people, et Reg∣naldus (or Reginaldus) Reginald King of the Danes, with all the English and Danes inhabiting Northumber∣land

(of which Reginald then was King) comming to King Edward, An. 921. submitted themselves unto him, elect∣ed him for their Father and Lord, and made a firm Cove∣nant with him; And therefore I conjecture that Guthur∣nus in the Title and Preface of these Laws, is either mistaken, or else mis-written for Reginaldus then King of these Northern Danes, who had no King in the year 906, that I can read of in our Historians.

x 1.259 Abbot Ethelred, gives this Encomium of this Kings transcendent modesty and justice, Rex Edwar∣dus, vir mansuetus et pius, omnibus am abilis et affabilis, adeò omnium in se provocabat affectum, ut Scotti, Cum∣bri, Walenses, Northumbri, et qui remanserant Daci, eum non tàm in Dominum ac Regem, quam in Patrem eum omni devotione eligerent. Tanta dehinc Modestia regebat Subditos, tanta Justitia inter proximum et proximum ju∣dicabat, ut contra veritatem non dico nihil velle, sed nec pos∣se videretur; unde fertur quibusdam iratus dixisse; di∣co vobis, si possem vicem vobis redidissem, Quid non posset Rex in Subditos, Dominus in Servos, Potens in infirmos, Dux in milites? Sed quicquid non di∣ctabat aequitas, quicquid veritati repugnabat, quic∣quid non permittebat Justitia, quicquid Regiam mansuetudinem non decebat, Sibi credebat impossi∣bile.

I wish all our modern domineering Grandees would imitate his presidential Royal Example. Yet I read of one injurious Act done by him, y 1.260 After the decease of his renowned Sister Elfleda, Queen of Mer∣cia, Anno 920. he dis-inherited her only Daughter Alfwen (or Elwyn▪ his own Neece) of the Dominion of all Mercia, who held that Kingdom after her Mother, seising and Garrisoning Tamesworth, and Nottingham first, and then disseising her of all Mercia, uniting it to his own Realms, and removing her thence into West-Sex. Magis ••urans an utili••èr vel in utilitèr, Quan an juste vel injustè: Writes Henry Humingdon. * 1.261

which innrious action, Si violanda sit fides regni cau∣sâ violanda, will not excuse.

The Chronicle of Bromton records, that King Edward as he inlarged the bounds of his Kingdom * 1.262 more than his Father; So Leges condidit, he likewise made Laws to govetn it: which are there registred to Posterity in two parcels, as made at several times, but in what year of his Reign this was, it informs us not, The first of these Laws, declaring his zeal to publick Justice, according to the Laws then in Force, is this.

Edwardus Rex mandat et praecipit omnibus Praefectis et Amicis suis, ut Justa judicia judicent, quam rectio∣ra possint, Et in judiciali Libro stant; nec parcant nec dissimulent pro aliqua Re Populi Rectum et jus publicum recitare; et unum quodque placitum terminum habeat quando peragatur, quod tunc recitabitur.

The first Chapter of the second part of his Laws inti∣mates, that they were made by his Wtse men assembled in a Parliamentary Council at Exeter; witness the con∣tents thereof.

Edwardus Rex admonuit Omnes Sapientes quando fuerunt Exoniae, ut investigarent simul et quaererent; * 1.263 quomodo pax eo rum melior esse possit quàm anteà fuit; quia visumest ei, quod hoc impletum sit aliter quam deceret, et quam aute à praecepisset, Inquisivit it aque qui ad emendationem velint redire, et in societate permanere quâ ipse sit, et a∣mare quod amat, et nolle quod nolit, in Mari & in Terrâ. Hoc est tunc, Ne Quisquam rectum difforceat alicui. Siquis hoc faciat, emendet sicut supra dictum est (In his first Laws then either made or rehearsed) prima vice 30 s. secundâ similitèr, ad tertiam vicem 120 s. Re∣gi.

The last Chapter, being the VIII in Bromtons translation, (but the XI. in the Saxon Coppy) is this. Volo ut omnis Praepositus habeat Gemotum (an Hun∣dred Court) semper ad quatuor hebdomadas; et efficiat

ut omnis homo rectum habeat, et omne placitum capiat terminum quando perveniat ad finem; Siquis hoc excipiat, emendet, sicut antè dictum est.

King Edward deceasing, a 1.264 Aethelstan his eldest * 1.265 Son (designed by his Fathers Will to succeed him) was elected King at Winchester in the year 924. Magno Optimatum consensu et omnium favore; and solemn∣ly Crowned at Kingston, only one Alfred, and some factious ones opposed his election, pretending he was illegitimate and born of a Concubine, whereupon they would have set up his Brother Edwin being legitimate and next heir as they pretended; whom the Generali∣ty of the Nobles rejected, nondum ad regnandum prop∣ter teneros Annos Idoneo. Aethelstan after his Coro∣nation knowing his Brother to be born in lawfull Ma∣trimony, and fearing Ne per ipsum quando{que} Regni solio privaretur, lest he should be some time or other deprived of his kingdom by him, hated him extreme∣ly; and at the sollicitation of some Parasites, where∣of his Cup bearer was the chief, to be rid of him and this his fear, he caused young Edwin, attended only with one Page, to be put into an old broken Boat in the midst of the Sea, without Sail, Oare, or Pilate, that so his death might be imputed to the waves; out off which Boat the young Prince in discontent cast himself head-long into the Sea (or rather the Page threw him head-long over-board,) and so was he drowned: But the Page recovering his body, by rowing with his hands and feet, brought it to Land where it was in∣terred. The King was hereat so troubed with a real (or feigned) contrition for this barbarous bloudy fact, that he did seven years voluntary penance for this his fra∣tricide, * 1.266 and adjudged his Cup-bearer to a cruel death, who gave him this ill advice; and to pacifie his Brothers Ghost and his own Conscience, built two new Mo∣nasteries at Middleton and Michelresse, and there

was scarce any old Monastery in England which he a∣dorned not either with buildings or Ornaments, or Books or Lands, to expiate this his bloody crime.

In this king Aethelstans reign In the year 927.

There were fiery Beams and Meteors seen throughout all the Northern parts of Eng∣land; soon after which Athelstan resolved utterly to extirpate the perfidious Nation of the Danes, and treacherous Scots, which had violated their Agree∣ment made with his Father, whereupon he marched with a great Army by Land, and Navy by Sea into Northumberland and Scotland, wasted and harrowed the Country without resistance, forced Guithfrith King of Northumberland out of his kingdom, uniting it to his own Realm, vanquished and overcame Howel king of Wales, Constantine king of Scots, Anlafe the Dane, and others in a set battel, drove them out of their Realms, and forced them to submit to him: Who upon their submission, knowing the chance of war to be variable, and pitying the Cases of these down-cast Princes, restor'd them presently to their former estates, with this Princely Speech That it was more honour to make a king, than to be a king: yet these petty Kings, Princes rebelling afterwards, & siding with Anlafe against him, were all rou••ed by A∣thelstane, King Constantine of Scotland, with five more of these Kings, 12 Dukes, and most of their Army slain in one battel, principally by the valor of Turketulus, and the Londoners, An. 837: Whereupon the petty Kings of Wales, contracted to pay him a yearly tribute of 20 pound weight of Gold, and 300 of Silver, and 25000 head of Cattel, with a certain number of Hawks and Hounds, which no King of England ever exacted or received from them before.

b 1.267 William of Malmeshury (who exceeds in his praises) writes, that it was truly reported of him amongst the English, Quod nemo Legalius vel literatius rem∣publicam

administraverit; That no king governed the Com∣monwealth more legally or learnedly than he, being as c 1.268 In∣gulphus records, guided and directed by Turketulus, his Chancellour, a man of great integrity, honesty, and piety, of prof••und judgement, whose decrees upon debate were irrefra∣g••ble. This king Athelstan, for the better admini∣stration of Justice, enacted sundry excellent, civil, and ecclesiastical Laws, recorded in Bromt. Lamb. & Spelm.

The first of these his Laws, were made and enact∣ed * 1.269 in the famous d 1.270 Couneil of Grately, about the year 928, in which the king himself, Wulfehelm Arch∣bishop of Came bury, and the rest of the Bishops, and all the Nobles and Wisemen which King Ethelstan could assemble, were present, who all ordained and confirm∣ed these Laws in this great Council, as the last Chap∣ter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of informs us in these words.

Totum hoc institutum est et confirmatum, In * 1.271 magno Synodo apud Grateleyam, cui Archi pisco∣pus 〈…〉〈…〉 et omnes Dptimates, et Sapi∣entes, quos Adelstanus Rer potuit Congregare: Or, Cum. Dptimates et Sapientes ab Aethelstano evo∣cati frequentissimi, as another Copy renders it: which proves, that all the Members of this Council were summoned to it by this kings writ, and not elected by the peoples suffrages. And although the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Clergy men were the chief advisers of the Ecclesiastical Laws, made in this Council, as this Pro∣logue to them attests: Ego Aethelstanus Rex ex pru∣denti U••fhelmae Archiepiscopi, aliorumque Episcoporum et Servorum Dei consilio mando; yet they were all ena∣cted and confirmed by all the Nobles and Wisemen in the Council, as the premises evidence. In this Council, the king commanded by his Laws, all his Officers, that they should demand and exact from his Subjects such things and duties only as they might justly and lawfully receive, adding this memorable reason for it;

Nunquam enim erit * 1.272 populo bene consultum, nec digne Deo conser∣vabitur,

ubt Lucrum impium et magis falsum dili∣gitur, Ideo debent omnes amici Dei quod iniquum est, enervare, quod justum est elevare; non pati ut propter falsum, et pecuniae quaestum, se forisfaciant homines, ergà ••ere ••ap••entem Deum cui displicet omnis injustitia:

Which I wish all our unrighteous covetous Tax-masters, Excisers and Exacters would now seriously consider: After which it follows,

Christianis autem omnibus necessarium est, ut re∣ctum diligant, ut iniqua condemnent, et saltem sa∣cris Ordinibus erecti justum semper erigant et pra∣va deponant: Hinc debent Episcopi cum saeculi Judi∣cibus interesse Judiciis, ne permittant, si possint, ut illinc aliqua pravitatum germina pullulaverint.

And to avoid all arbitrary proceedings, oppressions, and In∣justice in all things, this Council by positive Laws as∣certains all fines, amerciaments, imprisonments, and cor∣poral punishments for criminal offences, from which the Judges might not vary. And withall defines, what Armes every man should find in those times of war, against the Danes and other Enemies by his positive Law, Lex 21. (Sax. 16.) Omnis homo habebit duos homines cum bo∣nis * 1.273 equis de omni Carucâ.

King Ethelstane after this Council at Grately (what years is not expressed) assembled several other Parlia∣mentary * 1.274 Councils at Exeter, Fevresham, and Thunder∣feld; wherein he and his Wisemen, by common consent, confirmed the Laws made at Grately, altering some of them in certain particulars, and adding some new Laws un∣to them, as you may read at large in Bromton, and as the first Chapter, and this Prologue to those Laws as∣sure us.

e 1.275

Haec sunt Judicia quae Sapientes Exoniae consi∣lio Adelstani Regis instituerunt, & iterum apud Fe∣vresham et tertia vice apud Thundresfeldiam ubi hoc de∣finitum simul et confitmatum est; et hoc imprimis est, ut observentur omnia Judicia quae apud Grateley∣am * 1.276

imposita fuerint, praeter mercatum Civitatis, et Diei Dominicae.

The Cause of making these new Laws, and confirm∣ing the old, was, a Complaint to the King in the Coun∣cil at Exeter, that the Peace and Laws made at Grate∣ley, were not so well kept as they should be; and that Theives and Malefactors abounded; as this Prologue manifests, f 1.277

Ego Adelstanus Rex notifico vobis, sicut dictum est Michi, quod pax nostra pejus obser∣vata est quam Michi placet, vel apud Grateleyam fue∣rit institutum: Et Sapientes Michi dicunt, quod hoc∣diutius * 1.278 pertuli quàm debueram; Nunc inveni cum il∣lis Sapientibus, qui apud Exoniam fuerint mecum in sancto Natali Domini, quod parati sunt omninò quando velim, cum seipsis & uxoribus, & pecunia, & omni re suâ ire quo tunc voluero, nisi malefacto∣res requiescant eo tenore quo nunquam deinceps in patriam istam redeant, &c.

In the Council of Fevresham in Kent, the King by some of his Wise-Counsellors sent thither to it, propoun∣ded some things for the weal and peace of the Country, to∣gether with his pardon for fore-past offences; which they upon debate assenting to, and drawing up into sundry heads, returned to the King for his Royal assent, with this me∣morable Gratulatory Prologue; which most truly re∣presenting unto us the proceedings in the great Coun∣cils of that Age, I thought meet entirely to tran∣scribe.

g 1.279 Karissime, Episcopi tui de Kent, & omnis Ken∣tescire, Thayni, Comites, & Villani, tibi Domino dile∣ctissimo suo gratias agunt, quod nobis de pace nostra praecipere voluisti, & de commodo nostro perquire∣re & consulere, quia magnum opus est inde nobis di∣vitibus & Egenis. Et hoc incepimus quanta diligentia potuimus, consilio horum Sapientum quos ad nos misisti, unde Karissime Domine, primum est, de nostra decima, ad quam valdè cupidi sumus & voluntarii, & tibi sup∣plices

gra••ias agimus admonitionis tuae. Secundum est, de pace nostrá quam omnis populus teneri desi∣derat, sicut apud Grateleyam Sapientes tui posuerunt, et sicut etiam nunc dictum est in Concilio apud Fef∣resham. Tertium est, quod gratiant omnes miseri∣corditur Hermerum dominum suum, de dono quod forisfactis hominibus concessi••ti; hoc est, quod pardo∣natur omnibus forisfactura de quocunque furto quod antè Concilium de Fefresham factum fuit, eo tenore quo semper deinceps ab omni malo quiescant, et om∣ne latrocinium confiteantur, et emendent hinc ad Augustum. Quartum, Ne aliquis recipiat hominem al∣terius sine licentia ipsius, cui prius folgavit, nec in∣tra marcam, nec extra, et etiam ne Dominus libero homini hlasocnam interdicat, si rectè custodierit eum Quintum, Qui ex hoc discedat sit dignus eorum quae iin scripto pacis habentur, quod apud Grateleyam insti∣tutum est. Sextum, si aliquis homo fit adeo dives, vel tantae parentelae quod castigari non possit, vel il∣lud cessare nolit, ut efficias qualiter abstrahatur in a∣liam partem regni tui, sicut dictum est in occiduis partibus, sit alterutrum quod sit, sit Comitum, sit Villanorum. Septimum est, ut omnis homo teneat homines suos in fide jussione suâ, contrà omne fur∣tum. Si tunc sit aliquis qui tot homines habea•• quod non sufficiat omnes custodire, praepositum talem prae∣ponat sibi singulis villis qui credibilis ei sit, & qui concredat hominibus. Et si praepositis alicui eorum hominum concredere non audeat, inveniat XII ple∣gios cognationis suae qui ei stent in fide jussione, Et si Dominus vel praepositus, vel aliquis hoc infringat, vel abhinc exeat, sit dignus eorum, quae apud Gra∣teleyam dicta sunt, nisi Regi magis place at alia justitia. Octavum, Quod omnibus plac••it de scutorum opere, sicut dixisti. Precamur Domine misericordiam tuam, sit in hoc, sit in alterutrum, velnimis, velminus, ut hoc e∣mendare Jubeas juxta velletuum. Et nos, devotè parati

sumus ad omnia quae nobis praecipere velis, quae unquam a∣liquatenus implere valeamus.

After this there was another kind of Parliamentary Council held at London, & not long after that, another at Thithamberig wherein many consultations were had, & propositions made for suppression & punishment of Theeves and keeping of the peace, which the Justices, Commissio∣ners, and others appointed to keep the peace, and to take sureties of all men to the keeping thereof, concluded up∣on at London, and after submitted to the Kings Council, to enlarge or alter, as he should see cause; Who thereup∣on made some alteration and mitigation at Thithamberig, of what the King thought over-severe, in putting to dea••h those who were above 12 years of Age, for 12d. value, as these passages attest, declaring the proceedings of that Parliamentary Council.

(h)

Hoc consultum est, quod Episcopi et praepositi qui * 1.280 Londoniensi Curiae pertinent, edixerunt, & jure∣jurando confirmavernnt in suo Fridgildo; Comites & villani in adjectione judiciorum, quae apud Gra∣teleyam & Exoniam instituta sunt, & iterum apud Thundresfeldam.

Cap. 1.

Et est imprimis haec, non parcatur alicui la∣troni supra 12 Annos et supra 12 d. de quo verè fu∣erit inquisitum quod reus sit, quin occidatnr, & capi∣atur omne quod habet, &c.

Cap, 14.

Nec tacendum est vel praerereundum, si do∣minus noster vel praepositorum nostrorum aliquis ul∣lum Augmentum excogitare possit, ad nostrum Frid∣gildum; ut hoc gratanter excipiamus, sicut nobis om∣nibus convenit, & nostrum necesse sit, & in Deo con∣fidimus, et regni nostri Domino.

Cap. 15.

Si totum hoc ita complere volumus, res totius populi meliorabitur contra fures quam antea fuit, & si remissius egerimus de pace & vadiis quae si∣mul dedimus, & quam Rex nobis praecipit, timere possumus, vel magis scire quod fures isti regnabunt,

plus quam antè fec erunt, si fidem teneamus, et pa∣cem sicut domino nostro placeat, quia magnum opus est ut insistamus et peragamns quod ipse velit, et si amplius praecipiat cum omni jocunditate et de votione parati sumus.

Cap. 17. Item quod Sapientes omnes dederunt vadium suum, insimul Archiepiscopo apud Thundresfeldam quando Ealpheagus, Scyb, et Brithnodus Odonis filius veneruut ad Concilium ex ore Regis, ut omnis praepositus vadium capiat in suo comitatu de pace servandâ sicut A∣delstanus Rex apud Fefresham, et quartâ vice apud Thun∣dresfeldam coram Archiepiscopo, et Episcopis, et Sa∣pientibus, quas ipse Rex nominavit qui interfuerunt et judicia conservaverunt Quae in hoc Concilio fue∣runt instituta, &c.

Cap. 18. Item quod Adelstanus Rex praecepit Episcopis suis et praepositis omnibus in toto Regno suo, ut pacem it a custodiant sicut recitavit, et Sapientes sui.

Cap. 19. Item Rex dixit nunc iterum apud Thitlan birig Sapientibus suis, et praecepit ostendi Atchiepiscopo et caeteris Episcopis, quod ei miserabile videtur, quod ali∣quis tàm juvenis occidatur, vel protàm parvâ re sicut inno∣tuit ei quod ubique fiebat; dixit itaque, Quod ei vide∣batur et eis cum quibus hoc egerat, ne aliquis occida∣tur junior quam quindecim Annorum, nisise defende∣re velit, vel aufugere, et in manus ire velit, ut tunc deducatur, sir major sit minor, qualiscunque sit, si se de∣derit ponatur in Carcere, sicut apud Greateleyam dictum est, et per idem redimatur &c. Praecepit Rex ne aliquis occidatur pro minori precio quam 12 d. nisi fugiat vel repugnet, ne dubitetur tunc licet minus. Si haec ita conservemus, in Domino Deo confidimus quod pax nostra melior erit quam antea fuit.

As these passages demonstrate the proceedings of the Parliamenrary Councils in that Age, (unknown to most, for which end I have transcribed them at large)

so they clearly prove, that Theeves or Felons (much lesse other English Freemen) could not be imprisoned, killed, put to death, fined or ransommed, but by speci∣al Acts, and Laws made in General Parliamentary Councils, nor any Laws made, enacted, or altered in * 1.281 such Councils, but by the Kings Royal Assent thereto, who then frequently summoned them, and all the Mem∣bers ofthem, by writ and nomination, without the Peoples Election.

Henry de Knyghton, de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c. 5. and i 1.282 some other fabulous Authors relate, that in * 1.283 the eighth year of King Aethelstans reign, Olaus King of Denmark, Golanus King of Norwey, and the Duke of Normandy, with 8 Dukes and 5 hundred thousand Soul∣diers, arived in England, bringing with them out of Africa, A Giant called Colybrand, the strongest and * 1.284 most famous at that time throughout the World; Whereupon King Aethelstan hearing of their com∣ming, Congregavit Magnates, assembled his Noble∣men at Winchester, to advice with them, how they might resist the Enemies and fight with them in Battel; Thar whiles king Aethelstan vacaret tali Concilio et congrega∣tione populi sui in Wintonia, the foresaid kings came up∣on him with their Army, and besieged him Cum Baro∣nia sua with his Batons, in that City for two years space. Neither durst the English fight with them by reason of their multitude and Power. In the mean time they made this Agreement, that king Aethel∣stan, should find out one Champion to fight a single Duel with Colybrand; that in all future times the Realm of England should be held of the King of Denmark under a Tribute, and if Colybrand were conquered by Aethelstans Cham••ion, then Olaus should forfeit and disclaim the Realm of England for him and his Heirs for ever, and no King of Denmark should afterwards lay claim to the Realm of England, nor yet molest it. That the king in near one whole years space, could not find

out a Champion to encounter Colybrand; whereupon he and his Nobles were very much troubled. At last, God by an Angel from Heaven, directed the King to find out Guy of Warwick, comming thither as a Pil∣grim, who undertook to encounter Colybrand; and af∣ter a sharp battel with him in the view of both kings and their Armies, cut off one of his hands, and after that his head.

By which Victory the whole Land of Eng∣land enjoyed the unviolated privilege of rest and Li∣berty from the Danish king, untill Cnute king of Denmark gained the Realm of England from Edmund Ironside.

But this Relation being contrary to the truth of History, and the Stream of all our Historiogra∣phers, I shall repute it meerly fabulous; though I could not well omit it, for that Relation it hath to this my Theame an•• precedent Propositi∣ons.

k 1.285 William of Malmesbury and others out of him re∣cord, that Elfrid (a Noble man) who opposed Aethel∣stans Title to the Crown, though in vain, intended to have seized on him at Winchester, and put out his eyes; but his Treason being discovered before it came to the Accomplishment, he was taken and sent to Rome to purge himself by Oath; where before the Altar of St. Peter and Pope Iohn the 10th, he adjured the fact, and thereupon fell suddainly down dead to the Earth, and being carried from before the Altar by his Ser∣vants to the English School, he there died within three daies after. Upon this the Pope sent to the king, to * 1.286 advise what he should do with him, and whether he should allow him burial with other Christia•• Corps?

The king hereupon assembling a Council of his Nobles, to ad∣vise about it; Optimates Regionis the Nobles of the Realm with a great Company of Elfrids kindred, ear∣nestly requested of the King with great humility, that his body might be committed to Christian Burial

The King consenting to their Request, acquainted the

Pope therewith; who granted him Christian Burial, though unworthy. Hereupon the Nobles adjudged all his Lands and Possessions great and small, to the King; who by their consent, granted and confirmed them all to the Ab∣by of Malmesbury by his Charter, wherin he recites; Sci∣ant * 1.287 Sapientes regionis Nostrae, non has praefatas terr as me injustè Rapuisse, Rapinam{que} Deo Dedicasse, sed sic eas accepi Quemadmodum judicaverunt omnes Optimates Regni Anglorum. Insuper et Apostolicus Papa Romanae Ecclesiae Johannes; After which, reci∣ting the Treachery, perjury and death of Elfred, with his Condescention to his Nobles and friends request aforesaid, he concludes thus.

Et sic Adjudicata est mihi tota possessio ejus in magnis et modicis. Sed et haec Apicibus praenotamus literarum, ne quamdi•• Chri∣stianitas regnat, aboleatur; unde mihi praefata pos∣sessio, quam Deo et Sancto Petro dedi, donatur; nec Justius novi quam Deo et sancto Petro hanc possessio∣nem dare, qui aemulum meum in conspectu omnium cadere fecerunt, et mihi prosperitatem Regni largiti sunt.

To which Malmesbury subjoyns. In his Verbis Regis sa∣pientiam, et pietatem ejus in Dei rebus suspicere par est: Sapientiam, eo quod animadverterat, juvenis presertim, non esse Dei Gratiosum de Rapinâ Holocaustum. Pietatem, eo quod Munus ultione divin•• collatum, Deo potissimum non ingratus rependeret.

From whence I shall only observe, that Elfrid be∣ing a Peer of the Realm, dying perjured as asoresaid, was adjudged to forfeir all his Lands for Treason after his death only by his Peers in a Parliamentary Council, and that if the king had seized on them without their judgement, it had been an unjust Rapine, by his own Confession; but being legally confiscated to him by their Judgement, it was no Rapine, but Justice for him to seize, and Piety to dispose of them at his pleasure to this Church. What Churches and M••nasteries

he built and repaired throughout the Realm; What Lands he restored to St. Augustines Church at Canterbury on the day of his Coronation (by the Assent of his Bishops and Nobles) though long detained from it; and how he gave the Lands of Folcastan, in Kent, escheated by the Danes destruction of the Nunnery there, to Christ-church in Canterbury, you may read in the l 1.288 Margi∣nal Authors.

m 1.289 William of Malmesbury informs us, that Bald∣win Earl of Flanders, sent Embassadour by Hugh King of France, to King Ethelstan, to demand his Sister for his Wife, brought over with him divers rich presents; and Reliques (Amongst others, the Sword of Constan∣tine the Great, the Lance of Charls the Great, and one of the 4 Nails that pierced our Saviours body, set in plates of Gold; A piece of our Saviours Cross inclosed in a Christal Case &c. all which he presented to the King and Lady) cum in Conventu Procerum, apud Abin∣donium proci postulata exhibuisset: Which intimates, that this King consulted with an assembly of his Nobles a∣bout his Sisters Marriage to the King of France, as a mater of Parliamentary consideration.

Ingulphus Hist. p. 876, 877, 878. records, that Tur∣ketulus was his Chancellor and chief Counsellour, who affected not Honors and Riches, refused many Bishop∣ricks offered him by the King, Tanquam tendiculas Sa∣tanae ad animas evertendas; and would never accept of any Bishishoprick all his life, being Content only with his own Lands and Wages: That all his Decrees were so just and legal, that they remained irrevocable, when once made: That he was a great Souldier, and fought most valiantly against the Danes, and often gloried and said, He was most happy in this, that he had never murdered nor maimed any one, Cum pugnare ••ro patria, & maxi∣mè contra Paganos licite quisque possit; He esteem∣ing the slaughter of such Pagan Enemies in defence ef his Country, lawfull, and no murther nor maim.

King Aethelstan, deceasing without i••••ue, his Bro∣ther * 1.290 Edmund succeeded him An. 940. who upon the * 1.291 false suggestions of some of his Souldiers and Courtiers, de∣deprived Dunstan (whom he had made his Chancel∣lour, and one of his privy Council, yea ranked amongst the Royal Palatines and Princes of his Realm) of all his digni∣ties and Offices. The very next day after, being like to break his Neck as he rod a hunting over a steep Rock, had not his horse miraculously stopped at the Rocks brink in his full carier, he immediatly sent for Dunstan, and to repair the injury done him, rod pre∣sently to Glastonbury, and made him Abbot thereof. Presently after, Anlaffe King of Norwey, whom Ae∣thelstan had driven out of the Kingdom of Northumber∣land, came with a great Navy and Army to York, being called in by the perfidious and rebellious Northumberlan∣ders, who instantly revolted to him, and elected him for their King. Whereupon he marching Southward with a puissant Army, purposing to subjugate the Realm of England to himself, King Edmund gathering his forces * 1.292 together, encountred him, and after a bloody battel fought a whole day between them at Leicester, with great loss on both sides, Odo Archbishop of Canterbury and Welstan Archbishop of York perceiving the danger on both parts, and the Destruction of the Realm, made this A∣greement between them; that Anlaffe should quietly enjoy the whole Northeast part of England, lying North of Wat∣lingstreet; and Edmund all the Southern part thereof, du∣ring their joynt Lives, and the Survivor of them enjoy the whole Realm after the others decease: But Anlaffe soon after wasting the Church of St. Balter, and burning Tivinagham with fire, was presently seised on by Gods a∣venging Judgement, and miserably ended his life.

About the year 940. o 1.293 Hoel Dha, Prince of all Wales, sent for six Laymen, eminent for authority and knowledge, out of every Kemut, or hundred of his Realm, and * 1.294 all the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, & Priors of his Realm, dignified with a Pastoral staff; who continuing all together,

in prayer, fasting and consultation all the Lent, did in this Welsh Patliament, make and enact many Civil and Ec∣clesiastical Laws, which they divided into 3 parts and books, for the better Government of the Realm and Church; * 1.295 which you may read in Spelman. In the 22 Law whereof they thus determine: Tres autem sunt homines quorum nullus potest per Legem impignorare contra ali∣quod Iudicium: Primus est Rex, ubi non poterit se∣cundum Legem in Lite stare coram judice suo agendo vel respondendo, per dignitatem naturalem, vel per dig∣nitatem terrae, ut Optimas, vel alius. So that by the Laws of those times, not only the Kings of England, but even the petty Kings of Wales were by their very Natural and Royal Dignities, exempted from all per∣sonall Tryals and Judgements against them in any Courts of Justice, seeing they had no Peers to be tryed by.

In the year 940 p 1.296 Reingwald (or Reginald) the Dane comming with a great Navy into Northumber∣land, slew most of the best Inhabitants of that Realm, or drove them out of it. He likewise seized upon all the Lands of St. Cutbert, and gave his Lands to two of his Souldiers; one of them called Scula, who afflicted the mi∣serable Inhabitants with Grtevous and intollerable Tri∣butes; whence even unto this day, the Yorkshire-men as often at they are compelled to pay Tributum Regale, * 1.297 A Royal Tribute, endeavour to impose a pecuniary Mulct on the Land which this Scula possessed, for the easing of themselves. Scilicet Legem deputant, quod Paganus per Tyrannidem fecerat, qui non legitimo Regi Ang∣lorum, sed barbaro et aliegenae Et Regis Anglo∣rum hosti militabat. Nec tamen quamvis multum in hoc Laboraverint, Pravam Consuetudinem huc usque Sancto Cuthberto resistente Introducere potuerunt; writes Simeon Dunelmensis.

The other part of those Lands one Onlasbald seised upon; who was much more cruel and oppressive to all men than Scula; extra∣ordinarily vexing the Bishop, Congregation, and

People of Saint Cutbert, and particularly seising upon the Land belonging to the Bishoprick;

Whereupon the Bishopoft endeavouring by perswasion to draw him to God, and entreating him to lay aside the obstinate ri∣gor of his mind, and refrain himself from the unlaw∣full Invasion of the Churches Lands, else if he con∣temned his admonitions, God and St. Cutbert would severely avenge the Injuries done by him to them, and others.

He with a diabolical mind contemning his admonitions and Threats, swore by his Heathen Gods, that he would from thenceforth be a more bit∣ter Enemie towards St. Cuthbert and them all, than e∣ver he was before; Whereupon the Bishop with all his Monks falling prostrare on the earth, earnestly prayed to God and his holy Confessor, to annul those proud Tyrants Threats; who was then comming into the place where they were praying, having one foot within the Door, and the other without; in which posture he stood there immovably fixed, as if both his feet had been nayled, being able neither to go out nor come in, but standing immovable, till being long thus tortured, he there gave up his mise∣rable soul in the place: with which example all others being terrified, would no further presume by any means to invade the Land, nor any thing else belon∣ging of right to the Church.

q 1.298 Anno 941.

the Rebellious o Northumberlan∣ders * 1.299 preferring disloyalty before the Fealty which they owed unto Magnificent Edmund King of England, elected Anlaff (King of the Norwegians) for their King, Son to the former Anlaff; who pe∣rishing suddenly for his Sacrilege (as aforesaid) he and Reginald, the Son of Garthfrith, after their Bap∣tism, breaking their faith and Agreement with

King Edmund, by invading his Dominions. Edmund thereupon by force of Armes expelled them both out of the Realm of Northumberland, and united it to his own kingdom; and wrested Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, Leicester, and Stamford out of the hands of the Usurping, insolent, oppressing Danes, with all Mer∣cia; subduing and reducing the Monarchy of all Eng∣land unto himself; extirpating all the Pagan Danes with their infidelity; restoring Christianity to its Lustre, and the English to their Possessions and Liberties.

The year following he wasted and subdued all Cumberland, and pillaged the people of all their goods: And because the people of that Country were perfi∣dam & legibus insolitam, perfidious and unaccustomed to Laws, so that he could not totally subdue and civilize them, having harrowed it with his Army, and put out the eyes of the two sons of Dummail, King thereof, he gave * 1.300 the Country to Malcolm King of Scots, to be held of him∣self, upon this Condition, that he should assist him, and de∣fend the Northern parts of England by Land and Sea from the Incursions of invading Enemies.

This King Edmund after the Conquest and Expulsi∣on * 1.301 of his Enemies, by the advise of Dunston and his Chancellour Turketulus, r 1.302 made good Lawes, and ordi∣nances, Ecclesiastical and Civil, for the Government of his Realm; for which purpose, about the year of our Lord 944, he assembled a Parliamentary Council of the Clergy & Laity at London, to consult and advise with them in the making of his Lawes. Which the Proems to them, thus expresse. Edmundus Rex ipso solenni Pascatis festo Fre∣quentem Londini tam Ecclesiasticorum quam Laicorum Caetum celebravit, as one version out of the Saxon; Or, Congregavit magnam Synodum Dei ordinis et saeculi; as another translation renders it; cui interfuit, Odo, et VVulstanus Archiepiscopi, et alii plures Episcopi, ut a∣nimorum suorum, et corum omnium, qui eis curae sunt, con∣suleretur * 1.303 saluti; And this Proem of King Edmund, him∣self

thus seconds, s 1.304 Ego Edmundus Rex omnibus qui in ditione ac potestate meâ sunt, senibus & juvenibus, clare sig∣nifico, Me à scientissimis Regni mei in celebri Ecclesi∣asticorum quam Laicorum frequentiâ, studiose requisi∣vi••••e, quo tandem pacto Christiana proveheretur fides, &c. Or, Mando, & praecipio omni populo Seniorum & Junio∣rum qui in Regione mea sunt, Ea quae Investigans Investi∣gavi cum Sapientibus Clericis & Laicis: In this Coun∣cil there were three parcels of Laws made; the one, meerly Ecclesiastical; the other, meerly Civil; the third, mixt of bo••h. And in this Council, I conceive, the Constitu∣tions of Archbishop Odo were read and ratified. The greatest part of the Civil Laws there made, were a∣gainst Murder, bloodshed, fighting, breach of Peace, Theft and Perjury: In the last parcel of these Laws, cap. 5. The King gives God and them thanks, for assisting him in making these Laws, in these words; Maximas au∣tem & Deo & vobis omnibus ago gratias, Qui me auxilio vestro in hac pacis quam nunc ad profligandos * 1.305 sures sancivimus, Le ge adjuvistis; ac vehementèr con∣fido, eo vos propensius Nobis in posterum opitulatu∣ro••, quo hujus Decreti observatio magis videbitur ne∣cessaria.

About the same year, 944. t 1.306 this King assem∣bled another Parliamentary Council of his Bishops and Wisemen at Culinton, where they enacted 7 other Laws, Principally against Theeves, together with an Oath of Allegiance to king Edmund, thus prefaced. Haec est * 1.307 Institutio quam Edmunds Rex, & Episcopi sui, cum Sa∣pientibus suis instituerunt apud Culintoniam de pace & Juramento faciendo. The two first of these Laws I shall transcribe as pertinent to my Theam.

Cap. 1. Imprimis, ut omnes jurent in nomine Do∣mini, pro quo sanctum illud sanctum est, fidelitatem Edmundo Regi, Sicut Homo debet esse fidelis Domi∣no suo, sine omni controversiâ & seditione, in mani∣festo, in occulto, in amando quod amabit, Nolendo * 1.308

quod nol uit; et̄ antequam Iuramentum hoc dabitur, ut ne∣mo concelet hoc in fratre vel proximo suo plus quam in ex∣traneo.

Cap. 2. Vult etiam, ut ubi fur pro certo cognoscetur Twelfhindi et Twifhindi (that is meu of 600 or 200 s. Land by the year) consocientur et exuperent eum vivum, vel mortuum, alterutrum quod pot••runt; et qui aliquem eorum infaidiabit, qui in eâ quaestione fuerint, sit inimicus Regis et omnium Amicorum ipsius. Et si quis adire negaverit, et coadjuvare nolit, emendat Regi cxx s. vel secundum hoc pernegat quod nescivit, et hundredo xxx s.

From whence it is apparent, That all Oaths of Al∣legance; and Laws against Theeves and other Malefa∣ctors, were then made and enacted in Parliamentary Councils assembled for that purpose, and all fines, for offences imposed, and reduced to a certainty only by Parliament. And by the last parcel of King Ed∣munds Laws in Bromton, it seems, the manner of contra∣cting Marriage was then prescribed and setled by a Par∣liamentary Council.

This King u 1.309 Edmund, as he gave and restored by his Charters to Christ-Church and St. Augustines in Canterbury several Lands unjustly taken away from them by his Predecessors, free from all secular services, except expedition and building of Bridge and Castle; and ratified the Laws and Privileges of St. Cutberts Church at Durham, by consent of his Bishops and Nobles; So likewise, x 1.310 Anno 944. he granted by his Charter, (written in golden Characters) sundry large Liberties, together with ••he Mannor of Glastonbury to the Ab∣bey of Glustonbury, Consilio et cons••n••u Op imat••m meorum (then assembled in a Parliamentary Council at London) ratifying the Privileges gr••nted to the Mo∣nastery by King Edmund his Father, E••frid, Ce••twine, Ina and Cuthred; et nè quisquam mortalium; seu E∣piscopus, vel Dux aut Princeps, aut quilibet ministrorum

eorum audeat eam omnino intrare causa placitandi, vel ca∣piendi, vel quidquam faciendi, quod contrarium fore possit intbi Deo Servientibus, Dei indictone prohibuit.

y 1.311 In the year 945. this King Edmund gave many * 1.312 Lands and Privileges tothe Monastery of St. Edmunds∣bury, by his Charters; quam subscriptione. Episco∣rum, Comitum et Baronum pia devotione roboravit, (most probably in the Parliamentary Council, of London, at Culington where they were all assembled.) * 1.313

z 1.314 King Edmund, in the year 946. celebrating with great Solemnity the Feast of St. Augustine (which the English accustomed to celebrate every year) at Can∣terbury, as some; or at Pulcherkirke (now at Puckel∣Church in Glostershire) as others, or Michelesberith, as Matthew Westminster stiles it) as he was sitting at Dinner in the Hall amidst his Nobles and Courtiers espyed a notable Thief called Leoff (whom he formerly banished for his theft) stand in the Hall: Whereupon he not enduring his sight, commanded his Butler to thrust that Thief presently out of the Palace: who refusing to depart upon the Kings Command and resisting the Butler, the King therupon in a rage rising suddenly from * 1.315 the Table, took the Thief by the Hair, and threw him to the Ground: whereupon the Traitor feeling himself hurt, and the King Iying upon him, presently drew out his Knife; which he carried secretly about him, ript up the Kings bowels and slew him with it; which the Knights and Souldiers perceiving, rushed all upon the Thief, and with their Swords and Knives chopped all his flesh and bones into small pieces. Some Historians write, that he slew some of the Kings followers like∣wise, and wounded more of them, and so escaped in the midst of the Tumult, Sicque clarum regalis Convi∣vii principium, nebulosus rerum Gestarum exitus termi∣navit. Communi ergo decretum Concilio: It was thereupon decreed by a Common Council, that his Body should be interred in Glastonbury Abby. Abbot Ethel∣red

gives this Encomium of him.

Erat autem patris Edwardi in omnibus imitabitor, homo simplex & re∣ctus, et timens Deum, et usque ad finem vitae suae permanens in innocentiâ suâ.

(b) Edred his Brother, succeeded him the same year in * 1.316 the Throne, and was crowned King at Kingston by O∣do b 1.317 Archbishop of Canterbury; Edwin and Edgar King Edmunds Sons, being put by, because of their Infancy; quia tepugnante legitimâ aetate patri succedere non valebant, as Matthew Westminster renders the reason.

No sooner was he crowned, but entring it to Nor∣thumberland, with a great army, he subdued the rebelli∣ous Northumberlanders, who refused to bear the yoak of his government, reducing them all under his obedience. Wher∣upon Wulstan Arcbbishop of York, and all the Nobles of the Northumberlanders swore fealty to King Edred, which they did not long observe. After which King E∣dred entred with Banners displayed into Scotland, whereupon the Scots, strucken with a fear, without * 1.318 any resistance, or war, swore homage and fealty to him as to their true Lord, as well as the Northumberlanders; which Oath they soon violated: For no sooner was Edred returned with his Army into the Southern parts, but Anlaff who was chased out of Northumberland, retur∣ning thither again with a great Flee••, was joyfully recei∣ved by the Northumberlanders, andrestored by them to the Throne of the Kingdom, which he kept by force near four years. But in the fourth year the Northumberlanders using their accustomed treachery and disloyalty, chased away their King Anlaff, and received Hirc or E••icus son of Harald, for their king, who held the kingdom but a short time;

for the People of the Conntry, not long enduring any king as they had lightly received Hirc for their king, so in the third year of his Reign, they as lightly rejected him, and calling king Edred to them of their own accord, received him again for their Soveraign, and set him in the Throne, as Huntin∣ton records.

But Malmesbuty, Roger Hoveden, and,

others relate;

That king Edred Anno 948 was soin∣censed with the Northumberlanders for their treache∣ry towards him, in chusing Hirc for their king, against their Oath of Allegiance sworn to him; that he wa∣sted all Norshumberland with fire and sword and famine, et penè ex hominibus delevit;

But some of the Northumberlanders in his return from thence, sal∣lying out of York with their forces, cut off some of the Rear of his Army ar Cesterford; wherwith king E∣dred was so enraged, that he resolved presently to re∣turn, et totam illam terram penitus desere, and ut∣utterly to destroy all that Country. Which the Nor∣thumberlanders hearing, they were so terrified, that they rejected their new King Hirc, and received Edred for their Soveraign, satisfying the King with Honors, and the Damages and Wrongs they had done unto him, with Gifts, and no small Sums of Mony. These treacherous Rebellious Northumberlanders after E∣dred and Hirc, had no particular King at all to rule over them, but only Dukes, whose names and successions (with their Treachery towards and Rebellions against them) * 1.319 you may read at leisure in Roger Hoveden, who sub∣joyns the History of them immediately to this relati∣on.

This King Edred (about the year 951. c 1.320 close imprisoned Wulstan Archbishop of York in Withau∣brig, and suspended him from his Archbishoprick, near a whole year, for certain causes of which he had been frequently accused to him; but especially for coun∣tenancing and harbouring the rebellious perjured Northumberlanders and the Danes, a Heathen people, who not only sought to destroy his Native Country, but also to root out Christian Religi∣on, for which he deserved a thousand deaths: and exciting them both against his Soveraign King Edred, contrary to their Oath; and for killing the Citizens * 1.321

of Thatford in a tumultuous manner in revenge of the death of Abbot Adelm, whom they had causelesly murdered.

Norwithstanding all which, about a year after he was enlarged and restored to his Bishop∣rick; Malmesbury and Abbot Ethelred, record of king Edred, that he made his Palace altogether a School of Vir∣tues, obeying Dunstans Counsels in all things, et Justissi∣mis Legibus subditos Regens, and governed his Sub∣jects by most just Laws.

I read only of one Great Parliamentary Council held under King Edred, and that was at d 1.322 London, in the * 1.323 year 948. in the Feast of the Virgin Maries Nativity; Cui Universi Magnates Regni, per Regium edictum Summoniti, tam Archiepiscopi, & Episcopi, & Ab∣bates, quam Caeteri totius Regni Proceres & Optima∣tes, Londini convenissent, ad tractandum de negotiis publicis totius Regni; as Ingulphus and others re∣cord.

In which Parliamentary Council, when all the pub∣like affairs were finished (which as it seems concern∣ed the making and carrying on of that war against the Rebellious, Treacherous Northumberlanders, who brake their faith with King Edred, and set up a King of the Danish race, as aforesaid,) the King in the presence, and * 1.324 by the consent of them all, restored, granted and re-confir∣med by his Charter (dictated by Abbot Turketulus here∣tofore his Chancellour) all the Lands and Liberties for∣merly granted by Kings and others to the Abbey of Croy∣land, with sundry Mannors then given to it by Turketu∣lus himself: wherein (amongst other Liberties) he granted to the Monks; quod sint quieti & soluti ab omni Scotto, Geldo, auxiliis Vicecomitum, Hydagio, & ab Secta in Schiris, Wapuntakis, Hundredis, Thrichingis & omnibus omnibus aliis curis & saeculi oneribus universis. This * 1.325 Charter was subscribed and ratified with the sign of the Cross, by all the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots a••d No∣bles, who gave both their Counsels and Assents thereto, as

their subscriptiens testifie, that so it might be firm and perpetual. In the beginning of which Charter, this King, to shew, that he held his Crown only from and un∣der God, thus stiles himself. Ego Edredus Rex terre∣nus sub imperiali potentia Regis saeculorum aeterni∣que Principis, Magnae Britanniae gerens Imperium, &c.

About the year of Christ 950, e 1.326 Nogui a Welsh King, being overmuch incensed with one Arcoit, wa∣sted * 1.327 his Lands, and with too much fury, violared the Sanctuary, to which he fled. Whereupon Pater Bishop of Landaffe assembled all the Clerks of his Diocess in a Synod, to punish this Sacrilege and breach of Sanctuary: * 1.328 Which the King hearing of, desired pardon of the Bishop and whole Synod, for these offences in the Church of Main∣non, restoring all the things of the Church he had taken a∣way, with satisfaction, and effusion of Tears. Whereup∣on, to obtain pardon and absolution for the penance they enjoyned him, he gave the parish of Guidcon, with all the Lands, Liberties and Commons appertaining thereunto, to God, and the Bishops of Landaffe for ever, to be held in Frankalmoighne. Some five years after (Anno 955.) Ily a Deacon, slaying one Merduter, and flying into a Church for Sanctuary; thereupon his kins∣folk, and some of king Nogui his family, forcibly en∣tring into the Church, flew Ili before the Altar, sprink∣ling his blood both upon the Altar and Walls of the Church; Whereupon Pater Bishop of Landaffe, assembled a Sy∣nod of all the Priests, Deacons, and Ecclesiastical persons within his Diocess, to excommunicate the Delinquents; which King Nogui and his Nobles hearing of, fearing the Malediction of the Church, the weight whereof they durst not undergoe, sent for the Bishop, and upon con∣sultation, by advice of the Doctors of both sides, delivered up the Murderers into the Bishops hands, who sent them to the Monastery of St. Teliavi, where they were kept 6 Moneths in Iron Chains. After which they were excom∣municated.

Synodo quoque Judican••e defini••um est, unusquisque eorum suum agrum, suamque totam sub∣stantiam, insuper & pretium animae suae (id est) sep∣tem Libras Argenti, redderet Ecclesiae quam macula∣verat, determinantibus omnibus Divino Judicio, &c.

The Bishop rising up in the midst of them, holding the Gospel in his hand, said to Nogui, lay thy hand upon this Gospel: Whereupon Nogui laying his hand upon it, said;

Sit haec terra cum incolis suis, in sem∣piterna consecra••ione Deo, &c. & Patri Episcopo, & omnibus Episcopis Landaviae, Libera ab omni Laicali servitio, nisi tantum in oratione quotidianâ in per∣petuo.

It seems the petty Welsh Kings, and their Courtiers, were all subject in those dayes to the Cen∣sures and excommunications of their Synods, for their Sa∣crilege, and other unrighteous Actions infringing the Churches Liberties. That their Synods had a Judiciary Power, and that they could not convey Lands to the Church, but by the Consent and Judgement of their Synods, which attested and ratified the same, as you may read in Spelman. Who likewise informs us, of another Welsh Synod held at Landaffe, about the year 988. wherein Arithmail Son of Nogui, King of Guenti, slaying his Brother Elised, was for this execrable Fratricide ex∣communicated by Gucan, Bishop of Landaffe, and all the Synod, who thereupon submitting to the penance therein enjoyned him, gave certain Lands for ever in Frankal∣moighne to God and all the Bishops of Landaffe, to purehase his absolution.

King f 1.329 Edred deceasing to the great grief of all his * 1.330

Sub••ects, his Nephew Edwin (formerly put by the Crown for his Nonage) was there upon (though young) crowned King at Kingston by Archbishop Odo, An. 955. but in the second year of his reign 957. the Mer∣cians and Northumberians wholly cast off their obe∣dience to him, and conspiring alltogether by unanimous con∣sent, rejecting him from being their King, elected his Brother Edgar for their Sovereign Lord, Deo dictante & annuente populo: VVhereupon the kingdom was di∣vided between them by the bounds of the River of Thames.

VVhat was the true Cause of this deposition and re∣jection of Edwin is very doubtfull: William of Malmes∣bury, Hovedeu, Matthew Westminster, Dunelmensis, Brom∣ton, Henry de Knighton, Abbot Ethelred, Hygden, Florence of Worcester, and most of our old Historians being Monks, and over-much devoted to their Arch-Patron Dunstan, record: That the true Causes thereof were, First, His ill lascivious Life and Incontinency with Alfgiva his Concubine (as they write) and near kinswoman, from whom Archbishop Odo divorced him; and likewise with sundry other Concubines which he entertained in his Court, whom Odo excom∣municated and banished thence. 2. His Indiscret and Tyrannical Gvernment contrary to his Laws. I.

In slight∣ing, * 1.331 depressing and destroying the Nobles and Wisemen of the Realm, who disgusted his lascivious Courses, and in favouring ignorant, unjust, vicious persons, and following their most wicked Counsels. 2. In banishing Abbot Dunstan, and seising upon all his Goods, only for Justice sake, because he reprehen∣ded him for his exorbitant vicious Courses

(being then the chief swaying Grandee, and head of the Monkish faction.)

3. In forcibly thrusting out by Armed Souldiers all the Regular Monks throughout England, and casting them forth of the Monasteries, (there being then no Regular Monks in any Monaste∣ries,

but only in Glastonbury and Malmesbury as the Chro∣nicles of Winchester, and others record:) then seizing upon all their wealth, and bestowing their Lands and Monasteries on secular and maried Priests, and afflicting these Monks in sundry other kinds.

But g 1.332 Henry Arch-Deacon of Huntington, an antient, judi∣cious, impartial old Historian, flourishing in the year 1148. mentions none of these particulars, in his life, but gives this honorable Testimony of his Govern∣ment, that it was both prosperous, flourishing and lau∣dable. Rex Edwi non illaudabiliter Regni infulam tenu∣it; Anno Regni sui Quiuto, cum in principio Regnum ejus decentissimè floreret, prospera et laet a bunda ex∣ordia mors immatur a perrupit. And therefore Archbi∣bishop h 1.333 Parker, i 1.334 Bishop Godwin, k 1.335 Speed, and l 1.336 others conceive, that the true cause why the Merci∣ans and Northumbrians, (& those only, not the rest of his subjects and kingdom) rejected him, and set up his Bro∣ther Edgar (whose lasciviousness was more excessive, and vices more extorbitant in some degrees than Edwins, which yet our former Monkish Historians blanch or excuse) was the Malice of Dunstan, and Odo (the Pil∣lars and Oracles of the Monkish Clergy;)

who stirred up the Merciaus and seditious rebellious Northumbri∣ans, against him, to set up Edgar in his stead, who was totally devoted to them and Dunstan, by whose Coun∣sels he was afterwards wholy guided, and built no less than 47 new Monasteries for the Monks, besides all those he repaired, intending to build three more had he lived, to make them 50 compleat;

, and likewise cast out the secular and maried Priests out of all Mona∣steries and Churches unless they would become Monks, replenishing all Monasteries & Churches with Monks alone. They likewise inform us, that the true causes of kings Edwins banishing Dunstan, ejecting the Monks, and seising their Lands and Treasures was,

That Dunstan had so bewitched Edmund, Edward, Athelstan, and Aedred his Predecessors, with the

love of Monkery, as that they not only took violent∣ly from maried Priests their livings to erect monaste∣ries, but also lavishly wasted much of their own Roy∣al Treasures, Lands and Revenues upon them, which they should have rather employed in resisting the common Enemies of God and their Country, the Danes: whereupon Edwin percei••ing that all the wealth of the Land was crept into Monasteries, not on∣ly refrained to bestow more on them, but recalled di∣vers of those prodigal Gifts his Predecessors had gran∣ted them, which the Monks refusing to render upon demand, he seized upon them by armed Officers, as ha∣ving indeed cheated his Predecessors and defrauded the Kingdom of them. They adde hereunto, that King Edrid had committed all his chief Houshold-stuft, Plate, Records, and the Treasures of all the Realm, with all the Magazines he had gotten, to Dunstans custody, and ••aid them up in the Monastery at Gla∣stonbury; yea, he committed his Kingdom, body and Soul unto him, So as all was wholly in Dunstans pow∣er, who alone managed all the publick affairs of the Realm, and exercised Regal Authority. And when King Edred in his sicknesse demanded all his Hous∣holdstuff, Jewels, Monies and Treasures from him, Dunstan pretending to fetch them, before he return∣ed with them, Dustan heard a voice (as our Monkish Writers fable) that Edred was dead in the Lord; and thereupon detained them in his and his Monks custo∣dy, being unwilling to part with them to young King Edwin his Successor, whereupon he seised on them by force, as of right belonging to him, and expelled Dunstan with his Monks. And so much the rather, because Dunstan presumed most impudently and vio∣lently, to rush into his Bed-chamber, and pull him out forcibly thence on the very day of his Coronation (contrary to all Christian and Princely Modesty) from the embraces of his beautifull and beloved Alfgina,

which some Monks and these Historians report, to be his lawfull wife not his Concubine, and not content there∣with, he excited Odo Archbishop of Canterbury, pub∣lickly to divorce her from him; some say, for con∣sanguinity only, and others for other Reasons. Whereupon the king betaking himself to his Concu∣bines, Odo suspended him from the Church, ex∣communicated all his Concubines, caused one of them whom the king best affected, to be violently fetched out of the Court with armed Men, branded her in the forehead with an hot Iron, and then bani∣shed her into Ireland.

After which she returning into England, Odo apprehen∣ded her the second time, and cut off her Sinews at the Hock∣bone. All which intollerable Affronts so incensed Edwin, that he banished and spoyled Dunstan with his Monks as aforesaid, and threatned Odo with severe punishments; none others in the Realm but these daring then to oppose him: hereupon they formerly and then bearing the greatest sway, by way of revenge, and to prevent Edwins further fury against them, stirred up the Mercians and Northumbrians to reject him, and that in a tumultuous manner, by force of Arme, in which Uproar Edgar gained possession of half his Kingdom. m 1.337 Matthew Parker and Sir Henry Spelman out of him, subjoyns, that by these civil dissentions raised between King Edwin and his Brother Edgar, they much weak∣ned the forces of the Realm in many set Battels fought between them; till at last Edgar getting the better; Con∣vocato ad Branfordiam Regni concilio, Fratris Ed∣wini acta et decreta rescendit. Assemblong a Council at Brandford, he repealed all the Acts and Decrees of his Brother King Edwin, restored to the Churches and Mo∣nasteries the Treasures he had taken from them, recalled Dunstan from his former banishment, and made him first * 1.338 Bishop of Worcester, then of London, and last of all of Canterbury.

n 1.339 Henry de Knyghton, a Canon of the Abbey of Lei∣cester, relates, out of the History of Leicester Abbey;

That Edwin being expulsed and shamefully thrust out of his kingdom, for his evil life, and exoroitant acti∣ons done against the Church, the Monarchy of Eng∣land continued void above a year. Whereupon, many murders and wickednesses were committed, and infinite mischiefs happened amonst the people for want of Government, until holy men, both of the Clergy and People deeply affected therewith, hum∣bled themselves, and uncessantly repented of their sins, and prayed day and night to God, that he would hear them, and mercifully relieve them in so great necessity, giving them such a King who might govern the Realm of England in such fort, as might redound to the honour of God, and profit of the Realm. That God beholding their prayers from on high, in the night silence, this voice was heard from God;

That they should crown Edgar King, though but then a youth; who rejoyced with this Divine Oracle, (most likely by the Monks and Dunstans Legerdemain, the Divine Oracle that uttered it) speedily advanced Edgar to be King, being but 16 years old; and so he was elected and crowned King by a divine Oracle, which never hapned to any King of England in former times.

Upon Edgars Coronation o 1.340 and Dunstans restitution, * 1.341 An. 959. K. Edwin reigning in a decayed Estate, living in little Esteem, and without being desired, for very grie•• thereof (as some write) he died, after he had for 4 years space, Libidinosè simul & Tyrannicè, lustfully, and also Tyrannically depressed the Realm of England: Others affirm, that he was deprived both of his Life and Kingdom, by the Rebellion of his Subjects: But his Monkish Oppo∣sites record, that he was taken away by an untimely Death by Gods Just Judgement, in the year of our Lord 959. Whereupon his Brother Edgar, ab omni populo electus, being elected king by all the people, united

the kingdom into one, and obtained the intire Monar∣chy of the Realm, the kings of Cumberland, Scotland, and Wales, voluntarily submitting, and doing homage to him, without any effusion of blood, or war.

King Edgar p 1.342 About the year of our Lord 963. * 1.343 contrived the death of Earl Ethelwald, who (as some Authors aver) against his trust, had cheated him of Elfrida, only Daughter of Ordgarus, Duke of Devon∣shire, the Paragon of her Sex, by disparaging her beau∣ty to the king, and marrying her to himself. After which the king being extraordinarily ravished with the true reporr and sight of her transcendent beauty, thereup∣on (as Bromtons Chronicle relates) statim post octo dies, RexParliamentum suum apud Sarisberiam convocavit, Ubi cunctis suis Proceribus congregatis, de custodia terrae Northumbriae qualiter contra ingressum Danorum melius posset custodiri, tractaverunt; inter quos Ethel∣wolfus ad Custodiam Eboraci & patriae adjacentis, in illo erat Concilio deputatus. A clear Evidence, That Matters of defence against Common Enemies, and Guar∣dians of the Sea-coasts against the Danes Invasions, were * 1.344 then debated and setled by the King and his Nobles in Parl. then usually summoned by our Kings for that end. Hereup∣on Earl Ethelwolfe travelling through the Forrest of Werewell towards his new VVardship, was there cru∣elly assaulted and murdered by some unknown armed persons, there placed in ambuscado by the king, as was commonly reported, and as some relate by king Ed∣gar himself, who shot him through with an Arrow, as they were there hunting together. The slain Earls Ba∣stard-Son being there present, beholding his dead Corps, the king demanded of him, how such a hunting pleased him? who answered, very well my Lord and King; for that which pleaseth you ought not to displease me: which answer so pacified this kings swelling mind, that he loved no person more entirely all his life than this Young man. Tyrannici facti offensam in Patrem se∣dulitate

Regiâ in filium allevans, writes Malmesbury. This being done, the king with great joy bringing Alfrida to London, there espoused her, and the same day both of them wore a golden Crown, adorned with pretious pearls, on their heads. Hereupon Arch∣bishop Dunstan, the next morning, boldly rushing in∣to the kings Bedchamber, whiles they were both in Bed together, demanded of the king, what Woman he hadlying in bed with him? who answered, that it was his Queen; Dunstan by way of rebuke replyed;

That he could not marry or retain her as his wife, with∣out offending God, and the Laws of the Church, be∣cause he had been Godfather to her Son, often admo∣nishing the king, that he would put her away, and be divorced from her:

VVhich he by reason of his ar∣dent love towards her, and unsatiable lust with her, would by no means hearken to.

Anno 964. King Edgar heating of a Nun of incom∣parable beauty in the Monastery of Wilton, named Wil∣frida, * 1.345 * 1.346 a Dukes Daughter, took her out of the Nun∣nery, and frequently admitted her to his Bed: VVich being commonly blazed abroad, Arch-bishop Dunstan understanding of it, with great passion, and indignation of mind came to the king; who seeing the Archbishop, arose from the Royal Throne to take him by the hand, and give him place. But Dunstan refused to take him by the hand, and with a stern countenance, bending his Browes, spake thus unto him.

Thou that hast not feared to corrupt a Virgin, espoused to Christ, presumest thou to touch the consecrated hands of a Bishop? Thou hast defiled the Spouse of thy Maker, and thinkest thou by flattering service to pa∣cifie the Friend of the Bridegroom? No Sir, his Friend will not I be, who hath Christ for his Enemy, &c.

The king terrified with these and other thundering words of Dunstan, and compuncted with inward re∣pentance for his perpetrated sin, fell down at Dun∣stans

feet Weeping: who raising him up again from the ground, began to relate unto him the hainousness of the fact: And finding the king ready to undergoe what ever satisfaction he should lay upon him, injoyned him this following Penance for 7 years space.

That during these seven years he should wear no Ctown; That he should fast twice every VVeek; That he should liberally distribute the Treasures left him by his Ancestors to the poor; That he should build a Mo∣nastery of Nuns at Shastesbury; That as he had robbed God of one Virgin, through his transgression, so should he again restore many to him in time to come. Moreover, That he should expel Clerks of evil lives, (meaning secular Priests who had VVives and Chil∣dren) out of Churches, and place Covents of Monks in their room: That he should enact just Laws, & such as were acceptable to God: and command the people to observe them through all parts of the Realm.

VVhich the king promising effectually to perform, was thereupon absolved, and vigorously set himself to execute what he had promised. * 1.347

Hereupon, in the year 966. s 1.348 King Edgar foun∣ded the Monastery of Hyde near Winchester, filled it with Monks, endowed them with large privileges and possessions, exempting them from all secular services whatsoever, but these; ••rata expeditione, Pontis Arcis∣ve constructione; praescribed several Laws and Canons for the Monks thereof to observe, made by advice and consent of his Bishops and Nobles, and ratified by his Royal Charcer, subscribed by himself, his two sons Prince Edmund and Edward, his Queen, Grandmother, both the Archbishops, 9 Bishops, 5 Abbots, 3 Dukes, * 1.349 and sundry others, with the sign of the Cross annexed to their names. In which Charter there is this solemn curse donounced against all the infringers and perver∣ters thereof.

Si quis autem hanc nostram Donatio∣nem in aliud quam constituimus transferre voluerit,

privatus consortio sanctae Dei Ecclesiae, aeternis Ba∣rathri incendiis lugubris jugiter cum Juda Christi pro∣ditore, ejusque complicibus puniatur, si non satisfa∣ctione emendaverit congrua, quod contra nostrum deliquit decretum.

The same year King Edgar by his regal Charter (re∣corded at large by t 1.350 Abbot Ingulphus) confirmed all the Lands and Privileges of the Abby of Croyland, formerly granted and confirmed to them by King E∣dred * 1.351 and his Nobles, in the presence of both the Archbishops, a•• the Bishops, and Nobles assembled in a Council at London: who ratified it with their fubscriptions, the sign of the Cross, and a solemn ex∣communication (denounced by the two Archbishops and three Bishops more in Pauls Church London, in the presence of King Edgar his Prelates and Nobles, in Octavis Pentecostes] against all Infringers of this Char∣ter and of their Liberties.

About the year 967 as some, or 969. as others compute, * 1.352 King Edgar in a Great Senate or Council, by advise of his * 1.353 Wisemen, enacted divers civil & Ecclesiastical Laws and Canons, for the Government of the State and Church, thus presaced. Leges quas (or, hoc est Institutum quod) Edgarus Rex, freqenti Senatu, Consilio Sapi∣entum snorum, ad Dei gloriam, Regiae Majestatis ornam••••tum, et Reipublicae utilitatem sancivit, or * 1.354 constituit. The 7 and 8 of his secular Laws in the * 1.355 Latin, but 1, 2, 3. in the Saxon Copy, I shall only transcribe.

Hoc est institutio secularis quam volo per omnia teneri. Volo ut omnis homo sit dignus juris publi∣ci, ••auper et dives quicunque sit; et eis justa judicia judicentur. Et sit in emendationibus re∣missio venialis apud Deum. Et apud seculum tolera∣bilis. Et nemo requiret Regem pro aliqua causa, nisi domi negatur ei omne dignum recti, vel rectum impetrare non possit. Et de nulla emendabili re foris

faciat homo plusquam Weram suam (agreeable to our Kings Coronation oath, and Magna Charta) Et ju∣dex qui injustum judicium judicabit alicui, det Regi Cxx s. nisi jurare audeat, quod rectius judicare ne∣scivit. Et qui aliquem injuste superdicere praesumat, Unde vita vel commodo pejor sit, linguae suae reus e∣rit, &c.

Anno 969. there was x 1.356 a general Council * 1.357 assembled at London by king Edgar, at the instigation of Pope Iohn, and Archbishop Dunstan; wherein (as I conceive) the King made that elegant Oration, a∣gainst the vicious lives of the Clergy; thus expressing his own duty and supremacy over all Persons and cau∣ses both Civill and Ecclesiastical.

Justum proinde est, ut qui omnia subjecit sub pedibus nostri••, subjici∣amus illi et Nos et animas nostra••; et ut hi, quos nobis subdidit ejus subdantur Legibus, non segniter el••••oremus Et meae quidem interes•• Laicos cum aequi∣tatis jure tractare; inter virum et proximum suum justum judicium facere, punire sacrilegos, rebel∣••es supprimere, eripere inopem de manufortiorum ejus, egenum et pauperem à deripientibus eum. Sed et meae sollicitudinis est, Ecclesiarum Ministris, &c. et necessaria procurare, et paci eorum et quieti con∣sulere. De quorum omnium moribus ad Nos spe¦ctat examen: si vivunt continenter, si honeste se ha∣bent ad eos qui foris sunt; si in divinis officiis sol∣liciti, si in Docendo populo assidui, si victu sobrii si moderati habitu••, si in judiciis sunt discreti, &c. Ego Constantini, vos Petri gladium habetis in mani∣bus; jungamus dextras, gladium gladio copulemus ut ejiciantur iextra castra leprosi, ut purgetur san∣ctuarium Domini, et ministrent in Templo filii Le∣vi, &c.

After which directing his speech to Dunstan, Aethelwald, and Oswald, he concludes thus. Vobis istud committo negotium, ut Episcopali censura et authoritate

Regia turpiteriviventes de Ecclesiis ejiciamur, & ordinatè viventes introducantur. Herupon there was a Decree made in this General Council, That all Canons, Priests, Dea∣cons, and Sub-Deacons should live chastly (that is, put away their lawfull Wives, vow chastity, and become * 1.358 Monks) or relinquish the Churches they then held: The execution whereof was committed to Oswald and E∣thelwald; Who thereupon compelled the Clergy in Worcester, Winchester, and other Churche; to become Monks, renuentes verò ab omni beneficio spoliarunt, de∣priving those who refused of all their Benefices, and putting Monks into them, qui novo quidem splendore vniversam Insulam illustrarunt, as our Monkish Wri∣ters record: or rather novo foetore contaminarunt, as o∣thers write y 1.359 John Bromton informs us, that after the slaughter of the Nuns of Ely by Inguar and Hubba, the secular Priests enjoyed that Monastery one hun∣dred years space; whom King Edgar de Concilio be∣ati * 1.360 Dunstani Archiepiscopi, & dicti Ethe••wa••di, a•• m••gnatum Regni in the forementioned General Council) expulit & fugavit for their dishonest conver∣sation.

Bishop Oswald having ejected the married secular Priests out of his Church at Worcester, and introduced Monks in their places, did this year 969. as I conje∣cture from the premises (not 964. as Sir Henry S••••l∣man computes it) (z 1.361 〈◊〉〈◊〉 King 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the Counsel and assent of his Princes, Nobles and Bi∣shops (most probably in the ••o••ementioned General Council, or that of London next ensuing) to ratifie this their ejection, and confirm the Church of Worcester, with all the lands, goods, ecclesiastical & secular things thereto * 1.362 belonging to the Monks of that Church for ever, free from all secular services and exactions, hard or easie, and from all fiscal duties great and small, known or unknown, as well of the King of Prince, as of their Officers, exceptis Ar∣cis, & Pontis extructione, et expeditione ••dntra ho∣stem.

And that by the special Charter, called Os∣wald Law, subscribed by the King, Queen, both the Archbishops, and 3 Dukes.

a 1.363 King Edgar, Anno 970. or 971. in the 12 year of his reign held another Parliamentary Council at * 1.364 London, where himself, his Mother Alfgina, Prince Edward his Son, Kined King of Scots, Mascusius his Admiral both the Ahchbishops, with the rest of the Bishops, and all the Nobles and great men of the Realm were present, by his Charters made in and ratified by this Council, this King granted and confirmed many and very magnificent Privileges to the Monastery of Gla∣stonbury communi Episcoporum, Abbatum, Prin∣cipumque concilio. et generali, assensu, Pontificum, Abbatum, Dptimatumque suorum, exempting the Monastery and Monks thereof, not only from all Episcopal Jurisdiction, but likewise all their Lands from all Tributes and Exchequer businesses for ever, Granting them

So∣cam & Sacam &c. Toll & Teame Italibere et qui∣ete, sicut ego habeo in regno meo: Eandem quoque Libertatem & Potestatem quam ego in Curia mea ha∣beo, tam in demittendo, quam in puniendo, & in quibuslibet omnino negotiis Abbas & Monachi praefa∣ti Monasterii in Curia sua habeant.

And which is a Privilege beyond all president,

Si autem Abbas, vel quilibet Monachus loci illius latronem, qui ad sus∣pendium vel quodlibet mortis periculum ducitnr in i∣tinere obvium habuerit, potestatem habeat eri••iendi eum ab imminen i periculo in toto Regno meo.

The old Charter begins thus.

In nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Qnamvis Decreta Pontificum, & verba Sacerdotum inconvul∣sis ligaminibus, velut fundamenta montium fixa sunt, tamen plerumque tempestatibus & turbinibus saecula∣rium rerum Religio sanctae Ecclesiae maculis reprobo∣rum dissipatur ac ••ū••itur ••ccirco profu•••• ū••••ucceden••i∣bus posteris esse decrevimus ut ea quae salubri Consilio

et communi assensu definiuntur, nostris li∣teris roborata firmentur, &c. Hoc itaque Dun∣stano Doroberniensi, atque Oswaldo Eboracensi Epis∣copo adhortantibus, consentiente etiam er annuente Brithelmo Fontanensi Episcopo, caeterisque Episcopis, * 1.365 Abbatibus et Primatibus: Ego Eagar divina dispo∣sitione Rex Anglorum, &c.

And it concludes thus,

Acta est haec Privilegii pagina, & confirmata apud Londonium Communi Concilio amnium Prima∣tum meorum:

Then follow the subscriptions of King Egar, Alfgina his Mother, Prince Edward, Kinred King of Scots, Mascusius the chief Admiral, both the Archbishops, 6 Bishops, 8 Abbots, 3 Dukes, and other Officers: Which Charter and Privileges at the Kings request were ratified by Pope John the 13 in a general Council at Rome, Anno Dom. 971. by a special Bull, that they might remain inviolable: yet both the Ab∣bey it self, Lands, Privileges are long since demolish∣ed, dissipated, annihilated, such is the mutabili∣unity of all sublunary things.

The self same year (Anno 970.) [b] King Edgar by his Charter granted and confirmed sundry Lands and * 1.366 Privileges to the Monastery of Medeshamsted formerly demolished by the Danes, which Bishop Aethelwold had repaired, and named Burgh, perpetually exempting it from all Episcopal jurisdiction, yoak, and exaction; Quatenus nec Rex, nec Comes, nec Episcopus, praeter Chri∣stianitatem attinentium Parochiarum - nec Vicecomes, nec ulla alia major minorve persona, ulla dominatione occupari praesum at, excepta moderata expeditione, & Pontis Ar∣cisve constructione. VVhich Charter was ratified by the kings own subscription, both the Archbishops, sundry Bishops, Abbots, Dukes, and other chief Offi∣cers, and the sign of the Cross after each of their Names.

In the year 973. c 1.367 King Edgar after his seven * 1.368

years penance expired, on the Feast of Pentecost in the * 1.369 30th year of his age, was solemnly Crowned, and con∣secrated King, and wore his Crown with great glory at Akemancester, alias Bath, both the Archbishops Dunstan and Oswald, with all the rest of the Bishops of England, ac Magnatibus universis, and all the Nobles being there present at his Coronation, and received the accustomed Gifts usually given to the Nobles being at such inaugurations. Soon after the same year this King with a very great Fleet and Army sayling round about the Northern parts of England came to Westchester, where his eight tributary Kings or Vice-royes, (namely Kyneth king of Scots, Malcome King of Cumberland, Marcus king of Man, and many other Ilands, and the other 5 kings of Wales, Dufnall, Siferth, Howel, Iames, and Iu∣chill) met him as he had commanded them, and swore allegi••nce to him in these words: That they would be faithfull and assisting to him both by Land and Sea. Which done, he on a certain day entred with them into a Barge, and placing them at the Oares, himself took the Helm, and steered the Barge very skilfully whiles they rowed it down the River of Dec from his Palace to the Monastery of St. John Bapist, on the other side, all his Dukes and Nobles following and accompanying him in other Barges: where having made his Prayers, they all rowed him thence back again in like pompe to his Royal Palace; which when he had entred he said to his Nobles: That any of * 1.370 his Successors might then say he was King of England, when with so many Kings following and subject to him, he should enjoy the Prerogative of the like pompe and power. But Mr. Fox subjoyns; In my mind this king had said much better: God forbid that I should glory in any thing but in the Cross of our Lord Jesus Christ.

e 1.371 The year following An. 974. Certain Merchants comming from York, arived in the Islle of Thanet in

Kent, where they were presently taken by the Ilan∣ders and spoyled of all their goods; which king Ed∣gar being informed of, was so far incensed against these Plunderers, that he spoyled them of all their Goods, and deprived some of them of their lives; * 1.372 Which Huntingdon and Bromton thus record. Rex Edga∣rus undecimo Anno Regri sui jussit praedari Insulam Te∣net, Quia jure Regalia spreverant: non ut hostis in∣saniens, sed ut Rex ma••o mala puniens. The same year as f 1.373 Malmesbu••y, g 1.374 Ingulphus and h 1.375 others write, king Edgar, by his regal Charter, caused the secular Priests to be removed out of the Monastery of Malmesbury and introducing Monks in their pla∣ces, restored to them the Lands and Possessions of the monastery, which the secular Priests formerly enjoy∣ed and had lea••ed 〈◊〉〈◊〉; & that upon a full hearing before the Wise-men, Bishops & others in his presence, most * 1.376 likely in a Parliamentary Council, as this clause in his Charter intimates. Haec a praedictis accommodata Clericis, a comensioso possessa est Edehnot••: sed supersti∣tiosa, sub••il que ejus discept••tione a Sapientibns meis au∣dita, et conflictatione illius mendosa ab eisdem me prae∣sente convicta, Monasteriali a me rea••. ta est usui. If the Council of Winchester (hereafter cited Anno 975.) was held in King Edgars life time, as h 1.377 some af∣firm, most probably this debate here mentioned touch∣ing these Lands, was held in and before that Council, and this Charter therein made and ratified with the subscriptions of the Kings, Arch-bishops, Bishops, Ab∣bo••s and Dukes thereto annexed, according, to the custome of that age.

Although King i 1.378 Edgar in his younger daies was subject to many Vices, and committed some injurious

Tyrannic•••• Acts, recorded by Malmesbury, Fox, Speed, and others; yet repenting of these his youthfull, lust∣full Vices, he proved such a just and prudent King, that i 1.379 our Historians of elder and later ages give these large Encomiums of his Justice, Prudence, Piety▪ Vertues, and politique Government: wor hy perpe¦tual memory and immitation. So excellent was he in Iustice, So sharp was he in correction of Vices, as well in his Magistrates, Officers, and other Subjects; that never before his days was less felony by Robbers, nor less extor∣tion or Bribery by false Officers; such as were wicked he kept under, them that were Rebels he repulsed, the godly he maintained, and the just and modest he loved▪ the learn∣ed and vi••tuous he encouraged: He would suffer no m••n of what degree or quality soever he were to elude or vio∣late his Laws without condigne punishment. In his time there was neither any private Pilferer, nor publ••ke Theef, but he that in stealing other mens Goods, would ven∣ture and suffer (as he was sure) the loss of his own Goods, and Life. He was no respecter of persons in judge∣ment; but judged every man according to the quantity of his Offence, and quality of his person. He united all the Nations under him, which were divers, by the Covenan•• and Obligation of one Law: Governing them all with such Iustice, Equity, Integrity and Peace, that he wa∣stile•• Rex, or Edgarus Pacificus, t••e p••aceable King Edgar. In his days, not ••orments, not Gibbe••s, not Ex le, not banishment were so much feared, as the offending of so good and gracious a King. He built and endowed no lesse than 48 Monasteries, and restored many more, endowing them with large possessions, privileges, (out of Piety and Devotion, ••s these times reputed it) & was a great honou∣rer, lover, promoter of the vertuous and learned Clergy, and suppressor of the vicious and scandalous. There was scarce one year throughout all his reign wherein he did not some great and memorable necessary thing for the good of his Country and people, the honour of God, and advancement of

Religiòn. All which made him so honoured and beloved by his Subjects at home, so far dreaded by his Enemies a∣broad; that Nullas Domesticorum insidias, nullum extermi∣nium alienorum sensit: He never felt any homebred treache∣ry, or forein invasion, but reigned peaceably all his days, without war or bloodshed, which none of his Predecessors ever did. He was so far from tollerating any violence or rapine in men towards each other, that he commanded all the Wolves and ravenous Beasts, greedy of blood, to be de∣stroyed throughout his Dominions: And such an Enemy was he to Drunkenness (the Mother of Vices, Murders Quarrels, Thefts,) wherewith the Danes had much infect∣ed the English, that to prevent and redress it, he caused Pins to be set in every Cup, prohibiting by severe Laws and Penalties, that none should force others to drink, nor yet drink below those Pins, in that moderate pro∣portion which he prescribed them. Among other his Politick deeds, for the peace and safeguard of his Realm a∣gainst pillaging Pirates, and Forein Invaders, he had al∣ways in readiness 3600 (as most) or 4800 strong ships of War (as others record) to secure the Seas in the Sum∣mer season, which he divided into three Squadrons or Fleets: * 1.380 whereof he placed 1200 in the East Seas to guard them; 1200 in the South Seas; 1200 in the West Seas, (and 1200 in the North Seas, as some write) to prevent Piracies, and repulse the invasion of Forein Enemies. These Ships immediatly after Easter met together every year at their several places of Rendezvous, wherewith the King sail∣ed round about the Island and Sea-coasts, with a great force, to the terror of Foreiners, and exercising of his own subjects, sayling with the Eastern Navy to the Western parts of the Iland, and then sending them back with the Western Fleet to the Northern Coasts, and then sayling with the Northern Fleet to the South; pius scilicet explorator, ne quid Piratae turbarent. After his return from the Sea, in the Winter and Spring, he used to ride in Progress through all the Counties of the Realm, diligently to search and inquire

how his Laws, Statutes, Ordinances were kept and observed by his Princes, Great Men, and Difi∣cers, lest the Poorer sort of people should suffer pre∣sudice, or be oppressed by the Greater & Richer; And whether his Judges or Justices judged upright∣ly, according to the Laws, or injured any through Brivery Malice, or Partiality, Violati Juris severus ultor; being a severe Revenger of his violated Laws, sparing neither Rich nor Poor, but judging him justly ac∣cording to the quality of his transgression. In hoc Justi∣tiae in il••o fortitudinis, in utrcque Reipublicae & Regni utilitatibus consulens, as Wiliam of Malmesbury, and Flor. of Worcester report of him. Et ideo tempore suo la∣trones nulli fuerunt, nec aliquis qui Guerram vel tur∣bationem in Regno movere audebat. Merito ergo non infirma inter Anglos fama est; nullum nec ejus, nec su∣perior is aetatis Regem in Anglia recto & aequabili ju∣dicio Edgaro comparandum: He being Flos et Decus antecessorum Regum, non minus memorabils Anglis, quam Romulus Romanis, Cyrus Persis, Alex. Macedoniis Arsaces Parthis, Carolus Magnus Francis; as Malmes∣bury, Abbot Ethelred, Florentius VVigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, Henry Huntindon, Matthew VVestminster, and * 1.381 others record of him, who are much more copi∣ous in his prayses. k 1.382 Mr. Fox closeth up his Encomi∣ums of him with this Speech: As I see many things in this worthy Prince to be commended; so this one thing in him I cannot but lament, to see him like a Phoenix to fly alone, that of all his Posterity so few there be that seek to keep him company.

Towards the end of his Reign the l 1.383 Welchmen mo∣ving some rebellior, he thereupon assembled a mighty Army to suppress and prevent it; wherewith he en∣tring into the Country of Glamorgan, sharply puni∣shed the Ringleaders thereof: But his Souldiers doing great harm in plundering the Country, lading themselves

with spoyls; the King out of his bounty, commanded them to restore to the People all the spoyls they had gotten; and more especially▪ St. Ellutus Bell, that was han∣ged about an Horses neck; whereby he purchased sin∣gular love and honor from the Inhabitants. At length after he had reigned thus, 16 years and two months in great tranquillity and honor. totum reg∣num sanctis legibus st••enue gubernantem, as m 1.384 Eadmerus relates of him, he died happily O•• Tuesday the 8 of July, Anno 975. Nec potuit malè mori qui benè vixerat, qui tot Ecclesias Deo fundaverat, qui tot bona pe∣rennia brevi tempore statuerat, as n 1.385 Henry Arch-Dea∣con of Huntingdon observes, who bestowed this honourable Epitaph on him, remembred also by o 1.386 o∣thers.

Auctor opum, vindex scelerum, largitor honorum, Sceptifer Edgarus Regna supe••na petit. Hic alter Solomon, legum Pater Orbita Pacis; Quod caruit bellis, claruit inde magis. Tem••la Deo 〈…〉〈…〉 dedit agros; Nequitiae lapsum, justiciaeque locum. Novit enim R••gno verum perqu••rere falso, Immensum modico, perpetuumque brevi.

Immediately after his death, Res et spes Anglo∣rum retro sublapsae sunt, totius Regni status est per∣turbatus; et post tempus laetitiae quod illius tempore vigebat pacificè, caepit tribulatio undique advenire, as Malmesbury, Wigorniensis, Hoveden, Simeon Dunel∣mensis, and Bromton observe:

such an incomparable loss was the death of so just, pious, and prudent a King to the whole Nation, qui juventutis vitia, postea¦magni•• virtutibus delevit, when most others do quite contrary.

p 1.387 King Edgar at the time of his decease leaving * 1.388 behind him two Sons by two venters, Edward his eldest Son by Queen Ethelfleda his first Wife, then but 12. years old, and Ethelred his second Son by his second Queen Elfreda, then not much above 7. years of age▪ There arose a great contention amongst the Nobles of the Realm about choosing of a new King. For Queen Elfreda, with Alferus Duke of Mercia and many o∣ther Nobles, fiding with the maried Secular Priests a∣gainst the Monkish Clergy, combined to advance young Ethelred, electing him unanimoufly for their King, disavowing Edward as illegitimate, and begotten of an harlot before mariage; as Malmesbury de Gestis Re∣gum, l. 2. c. 8. Osburn in the life of Dunstan, Nicholas Trivet, Johannis Parisiensis, Vincentius, Antoninus, Mat∣thew Parker in the Life of Archbishop Dunstan, Mr. Fox and others repute him: though Ingulphus, Huntindon, Hoveden, Mat: Westminster, Florentius Wigornensis, Bromton, Abbot Ethelred, Simeon Dunelmensis, Radul∣phus Cistrensis, and the generality of our modern Histo∣rians, repute him Edgars lawfull Son, and right heir to the Crown: Whereupon the most of the Nobles elect∣ed him to succeed unto his Father: The two Archbi∣shops, Dunstan, and Oswald, with all the Bishops, Ab∣bots, and Clergy of the Monkish faction, holding their new-gotten States dangerous, and their footing unsure, if in the nonage of the King, their Opposites should rule all under him, as they imagined they would, if Ethlred were elected by them; thereupon abetted the Title of Edward, as altogether wrought to their mould and treading in his Fathers footsteps, lawfully begot∣ten in the nuptial bed of Queen Ethelfleda, right heir to his Father, and by him designed to succeed him. Their claimes thus banded amongst the Nobles, Duu∣stan and Oswald foreseeing the danger, prudently assem∣bl••d * 1.389 all the Bishops, Abbots, and Nobles together in a Great Council, to debate their rights and settle the ti∣tle;

Where Archbishop Dunstan (as some write) com∣ming in with his Cross and Banner, dum consecrationis ejus ••empore nonnulli Patriae Optimates resistere vo∣luissent; not staying for further debating de Jure, pre∣sented Prince Edward in the midst of them de Facto, for their Lawfull King, as his Father had declared him at his death. Upon which, the Major part of the Council, being Clergymen, elected, anointed and consecrated Ed∣ward for their King Quibusdam Optimatum murmu∣rantibus, some of the Nobles o•• the contrary party murmuring at it, especially Queen Elfrida, who thought to advance her young Son to the Throne, that so she might rule all things, and reign under the colour of his name, as Dunstan and the Monkish Clergy did under the colour of King Edwards, whose Counsels and admonitions he diligently followed in all things, and judgements acted by him.

During the Interregnum, and banding of these two parties about the right of the Crown, and immediate∣ly after Edwards coronation, q 1.390 there arose great con∣troversies, tumults and civil Warrs between the Monkish Clergy, and maried Secular Priests, and the Nobles siding with both parties. The marie•• Priests presently upon Edgars death, complained to Queen Elfrida, Elfere, and the Nobles, That they were unjustly expelled out of their Churches by the Monks and their prevailing party; alle∣ging, that it would be a very great and miserable dishonour to the Nation, and shame to them; ut novus advena ve∣teres colonos migrare compelleret: hoc nec Deo gra∣tum putari, qui veterum habitationem concessi••set. nec alicui probo homini, qui sibi idem timere possit quod a∣liis praejudicio accedisse cerneret. Hereupon many clamours and tumults arising among the people, they went to Archbishop Dunstan; Praecipue Proceribus, ut Laicorum est, succlamantibus praejudicium, &c. but especially to the Nobles, as the manner of Laymen is, crying out unto them; that the Secular Clergy were pre∣judged,

and suffered unjustly, being eaepelled their antient posessions without cause: that they ought to be more mildly dealt with, and restored to their Rights. Dunstan giving * 1.391 a deaf ear to these their just complaints, many of the Princes and Nobles thereupon, in a tumultuous man∣ner, expulsed the Abbots and Monks out of the Monaste∣ries wherein King Edgar had placed them, and brought in the maried Clerks with their wives in their places, as at first. Among others, Alfere Earl of Mercia, gathering great forces, and using much insolence, overturned almost all the Monasteries King Edgar and Bishop Ethelwold had built in the Province of Mercia; quorundam Potentum assensu et factione, placing maried Priests in them. This they did magnis occaecati muneribus by the maried Clergy, as Hoveden, Simeon Dunelmensis, Florentius Wi∣gorniensis, and our Monkish Historians assert. To which r 1.392 Abbot Ingulphus subjoyns. Cujus (Regis Ed∣wardi) sancta simplicitate et innocentia tàm abusa est factio Tyrannorum, per Reginae favorem et potenti∣am praecipue roborata, quod per Merciam Monachis de quibusdam Monasteriis ejectis, Clerici sunt inducti: Qui statim Monasteriorum maneria Ducibus terrae distri∣buebant, ut sic in suas partes obligati eos contra Mo∣nachos defensarent. Tunc de Monasterio Eveshamensi Monachis expulsis, Clerici fuerunt introducti; Terrae∣que Tyranni de terris Ecclesiae praemiati sunt: qui∣bus Regina cum novercali nequitia stans cum Clericis, in Regis opprobrium favebat. Cum Monachis Rex et sancti Episcopi persistebant: Sed Tyranni fulti Re∣ginae favore et potentia super Monachos triumpha∣bant. The Monks on the contrary to secure their in∣terest (by like Bribes and means as is most probable, though our Monkish Historians conceal it) stirred up Ethelwin Duke of the East-English, and Brithnorth Earl of Essex, (men of great dread and power) to appear in their quarrel and resist rhe opposite party. Qui in Sy∣nodo constituti; who assembled together in a Synod * 1.393

or Council for that end, protested, That they would ne∣ver indure the Monks should be cast out of the Realm, who held up all Religion in the Kingdom. After which, they raised a mighty Army, defending with great valour the Monasteries of the Eastern English, keeping the Monks in possession of them. This fire between the Monks and maried Priests thus blown from a spark to a flame, was feared to mount higher, if not timely quenched. Wherefore by mediation of Wise men, arms being laid aside, the cause was referred to be heard and decided between them in a Great Council of the whole Kingdom. For which end there was a famous Council summoned and held at Winchester; (which some Historians antedate in Edgars life, others place in the Interregnum, after his death; but the series of Story, and most judicious Antiquaries, evince it to be after Edwards Coronation, Anno 975.) In this Great Coun∣cil, the King and Archbishop Dunstan sitting in their Thrones, as chief Judges of the Controversie, in the East-End of the Hall of the Refectory of Winchester Abby near the wall, (wherein there was a Crucifix immured just behind them,) Duces cum torius Regni Magnatibus; the Dukes with all the Nobles of the Realm, and the expulsed maried Clerks standing on the left side of the Refectory, and pleading for themselves, that they might be restored; and Oswald Archbishop of York, Athelwold Bishop of Winchester, with the Monks stand∣ing all together on the right side of the Hall, plead∣ing for their continuance in their Churches (as the Au∣thor of the old Manuscript Chronicle of Winchester Ab∣by relates, though he misdates the time of this Council, as held Anno 968.) After much debate, the Nobles of the Realm fearing they should be overcome by dispute (say the Monks) promising reformation of life on the Clergies behalf, most humbly intreated the King and Arch∣bishop. That they might be readmitted into Monasteries, out of which they had been ejected. With whose prayers, tears &

sighs the most merciful King being much moved, was in a great streight, ruminating in his min••, what he should doe in this business. At last purposing, and be∣ing about to grant pardon to the Clerks, upon hope of their amendment, and to give them leave to return to the Monasteries and Churches whence they had been expelled; When he was ready to pronounce this his definitive Sentence; there was this divine Voice uttered, by the Crucifix in the Wall. Cum plurium jam Suf∣fragiis de Presbyteris restituendis decernebatur, as Matthew Parker relates it; Absit ut hoc fi••••, &c. God forbid that this should be done; God forbid it should be done; You have judged well once, you would change again not well. Which articulate voice only the King and Archbishop who were the Judges of the cause, heard, if the Chro∣nicle of Winchester may be credited, when as another Monk relates, it was heard by all present; At which voice they being both astonied, fell to the ground on their faces; but all the rest hearing only the sound of the Voice as of a great Thunder, fell down flat to the Earth very much affrighted. Some write, that both sides by Dunstans policy appealed to the resolution of the Crucifix in this case, in which Dunstan had placed a man with a Trunk in the wall behind the Image, who uttered this voice in and by the mouth of the Rood: which is most probable. Soon after, he King and Dun∣stan heard this second voice from the Crucifix, Arise, be not afraid, because this day Righteousnesse and Peace have kissed each other in the Monks. In memory of this chearing Oracle and Monkish fable, (of which Hun∣tindon, Hoveden, Wigorniensis, Ranul••us Cistrensis, Fabi∣an, and other old Monastical ••istorians make no men∣tion, and Malmsbury slightly relates it as An hear∣say) the Monks of Winchester ingraved these Ver∣ses over the head of this Crucifix in their Refe∣ctory.

Humano more Crux praesens edidit ore; Coelitus effata quae prospicis hic subarata.

writing the words forcited under this Distick, as then uttered by the Crucifix, which asserted before all, That Dunstans way was true. Where with the Clerks and their Abettors were quite confounded, and put to silence. Sed adhuc non sedatis animis, &c. But the Nobles and Clerks minds being not as yet quieted by this Oracle (a clear evidence they suspected it as coun∣terfeit) our Historians inform us, there were three more great Councils soon after held to * 1.394 settle this Controversie between the married Priests and Monks. The first at Kerling, Kerding, or Cerding, or Kirking, as it is variously stiled, Anno 977. which s 1.395 Wigorn. and Hoveden stile Magna Synodus, with∣out * 1.396 recording what was done therein. Sir Henry Spel∣man out of an old Saxon Note, calls it A great Coun∣cil, affirmes it was held after Easter, and that Sideman Bishop of Devonshire died in it. That King Edward and the Archbishop therein or∣dained; That every man should goe in pilgrimage to the Church of St. Mary at Abendune out of Devotion. And Matthew Parker Archbishop of Canterbury, in the life of Dunstan, superaddes:

Dunstanus ibi cum Mona∣chorum labenti conditioni succurrere voluit, nihil profecit, Itaque hoc dissoluto Concilio, aliud in Regia Villa Wilteria quae Calne vulgo appellatur coegir.

This Great Council held at t 1.397 Calne (some stile it Cleve) was purposely called the same year, 977. to end the long continued Controversie between the

Monks and married Priests, which the feigned Oracle of the Crucifix at Winchester, and the Council of Ker∣ding could not determine. All the Senators and Nobles of England sitting together at this Council * 1.398 in an Upper room (the King being absent by reason of his tender age or sickness) the business being debated with great conflict and controvetsie; and the strong∣est wall of the Monkish Church, Archbishop Dunstan, being assaulted with the Darts of many revilings, re∣mained unshaken. The Disputants of both parties and orders defending their sides with greatest industry, in the midst of the dispute, the whole Floor, with the Rafters and Beams of the Room wherein they dis∣puted suddenly brake in peeces, and fell to the ground, with all the people in it, except Dunstan, who esca∣ped without any harm, standing firm on a beam that remained, of which he took hold-fast; the rest being either slain outright, or very much hurt and bruised with the fall, so as they languished ever after, hardly escaping present death. This miracle (as our Mon∣kish Authors stile it) gave peace to Archbishop Dun∣stan from the assaults of the English Clerks, and others, who thereupon from thenceforth submitted to his sen∣tence and judgement, if William of Malmesbury, and Mat. Westminster may be credited; Whereas Florentius Wigorniensis, John Bromton, and others out of them, assure us; that there was not long after another Parliamenta∣ry Synod or Assembly held at Ambresbery, upon the same occasion, without recording the Proceedings or Event thereof. Some conjecture that this fall was on∣ly a fiction of the Monkish VVriters, to adde reputa∣tion to their languishing cause, as well as that of the Crucifix Speech forecited. Others conceive, it was wrought by Duustans sorcery, or Policy. Others, that it was casual, by reason of the weight of the People. But Henry Huntindon Hist. l. 2. p. 357. Bromton, col. 876. and Sir Henry Spelman out of them, p. 496. record,

That this fall of the Nobles at Calne, was (not a Di∣vine Judgement on them for their Opposition against, and injury to the Monks as some interpreted it, but) signum videlicet Dei excelsi fuit, quod Proditione et Interfeatone Regis sui, ab amore Dei Casuri es∣sent, * 1.399 et diverus gentibus digna contritione conteren∣di; as they were soon after broke in pieces by the in∣vading conquering Danes and Normans: And whether the late violent falls and ruptures of our Parliaments and Nobles portend not the like fate to England, by some other forein Invasions for the like Treachery, Apostacy, Regicide, or far worse, let those who are guiltiest of it, and others determine at their lei∣sures.

King u 1.400 Edward imitating the footsteps of his Fa∣thers * 1.401 Religion and Piety, was so circumvented by the flattering speeches of his Mother-in-law Queen Elfri∣da, that although she opposed his Title, Election, Coronation, all she could, to advance her own Son to the Crown: yet retaining only the name of a king to himself, he soon after permitted her and his Brother Ethelred, his Competitor, to order all affairs of the Realm as they pleased. VVhereupon (as the Chro∣nicle of Bromton relates) she began to plot how to de∣throne this Man of God King Edward, and advance her own Son Ethelred to the Throne; Which when she had a long time meditated upon, she opened the Secrets of her heart to some of her chief Counsellours, advising with them concerning it, and earnestly intreating, yea conjuring them to assent to her therein, and to find out some means to effect it; Cui protenus in necem illius omnes conseuserunt, who all forthwith consented to his Murder, and contrived how they might most speedily accomplish it by some fraudulent de∣vice, which they soon after executed in this manner.

King Edward hunting for his disport in the Forest near VVarham, hearing that his Brother Ethelred

whom he intirely loved) was near that place, residing then with his Morher at Corph-Castle,) some stile it Cornesgare) rode thither to visit him with very few at∣tendants, who either casually, or of set purpose lin∣gring behind him, sporting in the way, he came alone to the Castle gate. Queen Elfrida who had a long time waited for such an opportunity, being informed thereof, went presently to weet him with her bloody Assassinate,s and welcoming him with flattering Speeches, and a pleasant countenance, importuned him to lodge there that night, which offer he with thanks refused, saying he desired only to see and speak with his btother, but would not alight from his horse: Whereupon she commanded a Cup of Wine to be spee∣dily brought him to drink, appointing one of her boldest Souldiers to kill him whiles he was drinking: VVho kissing the king, like another Judas, under a pre∣text of love, to take away all suspition, so soon as the Cup was at his mouth, slabbed him presently into the Bowels with a knife. King Edward feeling himself wounded, set spurs to his Horse, thinking to escape to his own faithfull followers; but the wound being mortal, he fell from his Horse dead, and one of his feet hanging in the Stirrop, he was dragged up and down through the Mire and Fields, and at last left there dead near Cerf Gate. VVhich his wicked Stepmother hearing of, commanded her most wicked Servant to drag him by the Heels like a beast, and throw him in∣to a little Cottage hard by, that the fact might not be discovered. Aster which she commanded his Corps to be privily taken from thence, left this her most execra∣ble work of darkuess should be discovered, and buried in an obscure bushy morish place, where it should no more be found by any. Most of our Historians write, that he was obscurely buried at VVearham, without any Royal State; Ac sicum Corporc paritèr & Me∣moriam sepellissent, invidentes ei sespidem, cui Vivo

inviderunt decus Regium; So Malmsbury; or as Matthew Westminster descants on it, Invidebant enim mortuo Ecclesiasticam concedere Sepulturam Cni viden∣ti decus Regium auferebant. And not content here∣with, they made an Edict▪ than which nothing could be more cruel; That no Man should lament or speak of his death, thinking thereby utt••rly to aelete his memory. But contrary to their expectation, God by a superna∣tural light from heaven shining on the place, and sun∣dry Miracles there wrought (if our Monkish Hi∣storians may bee credited) frustrated this▪ design. For though the Queen and her Complices out of their transcendent malice (which O that some of late times had not overmuch imitated,) Inimicitias quas viventi ingesserunt in mortuum p••otelantes, sepelierunt ••um fine Re∣gio honore apud Warham▪ ut sicut vitam ejus extinxe∣rant ita et nomen ejus extinguerent: hic vero comper∣tum * 1.402 est contra divinam providentiam non sufficere pra∣vum cor hominis et inscrutabile: Quem enim perfidi terris abjicerant, Deus coelo gloriosè suscepit, et memoriae aeternae insignivit eum Dominus cujus mentionem Proditores obnubulare studuerant. But mark the sad sequel of this prodigious Regicide, Proditione Gentis suae perfidae, thus registred by x 1.403 Henry Huntindon, an impartial Historian. Inde Dominus iterum ad iram provocatus est, et plus solito irritatus, Genti pessimae malum inextri∣cabile conferre cogitavit, et quod facere paraverat non distulit. Veneruntque Dani, et operuerunt Angliam quasinubes coeli. To which y 1.404 William of Malmsbu∣ry subjoyns. Creditumque et celebritèr vulgatum, quod propter Elfridae in Edwardum insolentiam multo post tempore tota patria servitutem infremuisset Barba∣ricam. Take the summ of his Reign, Murther, Saint∣ship in these words of * 1.405 Abbot Ethelred. Translato ad coelestia Regna Rege Fadgaro. in reono terreno filius ejus Edwardus successit: Qui injuste ab implis interfectus, tum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sanctitatem, tum ob mortis 〈…〉〈…〉 San∣cti

Nomen et Meritum Deo donante promeruit: being afterward translated to Shaftsbury, and there honoura∣bly enshrined.

King Edward being thus treacherously murdered on the 17th day of April, Anno 978. when he had reign∣ed * 1.406 only 3. years and 8. moneths by hereditary Successi∣on, thereupon on the 8. of May 979. his half-brother z 1.407 Ethelred was crowned King at Kingston, by both the Archbishops, Dunstan and Oswald, and ten Bishops more, in the presence of the Nobles, much against Dun∣stans will. And although Ethelred so much lamented his Brothers murder, being then but a child of ten years old, not active to promote this Treacherous plot, and so detesting it, that his Mother Elfrida in a rage whipped him for it with candles for want of a rod, which made him abhor candles all his life; yet Dun∣stan full of a propheticall Spirit, at the very time of his Coronation told him, that he and his Posterity, toge∣ther with the whole kingdom, should suffer grievous tribulation all his reign, using these words then unto him; Because thou hast aspired to the Kingdom by the death of thy Brother, whom thy Mother murdered; therefore hear the word of the Lord; Thus saith the Lord: The Sword and Bloud shall not depart from thy House, nor from the Nation, but shall rage against thee all the days of thy Life, slaying thy séed, uutil thy King∣dom shall be translated to another Realm and Nati∣on, whose Customs and Language that Nation over which thou reignest knoweth not; 〈…〉〈…〉 in ulti••um red gat serv••tutem, who shal•• reduce them into the er∣tremet Bondage, for conspiring with thy ignomini∣ous Mother against the Bloud of thy Brother. Nei∣ther sh•• thy fin, nor the sin of thy Mother, Nor the sin of those who were privy to her wicked Counsell, that they mi••ht stretch ••ut an hand against the Lords a∣nointed to slay him, be expiated, but by a long Re∣venge, * 1.408 and much effusion of bloud. Which accor∣dingly

came to pass; and let all others whom it con∣cerns most nearly, with our whole English Nation now seriously reminde it. This Prophecie was presently after seconded, with a prodigious Cloud, spread and seen over all England sundry nights, which appeared sometimes bloudy, other times fiery, and then chan∣ging it self into divers sorts of flashings and colours, vanished about the morning. The very next year fol∣lowing the barbarous Danes invaded England, burnt Southampton, killing and carrying away Prisoners al∣most all the Inhabitants thereof; after which they in∣fested and wasted the Isle of Teneth, and City of West-Chester, invading England every year with new forces, til they had laid the whole kingdom desolate, expelled King Ethelred, with his Queen and Children, into fo∣reign patts, and possessed themselves both of the Crown and Realm, as absolute Soveraigns.

And here, before I proceed further, I cannot but take special Notice of Gods admirable retaliating Ju∣stice inflicted upon some of our Saxon usurping Regi∣cides and their Posterities, worthy our saddest con∣templation.

* 1.409 King Edgar (as I touched before) injuriously usurped upon his elder Brother King Edwyn; and by force of arms deprived him of half his Crown and king∣dom at first, and of his whole Realm, if not life too, at last. But within few years after by Gods avenging hand, his best beloved eldest Son and heir, King Edward, to whom he bequeathed the Crown at his death, was first op∣posed in his Succession, and soon after most treache∣rously butchered by his own Queen and younger Son, who invaded the Crown by his slaughter. King Ed∣gar treacherously slew Earl Ethelwold, (as you have read) to espouse his wife Elfreda, & Crown her for his best beloved Queen; who (no doubt) was consenting to, if not the contriver of his murder, as he was hunt∣ing in Worel Forest. And she to requite this murder, kills

his own Son and heir King Edward, as he came from hunting in a Forest, not very far distant from the same place. Elfere Earl of Mercia, the Queens chief Coun∣seller and Instrument to murther and dethrone King Edward, (whom he stabbed to death with his own hands, as Malmesbury records,) though to expiate this crime, he soon after honourably translated his Corps from Warham to Shaftsbury-Minster; yet by Gods a∣venging wrath, about a year after his whole body was ea∣ten up of Lice and Worms, so that he died most miserably. Queen Alfrida the chief Plotter of this murder, soon af∣ter the fact, was struck with such horror of conscience for this bloudy Regicide, that to pacifie the pangs thereof, and expiate the guilt of his crying bloud, she built two Monasteries at Almesbury and Warwel, and casting off her royal robes and State, entred into the later of them, where she afflicted her self with sack∣cloth, fasting, weeping, and severe penance unto the day of her death, bewailing this bloudy crime all the remainder of her life. The whole English Nation, who were either consenters to, or overgreat connivers at their Soveraigns Murther (which they never publikely questioned nor revenged) were not only stricken, con∣sumed with all sorts of Plagues and strange diseases, but uncessantly invaded, oppressed, spoiled, captiva∣ted, conquered, murderated, and almost quite extirpa∣ted by the barbarous Danes, who usurped the Sove∣raignty over them for three Generations, being made a spectacle of divine Justice both to Angels and Man. As for King Ethelred himself, though then an infant, he purchased nothing else by his Brothers blood, but a Crown of Thorns and Cares, living in perpetual warrs, cares, fears, wants, distresses, being crossed in all his designs, warrs by Land and Sea, contemned, deserted, and frequently betrayed by his own Counsellers, No∣bles, Commanders, Souldiers, Subjects; forced out of the Realm with his Queen, children, by the conque∣ring

Danes, all living like exiles in forein parts; dy∣ing at last neither lamented nor desired; Some of his Sons after his death were treacherously murthered, (as Edmund Ironside by his own Brother-in-law, and E∣th••lred his Son-in-law, Duke Edert) all his posterity renounced by the English, and the Danes preferred be∣fore them, banished, betrayed, devoted to ruine by the usurping Danes, and his own temporizing English Pre∣lates and Nobles. Of which more fully hereafter. Take but this brief Character of his unhappy reign out of a 1.410 William of Malmsbury, and b 1.411 Henry de Knyghton; Ethelred us post occisionem fratris sui Edwardi in Regem levatus 38. annis reguum potius obsidit, quam rexit. Nam vitae suae cursus saevus et infanstus fuit; in principio, miser; in medio et fine, turpis et reprobus,. Iste tenuit Regnum in magna angustia: Nec mirum, quia sic felonice et inju∣ste intrusus est in Regnum, Rex suorum perfidia Du∣cum avito ex te••ris solio, et opis egens alienae, in cujus ma∣nu aliorum solebat salus pendere. E Normannia accerci∣tus Londoniae agebat propter proditores, nunquam proce∣dens, ubi animam laboribus et miseriis natam efflavit. Post cujus mortem Proceres Regni, cum Clero stirpem e∣jus abhorrentes, Canutum recognoverunt Regem suum fore. All which calamities fell upon these Regicides, Traytors, and the whole English Nation, as our Hi∣storians observe, for the murder of their lawfull Sove∣raign. And have we not all now just cause to fear the very like, or some sorer Judgements for the selfsame cry∣ing Sin, and other transcendent, bloudy, traiterous violences, oppressions of all kinds, farr exceeding this, and all others in former ages? But to proceed from these Generals, to the most observable particulars du∣ring his reign.

Anno Dom. 980. being the second year of King E∣thelreds * 1.412 reign, the c 1.413 Danes began their invasion and

persecution of the English, wasting, depopulating with fire and sword Southampton, Chester, the Isle of Teneth, Cornwall, Devonshire, and other places, continuing their depredations sundry years after, till they became Lords and Masters both of the Crown and Realm. All our Historians record, that the sins of the English Nation, (especially their Treason and Treachery against their in∣nocent murdered Soveraign) were the original cause of this Danish invasion, and most fatal Judgement: to which Bishop d 1.414 Lupus in his Oration, subjoyns these other sins, pertinent to my Theam, of which I fear our Nation is now farr more guilty than their Ancestors in that age: Ecelesiae vastantur, ordo Clericalis ludibrio habetur et contemp••ui; ima plebs proditorie è regno sumpto pretio venundatur, infantes ab ipsis incunabilis ad mise∣ram * 1.415 servitutem sumpti et redacti sunt, omnisque benigni∣tas et eleemosyna perit. Ipsi denique liberi avita libertate frui, et in serbili conditione constituti, bonis magnis par∣tis laboribus aut aliundè concessi••, uti prohibentur. Et quia haec gens perjurlis, Mendaciis Juramenti, Fidei, Faederum atque Pignorum fractionibus crebris, homi∣cidio, furto, et quae ad Rempublicam labefactandam summae sunt Proditione, falso atque Technis baferrimis in ip∣sos Domiuos atque Heros multifariam deliquit, ••ujus fuit indicium, Edwardi regis ipsis hostibus traditio, &c. The external causes principally inviting, incouraging the Danes to this invasion, as e 1.416 Matthew Parker, and f 1.417 Mr. Fox conjecture, were these: Quod à segnibus et torpentibus Monachis Regni facultates essent ab∣sorptae; auctaque indies Dacorum vis ab Anglorum sub Monachis redactorum ignaviam, et civilia orta multa dis∣crimina; quae Dacos efferarunt victores. And that the Danes perceiving the discords that were then in the Realm, and the hearts of the Subject to be withdrawn from, and set against their Soberaign, they thought it a sufficient occasion and advantage to forward their intend∣ments, and omitting no time, arived on the Coasts of

Kent, and spoiled the Country as aforesaid.

About the year of our Lord 982. One Lefsi bought * 1.418 lands in the Isle of Ily of Adelwold Bishop of Winchester, and not only denied to pay for them, but likewise for∣cibly disseised the Bishop of 3. Manors, Burch, Undeles, and Kateringes, which the Bishop recovered by Judge∣ment of the Earldermen, and Thames in the WITE∣NAGEMOTE (Wittagemiot) or Parliamentary Assembly of that age, thus reported by the antient g 1.419 Book of Ely, and by h 1.420 Mr. Selden, out of it.

Edicitur placitum apud Londoniam, quo cum Duces, Principes, Satrapae, Rethores et Causidici ex omni parte confluxerant, beat us Aedelwoldus praefatum Lefsium in jus protraxit, et coram cunctis suam causam et injuri∣am, ac rapinam quam ipse Leofsius intulerat sanctae Ecclesiae ex ordine patefecit. Qua re benè ac a∣pertè ab omnibus discussa, omnes Deo et beato Aethelwaldo per judicium reddiderunt Burch, et Un∣deles, et Kateringes. Judica verunt etiam ut Leofsius Episcopo totum damnum suum suppleret, et * 1.421 Mun∣dam suam redderet, de rapina vero Regis forisfactu∣ram emendaret, dato pretio genealogiae suae. Post haec infra octavum diem convenerunt iterum ad Northamtune et congregata ibi tota Provincia, sive Vicecomitatu, coram cunctis iterum causam supradi∣ctam * 1.422 patefecerunt. Qua patefacta ac declarata, ut praejudicata erat apud Londoniam, judicaverunt et isti apud Northamtune. Quo facto omnis populus cum jure jurando in Christi Cru••e reddiderunt Episcopo quae sua erant, scilicet, Burch, et Undeles, et Katerin∣ges.

By which President it is apparent, 1. That Par∣liamentary Councils in that age held Pleas, and gave judgements of Disseisins and Titles of Lands. 2. That they had Lawvers to assist them, and plead such cases before them. 3. That the Judgement gi∣ven in the Great Council at London, was confirmed; recited, and executed in the County-Court held at

Northampton, and possession of the Lands accordingly restored to the Bishop.

King i 1.423 Ethelred being incensed against the Bishop * 1.424 of Rochester, Anno 983. as some, or 986. as others com∣pute it, besieged the City of Rochester for a long space; VVhereupon Archbishop Dunstan commanded him to give over the siege, lest he should provoke St. Andrew, Patron of that City, against him. The King not with∣standing continued his siege till he extorted one hun¦dred pounds from the Bishop. VVhere upon Dunstan admiring at his covetousness, sent him this Message. Because thou bast preferred silver before God, Mony be∣fore an Apostle, covetousness before me, the evils which the Lord hath denounced shall violently come upon thee. Upon which Matthew Westminster makes this observa∣tion. Anno 986. Rex Anglorum Aethelredus qui pro∣hibente beato Dunstano Ce••tum libras ab Episcopo Roffen∣si extorserat, pro pace brevissima pensionem 16 millium librarum persolvere compulsus est. VVhich fell not out till the year 994. as himself and others record. Mal∣mesbury referrs it to the Tax of 10 thousand pounds, paid by him to the Danes. Anno 991. In this year 986. Alfric Duke of Mercians, son of Duke Alfere was banished England crudeliter, cruelly, without just cause, as Bromton recites, which made him afterwards prove treacherous to the King, he being one of those English, quos nullis causis extantibus exhaeredabat Rex, et affecto crimine, opibus emugebat; which Malmesbury taxeth him for. His oppression and inju∣stice, * 1.425 being the chief causes of his miscarriage and ex∣pulsion by the Danes.

Anno 988. The Danes invading VVecedport, there∣upon * 1.426 Goda Earl of Devonshire, Strenwild, a most valiant * 1.427 Knight, and many others in defence of their Native Country and Liberties, fought with them, and were slain by them. And Anno 891. Brithnoth the most va∣liant Duke of the East English, and his forces, fought 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

a set battle with the invading Danes, who wasted Ipswich and the parts adjoyning: In which battel an innumerable multitude were slain on both sides, and this valiant Duke with many thousands of the English, in defence of their Country against these In∣vaders. After which, by the Counsel of l 1.428 Syricius Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, Duke Aethelward, Alfric, and other Nobles (assembled no doubt in a Parliamenta∣ry 〈◊〉〈◊〉, as Malmesbury his Duces et Proceres * 1.429 si quando in Concilium venissent, pars hic, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 illud el••g••runt. &c. and Henry de Knyghton his Proceres Regni, si quando ad Concilium congregati, &c. import)

A Tribute of ten thousand pounds was given to the Danes, that they might desist from their frequenr ra∣pines, and slaughters of men, which they frequently exercised about the Sea-coasts, pacemque firmam cum¦iis tenerent, and might hold a firm peace with them.

Some of our Historians stile this m 1.430 Infaustum Concilium, an unlucky Council. Eadmerus n 1.431 gives this verdict of it.

Regis desidia circum circa inno∣tuit, Et ideo extevorum cupiditas opes Anglorum quam mortes affectans, hac & illac, per mare, terram invadere: & primo propinquas mari villas & urbes, deinde remotiores, ac demum totam Provinciam miserabili depopulatione devastare. Quibus cum ille nimio pavore perculsus, non armis occurrere, sed data pecunia pacem ab eis petere non erubuisset, ipsi * 1.432 suscepto pretio in sua revertebantur, ut, numero suo∣rum adaucto fortiores redirent, ac praemia iteratae irruptionis multiplicata reciperent; Unde modo de∣cem millia, modo sedecim millia, modo viginti quatuor millia, modo triginta millia librarum ar∣genti consecuti sunt: omnia illis largiente praefato Rege Edelredo. et gravi exactione totum Regnum opprimente. o 1.433 VVilliam of Malmesbury passeth this censure on it, and the unhappy consequence of it. Danis omnes portus infestantibus, & levitate pirati∣ca

ubique infestanribus, dum nesciretur, ubi eis oc∣currere debent decretum à Syriaco Archiepiepiscopo. &c. ut repellerentur argento qui non po••erunt fer∣ro. Ita decem millia librarum soluta cupiditatem Danorum exple••ete. Exemplum Infamiae et Viris indignnm, libertatem pecunia redimere, quam ab invicto animo nulla violentia poseit excutere. Et tunc quidem palisper ab incur••bus cessarunt, mox ubi vires otio resumpserunt, ad superiora re••itum. Tantus timor Anglos invaserat, ut nihil de resisten∣do cogitarent. Si qui antiquae glorlae memores ob∣viare; & signa colligere tentassent, hostium multi∣tudine, & sociorum defectione destitue bantur

whereby they became Vassals and Tributaries to the insulting Danes. Cujus Siricii consilio in gestis Regum * 1.434

dixi Ethelredum Regem animi libertatem Danis pretio vendicasse. Ut eorum pacem argento redime∣rent, quod ferro repellere posset, nisi corde car••ret. Unde Importabilis Tributi pensio imposita Angliae, fortunas provincialium ad solum usque destruxit.

q 1.435 Henry Huntindon, and the r 1.436 Chronicle of Bromton pass this verdict against, and deduce this memorable observation from this Tribute.

Edelredi Regis, An∣no 13. Primo statuerunt Angli (which intimates it to be decreed in a Parliamentary Council) Conci∣lio * 1.437 infausto Siricii Archiepiscopi, quod ipsi censum Dacis persolverent, quatenus à rapinis & caede ce••••arent, & dederunt eis decem mille libras. Hoc autem malum usque in hodiernum diem duravit, et diu, nisi Dei Pietas subveniat, durabit: Regibus namque nostris modo persolvimus, ex consuetudine quod Dacis persolvebatnr ex ineffabili terrore.

To which Bromton, s 1.438 Ranulphus Censtrensis, and t 1.439 Hen∣ry de Knyghton immediately subjoyn.

Dacis Tribu∣tum annuum solvunt. Primo anno 10 milia librarum, Secundo anno 16 millia librarum, Tertio anno 20 millia librarum, Quarto anno 24 millia, Quinto

anno 40. millia librarum, donee tandem pecunia de∣ficiente iterum tenderent ad Rapinas. Et tunc Northimb••ia 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de••••aedantes▪ et Londoniam obsiden∣te••, Coegerunt regem tributum dare.

u 1.440 Mat. Parker Archbishop of Canterbury, thus censures this ill advice of his Predecessor; Siricius pacem Christianis ab infidelibus Dacis 10. librarum millibus redemit, Ad ignominiam sane, peneque pernicient totius Regni. x 1.441 Mr. John Fox informs us, That King Ethelred be∣ing glad to grant the Danes great sums of money for peace, gave himself to polling of his Subjects, and disinheri∣ting them of their possessions; and caused them to re∣deem the same again with grea•• sums of money; For that he paid great Tributes to the Danes yearly, which was called Danegelt. Which Tribute so increased, that * 1.442 from the first Tribute of 10000 l. it was brought at last in processe of 5. or 6. years, to 40000 l. The which yearly Tribute (until the coming of St. Edward and after) was levied of the people of the Land: Moreover, for lack of ••ustice, many Theeves, Rioters, and Bribers, were in the land, with much misery and mischief. To which sorrow moreover was joyned hunger and penury (besides a bloudy flux, feavers, mortality, murrain amongst cattel, &c.) amongst the Commons, insomuch that every one of them was constrained to pick and steal from others. So that what for the pillage of the Danes, and what by inward Theeves and Bribers, this Land was brought into great affliction: Albeit the greatest cause of this affliction (as it seemeth to me) is not so much to be imputed to the King, as to the dissention among the Lords themselves, who did not agrée one with another; but when they assembled in Consultation together, either they did draw divers wayes, or if any thing were agreed upon any matter of peace between the parties, soon it was broken again; or else if any good thing were devised for the prejudice of the Enemy, e∣ven the Danes were warned thereof by some of the same Council. y 1.443 John Speed, in his Hist: of Great Britain re∣lates,

That King Ethelred could not redness the evils oc∣casioned by the prosperous Danes successes▪ who lay in the land like unto Grashoppers, his strengths being small and his Subjects affections less. Therefor calling to counsell the Statesmen and Peers, demanded their Advic••, * 1.444 what was best to be done▪ Some few of these profe••ed the King their assistance, but more of them perswaded to a composition, whereof Siricius Archbishop of Canterbury was chief; and in fine, ten thousand pounds paid to the Danes for their departure. This golden mine once entred, was more eagerly digged into by those still-thirsting Danes, who finding the branch so beneficial at first, hoped the vein in following would prove farr more beneficial; and there∣fore, regardless of promise, the next year prepared them∣selves again for England, and with a great Fleet dispatch∣ed to Sea. The News whereof struck such terror into the English hearts, that despairing of hope▪ they accounted themselves the Bondslaves of Misery, and were enfor∣ced to compound a peace with them, with the payment of 16000 pounds, which they at last mounted to 40000 (or 48000) pounds. till it emptied the Land of all her coin, the Kingdom of her Glory, the Nobility of their Cou∣rage, the Commons of their Content, and the Sove∣raign of his wonted Respect and Observation. (A pattern of our age and times.) z 1.445 Samuel Daniel gives us this Censure of this first unworthy heavy Tax: E∣thelred in the end was fain, seeing he could not prevail with the sword, to assail them with money, and bought a peace for 10000 pounds, which God wot, proved after a very dear pen∣ny-worth to the Commonwealth: Shewing the seller thereof, how much was in his power, and the buyer, at how bad a rate, his necessity was to be served, and yet not sure of his bargain, longer than the Contractor would. Who having found the benefit of this market, raised the price therof al∣most every year. And yet had not Ethelred what he paid for, the land in one part or other being never free from spoil and invasion, but rather, were more oppressed both by

the Dane, and by this Taxation, which was the first we find in our Annals laid upon the Kingdom, and with heavy grievance raised in a poor distressed State, continuing many Ages after the occasion was extinct; And in the end (though in ••no her name) became the usual Supplement in the Dangers of the Kingdom, and the Occasions of Princes. And hereby Ethelred enlarged the means and desires of the Enemy, so that at length came Swaine King of Denmark, and Anlafe King of Norwey in person, as if likewise to receive him for com∣mitting outrage, and were both returned with great summs. And many years it was not ere Swaine returned again to raise new summs by new afflictions, and tormenting here this poor turmoiled people more than ever, receives a fee for bloudshed, to the summ of 48000 l. Granted in the * 1.446 General Assembly of the States at London; and a Peace, or rather paction of servitude concluded.

From these passages of our Historians it is most e∣vident. 1. That this Tax of ten thousand pounds to the Danes, was the very first we find imposed on the Eng∣lish Nation, An. Domini 991, being never subject to any publike Civil Tax til then, for ought appears by History. 2. That this Tax was then imposed, and after reimposed, augmented on the Nation, only by common advice, grant, and consent of the King, Prelates, and Nobles assembled in a publike and Parliamentary Council. 3. That the original ground of granting it was base degenerous cowardise, or unmanly fear, and sluggishness, both in the King, Nobles, and People, and that by the very unlucky, imprudent, ill Council and advice, of an Archprelate, Siricius Archbishop of Can∣terbury being the ptinciple adviser of it. 4ly. That it was originally paid, not to a lawfull Native Soveraign king, for defence of the Nation, but to a forein invading prevailing, victorious Danish Enemy, to purchase peace, and be quit of future troubles and Invasions. 5ly, That when this was first imposed, it was with a

belief and resolution never to reiterate or draw it a∣gain into custom or president in succeeding ages: and that only to satisfie a covetous invading Enemy for the present, without any thoughts that it would but strengthen or encourage their Enemies to new invafi∣ons and Tributes of this Nature, doubled and tre∣bled on the Nation afterwards. Yet loe the contrary sad effects of this ill president & advice. 1. It is within few years after, several times drawn into Use and Cu∣stom again. 2. It is every time increased, augmen∣ted more than other, till it amounted to 4 times as much as it was at first. 3. It did but impoverish, weaken the English themselves, and much strengthen, encou∣rage their Danish Enemies, and keep them still under their Vassalage. Whereas so much mony or less raised and spent for their own defence against the Danes, would probably have expulsed and beaten them home to their own Country with losse, and so have prevented their future invasion. 4ly After the Danes were quite expelled, and the occasion of this tax quite extinct, yet it then became a usual constant suppliment to our Kings for sundry ages after, upon all occasions, and was the only ground-work, pattern, of all the heavy publike Shipmony, Taxes, Aids, Impositions, Payments, under which the people have suffered in all succeeding ages, till this present. It is very dangerous therefore for Parliaments, or Statesmen, upon any extraordinary pressing Necessity, to lay any new Taxes, Tributes, or Imposts on the people, and most perillous for the people voluntarily to submit unto their payment; fot being but once or twice granted, imposed, paid, and made a President, they are hardly ever abolished or conjured down again, but kept still on foot upon some pretext or other; yea oft doubled, trebled, and qua∣drupled by degrees, to the peoples grand oppression and undoing, as we may see by this old President of Danegelt; and the late sad Presidents of our new im∣posed

Excises, Imposts, Monethly Contributio••s, raised from 20 to 30, 40, 50, 60, 100, and 120 thousand pounds, amonth, and the Excise from thousands to Millions; and so continued for sundry years, without hope of end, or ease: the only blessed lib••rty which we have hitherto purchased with all our Prayers, Tears, Easts, Counsels, Treasures, wars and whole Oceans of Christian blood. I shall therfore desire our late and pre∣sent Tax-Masters, Excisers, if they be not now past all shame, sadly to consider, how much more burthensome and injurious they have been, & are now to their native Christian English Brethren, than the Barbarous Pagan, fore in invading Danes were then to their predecessors; in that they by their own authority, without any law∣full grant, or Act by a free Parliament, impose on their Brethrens exhausted purses and estates, no less than 60 or 120 thousand pounds every Moneth, besides Ex∣cises, Imposts, Customes, amounting to much more; when as the barbarous, forein Danes exacted of them, only by their own common consent in free Parlia∣mentary Councils, only ten thousand pounds in one year at first, and then 16000, 24000, 30000, 40000, or 48000 l. at the utmost for several whole years Tri∣bute, without any Excise, Imposts, or other Customs. Which meditation me thinks should now induce them to mitigate, release, cease, our long continued unces∣sant Taxes, Excises, Imposts, or at least to reduce them to the Danes highest annual proportion, of 48000 thousand pounds, lest the whole Nation and Posterity repute them more oppressive, barbarous, ty∣rannical to their Christian Countrymen now; than the worst of the forein Pagan Danish Invaders were heretofore, and greater present Enemies to their Native Country, than the Danes then were to our Pro∣genitors.

The self same year a 1.447 there being some difference * 1.448

between King Ethelred and Richard Marquess of Nor∣mardy, he thereupon slew and pillaged all the English passing through his Country, and affronted King Ethel∣red with frequent injuries. Pope John the 15. hereupon sent Leo his Legate, with exhortatory Letters to make peace between them: who coming with them to King Ethelred on Christmass day, Anno 991. the King, upon receit of the Popes Letters. Accersitis cunctis sui * 1.449 Regni fidelibus, utriusque ordinis Sapientioribus, Assembling all the Wisest men of his Realm of both Or∣ders, for the love and fear of Almighty God, and St. Peter the Prince of the Apostles, granted and estabished a most firm peace with all his Sons a••d Daughters, present, and to come, and with all his Lieges, without guile. In pursuance whereof, the King sent Edelfinus Bishop of Sherburn, with two other persons of quality into Normandy to the Marquess: Who, upon receit of the Popes Admonitions, and hearing of the kings Decree, with a willing mind, confirwed the said Peace with his Sons and Daughters present and to come, and with all his Subjects, upon this reasonable condition, That if any os them, or they themselves should perpetrate any unjust thing against the other, it should be expiated with eondign reparation. Which Peace that it might remain perpe∣tually firm, was ratified by the Oaths of the Commis∣sioners of both parts, at Rhoan, in March following. Here we have a Peace advised, ratified by the directi∣on of a Parliamentary Great Council: recorded at large by Malmsbury: The last clause whereof was this, Et de hominibus Regis, vel de inimicis suis, nullum Ri∣chardus recipiat, nec Rex de suis, sine Sigillo eorum.

King b 1.450 Ethelred in the year 992. hearing that the * 1.451 Danes intended a new invasion of England, and that they had sent a great Fleet to Sea, contrary to their former Agreement the year before, assembled a Council of his

Nobles to consult how to resist them. What the result of their consultation was, Florence of Worcester thus re∣cord. Consilio jussuque Regis Anglorum Etheiredi, Procerumque suorum, de tota Anglia robustiores, Londoniae congregatae sunt Naves. By the Counsel and * 1.452 command of Ethelbert king of England, and of his No∣bles, all the strongest Ships were assembled together at London, out of all England; which the king furnish∣ing with choice Souldiers, made Duke Alfric, Duke Thorold; Alstan and Aes••win (two Bishops) Admirals over them; commanding them, if by any means they could, to take the Danish Army, and Fleet by invironing them in some part. But Duke Alfric (formerly banished, for∣given, and now made chief Admiral) turning Traytor, both to his king and Country, first sends a secret Mes∣senger to the Danes, to acquaint them with the de∣signs against them, intreating them to prevent the am∣bushes prepared to surprize them, whereby they esca∣ped the hands of the English. After which, when the English and Danes were ready to encounter each other in a Sea-fight, Alfric fled secretly to the Danish Fleet the night before, and by reason of the instant danger, fled away shamefully with them. The kings Navy pursuing them, took and pillaged one of the Danish Ships, slaying all the men therein. But the London ships meeting with the other Danish Pirates, as they were flying, fought with them, slew many thousands of the Danes; and took Duke Alfric his Ship, with the Souldiers and Armes, himself hardly escaping, as Wigorniensis and Matthew Westminster relate. But Hun∣tind. & Bromton, write, that the Danes recruiting their Navy, met and fought with the kings Navy, slew ma∣ny of the Londoners, triumphantly took whole armed Ships, and Duke Alfric who was in them; whom the king should not have trusted, according to the antient saying: Quem semel gravitèr laeseris, non facile tibi fide∣lem credideris. For this Treason of Alfric, the king

caused the Eyes of his Son Algar to be put out, Unde odium & infamia ejus crudelitatis adaucta est, as Hun∣ti••don and others observe.

The next year 993. the c 1.453 Danish Fleet entring * 1.454 Humber, wasted the Country of Northumberland and Lindesey, burning the Villages, slaying the people, and pillaging their goods. Whereupon great multitudes of the people of that Country, assembling together, resolved and hastned to fight with them: but when they were ready to give them battel, Frena, Frithgist and Godwin their Captains, being of Danish Progeny, proving treacherous to their followers, perswaded them to fly, and fled first themselves. Notwithstanding the Country (as Malmesbury, Speed, and others write) being unable to digest their intollerable insolence and plunders, fell upon the Danes, slew many of them, and chased away the rest to defend their Lives, Liber∣ties, and Estates.

Anno 994. Swane king of Denmark and Anlafe * 1.455 king of Norwey with 94 Ships sailed up to London, be∣sieged * 1.456 and fiercely assaulted the City, thinking to take it; but the Citizens so manfully defended it, that they repulsed the Danes thence with great loss. Who thereupon turning their fury upon the Counties of Es∣sex, Kent, Sussex, and Southampton, so greivously wa∣sted them with fire and sword, burning the Villages, and slaying the Inhabitants, that King Ethelred, Con∣cilio Procerum suorum, by the Council of his No∣bles (assembled together for that end, as Wigorniensis Matthew Westminster, Hoveden, Simeon Dunelmensis and others write) sent Embassadours to them, promising to give them Tribute and Wages, and Money, upon this condition, that they should desist from their cruelty. Who thereupon condescending to the kings request, returned to their Ships, and drawing all their Army together unto Southampton, wintered there: To

whom a Tribute of sixteen thousand pounds, was gi∣ven * 1.457 and paid out of all England, that they should cease from their rapines and ••laughters of innocent persons. Af∣ter this agreement King Anlaf tepaired to Andover, to King Ethelred, where he received baptism, Ethelred being his Godfather: and bestowing great gifts upon him; Heteupon Anlaf entred into a League with him, promising, to return into his own Countrey, and ne∣ver after to return into England with an Army; Which promise he faithfully observed. The Articles of the Agreement between King Ethelred and him, are at large recorded in the Chronicle of Bromton, Col. 899, 900. being made by advice of all his Wisemen assem∣bled in a Parliamentary Council, a•• this Title to them intimates. Haec sunt verba Pacis et Prolocutionis, quas Ethelredus Rex et omnes Sapientes ejus cum exer∣citu firmaverunt, qui cum Ana••an••, ••t Justino, et Gu∣dermundo Stegiari filio venit. The Articles of the Peace between them are X. in the Saxon, but XI. in the Latin Copy.

The perfidious e 1.458 Danes violating their former a∣greement, Anno 997. came with a great Fleet and * 1.459 Army into the mouth of Severn, wasted and laid waste and desolate Northwales, and most of the West and South parts of England, no man resisting them, gain∣ing an extraordinary great booty and Wintring about Tavestock. The next year 998. They entring the river of Frome, wasted and spoiled Dorsetshire, the Isle of Wight, and Sussex over and over, living upon their spoils: whereupon the English many times assembled an Ar∣my to resist and expell them; but so often as they were about to give them battel, Angli aut insidiis, aut a∣liquo infortunio impediti, terga verterunt, et hostibus victo∣riam dederunt; most of the Nobles of England secretly favouring the Danes, and not loving Ethelred, quia Al∣frida mater sua pro ipso liberius in regno substituendo, san∣ctum Edwardum fratrem suum dolosè extinxerat, as

Bromton and others attest. Anno 999. The Danish fleet entring the river of Medway, besieged Rochester, and wasted Kent. The Kentish men uniting their for∣ces fought a sharp battel with them, wherein many were slain on both sides, but the Danes winning the field, horsed their foot on the horses they gained, and miserably wasted all the West part of Kent. Which King Ethelred being informe•• of, suorum Primatum Consilio et classem et pedestrem congregavit exerci∣tum; * 1.460 by the advice of his Nobles, he assembled a Navy and foot Army to encounter them. But whiles the ships were preparing, the Captains of the Army delaying from day to day their begun levyes and un∣dertakings, Grievously vexed the People. In con∣clusion, neither the Navy nor Army did any thing at all for the peoples benefit or defence, praeter populi laborem, pecuniae pe••ditionem, hostium incitationem, as Floren∣tius Wigorniensis, Roger Hoveden, and others ob∣serve.

Hereupon f 1.461 King Ethelred, Anno 1000. for the * 1.462 better defence of his Realm, resolved to take to wife Emma daughter of Richard Earl of Normandy, who was then most valiant, and formidable to the whole Realm of France: For he saw himself and his Subjects very much weakned, and did not a little fear their future overthrow. Hoc autem Dei nutu factum esse constat, ut veniret contra improbos malum. Genti enim Anglorum quam sceleribus suis exigentibus disterminare proposuer at, sicut et ipsi Brittones peccatis accusantibus humiliaverant, Dominus omnipotens duplicem contritionem proposuit, et quasi militares insidias adhibuit. Scilicet, ut hinc Daco∣rum persecutione saeviente, illinc Normannorum conjun∣ctione accrescente, si ab Dacorum manifesta fulminatione evaderent, Normannorum improvisam cum fortitudine cautelam non evaderent. Quod in sequentibus apparuit, cum ex hac conjunctione Regis Anglorum, et filiae Ducis Normannorum, Angliam, JUSTE, secundum jus Gen∣tium

Normanni et calumniati sunt, et adepti sunt. Prae∣dixit etiam eis quidam vir Dei, quod ex scelerum suorum immanitate, non solum quia semper caedi et proditioni studuebant, verum etiam quia semper ebrietati et negli∣gentiae domus Domini dediti erant, eis insperatum à Francia adventurum Dominium; quod et eorum excellentiam in ae∣ternum deprimeret, et honorem sine termino restitutionis e∣ventila••et. Praedixit etiam, quod non ea gens solum, ve∣rum et Scottorum, quos vilissimos habebant els ad emeri∣tam confusionem dominaretur. Praedixit nihilominus va∣rium adeò seculum creandum, ut varietas quae in mentibus hominum latebat, et in actibus patebat, multimo da varia∣tione vestium et indumentorum designaretur. Hac igitur providentia cum Legatoriis ad Ducem Normannorum missis, Rex Anglorum suae petitionis concessionem obtinuis∣set, Statuto tempore tanto digno ministerio ad Dominam su∣am recipiendam et adducendam Proceres Anglorum mit∣tuntur in Normanniam, quae longo et digno regibus appa∣ratu dirigentur in Angliam. Thus Henry Archdeacon of Huntindon, Radulphus Cistrensis, Bromton, and others out of them, vrite of this Norman match, as the ground∣work of translating the Government in succeeding times from the Saxons to the Normans, for the Saxons sinnes forenamed.

This same year, the Danish Fleet sailing into Nor∣mandy * 1.463 and pillaging it, King Ethelred hearing of it, marched with a great Army into Cumberland and the Northern parrs, which had revolted to the Danes, and where their greatest Colony was; where he van∣quished the Danes in a great battel, and wasted, pilla∣ged most of all the Country. Which done, he com∣mandcd his Navy to sail round about the North parts of Wales, and to meet him at an appointed place, which by reason of cross winds they could not doe: yet they wasted and took the Isle of Man; which success some∣what raised and encouraged the dejected spirits of the English, and encreased the Kings reputation with them.

In the years 1001. h 1.464 The Danish Fleet returning * 1.465 from Normandy, entred the river of Ex, and besieged Exceter: which the Citizens manfully defending, re∣pulsed them with great loss from their walls. Where∣with they being extremely enraged, marched through all Devonshire, burning the villages, wasting the fields, and slaying the people, without distinction of age or sex, after their usual manner. Whereupon the in∣habitants of Devon, Somerset, and Dorsetshires, uniting their forces in a Body in a Place called Penho, gave them battel: but being overpowred by the multitude of the Danes, who farr exceeded them both in number and mi∣litary skill, they were forced to flie, and many of them slain. The Danes thereupon getting their horses, har∣rowed Devonshire farr worse than before, and returned with a great booty to their ships: Whence steering their course to the Isle of Wight, they preyed sometimes upon it, sometimes upon Hampshire, other times upon Dorsetshire, no man resisting them. Destroying the men with the sword, and the Villages and Towns with fire, in such sort, ut cum illis nec classica manus navali, nec pedestris exercitus certare audeat praello terrestri: for which cause the King and People were overwhelmed with unspeakable grief and sadness. In this sad per∣plexity, King Ethelred, Anno 1002. Habito consilio cum regni sui Primatibus (as Florentius Wigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, Radulphus de Diceto, Roger Hove∣den, and others express it; or Consilio Primatum su∣orum, * 1.466 as Mat. Westminster and his followers relate it:) By the Counsel of the Nobles of his realm, (assem∣bled together for this purpose at London) reputed it beneficial for him and his people to make an Agreement with the Danes, and to give them a Stipend, and Pacify∣ing Tribute, that so they might cease from their mischiefs. For which end Duke Leofsi was sent to the Danes, who coming to them, importuned them, that they would accept of a Stipend and Tribute. They gladly em∣bracing

his Embassy, condescended to his request, and de∣termined how much Tribute should be paid them for to keep the peace. Whereupon soon after A Tribute of 24000 pounds was paid them, pro bono Pacis, for the good of Peace.

In this Assembly and Council, (as I conjecture) i 1.467 King Ethelred informed his COUNSELLERS, who instructed him both in divine and humane things, with the sloathfulness, negligence, and vicious lives of the Secular Priests throughout England, and by their advice thought meet to thrust them out, and put Monks in their places, to pour forth prayers and praises to God for him and his people in a due manner. Whereupon he confirmed by his Charter, the ejection of the Secu∣lar Priests out of Christs-Church in Canterbury, and the * 1.468 introduction of Monks in their places; and ratified all the lands and privileges formerly granted them; ex∣empting the Monastery and Lands thereof from all Se∣cular services, except Expeditione, Pontium operatione, et Arcium reparatione. Beseeching and conjuring all his lawfull Successors, Kings, Bishops, Earls, and peo∣ple, that they should not be, Ecclesiae Christi Praedo∣nes, sed sitis Patrimonii Christi defensores seduli, ut vita et gaudio aeternis cum omnibus Dei sanctis in aeternum fru∣amini. Which Charter was ratified by the Subscrip∣tions of the King, Archbishop, Bishops, A••b••ts, and of * 1.469 several Aeldermen, Nobles, and Officers, and the sign of the Cross. This year * 1.470 Duke Leofsi slaying Esric a Nobleman, the Kings chief Provost, was judicially ba∣nished the Realm by the King for this offence.

After this Peace made with the Danes, Anno 1002. Emma ariving in England, received both the Diadem * 1.471 and name of a Queen; whereupon King Ethelred puf∣fed * 1.472 up with pride, seeing he could not drive out the Danes by force of arms, contrived how to murder and

destroy them all in one day by Treachery at unawares, either by the sword or by fire; because they endeavou∣red to deprive him and his Nobles both of their Lives and the Realm, and to subject all England to their own Domi∣nion: The occasion, time, and manner of whose sudden universal Massacre is thus related by Mat. Westmin∣ster, An. 1012. (though acted An. 1002. as all accord) and by Mr. Fox and others. Huna General of King Ethelreds Militia, a valiant warlike man, who had ta∣ken upon him the managing of the affaris of the Realm under the King, observing the insolency of the Danes, who now after the peace made with them, did so proudly Lord it through all England, that they presu∣med to ravish the wives and daughters of Noblemen, and every where to expose them to scorn; by strength caused the English husbandmen to soyl and sow their land, and doe all vile labor belonging to the House, whiles they would sit idely at home, holding their wives, daughters, and servants at their pleasure; and when the husbandmen came home, they should scarce∣ly have of their own, as his servants had: So that the Dane had all at his will and fill, faring of the best, when the owner scarcely had his fill of the worst. Thus the common people being of them oppressed, were in such fear and dread, that not only they were constrained to suffer them in their Doings, but also glad to please them, and called every one of them in the House where they had rule, LORD DANE, &c. Hereupon Huna goeth to the King much perplexed, and makes a la∣mentable complaint to him concerning these things. Upon which the King being not a little moved, by the Counsel of the same Huna, sent Letters (or Commissi∣ons) unto all the coasts of the Realm, commanding all and every of the Nation, that on one day after, to wit, on the Feast of St. Brice the Bishop, all the Danes throughout England should be put to death by a secret Massacre, that ••o the whole Nation of the English might

all jointly and at one time be freed from the Danish Oppression. And so the Danes, who by a firm cove∣nant, sworn unto by both sides a little before, ought to have dwelt peaceably with the English, were too op∣probriously slain, and the women with their children * 1.473 being dashed against the posts of the houses, miserably powred out their souls. When therefore the sentence of this decree was executed at the City of London without mercy, many of the Danes fled to a certain Church in the City, where all of them were slain with∣out pity, standing by the very Altars themselves. Moreover, that which aggravated the rage of this per∣secution, was the death of Guimild, Sister of King Swain, slain in this manner in England: she was lawful∣ly maried to Count Palingers, a Noble man of great power, who going into England with her husband, they both there received the faith of Christ and Sacra∣ment of baptism: this most prudent Virago being the mediatrix of the peace between the English and Danes, gave her self with her husband and only son, as Hosta∣ges to King Ethelred for the security of the peace, she being delivered by the King to that most wicked Duke Edric to keep, that Traytor within few days after com∣manded her husband, with her son, to be slain before her face with four spears, and last of all commanded her to be beheaded. She underwent death with a mag∣nanimous minde, without fear or change of counte∣nance; but yet confidently pronounced as she was dy∣ing, That the shedding of her bloud would bring great detriment to England.

l 1.474 Henry Huntindon thus relates the story of this Massacre. In the year 1002. Emma the Jewel of the Normans came into England, and received both the Diadem and name of a Queen; with which match King Ethelred being puffed up with pride, bringing forth perfidiousness, caused all the Danes who were with peace in England, to be slain by clandestine Treason, on

one and the same day, to wit on the feast of St. Brice, concerning which wickedness we have heard, in our infancy some honest old men say; that the said King sent secret Letters into every City, according to which the English on the same day and hour destroyed all the * 1.475 Danes, either cutting off their heads, without giving them warning, with swords, or taking and burning them suddenly together with fire. Ʋbi fuit videre miseriam, dum quisque charissimos hospites, quos etiam arctissima necessitudo dulc••ores effecerat, cogeretur prodere, et am∣plexus gladio deturbare, writes m 1.476 Malmsbury.

The News of this bloudy Massacre of the Danes, be∣ing brought into Denmark to King Swain by some Youths of the Danish Nation who escaped and fled out of England in a ship, moved him to tears, n 1.477 Vo∣catisque cunctis Regni Principibus, Who calling all the Princes of his Realm together, and relating the whole series of what was acted to them; he diligently enquired of them, what they would advise him to do? Who all crying out together, as with one mouth, DECREED, That the bloud of their Neighbours and Friends was to be revenged. Whereupon Swain, a cruel man, prone to shed bloud, animated to revenge, by his Messengers and Letters commanded all the Warriers of his Kingdom, and char∣ged all the souldiers in forein Regions, greedy of gain, to assist him in this expedition against the English, which they cheerfully did, he having now a fairer shew to do foully than ever, wrong having now made him a right of invasion, who had none before.

Anno 1003. King Swain ariving with a great Navy and Army in England, by the negligence and treachery * 1.478 of one Hugh a Norman, whom Queen Emma had made * 1.479 Earl of Devonshire, took and spoyled the City of Exeter, rased the wall thereof to the ground, and burnt the City to ashes, returning with a great prey to his ships,

leaving nothing behind them but the ashes. After which wasting the Province of Wiltshire: a strong Ar∣my congregated out of Hamshire and Wiltshire, went with a resolution manfully and constantly to fight with the Enemy; but when both Armies were in view of each other, ready to joyn battel, Earl Edric their Ge∣neral (a constant Traytor to his Country, and secret friend to the Danes) feigned himself to be very sick, and began to vomit, so that he could not possibly fight. Whereupon the Army seeing his slothfulness and fear∣fullness, departed most sorrowfull from their Enemies, without fighting, being disheartned by the Cowar∣dise of their Captain: Which Swane perceiving, he marched to Wilton and Sarisbery, which he took, pilla∣ged, and burnt to the ground, returning with the spoil to his Ships in triumph.

The next year Swane (to whom God had designed the kingdom of England, as some old p 1.480 Historians write) * 1.481 sailing with his Fleet to Norwich, pillaged and burnt it to the ground. Whereupon Ulfketel, Duke of East-England, a man of great valour seeing himself surprized, and wanting time to raise an Army to resist the Danes, cum Majoribus East-Angliae habito Consilio, taking Counsel with the Great men of East-England, made * 1.482 peace with Swane; which he treacherously breaking within three weeks after, suddenly issuing out of his ships, surprized, pillaged, and burnt Thetford to the ground; and covering the C••untry like Locusts, spoyl∣ed all things, and slaughtered the Country-men with∣out resistance. Which Duke Ulfketel being informed of, commanded some of his Country-men to break his ships in pieces, in his absence from them, which they not da∣red, or neglected to do, and he in the mean time raising an Army with as much speed as he could, bold∣ly marched against the Enemy, retu••ning with great booties to their Ships; where after a long and sharp incounter on both sides, the English being over-pow∣ered

by the multitude of the Danes, were totally rou∣ted, and all the Nobles of East-England there slain in their Countries defence, who fought so valiantly, that the Danes confessed they had never an harder or sharper battel in E••gland than this. The great loss the Danes sustained in it, though they got the field, and an extraordinary famine in England the year fol∣lowing, greater than any in the memory of man, caused Swane to return into Denmark to refresh and re∣cruit his Army.

King Ethelred quit of these Enemies, Anno 1006, deprived Wulfgate the Son of Leonne, whom he had lo∣ved * 1.483 * 1.484 more than all men, of his possessions and all his ho∣nours, propter injusta judicia, for his unjust judge∣ments and proud works; and likewise commanded the eyes of the two Sons of that Arch-Traitor Edric Streona * 1.485 to be put out at Cocham, where he kept his Court, be∣cause Edric had treacherously inticed a bloody Butcher, Godwin Porthound (whom he corrupted with great gifts) to murder the Noble Duke Althelin at Scoborby∣rig, as he was hunting, whom Edric purposely in∣vited to a Feast, that he might thus treacherously mur∣der him. While these things were acting, in the month of July, the Danes returning with an innumerable Navy into England, landing at x 1.486 Sandwich, consumed all things with fire and sword, taking great booties, sometimes in Sussex, sometimes in Kent: Whereupon King Ethelred gathered a great Army out of Mercia and the West-parts of England, re••o••••ing valiantly to fight with the 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ who declining any open fight, and returning to their Ships, landed sometimes in one place, sometimes in another, and so pillaging the Country, returned with the booty to the Ships before the English Army could encounter them, which they vexed all the Autumn in marching after them from place to place to no purpose: The English Army re∣turning home when Wintet began to approach, the

Danes with an extraordinary booty sayled to the Isle of Wight, where they continued till the Feast of Christs Nativity, which Feast they turned into sorrow. For then they marching into Hampshire and Berkeshire, pillaged, and burnt down Reading, Wallingford, Colesey, Essington, and very many Villages, Quocunque enim peragebant, quae parata erant hilariter comedentes, cum dis∣cederent in retributionem procurationis reddebant hospiti cae∣dem, hospitio flammam, as Huntindon, Bromton, and o∣thers story. As they were returning another way to their ships with their booty, they found the Inhabi∣tants ready to give them battel at Kenet; whom the Danes presently fighting with, and routing, returned with triumph to their ships, enriched with the new spoils of the routed English.

King Ethelred lying all this time in Shropshire, una∣ble * 1.487 to resist the Danes, Anno 1007. cum Consilio Primatum suorum (as Florentius Wigorniensis, Sime∣on Dunelmensis, Polychronicon, and others express it) by the Counsel of his Nobles, sent Messengers to the Danes, commanding them to tell them, quod sump∣tus * 1.488 et Tributum illis dare vellent, that they would give them Costs and Tribute, upon this Condition; That they should desist from napines, and hold a firm peace with them; to which request they consented, and from that time Costs were given them, and a Tribute paid them of thirty six thousand pounds out of all England, y 1.489 Henry Humindon, & Bromton, thus relate the busi∣ness. Rex et Senatus Anglorum, dub••i quid age∣rent, quid omitterent, communi deliberatione, gravem conventionē cum exercitu fecerunt, & ad pacis observationē 36000 mil. librar. ei dederunt. A clear evidence that this Agreement and Peace was made, and money granted and raised in England, by common advice & consent in Parliament (or Council) Infr••••duit Anglia tota velut arundinem Zephiro vibrante collisum. Unde Rex Ethel∣redus confusione magna consternatus, pecunia pacem ad

tempus, quam armis non potuit, adquisivit, writes z 1.490 Matthew Westminster. Rex Anglorum Ethelredus, * 1.491 pro bono pacis Tributum 36 mil. librarum persolvit Dacis, as a 1.492 Radulphus de Diceto words it. After which the King this year made Edric, (aforementioned) Duke of Mercia; and that by the Providence of God, to the destruction of the English, a man of base parentage, but extraordinary crafty, eloquent, witty, and uncon∣stant, surpassing all of that age in envy, perfidiousness, pride, cruelty and Treason, who soon after maried the Kings daughter Edith: whereby he had the better op∣portunity to betray the King and kingdom, with less suspition.

b 1.493 King Ethelred, though often vexed with the * 1.494 wars and invasions of these forein Enemies, yet he had a care to make good Laws for the benefit, peace and safety of his people; whereupon, having thus made Peace with the Danes, An. 1007. he summoned and held a Great Parliamentary Council at Aenham, on the Feast of Easter, at the exhortation of Aelfeag Archbishop of Canterbury, and Wulstan Archbishop of Yorke, who to∣gether with the rest of the Bishops, and all the Nobles of England were present at it. Regis Aethelredi E∣dicto * 1.495 concrepante acciti sunt convenire. Where they all ••••••embling together, de catholicae cultu Religionis reparando deque etiam rei statu publicae reparando vel consulendo, plura et non pauca, utpote divinitus in∣spirat••, ratiocinando sermocinabantur. In this Council they debated, resolved on divers things, and enacted many wholesom Laws and Edicts for the reformati∣on and setling of Religion, and Churchmen, the advancement of Gods worship; the Government of the Church and State, the advancement of civil Justice and honesty, and defence of the Realm by Land and Sea, beginning with the things of God and the Church in the first place; which you may read at large in Sir Henry Spelman. Some Laws where of I shall

here transcribe, being very pertinent to my sub∣ject.

Cap. 5.

Sapientes decernunt, Ut Leges quique coram Deo et hominibus aequas statuant et tueantur: * 1.496 iniquas autem omnino deleant: justitiam pauperi at∣que diviti, pari exhibentes lance: et pacem insuper et concordiam piè in hoc seculo coram Deo et ho∣minibus retinentes.

Cap. 6.

Sapientes etiam decernunt, Ut nemo Chri∣stianum et insontem pretio tradat extra patriam, praesertim in Pagani alicujus servitium.

Cap. 7.

Sapientes etiam decernunt, Ut pro delicto modico nemo Christianum morti adjudicet, sed in mi∣sericordia potius Leges administret ad utilitatem po∣puli; et non pro modico eum perdat, qui est opus ma∣nuum Dei, et mercimonium ejus magno comparatum pretio.

De quolibet autem Crimine acuratius decer∣nito,

sententiam praebens juxta factum, mercedem jux∣ta meritum, ita scilicet, ut secundum divinam clemen∣tiam levis sit poena, et secund um humanam fragilita∣tem tolerabilis.

Cap. 9.

Nemo dehinc in posterum Ecclesiae servi∣tium imponat, nec clientelam Ecclesiae injuriis affi∣ciat, nec Ministrum Ecclesiae 〈…〉〈…〉 Epis∣copo.

Cap. 21.

Verba et opera rectè quisque dispona••, et Jusjurandum pactamque fidem cautè toneas. Om∣nem etiam Injustitiam è patriae finibus quâ poterit in∣dustriâ quisque ejiciat, et perjuria formidanda.

Cap. 22.

Urbium, Oppidorum, Arcium atque Pon∣tium instauratio sedulo fiat, prout opus fuerit, restau∣rentur, renoventur; vallis et fossis muniantur, et circumvallentur; Militaris etiam et Navalis Pro∣fectio, uti imperatum est, ob universalem utique * 1.497 necessitatem.

Cap. 23. De Navali Expeditione sub Paschate.

Ca∣vendum etiam est, ut celerius post Paschatis festum

Navalis expeditio Annuo sit parata. Si quis Navem in Reipublicae expeditionem designatum vitiaverit, damnum integrè restituito, et pacem Regis violatam compensato. Si verò eam ita prorsus corruperit, ut deinceps nihili habeatur, plenam luito injuriam et lae∣sam praeterea Majestatem.

So one translation out of the Saxon Copy reads it: but another thus.

Naves per singulos annos ob patriae defensionem et muni∣tionem praeparentur: po••ique sacrosanctum Pascha cum cunctis ut ensilibus competentibus simul congre∣gentur. Qua etiam poena digni sunt qui Navium de∣trimentum in aliquibus perficiunt, notum cunctis esse cupimus. Quicunque aliquam ex Navibus per quam∣piam inertiam, vel per incuriam, vel neg∣ligentiam corruperit, et tamen recuperabilis sit; Is, navis corruptelam vel fracturam ejusdem, per soli∣dam prius recuperet, Regique deinde, ea quae pro e∣jusdem munitionis fractura, sibimet pertinet, ritè persolvat.

Cap. 24. De Militiam dotractante.

Si quis de Profectione militari cui Rex intererit, sine licentia se substraxerit, in detrimentum currat omnium fortu∣narum.

These three last Lawes most clearly demonstrate, that the Militia and Military affairs of this age, with all their Provisions of Arms, Ships for defence of the Realm by Land and Sea, against the invading Danes, and other Enemies, with their Military Laws, and all other apurtenances thereto belonging, were ordered and setled in their General Councils by common con∣sent.

Cap. 26.

Si quis vitae Regis insidiabitur, sui ipsius vitae dispendio, et quas habet, rebus omnibus poenas * 1.498 luito: Sin negaverit, et purgatione qua licuerit, expe∣tierit, solemniori eam faciat juramento, vel Ordalio triplici, juxta legem Anglorum, et in Danorum lege, prout ipsa statuit.

Cap. 27.

Si quis Christi legibus, sive Regis se ne∣fariè opposuerit, capitis plectitor aestimatione, vel mulctâ aliâ, pro delicti qualitate. Et si is contrari∣us rebellare armis nititur, et sic occiditur, inultus jac eat.

Cap. 29.

Scrutari oportet diligentius unumquem∣que * 1.499 modis omnibus, quonam pacto illud ante omnia efferatur Consilium, quod populo habeat utilissimum, et, ut recta Christi re••igio maxime provehatur, inju∣stumque quodlibet funditus extirpetur. Haec enim in rem fuerint totius patriae, ut injustitia conculce∣tur, et Iustitia coram Deo et hominibus diliga∣tur.

Cap. 32.

Ut quisquis fuerit potentior in hoc secu∣lo, vel per scelera evectus in altiorem gradum, ita gravius emendabit peccata sua, et pro singulis male∣factis poenas luet graviores.

Haec itaque Legalia Statuta vel Decreta in Nostro Conventu Synodali, à Rege nostro magnopere e∣dicta, cuncti tunc temporis Optimates, se observa∣turos fideliter spondebant.

The Invasions and Oppressions of the Danes, exci∣ted both the King, his Prelates and Nobles, in this Great General Council, not only to provide for their necessary defence against them by Land and Sea, but likewise to enact good Laws for the advancement of Gods worship and service, the good Government of the Republick, the advancement of Justice, and Righteousnesse, the suppression of all Oppressions, Injustice, wickedness, and preservation of the Just Rights and Liberties both of the Church and Peo∣ple; as the most effectual means to unite and pre∣serve them against the Common Enemy, and to re∣move Gods wrath and judgements from them, as the other Statutes and Decrees of this Council more fully resolve, which you may peruse at leisure.

About the same year, (as I conjecture) or not

long after c 1.500 King Ethelred having some breathing time from wars by his Peace concluded with the per∣fidious Danes, held three other great Parliamentary Councils, the first at VVoodstock, the second at Venetyn∣gum, the third at Haba, wherein He and his Wise∣men made and published many excellent Civil and Ecclesiastical Laws, for the Good Government, Peace, VVelfare and happiness of his People, recorded at * 1.501 large in Bromton, Lambard, and Spelman, where you may read them. I shall insert only 3 of them made at Venetingum (VVantige, as some take it.)

Cap. 4. Habeantur placita in singulis VVapentakis, ut exeant seniores 12 Thayni & Praepositus cum eis, & jurent super sanctuarium quod eis dabitur in manus, Quod neminem innocentem velint accusare, vel noxi∣unt. concelare.

Cap. 23. Ad Bilynggesgate si advenisset una navi∣cula, unus obolus Thelonii dabatur: si major & habet siglas, 1 d. si adveniat Ceol, vel ulcus, & ibi jaceat 4 d. ad Thelonium dentur. De navi plena lignorum, unum lig∣num * 1.502 ad Theloneum detur. In ebdomada panum The∣loneum detur 3 diebus, die Dominica, die Martis, & die Jovis. Qui ad Pontem veniat cum Bato ubi piscis inest, u∣nus ob: dabatur in Theloueum, & de majori Nave 1. d. Homines de Rothomago qui veniebant cum vino vel cras∣pisce, Flandrenses & Pontrienses, & Normannia & Francia monstrabant res suas, & extolneabant. Hogge, & Leodium, & Nivella, qui per terras ibant, ostentionem dabant et Theoloneum. Et homines Imperatoris qui ve∣niebant cum navibus suis bonarum legum digni teneban∣tur, sicut & nos emere in suas naves: Et non licebat eis a∣liquod Forcheapum facere burhmannis, & dare Theo∣loneum suum. Et in sancto natali Domini duos Grisin∣gos pannos, & unum Brunum, & 10 libras Piperis, & cirotecas 5 hominum, et duos cabillinos, colennos aceto plenos, & totidem in Pasca: de Dosseris cum Gallinis, una Gallina Thelon. & de uno Dosseto cum Ovis, 5 Ova Theolon. Si

veniat ad Mercatum, mongestre, Sinere qui mangonant in Caseo & Butiro 14 diebus ant•• Natale Domini, 1. d. & 7 diebus post Natale Domini, Unam alium denarium ad Theloneum.

Cap. 24. Si Portireu vel Tungravia, vel alius Praepo∣situs compellat aliquem quod Theolon, supertenuerit, & homo respondeat, quod nullum Theloneum concelaverit quod juste debuit, juret hoc se sexto, & sit quietus. Si ap∣p••llet quod Theolonium dederit, inveniat cui dedit, & qu••etus sit. Si tunc hominem invenire non posset cui dedit, reddat ipsum Theloneum, et persolvat 51. Regi. Si Cacepollum advocet, quod ••i Theoloneum dedit, & ille neget, perneget ad dei ••ud••cium, et in nulla alia lada.

These are the first Laws▪ (to my remembrance) wherein there is any mention of Toll, Tribute, or Cu∣stom, paid by any Natives or Foreiners for goods or merchandise imported or sold; or any forfeitures or pe∣nalty * 1.503 imposed for concealing o•• non-payment thereof, which it seems were imposed about this time by com∣mon consent in a Parliamentary Council, for the better maintenance of the Navy, and defence of the Realm against the Danes, the end for which I cite them.

The King having thus in the Great Councils of Aen∣ham and Wantige, by consent of his Nobles and Wise∣men, * 1.504 provided a Navy to be annually set out for the defence of the Realm, in pursuance thereof the self∣same year (as our d 1.505 Historians joyntly attest) com∣manded one ship to be built, and furnished out of every 310 Hides, or Ploughlands, and a Buckl••r & Helm••t out of eve∣ry 9 Ploughlands, throughout his Realm. The ships being accordingly provided, the King victualled and placed cho∣sen. Souldiers in them, and assembled them all together to the port of Sandwich, that they might defend the Coasts of the kingdom from the irruptions of Foreiners. An. 1009. Puppes praedictae congregatae sunt apud Sandwic, & viri optime armati, Nec fuit tantus numerus Navium tem∣pore alicujus in Britannia, writes Henry Huntindon. But * 1.506

yet God frustrated and blasted all their designs, be∣yond expectation: For about, or a little before this time, Brithtricus a slippery ambitious proud man, bro∣ther to perfidious Duke Edric, injuriously accused Wul∣noth, a Noble young man of Southsex to the King, whose servant he was; who thereupon banished him. Wulnoth upon this fled away, lest he should be appre∣hended, and having gotten 20 Ships, exercised fre∣quent Piracies upon the Sea Coasts. The Kings Na∣vy being thereof informed, and that any man who would might easily take him, Brithtric hereupon, to get praise to himself, took 80 of the Kings Ships with him, and promised to bring Wulnoth alive or dead to the King. VVhen he had prosperously sailed a long time in pursute of him, a most violent tempest sud∣denly arising, shattered and bruised all the ships, dri∣ving them one against another, and forced them to run ashore upon the dry land, with great loss, where Wul∣noth presently coming upon them, fired and burnt them all. The rest of the Navy discontented with this sad news, returned to London: The Army likewise then raised was dispersed, Et sic omnis labor Anglorum cassatus est, writes Huntindon: or, as Wigorniensis and others express it, Sicque totius populi maximus labor pe∣riit, to their great grief and disappointment. Upon this disaster, in the time of Harvest, Earl Turkel a Dane arived with a great new Fleet of Danes, and an innume∣rable Army at Sandwich, whom another great Navy of Dan••s under the command of Hemmingus, Erglafe, & Tenetland followed in the Moneth of August. These all joyning together marched to Canterbury, assaulted, made a breach therein, and were likely to take it. Whereupon the Citizens and Inhabitants of East-Kent were inforced to purchase a firm peace with them, a•• the sum of 3000 pounds; which being paid, they returning to their ships pillaged the Isle of Wight; with the Counties of Sussex and Southampton, near the

Sea-Coasts, burning the Villages, and carrying away great booties thence. King Ethelred upon this, raised and collected a great Army out of all England, placing forces in all Counties near the Sea, to hinder the Danes landing and plundring. Notwithstanding they desisted not, but exercised rapines in all places where they could conveniently land. At last, when they had straggled further off from their Ships than they ac∣customed, and thought to have returned laden with spoils, the King with many thousands of Souldiers in∣tercepting their passage, resolved to die, or to con∣quer them. But perfidious Duke Edric, by his treach∣erous and perplexed orations, endeavored to perswade the King and Souldiers, not then to give the Enemies battel, but to suffer them to escape at that time. Sua∣sit & persuasit. And thus, (like a Traitor to his Coun∣try, as he ever had been) he then delivered the Danes out of the Englishmens hands, and suffered them to de∣part with their booty, without resistance. The Danes after this taking up their VVinter quarters in the Ri∣ver of Thames, maintained themselves with the spoils they took out of Essex, Kent, and other places on both sides of the River, and oft times assaulting the City of London, attempted to take it by assault, but were still valiantly repulsed by the Citizens with great loss.

In Jan. 1010. the e 1.507 Danes sallying out of their Ships, marched through Chiltern Forest to Oxford, which they pillaged and burnt, wasting the Country on both * 1.508 sides the Thames in their return. Being then inform∣ed that there was a great Army raised and assembled a∣gainst them in London, ready to give them battel; thereupon that part of the Danish Army on thc North∣side of the Thames, passed the River at Stanes, and there joyning with those on the South-side, marched in one body to their Ships through Surrey, laden with

spoils, refreshing themselves in Kent all the Lent. After Easter they went into the East parts of England, marching to Ringmere near Ipswich, where Duke Ulfketel resided. On the first of May they fought a set battel with him, where, in the heat of the battel the East-English turned their backs on Turketel a Dane, beginning the fight: but the Cambridgeshire men fighting manfully for their Country and Liberty, re∣sisted the Danes a long time, but at last being over-powred with multitudes, they likewise fled; Many Nobles and Officers of the King, and an innumerable multitude of people were slain in the fight. The Danes gaining the victory, and thereby East-England, turn∣ed all Horsemen, and running through the Country for three Months space, burnt Cambridge, Thetford, with all the Towns and Villages in those parts, slew all the people they met with, as well Women and Children, as Men; tossing their very Infants on the tops of their Pikes, wasted, pillaged all places, killing the Cattel they could not eat, and with an infinite rich booty their Footmen returned to their ships. But their Horsemen marching to the River of Thames, went first into Oxfordshire, and from thence into Bucking∣ham, Her••ford and Bedford Shires, burning Villages, and killing both Men and beasts, and wholly depopula∣ted the Country; then they retired laden with very great booties to their ships. After this, about the Feast of St. Andrew they rambled through Northamp∣tonshire, burning and wasting all the Country, together with Northampton it self; then marching Westward into Wiltshire, they burnt, pillaged, depopulated the Country, leaving all those Counties like a desolate Wilderness, there being none to resist or encounter them after their great victory at Ringmere.

The Danes having thus wasted and depopulated East-England, Essex, Middlesex, Hertford, Buck∣hingham, Oxford, Cambridge Shires, half Huntindon∣shire,

most of Northamptonshire, Kent, Surrey, Sussex, Southampton, Wiltshire, and Barkshire, with Fire and Sword. King Ethelred, et Regni sui Magnates, and the Nobles of his Realm, thereupon sent Ambassadors to the Danes, desiring peace from them, and promising * 1.509 them Wages and Tribute, so as they would desist from depopulating the Realm. Which they upon hearing the Embassadors consented to, yet not without fraud and dissi∣mulation, as the Event proved. For although provisi∣ons and expences were plentifully provided for them, and Tribute paid them by the English according to their desires, yer they desisted not from their rapines, but marched in Troops through the Provinces, wasting the Villages every where, fpoiling most of the misera∣ble people of their goods, and some of their lives. At last, not satisfied with rapine and bloodshed, between the Feasts of St. Mary and St. Michael, they besieged Canterbury, (contrary to their dear bought peace) and by the treachery of Archdeacon Almear took the Ci∣ty, which they pillaged and burnt to the ground, to∣gether with the Churches therein, burning some of the Citizens in the fire, slaying others of them, casting ma∣ny of them headlong over the Walls, dragging the VVomen by the hair about the streets, and ravishing, and murdering them. After which they decimated the Men, VVomen, Monks, and little Children that remained, leaving only the tenth of them alive, and murdering the rest, slaying no less than 900 Religious persons, and above 8000 others in this manner, as some of our Historians relate. Mr. f 1.510 Lambard in his Perambulation of Kent, computeth, that ther were mas∣sacred 43 thousand and two hundred persons in this Decimation, there being only 4 Monks, and 4800 Lay∣people saved alive. The Archbishop g 1.511 Alfege

they took prisoner, bound in chains, buffeted, grie∣vously wounded, and then carried to their Fleet, where they kept him prisoner 7 Moneths. At last they propounded to him, that if he would enjoy his life and liberty, he should pay them 3000 pounds for his ran∣som: which he refusing to do Week after Week; prohibiting any others to give them any thing for his ransom, they were so inraged with him, that bringing him forth publikely to their Council at Greenwich, they struck him down to the ground with their battel Axes, Stones, and the Bones and Heads of Oxen, and at last one Thrum, (whom he had confitmed but the day before) moved with an impious piety, cleft his head with an Axe, and so martyred him. The Londoners hearing of it, pur∣chased his dead corps with a great sum of money, and honourably interred it: But above 2000 of these bloody Villains were in short time after destroyed with grievous diseases. VVhiles these things were acted by the Danes in Kent. Anno 1012. perfidious Duke * 1.512 Edric (h 1.513 et omnes cujuscunque Ordinis et Dignita∣tis Primates Congregati, and all the Nobles of eve∣ry Order and Dignity a••••embled together at the City of London, continuing there til they had levied and paid to the Danes a Tibute of forty (as some) or forty eight thousand pounds (as others write) upon this condi∣tion; That all the Danes within the Realm should have every where a peaceable habitation with the English, and that thero should be, as it were, one Heart, and one Soul of both people (as Matthew Westminster, Daniel, and some others record the Agreement.) Which Accord being ra∣tified on both sides with Pledges and Oaths (as Matthew * 1.514 Westminster and others relate,) King Swain (as some Historians write, though others mention not his be∣ing here in person, but only by his Commanders) re∣turned into his own Land, and so the rage of the Da∣nish persecution ceased for a short space. Upon this a∣greement 45 of the Danish ships under the command of

Turkill the Danish General, submitted themselves to King Ethelred, promising, That they would defend Eng∣land against strangers and forein invasions, upon this con∣dition, that the English should find them victuals and cloaths. Henry Huntindon censures this accord, with the Danes, * 1.515 as made overlate. Tunc vero Rex nimis serò pacem fe∣ci•• cum Dacorum exercitu, dans eis 8000 (misprinted for 48000) librarum; nunquam enim tempore opor∣tuno pax fiebat, donec nimia contritione terra langue∣ret.

To what extremities King Ethelred was put to raise this and the other forementioned Tributes to the D••nes, and to pay his own Captains besides; and how much the Monasteries were taxed, oppressed, ex∣hausted of all their moneys, plate, wealth by the King, his Officers and the Danes, during these wars, by force and menaces, this memorable passage of Abbot Ingul∣phus will best inform us, not mentioned by any other Historians, which I purposely reserved, as properest for this place.

k 1.516 In tempore i•• aque Domini O••ketuli Abbatis Croylandiae, cum sic Dani totam terram inquietarent, indigenae de Villis & Vicis ad Civitates & Castella, & plurimi ad paludes, et lacum, loca invia refugien∣tes, Danorum transitum et discursum pro anima prae∣càvebant. Coeperunt tunc omnia terrae Monasteria a Rege Ethelredo, et Ducibus ejus ac Ministris Gra∣vissimis * 1.517 exactionibus subjici, et ad satisfaciendum Danicis Tributis pro immensis pecuniarum sum∣mis sibi impositis, supra modum affligi: ••t direptis thesauris, ac monasteriorum tam sacris calicibus, quam aliis jocalibus, etiam sanctorum Scrinia jubent ab exactoribus spoliari. Venerabilis ergo pater dominus Osketulus Abbas Croilandiae 400. marcas pro talibus Tributis variis vicibus exolverat: et tandem 12. an∣nis in officio pastorali sanctè ac strenuè consummatis, mortis sacrae compendio Regias exactiones, univer∣sosque

seculi 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cum carnis depositione finaliter exuebat. 12. Cal. Novemb. Anno scil. Domini 1005. Cui successit ad Abbatis officium Venerabilis Pater Abbas Godricus, electus et effectus Abbas in diebus an∣gustiae, tribulationis et miseriae; laboriosissimeque rexit Monasterium 14. annis, sub praedicto rege Ethelredo: Hujus Abbatis tempore cum Dani totius terrae ferè obtinerent dominium, et ••àm per Ethelredum regem et ejus Duces Edricum, Alfricum, Godwinum et ali∣os ••l••res importabiles Impositiones pro Danorum tributis persolvendis, ac aliae Exactiones gravissimae ad eorundem Ducum expensas plurimas restauran∣das, quam per Analafum e•• Swanum, ac eorum exer∣ci••us depraedationes, despoliation••s et destructiones assidue fierent▪ saepe multa Monasteria de omni De∣nario emuncta sunt. Non tamen exact r••s ultimam quadrantem se extorsisse credere voluerunt. Ita hinc re∣ligiosi, quo magis premebantur magis putabantur ha∣bentes, magis putabantur abundantes. Hinc venerabi∣lis Pater Abbas God••icus solvit primo Anno Regi E∣thelredo, 200 marcas: Ducesque sui pro suis expensis similiter ducentas marcas extorquebant, praeter minores sumptus, qui quotidie Regis ministris irru••ntibus conti∣nue fiebant. Secundo, tertio ac quarto anno similiter actum est. Tertio enim anno pro Triremibus per omnes por∣tus Fabricandis, et Navali Militia cum victualibus, et aliis necessariis exhibenda, Ducentae Librae exactae sunt. Quarto etiam anno cum ••urketulus, Danicus Comes cum fortissima classe applleuisset. Pro centum Libris missum▪ et ad solutionem per exactores cru∣delissimos commissum est. Di currentesque Dani tunc per provincias, omnia mobilia diripientes, im∣mobilia cremantes, D••ait••••, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, et H••ke••on maneria Croylandiae, cum toto Comitatu Cantabrigiae direpta, ignibus tradiderunt. Sed haec nuntia sunt malorum. Quippe cum quolibet anno sequente qua∣ter centum Marcae Regiis exactionibus et Ducum

suorum sumptibus communiter solverent, rex Swa∣nus veniens cum classe recenti exercitu ferocissimo tunc omnia depopulatur. Irruens enim de Lindesia, vicos cremat, rusticos eviscerat, religiosos omnes va∣riis tormentis necat: tunc Baston et Langtoft flammis donat. Is erat annus Domini 1008. Tunc monasteri∣um Sanctae Pegae omniaque sua contigua maneria, sci∣licet Slinton, Northumburtham, Makesey, Etton, Ba∣dington, & Bernake, omnia una vice combusta, tota fa∣milia caesa, vel in captivitatem ducta. Abbas cum toto comitatu nocte fugiens et navigio in Croylandi∣am veniens, salvatus est. Similiter Monasterium Burgi, villaeque vicinae ac maneria sua, Ege, Thorp, Walton, Witherington, Paston, Dodifthorp, et Castre, pri∣us omnia direpta, postea slammis tradita sunt. Abbas cum majore parte conventus sui assumptis secum sa∣cris reliquiis sanctarum Virginum, Kineburgae, Ki∣neswithae ac Tibbae Thorniam adiit. Prior autem cum nonnullis fratribus, assumpto secum brachio sancti Oswaldi regis, ad insulam de Hely aufugit. Subprior vero cum 10. fratribus ad Croylandiam venit faelicitèr. Illo anno ex frequentibus fluviis inundationes excre∣verunt, et vicinas paludes, circum{que} jacentes mariscos immeabiles reddebant. Ideo totus mundus advenit, populus infinitus affluxit, Chorus et claustrum reple∣bantur Monachis, caetera Ecclesia sacerdotibus et cleri∣cis, Abbatia tota laicis, caemeterium{que} nocte ac die sub¦tentoriis mulieribus et pueris: fortiores quicunque inter eos ac juvenes in ulnis et alnetis ora fluminum observabant: erantque tunc quotidie (ut caetera one∣ra taceantur) 100 Monachi in mensa. Super haec om∣nia, per nuncium Rex Swanus Monasterio Croylan∣dsae mille Marcas imposuit, et sub poena combustio∣nis totius Monasterii solutionem dictae pecuniae certo die apud Lincoln assignavit; infraque tertium mensem post solutionem hujus pecuniae, iterum pro victualibus suo exercitui providendis exactores nequissimi mill•• Marcas

minis maximis extorquebant. Ventilatum est tunc et ubique vulgatum crudele martyrium S. Elphegi Archiepiscopi Doroberniae, qui quia summam pecuniae excessivam sibi impositam pro sua redemptione solvere de∣trectavit, belluina Dacorum ferocitas eum acerbissimo tormento crudeliter interemit. Omnes fera tempora fle∣bant, foelices qui quocunque modo in fata processerant. Abbas Godricus maximè, cui cura tanti populi incum∣bebat et quem Rex Ethelredus cumulos argenti habe∣re existimabat. Danicus vero Swanus, suusque totus exercitus ei, tanquam Domino de manibus eorum re∣fugientium, juges insidias et minas semper maximas ingerebat. Demum expensis internis et exactionibus externis totus thesaurus Domini Turketuli Abbatis distractus est, horrea amborum Egelricorum d••m••lita sunt, cum adhuc Regii exactores pro pecuniis quoti∣die irruerent. Et eum tanquam patriae proditorem, et Da∣norum provisorem regi in proximo cum dignis compedibus deducendum, et suppliciis tradendum pro suis demeritis af∣firmarent. Perculsus ergo venerabilis Pater Abbas Godricus dolore cordis intrinsecus pro tot minis terri∣bilibus, convocat totum suum conventum; et nun∣cians nummos Monasterio deficere, orat et exorat, quatenus doceant et decernant in medio, quid contra nequam seculum magis expediat faciendum? Tandem longo tractatu placet haec sententia cunctis, aliquem Ministrorum seu satellitum Edrici Ducis Merciorum conducere, et cum pecuniae deficeren••, terris et tene∣mentis ad terminum vitae concedendis, in suum defensorem contra imminentia pericula obligare. Erat enim ille Edricus potentissimus post regem in terra, et cum re∣ge Ethelredo, et cum Swano rege Danorum familiarissi∣mus, et postea cum Cnuto filio suo. Conductus est ergo quidam maximus satellitum dicti Ducis Edrici nomine Normannus, sanguine summe clarus, filius, vi∣delicet Comitis Lefwini, et Frater Leofrici nobilis Comitis Leicestriae, dato sibi (prout postulabat) ma∣nerio

de Badby, ad 〈…〉〈…〉. Ille ••i∣ctum manerium acceptans, tenere de Sancto Guthla∣co per firmam in grano piperis per annum in festo S. Bartholomaei singulis annis persolvendo, fideliter pro∣mittebat, et se futurum procuratorem ac protecto∣rem Monasterii contra omnes adversarios confecto inde chirographo obligabat. Valuit illud Monaste∣rio aliquanto tempore, scilicet omnibus diebus vi∣tae suae.

By which passages it is apparent, what Taxes, exacti∣on••, pressures the Monasteries and others suffered both from King Ethelred his Captains and Officers on the one side, and from the Danes on the other side; and how they were enforced to hire and b••ibe great Souldiers and Courtiers, by leases and mo••••es, to pro∣tect them from 〈…〉〈…〉.

l 1.518 John Speed affirms, That the Clergy 〈…〉〈…〉 any, denied to King Ethelred their assistance, pleading their exemp••ions from warr, and privileges of the Church, when the land lay bleeding and deploring for help, and scan∣dalized all his other proceedings for demanding their aydes. But this passage of Abbot Ingulphus so neat that age, out of the Register Books of Croyland (whereof he was Abbot not long after) proves they paid great annual contributions to the King and his Officers, which con∣sumed all their money, plate, Jewels, Chalices, and the very shrines of their Saints, notwithstanding all Charters and exemptions. And as for the Laity, m 1.519 William of Malmsbury, Radulphus Cistrensis, Mr. Fox, and others write. That King Ethelred had such a condition, that he would lightly dis-inherit English∣men of their lands and possessions, and caused them to re∣deem * 1.520 the same with great sums of money, and that he gave himself to polling of his Subjects, and framed Trespasses for to gain their money and goods, for that he paid great Tribute to the Daneslyearly. Whereby h•• lost the af∣fections of the people, who at last deserted him, and sub∣mitted

themselves to the Danish Invaders, who usurped the Soveraign power, and forced him out of England with his Queen and Children. These Unrighteous Oppressions, Dis-inherisons, and Exactions of his were specially provided against by his Nobles, Prelates, and VVise∣men in the n 1.521 Councils of Aenham and Habam foreci∣ted, by special Laws, and special excellent Prayers and Humiliations prescribed to be made to God to protect them from his judgements and the invading, oppressing, bloody Danes, worthy perusal; yet pretended neces∣sities and VVar, laid all those Laws asleep.

In the year of Christ 1013. (the very next after * 1.522 the Englishmens dearest purchased Peace, which the perfidious gold-thirsty Danes never really intended to observe) King Swain, by the secret instigation of Tur∣kel the Dane (whom King Ethelred unadvisedly hired to guard him with his Danish ships from forein Invasi∣ons) who sent him this Message, o 1.523 Angliam praeclaram esse patriam & opimam, sed Regem stertere illum Venc∣re Vino que studentem, nihil minus quàm bellum cogitare: Quapropter odiosum suis, ridiculum alienis, Duces invi∣dos, Provinciales infirmos, primo stridore Lituorum proelio cessuros, p 1.524 arrived at Sandwich with a great Fleet and Army of Danes, in the Moneth of July; where resting themselves a few days, he sailed round the East part of England, to the mouth of Humber, and from thence into the River of Trent, to Gainsborough, where he quitted his ships, intending to waste the Country. Hereupon, first of all Earl Uhtred, & the Northumbrians, with those of Lindesey, presently without delay, and after them the Freelingers with all the people in the Northern parts of Watlingstreet, having no man to de fend them, yeelded themselves up to Swain without striking one stroke: and establishing a peace with him, they gave him Hostages for their loyalty, and swore Fealty to him as their Soveraign. Where∣upon he commanded them to provide horses and victu∣als

for his Army, which they did. William Malmes∣bury observes, that the Northumbrians thus unworthi∣ly submitted to Swane his Government; Non quod in eorum mentibus genuinus ille calor, & Dominorum im∣pations refriguerie, sed quod Princeps eorum Uthredus pri∣mus exemplum defectionis dederit. Whose example drew on all other parts. Illis sub jugum missis coeteri quoque omnes populi, qui Angliam ab Aquilone inhabi∣tant vectigal et obsides dederunt. A very strange and sudden change, conquest, without a blow. Swain committing his Navy and Hostages to his son Cnute, raised chosen Auxiliaries out of the English, who sub∣mitted to him, and then marched against the Southern Mercians. Having passed Watling street, he by a pub∣like Proclamation commanded his Soldiers, to wast the Fields, burn the Villages, cut down the Woods and Orchards, spoil the Churches, kill all the Males that should come into their hands, Old and Young, without shewing them any mercy, reserving only the Females to satisfie their lusts, and to do all the mischiefs that possibly they could act. Which they accordingly executed, raging with beastly cruelty. Marching to Oxford, he gained it sooner than he ima∣gined by surrender: taking Hostages of them, He posted thence to Winchester: Where the Citizens extraordi∣narily terrified with the excessiveness of his cruelty, immediately yeelded, and made their peace with him; they and the whole Country giving him such and so many hostages as he desired, for his security, and like∣wise swearing allegiance to him. Only the Londoners defending their lawfull King within their walls, shut the Gates against him. From Winchester Swain march∣ed with great glory and triumph to London, endea∣vouring by all means, either to take it by force, or sur∣prize it by fraud. At his first arrival he lost many of his Souldiers, who were drowned in the River of Thames through overmuch rashness, because they would neither seek for Bridge nor ford to pass over it.

King Ethelred being then within the City, and having no other refuge, the Citizens closing their Gates man∣fully defended their lawfull King and City against the assailants. Who encouraged with the hope of glory, and great booty, fiercely assaulted the City on all sides, but were all most valiantly repulsed by the Citizens, through the assistance of valiant Earl Turkel, then within it; the Danes sustaining great loss of men, who were partly slain, and partly drowned, the Citizens not only repulsing them from the Walls; but likewise sallying forth, and slaying them by heaps, so that Swain himself was in danger to be slain, had he not desperately ran through the midst of his Enemies, and by flight escaped their swords. q 1.525 Malmesbury thus writes of the Citizens, Oppidani in mortem pro Liber∣tate ruebant, nullam sibi veniam futuram arbitrantes, si Regem desererent, quibus ipse vitam suam commi∣serat. It aque cum ut inque acriter certaretur, Iustior * 1.526 causa victoriam habuit, Civibus magna ope conantibus, dum unusquisque sudores suos, Principi ostentare, et pro eo pulchrum putaret emori: Hostium pars pro∣strata, pars in flumine Thamesi necata. Hereupon Swain despairing to take the City, marched with his torn shattered Army, first to Wallingford, plundering and demolishing all things they met with in their way, af∣ter their wonted manner, and at last they came to Bath; where Ethelmere Earl of the West Country, with all his people came and submitted to him, giving him hostages for their loyalty. Having thus finished all things according to his desire, he returned with his Hostages to his Navy, being both called and reputed King by all the People of England (London excep∣ted si Rex jure queat vocari, qui fere cuncta Tyran∣nice faciebat, vrite Florence of Worcester, & Simeon Du∣nelmensis very cautelously, Nec adhuc flecterentur Lon∣dinenses tota jam Anglia in clientelant ejus inclina∣ta, nisi Ethelredus praesentia eos destitueret sua: as Malmesbury observes.

King Ethelred being a man given to sloathfullness, and through consciousness of his own demerits, very fearful (deeming no man faithfull to him, r 1.527 by reason of the tragical death of his Brother Edward, for which he felt this Divine revenge, not daring to raise an Army, nor fight the Enemy with it when raised, Ne Nobiles Regni quos injuste exhaeredaberat, lest the Nob••es of the Rea••m, whom he had unjustly dis-inherited, should desert and deliver him up to the Enemy;) de∣clining the necessity of war, and of a new siege, most unworthily deserted the Londoners (his faithfull valiant Subjects and Protectors in the midst of their dangers & Enemies, flying away secretly frō them to Hamshire, by secret journies, from wbence he sailed to the Isle of Wight. Hereupon the Londoners, s 1.528 Laudandi prorsus vi••i & quos Mars ipse collata non sperneret ha∣sta, si Ducem habuissent, Cujus dum vel sola umbra pro∣tegerentur totius pugnae aleam, ipsam obsidionem etiam non paucis mensibus luserunt) Seeing themselves thus un∣worthily deserted by their Soveraign in their extremi∣ties, moved by the example of the rest of their Coun∣trymen, submitted themselves likewise to King Swain, sending Hostages to, and making their peace with him; the rather, for that they feared Swains fury was so much incensed against them, for his former shamefull re∣pulses by them, that if they submitted not to him of their own accords, he would not only spoil them of all their goods, but likewise command either all their eyes to be pulled out, or their hands and feet to be cut off, if he subdued them by force. t 1.529 John Speed (a∣gainst the current of other Historians) informs us, That Swain after his repulse from London, having recei∣ved a certain sum of money, went back into Denmark, for want of victuals, and to recruit his shattered Ar∣my, whence returning soon after, he was immediatly met by the English, where betwixt them was struck a sore battel, which had been with good, success, had

not the Treason of some hindred it, in turning to the Danes. King Ethelred therefore seeing himself and the Land betrayed on this manner, to those few true English that were left, used this Speech as fol∣loweth.

If there wanted in me a fatherly care, either for the de∣fence of the Kingdom, or administration of Justice in the Commonwealth, or in you, the carriage of Soul∣diers for defence of your Native Country, then truly silent would I be for ever, and bear those calamities with a more dejected mind: but as the case stands (be it as it is) I for my part am resolved, to rush into the midst of the Enemy, and to lose my life for my kingdom and Crown. And you (I am sure) hold it a worthy death, that is purchased for the Liberties of your selves and kinred; and therein I pray you, let us all die; for I see both God and destiny against us, and the name of the English Nation brought almost to the last period: for we are overcome, not by weapons and hostile warr, but by Treason and domestick falshood: our Navy betrayed into the Danes hands, our battel weakned by the re∣volt of our Captains, our designs betrayed to them by our own Counsellers, and they also inforcing compo∣sition of dishonourable Peace: I my self disesteemed, and in scorn termed, Ethelred the unready: Your va∣lour and loyalty betrayed by your own Leaders, and all our poverty yearly augmented by the payment of their Danegelt; which how to redress God only knoweth, * 1.530 and we are to seek. For if we pay money for peace, and that confirmed by Oath, these Enemies soon break it, as a people that neither regard God nor man, contrary to equity and the Laws of War, and of Nations; and so far off is all hope of better success, as we have cause to fear the losse of our kingdom, & you the extinction of the Eng∣lish Nations revenue. Therefore seeing our enemies are at hand, and their hands at our throats, let us by fore-sight and counsel save our own lives, or else by courage sheath

our swords in their bowels, either of which I am willing to enter into, to secure our Estate and Nation from an ir∣recoverable Ruine.

After which Speech he and his Army retreated, and gave way to the prevailing Ene∣my.

Swain herepon setling all things according to his own will, when as he knew, that no man durst resist him, commanded himself to be called King of England, Dum non fuit alius qui pro jure regni decertare, vel se regem confiteri ausus fuisset, as u 1.531 Matt. Westmin∣ster, and others write. Such a strange fear and stu∣pidity was then fallen upon Ethelred and the whole English Nation. After this Ethelred privily departed from London to Hampton, and from thence to the Isle of Weight as aforesaid, where advising with the Abbots, and Bishops there assembled in Council, what course was best to steer, he spake thus unto them, the History whereof I shall fully relate in x 1.532 William of Malmes∣bury his words. 'Ibi Abbates et Episcopos▪ Qui nec in tali necessitate Dominum suum deserendum puta∣rent, in hanc convenit sententiam.

Viderent quam in angusto res essent suae, et suorum se perfidia Ducum * 1.533 avito extorrem solio, et opis egentem alienae, in cu∣jus manu aliorum solebat salus pendere: quondam Monarcham et Potentem, modo miserum et exulem: dolendum sibi hanc commutationem, quia facilius to∣leres o••es non habuisse, quam habitas amisisse. Pu∣dendam Anglis eo magis, quod deserti Ducis exem∣plum processurum sit in orbem terrarum. I••los a∣more sui sine sumptibus voluntariam subeuntes fugam, domos et facultates suas praedonibus exposuisse, in arcto esse victum omnibus, vestitum deesse pluribus: probare se fidem illdrum▪ sed non reperire salutem, adeo jam subjugata terra, observari littora, ut nus∣quam sine periculo sit exitus. Quapropter conside∣rent in medium, quid censerent faciendum. Si ma∣neant, plus a Civibus cavendum quam ab Hostibus;

forsitan enim crucibus suis novi domini gratiam mer∣carentur; et certe occidi ab hoste titulatur fortunae, prodia a Cive addicetur Ignaviae. Si ad exteras gentes fugiunt gloriae fore dispendium; si ad notas, metuen∣dum ne cum fortuna colerent animum. Plaerosque e∣nim probos et illustres viros hac occasione caesos, ex∣periendum tamen sortem et tentandum pectus Richar∣di Ducis Normannorum, qui si Sororem et Nepotes non ingrato animo susceperit, se quoque non asper∣nanter protecturum. Vadabitur enim mihi meam sa∣lutem conjugi et liberis impensus favor. Quod si il∣le adversum pedem contulerit, non deerit mihi ani∣mus, planè non deerit, hic gloriosè occumbere, quàm illic ignominiosè vivere.

Hereupon he sends Emma his Queen and her chil∣dren in the moneth of August into Normandy, accom∣panied with the Bishop of Durham, and Abbot of Burgh, where they are joyfully received by Duke Richard, who invites Ethelred himself to honour his Court with his presence; who thereupon in January following passeth over into Normandy and there solaceth his mi∣series with the curteous entertainment he there found. y 1.534 King Swane in the mean time provokes invaded England with ruines and slaughters, playes the absolute Tyrant, commands Provisions to be abundantly provi∣ded for his Army and Navy, et Tributum fere impor∣tabile solvi praecepit, and like wise commanded an in∣supportable Tribute to be paid: And the like in all things Earl Turkell the Dane, commanded to be paid to his Navy lying at Greenwich, hired by King Ethelred to defend the English from Foreiners; yet both of them as often as they pleased preyed upon and pillaged the Country besides, first polling the inhabitants of their goods, and then banishing them. Provincialium sub∣stantiae prius abreptae, mox proscriptiones factae. In this * 1.535 sad oppressed condition under their New Soveraign, to whom they had submitted themselves, both Nobles

and people knew not what to do. Haesitabatur totis ur∣bibus quid fieret: si par aretur rebellio, assertorem non ha∣berent; si eligeretur subjectio, placido rectore carerent. Ita privatae et publicae opes ad naves cum sidibus deporta∣bantur. Quo evidenter apparet Swanum naturalem et legitimum non esse Dominum, sed atrocissimum Tyrannum, as Malmesbury, Mattbew Westminster, and otners record. But God who is propitious to people in their greatest extremities, suffered not England to lye long sluctuating in so many calamities. For this barbarous Tyrant Swane, after innumerable evils and cruelties perpetrated in England and elsewhere, added this to the heap of his further damnation, that he Ex∣acted a great Tribute out of the Town of St. Edmonds∣bury, Anno 1014. which none ever before presumed to doe, since it was given to the Church wherein the body of the precious Martyr St. Edmond lieth intomb∣ed, all the lands thereof being exempted from Tributes. Beginning to vex the possessions of the Church, and threatning to burn the Town and destroy all the Monks * 1.536 unless they speedily paid him the Tribute he exacted, and using reproachfull speeches against St. Edmond, as having no holiness in him, he was suddenly struck dead and ended his life on the Feast of the Purificati∣on of the blessed Virgin, Anno 1014. Our Monkish Historians record; That on the Evening of the day whereon he held a general Court at Geignesburgh, re∣iterating his menaces against the Town, and ready to put them in execution, for not paying the Tribute deman∣ded, he saw St. Edmond comming alone armed against him, whiles he was invironed in the midst of his Da∣nish Troops; whereupon he presently cried out with great affright and a lowd voice; Help O fellow Souldi∣ers, help, behold St. Edmond comes to slay me: and whiles he was thus speaking, being grievously woun∣ded with a spear by the Saint, he fell off from his horse, and continued in great torment till night, and so en∣ded

his life, with a miserable death.

z 1.537 Swane being dead, the whole Navy and Nation * 1.538 of the Danes, Elected and made ••nute his son their King and Lord: b. * Majores Natu totius Angliae; The Nobles and Senators of all England liking no∣thing ••ess than bondage, especially under such new ty∣rannizing forein Intruders, thinking it now or never the time to shake off their new yoak, pronounced their Natural Lord, to be dearer to them than any Forei∣ner, Si regaiius se quam consueverat ageret. Whereup∣on with unanimous consent, and great joy and speed they sent messengers into Normandy to Ethelred to in∣form him; Nullum eo libentius se in Regem recepturos, si ipse vel rectius gubernare, vel mitius eos tractare vellet quam prius tractaverat: and to hasten his return unto * 1.539 them. Who thereupon presently sent over his son Edward, qui fidem Principum, favoremque vulgi praesens specularetur: who together with his Embassadors, as∣sured both the Nobles and Commons of the English Nation; That he would for time to come be their mild and devout Lord, consent to their wills in all things, acquiesce in their Counsels, and if he had offended in any kinde, he would reform it according as they should think fit, and with a ready mind pardon whatsoever had been contemptuously or disgracefully spoken or acted by them, agai••st him or his, if they would all unanimously receive him again as their King into the Kingdom. To which they all gave a fa∣vourable and satisfactory answer: Whereupon a ple∣nary reconciliation was ratified between them on both sides, both by words and compact. Moreover a 1.540 The Nobles unanimously and fréely agreed and voted, That they would never more admit a Danish King into England to reign over them. These things concluded, King Ethelred speedily returns into Eng∣land, where he was honourably and joyfully received

by the English. And that he might seem to cast off his former sloathfulness, he hastned to raise an Army a∣gainst Cnute, who remaining with his Navy in Lindesey, made an agreement with the inhabitants, exacting men and horses from them, that he might surprise Ethelred at unawares, and threatning grievously to punish all such as revolted from him. But Cnute being taken in his own craft, (Ethelred marching thither with a strong army before he was provided to receive him) fled from thence with his Hostages, Army and Navy to Sandwich; whereupon Ethelred depopulated all Lindesey, wasting the Country with fire and sword, slaying all the Inha∣bitants (as Traitors to him and their Native Country;) Cnute, by way of revenge, humano et divino Iure con∣tempto in insontes grassatus, cuts off the hands and ears, and slits the Noses of all the most Noble and beautiful Hostages throughout England, given to his father, and so dismissing them, sailed into Denmark to settle his af∣fairs and augment his forces, resolving to return the year following. After his departure, b 1.541 King Ethel∣red this very year, Super haec omnia mala Classi quae apud Greenwic jacuit Tributum quod erat 30. millia libra∣rum, pendi mandavit; to wit, to the Fleet under Turkell the Dane, who instead of defending, did but help to pillage and oppress the English: Huntindon * 1.542 writes, it was but 21 thousand pounds; and Bromton a∣vers, that it was Cnute, not Ethelred, who commanded it to be paid to his Navy. Soon after which, the Sea rising higher than it was accustomed, drowned an in∣numerable Company of Villages, people, and cat∣tel.

After Cnutes departure, c 1.543 King Ethelred summo∣ned a Parliamentaty Council at Oxford, Anno 1015. * 1.544 both of the Danes and English. Malmsbury expressly stiles it, MAGNUM CONCILIUM; Wigorniensis, Hoveden, Sim. Dunelmensis, MAGNUM PLACI∣TUM:

Matthew Westminster and others, MAG∣NƲM COLLOQUIUM; our later English Histo∣rians, a Great Council and Parliament. The King by the ill advise of that Arch Traytor Duke Edric at this Great Council, commanded some Nobles of the Danes to be sodenly and secretly slain, quasi de Regia proditio∣ne notatos ac perfidiae apud se insimulatos, the chiefest of them were Sygeforth and Morcar, whom Edric, trea∣cherously invited to his chamber, and there making them drunk, caused his armed guards there placed se∣cretly to murder them, which they did. Hereupon their Servants endeavouring to revenge their Lords deaths (being digniores et potentiores ex Seovengensibus) they were repulsed with arms, and forced to flye into the Tower of St. Frideswides Church for safety; whence when they could not be forcibly expelled, they were all there burnt together. The King presently seised up∣on their lands and goods (the chief cause of their mur∣der, as some conceived) and sent the relict of Sygeforth (a very Noble, beautifull and vertuous Lady) prisoner to Malmsbury: whither Edmond (the Kings base Son, as some affirm,) posted without his fathers privity, and being enamored with her beauty, first carnally a∣bused, then afterward maried her; and by her advice for∣cibly invaded and seised upon the Lands of her husband and Morcar, which were very great, and the Earldom of Northumberland, which his father denied him upon his request: Whereupon all the Inhabitants of that Coun∣ty readily submitted to him. Whiles these things were acting, (d) Cnute having setled his affairs in Den∣mark, * 1.545 and made a League with his neighbour Kings, recruired his Army and Navy, and returned into Eng∣land, with a resolution, either to win it, or to lose his life in the attempt. Ariving first at Sandwich, and sailing thence to the West, he pillaged Dorsetshire, Somerset∣shire, and Wiltshire, filling all places with slaughters and plunders. King Ethelred lying then sick at Cosham,

his son Edmond Ironside, and Duke Edric, raised an Ar∣my against Cnute; but when both their forces were u∣nited to fight him, the old perfidious Traytor Edric en∣deavoured by all means to betray Edmond to the Danes, or treacherously to slay him; which being discovered to Edmond, thereupon they severed their forces from each other, and gave place to the Enemies without gi∣ving them battel. Not long after Edric inticing to him 40 of the Kings ships furnished with Danish Mariners and Souldiers, openly revolted, and went with them to Cnute, subjecting himself to his dominion as his So∣veraign: by whose example all West-Sex submitted to him as their Kihg, delivering him hostages for their fidelity, resigning up all their arms to him, and pro∣viding both horse and arms for his Danish Army. The Mercians offred themselves alone to resist the Danes, but through the Kings sloathfulness, the business of war received delay, and the enemies proceeded in their rapines without opposition.

In the year 1016. King Cnute, and treacherous * 1.546 Duke Edric, came with 200 sail of ships into the river of Thames, whence they marched by land with a great Army of horse and foot, and invaded Mercia in an ho∣stile manner, burning all the Towns and Villages, and slaying all the men they met with in Warwick∣shire and other places; whereupon King Ethelred (as Huntindon, Wigorniensis, and others record) made an Edict, Ut quicunque Anglorum sanus esset, secum * 1.547 in bello procederet, That every Englishman who was in health, should go with him in battel against the Danes. An innumerable multitude of people upon this assembled together to asist him: But when his and his son Edmonds forces were conjoyned in one bo∣dy, the King was informed, that some of his auxilia∣ries were ready to betray and deliver him up to the e∣nemies, unless he took care to prevent it and save himself: and as some write, the Mercians refused to

fight with the VVest-Saxons and Danes; whereupon the expedition was given over, and every man retur∣ned to his own home. After this Edmund Ironside rai∣sed a greater Army than before against Cnute, and sent Messengers to King Ethelred to London, to raise as ma∣ny men as possible he could, and speedily to come and joyn with him against the Danes; but he, for fear of being betrayed to the Enemy, presently dismissed the Army without fighting, and returned to London. Here∣upon Ed. Ironside went into Northumberland, where some imagined he would raise a greater Army against Cnute the Dane; but he and Ʋhtred Earl of Northumberland, instead of incountring Cnute, wasted the Counties of Stafford, Shrewsbury and Leicester, because they would not go forth to fight against the Danes Army, in defence of * 1.548 their Country and King. Cnute, on the other side wast∣ing with fire and sword the Counties of Buckinghan, Bedford, Huntindon, Northampton, Lincoln, Nottinghaem, and after that Northumberland: Which Edmond being informed of, returned to London to his Father, and Earl Uhtred returning home, being compelled by ne∣cessity, repaired to Cnute, and submitted himself to him, with all the Northumbrians, making a Peace with him, and giving him hostages for performance thereof, and for his and their fidelity. Not long after Uhtred and Turketel, Earls of Northumberland, were both treacherously slain by Turebrand a Dane, by Cnutes command or Commission. Which done, Cnute made one Hirc (some stile him Egric) Earl of Nor∣thumberland in his place; and then returned with all his army to his Ships in triumph, a little before the feast of Easter, with a very great booty. Not long after, King Ethelred (born to troubles and mischief,) after manifold labours, vexations, treacheries, and incessant tribulati∣ons, ended his wretched life in London, where he di∣ed May 9th. Anno 1016. being there buried in St-Pauls Church, finding rest in his Grave by death,

which he could never find in his Throne all his life, having attained it by Treachery, and his Brothers, So∣veraigns murder * 1.549 whose Ghost (as Malmesbury and o∣thers write) did perpetually vex and haunt him all his reign, and made him so subject to, and fearfull of plots and treacheries, that he knew not whom to trust, nor ever deemed himself secure, even in the midst of his oft raised Armies, Nobles, People, though ready to ad∣venture their Lives for his defence.

I have related these Passages of the Danish wars, and invasions during Ethelreds reign, more largely than I intended. 1. Because on the Englishmens parts, they were meerly defensive of their Native Country, King, Laws, Liberties, Properties, Estates, Lives against forein Invaders and U••urpers. 2ly. Because they more or less relate to my forementioned Propositions, touch-the fundamental Rights, Liberties, Properties, of the English Nation. 3ly. Because they shew forth unto us the true original grounds, causes, motives, necessi∣ties, and manner of granting the very first Civil Tax and Tribute mentioned in our Histories, by the King and his Nobles, in their General Councils, to the Da∣nish invaders, to purchase peace, and the true nature, use of our antient Danegelt, and rectifie some mi∣stakes in our common late English Historians.

Immediately after King Ethelreds decease e 1.550 Epis∣copi, * 1.551 Abbates, Duces, et quique Nobiliores Angliae in unum congregati (as Wigorniensis, Hoveden, Sim••••n Dunelmensis, Radulphus de Diceto, Bromton) Or, Maxi∣ma pars Regni, tam Clericorum quam Laicorum in unum congregati (as Matthew VVestminster) Or, Proceres Regni cum Clero, (as Kny••ht••n expresses it) Pari consensu in Dominum et Regem Cann∣tum eligere: All the Bishops, Abbots, Dukes and Nobles of England, and the greatest part of the chief Clergy and Laity, assembled together (in a kind of

Parliamentary Council) by unanimous consent elected Cnute for their Lord and King (notwithstanding their solemn Vow and Engagement but the year before, ne∣ver to suffer a Danish King to reign over them.) Where∣upon thev all repaired to Cnute to Southampton f 1.552 om∣nemque Progeniem Regis Ethelredi, coram illo ab∣horrentes, et abnegando repudiantes (as Wigornien∣sis, Huntindon, Knyghton, and others record) and there in his presence abhorring and utterly renouncing and abjuring all the Progeny of King Ethelred, they submit∣ted themselves, and swore fealty to him, as to their on∣ly King and Soveraign, he reciprocally then swearing unto them, That he would be a faithfull Lord unto them, both in things appertaining to God and the World, which our Historians thus express. Quibus ille jurav••t, quod & secundum Deum, & secundum seculum fidelis illis fo∣ret Dominus. Only the City of London, and part of the Nobles then in it, unanimously chose and cryed up Ed. Ironside, King Ethelreds 3. son, by Elgina his first Wife, Daughter to Duke Thored, as Speed and others * 1.553 relate, though Matthew Westminster, and others re∣gister his birth, Non ex Emma Regina, sed ex quadam ignobili foemina generatus, qui utique matris suae ignobi∣litatem generis mentis ingenuitate & corporis streuuit te redintegrando redemit. After Edmonds election, he was crowned King by Liuing Archbishop of Canterbury, at Kingston upon Thames (where our Kings in that age were usually crowned.) No sooner was he thus advan∣ced to the Regal dignity, but he presently marched undauntedly into VVest-Sex, and being there received by all the People, with great gratulation and joy, he most speedily subjected it to his Dominion. Which being divulg'd in other parts, many Counties of England, deserting Cnute, voluntarily submitted themselves unto him, such is the fickleness of the People, & unconstancy of worldly power and affairs. g 1.554 Cnute in the mean

time to be revenged of the Londoners for making Ed∣mond King, marched to London with his whole Army and Fleet, besieged and blocked up the City with his Ships, drawn up the Thames on the West-side of the Bridge, and then drew a large and deep trench round about the City, from the Southside of the River; whereby he intercepted all ingress and egress to the Citizens and others, whom he shut up so close, that none could go in or out of the City, and endeavoured by many strong assaults to force it: but being still re∣pulsed by the Citizens, who valiantly defended the walls, he left off the siege with great confusion and loss, as well as dishonor. Thence he marched with his Army into Dorsetshire, to subdue it: Where King Ed∣mond meeting him with such forces as he could sud∣denly raise, gave him battel at Penham near Gilling∣ham; where after a bloudy and cruel encounter, he put Cnute and his Army to flight, and slew many of them. Not long after, they recruiting their forces, both Armies meeting at Steorstan, King Edmond re∣solving there to give Cnute battel, placed the most expert and valiantest of his Souldiers in the front; and the rest of the English who came flocking in to him, he kept for a reserve in the rear. Then calling upon every of them by name, he exhorted and informed them, That they now fought for their Country, for their Children, for their Wives, for their Houses and Li∣berties, inflaming the minds of his Souldiers with his excellent Speeches; in this battel with the Enemy, he exercised the Offices of a valiant Soldier, and good General, charging very couragiously; But because that most persidious Duke Edric, Almar, and Algar, and others of the great men, who ought to have assisted him with the Inhabitants of Southampton, VViltshire, and innumetable other English, joyned with the Danes, the battel continued all day, from morning to night, with equal fortune, till both sides being tired out, and

many of each party slain, the night constrained them to march one from another. But their bloud not be∣ing cold, the next day they buckled together again, with no less courage than before; till at last, in the ve∣ry heat of the battel, the most perfidious Duke Edric perceiving the Danes like to be totally routed, and the English in great forwardness of victory, cut off the head of a Souldier named Osmeranus, very like to King Edmund both in hair and countenance, and sha∣king his bloody sword, with the half gasping head in his hand, which he lifted up on high, cryed out to the English Army: Oye Dorsetshire men, Devonshire men, and other English, flee and get away, for your head is lost; behold here is the head of your King Edmund, which I hold in my hand, therefore hasten hence with all speed, and save your lives. Which when the English heard and saw, they were more affrighted with the atrocity of the thing, than with the belief of the Speaker: where∣upon all the more unconstant of the Army were ready to fly away. But Edmond having present notice of this treacherous stratagem, and seeing his men ready to give over the fight, hasted where he might be best seen, and posting from rank to rank, encouraged them to fight like Englishmen: who thereupon resuming their courage, charged the Danes more fiercely than before; and bending their force against the Traytor, had shot him to death, but that he retreated presently to the Enemy, the English reviving, and manfully con∣tinuing the battel again till the darkness of the night caused both Armies voluntarily to retreat, from each other into their Tents. When much of the night was spent, Cnute commanded his men in great silence to break up their Camp, and marched to his Ships, and soon after, whiles King Edmond was recruiting his Army in West-Sex, besieged London again: whereupon Edmond marching to London with a select company of Souldiers, chased Cnute and his Army to their ships,

removed the siege, and entred the City in manner of Triumph. Cnute and Edric perceiving the valour and good success of Edmond, conspired together, to over∣come him by Treason, whom they could not vanquish by Armes; for which end, Edric, before King Edmonds march to London (as some) or soon after, as others re∣late, feignedly revolted from Cnute, and submitted himself again to Edmond, as his natural Lord: and re∣newing his peace with him, fraudently swore that he would eontinue faithfull to him, only that he might betray him. Edmond, two days after he had chased the Danes from the siege of London, pursuing his victory, passed over the Thames at Brentford, where, though many of the English were drowned in passing ove•• the River, through their carelesness, yet he there fought with the Danes the fourth (or tather fifth) time, routed them, and won the field. After which, Edmond, by the ad∣vice of Edric, marched again into West-Sex, to raise a more numerous Army, to supply those who were drowned and slain in this last battel: Upon which ad∣vantage, the Danes again returned to the siege at London, invironing, and fiercely assaulting it on every side; but being valiantly repulsed by the Citizens, they retired from thence to their ships, and sailed into the River of Arewe; where leaping out of their ships, they went a∣bout pillaging in Mercia, killing all they met, and burning the Villages, returning to their ships with a great booty: Another company of their foot sailing up the River of Meadway, pillaged Kent, their Horse marching thither by Land to meet them, doing the like, wasting all places with fire and sword. King Edmond having in the mean time raised a strong Army out of all England, passed over with them again at Brentford, to fight the Danes, and giving them battel near Oteford, routed the whole Danish Army, not able to endure his fierce charge, and pursued them as far as Ilesford, slaying many thousands of them in the pursute; and had

he followed the pursute futther, it was conceived that day had put an end to the war and Danes for ever. But perfidious Duke Edric by his most wicked Counsel (the worst ever given in England) caused him to give over the chace. Whereupon the flying Danes escaped into the Isle of Shepy. Edmond returning into VVest-Sex to observe Cnutes motion, he thereupon transpor∣ted his forces into Kent, who began to plunder and wast Mercia far worse than ever they had done before: VVhereupon King Edmond marching with his Army a∣gainst them, gave them battel the sixt time, at Eses∣dune, (or Assendune) now Ashdune in Essex; where af∣ter a long and bloody fight, with equall valour, and great loss on both sides: King Edmond seeing the Danes to fight more valiantly than ever before, leaving his place (which usually was between the Dragon and Standard) ran into the very front of the battel, and breaking in like thunder upon the Enemy, brake their ranks, pierced into the very midst of them, and made way for others to follow him, forcing the Danes to give back; VVhich the ever traiterous Edric percei∣ving, fled with the whole Squadron of Souldiers which he commanded, unto Cnute, as was formerly agreed between them; whereupon the Danes becoming the stronger, made an extraordinary slaughter of the E••g∣lish; as Matthew VVestminster and his followers story. Henry Huntindon relates, That Edric seeing the Danes going to ruine, cryed out to the English Army, Fly O Englishmen, fly Englishmen, for Edmond is dead (being not seen in his wonted place) and crying out thus, he and his Brigade first began the flight; whereupon the whole Army of the English following them, fled like∣wise. VVigorniensis informs us; that King Edmond before this battel, riding about to every Company, ad∣monished and commanded them, that being mindfull of their pristin•• valour and victory, they should defend them∣selves and the Realm from the avarice of the Danes, being

now to fight with those they had formerly conquered. That perfidious Duke Edric seeing the Danish army inclining to slight, and the English about to gain the victory, be∣gan to fly with the VVagesetensians, and that part of the army which he commanded, as he formerly promised to Cnute, that circumventing his Lord King Edmond and the English army with deceits, he gave the victo∣rie to the Danes by his treacherie; and by the con∣sent of all our VVriters, he here gave the greatest wound to the English Nobility and Nation that ever they received in any former battel, Duke Alfric, Duke Godwin, Duke Ulfketel, Duke Aethelward, Ailward son of Duke Alke, and all the flower of the English Nobility, together with Eadnoth Bishop of Lincoln, and Abbot VVulfius, (qui ad exorandum Deum pro milite bellum agente conve∣nerunt) with an infinite number of common Souldi∣ers being there slain in this fight and slight: qui nun∣quam ante in uno praelio tantam cladem ab hostibus accepe∣runt. Ibi Cnuto Regnum expugnavit, ibi omne decus An∣glorum occubuit, ibi fl••s patriae totus emarcuit, VVrites Malmesbury, Cnute likewise on his side sustained an irre perable loss, both of his Dukes and Nobles.

After this lamentable loss, wherein so many Nobles fell, Cnute marching to London in triumph, took the Royal Scepters; whence departing into Glocestershire, in pursute of Edmond (who retreated almost alone to Glocester, and there recruited his broken forces) he wasted and pillaged the Country in his march. King Edmond resolved to give him another battel in a place called Dierhurst; where Edmond with his army being on the VVest-part of the River Severn, and Cnute on the Eastside with his army, both set in battel array, ready manfully to encounter each other, wicked Duke Edric, magnatibus convocatis, calling the Nobles of both parties together, spake unto them as followeth, as Mat∣thew VVestminster, and others accord, before a∣ny incounter; but Abbot Eth••lred records, that

both Armies then fought a most bloudy battel for one whole day from morning to night, an innumerable Com∣pany being slain on both sides, without any Victory; the night only causing them to retire, ad similem ludum eundemque exitum die craestina reversuri. Both Armies being wearied with this bloudy sport, when they saw King Edmonds forces daily increasing, and Cnutes com∣pany likewise augmented out of foreign parts, by con∣stant recruits, which he caused to be sent from thence, Vterque Exercitus Proceres ad colloquium cogunt, both a••mies compelled their Nobles to a Conference; where one of them, being elder than the rest (which o∣thers affirm to be Duke Edric) requiring silence, spake thus unto them, as h 1.555 Abbot Ethelred records his words.

I desire, O wise men, in these our dangers to give advice; who verily am inferiour to you in wisdom, but superiour to you in age, as these gray hairs testify▪ and peradventure what wisdom hath not, use hath taught me, and what science hath denied, experience hath conferred. Many things verily we have seen and known, many things moreover our Fathers have told us, and not without cause we require audience, that we may utter no doubtful sentence of things certain and apparent. A perillous thing is acted; we suffer evil things, we discern worser, we fear the worst of all. We fight daily, neither do we overcom, nor yet are we vanquished; yea•• we are overcome, and yet no man vanquisheth. For how are we not over∣come, who are wounded, who are oppressed, who are wearied, who are distressed by forces, who are spoiled by arms? Neither flie we, since there is none who may assault us; neither do we assault, since courage fails on both sides. How long shall it be, ere we see an end of these wonderfull things? When shall there be rest from this labour, tranquillity from this storm, se∣curity from this fear? Certainly Edmond is invincible

by reason of his wonderful fortitude; and Cnute also is invincible by reason of fortunes favour. We are broken in pieces, we are slain, we are dissipated, we lose our dearest pledges, we expose our sweet friends and alliances to death. But of this labour what fruit? what end? what price? what emolument? what I pray, but that the souldiers being slain on both sides, the Captains at last compelled by necessity, may com∣pound? or verily fight alone, without a Souldier? Why then not now? Truly while we live, while we breath, whiles the Army remains this might be done more profitably, honestly, securely. I demand, what insolence yea violence, yea madness is this? England hereto∣fore when subjected to many Kings, both flourished in glory, and abounded in riches. O ambition! how blind is it alwaies, which coveting the whole, lo∣seth the whole? Why I pray, doth not that now suf∣fice two, which heretofore was sufficient for five Kings? But if there be in them so great a Iust of do∣mineering, that Edmond disdains a Peer, Cnute a Su∣periour, PUGNENT, QUAESO, SOLI, QUI SOLI CUPIUNT DOMINA∣RI: CERTENT PROCORONA SOLI, QUI SOLI CUPIUNT INSIG∣NIRI; let them fight, I beseech you, alone, who desire to domineer alone; let them con∣tend for the Crown alone, who desire to be crow∣ned alone. Let the Generals themselves enter into the hazard of a Duel, that even by this means one of them may be vanquished; lest if the Army should fight more often, all being slain, there should be no souldiers for them to rule over, nor any who may de∣fend the Realm against Foreiners.

Whiles he was about to speak more, ALL THE PEOPLE, shut up his Speech in the midst of his Jaws, if I may so speak, crying out and saying, AUT PUG∣NENT IPSI AUT COMPONENT, let them fight

themselves, or let them compound. His Speech re∣corded in Bromton, Hen. de Knyghton, Speed, and others, is much to the same effect, though different in some ex∣pressions.

(i) Matthew Westmininster brings in Edric speaking * 1.556 only, thus to the Nobles. O insensati Nobiles, et armis potentes cur toties morimur in bello pro Regibus, cum ipsi nobis morientibus, nec regnum obtineant, nec avaritiae suae finem imponant. Pugnent consulto, singulariter, qui sin∣gulariter regnare contendunt, Quae est ista regnandi li∣bido, Quod Anglia modo duobus non sufficit, quae olim octo regibus satisfuit? Itaque vel soli componant, vel soli pro regno decertent. PLACUIT AUTEM HAEC SEN∣TENTIA OMNIBUS, ET AD REGES PROCE∣RUM DELATUM ARBITRIUM, ILLI CON∣SENTIENDO APPROBANT. Hereupon all the Nobles concurring in this opinion, both Kings ap∣proving their Determination, fought a royal single du∣el, first on horseback, then on foot, in the Isle of Ole∣renge, or Olney, (near Glocester) in the midst of Severn, in the view of both their Armies, with extraordinary courage, and equall success, till they were both quite tyred, but neither of them vanquished: At last upon Cnutes motion they began to parly in a friendly man∣ner; Cnute speaking thus to Edmond. Hitherto I have been covetous of thy Realm, now most valiant of men, I am verily more desirous of thy self, whom I see, art to be prefer∣red, I say, not before the Realm of England, but the whole world it self. Denmark hath yielded to me, Norwey hath subjected it self to me, the King of Swedes hath given me his hand, and thy admirable Valour hath more than once fructrated the force of my assaults, which I believed no mor∣tal man could have been able to sustain. Wherefore al∣though fortune hath promised that I should be every where a Conquerer, yet thy admirable valour hath so allured me to favour, that I above measure desire thee both for a friend and consort of my kingdome: would to God that thou also maist be as desirous of me, that I may reign with thee in

England, and thou maist reign with me in Denmark. Tru∣ly, if thy valour shall be united to my fortune, Norway will fear, and Sweden will quake: France it self, accustomed to warrs, will tremble. In brief, Edmond and Cnute both consent to divide the Kingdom: Edmond yielding to words, who had not yielded to swords, being overcome with this O∣ration, who could not be overcome with arms; whereupon, laying aside their arms, they run and mutually imbrace and kiss each other, both Armies rejoycing, and the Cler∣gy singing Te Deum laudamus, with a lowd voice. After∣wards in testimony of Agreement, they change clothes and Arms with each other, and returning to their Ar∣mies, prescribed the manner of the Agreement and Peace. Wigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, and * 1.557 Roger Hoveden add, that they ratified the agreement with Oaths, TRIBUTOQUE QUOD CLASSICAE MA∣NƲI PENDERETUR STATUTO; and appointed a Tribute which should be paid to the Sea forces, and then * 1.558 departed from each other. The Daues returned with the great booty they had gotten to their ships, with whom the Citizens of London having made a peace, DATO PRECIO, which they paid a price for, they permitted them there to winter. The Realm was divided between them both, but the Crown remained to Edmond, with the City of London, Essex, East-England, and all the Land on the Southside the River of Thames, and Cnute enjoyed the North parts of England, by mutual consent and agreement of all the Nobles; and so this bloudy warr between them (after 7. or 8. battels, within so many moneths space) ceased.

Soon after this fatal Agreement and partition of the Realm, which made Edmond but half a King, and Eng∣land half Denmark, that ever trayterous Duke Edric, to ingratiate himself the more with Cnute, treache∣rously murdered King Edmond at Oxford, of which there are 3. different relations in our Historians. l 1.559 Some say that he corrupted the Kings Chamberlains with gifts

to murder him in his bed: and that King Cnute, in the first year of his Coronation, caused all of them who had conspired his death by Edric's exhortation to come be∣fore him, where they declared to the King the Trea∣son they had committed against King Edmond, expect∣ing a large reward for it. Whereupon the King sent for the Great Men and Nobles of the Realm, and made the Traitors to acknowledge their Treason before them, and a great assembly of people; fearing lest o∣therwise it should be believed that he had foreplotted the Treason aforelaid, and suborned them to execute it. After their publick confession thereof, he caused them all to be first drawn, and then hanged for it. (l) O∣thers * 1.560 write, that Edric himself, or his Son by his com∣mand, murdered him at Oxford on St. Andrews night as he was easing nature in an house of Office, stabbing him into the bowels with a two-edged knife through the hole of the privy, (in which one of them lay in wait to murder him) leaving the knife sticking in his bowels, and him dead in the place: And some write, that he placed an Image in his Chamber with a bow and arrow ready bent; which Edmond admiring at, touching the spring which held the bow thus bent, the arrow thereupon pierced & slew him in the place. That before his death was known, Edric went to Edmonds wife, and taking away her two young Sons from her, brought and deli∣vered them to Cnute; and then saluted him, saying; GOD SAVE THEE SOLE KING OF ENG∣LAND. Whereupon Cnute demanding, Why he sa∣luted him in this manner? He then informed him of King Edmo••ds death, and how he had murdered him of purpose to make him sole King of England. Speed adds, That he cut off his Soveraigns head, presenting it to Cnute with these fawning salutations, All hail thou sole Mo∣narch of England, for here behold the head of thy Copart∣ner, which for thy sake I have adventured to cut off: which no antient Historian mentions. Upon this, Cnute,

though ambitious enough in Soveraignty, yet out of a Princely disposition, sore grieved at such a disloyal treacherous act, presently replyed to him, I for reward of so great and meritorious a service done for me, will this day advance thee above all the Nobles of the Realm; After which he caused his head to be cut off, then fixed on an high poll, and placed on the highest Tower of London, for the birds to prey upon. m 1.561 Others more agreea∣ble to the truth, relate; That Cnute in the first year of his reign depriving this Arch-Traitor Edric of the Dukedom of Mercia, which he had many years en∣joyed; thereupon Edric in the feast of Christs Nativi∣ty, repaired to Cnute at his Palace in London, to expo∣stulate with him about it: where checking the King over-harshly, he upbraided him with the many be∣nefits he had received from him, amongst which he mentioned two, wherewith he specially provoked him to anger; saying, Most dear King, you ought not to speak harshly to me, nor suffer any evil▪ to be done unto me; for you had never enjoyed the Realm of England, but by my means. For out of love to thee, I have first betrayed King Ethelred; after that I deserted Edmond my proper and natural Lord; and afterwards I foreplotted his death, and murdered my just and true liege Lord, out of my fideli∣ty * 1.562 towards thee, to bring the whole kingdom unto thee: and dost thou so lightly vilify so great love conferred on thee, for which I never received any benefit or profit from thee? At which speeches, Cnute changing his countenance, ex∣pressing his fury by its redness, presently pronounced this sentence against him, saying: And thou shalt de∣servedly die, thou most perfidious Traitor, seeing by thy own confession thou art guilty of Treason both against God and me, who hast slain thine own Soveraign and natural King, and my dear confederate Brother. His bloud be upon thy head, because thou hast stretched out thy hand against the Lords anointed. And lest a tumult should be raised a∣mong the people, he commanded him to be there pre∣sently

strangled in his palace, and his body to be cast through a window into the river of Thames, to be de∣voured of the fishes, as some, or hanged upon London walls unburied, to be devoured by birds, as others sto∣ry. At which time n 1.563 Duke Norman, son of Duke Leofwin, (Captain of Edrics guard) Aethelward son of Duke Agelmar, and Brihtricus son of Alphege Earl of Devonshire, with many others of Edrics followers were likewise slain without offence, together with Edric; because Cnute feared he should one time or other be circumvented by the treacheries of this old perfidious Traitor, hearing his former natural Lords Ethelred, and Edmond had frequently been betrayed by him, quo∣rum diutina proditione alterum vexavit, alterum interfecit; there being no trust to be reposed in such a Traytor to his Soveraigns. Thus this inveterate Arch-Traitor to his Natural Country, Kings, and bloudy Regicide, by Gods divine Justice received the just punishment of all his Treasons at the last, instead of expected great re∣wards, from that hand he least suspected. Whence (p) Matthew Westminster relating both the Histories of the manner of Edrics death, concludes thus, Sed sive * 1.564 sic, sive aliter vitam finierit Proditor Edricus, non multum ad rem pertinet; quia hoc liquido constat, Quod ille qui multos circumvenerat, tandem est justo Dei Iudicio circumventus, et proditionis suae meruit subi∣re talionem: And let all those who have or shall imi∣tare him in his Treasons against his native Country, Kings, and Regicide, seriously meditate on his tragical end, and expect the self same retribution in conclusion, though they escape as many years as he then did be∣fore final execution.

A third sort of Authors, as Marianus Scotus, Wigorniensis, Roger Hoveden, and Simeon Dunelmen∣sis, make no mention of King Edmonds murder by Edric his subordination, but only that he died at Lon∣don, (not Oxford) about the Feast of St. Andrew;

as if he had died of a naturall death; but the gene∣rality of Writers agree, he was murdered at Oxford, ambiguum quo casu extinctus, writes p 1.565 Malmes∣bury; the common fame being he was murdered, by Edric as aforesaid. And bromton, who recites all three opinions, concludes thus, Sed primus modus, videlice••, quod rex Edmundus, ad requiem naturae sedens, proditione dicti Edrici occisus fuit, ver••or allis et autentici∣or habetur. The Author of the Encomium of Emma, concurring with Marianus, subjoynes this Obser∣vation touching his short reign and speedy death: That God, &c. minding his own doctrine, That a king∣dom divided in it self cannot long stand, and pity∣ing the English, took away Edmond, lest if the Kings had continued long together, they should have both lived in danger, and the Realm in continual trouble. His reign continued onely seven moneths, in which time he fought seven or eight battels in defence of his Country, People, and their Liberties, besides his single Duel with Cnute: and by his untimely death, the English - Saxon Monarchy was devolved to the Danes, who by Treachery and the Sword for three descents, depri••ed the English Saxons of the Crown and Kingdom, through divine retaliation, as they had unjustly by treachery and the Sword dispossess'd and disinherited the Britons thereof, about 450 yeares before, as q 1.566 Henry Huntindon, r 1.567 Brom∣ton, s 1.568 Radulphus Cistrensis, t 1.569 Mr. Fox, u 1.570 Speed, and others observe. The Sinnes of the Saxons grown now to the full, (writes Speed) and their dreggs as it were sunk to the bottom, they were empti∣ed by the Danes from their own vessels, and their bot∣tles broken, that had vented their red and bloudy wines; in lieu whereof the Lord gave them the cup of wrath, whose dreggs he had formerly (by their own hands) wrung out upon other Nations. For the Saxons, that had enlarged their Kingdomes by the bloud of the Bri∣tons,

and built their nests high upon the Cedars of others, (as the Prophet speaketh, Habbak. 2.) committed an evil covetousness to their own habitations, and were stric∣ken by the same measure that they had measured to others, when as the Danes often attempting the Lands invasion, and the subversion of the E••glish Estate, made way with their Swords through all the Provinces of the Realm, and lastly, advanced the Crown upon their own helmets, which they wore only for three Successions.

CHAP. IV.

Comprising a Summary Collection of all the Par∣liamentary Great Councils, Synods, Hi∣storical Passages, Proceedings, Lawes, re∣lating to the Fundamental Liberties, Franchi∣ses, Rights, Government of the People, and other remarkables, under our Danish Kings, Cnute, Harold, and Harde-Cnute; from the year of our Lord 1017. till the first year of King Edward the Confessor, Anno 1042. With some brief Observations on the same.

IMmediately after the murder of King Edmond Ironside, King Cnute the Dane, Anno 1017. taking possession of the whole Realm of England, was solemnly a 1.571 crowned King at Lon∣don, by Living Archbishop of Canter∣bury, * 1.572 succeeding in the Realm of England, Non successione haereditaria, sed Armorum vio∣lentia, as b 1.573 William Thorne observes: Injuste qui∣dem Regnum ingressus, sed magna civilitate et fortitu∣dine vitam componens, writes c 1.574 William of Malmsbu∣ry. Whereupon, the better to fortifie his Military Title, with a seeming publick Election, by the Nobles and Nation in a Parliamentary Council, and their open disclaimer and renunciation of any Right or Title ei∣ther in King Edmonds Sons or Brethren, to the English

Crown, to settle it in perpetuity on himself and his po∣sterity; he d 1.575 commanded all the Bishops, Dukes, Princes and Nobles of the English Nation to be as∣sembled together at London in a Parliamentary Council: Where when they were all met together in his presence, he most craftily demanded of them, as if he were ignorant, Who were the Witnesses between him and Edmond Ironside when they made their agreement, and division of the Kingdom between them? What manner of conference there then was between him and Edmond, concerning his Brethren and Sons? Whether it was agreed, that it should be lawfull for Edmonds Brethren or Children to reign in the kingdom of the West-Saxons after his death, by any special reservation or agreement between them, in case Edmond should die in his life-time? Whom he had designed to be his Heir? Whom he had appoin∣ted to be guardians to his Sons during their infancy? And what he had commanded concerning his Brothers Al∣fred and Edward? To which they all answering both falsly and slatteringly, said, That they did most certai••ly know, King Edmond neither living nor dying had commen∣ded or given no part of his kingdom to his Brethren; and they did likewise know, that it was King Edmonds will, that Cnute should be the Gardian and Protector of his Sons * 1.576 and of the Realm, untill they were of age to reign, calling God himself to witnesse the truth hereof. (O the strange temporizing falsity, treachery, perjury of men in all a∣ges!) But though they thus called God to witness, yet they gave a false testimony, and fraudulently lyed, preferring a lye before the truth, being forgetfull of justice, unmindfull of nature, unjust witnesses, rising up against Innocency, and betrayers of their own bloud and Country: when as they all well knew, that Edmond had designed his Brethren to be his heirs, and appointed them to be Guardians of his children; thinking by this their false testimony to please King Cnute, to make him more mild and gracious to them, and that they should receive great rewards from him for the

same. After their answers to those Interrogatories, to ingratiate themselves further with Cnute, though they were sworn before to Edmond and his Heirs, and were Native Englishmen, yet they there all took a so∣lemn Oath of Allegiance to Cnute, swearing to him, * 1.577 That they would and did chuse him for their King, & hum∣bly obey him, et Exercitui Uectigalia dare; and would give Tributes to his Army. And having received a pledge from Cnutes naked hands, with Oathes from the Princes and Nobles of the Danes, & Cnute reciprocal Oaths from them and all the people, they ratified a mutual Covenant and League of Peace with reciprocal Oaths between both Nations, reconciling and abandoning all publick enmities between them. They likewise swore, that they would cast off, banish, and wholly reject King Edmonds Brothers, Sons, and Family. In pursuance whereof they there * 1.578 presently, Fratres et filios Edmondi Regis omnino de∣spexerunt, cosque Reges esse negaverum; unum autem ex ipsis praedictis Clitonibus, Edwinum, egregium et reveren∣dissimum Edmundi Regis germanum, Ividem cum con∣silio pessimo, exulem esse debere coustituerunt, as Roger de Hoveden, Abbot Ethelred, Wigorniensis and o∣thers at large record the Story. The discord, treache∣rous falshood, disloyal proceedings of the English Nati∣on then towards one another, & the English royal line, is thus elegantly set forth by * 1.579 Abbot Ailred; (a lively Character of our age) Externisque malis accessit civilis discordia, adeò ut quis cui crederet, quis cui mentis suae se∣creta commit••eret nesciretur. Plena erat proditoribus Insula, nusquam tuta fides, nusquam sine suspitione amor, Sermo sine simulatione. Tandem cousque Proditio Civi∣lis, et astutia Processit hostilis, ut ac functo Rege Mag∣na pars Insulae legitimis abdicatis haeredibus, Cnuto∣ni qui Regnum invaserat, manus darent; perempto∣que invictissimo Rege Edmundo paterni honoris simul et laboris haerede, etiam Filios ejus, ad••uc in cunis agen∣tes, barbaris mitterent occidendos. King Cnute, hearing

this their palpable flattery, and contemptuous rejection of Edwin, and the Saxon regal Line, went joyfully into his Chamber, and calling perfidious Duke Edric to him, demanded of him, how he might deceive Prince Edwin, so as to have him murthered? Who thereupon informed him, how and by whom his murder might be accomplished by promised rewards of money and pre∣ferments, which was accordingly effected soon after by Cnutes procurement and command. This Edric like∣wise perswaded Cnute, to slay Prince Edward and Ed∣mond, King Edmonds sons. Whereupon Statuit Cnu∣to mirabiliter in animo suo, omne genus Gentis Regni An∣glorum perdere, vel exilio perenni eliminare, ut regnum Angliae filiis suis jure haer••ditario reservare curaret, writes Matthew Westminster, p. 402. But because it might seem a great disgrace to him, to murder these in∣fant Princes in England, he afterwards sent them over Sea to King Swane to slay them in Denmark; who ab∣horring the fact, instead thereof sent them to Solomon King of Hungary to be preserved and educated.

Cnute having thus through the flattery, perjury and treachery of the English Prelates and Nobles gained the in∣tire Monarchy of England, flew or banished all those perfidious English Sycophants, temporizers who had the chiefest hand in this false testimony, abjuration & treacherous bloudy advice, against the Saxon Royal Family: by whose Counsel he slew or banishe•• all the blood-royal of the Realm of England, that so he might Iure Haereditario, reserve and perpetuate the kingdom to his own Posterity by an hereditary right. Duke Edric the principal of them, for this and his other Treasons fore∣mentioned, was deprived of his Dukedom of Mercia, and exemplarily executed as a most perfidious Traytor by Cnutes command the first year of his reign, and ma∣ny of his Captains and followers were slain with him, (of which at large before.) Mort••m Proditoris pro de∣meritis accepit laqueo suspensus, et in Tamesin fluvium

projectus. Cum quo plurimis sattellitum suorum similiter occisis, e••iam inter eos praecipuus et primus Normannus occisus est, writes Abbot e 1.580 Ingulphus. Turkell Duke of East-England, and Hirc Duke of Northumberland, were both banished the Realm▪ Duke Norman and Bridric slain, and a heavy Tax of 82 Thousand pounds (besides 10000 pounds imposed on London alone) * 1.581 imposed and levied on the whole Nation. Quomam igitur proprii sanguinis proditores adulantes Regi mentiti sunt in caput suum 〈…〉〈…〉 eorum intra▪ it in cor eorum, et à Cnutho quem naturalibus Dominis praetulerunt, confractus e•••• arcus eorum. Cum 〈…〉〈…〉 Insulae fa••en••ibus illis obtin••isset. Om∣nes qui primi in illo fuere consilio exterminavit, ••t quo••quo•• de regi•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 super••••ites reperit, vel regno repulit, vel occidit, as f 1.582 Abbot Ethelred re∣cords to posterity. To which g 1.583 Henry Huntindon, and h 1.584 Henry de Knyghton subjoyn▪ Posteà vero Rex justo Dei judicio dignant retributionem nequitiae Anglis reddidit: Ipse namque Rex Cnute Edricum occidit, (quia timebat ab insidiis ab eo aliquando circumve∣niri, sicut Domini sui priores Ethelredus & Edmondus frequenter sunt circumventi, quorum diutina proditione al∣terum vexavit, alterum interfecit, add ••lorentius Wigor∣niensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, Roger de Hoveden, and Ra∣dulphus de Diceto:) Turkellum exulavit, Hirc fugere compulit. Praeterea summos Procerum aggressus, Nor∣mannum Ducem interfecit. Edwi Adeling extermi∣navit, Adelwoldum detruncavit, Edwi Churleging exulavit: Birdric ferro vita privavit. i 1.585 Aethelwar∣dus filius Agelmari Ducis, et Brihtricus filius Alphegi Domnaniensis Satrapae, sine culpa interfecti sunt. Fecit quoque per Angliam mirabilem Censum reddi, scilicet 82. (some write 72.) mille librarum, praeter undecies mille libri, quas Londinensis reddiderunt. Dignum igi∣tur exactorem Dominus Iustus Anglis imposuit (for rejecting their own Hereditary Soveraign Line.)

k 1.586 Radulphus Cestrensis (englished by Trevisa,) Fa∣bian and l 1.587 Grafton, thus second them. Also they swore, that they would in all wise put off Edmonds kinn. They trowed thereby to be great with the King afterward, but it fared farr otherwise. For many or the more part of them, specially such as Canutus perceived were sworn before to Edmond and his heirs, he mistrusted and disdained ever after. Therefore some of them were slain by Gods rightfull dome, and some banished, and exiled and put * 1.588 out of the Land, and some by Gods punishment died suddenly, and came to a miserable end; which other of our Historians likewise register: I shall desire all such who are guilty of the like Treachery, Flattery, Practice or Advice against their lawfull Sovereigns royal Posterity, advisedly to ponder this sad domestick President in their most retired Meditations, for fear they incur the like divine retaliation by Gods rightful doom, when and by whom they least suspect or fear it.

King Cnute thus quit of all King Edmonds Sons, Brethren, kinred, and likewise of the greatest English * 1.589 Dukes and Nobles who might endanger his Life, Crown, and new-acquired Monarchy, in the next place contrived, how to secure his Empire against Prince Alfred and Edward, Edmonds Brothers, then in Normandy with Queen Emma their Mother, and their Uncle Richard Duke of Normandy, a person of great valour, power, and interest; the only per∣son likely to attempt their restitution to the kingdom and Crown of England. For which end he by gifts, Ambassies, and fair promises, m 1.590 procures Earl Richards consent, to bestow his Sister Queen Emma upon him for his wife, who ariving in England in July 1018. was presently maried to this Invader of her former Hus∣bands kingdom, his sons royal throne, and murderer, banisher, dishinheriter of his and her royal Posterity, whereby her Brother Duke Richards thoughts were wholly diverted from ayding his Nephews to recover

their right in England. * 1.591 Ex hinc cum Cnutoni omnia pro voto cessissent, timens Ne Haetes legitimus Reg∣num quod sibi de Iure debebatur, aliquando Normanica fretus vir••ute Reposceret, ••t Ducis sibi arctius colligaret affectum, Emmam defuncti Regis relictam duxit uxorem. Whereupon De illorum (Elfredi & Edwardi) restitu∣tione Richardū avunculum nihilegisse comperimus, quia et sororem suam Emmam hosti et invasori nuptam colloca∣vit: Ignores majori illius dedecore qui dederit, an foeminae quae conse••serat, ut thalamo illius caleret, qui virum infe∣staverit filios effugaverit; is n 1.592 Malmesbury his ob∣servation and censure thereupon. Only their Uncle Robert attempted their testitution, Congregatis navibus, et impositis militibus profectionem paravit, subinde jacti∣tans▪ se pronepotes suos coronaturum: et proculdudio fidem di∣ctis explesset, nisi quia (ut à majoribus accepimus) semper ••i ventus adversabatur eontrarius, per occultum scilicet Dei judicium, in cujus voluntate sunt potestates omnium regnorum. Reliquiae navium multo tempore dissolutarum Rothomagi adhuc nostra aetate visebantur, writes Malms∣bury. By this match with Queen Emma, as Cnute took off Duke Richard from yielding any assistance to his Nephews, in hopes his sister might have issue by him to inherit the Crown of England (it being agreed between them on the marriage, that the issue of Cnute be∣gotten on her should inherit the Crown;) so it much obli∣ged the English to him, and made them more willing to submit to his Government, o 1.593 ut dum consuetae Dominae deferrent obsequium, minus Danorum suspira∣rent Imperium: the rather, because they much honou∣red and affected her for her manifold vertues, of which they had long former experience: and likewise because they hoped it might be a meanes to restore Ethelreds issue by her to the Crown again, in case she had no is∣sue by Cnute to inherit it; which in truth it effected by Gods providence, contrary to Cnutes design. Af∣ter this mariage this politick Forein Intruder, to esta∣blish

his Monarchy over England, endeavoured to re∣concile the English to him by all other publick means he could devise, and that by Emmaes advice.

1. By advancing some of the English Nobility to places of Honour and trust, as p 1.594 Leoffric; whom he made Duke, in the place of his Brother Norman whom he had slain; with some others, and loving them very dearly.

2. q 1.595 By granting to the English equal Rights, and Privileges with his Danes, in Consessu, in Consilio, in Praelio; and favouring and advancing them both alike.

3. r 1.596 By favouring and enriching the English Clergy and Church-men, and manifesting extraordina∣ty piety, devotion, bounty in repairing, building, endowing Monasteries and Churches throughout the Realm, which had been partly decayed, partly demo∣lished and prophaned by his and his Fathers former wars and excursions: And by erecting new Churches in all places where he had fought any battel, especially at Asehendune, and placing Priests in them, perpetual∣ly to pray for the souls of those that were there slain. Ita omnia quae ipse, et Antecessores sui deliquerunt, corri∣gere satagens, prioris Injustitiae naevum apud Deum for∣tassis, apud Homines certè abstulit; as s 1.597 Malms∣bury relates.

4. t 1.598 By easing them of his Danish Forces, and con∣stant heavy Taxes for their maintenance: For by the ad∣vice of Emma, he sent back all his Danish stipendiary Souldiers to their Native Country, and all his Ships but 40, which he retained to transport him into Denmarke the next year. To return, pay off, and disband which forein Forces, the English paid him a Tribute of 82. as some, or 72 thou∣sand pounds as other Historians record, collected out of all England, and the Londoners 11 thousand or 10500 marks more. Which Tribute I conceive was granted him in the Council of London the year before; wherein all

the Prelates and Nobles took an Oath, u 1.599 Suo exer∣citui vectigal dare; according to their former agree∣ment at Glocester, upon the partition of the Kingdom between Edmond and Cnute; wherein King Edmond and all the English Nobles and Army ordained, that a * 1.600 Tribute should be paid to the Danish Fleet, TRIBUTO QUOD CLASSICAE MANUI PENDERETUR STATUTO. So that I conjecture, it was not impo∣sed on the people by Cnutes absolute power, but by common Grant and Consent of a Great Parliamen∣tary Council.

5. y 1.601 By ratifying all their former good old fun∣damental Laws, Rights, Liberties, Privileges, which they used, enjoyed under their Saxon Kings, by enacting other good wholesom Laws, repealing all unjust Laws, and redressing all exactions and grievances.

By which means he so obliged the English to him, that they cordially assisted him in his Danish wars, chearfully obeyed him, and never raised any Insurrecti∣on or Rebellion against him, though frequently absent out of the Realm, all his reign, albeit he had no Army nor Garrisons to over-aw them.

In the second year of his reign, z 1.602 Anno 1018. * 1.603 King Cnute assembled a Parliamentary Council both of the English and Danes at Oxford, wherein they both accorded, That King Edgars Lawes should be obser∣ved. Angli et Daci apud Oxonefordiam, de lege Re∣gis Edgari concordes sunt effecti; as Florentius Wigorni∣ensis, Sim. Dunelmensis, and others express it: but the Chronicle of Bromton thus. Posthaec apud Oxoniam PARLIAMENTUM tenuit, ubi Angli, simul & Dani, de Legibus Edgari Regis observandis concordes facti sunt: Which Fabian, Grafton, Speed, and others thus express in English. He called A PARLIAMENT at Oxford, where among other things it was enacted, That Englishmen and Danes should hold and firmly keep the Laws of Edgar, late King; Which Parliament▪ they * 1.604

misplace some in the 3. others in the 15. year of his reign, when it was in the second.

a 1.605 King Cnute sailing into Daenmark in the third year of his reign, having there setled his affairs, retur∣ned * 1.606 into England, Anno 1020. about the feast of Ea∣ster. Apud Orencestriam CONCILIO CONGRE∣GATO, as Matthew Westminster; or, Apud Cirencea∣stram, MAGNUM CONCILIUM HABUIT, as Plorentius Wigorniensis, Hoveden, and Simeon Dunelmen∣sis, record it. And then held a great Parliamentary Council at Orencester (or Cirencester) wherein he ba∣nished Duke Ethelward. And this year as Radulphus de Diceto informs us, Rex Canutus CONSILIO CLE∣RI * 1.607 ET PROCERUM; by the Counsel of his Clergy and Nobles (most likely assembled in this Council at Cirencester) and especially of his Queen Emma, he placed Monks in the Monastery of Badricesworth, wherein the bodie of King Edmond the Martyr resteth, removing the Secular Priests from thence. Matthew Westminster thus relates it. Consilio Emmae Reginae, et EPISCO∣PORUM, SIMUL ET BARONUM ANGLIAE Monachos in eo constituit, &c. Caenobium quoque beati Regis et Martyris Edmundi tot praediis et bonis aliis ampli∣avit, ut omnibus ferè Angliae Monasteriis, in rebus tempo∣ralibus merito praeferatur.

Sir Edward Cook in his Preface to his 9. Reports, * 1.608 out of an antient Manuscript of the Abbey of St. Ed∣monds, which he said, was in his custody, gives us this account of a Parliament held at Winchester, in the 5. year of King Cnute his reign, (Anno 1021.)

b 1.609 Haec sunt Statuta Canuti Regis Anglorum, Da∣norum, Norwegiarum, Venerando Sapientum ejus consi∣lio, ad laudem et gloriam Dei, et sui Regalitatem, et com∣mune commodum, habito in Sancto Natali Domini apud Winton, &c.

Rex Canutus anno regni sui 5. viz. per centum et tri∣ginta annos ante compilationem Decretorum, quae Anno.

Dom. 1150. fuerunt compilata anno septimo Pontificatus Papae Eugen••i ••ertii, et ante compilationem aliorum Cano∣num quorumcunque, Cunctos Regni sui Praelatos, Proceresque ac Magnates ad suum convocans Par∣liamentum, * 1.610 in suo publico Parliamento, persisten••••bus personalite•• in eodem Wu••••tano et Adelnodo Archiepis∣copis et Ailwino Episcopo Elmhamense, et aliis Episco∣pis, ipsorum suffraganeis, septem Ducibus, cum totidem Comitibus, necnon diversorum Monasteriorum nonnullis Abbatibus, cum quamplurimis gregariis Militibus, ac cum populi multitudine copiosa, ac Omnibus tunc in eodem Parliamento personalitur existentibus, Votis Regiis unanimiter consentientibus, praeceptum et decretum fuit, Quod Monasterium Sancti Edmondi, &c. sit ab omni Jurisdictione Episcoporum Comitatus illius, ex tunc in perpetuum funditus liberum et exemp∣tum, &c. Illustris Rex Hardicanutus, praedicti Regis Canuti filius, haeres et successor, ac sui Patris Vestigio∣rum devotus imitator, &c. cum laude et favore Aegelno∣di Doroberniensis, nunc Catuariensis, et Alfrici Eborac. Episcoporum, aliorumque Episcoporum Suffraganeis, nec∣non Cunctorum Regni sui mundanorum Prin∣cipum, descriptum constituit, roboravitque praecep∣tum.

That (which this Manuscript stiles so often a Par∣liament, held at Winchester, in the 5th year of King C••ute (of which there is not one Syllable in any of our Hi∣storians) is as I conceive, that which Matthew West∣minster, Wigorniensis, Hoveden, and Simeon Dunelmensis stile CONCILIUM, ET MAGNUM CONCILI∣UM, &c. held at Cir••ncester or Orencester, not Win∣chester, the 4th year of his reign: wherin by the Counsel of Queen Emma, and of his Bishops and Barons, he pla∣ced Monks in the Monasterie of Bederichesiorthe, where St. Edmund was interred; and endowed the Mona∣stery of St. Edmond with so many farmes and other goods, as made it one of the richest in all England, as

those Historians witness; Whose Name and date the ignorant compiler of this Manuscript mistook; whose Antiquitie and reputation is very suspitious, as (c) Sir Henry Spelman informs us. First, because Sir Hen∣ry * 1.611 could never gain the sight of it from Sir Edward Cook, though he oft-times promised to lend it him to peruse for his satisfaction. And that which dares not abide the sight and test of such a judicious learned Antiqua∣ry, when desired, may justly be deemed an Imposture. 2ly. Sir Henry Spelman conceives the Author of this Manuscript, writ not before the end of King Henry the 3d, if so soon, seeing he calls the Great Council of the Realm, so frequently a Parliament, which Title was not given it in Manuscripts or Historians, till the end of King Henry the 3d. or after his reign; And Wigorniensis, Matthew Westminster, Hoveden, and Si∣meon Dunelmensis, all stile it onely CONCILIUM, not Parliamentum. 3ly. Because he certainly mistakes in his Chronology in making Aegelnoth Archbishop of Canterbury in the reign of King Hardecnute, when as he died and Eadsi was made Archbishop thereof two years before Hardicnutes reign, which Eadsi crown'd him King, as Matt. Westminster, An. 1038. toge∣ther with Matthew Parker and Godwin, attest. And therefore he might as grosly mistake in other things. 4ly, It appears by the recital it self, that it was writ a∣bove 130 years at least after this Council under Cnute, because it recites, it preceeded the Decrees made so long after, under Pope Eugenius, An. 1150. 5ly. The form of the Prologue, Haec sunt Statuta, &c. coupled with, ad suum convocans Parliamentum in suo publico Parliamento: and, aliis Episcopis ipsorum Suffraganeis, prove it not to be written before King Edward the first his reign; when such phrases came first in vse: Sir Ed∣ward Cooke himself informing us in his Epistle, that in Cnute his reign, such State-Assemblies were stiled Ve∣nerandum Concilium Sapientum, & sic enim apud

majores Parliamentum illud Latine redditur. 6ly, Became it ••ubjoins, cum quamplurimis gregariis militi∣bus, ac cum populi multitudine copiosa, as if they had been personally present in this Parliamentary Council, as well as the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Dukes and Nobles; of which there is not one syllable in our four antient Historians, which mention this Council at Cirencester. Neither can these Gregarii milites be intended Knights of shires; nor populi multitudine co∣piosa, Commoners or Burgesses elected to serve in Par∣liament by and for the people, (as Sir Edward Cooke and others fancy) there being no mention of any such cho∣sen Knigh••s of Counties, Citizens, Burgesses or Com∣mons in that or succeeding ages, till about the reign of King H••nry the 3d. but only, ordinary Souldiers, and the Vulgar sort of people, admitted to be present in the Council at the reading and passing of the Charter to St. Edmond, as they are now admitted into the Lords House, together with the Knights and Burgesses at the beginnings and ending of our Parliaments, and upon publike Trials, Conferences and Occasions; at which times there are more common people ten to one usu∣ally present to see and hear what is acted, who are no members, then there are Members of the Commons House, which never sate together with the Lords for ought appears, much less in this Parliament, as some confidently inferr from this Spurious Antiquity; which Sir Edward Cooke (little versed in Antiquities, and oft mistaken in them) so much magnifies and insists on.

In the year of Christ 1021. d 1.612 King Cnute, up∣pon occasions and offences taken by him, banished Duke Turkell (to whom he had formerly committed East-England) * 1.613 with Edgitha his wife; and Hire Duke of Northumberland, out of England. Turkell no sooner arived in Denmark, but he was there slain by the Dukes of the Country, by divine vengeance, he be∣ing a chief inciter of the death of St. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 * 1.614

e 1.615 The English & Danes, An. 1022. in Colloquio apud * 1.616 Dxoniam celebrato, de Legibus Regi Edwardi pr••mi tenendis couoordes facti sunt. Unde eisdem Legibus, juben∣te Rege Cnutone, ab Anglica lingua in Latinam transla∣tis: tàm in Dania quàm in Anglia▪ propter earum ae∣quitatem à Rege praefato observari jubentur, as Mat. * 1.617 Westminster relates, Anno 1022. So as he imposed no New Laws on them, nor revived old, but only by common consent in a Parliamentary Council both of English and Danes.

f 1.618 King Cnute in the year 1023. did so carefully * 1.619 endeavour to reform all things wherein himself or his Ancestors had offended, as he seemed to wipe away Prioris Injustitiae Naevum, the Blot of his former Inju∣stice, as well with God as with men. And by the ex∣hortation of Queen Emma studying to reconcile all the * 1.620 English to himself he bestowed many Gifts upon them, et insuper bonas Leges omnibus et placentes promisit: and moreover promised good and pleasing Lawes to all. The best means to win and knit the peoples hearts.

(g) Anno 1024. Cnute leading an Army of English * 1.621 and Danes against the Swedes, whereof he lost many in * 1.622 the first battel, the next day, when he appointed again to fight with them, Earl Godwin, General of the En∣lish Militia, without King Cnutes privity, resolved with his English forces alone to invade the Swedish Enemies in the night. Whereupon using this Speech to his Souldiers, ut pristinae gloriae memores, robur suum oculis novi Domini assererent, &c. they all valiantly as∣saulted the Enemies at unawares, put them all to flight, slew an innumerable multitude of them, and * 1.623 compelled the Kings of that Nation, Ulf and Eglaf, to yield to terms of Peace. Cnute preparing to fight ve∣ry early the next morning, thought the English had been either fled away, or revolted to the Enemies; but marching to the Enemies tents, and finding no∣thing but the bloud and carcasses of those the English

had slain; he thereupon ever after had the English in great esteem; who by this their Victory Comitatum Duci, sibi laudem paraverunt, writes Malmsbury; Cnute returning joyfull of this Victory into England, and bestowing an•• Earldom on Godwin for this Ser∣vice.

In the year 1027. Cnute hearing that the Norwe∣gians disesteemed Olaus their King by reason of his * 1.624 simplicity, bribed his Nobles with great sums of gold * 1.625 and silver to reject Olaus, and elect him for their King; which they promising to do, the next year he sailed in∣to Norwey with 50 ships', thrust Olaus out of his king∣dom, by consent of his Nobles, and subdued his Realm to himself: whence returning into England, An. 1029. H••conem Danicum Comisem, quasi Legationis causa, in. Exilium misit, because he had maried Gunilda a No∣ble matron, daughter of the King of Vandals, unde me∣tuebat, ab illo vel à vitâ privari, vel à regno expelli: who was after drowned in the Sea, or slain in the Orcades, Anno 1030. In which year Robert Duke * 1.626 of No••mandy going to Hierusalem, Apud Fischa∣mium PROCERES AD COLLO QUI∣UM VOCAVIT; ibique Gulielmum filium suum, haeredem sibi constituens, fecit omnes ei fi∣delitatem jurare. And the same year the Norwe∣gians cruelly murdered Olaus their King, Doctor▪ Preacher and Apostle with an ax. Indignabatur enim Gens illa pagana et cruentissima, QUOD PRI∣MAS LEGES▪ et superstitiosas idem sanctus Rex Olaus praedicando, docendo, evangelizando, statuendo e∣vacuaret. But Cnutes gold was the prime cause there∣of, to get his Crown as he had done his Realm and Edmond Ironsides; for whose soul he prayed, and of∣fered a rich embroydered Pale on his Tomb at Gla∣stonbury, Anno 1026. Hoc autem fecisse creditur, ne in mortem ejus, cui in certamine singulari confoeder atus fue∣rat, consenssisse vider etur, writes i 1.627 Mat. Westminster.

k 1.628 King Cnute, Anno 1031, (to palliate his Usur∣pations * 1.629 of other mens Crowns with the shew of De∣votion) travelled to Rome in very great pomp, where he offered very great gifts in gold, silver, rich vest∣ments, and pretious stones; and obtained from Pope John, That the English School shduld be frée from Tribute. In his going and returning he not only gave large alms to the poor, but likewise removed and de∣leted many unjust Tolls and Taxes, exacted from such who travelled to Rome, giving a Great price to abolish them. He solemnly vowed to God before the Sepulcher of the Apostle Peter, a reformation both of his life and manners. In pursuance whereof, he writ a Letter from Rome to the Archhishops of Canterbury and Yorke, all the Bishops, Nobles, and Rulers, and to the whole English Nation, as well Nobles as Plebeans; where∣in he certified them, That he had procured from the Emp. of Germany, King Rodolphus, the Pope, and other Princes, a release of all unjust Tolls and Taxes exa∣cted of his people as they travelled out of devotion towards Rome, and of the vast sums of money which the Archbi∣shops paid to the Pope for their Palls. After which he in * 1.630 forms them, That he had vowed to justify his life to God himself in all things; To govern the Kingdoms and Nati∣ons under his subjection justly and piously; To observe just judgement in all things; and if through the Intem∣perance or negligence of his youth he had hitherto done any * 1.631 things besides that which was JƲST, that he promised by Gods assistance to reform it all. Therefore I obtest and command all my Counsellors, to whom I have committed the Counsels and Justice of my Realm, that by no means, ei∣ther for fear of me, or through favour to any potent person, they should from henceforth doe any Injustice, or cause it to sprout up in all my kingdom. Likewise I com∣mand all the Sheriffs and Officers throughout my Realm, as they desire to enjoy my favour or their own safety, that they do No unjust violence to any Man, neither to rich nor

poor; but it shall be lawfull for all, as well Noble as Ig∣noble to enjoy justice and right: from which they might not deviate in any manner, neither for Regal favour, nor for the person of any potent man, nec propter mihi conge∣rendam pecuniam, quia nulla mihi necessitas est, ut iniqua exactione pecunia mihi congeratur; nor yet for raising 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••eaping up money to me: Because there is no ne∣cessity for me (and let those who now plead Necessity both for their own illegal imposing, levying of unjust uncessant heavy Taxes, Imposts, Excises on our Nati∣ons, without grant and common consent in Parlia∣m••nt•• consider it) that money should be raised and collected for my use by an injust exaction. After this he en••oyns them by thi•• Letter; To pay all Debts and Duties due by the antient Law; as Tithes of their corn and cattel, Peter pence, and First fruits at the Feasts appointed, under pain of the penalties inflicted by the Laws, which he would strictly exact without pardon: Neither was he worse than his word, writes l 1.632 Malmsbu∣ry) for he commanded all the Laws made by antient Kings, and especially by his predecessor King Ethelred, to be for ever observed, under pain of a regal mulct. To the custody of all which ancient Laws, Even now (writes he) our Kings are sworn, under the name of King Ed∣wards Lawes, non quod illa statuerit, sed observave∣rit. And m 1.633 Matthew Westminster records further; Vicecomitibus Regni Angliae et Praepositis, districtè man∣davit, ut nulli hominum vim inferant, nec propter pe∣cuniam fisco reponendam in aliquo a Iustitia deviant, dum non habeat necessitatem de peccato pecuniam adaugere.

If this Forein Danish Conqueror and Usurper of the Crown of England quod Bellico Iure obtinebat, et armorum violentia; as n 1.634 William Thorne records, was at last so just and equal to the English, as to reform all his former extravagant acts of Injustice, Exactions, Oppressions, to release all unjust Taxes, Exactions, Op∣pressions,

and not to exact or raise any monies unjust∣ly on the people, upon any real or pretended ne∣cessity, without their common consent in Parliament, by any of his Officers, should not our own English Conquerors, & domineering Grandees, now much more imitate this his laudable Example, who pretend not only to equal but exceed him in Saintship, Justice, De∣vo••ion, & no longer to oppress the griev'd people with their arbitrary Tyrannical Taxes, Excises, Imposts, extravaganr violent poceedings in new wayes of high∣est Injustice, as hitherto they have done, against all their Oaths, Covenants, Declarations, promises, and Engagements to the Nation.

King Cnute returning from Rome into England, Anno 1032. treated the English very justly and civilly, * 1.635 * 1.636 confessed redressed his own former and his ancestors extortions, oppressions, rapines, endowed many Mo∣nasteries with lands and priviledges, and ratified them with his Charters. Hereupon Brithmerus Abbot of Croyland.

Cum Cnutonem Regem super Angliam stabi∣litum cerneret, universos Anglios civiliter & satis amica∣biliter tractare, insuper sanctam Ecclesiam speciali de∣votione deligere, ac filiali subjectione honorare, monaste riis multisque sanctorum locis benè facere, quaedam verò Monasteria ad summam gloriam promovere, thereup∣on resolved to go to the King, & procure his Charter of confirmation of the Abbey, Lands & liberties of Croyland, quorundam adversariorum, qui tempore guerrae mul∣tum creverant, vim formidans.

Which Charter he rea∣dily obtained in these memorable words, wherein he acknowlegeth his rapines and bloodshed to posterity.

Cnutus Rex totius Angliae & Danmarchiae, & Nor∣wagiae, & magnae partis Swavorum, omnibus Pro∣vinciis, nationibus & populis meae potestati Subject∣is, * 1.637 tam minoribus quam majoribus salutem. Cum terram Angliae, progenitores mei & parentes DURIS EXTORTIONIBUS, & DIRIS DEPRAEDATIO∣NIBUS

SAEPIUS OPPRESSERUNT, Et (fateor) INNOCENTEM SANGUINEM FREQUEN∣TER IN EA EFFƲDERVNT, studium meum â principio regni mei fuit, & semper erit in futurum, tam penes caelum quam penes seculum, PROPTER HAEC MEA PECCATA, ET PARENTVM MEO RVM SATISF ACERE, & statum totius san∣ctae matris Ecclesiae, & uniuscujusque Monasterii sub Imperio meo constituti, cum in aliquo meo patrocinio indiguerint, devotione debita emendare, omnesque sanctos Dei per haec, & alia bona opera mihi in meis necessitatibus reddere benignos, ac deprecationibus meis favorabiles & placatos. Ideo in arras hujus meae satisfactionis, offero sancto Guthlaco de Croyland, & caeteris sanctis ejusdem loci de substantia mea unum calicem; confirmans Brithmero Abbati, & Monachis suis totum Monasterium suum Croylandiae, cum insu∣la circumjacente, & duobus Mariscis adjacentibus, scilicet, Arderlound, & Goggislound eisdem terminis & limitibus, quibus in Chirographo inclyti, quon∣dam Regis Edredi restauratoris sui dicta insula, di∣ctique duo Marisci satis apertè describuntur. Con∣firmo etiam omnes Ecclesias & Capellas, terras & tenementa, libertates & privilegia in ejusdem Regis Chirographo contenta, cum quibus omnibus dictus Rex Edredus dictum Monasterium Croylandiae ad ho∣norem Dei, & S. Guthlaci confessoris sui corporaliter in ea requiescentis dotavit, donavit, ditavit, & suo Chiro∣grapho confirmavit. Nullus{que} hominum meorum audeat à modo dictos Monachos inquietare, vel in aliquo con∣turbare proprae dictis. Quod si quis facere praesum∣serit, vel tentaverit usurpare, vel gladii mei sentiet aciem, vel gladii paenam sacrilegis debitam subi∣bitabsque omni remissione, & redemptione puniendus, juxta modum et mensuram injuriae dictis Monachis irrogatae. Ego Cnutus Rex anno Dominicae incarnati∣onis▪

1032. Londoniis istud meum Chirographum

signo sanctae crucis confirmavi. ✚ Then follow the subscriptions of both the Archbishops, sundry Bi∣shops, Abbots, Earls and others.

The same year 1012. King Cnute granted and con∣firmed * 1.638 to the Abbot of Glastonbury, the Conusance of all ecclesiastical and secular causes within the Island of Glastonbury, by a special Charter, Cum Consilio & De∣creto Archipraesulis nostri Ed••lnothi, ••••mulque cunctorum Dei Sacerdotum, & Consensu Optimatum meorum; * 1.639 as the words of the Charter atte••, to the end it might be valid in Law. And the self same year King Cnute commanded Elstan, Abbot of S••. Augustines in Canter∣bury to repair to him at the Feast of Pentecost, concern∣ing the translation of the Corps of St. Mildretha to that Monastery, ut translationem faciendam, ipse Rex, per concessionem Procerum, & per literas suas firmius confirmaret, as q 1.640 William Thorn in his Chronicle re∣lates.

King Cnute in the year 1033. on the Feast of Christs * 1.641 Nativity, held a Parliamentary Council at Winchester, * 1.642 where, Venerando Sapientum ejus Consilio, by the venerable Counsel of his Wisemen, he made and published sundry excellent Ecclesiastical and Civil Laws for the good government of the Church and Realm, to the praise of God, the honour of his Regality, and common good of the People, being 103 in the Saxon and 110 in the Latine Copies. His 61 Ecclesiastical Law thus resolves, against the Anti-Magistratical o∣pinion of this licentious age, Christiano Regi ••ure perti∣net, * 1.643 ut injurias Deo factas vindicet, secundum quod acciderit.

His Civil Laws begin thus. Haec est institutio Legum secularium, quam communi Sapientum meorum Consilio, per totam Angliam t••n ri praecipio. Imp••imis volo, ut Iustae Leges erigantur, et injustae sub ver∣tantur, et omnis Injustitia modis omnibus sarculetur, & a modo omnis homo dignus publica rectitudine reputetur,

pauper & dives quicunque sit, & eis justa judicia judi∣centur. I shall transcribe only some few of his Laws pertinent to my Theam.

Lex 25. Prohibemus ne Christianus aliquis penitus pro parva re saltem ad mortem deducatur. Sed justitia paci∣ficans pro necessitate populi exquiratur, ne pro levi re, opus manuum Dei, & sui ipsius pretium, quod profundè rede∣mit desperet

Lex 26. Praecipimus nè Christiani passim in exilio ven∣dantur, vel in Gentilitatem, nè forte pereant animae quas propria vita sua mercatus est Dominus noster Ihesus Chri∣stus.

Lex 31. Omnis Injustitia deinceps opprimatur, Burgbo∣tam & Brigbotam, & Scipsorthunga & Frothunga, * 1.644 qui Navigii vel expeditionis sonant apparatum, sedulo pro∣curemus, cum necesse fuerit ad commune regni nostri commodum. Et perquiramus simul modis omnibus quo modo praecipuum possit consilium ad profectum populi obti∣neri, rectaque Christianitas propensius erigi, & quicquid in••ustum est solertius enervari.

Lex 34. Si quis deinceps Vnlage, i. e. non legem erigat, vel injustum judicium judicet, pro laesione, vel aliqua pecu∣niae susceptione, sit erga Regem, CXXs. reus in Anglo∣rum laga, nisi cum juramento audeat inveritare, quod re∣ctius nescivit judicare, & dignitatem suae legalitatis semper amittat si non eam redimat erga Regem, sicut ei permitte∣tur. In Denelaga Lathslithes, reus sit si non juret quod me∣lius nescivit.

Lex 36. Qui aliquem accusare praesumat, unde pecunia vel commodo pejor sit, & denique mendacium pernos∣catur, linguam suam perdat, vel Weregildo redi∣matur.

Lex 37. Nemo Regem requiret de Justitia facienda dum ei rectum offertur in Hundredo suo, & requi∣ratur Hundredum secundum Witam, sicut justum est.

Lex 38. Et habeatur in anno ter Burgimotus, &

Scyremotus bis, nisi saepius sit necesse. Et inter sit Episco∣pus et Aldermannus; et doceant ibi Dei rectum et se∣culi.

Lex 59. Non est in aliquo tempore concessa INJU∣STITIA, et tamen Injustitia est festis diebus et sanctifi∣catis locis propensius interdicta. Semperque sicui homo po∣tentior est, vel majoris ordinis, sic debet solertius pro Deo et seculo quod justum est emenda••e. Et ideo gratam emen∣dationem sedulo per quiramus de Scripturis Sanctis, et se∣cularem juxta legem seculi.

Lex 83. Si quis de morte Regis vel Domini sui quoquo modo traectaverit, vitae suae reus sit, et omnium quae habebit, * 1.645 nisi triplici judicio se purget.

Lex 91. Si quis Burgbotam, vel Brigbotam 1. burgi vel pontis refectionem, vel Firdfare, 1. in exercitum ire supersedeat, emendet hoc erga Regem C. xx. s. in Anglo∣rum laga; in Denelaga sicut Lex stetit antea, vel ita se adlegiet, nominentur ei 14. et acquirat ex eis 11.

Lex 96. Haec est alleviatio quam omni populo meo prae∣videre volo, in quibus nimis omnino fuerant aggravati. Praecipio Praepositis meis omnibus ut in proprio meo lucren∣tur, et inde mihi serviant. Et nemo cogatur ad firmae ad∣jutorium aliquid dare, nisi sponte sua velit. Et si quis aliquem inde gravabit, Werae suae reus sit erga Re∣gem.

Lex 97. Si quis ex hac vita decedat sine distributione rerum suarum, vel per incustodiam vel per mortem impro∣visam, non usurpet dominus ejus de pecunia (nisi quantum ad justam Relevationem pertinet, quae Anglicè vocatur He∣reget) sed sit secundum dictionem ejus ipsa pecunia recte divisa, uxori, pueris et propinquis, unicuique secundum mo∣dum qui ad eum pertinet. Et sint Relevationes ità minu∣tae sicut modus est. Comitis, sicut ad eum pertinet, hoc est, octo 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ quatuor sellati, quatuor insellati, et galeae qua∣tuor, et loricae quatuor, cum octo lanceis et totidem scutis, et gladii quatuor, et CC. marcae auri. Postea Thayni regis qui ei proximus sit, quatuor equi, duo sellati, et duo

insellati; et duo gladii, et quatuor lanceae, et totidem scuta, et galea cum loricasua, et 50. marcae auri. Et me∣diocris Thayni, equus cum apparatu suo, et arma sua, vel suum Halsfang. in Westsaxia, in Mircenis ij l. in Estanglia, ij. l. Et si notus sit Regi, equi duo, unus cum sella et alius sine sella, et unus gladius, et duae lanceae, et to∣tidem scuta, et 50 marcae auri. Et qui minus potest, det duas libras.

Lex 104. Et qui fugiat à Domino vel socio suo pro timi∣ditate in Expeditione navali vel terrestri, perdat omne quod * 1.646 suum est, et suam ipsius vitam, et manus mittat Dominus ad terram quam ei antea dederat. Et si terram haereditari∣am habeat, ipsa in manum regis transeat.

Lex 105. Et qui in bello ante Dominum suum ceciderit, s••t hoc in terra, sit alibi, sint relevatitones condonatae: et ha∣beant haeredes ejus terram sicut et pecuniam suam, et rectè dividant inter se.

Lex 107. Et volo ut omnis homo pacem habeat eundo ad Gemotum, vel rediens de Gemoto, id est placito, nisi sit fur probatus.

Lex 110. Qui leges istas apostabit quas Rex modo no∣bis omnibus indulsit, sit Dacus, sit Anglus, Werae suae reus sit erga regem. Et si secundo faciat, reddat bis Weram suam. Si quis addat tertio, reus sit omnium quae habe∣bit.

In the rest of his Lawes all corporal and pecuniary penalties and fines for all sorts of Offences and Crimes, are reduced to a certainty, and none left arbitrary; and by Lex 104, 105. it is evident, that the Military Laws, as wel as the Civil & Ecclesiastical, were made in and by advice and direction of the Great Councils.

The s 1.647 Chronicle of Bromton informs us, that King Cnute, per Chartam suam à se et haeredibus suis dedit, quàm cito post in Parliamento suo apud Wintoniam (when and where those Laws were made) coram om∣nibus * 1.648 Regni sui Magnatibus confirmavit, gave and confirmed the Manors of Hornyng, Ludham and Neter∣shede

to the Monastery of Cowholm in Northfolke: And that one Maynard riding towards this Parliamentary Council, brake his neck, who had so incensed the King against Wulfric and the Monks of this Monastery, that he threatned to put them to death. What lands and privileges he gave by his Charters to St. Cuthberts Church in Durham, Christs-Church in Canterbury, and other Monasteries, the (t) Marginal Authors will in∣form us. * 1.649

About the year 1034. u 1.650 King Cnute having ob∣tained * 1.651 the Soveraign Dominion of England, Scotland, Norwey, a great part of Sweden, and of all Denmarke principally by the Sword, through the flattery of his followers, who stiled him, a King of all Kings, most mighty Soveraign, and the like, who had under his sub∣jection & Dominion not only the People and Land but the Sea likewise; & also by reason of his Great Dominions, was so much elevated with pride of heart, that he once com∣manded the royal Throne of his Empire to be placed on the Sea shore near the water, as the Sea was flow∣ing in upon it: and then stepping up into his Throne & sitting in it, he spake thus to the Sea in an imperious manner, as if he were absolute Sovereign of it. Tu meae ditionis es, &c. Thou art under my Dominion and part of my Empire, and the land on which I sit is mine, neither is there any one in it who dares resist my command, without punishment. Therefore I now command thee, that thou as∣cend and come not up upon my land, nor yet presume to wet my royal robes, nor the feet or Members of thy Soveraign. But the Sea, notwithstanding this Inhibition, ascending af∣ter its accustomed manner and nature, and no wayes o∣beying his commands, wet both his feet, legs and royal Robes, without any revernce. Whereupon the King lea∣ping hastily out of his Throne, almost over-late, and retiring from the waves; used these words: Ltt all

the Inhabitants of the world know, that the power of Kings is but vain and ••rivolous, and that no man is wor∣thy the name of a King, but he alone, to whose b••ck both Heaven, Earth and the Sea obey by everlasting Laws. Henry de Knyghton superaddes thereto as part of his Speech, which most others omit. I am a Wretch and a Captive able to do nothing, possessing nothing without his gift; I commend; I recommend my self to him, and let him be the Gardian of debility, Amen. After which King Cnute never wore his Crown upon his head, but put it upon the head of the Crucifix at Winchester (as most accord) to the praise of the great King, thereby giving a great example of humility to Kings and Con∣querors; who in the height of all their power, can not command the Sea or least wave not to flow or wash them. Henry de Knyghton conceives this to be before his pilgrimage to Rome; others expresly record it was after his return from thence, whose computation I here fol∣low, and therefore place it in this year.

In the year of our Lord 1035. King Cnute, a little be∣fore his death, made this partition of his kingdoms a∣mongst * 1.652 his Sons. Swane his son by Q. Algiva (or as some * 1.653 affirm of a Priests wife suborned by Algiva as her own) he made King of Norwey; his Son Harde-Cnute by Queen Emma, he caused to be crowned King of Den∣mark; as Wigorniensis, Hoveden, and others write, yet some gainsay it, that he made his Son Harold King of England, and soon after died at Shaftesbury, November, 12. 1035. and was buried at Winchester, Immediat∣ly after his decease the Nobles met at Oxford about the election of a new King, which our Historians thus express. Convenerunt apud Dxoniam ad Colloquium (as Mat. Westm.) or Placitum magnum (as Huntindon and others stile it) Proceres Regni, Vt de novo * 1.654 Rege creando tractatent ibidem. All the Nobles of the Realm assembled in a great Parliamentary Council or Court at Oxford, that they might consult about the electi∣ction

of a New King (which they would not have done had Harold been made King of England before by Cnute in his life time.) Leofric, Earl of Chester, and the rest of the Nobles on the Northside of the Thames, with all the Danish Princes and Londoners (who by conversing with the Danes amongst them, were corrupted with their vices, and addicted to their party) elected Harold Son of Cnute by his Concubine Algiva, (whom some a∣ver to be the son of a Tayler) for their King; But Godwin Earl of Kent, with the Princes of the Western part of England, contradicting them, would rather have elected Harde-Cnute, son of Cnute by Queen Emma, or one of the Sons of King Ethelred and Emma, then in Normandy. After great strife and debate between the Nobles about the Election, because Harold was there per∣sonally present; but Harde-Cnute then in Denmark, and Alfred and Edward in Normandy, Harolds party prevailed against Earl Godwins, qui tandem vi & nume∣ro minor, ••essit violentiae. Whereupon Harold was presently crowned King at Oxford by Elnothus Archbi∣shop of Canterbury, though at first he was very unwilling to perform that service. For it is x 1.655 reported of him, that he having the regal Scepter and Crown in his custody, refused with an Oath to consecrate any other for King, so long as Queen Emma her children were living; for (said she) Cnute committed them to my trust and assurance, and to them will I give my faith and allegiance. This Scepter and Crown therefore I here lay down upon the Altar, neither do I deny nor deliver them to you; but I require by the Apostolick Authority, all Bishops, that none of them presume to take the same away, neither that they consecrate him King therewith; as for your self, if you dare, you may usurp that which I have committed to God on this Table. Notwithstanding this great thunderclap being allayed with the showers of Golden promises of his just, good, and religi∣ous government intended (though present experience manifested the contrary) he was crowned by him Anno

Anno. 1035. Henry Huntindon and others write, That they elected him King, only to keep the kingdom for his Bro∣ther Harde-Cnute then in Denmark: Harold and the Nobles of West-Sex, who opposed his election, upon advice taken, resolved, that Queen Emma wife of the de∣ceased King, should keep West-Sex and Winchester for the use of her Son Harde Cnute, and that Earl Godwin should be their Captain in military affairs. Roger Hoveden, and others record, That Harold being ele∣cted King by the consent of the major part of the Nobles of England, obtained the royal dignity, and began to reign, quia justus haeres, because he was a lawfull heir; yet he reigned not so powerfully as Cnute, quia justior hae∣res expectabatur Harde Cnutus, because a juster heir Harde Cnute was expected: By reason of this dis∣agreement amongst the Nobles, to please both parties; the kingdom of England was therupon divided by Lot; Harold enjoying the Northern part thereof, and Harde-Cnutes friends retaining the Southern part of it for his use.

No sooner was Harold crowned King, but to secure himself the better in his Throne, he presently posted to Winchester with his forces, where tyrannically and forcibly taking away all the Treasures and goods which Cnute had left to Queen Emma his Mother-in-law, he * 1.656 banished her out of England into Flanders; (some write, she was thus banished by the secret Counsel and trea∣chery of Earl Godwin, whom she had made General of her forces for her preservation, who proved unconstant, and a Traytor to her and her children) where in this her distresse she was honourably entertained by Earl Baldwin.

In the year 1036. Alfred eldest Son of King Ethel∣red comming over to claim his right in the Crown, was with his Norman associates, betrayed, and murdered by the treachery of Earl Godwin, of which I finde these several different relations in our Historians.

y 1.657 Matthew Westminster, Ranulphus Cistrensis, and others out of them record; that Alfred being in Nor∣mandy, and hearing of the death of Cnute, came in∣to England with 23. chosen ships full of Souldiers, ut paternum regnum de Jure sibi debitum, vel pacificè, vel si necessitas cogeret, armatorum praesidio obtineret; that he might obtain his fathers kingdom, of right due unto him, either peaceably, or if necessity compelled, by force of arms. Who ariving with his forces at Sand∣wich Port, came as far as Canterbury: When Godwin Earl of Kent knew of his comming, he went to meet him, and receiving him in his fidelity, the very next night following compleated the part of the Traytor Judas upon him and his fellow-Souldiers. For after kisses of peace given, and joyful banquets, in the si∣lence of the midnight, when as Alfred and his compa∣nions had given their Members to sleep, they were all taken unarmed in their beds, suspecting no harm, by a multitude of armed men rushing in upon them, and their hands being tyed behind their backs, they were compelled to sit down in order one by another: Where sitting in this manner, nine of them were always beheaded, but the tenth dismissed, and his life reserved for a time: These things were acted at Gildeford, a royal Town. But when it seemed to the Traitor Godwin, that there were more yet remaining alive of them, than was profitable, he cōmanded them to be tithed over again, as before, and so very few of them remained alive. But young Alfred, every way worthy of royal honour, he sent bound to the City of London, to King Harold, (that therby he might find greater favor with him) with those few of his followers who remained undecimated. So soon as the King saw young Alfred, he caused him to be sent to the Isle of Ely, and there to have his eyes pulled out; of the pain whereof he soon after died; but he slew all his Souldiers too perniciously.

Florentius Wigorni••nsis, Roger de Hoveden, Simeou

Dunelmensis, Radulphus de Diceto, Mr. Fox, and others relate, That the innocent Princes Alfred and Edward, sons of King Ethelred, came out of Normandy (where they had long resided with their Uncle Richard) into England, accompanied with many Norman Souldiers, transported in a few ships, to conferr with their Mo∣ther Emma, then residing at Winchester. Which some potent men, especially Earl Godwin (as was reported) took very unworthily and grievously, because (licet in∣justum esset) although it were unjust, they were more devoted to Harold than to Alfred. Whereupon Harold perswaded King Harde-Cnute and the Lords, not to suffer those Normans to be within the Realm for jeopardy, but rather to punish them for example; by which means he got authority to order the matter himself; Wherefore he met them on Guild-down, and there seised upon Prince Alfred, and retained him in close Prison when he was hastning towards London to conferr with King Harold, as he had commanded: And apprehending all his followers, he ransacked some of them, others of them he put in chains, and after∣wards put out their eyes; some of them he tormented and punished, by pulling off the skin from their heads, and cutting off their hands and feet; many of them he likewise commanded to be sold; and slew 600 men of them at Gildeford, with various and cruel deaths; whose Souls are believed now to rejoyce with the Saints in Paradice, seeing their bodies were so cruel∣ly slain in the fields without any fault; which Queen Emma hearing of, sent back her Son Edward, who re∣mained with her, with greatest haste into Normandy. After which, by the command of Earl Godwin and some others, Prince Alfred being bound most straitly in chains, was carried Prisoner to the Isle of Ely by ship; where he no sooner arived, but his eyes were most cruelly pulled out, and so being led to the Monastery, was delivered to the Monks to be kept; where he

soon after died, and was there interred. z 1.658 Some add, that after Alfreds eyes were put out, his belly was opened, and one end of his bowels drawn out and fastened to a stake, and his body pricked with sharp needles or poyneyards forced about, till all his in∣trails were extracted: in which most savage torture he ended his innocent life. Ranulphus Cistrensis in his Polychronicon, l. 6. c. 21. relates, that Godwin used this strange cruelty towards those Normans that came over with Alfred, whom he twice decimated at Gil∣deford; that he ripped up their bellies, and fastned the ends of their guts to stakes, that were reared and pyght in the ground, and laid the bodies about the stakes till the last end of the guts came out.

The Author of the Book called Encomium Emmae, and a 1.659 Speed out of him, writes, That Harold was no sooner established King, but that he sought meanes how to rid Queen Emma secretly out of the way; and maliciously purposing took counsel, how he might train into his Hay the sons of Queen Emma, that so all occasions of danger against him, might at once for all be cut off. Many projects propounded, this lastly took effect; that a Letter should be counterfeited in Queen Emma's name unto her sons Edward and Alfred, to instigate them to attempt the Crown usurped by Ha∣rold against their right. The Tenor of which Letter you may read in Speed. This Letter being cunningly carried, & digested by Alfred as savoring of no falshood, he returned answer, he would come shortly over to attend his Mothers designs: which Harold being in∣formed of, forelayes the coasts to apprehand him. Up∣on his comming on shore in England, Earl Godwin met him, and binding his assurance with his corporal Oath, became his Leige-man and guide to Queen Emma; but being wrought firm for Harold, treacherously led these Strangers a contrary way, and lodging them at Guildford in several Companies, there tithed

and murthered them as aforesaid.

b 1.660 Henry Huntindon, the c 1.661 Chronicle of Bromton, William Caxton in his Chronicle, and another Histori∣an mentioned by d 1.662 Mr. Fox, record, that this mur∣ther was after the death of King Harde-Cnute. When the Earls and Barons of England by common assent and counsel sent into Normandy for these two Brethren Al∣fred and Edward, intending to crown Alfred the elder Brother, and to make him King of England; and to this the Earls and Barons made their Oath. But Earl Godwin of West-Sax sought to slay these two brethren so soon as they came into England, to the intent he might make Harold (his own son by Cnutes daughter, or sister maried to him) King; as some of these affirm; Others of them relate, that he intended only to destroy Alfred, being an Englishman by the Father, but a Norman by the Mother, whom he foresaw to be a person of such ho∣nour and courage, that he would disdain to mary his daughter, or to be swayed by him; and then to mary his daughter Godith to Edward the younger Brother, and to make him King, as being of a more milde and simple disposition, apt to be ruled by him. Hereup∣on Godwin went to Southampton to meet with the two Brothers at their landing. It fell out, that the Mes∣sengers sent into Normandy, found only Alfred there, Edward being then gone into Hungarie to speak with his Cosen Edward the Outlaw, Ironsides son. When Alfred heard these Messengers tydings, he thanked God, and in all hast sped him to England, ariving at Southampton with some of his Mothers kinred, and ma∣ny of his fellow-Souldiers of like age, who were Nor∣mans. Whereupon Godwin intimated to the Nobles of England, That Alfred had brought over too great a compa∣ny of Normans with him, and had likewise promised the lands of the Englishmen to them, and therefore it would not be safe to instirpate such a valiant and crafty Nation a∣mongst them. That these ought to undergoe exemplary.

Punishment, lest others by reason of their alliance to the King, should presume to intrude themselves amongst the English. And then posting to Southampton, welcomed and re∣ceived Alfred with much joy, pretending to conduct him safe to London, where the Barons waited for to make him King, and expected his comming; and so they passed forth together towards London. But when they came to Guild-down, Godwin said to Alfred, Look round about thee on thy right hand and left, and behold what a kingdom shall be subjugated to thy Dominion. Upon which Alfred giving thanks to God, presently promised, that if it happened he should be crowned King He would constitute such Laws as should be pleasing and accep∣table both to God and Man. Which words were no sooner uttered, but the Traytor Godwin commanded all his men to apprehend Alfred, and to slay all the Normans that came with him in his company: and af∣ter that to carry Alfred into the Isle of Ely, and there to put out both his eys, and to pull out his bowels; which they accordingly executed as aforesaid. And so died this innocent Alfred, right heir to the Crown, through the Treason of wicked Godwin. e 1.663 When the Lords of England heard thereof, and how Alfred that should have been their King, was put to death, through the false Treason of Godwin, against their wills, they were wonderfull sorrowfull and wroth, and swore before God and Man, that he should die a worser Death than did Edric, which destroyed his Lord Edmond Ironside: and would immediately have put him to death, but that the Traytor fled, and e∣scaped * 1.664 into Denmark, and there continued 4. yeares and more, and lost all his Lands, Rents, Goods and Chattels in England, confiscated in the mean time for this his Treason.

These Historians, though they somewhat vary in the time and occasion of Prince Alfreds death, yet they all agree in the substance of his and of his

Norman Souldiers and Campanions treacherous, bar∣barous murders, by the joynt or separate treacherie of Earl Godwin, and his son Harold: Which how fatal it proved to them both, by Gods avenging Justice, you shall hear in its due place, and what divine vengeance it drew at last on the whole English Nation, religious and judicious f 1.665 Mr. John Fox informes us in these words. This cruel fact of Godwin, and his men against the innocent Normans; whether it came of himself, or of the Kings setting on, seemeth to me to be the cause why the justice of God did shortly after avenge the quarrel of these Normans, in conquering and subdu∣ing * 1.666 the English Nation, by William the Conquerour and the Normans which came wi••h him. For so just and right it was, that as the Normans coming with a natural English Prince, were murdered of English men; so afterwards the Englishmen should be slain and conquered by the Normans, coming with a forein King, being none of their natural Country.

After the banishment of Queen Emma out of, and murder of Prince Alfred in England g 1.667 Harde-Cnute delaying the time in Denmark, and deferring his com∣ing * 1.668 in o England; thereupon Harold, (formerly King only of the Mercians, and Northumbrians,) that he might reign over all England, in the year 1037. A Principibns et omni Populo Rex eligitnr, was ele∣cted King by all the Nobles and People. Harde-Cnu∣tus verò, quia in Denmarchia manscrat, et ad An∣glian, ut rogabatur, venire distulit, penitus abjicitur, as Florentius Wigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, Hove∣den, Bromton, Radulphus de Diceto, and others inform us. After which King Harold degenerating from * 1.669 Cnute his Father in all things, took no care at all either of military or civil affairs, nor of his own Courtly ho∣nour, doing only his own will, and contrary to his roy∣al estate, going more willingly on foot, (of which he was so swift, that he was named Harefoot) than riding

on Horseback. In his dayes there were rendred and paid to 16 Ships from every Port (not In-land Towns) 8. marks of Silver, as in the time of his Father; as h 1.670 Henry Huntindon records: to which i 1.671 John Speed subjoynes; This Dane seeing his hazards prevented, sought to secure himself, and w••th 16 Ships of the Danish Fleet kept the Seas, which continued ever in a readiness and wafted from port to port: to the maintenance whereof, he charged the English with great payments, to their no lit∣tle * 1.672 grudge and reviling; whereby he lost the love of his Subjects before it had taken root in their hearts. Neither held he long those disloyal courses, for that his speedy death did cut off the infamy of a longer life, he dying at Oxford, where he was elected King, without wife or children to sur∣vive his person, or revive his name, when he had reigned only 4. years, and as many moneths, Anno 1040.

Upon the de••th of [h] Harold. Proceres tam Anglo∣rum, * 1.673 quam Danorum in unum concordantes sen∣tentiam; * 1.674 the Nobles both of the English and Danes (assembling together in a Parliamentary Council) and concording in one opinion, sent Embassadours to Har∣de-Cnute, then at Bruges in Flanders, visiting Queen Emma his Mother (where he had made great prepa∣ration of ships and land-forces, to recover the Crown of England, which belonged to him both by birth and compact, from his brother Harold) beseeching him, to make hast into England, and to take possessi∣on of the Crown thereof. Whereupon he immedi∣ately consenting to the Counsel of the Nobles, came speedily into England with 60, as some, or 40 ships, as others write, furnished with Danish Souldiers and Mariners; where he was received with great joy, elected King both by the English and Danes, and so∣lemnly crowned ar London by Elnothus Archbishop of Canterbury. Soon after he commanded Alfric Arch∣bishop of Yorke, Earl Godwin, and others, to digg up the interred corps of his brother King Harold out of

his grave in London, and his head to be cut off by the hang∣man, and then both head and corps to be thrown into the Common sink, and after that into the Thames. And that partly in revenge of the injuries done by him to his Mother Queen Emma, in banishing and spoiling her of her money and jewels, against all right and ju∣stice: and partly for his unjust invasion of the Crown of England; but in truth, as a just retaliation of his bar∣ba••ous cruelty to Prince Alfred and his Normans. For whose treacherous inhumane slaughter, King Harde-Cnute deprived Alfred Bishop of Worcester of his Bisho∣prick, whose hands were said to have been in Alfreds bloud. And for which murder he likewise looked with an evil eye upon Earl Godwin, compelling him to an Oath of Purgation touching the same. Whereupon Godwin by his own Oath, and the Oaths os most of the Nobles of the Realm his compurgators swore, (though most falsly) That Prince Alfreds eyes were not put out, nor he murdered (as aforesaid) by his Counsel or consent, but what was done therein, was only by the command of King Harold, which he durst not resist. Notwithstanding which Oath, to purchase his peace with Harde-Cnute, he pre∣sented him with a most rich and royal present, to wit, with a Ship, whose stern was of gold, with 80 Souldi∣ers placed therein, all uniformly and richly suited, ha∣ving on their heads gilt Burgonets, on their armes bracelets of Gold, on their bodies, Habergeons, Swords, Battel-axes, Targets, and other arms after the Danish fashion, all richly gilt, with gilt bosses and darts in their hands. Which Present, though it pacified▪ the Kings indignation, yet it prevented not Gods aven∣ging justice on him afterwards for Alfreds bloud; thus partly avenged on Harolds carcasse, which was cast in∣to the Thames, and mangled according to Hard-Cnutes command, and lay floting on the water sundry dayes, till a Fisherman in compassion took up his corps, and buried it privately in St. Clements Danes.

Soon after Harde-Cnute in the second year of his * 1.675 reign, commanded 8. Marks to be paid to every Mari∣ner; Some write ••0. others 30. marks, to every Ship∣wright of his Danish Navy; besides a vast sum of money * 1.676 to his Land-Army: Hujus anno secundo redditus est Cen∣sus Exercitui Dacorum, scilicet 21000 lib. & 89 lib. Et posteà sunt redditae 32. puppibus, 11000 lib. & 48. lib. writes l 1.677 Henry Huntindon: Tributum inexorabile et importabile Angliae imposuit, ut Classiariis suis per singulas naves viginti ac triginti marcas ex pollicito pen∣sitaret. Quod dum importune per Angliam exigitur, duo infestius hoc munus exequentes, a Wigorniae Ci∣vibus extincti sunt; as * 1.678 Will: of Malmsbury expresseth it. Hic etiam contra omnem spem octo Marc••s unicui∣que remigi Classis suae de importabili tributo Angliae sol∣vi fecit, So m 1.679 Bromton; Which ••lorentius Wigornien∣sis, Hoveden, Simeon Dunelmensis, Matthew Westmin∣ster, Polychronicon, Caxton, Fabian, Holinshed, Grafton and Speed, thus more at large relate. Anno 1040. Octo Marcas unicuique suae classis Remigi, et 12. unicu∣ique gubernatori de tota Anglia praecepit dependi, Tributum videlicet tam grave, ut vix aliquis id possit persolvere. Quapropter omnibus qui prius adven∣tum ejus desiderabant magnopere, factus est exosus summopere. Anno 1041. Harde-Cnute King of Eng∣land, Huscarlas missit per omnes regni sui Provincias: Or, Ministros suos per omnes fines regni destinavit; sent his Officers through all the Counties & parts of the Realm, to exact and collect the Tribute which he had imposed, with∣out sparing any, and to furnish his Mariners with all ne∣cessaries from thence. Two of which Officers Faeder and Turstin exacting this Importable Tribute with great rigour and cruelty from the Inhabitants of the County and City of Worcester, were thereupon tumultuously slain by them in a Monastery, whither they fled for Sanctuary, on the 4th day of May. The King being very much incensed there∣with, sent Godwin with all the rest of the Earls of Eng∣land,

and almost all his Officers and whole army thither, to avenge their deaths, commanding them to slay all the men if they could, & to pillage and burn the whole City and County; who coming thither the 2. of November, wasted the City and County for 4. dayes space, but took or slew few of the City or County, because they having notice of their coming, fled all away to an Iland in the midst of Severn called Be∣verage, which they fortified, and so long manfully defended against their Enemies, til they had recovered their peace, and obtained leave quietly to return to their homes. Whereup∣on on the fifth day they burnt the City, every one returning with great booties; and thereupon the Kings wrath was pacified, but his reputation much ecclipsed, and the affections of the people lost by that cruelty and Tax; Which it seems was imposed by his own arbitrary power, without any Grant or common consent in a * 1.680 Parliamentary Council. Vnde cunctis qui prius e∣jus adventum optaverant in Angliam exosus effectus est, writes n 1.681 Mat. Westminster: Contumeliam famae & amori suo detrimentum ingessit, adds o 1.682 Malmsbu∣ry. This whole Tribute amounted but to 32137 l. which came not to the moity of one Moneths Contri∣bution, or Excise in our dayes. p 1.683 John Speed and some others write, That Earl Godwin devising how the Crown might be worn by him or his, to separate the hearts of the Subjects from the Prince, (thaen which there can be no grea∣ter wound unto both) caused the King to impose heavy Tributes upon the English, only to pay the Danes in his Fléet, appointing every common Souldier and Mari∣ner to receive 8. Marks in money, and every Officer and Master 12. amounting to the summ of 32147 l. for the payment whereof there was so great a grudge, that two of his Collectors were slain by the Citizens of Worcester; which caused their City to be burnt, and part of the County to be spoiled by the Kings command, and their Bishop Alfred expulsed the See, til with money he had purchased his peace. But observe Gods Justice on this Exactor and Tax-im∣posing

King, soon after his cruelty at Worcester, as he was revelling and carrouzing amidst his cups at Lamb∣heth at a solemn Mariage-feast between a Danish Lord, and Gotha an English Lady, he suddenly fell down dead to the ground without speech or breath, not being lamented nor desired, by reason of his unwonted Taxes, excesse and riot. Yea, so far were all sorts from bewailing him, q 1.684 that in regard of their freedom from the Danish yoak, which they attained, ever since among the Common people, the 8. of June (the very day of his death) is annually celebra∣ted with open pastimes in the street (as the old Romans kept their Fugalia for chasing out their King,) which time is now called Hoc-tide, or Herextide, signifying a time of scorning or contempt, which fell upon the Danes by his death, when he had voluptuously and oppressingly reigned o∣ver the English not full two years, wanting ten dayes there∣of.

Now here take special notice of Gods exemplary justice upon King Cnute, the Danish Usurper and Invader of other mens Crowns and Kingdoms, by treachery, bloud, war, treason, the murders of Edmund Ironside, Pr. Edwin, and Alfred, and exile of the Royal posterity. His base Son Harold dispossessed his Legitimate Son Harde-Cnute of the Crown of England, contrary to his will and contract, banished and spoiled his own Queen Emma of her Treasure and Jewels, oppressed the people with Taxes, and was soon cut off by death, without any issue. Harde-Cnute after his death digs up his Brother Harolds corps, beheads, and then throws it into the common sink & Thames, incurs Gods and his Peoples hatred by his Oppressions, Taxes, Luxurie; and is taken away suddenly in the midst of his age, without issue, before he had reigned two years. His Son r 1.685 Swan•• to whom he bequeathed the Kingdom of Norwey (which he got by treachery, bribery, force, and the expulsion, murder ol their rightfull pious King Olaus) was expelled both out of Norwey and

Denmark too by Magnus the Sonne of Olaus; the English Army sent by Harde-Cnute, to re∣establish him in the Kingdom of Norwey, routed in the field, and so forced home thence with dishonour, leaving Magnus in possession, not only of Norwey but Denmark, which he conquered, and made Tributary to him. Thus were all his three Sons, within 8 years space after Cnutes death, quite stript of all their three Kingdoms, acquired by war, blood, conquest, treache∣ry, and the English and Norwegian royal lines restored to their rights and Crowns again. What persons then in their right sences would impiously spend much trea∣sure levied on the oppressed people by violence, rapin, uncessant Taxes, Excises, or shed much human Christian blood, to purchase other mens Crowns, Kingdoms, which are not only full of cares and troubles, but so unstable, short and momentary in their fruition, as is most evident by the Danish Intruders?

CHAP. V.

Containing a Brief Historicall Collection of all the Parliamentary Councils, State-Assemblies, Historicall Passages, and Proceedings that con∣cern the Fundamentall Liberties, Priviledges, Rights, Properties, Laws, and Government of the Nation, under the reign of King Edward the Confessor, from the year of our Lord 1042. to 1066. wherein he died.

KING Harde-Cnute being sodainly ta∣ken out of this world without issue * 1.686 by divine Justice on the 6 day of Iune Anno 1042. thereupon the Earls and Barons of England, immediately af∣ter his death, assembled together in a Great Council, about the election of a New King: Wherein a 1.687 OMNES ANGLORUM MAGNATES ad invicem tractantes, DE COMMVNI CONCILIO ET JURAMENTO STATUERUNT, QUOD NUNQUAM TEMPORIBUS FUTURIS ALIQUIS DA∣CUS SUPER EOS IN ANGLIA REGNARET; & hoc maxim•• pro contemptibus quos Angli à Danis saepiu•• acceperunt, &c. as the Chronicle of Bromton & others in∣forme us: All the Nobles of the English treating to∣gether decreed by common advice, which they ratified with an oath; THAT IN TIMES TO COME NEVER ANY DANE (or person of the Danish blood) SHOULD REIGN OR BE KING OVER THEM IN EN∣GLAND

ANY MORE; disclaiming all Danish subjection; & that especially for the contempts which the English had ve∣ry often received from the Danes. For if a Dane had met an Englishm••n upon any bridge, the Englishman must not be so hardy to move a foot, but stand st••ll till the Dane was pas∣sed quite ever it. And moreover, if the Englishmen had not bowed down their heads to doe reverence to the Danes, they should presently have undergo••e great punishments and stripes. Whereupon King Harde-Cnute being dead, the English rising up against them, drove all the Danes, being then without a King and Captaine, out of the Realm of England, who speedily qu••tting the land, never returned in∣to it afterwards.

And here we may justly stand still a while, and con∣template the admirable retaliating justice of God upon our Danish usurping Kings and their Posterity: King * 1.688 Cnute as you heard before, caused the temporizing En∣glish Bishops, Nobles and Barons assembled in a Parlia∣mentary Council, against their oaths of allegiance to King Ethelred, Edmund Ironside and their heirs no less then twice one after another, to renounce, cast off, and ab∣jure their regall Posterity, to make them incapable of the Crowne of England, and settle the inheritance•• of it upon him and his Danish blood. Anno 1016. and 1017. And now in little more then twenty years after, all the English Prelates and Nobles assembled in Council, of their own accords, by a solemn Decree and Oath, abjure, ren••unce, and eternally disinherit all the Danish blood-royall of the Crown of England, and restore the Saxon English royall line to that soveraignty, which they had formerly disclaimed: such are the vicif••itudes of divine Justice and providence, worthy our observation in these wheeling times wherein we live, when no man knoweth what chan∣ges of like nature c 1.689 one day or year may bring forth.

The English putting their Decree for cashiering all the Danes in execution, d 1.690 turned the mout of all the Castles, Forts, Garrisons, Cities, Villages th••oughout England, as

well those of the Royall and Noble blood, as the vulgar sort, and forced them to depart the Realm, as they had formerly banished the English Princes and Nobles. e 1.691 Proc••re•• igitur Anglorum ••am DACORUM DOMINIO LIBERATI, The Nobles therefore of Engl. being thus freed from the Danes dominion; for so much of God of his mercy and providence (who is the maker of heirs) thought good after the wofull captivity of the English Nation, to grant them some respite of deliverance in ta∣king * 1.692 away the Danish Kings without any issue left be∣hinde them, who reigning here in England kept the English people in miserable subjection about the space of 28 years, and from their first landing in the time of King Brict••icus, wasted and vexed this land for the space of 255 years: their Tyranny now coming to an end by the death of Harde Cnute; they thereupon assem∣bling together in a great Council, with a generall con∣sent, elected Prince Edward (surnamed the Confessor, the youngest and onely surviving son of King Ethelred) for their King; who ANNUENTE CLERO ET POPU∣LO LONDONIIS IN REGEM ELIGITUR, as f 1.693 Mat. Westminster relates; whereupon Edward being then in Normandy, where he had long lived in exile, being a man of a gentle and soft spirit, more appliable to other mens counsels then able to trust his own, & naturally so averse from all war & bloodshed, that he wished rather to continue all his life long in a private exiled estate, then by war or blood to aspire to the Crown) the Lords sent messengers to him, to come over and take peaceable pos∣session of the Kingdome of England, they having chosen him for their King, advising him to bring with him as few Nor∣mans as he could, and they would most faithfully establish him in the throne. Edward, though at first he much doubted what course to stear, somewhat mistrusting the treachery and inconstancy of the fickle headed English, yet at last upon the importunity of the messengers, who informed him g 1.694 melius esse ut vivat gloriosus in Im∣perio,

quàm ignominiosus moria••ur in exili••. JURE EI COM∣PETERE REGNUM, aevo maturo laboribus defaecato, sci••••ti administrare principatum per aetatem severè, mise∣rias Provinci••lium pro pristina aequitate temperare, &c. and upon putting in sufficient pledges, and an oath given for his security, he came into England with a small train of Normans, where he was joyfully received by the Nobles and people. Nec mora, Gilingeam (or rather Londoniam) CONGREGATO CONCILIO, rationibus suis explicitis regem effecit, Dominio palam ab omnibus dato, as Malmsbury; or electus ••st in Regem ab omni populo, as h 1.695 Huntindon and others expresse it. After which on Easter day, Apr 2. 1043. he was solemnly crowned King at Winchester, with great pomp, by E••dsi Arch-bishop of Canterbury, by the unanimou•• consent of the Archbi∣shops, Bishops, Nobles, Clergie and people of England, to their great joy and content, without the least opposition, war or blood-shed, after 25 yeares seclusion from the Crown by the Danish usurpers.

Our i 1.696 Historians generally record, that Bryghtwold a Monk of Glastenbury (afterwards first Bishop of Wil∣ton) when King Cnute had banished, and almost extin∣guished the whole royal issue of the English race, almost past any possibility or probability of their restitution to the Crown, which he had forcibly invaded by the sword; on a certian night fell into a sad deep contemplation of the forlorn condition of the royall Progeny of the En∣glish nation, then almost quite deleted by the Danes, and of the miserable condition of England under these for∣raign usurpers. After which falling into a deep sleep, he saw in a vision the Apostle S. Peter himself, holding Prince Edward (then an exile in Normandy) by the hand, and anointing him King in his sight: who declared to him at large how holy this Edward should be, that his reign should be peaceable, and that it should continue for 23 years. After which Bryghtwold being yet unsa∣tisfied who should succed him, and doubting of Edwards

off-spring, demanded of S. Peter, who should succeed him? whereunto S. Peter returned him this answer, REG∣NUM ANGLIAE EST REGNUM DEI, ET IPSE SIBI REGES (or REGEM as some render it) PROVIDE∣BIT. The Realm of England is Gods Ki••gdome, and he himself shall provide Kings, or a King for himself, accor∣ding to his good pleasur••. Yea the golden legend of King Edwards life informs us, THAT HE WAS CHOSEN KING OF ENGLAND BY CONSENT OF PARLI∣AMENT WHILES HE WAS YET IN HIS MO∣THERS W••MB, as well as after Harde-Cnute's death. Take the relation of it in k 1.697 Abbot Ailreds words; and of Brightwolds vision likewise. Cum igitur gloriosus Rex Ethelredus ex filia praeclarissimi comitis Thoreti fili∣um suscepisset Eadmundum, cognomento Ferreumlatus, ex Regina autem Emma, Aluredum; beatus Edvardus inter Viscera mat••rna conclusus utri{que} praefertur agente * 1.698 eo qui omnia operatur secundum concilium voluntatis suae, qui dominatur in regno hominum, & cui voluerit dat illud. FIT MAGNUS CORAM REGE EPISCOPORUM PROCERUMQUE CONVENTUS, magnus plebis vulgique concursus, & quia jam futurae cladis indicia saeva prae∣cesserant, AGITUR INTER EOS DE REGNI STA∣TU TRACTATUS. Deinde Rex successorem sibi desig∣nare desiderans, QUID SINGULIS, QUIDVE OMNIBUS VIDERETUR EXPLORAT. Pro diversorum diversa senentia res pendebat in dubio. Alii enim E••dmundum ob invictissimum robur corporis, cae••eris aestimant praefere••∣du•••• alii ob virtutem Normannici generis Aluredum, promovendum tutiùs arbitrantur. Sed futurorum omni∣um praescius, prioris brevissimam vitam, alterius mortem immaturam prospiciens, in puerū nec dum natū UNIVER∣SORUM VOTA CONVERTIT. Ʋtero adhuc clauditur, & in Regem eligitur, non natus natis praefertur, & quem nec dum terra susceperat, terrae dominus designatur. Praebet electioni REX CONSENSUM, laeti PRAEBENT PROCE∣RES SACRAMENTUM, & inusitato miraculo IN

Ejus FIDELITATE JURARUNT, qui utrum nasceretur ignorarun••. Tua haec sunt opera, Christe Jesu, qui o••∣nia operaris in omnibus, qui electum & dilectum tibi an••e mundi constitutionem plebis tui recto••em hiis indiciis de∣clarasti; quem li è•• per illos, non tamen illi, s••d tu potius ele∣gisti. Quis enim non videat ••ec aptum usui, nec convenient tempo••i, nec consonum rationi, nec humano ferendum fuisse sensui, ut omissis fili•••• l••gi••imis & adultis, hostili gladio imminente, parvulus, nec dum natus ELIGERETUR IN REGEM quem in tali n••cessitate n••c hostes m••tuerent, nec ci••es revererentur. Sed omnipotens Deus Spiritum prophe∣siae voci simul & affectui plebis infudit. praesentia mala spe futurae conselationis temperans, ut sciant omnes in to∣tius regni consolationem regem futurum, quem ab ipso Deo, plebe nesciente quid fecerit, nullus dubitaret electum. Sae∣vibat interim gladius hostilis in Anglia; caedibus & rapinis omnia replebantur, ubique luctus, ubique clamer, ubique desolatio. Incenduntur ecclesiae, monasteria devastantur, & ut verbis propheticis utar, effuderunt sanguinem san∣ctorum in circuitu Jerusalem, & non erat qui sepeliret. Sacerdotes suis fugati sedibus, sicubi pax & quies aliqua in monasteriis vel locis desertis inveniebatur, communem miseriam deplorantes delitescebant. Inter quos vene••abi∣lis Bryghtwaldus Wintoniensis Episcopus, caenobium Glastoniense maerens & tristis ingressus, orationibus vaca∣bat & psalmis. Qui cum aliquando pro Regis, plebisque liberatione preces lacrymas{que} profunderet, quasi in haec ver∣ba prorumpens. Et tu, inquit, Domine usque quo? usque quo avertis faciem tuam, obliviscens inopiae nostrae & tribulationis nostrae? Sanctos tuos occiderunt, altaria tua suffoderunt, & non est qui redimat, neque qui sal∣vum faciat. Scio Domine, scio, quia omnia quae fecisti nobis, in vero judicio fecisti: sed nunquid in aeternum projiciet Deus, & non opponet & complacitus sit ad∣huc? erit ne Domine Deus mens, erit ne finis horum mi∣rabilium? aut in aeternum tuus in nos mucro desaeviet, & percutias usque ad internecionem? Inter pr••ces tandem

& lachrimas fatigatum soper suavis excepit; vidit{que} per somnium cael••stem chorum cum lumine, beatissimumque Petrum in ••minenti loco constitutum, dignum taentae ma∣jestati habi••um praeferentem. Vid••batur ante eum vir pyae∣clari vult••s in forma decenti regalibus amictus insigniis, qu••m cum p••opriis manibus Apostolus censecrasset & unxis∣set in regem, monita salutis adj••cit, praecipu••que caelibem vitam commendans, quot esset annos regnatu••us aperuit. Obstupefactus Praesul tanti novitate miraculi, petit sibi à sancto visionis hujus mysterium revelari: de statu insuper regni & instantis sine periculi apostolicum exegit ••raculum. Tunc factus vultis placido in tuens intuentem. Domini, in∣qu••t, o Praesul, Domini est regnum, ipse dominatur in filiis hominum. Ipse transfert r••gna, & mutat imperia, & propter peccata populi regnare facit hypocritam. Pecca∣tum peccav••t populus tuns Domino, & tradidit eos in manus Gentium, & dominati sunt etiam qui oderunt eos. Sed non obliviscitur misereri Deus, nec continebit in ira su•• misericordias suas, Erit enim, cum dormis cum pa∣tribus tuis sepultus in senectute bona, visitabit Dominus populū suū, & faciet redemtionem ple bis suae Eliget enim fibi vi••ū secundum cor suum qui faciet omnes voluntates suas; qui me opitulante regnū adeptus, Anglorum Danico furori finem imponet. Erit enim acceptus Deo & gratus hominibus, amabilis civibus, terribilis hostibus, utilis eccle∣siae. Qui cum praescriptum terminū regnandi in justitia & pace compleverit, laudabilem vitam sancto fine conclu∣det. Quae omnia in beato Edwardo completa rei exitus comprobavit; Expergefactus Pontifex rursùs ad p••eces lacri∣masqu•• convertitur, & licet faelicitat••m suae gentis non esset ipse visurus, de malorum tamen fine c••rtus eff••ctus, gratias ag••ns Deo plurimum gratulabatur: Factus igitur animae∣quior, populis poenitentiam praedicabat, quibus D••us mile∣ric••rdi••m non defuturam constantissime pollic••ba••u••.

From these passages whether reall, as man••, as ficti∣tions as some repute them, I shall onely observe these reall Truths.

1. That in King E••h••lreds reign, great Parliamentary Councils were usually assembled, to consult of the weighty affairs, state, if not succession of the Realm of England.

2. That godly men in all ages have been deeply affe∣cted with the misery, exile, disinheriting, and extirpa∣tion of the Royal Issue and Posterity, by invading for∣reign usurpers, and with the oppressions of their native countrey under their usu ped power; and have poured forth frequent and fervent prayers unto God in secret, for their restitution and relief.

3. That the Nobility, Clergy and people of England have ever had a propense naturall inclination and affe∣ction to the true royall Blood and Posterity of the Nati∣on, though forcibly constrained to a••jure and renounce them for a season by prevailing Intruders; electing them for their Kings, and preferring them before all others upon the very next opportunity to vindicate their rights and liberties, and rejecting the usurpers and their race.

4 That though the Kings of England were usually re∣puted hereditary, yet in truth they were for the most part actually elected by the Prelates and Nobles in par∣liamentary Councils, and appointed by the generality of the Clergy and people, and had oaths of allegiance given to them by their subjects.

5. That God doth many times beyond all probability and expectation, restore disinherited Princes to their Crowns, of which they have been forcibly deprived, after many years dispossession, and without any wars or ef∣fusion of blood, even by the Nobles and peoples own voluntary choice and act, without their seeking: as he did here restore Prince Edward after 25 years interrup∣tion, and Aurelius Ambrosius long before to the British Crown, to omit all others.

6. That Crowns invaded, ravished by force of armes and bloodshed, are seldome long or peaceably enjoyed by the usurpers themselves or their posterity, that of Curtius being an experimentall truth, l 1.699 Non est diu∣turna possessio in quam gladio inducimur.

All which we find experimentally verified in this Histo∣ry of King Edward his election and restitution to the Crown of England, worthy our special observation.

King Edw. coming to the Crown, was not onely very charitable to the poor, humble, mercifull and just to∣wards all men, but also PLURES LEGES BONAS IN ANGLIA STATUIT, quae pro majore parte adhuc in regno tenerentur. Whereupon about the year 1043. (as the Chro∣necle of Brompton, m 1.700 William Caxton, in his Chronicle, and Mr. Selden inform us) Earl Godwin, a sugitive in Denmark for the murther of prince Alfred, hearing of * 1.701 his piety and mercy, resolved to return into England, humbly to implore his mercy and grace, that he might * 1.702 have his lands again that were confiscated: having pro∣vided all things for his voyage, he put to sea and arri∣ved in England, and then posted to London, UBI REX ET OMNES MAGNATES AD PARLIAMENTUM TUM FUERUNT, Where the King and all the Nobles were then at a parliament: here he beseeched & intreated his friends & kindred, who were the greatest Lords of the land after the King, that they would study to procure to him the Kings Grace and friendship, who having there∣upon taken deliberate counsel among themselves, led him with them before the King to seek his Grace: But so soon as the King saw him he presently appealed him of TREASON, & of the death of Alfred his brother, and using these words unto him, said; THOU TRAITOUR GODVVIN, I THEE APPEAL FOR THE DEATH OF * 1.703 ALFRED MY BROTHER WHOM THOU HAST TRAITEROUSLY SLAIN. To whom Godwin excusing himself, answered, My Lord and King, saving your Reve∣renes, and Grace, Peace, & Lordship, I never betrayed, nor yet slew your Brother: unde super hoc pono me IN CON∣SIDERATIONE CURIAE VESTRAE; whence I put my self upon the consideration and judgement of your Court con∣cerning this matter. Then said the King KARISSIMI DOMINI, COMITES ET BARONES TERRAE, &c.

Most dear Lords, Earls and Barons of the land, who are my Liege men now here assembled, you have heard both my appeale and Godwins answer, Volo quod inter Nos in ista appeslatione, RECTUM JUDICIUM DE∣CERNATIS, ET DEBITAM JUSTITIAM FACI∣ATIS: I will that between us in this appeale you award right Iudgement and do due Iustice. COMITIBUS VERO ET BARONIBUS SUPER HOC AD INVICEM TRA∣CTANTIBUS. Hereupon the Earls and Barons debating upon this businesse among themselves, some among them were different in their opinions from others in doing just judgement herein. For some said, that Godwin was never obliged to the King, (so Bromton, to Alfred writes Cax••on) by ho∣mage, service, or fealty; and therefore HE WAS NOT HIS TRAITOUR, and that he had not slain Alfred with his own hands. But others said, Quod Comes, nec Baro, nec aliquis Regi subditus, BELLUM CONTRA REOEM IN APPELLATIONE SUA DE LEGE POTEST VA∣DIARE: That neither the Earl nor any Baron, nor any Sub∣ject to the King, could by the Law wage Battel against the King in his Appeal, but ought wholy to put himself in his mer∣cy, and to offer him competent amends. Then Leofric Earl of Chester (or Coventry, as Caxton) a good man towards God and the world, spake and said: The Earl Godwin, after the King, is a man of the best parentage of all England; and he cannot deny but that BY HIS COUNCEL Alfred the Kings Brother was slain; wherefore I award as touching my part, that himself and his son, and every of us, DUODE∣CIM COMITES, the twelve Earls who are his friends and kinsmen should go humbly before the King laden with as much gold and silver as every of us can carry between his arms, offering that to him for his trespasse, and submissively deprecating, that he would pardon all his rancour and ill∣will to the Earle, and receiving his homage and fealty, he would restore and redeliver his lands intirely to him: Ʋnto which award THEY ALL ACCORDING, they all laded themselves with treasure in the manner aforesaid, and

going to the King, declared unto him the order and manner of their JUDGEMENT, or AVVARD. QUORUM CON∣SIDERATIONI REX CONTRADICERE NOLENS, QUI CQUID JUDICAVERANT PER OMNIA RATI∣F••CAVIT. The King not willing to contradict them in any thing they had judged, ratified the same in all things. An agreement therefore being made between them in this manner, the Earl presently regained all his lands.

The generality of our Historians (as Bromton confes∣seth) deny that Godwin ever fled into Denmark, or left England for the murder of Alfred; they generally af∣firming, p 1.704 that he purged himself thereof (though falsly) CORAM PROCERIBUS, before the Nobles in the reign of Harde-Cnute; swearing with his compurgators that he never consented to his death. NISI REGIA VI COACTUS, but through compulsion by royall violence. Recording likewise, that after the death of King Harde-Cnute, Prince Edward was called out of Normandy, and elected King, principally by the help and counsel of Earle Godwin himself, who (as Malmesbury and others write) perswaded him to accept the Crown, and precontracted with him before h•• came into England: Paciscatur ergo sibi amicitiam solidam, filiis honores integros, filiae matrimo∣nium; q 1.705 brevi futurum ut se Regem videat, qui nunc vi∣tae naufragus, exul spei, alterius opem implorat. Utrin∣que fide data, quicquid petebatur sacramento firma∣vit. If there were then any such Parliament as this then held at London, and such proceedings in it concerning Godwin, it was most probably in the year 1043. as I here place it. And from these memorable proceedings in it, we may observe,

1. That there is mention onely of the King, Earls and Barons present in this Parliament as members of it, not of any Knights of shires, Citizens or Burgesses elected by the people, of which there is not one syllable.

2. That the Earls and Barons in Parliament were the onely Judges in that age in Parliament between the King

and his Nobles, subjects, both in criminal and other causes there decided.

3. That Peers in that age were onely tryed and judged by their Peers, for treason and capitall offences.

4. That appeals of Treason were then tryed in Parlia∣ment, and the Earls and Barons the sole Judges of them, and of what offences were Treason and what not.

5. That the Bishops and Clergy in that age had no votes in matters of Treason and capitall offences.

6. That the Judgement of Parliament then rested pro∣perly in the Earls and Barons, not the King: and that their judgement was not repealable by, but obligatory to the King himself.

7. That no Subject could then by law wage battel a∣gainst the King in an Appeal.

8. That the murther of Prince Alfred, then heir to the Crown, in the time of Harold an actuall King by usurpation without any good title, by his command, was reputed a treasonable offence in Earl Godwin, for which he forfeited his lands, and was forced to purchase his par∣don and lands restitution with a great fine and summe to the King.

9. That though the Author of the Chronicle of Brom∣ton (& Caxton out of him) stile this Assembly PARLIA∣MENTUM, a Parliament, not a COUNCIL, yet it is onely * 1.706 according to the style of the age wherein he writ (being in the reign of King Edward the third) as r 1.707 Mr. Selden proves, not according to the dialect of the age wherein it was held; to which the term Parliamentum was a meer stranger, and CONCILIUM MAGNUM, &c. the usual name expressing such Assemblies.

s 1.708 King Edward, Anno 1643. immediately after his Coronation came suddenly from Glocester to Winchester, attended with Earl Godwin, Siward and Leofric, and by their advice forcibly took from his Mother Queen Em∣ma, all her gold, silver, jewels, and precious stones, and whatever rich things else she possessed, commanding

onely necessaries to be administred to her there. The * 1.709 cause of which unjust act, some affirm to be Godwins ma∣lice towards her; others affirm it to be, her unnatural∣nesse to King Ethelred her first husband, and her own sons by him, Alfred and Edward; In loving and marry∣ing Cnute their enemy and supplanter, when living, and applauding him when dead, more then Ethelred. In ad∣vancing Harde-Cnute her son by him to the Crown, and endeavouring to deprive Alfred & Edward thereof. In re∣fusing to give any thing toward Prince Edw: his main∣tenance whiles in exile and distresse, although he oft re∣quested her to supply his necessities. In having some hand in the murther of Prince Alfred, and endeavou∣ring to poyson King Edward himself, as the Chronicle of Bromton relates. After which, by the instigation of Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, a Norman born, he againe spoiled her of all she had, and shut her up priso∣ner in the Abbey of Werwel, upon suspition of inconti∣nency with Alwin Bishop of Winchester, from which false imputation she purged her self and the Bishop, by passing barefoot over nine red hot ploughshares with∣out any harm. Whereupon the King craved mercy and pardon from her for the infamy and injury done unto her; for which he was disciplined and whipped by his Mother, and all the Bishops there present.

Anno 1044. t 1.710 There was GENERALE CONCI∣LIUM CELEBRATUN, a General Council held at Lon∣don, * 1.711 wherein Wolmar was elected Abbot of Evesham. And this year King Edward DE COMMUNI CONCI∣LIO PROCERUM SUORUM, as Bromton and others write (most likely when assembled in the Council at London) married Edith daughter of Earl Godwin in patrocinium regni sui, he being the most potent man in all the Realm; there being in her breast a magazine of all liberall ver∣tues. * 1.712 And this same year (most probable by this same Councils Edict) Gunilda, a noble Matron, King Cnute's sisters daughter, with her two sons Hemming and Thur∣kell,

were banished out of England into Flanders, from whence after a little stay they departed into Denmark: (v) King Edward in the year 1045. assembled together * 1.713 to the port of Sandwich a very numerous and strong * 1.714 Navy, against Magnus King of Norway, purposing to invade Engl. But Swane King of Denmark then warring upon him, hindered his voyage for England. The next year 1046. Osgodus Clapa was banished out of England.

x 1.715 Swane King of Denmark Anno 1047. sent Am∣bassadours * 1.716 to King Edward, desiring him to send a Navy * 1.717 to him against Magnus King of Norway. Hereupon Earl Godwin counselled the King, to send him at least fifty ships furnished with souldiers: Sed quia Leofrico comiti, ET OMNI POPULO id non videbatur consilium, & CAE∣TERI PROCERES DISSUASERUNT, nullum ei mit∣tere voluit. But because that Council seemed not good to * 1.718 Earl Leofric and all the people, and the rest of the Nobles disswaded him from it, he would send no ships to him. Magnus furnished with a great Navy fought with Swane, and after a great slaughter on both sides, expel∣led him out of Denmark, reigned in it, and compelled the Danes to pay him a great Tribute:

y 1.719 Harold Harvager King of Norwey, Anno 1048. sent Ambassadours to King Edward, offering peace and * 1.720 friendship to him, which he embraced. Also Swane King of Denmark sent other Ambassadours to him this year, * 1.721 requesting a naval assistance of ships from him. But al∣though Earl Godwin was willing, that at least fifty ships should be sent him, yet none were sent, because Earl Leofric, OMNISQUE POPULUS UNO ORE CONTRA∣DIXERUNT, and all the people contradicted it with one voice. z 1.722 Abbot Ingulphus records, That Wul∣gat Abbot of S. Pega, whose Abbey was quite destroyed and burnt to the ground by the Danes, had a long suit in the Kings Court with three Abbots of Burgh, con∣cerning the seat of his Abbey, especially with Abbot Leofric, with whom he most strongly contended: Sed

Regis curia nimium fav ••nte potentiori, & contra paupe∣rem sententiante, tandem sedem monasterii sui perdidit. Tanta fuit Abbatis Leofrici pecunia: tanta Comitis Godwini potentia, which he thus repeats. Illo in tempore * 1.723 venerabilis Pater Wulgatus Abbas Pegelandiae diuti••si∣mam calumniam passus ab Abbatibus Burgi, Elfrico, Arwino & Leofrico, Abbatiae suae sedem amittens tan∣dem succubuit, & (proh nefas!) totum situm monasterii sui JUDICIO REGALIS CURIAE PERDIDIT. Tan∣tum tunc potuit super Iustitiam pecunia, contra verita∣tem versutia, & in CURIA regis Hardecnuti Godwini potentia. After which he addes, that in the year 1048. when the said Abbot Wulgat having lost the site of his Monastery, had laid the foundation of a new Monastery in his Manor of Northburt, next adjoyning to the old, intending to translate his Abbey thither, and diligently laboured to reedifie a Church, Dormitory, with other claustral offices there, being assisted with the alms of ma∣ny believers, Ferno••us, a Kt. Ld. of Bosworth, openly shewd out of the Abbots own writings, that the said Manour of Northburt was given by his progenitors to the Monastery of S. Pega and to the Monks there serving God, whence by consequence he al••edged, That seeing Abbot Wulgat and his Monks did not serve God and S. Pega from th••t time forwards in that place (where the old Monastery stood) that they ought not from henceforth to enjoy the said Ma∣nour. Acceptatum est hoc A REGIS JUSTITIARIO, ET CONFESTIM ADJUDICATUM EST dictum ma∣nerium de Northburt cum omnibus suis pertinentiis prae∣dicto militi Fernoto, & tanquam jus suum haereditariū, de monachis ecclesiae sanctae Pegae, alienatū perpetuo & subla∣tum. Quod tum per universum Regnum citius fuisset cog∣nitum, scilicet Abbatum de Peikirk, prius amisisse mona∣st••rium suum, & consequenter man••rium ad monasterium quondam pertinens; similiter Edmerus miles & dominus de Holbrok calumniam mov••t contra eundem Abbatem & monachos suos de manerio suo de Maksey; & Horsingus

de Wathe calumniatus est, & pro Manerio suo de Bading••ō, & Siwardus Comes de Manerio suo de Bernack, & Hu∣golonus Thesaurarius de Manerio de Helieston, & alii plures de aliis mane iis dicto Monasterio dudum pertinenti∣bu; & omnes eadem ratione in dicta causa contra Mona∣chos obtinuerunt, & tam de maneriis, quam de Monasteri•• suo dictus Abbas de Peibec ac Monachi sui nequiter & crud••liter ejecti sunt, ut nunquam alicui veniat damnum solum. Cum itaque Abbas Wulgatus & conventus suus, Monachi scilicet, &c sic de Monasterio destituti, vaga∣bundi & in proximo dispergendi in omnem ventum pro ex∣trema miseria fluctuarent, misertus eorum piissimus R••x Edwardus, omnes in suam curiam suscepit, & usquequo ei•• provideret, suam capellam, ac aulam quotidie frequentare imperavit. The Abbot of Croyland dying soon after, and his pastorall staff by which he was invested, being presented by the Prior and two Monks to King Edward, the King thereupon immediately invested Wulgatus in the Regiment of the Monastery of Croyland by the de∣livery of the Pastorall staff unto him, seconded with his Charter of donation, without any election by the Co∣vent. Inter praecipua Monasteria tunc magno nomine praedicabatur Croilandia, tot & tanta in tempore Danicae Tribulationis in Regis curiam semper manu promptissima effuderat donaria ET TRIBUTA. A multis itaque annis retroactis, NULLA ELECTIO PRAELATORUM ERAT MERE LIBERA ET CANONICA, SED OM∣NES DIGNITATES TAM EPISCOPORUM QUAM ABBATUM PER ANNULUM ET BACULUM REGIS CURIA PRO SUA COMPLACENTIA CONFEREBAT. These proceedings and judgements against the Abbot & * 1.724 Monks of S. Pega and Peikirk, were the occasion (as I conceive) of this passage in William of Malmesb. touch∣ing King Edwards reign. Fuerunt tam••n nonnulla quae gloriam temporum deturbarent. Monasteria tunc mona∣chis viduata; PRAVA JUDICIA A PRAVIS HOMI∣NIBUS COMMISSA, &c. Sed harum rerum invidi∣am

amatores ipsum ita extenuare conantur: Monasterio∣rum destructio, PERVERSITAS JUDICIORUM, non ejus scientia, sed per Godwini filiorumque ejus sunt com∣missa violentiam, qui regis indulgentiam videbant; postea tamen ad eum delata, acriter eorum exilio vindicata. To which may be referred that story of Walter Mapaeus, in Mr. Cambdens Britannia, p. 374. 375. of Earl God∣wins thrusting the Abbesse of Berkley and her Nunnes out of the Monastery of Berkley (which he begged of King Edward) by this wile; He caused a young Nephew of his feigning himself sick, to lie so long in the Nunnery till he left the Abbesse and all her Nunnes great with child: and then complaining of, & proving this their incontinency before the King, ejected the Abbesse and Nunnes, and gained the Nunnery and Manour of Berkley to himself, worth 500l. revenue. Together with this b 1.725 Godwins cheating the Archbishop of Canterbury of his Manour of Boseam in Sussex, by a wily word-trap and equivoca∣tion, recorded by the same authors.

King Edward, Anno 1049. was so deeply affected * 1.726 and ravished with Gods extraordinary mercy towards * 1.727 him, in preserving him like another Ioash from the cruelty of the bloody Danes, and restoring him beyond expectation to the Crown of England, without his seeking, or the least effusion of blood, after sundry years dispossession by the Danish Intruders, that there∣upon, he vowed a solemn pilgrimage to Rome, there to render humble thanks and gifts to God for this signall mercy. For diligently having prepared great summes of money to defray his expences, with many rich presents, he assembled all the Nobles and Prelates of the Realm in a Parliamentary Council, acquainting them with this his vow and intended pilgrimage, and craving their advice, how the Realme might be justly governed, preserved in peace, and defended in his absence, till his returne from Rome. Upon which the Nobles after * 1.728 serious consultation, considering the great inconve∣niences and perils that might be••all the kingdome by his absence, being but newly setled; and the manifold

dangers that might happen to him in so long a journey; and what new troubles and mishaps might befall the Realm, if he should miscarry in the way, having no issue; would by n•• meanes permit him to undertake this pilgrimage, but disswaded him from it; and by com∣mon consent at last agreed to send solemn Ambassadours from the King and them to the Pope, to represent the in∣c••nveniences and perils that might b••fall the Realm by his absence from it, and thereupon to procure a dispensation from this his vow and pilgrimage. Which the Ambassa∣dours accordingly representing, the Pope thereupon dispensed with the Kings vow, upon this condition and firme injunction, that the King should distribute to the poore all the expences he had provided for his journey, and should either build a new, or repaire an old Monastery, in honour of S. Peter, the Prince of the Apostles, and endow it with sufficient revenues to maintain the Monks; confir∣ming by his Apostolicall Authority all the lands or reve∣nues which the King or any other should conferre upon that Monastery, and whatever privilidges he would think fit to grant thereunto, pertaining to the honour of God and de∣nouncing an eternall malediction against the infring••rs of them. The Ambassadours returning with this dispen∣sation, St. Peter revealed to one Ʋlsin a Monk and Anchorite, that his will was, that the place called West∣minster (then lying ruinous) should be restored: which vision when he had related to the King and his Coun∣cil, REX TOTIUS REGNI CONSILIO, The King by the advice of the whole Realme (assembled in a par∣liamentary council) rebuilt the foresaid place, and endow∣ed and enlarged it with very ample possessions, rents and li∣berties.

The passages of this story being very memorable, and pertinent to my discourse, I shall present you with them at large in the words of Abbot Ailred, who thus records them. d 1.729

Succedentibus prosperis, Rex beatus nequaquam sui sponsionis est oblitus, nec in die bo∣norum, immemor fuit malorum. Sed cogitans & recogitans quanta sibi fecerit Dominus, qui ditavit * 1.730

egenum, sublimavit humilem, inglorium coronavit, parat reddere vota quae distrinxerunt labia ejus. Parat-sumptus, separat donaria, VOCATISQU•• TO∣TIUS REGNI PRIMATIBUS, habuit cum eis hu∣jusmodi, vel DE STATU REGNI, vel DE SUA PE∣REGRINATIONE SERMONEM.

Benedictus Deus qui magnificavit miseric••rdiam suam facere nobiscum, qui visitavit in virga iniquita∣tes nostras, & in verberibus peccata nostra, pietatem suam non amovit à nobis. Ecce quomodo deposuit po∣tentes, & exaltavit humiles; quom••do esurientes im∣plevit bonis, & divites dimisit inanes. Per mo Reges regnant, ait ipse, & principes justa discernunt. Non excidit â nobis quomodo intrantibus in haereditatem nc∣stram barbaris, facti sumus opprobrium vicinis nostris, subsannatio & illusio hiis qui in circuitu nostro sunt. Aliis namque interfectis, aliis fugatis, aliis jugo ignominiosae servitutis oppressis, ferè nikil honoris, nihil gloriae generi nostro reliquerunt. Tandem defuncto Patre meo, patribus peremptis, actis in exilium Nepotibus cum hostibus nostris in omnibus fortuna faveret, mihi profectò nikil sp••i su∣peresse videbatur. Ego verò contra spem in spem cre∣dens, & Domini misericordiae me totum dedens, peregri∣nationem meam ad sanctorum Apostolorum limina vovi, & d••inceps divinae me protectioni dispositionique com∣misi. Ille autem respexit in orationem mea, & non sprevit precem meam, & abstulit obprobrium meum, & restituit me in regnū Patris mei: insuper cumulavit divitiis, auxit gloriâ, donis coelestibus illustravit; SINE SANGUINE REBELLES SUBEGIT, hostes subvertit & omnia nostra amabili quadam composuit pace. Absit, absit ut tot & tantis ejus ben••ficiis inveniamur ingrati, quin potius de manu inimicorum nostrorum liberati, serviamus illi in justitia & veritate. Faci amusque quod ait Propheta; Vovete & reddite Domino Deo vestro. DECERNI∣TE ER GO ME CUM, QUOMODO ME PEREGRINAN∣TE REGNUM SUBSISTAT ANGLORUM; QUA LEGE, QUAPACE, QUO JUDICE OMNIA DISPO∣NANTUR: QUIS CUI PRAEFERATUR REGI∣ONI,

QUIS CASTRA, QUIS URBES, QUIS PRIVA∣TA, * 1.731 QUIS PUBLICA NEGOTIA PROCURET. Erit enim unus omnibus Custos & PROTECTOR DEUS, & pacem quam dedit, ipse servabit, nobiscum proficiscens, & vobiscum rimanens, qui & vos custodiat, & me reduca••.

Ad hanc vocem tota illa multitudo contremuit, & interiorem produnt lachrymis suspiriisque dolorem. Jam jamque manus Danica timebatur quam ejus meritis evaserant, jamjam{que} deletum iri totam patriam formida∣bant. Erupit sermo in populum, & ecce clamor, ecce tu∣multus, & quasi jam saevirent incendia, plena lacrimis insula videbatur. Videres pauperes nunc manus exten∣dere ad coelum, nunc rursus in terram ruere, & quasi morituros fame si Rex discederet, de sepultura tantum & tumulo cogitare. Tunc OMNES IN COMMUNE VOCI-FERANTES IN REGEM, se non deserendos, se non ex∣ponendos gladiis, patriam hostibus non prodendam, nec de∣mittendū paces obsidē quim Dio dante receperant, nec pro uno, ut putabatur, bone tot ADMITTENDA PERICULA AL∣LEGABANT. IMPERANT PONTIFICES, ROGANT PROCERES, PLEBS EXTORQUET, ut si non omittendū iter istud censuerit, CENSEAT VEL DIEFERENDUM. Tunc ille tot lacrimis, tot vocibus, tot precibus se urge∣ri sentiens, diu inter pietatem & desiderium fluctuabat; quia & voto supersedere periculosum, & tantorum pre∣cibus fletibusque non cedere, inhumanum arbitrabatur. Tandem quod aptius esset Deo scire desiderans, peregri∣nationem non quidem dimittendam sed differendam interim consultius aestimabat, donec Apostolicae auctori∣tatis consilio & voluntate consulta, ex ejus sententia, aut votum redimeret aut impleret. His auditis, tanta fuit omnibus divitibus pauperibus{que} laetitia, ut Edwardum su∣um rursus sibi redditum, rursus revocatum exilio aestima∣rent. Agit unusquisque pro gradu suo, pro officio suo, pro facultate sua, ut regem dilationis non toedeat, aliis oratio∣nes, elemosinas aliis, suam etiam pro eo peregrinationem nonnullis promittentibus. Dirigendi mox ad sedem apo∣stolicam ELIGUNTUR LEGATI, Archi••piscopus Eh••ra∣censis A••lredus, Episcopus Wint••••iensis Hermannus,

Abbates praeterea duo spectatae religionis, cum pluribus aliis tam clericis quam laicis. Parantur interim necessa∣ria, sucseptoque à rege mandato ad urbē proficiscuntur. Credendum Dei actum providentiâ ut regii responsales congregatam ibi SYNODUM MAXIMAM reperirent, in qua praesidente beatae recordationis Papa Leone, de negotiis ecclesiasticis tractabatur. Gaudet in eorum ad∣ventu illa sanctorum praeclara societas, & quasi sibi mis∣sum de caelo solatium tantorum Patrum praesentiam sus∣ceperunt; magnum Dei munus judicantes, quod à fini∣bus terrae tales viri tali tempore tali conventui occurris∣sent. Igitur patre beatissimo praecipiente nuncii causam pro qua venerant dicturi procedūt in mediū, patribus qui assidebant praebentibus cum summa devotione silentium. Exponunt desiderium regis, ET REGNI PERICULUM, dispendium pacis, clamorem pauperum, lacrimas or∣phanorum; O••DUCTAM ETIAM NECDUM RECEN∣TIS PLAGAE CICATRICEM ASSEREBANT, QUAE DANICA RAB••E ANGLIS INFLICTA, SI REX DECEDERET, ACRIOR TIMEBATUR. Silentibus nunciis sonuit in ore omnium gratiarum actio & vox lau∣dis. Praedicatur circa Deum Regis, circa Regem plebis devotio, Mirantur mansuetudinem David, prudentiam Joseph, divitias Solomonis in tali principe convenisse. Tandem summo Pontifice dictante sententiam, OMNES IN COMMUNE DECERNUNT, PRO PACE REGNI, PRO UTILITATE ECCLESIAE, pro necessitate pau∣perum, & quiete monasteriorum, Regem auctoritate Dei & beati Petri, PRAESENTIS ETIAM SACRA∣TISSIMAE SYNODI, à voti hujus vinculo solempniter absolvendum, expensas paratas itineri pa••peribus ero∣gandas; in voti recompensatione construendū in Honorē beati Petri regiis copiis monasterium, vel aliquod destru∣ctum à barbaris reparandum. Exhinc legatarii obla∣tis muneribus quae sanctorum Eccles••is Rex sanctus di∣rexerat, accepta benedictione Pontif••cis cum literis a po∣stolicis laeti repatriant: transvecti{que} in insulam IN CON∣SPECTU CONCILII, QUOD PROPTER HOC IP∣SUM REGIA POTESTAS COEGERAT; epistolam tradiderunt.

Leo Episcopus servus servorum D••i, dilecto filio Ed∣wardo Anglorum Regi salutem & apostolicam benedicti∣onem. Quoniam voluntatem tuam laudabilem & Deo gratam agnovimus, gratias agimus & ei per quem reges regnant, & principes justa odecernunt. Sed quia prope est Dominus in omni loco omnibus invocantibus eum in veri∣tate, * 1.732 & sancti Apostoli cum suo capite conjuncti unus spiri∣tus sunt, & pias preces aequaliter audiunt; El QUIA CON∣STAT PERICLITARI REGIONEM ANGLICA∣NAM EX TUA DISCESSIONE QUI FRAENO JU∣STITIAE TUAE SEDITIOSOS Ejus MOTUS COHI∣BES. Ex auctoritate Dei & sanctorum Apostolorum & SANCTAE SYNODI absolvimus te à peccato illius voti * 1.733 pro quo Dei offensam times, & ab omnibus negligentiis & iniquitatibus tuis; ••a nimirum potestate usi quam De∣minus in beato Petro concessit nobis, dicens, Quaecunque solveritis super terram, soluta erant in coelis. Deinde prae∣cipimus tibi sub nomine sancta obedientiae & poenitentiae, ut expensas quas ad iter istud paravaras, pauperibus eroges & coenobium Monachorū in hono••e sancti Petri apostolorū principis aut novum construas, aut vetustum augeas & emendes, & sufficientiā victualium fratribus de tuis reddi∣tibus constituas, quatenus dum illi assidue inibi Deum laudaverint, & sanctis augeatur gloria, & tibi indulgen∣tia: Cui loco quicquid contul••ris vel collatum est, vel confe∣retur, ut ratum sit apostolica authoritate praecipimus, & ut semper habitatio Monachorum sit, & nulli laitae per∣sonae nisi regi subdatur. Et quaecunque privilegia ibi con∣stituere volueris ad honorem Dei pertinentia, concedimus, & robustissima auctoritate confirmamus, & infractores corum aeterna maledictione dampnamus.

After which Abbot Ailred at large relates the vision of the Anchorite in Worcester-shire, and S. Peters com∣mand to him therein, to eminent King Edward in dis∣charge of his vow, to repaire and endow the Abbey of Westminster, which he signified in a letter sent by him to the King, delivered and read in the Council the very same day the Popes letter was read. Ea igitur die, loco co••ē, INEODEMCONCILIO quo legati redeuntes ab urb••,

apostolicum retulere mandatum, epistola etiam viri Dei regi praesentata profertur in medium. Lectoque sancti Pa∣pae Leonis rescripto, loco sequenti beati senis apices recitan∣tur, &c. Tunc rex laetus & alacer, ut ei fuerat constitu∣tum, * 1.734 pecuniam quam in poregrinationis suae solatium pro∣curaverat, dispersit & dedit pauperibus, operique injuncto intendens animum thesauros ••ffudit. When he had ful∣ly rebuilt and finished this Monastery, he sent Aeldred Archb. of York, Guiso Bishop of Wells, and Walter Bish. of Herefo••d again to Rome to Pope Nicholas, with a Let∣ter and Peter pence, and royall presents, desiring his ab∣solution from his former vow, and confirmation of the liberties and priviledges of the Abby of Westminster, and the lands conferred on it; who thereupon granted to this Abbey. Ʋt amplius in perpetuum regiae constitutio∣nis & consecrationis locus sit, atque repositorium regalium insignium, & habitatio perpetua monachorum, qui nulli omnino personae nisi regi subdantur, habeantque potestatem secundum regulam sancti Benedicti per successores eligere idoneos Abbates, &c. Absolving and exempting the Abby from all episcopal service, exaction, Dominion & Jurisdictior, ratifying all their lands and liberties, d••nouncing a perpe∣tuall Anathema against the invaders, diminishers, disper∣sers, or sellers of them, with Judas the Traytor. Closing his Bull and letter thus; Vebis vero, & poste••is vestris regibus committimus ADVOCATIONEM & tuiti••nem ejusdem loci, & OMNIUM TOTIUS ANGLIAE ECCLESIA∣RUM, ut vice nostra CUM CONCILIO EPISCOPO∣RUM ET ABBATUM, CONSTITUAS UBIQUE QUAE JUST A SUNT. Scientes per hoc vos recepturos dignam merced••m ab eo, cujus regnum & imperium non desinet nec minuetur in seculum. The Kings and Popes letters are at large recorded by Ailred, who addes, Lectis igitur A••ostolicae majestatis apicibus, exultavit in gaudio Rex bea∣tissimus, omnique solicitudine quam ex voti obligatione con∣trax••rat exuitur, CUNCTAQUE REGNI NEGOTIA DUCIBUS PROCERIBUS QUE COMMITTENS, totum se divinis mancipabat obsequiis.

f 1.735 K. Edw: after these two Embassiies to Rome, by three * 1.736

severall Charters (wherein he recites these Embassies, the Popes letters in answer to them, and the vision a∣foresaid) CUM TOTIUS REGNI ELECTIONE: & CUM CONSILIO ET DECRETO ARCHIEPISCOPORUM, EPISCOPORUM, COMITUM, ALIORUMQUE MEO∣RUM OPTIMATUM PROSPICIENS (assembled in a great parliamentary Council for that purpose) granted and confirmed sundry lands and priviledges to this Ab∣by of Westm. which all the Prelates confirmed, not onely with their subscriptions and the sign of the crosse, but likewise with a solemn excommunication: In the first of which Charters there is this memorable recital agreeing with Abbot Ailreds relation.

g 1.737 Edwardus Dei gratia Anglorum Rex, &c. Scire vos volo, quoniam tempore avorum meorum, patris{que} mei, multa & gravia bellorum pericula afflixerunt gentem Anglorum, & ipsos tam â suis, quàm ab extraneis conci∣tata; adeo ut penè periclitata sit HAEREDITARIA REGUM SUCCESSIO, magnumque interstitium inter fratrem meum Edmundum, qui patri meo mortuo suc∣cessit, meque habitum sit, invadentibus regnum Swege∣no & Cnutho filio ejus, Regibus Danorum, ac filiis ipsius Cnuthi, Haroldo & Harde-Cnutho; à quibus & alter me∣us frater Alfredus crudeliter est occisus, solusque, sicut Joas occisionem Otholiae, sic ego crudelitatem eorum evasi. Tandem respectu misericordiae DEI, POST PLURES ANNOS EGO EDWARDUS AD PATERNUM SOLUM REACCESSI, ET EO POTITUS SINE ULLO BELLORUM LABORE, sicut amabilis Deo Solomon, tantâ pace & rerum opulentiâ abundavi, ut nullus an∣tecedentium regum similis mei fuerit in gloria & divi∣tiis.

Sed gratia Dei, non me, ut assolet, ex opulentia & superbia contemptus invasit; immo coepi cogitare cu∣jus dono & auxilio ad regni culmen evasi, quoniam dei est regnum, & cui vult dare illud; & quia mundus tran∣sit & concupiscentia ejus, qui autem totum se subdit Deo, feliciter regnat, & perpetualiter dives est: itaque deliberavi me ire ad lumina subliminum Apostolorum Petri & Pauli, & ibi gratias agere pro collatis beneficiis,

& exorare ut eam pacem firmaret Deus perpetuam mihi * 1.738 & posteris meis. Praeparevi ergo & denumeravi expen∣sas necessarias itineri; & honorabilia dona quae ferrem sanctis Apostolis. SED GRAVIUS SUPER RE MAEROR HABEBAT OPTIMATES MEOS, utpote memores ma∣lorū quae sub aliis regibus pertulerant, NE TANTO DO∣MINO, ET PRO PATRIAE REGE ABSENTE REGNŪ NOVITER SEDATUM ALIQUA TURBARETUR HO∣STILITATE, & metuentes id quod sanctus Ezechias, ne si forte in via aut aegritudine, aut alio incommodo defice∣rem, HAEREDITARIIS RRGIBUS CARERENT, maxime quia nullum habebam filium. Itaque COMMU∣NI HABITO CONCILIO, ROGABANT ME UT AB INTENTIONE DESISTEREM, pollicentes se satisfa∣ctur••s Deo pro voto meo, tam in missarum & orati∣onū oblatione, quā in larga eleemosynarū distributione. Sed cum obnixè contradicerem, TANDEN UTRISQUE PLACUIT, UT MITTERENTUR LEGATI DUO AB U∣TRA{que} PATRE, Eldredus & Hereman••us Episcopi, & Ab∣bates Wulfricus & Eswynus, qui Apostolo meā voluntatē & votum, & ILLORUM PETITIONEM indicarent, & secundum ejus sententiam quam mihi mandaret promisi me omnia facturum. Factum est ergo quod volumus, & venientes Romam Legati nostri ex voluntate Dei, inve∣nerunt COLLECTAM SYNODUM in eadem urbe; cum{que} exposuissent meam voluntasem & suam petitionem co∣ram ducentis & quinquaginta Episcopis & alia multitu∣dine sanctorum Patrum, tunc Apostolicus EX CONSILIO SANCTAE SYNODI hanc Epistolam scripsit. Leo, &c. Haec & alia Apostolica mandata cum referrent nobis Le∣gati, interea revelavit beatus Petrus, &c, voluntatem suam esse, ut restituerem locum, qui dcitur Westmo∣nasterium, &c. Cumque mihi hanc visionem meisque retulisset, & Apostolicae literae aequalia praecepta detul••s∣sent; contuli voluntatem meam cum voluntate Dei & TOTIUS REGNI ELECTIONE, dedi me ad restructi∣onē ejusdem loci. Itaque DECIMARI praecepi omnem substantiam meam, tam in auro & argento quàm in pecu∣dibus & omni genere possessionum, & destruens veterem,

novam à fundamento basilicam construxi.

From which passages and charters (which I have cou∣pled all together for their coherence in matter, though differing somewhat in time) I shall observe,

1. That parliamentary great Councils in that age, were summoned by the King upon all extraordinary occasions.

2. That the Prelates, Nobles, and Barons of the Realm were the onely members of the great parliamentary Councils (summoned onely by the Kings writs) without any Knights or Burgesses that we read of elected by the people.

3. That the Kings of Engl. in that age could not depart out of the Realm (no not to pay their solemn vows to God) nor appoint Vice-royes, Guardians, Officers, Jud∣ges, Commanders, to govern or defend the Realm in their absence, without the advice and consent of their Nobles, in parliamentary Councils: nor yet endow Mo∣nasteries with any Crown-lands, or Royal priviledges by their charters, unless by consent and confirmation of their Nobles and themselves in Parliament.

4. That the Nobles and grand Councils of Engl. had then a negative voyce, not onely to conclude against the King in his resolutions and intentions, but even in his sacred and religious vows, when prejudicial, dangerous & mischievous to the Realm, the publick peace & safety.

5. That Kings ought to submit to the just petitions, ad∣vice & desires of their Nobles, Councils and people, in all things which concern their safety & tranquil••ity, though contrary not only to their private resolutions, but vows.

6. That the Nobles and Subjects of that age were very zealous both of the safety of their Kings persons, the kingdoms peace and security, and the hereditary succes∣sion of the Crown.

7. That the Kings absence out of the Realm, or death, without any hereditary issue or heir, is exceeding pe∣rillous and mischievous to the Realm, yea the cause of ma∣ny seditions, tumults, perturbations and ruins.

8. That the sacred vows of Kings prejudicial to the Realm may and ought to be violated and dispensed with;

and that by the resolution of two Popes, three Roman Synods, and two parliamentary Councils.

9. That God doth many times not onely preserve the right heirs to the Crown from the hands of bloody Tyrants and Usurpers who seek their life, but likewise mi∣raculously and unexpectedly restore them to the Crown again without war or bloodshed, after many years se∣clusion from it by intruding armed usurpers, as he did K. Edw. here after 25 years invasion of his right, Aurelius Ambrosius after 21 years long before.

10. That right heirs to the Crown, when so miraculously restored and reinthroned in their Kingdomes, ought to be extraordinarily affected with, and thankful, bountiful and devout to God for it, and their subjects likewise, both in words and deeds; as King Edward his Nobles and Subjects were.

h 1.739 King Henry the Emperour, An. 1049. (when the forementioned parliamentary Council was held about * 1.740 the Kings pilgrimage and Embassy to Rome) warring upon Baldwin Earl of Flanders, for burning his pa∣lace, sent to King Edward, intreating him not to suffer Baldwin to escape, in case he should flie to sea. Whereupon the King went with a great fleet to Sandwich, which he there continued so long till the Emperour received from Baldwin whatever he desired. Henry Huntindon and the Chronicle of Bromton relate, that two Princes of the * 1.741 Danes, Lothin and Hirling the yeare before, having there taken an inestimable booty, and great store of gold and silver, they sailed by sea about the coast of Essex. pillaged it, and sailing thence into Flanders, there sold their prizes, and returned from whence they came. Which probably occasioned the kings drawing his fleet this year unto Sandwich, for defence of the coast, as well as the Emperours Embassy. Whiles the Kings fleet lay at Sand∣wich, Swane Earl Godwins son (who formerly fled into Denmark, because he could not marry Abbesse Elgina, whom he had defloured) teturning into England with eight ships, gave out in speeches, that he would from henceforth faithfully remain with the King. Whereup∣on

Earl Beorn promised him to procure from the King that his Earldome should be restored to him. The Empe∣rour and Earl Baldwin being agreed, Earl Godwin and Beorne by the Kings license sailed to Pemeuse with 42 ships, the rest of the Navy the King discharged and sent home, retaining onely a few ships with him. But being soon after informed, that Osgad Clapa (whom he had ba∣nished) lay in Ʋlve with 29. ships, he recalled as many of the dismissed ships as he could, to encounter him. Osgad having received his wife, sailed with 6 of his ships into Denmark, the other 23 ships sailed towards Essex, having taken a great booty about the promontory of Edelfe, they were all cast away in a great storm, but two, w^ch were taken in the parts beyond the sea, & all the men in them put to the sword. In the mean time Swane dealt very deceitfully with Earle Beorne, intreating him to go with him to Sandwich to make his peace with the King; who considering his consanguinity, went to him at∣tended onely with three men. Swane treacherously sending him to Bosenham where his ships rode at anchor, carried him on ship-board, bound him in chains, and at last slew and cast him into a pit. After which two of his ships being taken by those of Hastings and brought to the King at Sandwich, and 4 more of his ships being dismissed, he sailed with two ships onely into Ireland, till Ailred Bish. of Worcest. reduced and reconciled him un∣to the King. The same year in the moneth of Aug. the Irish pirats with 36 ships arriving in the mouth of Se∣vern by the help of Griffin King of Southwales, burnt and pillaged many villages, and put the inhabitants to the sword; against whom Ailred Bish. of Worcest. with few of the inhabitants of Worcester and Hereford speedi∣ly marched; but the Welshmen amongst them, who had promised fidelity to them, sending presently to their K. Griffin, & intreating him with all possible speed to fall upon the English; thereupon he and the Irish pirats assaulting the English unexpectedly early in the mor∣ning, slew many of them, and routed the rest.

King Edward in the year 1051. released the English, * 1.742 From the heavy tribute or Danegeld, which Florentius Wigorniensis, and Simeon Dunelmensis, thus expresse. Rex Edvardus Absolvit Anglos A gravi vectigali. 38. * 1.743 anno, ex quo pater ejus Rex Athelredus Danicos solidarios solvi mandavit &c. quod eis pater suus propter Danicos soli∣darios imposuerat, as i 1.744 Brompton renders it in another place; Roger de Hunedon Annalium pars 1. p. 441. Ro∣dolphus de D••ceto Abbreviatione Chronicorum. col. 145. use the same words. Ailredus Abbas Rievallis, de vita & miraculis Edwardi Confessoris Col. 383. thus relates it. Insuper & Tributum illud gravissimum, quod tempore patris sui pr••mo classi Danicae pendebatur Postmodum vero fisco regio Annis singulis infereba∣tur, regia liberalitate remisit, et ab onere hoc importa∣bilt in perpe••uum Angliam absolvit. Ʋnde sancto huic regi non inconvenienter aptatur quod scriptum est; Beatus vir qui inventus sine macula, & qui post aurum non abiit, nec speravit in pecuniae thesauris. Post aurum non abiit, quod potius dispersit, nec speravit in thesauris, quos in Dei opere non tam minuit quam consumpsit.

t 1.745 Matthew Westminster records it in these words, Anno gratiae 1051. Rex Edwardus, A vectigali gra∣vissimo Angl••s absolvit, quod patre vivente, Danicis stipendiariis, Triginto octo millia librarum solvi consue∣vit. Henry de Knighton, De eventibus Angliae. l. 1. c. 9. fol. 233. 1. and Higden in his Polychronicon. lib. 6. c. 24. f. 254. thus relate it: Rex Edvardus absolvit Anglos a Gravi Tributo quod patur ejus Ethelredus Danicis solida∣riis solvi fecerat, & jam per 40. annos duraverat; which Fabian in his Cronicle, part 8. c. 210. p. 282. Gra∣ston in his Cronicle. p. 170. Speed in his History. p. 410. Holinshead and others thus expresse. This King Enward discharged English men of the great and most heavy Tribute called Danegeld, which his Father Ethel∣red had made them pay to the Souldiers of Denmark, and had then dured 40. years, So that after that day it was

no more gathered. Abbot Iuguphus. Historiae pag. 897. thus records it more at large. Eodem etiam Anno 1051. cum terra non daret solitâ fertilitate fructus suos, sed fa∣mes plurimos habitatores devoraret, in tantum ut bladu∣um carentia, & panis inopia multa hominum millia morie∣rentur, miserecordiâ motus super populum pi••ssimus Rex Edwardus, Tribufum, gravis••mum, quod Danigelo dice∣bafur omni Angliae in perpetuum relaxavit, Ferunt quidam, regem sanctissimum, cum dictum DANIGELD cublcularii sui collectum in regis cameram infudissent, & ad videndum tanti Thesauri cumulum ipsum adduxissent, ad primum aspectum exhorruisse, protestantem, Se daemo∣nem super acervum pecuniae saltantem & nimio gaudio exultantem prospexisse; unde pristinis possessoribus jussit statim reddere, & de tam fera exactione ne jota unum voluit retinere, quin in perpetuum remisit, anno scilicet 38. ex quo tempore Regis Ethelredi, patris sui Sua∣nus, Rex Danorum suo exercitui illud solvi singulis annis imperavit. This History of the Devils dancing upon this Mony, is thus more fully related by Roger de Honeden: Annalinm pars prior pag. 447. Item de eodem Rege Edvardo quadam die contigit quod cum praedistus Rex Anglorum Edwardus (Regninâ & comite Haraldo deducentibus) aerarium suum intravit ut pecuniam vide∣ret magnam, quam Regina & Comes Haraldus, Rege ipso ••nesciente, colligissent ad opus Regis (scilicet per singulos comitatus totius Angliae: de unaqua∣que hida terrae quatuor, denarios, ut Rex inde, contra na∣tale Domini pannos emeret ad opus militum &, servienti∣um suorum) cumque Rex intrasset aerarium suum, comitan∣tibus Regnia, & Comite Haraldo, videt diabolum seden∣tem inter Denarios illos: & ait illi Rex, quid hic fa∣cis? cui daemon respondit: custodio hic pecuniam meam; * 1.746 & dixit Rex, conjuro te per Patrem & Filium & Spiritum sanctum, ut indices mihi, Quamobrem pecunia ista iua est? & respondens dixit ei daemon, Quia injuste accqui∣sita est de substantia pauperum. Illi autem qui illum

comitabantur stabant stupefacti, audientes quidem illos lo∣quentes, neminem autem videntes praeter solum Regem: & ait illis Rex, Reddite denarios istos illis a quibus capti sunt, & fecerunt sicut praecepit illis Rex: which is likewise remembred by Capgrave, Surius, Ribadeniera, and others in the life of King Edward the Confessor.

From all which relations compared together, it is apparent.

First, That Dangeld was a great, most heavy, and intolerable Tribute, first imposed in King Ethelreds reign, to pay the Danish Navy, and Souldiers then in∣vading England, to keep them from plundering, and spoiling the people.

2. That King Swane the invading and usurping Dane, after he had gotten the power of this Realm, imposed it annualy on the English, and made it any early Tribute to pay his Army.

3. That the Danish succeding Kings continued, and made it a kind of annual revenue to cloath, and pay their Souldiers and Marriners, for sundry years toge∣ther.

4. That it was yearly paid unto the Kings Exche∣quer, and reduced to a certainty, to wit, four pence a year, out of every Hide, or plough land, thorowout England, or else twelve pence or two shilings a year; as the laws of Edward the Confessor: the black Book of the Exchequ••r; and Sir Henry Spelman in his Glossary▪ Title Danegold, affirms.

5. That King Edwards Officers after the Danish Kings expired reignes, did collect it of the English Subjects, without his privitie, to cloath, and pay his Souldiers and followers.

6. That he out of mercy, piety, conscience and justice to his people; not only restored it to them, when collected, and brought into his Exchequer, without retaining one farthing of it, but likewife for

ever released it to them, so that it was no more col∣lected, during his reign.

7. That Taxes unjustly leavied upon the poor oppressed people, are very pleasing and acceptable to the devill himself, who claimes the money so colle∣cted for his own; and that the Collectors, and ex∣acters of such Taxes, (though for the payment of Armies and Souldiers) are really, but the devils agents, and instruments, who will one day pay them their deserved wages.

8. That heavy oppressions and taxes (though for pretended publike necessities) continued for many years together, ought not onely to be eternally remit∣ted, but restored, when collected, by all conscientious, pious, righteous, mercifull, Saintlike Kings, and Go∣vernours.

9. That illegall heavy Taxes imposed by, or for invading Usurpers, if once submitted to, and not strongly opposed by the generality of the people, wil soon be claymed, & leavied as a customary, ear∣ly legall revennue; both by the imposors, and their successors, and hardly be laid down and discontinued again for the peoples ease.

10. That this tax of Danegeld amounting but to thirty eight or fourty thousand pounds in one whole year, was in truth, an heavy, and intolerable burden, and grievous oppression to the whole Nation, fit to be abolished, and released especially in times of dearth and scarcity; Therefore certainly our late illegal taxes, without authority of a free and legall Parliament, a∣mounting to 120. 90. or 60. 1000 li. monthly, when lowest; besids Excises, Customes, Imposts, amounting to twice as much more, must certainly be far more grievous & intollerable to the Nation, and so not onely to be remitted, abandoned, excluded, but accounted for, and restored to our exhausted, oppressed Nation, by all those Governours, who pretend themselves saints

of the highest forme, and men ruling in the fear of God; against whom this St. Edward the Confessor, will rise up in judgement, if they imitate not his just and Saintlike president therein. All which considera∣tions I recommend, to their own, and their Collecters, Excisers sadest considerations to meditate seriously upon for the peoples ease.

x 1.747 William of Malmsburies records of this King Edward, that he was in exactionibus vectigalium parcus, quippe qui & exactores execraretur. Till we may be able really to record the like of our new Governours, and Princes over us, we shall never be either a free, a peaceable, or happy people, nor they worthy of the name of Saints or Confessors in any English Annals, or Kalenders. m 1.748 He addes, That King Edward with the touch of his hand, did miraculously cure sundry persons of the luxuriant humours and swellings about the neck, (commonly called the Kings Evill) wh••ch cure in after ages some falsly ascribed, non ex sanctitate, sed ex regalis prosapiae haereditate fluxisse, not to have issued from his sanctitie, but from his hereditary royall bloud. If his sanctity in releasing▪ and restoring the formentioned insupportable Tributes of Danegeld, shall now cure the hereditary Kings, and our new Republiques long continued evill, and malady of intolerable Tributes, Contributions, and Excises in this Age, we shall regi∣ster it to posterity for as great a miracle, as his first care of the evill Kings only, by his touching of it with his royall sacred hand.

n 1.749 King Edward about the year 1047. calling out of Normandy, certain Normans, qui olim pauois∣lis beneficiis inopiam Exulis suppleverant, who had there releived, and supplied his want, during his exile, to reward them for their benefits, advanced them to places of extraordinary honour and trust about him; amongst others, he promoted Robert Gemeticensis a monk to the Bishoprick of London, & then to the Arch∣bishoprick

of Canterbury, William to be his Chap∣lain first, and afterwards Bishop of London, and a∣nother to the Bishoprick of Dorchester, which Jugul∣phus thus expresseth. Rex autem Edwardus natus in Anglia, sed Nutritus in Normania, & diutissime immora∣tus penè in Gallicum transierat; adducens & attrahens de Normānia plurimos, quos variis dignitatibus promotos in im∣mensum exaltabat. Proecipuus inter eos erat, Robertus Mo∣nachus &c. Coepit ergò totâ terrâ sub rege & sub aliis Nor∣mannis introductis, Anglicos ritus diminui, & Francorū mo∣res in mult is imitari: Gallicum idioma omnes Magnates in suis curiis tanquam magnam gentilitium loquiz Chartas & Chyrographa sua more Francium confici, & propriam con∣suetudinem in his, & in aliis multis erubescere. Thereupon Earle Godwin and his Sons being men of high spirits, & auctores, & tutores regni Edvardi, were very angry, and discontented, quod novos homines & advenas sibi pre∣ferri viderent, because they saw these new upstarts and strangers preferred before them; yet they never uttered a high word against the King, whom they had once advanced. Upon this occasion, Anno 1051. there arose great discords between the English, and these Normans, quod Angli aspernantèr ferant superiorem, Normani ne∣queant pati parem. * 1.750 Henry Huntingdon records: That these Normnans accused Godwin, and Swaine and Ha∣rold his Sonnes to the King, that they went about to betray him; wherupon the King calling them into question for it, they refused to appear without hosta∣ges for their safety, upon which the King banished them. But William of Malmsbury, Roger de Hoveden, Matthew Westminster, Florentius Wigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, Bromton, Hygden, Henry de Knighton, Fa∣bram, Graston, Holmshed, Speed, and the o 1.751 General Stream of our Historians, relating the businesse more fully, make this the originall cause of the difference between them, and of the Exile of Godwin and his Sons.

Eustace Earle of Boloyn, who had wedded King Ed∣wards Sister ariving at Dover in the moneth of Septem∣ber, 1051. one of his Knights seeking lodging, unjustly slew one of the Townsmen, whereupon the Townsmen slew him. The Earle and his followers being enraged thereat, slew divers men and women of the Town, and trode their children under their own, & horses feet. The Burgesses upon this assembling togetherto resist them, after a fe••rce Encounter, put the Earle and his followers to flight, slew eighteen or twenty of them in the pursute, and wounded many more; so that the Earle escaped only with one of his followers to the King, then at Glocester; where he grievously incensed the King against the Englishmen, by reason of this tumult, which he and his followers occasioned. Whereup∣on Earle Godwin being much incensed at the slaughter of his men, in the Burrowgh of Dover, he and his sons assembled a great Armie out of all the Towns and Countries subject to them. The King sending for Godwin to the Court, charged him with his Host, to avenge the wrong done to Eustace, and to punish the insolency of the men of Dover, which the King ex∣ceedingly aggravated. But Godwin, a man of sharp wit, and wel understanding, that sentence ought not to be pronounced upon the hearing of the allegations of * 1.752 one part only without hearing the other, refused to march with his Army against the Burgesses of Dover, al∣though the King commanded him; both because he envied, that all Aliens should find such extraordinary fa∣vour with the King, and because he would shew friend∣ship to his own Countreymen. Whereupon he answered, It were reasonable and just, that before any execution done, the the Wardeins of Dover Castle, should be summoned into that Kings Court, in a fair manner, to answer this tumult; and if they could excuse themselves, that then they should be dismissed without harms; or if not, that then they should satisfy the King, whose peace they had broken, and the Earl

whom they had offended, with money, or the forfeiture of their bodies and goods. Iniquum videri, ut quos tutari debeas, eos ipse potissimum inauditos adjudices. And so Godwin depa••ted at that time, little regarding the Kings fury, as being but momentany. Quocirca, To∣tius regni Proceres fussi Glocestriam conventre uf ibi magno conventu res ventilaretur. Therefore all the Lords of the land were commanded to assem∣ble together at Glocester, that this matter might be there debated in a great Parliamentary assembly. Thi∣ther came the most famous Earle Syward of Nor∣thumberland, and Leofric Earle of Mercia, Omnibus Anglorum Nobiles, and all the English Nobility at that time; only Godwin and his Sonnes, who knew them∣selves suspected, thought it not safe for them to come thi∣ther without an armed Guard: whereupon they encamp∣ed at Breverstone with a great host, and there stayed; giving out a report among the people, that they had therefore gathered an Army together out of Kent, Surry, * 1.753 Yorkshire, Oxfordshire, Glocestershire, Somersetshire, Her∣fordshire, Essex, Notinghamshire and other parts, that they might curbe the Welshmen, who meditating Tyranny, and Rebellion against the King, had fortified a Town in Herefordshire, where Swane, one of the Earl Godwins Sonnes then pretended to keep watch and ward against them. The King hearing that Godwin and his Sonnes had raised a great Army of men out of all these Counties upon this false pretext, presently sent Messengers to Syward, Earle of Northumberland, and Leofric, Earle of Mercia, to hasten to him, being in great danger, with all the forces they could raise. Who repairing to him at the first with small forces, so soon as they knew how the matter went, sending their Officers through their Countries, together with Earle Ralph in his Countrey, speedily assembled a great Army, to assist the King, ready to encounter these enemies, if there were a necessity. In the mean

time Godwin marching with his Army into Glocester∣shire, sent messengers to the King (as Matthew VVest∣minster, and some others story) commanding him to deliver up Earle Eustace, with his companions, & the Normans & Bonomans, who then held the Castls of Do∣ver, to him, else he should denounce war against him. To whom the King, being sufficiently furnished with military forces, sent this answer, That he would not deli∣ver up Earl Eustace, to him; commanding moreover; Ut qui erercitum * 1.754 contra ipsum collegerat, & sine ejus licentia pacem regni perturbaverat, veniret ad eum die statuta, super hac injuria sibi resonsurus, & juri pariturus; God∣win and his Sonnes being accused of A CONSPI∣RACY against the King, and made odious to the whole Court by the VVelshmen and Normans; so that a rumor was spread abroad, that the Kings Army would assault them in the same place, where they quartered, and were unanimously resolved, and rea∣dy to fight with Godwins Army, (being much incensed against him,) if the King would have permitted them. Quo accepto Godwinus ad Conjuratos classicum cecinit, Ut ultro Domino regi non resisterent; sed si conuenti fuissent, quin se ulciscerentur loco non cede∣rent, & profecto facinus miserabile, & plus quam civile bellum fuisset, nisi maturiora consilia interessent, writes Malmsbury; But because the best and greatest men of all England, were engaged on the one side and other, it seemed a great unadvisednesse to Earl Leof∣ric and others, that they should fight a battle, and wage war with their own Countrymen: and thereupon they advised, That hostages being given on both sides, the King and Godwin should meet at London on a certain day, to plead together; which Counsel being approved of, and meslengers running to and fro between them, hostages being given and received; and some small agreement made between them at the present; there∣upon the Earle returned into VVest-Sax, and the

King increasing his Army, both out of Mercia and Northumberland, returned with them to London, by a∣greement between both parties. Iterum{que}; praeceptum ut Londini Concilium coageretur: and it was again com∣manded by the King, that A COƲNCEL or PARLIAMENT, as Trevisa, Speed and others ren∣der * 1.755 it, should be assembled at London. Swane the Son of Godwin was commanded to mitigate the Kings anger by his flight; Godwin and Harold were ordered to come to this Councel, with twelve men only in their com∣pany; and that they should resigne up to the King, the services of all the Knights and Souldiers which they had thoroughout England. But Godwin and his Sonnes, as they durst not wage war against the King: so, ad Curiam ejus venire Juriparituri negabant, They would not come to his Court, to put themselves upon a legal tryall; alleadging, That they would not goe to a Conventicle of factious persons, without pledges and hosta∣ges; that they would obey their Lord in the surrender of all their Knights services, and in all things else, without the pe∣rill of their honour and safety. That if they came thither un∣armed, they might fear the losse of life; if with a few follow∣ers, it would be a reproach to their honour. But the King being so resolute in his minde, that he would not re∣cede from what he had resolved by, their intreaties, upon their refusal to come unto his Court to justify them∣selves, Her in suo Concilio communi Curiae suae judicio, by the common judgement of his Court, in this Parliamen∣tary Councel, Et omnis exercitus unanimi consensu, * 1.756 and by the unanimous consent of his whole Army (as Flo-rence of VVorcester, and his followers sub∣joyne) banished Godwin himself and his five Sons out of England: whereupon prolatum Edictum est. ADecree & Proolamation was then published, that with∣in five dayes they should depart out of England, Godwin perceving that his souldiers deserted him some & some for fear of the Kings Army and displeasure, thereup∣on

he and his wife Giva, and his three sonnes, Swane, Gurth and Tosti, with his wife Iudith daughter to the Earle of Flanders, departed presently out of England, by the Isle of Thanet, into Flanders to Earle Baldwin, with much treasure; but his other two sonnes, Harold and Leofric failed by Bristol into Ireland. Moreover the King put away his Queen Editha for her Father Godwins sake, thrust her into the Abbie of Warwel (or Redwel) without worship, with one maid only to at∣tend her, committing her to the custody of the Abbess, his own sister, taking away all her substance, without leaving her so much as one penny, ne scilicet omnibus su∣is * 1.757 parentibus patriam suspirant bus, sola sterteret in plu∣ma, Harolds Earldom, and County w••a bestowed on Algarus who ruled it nobly, and he with good will resigned it up to Harold upon his returne.

These things being done, William Duke of Normandy came to visit the King with a great multitude of Nor∣mans and Souldiers, whom King Edward honorably received, and magnificently entertained for a season, carrying him about to all his royal Castles and Cities, and at last sent back into Normandy, with many and great presents bestowed on him and his followers, De successione autem Regni spes adhuc aut ment io nulla facta inter eos fuit writes, r 1.758 Iugulphus. * 1.759

King Edward (In Parliamento Pleno, having in Plain or full Parliament, as Radulphus Cestrensis Knighton de eventibus Angliae. l. 1. c. 10. Trevisa and others relate, thus banished and outlawed Godwin and his sons in which in condition (as some write) they continued two ful years. Thereupon in the year 1052. Harold and Leofric by way of reveng, coming out of Ireland with such ships and forces as they could there raise, pillaged the western parts of England. infesting the shores with continual robberies, carrying away rich booties, and slaying such as resisted them. Then marching from Severn into the confines of Som∣setshire

and Dorsetshire, they plundered many Towns and Villages in those parts: against whom a great mul∣titude assembled out of these two Counties making head, were incountred and routed by Harold, ma∣ny of their chief Officers and others being slain. Af∣ter which they returning to their ships with great booties, sailed round about by the shore to Plimouth. Upon this, King Edward speedily sent forth forty ships well victualed, and furnished with choice Souldi∣ers, commanding them to watch for, and resist the coming and landing of Earle Godwin, who without their privity coming with a few ships undescerned out of Flanders, practised pyracy and pillaged the sea-coasts of Kent and Sussex, and at last came to the Isle of Weight, where his two sonnes, Harold and Leof∣ric, joyning their ships and Forces with his, they studiously plotted how they might aveng them∣selves upon King Edward by sea, Griffin King of VVales in the mean time (by their instigation) de po∣pulating Herefordshire by land, & slaying many of the Countrey people, who resisted him. On the Kings part there were about sixty ships assembled together to oppose Harold, riding at anchor; the Admirals of which Navy were the Earls, Odo and Ralph, the Kings kinsmen: neither was the King himself sloath∣full in this necessity, lying all night on shipboard, and diligently observing the excursions of these Pyrates, executing that by sage counsel, which by reason of age he could not act with his hand. When both Na∣vies were drawn near together, and ready to grapple with and encounter each other, a thick fogge and cloud sodainly arising, blinded the eyes of these fu∣riou persons, and restrained the wretched audacity of these mortals, so that they could not encounter each other, Godwin with his companions being forced by the winds to returne from whence they came. Af∣ter which Godwin and his sonnes by secret messen∣gers,

drew unto their party an innumerable compa∣ny of the inhabitants of Kent, Essex, Sussex, and Surry, and all the Mariners of Hastings, with many Souldi∣ers, and having drawn together a very great Army out of those parts, who all promised with one voice, To live and dye with Godwin: forbearing all plunder, and depopulation, after they met together, ta∣king only victuals for their Army when occasion and necessity required, and alluring all they could to their party, they marched with their forces first to Sand∣wich. Which the King hearing of, being then at Lon∣don, speedily sent messengers to all who had not re∣volted from him, to come with all speed to his assistance; who delaying overlong, came not at the time ap∣pointed. * 1.760 In the mean while Godwin comes up the Thames with his Navy and Army toward London, and pitched his Tents in Southwark, near the City. King Edward, who was then at London, had assem∣bled a great company of armed men together, and no small Navy, to pursue Godwin and his sonnes, both by Sea and Land. But because very few with the King or Godwin had courage to fight with each other, and the English, whose sonnes, Nephews, Kinsmen and Friends were with Godwin and Harold, refused to fight against their own parents & kinred of the Kings party, thereupon some wise men on both parts, dili∣gently endeavored to make a firme peace and reconciliation between the King and Godwin, and commanded the Armies and Navies to forbear fighting. Godwin being aged, and potent both with his favour and tongue to bow the mindes of his auditors, very well purged himself from all the things objected against him. The next morning Rex habens cum Primaribus suis Concilio, the King taking Counsel with his Nobles, restored God∣win, and all his sonnes, (except Swane, who went on Pilgrimage barefoot to Jerusalem, to expiate the murder of Beorne) together with the Queen, his

daughter to their former honours; Godwin giving his Sonne VV••lnoth, and Hake the Son of Swane, his hostages to the King, for his keeping of the peace and fu∣ture loyaltie to him; whom the King immediatly sent into Normandy to be kept there. A concord and peace being thus made and ratified, the King and Nobles om∣ni populo bonas Leges & rectam justitiam promiserunt, promised good Laws, and r••ght Justice to all the people; then * 1.761 they banished Robert arch-bishop o Canterbury, Will••am B••shop of London, Ʋlfe Bishop of Dorchester, and all the other Normans, who incensed and gave the King evill counsel against Earle Godwin, and the English, and had invented unjust laws, and pr••nounced unjust judgements against them, permitting only some few Normans (nominated in our Historians) whom the King loved more than the rest, and who had been faithfull to him, and all the people, to remain in En∣gland. Not long after, VVilliam Bishop of London was for his goodnesse recalled and restored to his Bi∣shoprick, but Stigand was made Archbishop of Can∣terbury, in the place of Robert, and Osburne, and Hugh two Normans by birth, leaving their Castles here, went to the King of Scots, who entertained them, and so the land was freed from these forreign incendiaries. Normannos omnes ignominâ notatos prolata Sententia in Robertum Archiepis. ejusque complices quod statum regni conturbarant, animum Regis in provinciales agitantes: Upon this sentence denounced, Robert and others of them presently fled the Realme of their own accord, without expecting any actual violence to banish and expell them.

From all these memorable Historical passages, as we may observe the great unconstancy, vicissitude and changes of earthly Princes favours, worldly honours, preferments, and popular favour; with the great incon∣veniencies of admitting or advancing forreigners to a∣ny places of trust or power under the King or Court;

so we may likewise conclude that by the Law of that Age.

1. That no Engl••sh man ought to be condem∣ned, executed, imprisoned or put to death upon any great mans bare suggestion, no not by the Kings own speciall command (which if given ought to be diso∣beyed in such cases) but only by, and after a Legall hearing, tryall and conviction of the offence.

2. That the Kings of England were then sworn and obliged, to govern their people by good, just, and wholesome Laws, and Customes, not by their arbitrary pleasures, powers, or commands.

3. That the Parliamentary Councels and Nobles in that age, were very carefull to defend and main∣tain the Liberties, Rights, good Laws and Customs of the people, and to prevent, and abolish all un∣just Laws and Encroachments repugnant to them.

4. That Parliamentary Councels were then fre∣quently summoned by the King upon all publique emergent occasions, and differences, and to make war and peace, either at home, or in forreign parts.

5. That the Parliamentary Councels of that time consisted of the Earles, Barons, Nobles and Prae∣lates of the Realme, duly summoned to them; with∣out any mention of Knights or Burgesses, elected and sent to them by the people, of which there are no presidents in this Kings reign. Enough to prove Modus Tenendi Parliamentum (supposed to be made and observed in this age) a meere cheating imposture of later daies, as in truth it is.

6. That all delinquents, of what quality soever, justly or unjustly accused, ought to appear and justify themselves before the King and his Nobles in their Parliamentary Councels, without armed Guards, forces, Tergiversation, or resistance, upon due sūmons to appear before them, by the Laws of that time.

7. That Kings and great mens coming to Parlia∣mentary

Councels with Armies, strong armed Guards, and holding them with power, or under Armies, is inconsistent with their Liberty & Priviled∣ges, and are an occasion of civill wars, disturbances, muchmischief to the Nation, as then they proved.

8. That English Peers then were and ought to be tried, banished, judged by their Peers, both in Parli∣amentary Councels and other Courts.

9. That no English Peer 'or Freeman could then be lawfully, and judically banished the Realme, but in and by sentence and judgement of a Parliamentary Councel; for some contempt or offence demeriting such a punishment.

10. That Peers and great men obstinately refu∣sing to submit themselves to the triall and judge∣ment of Parliamentary Councels, or to appear in them, or the Kings Courts to justify themselves, with∣out hostages fist given for their securiy; may justly be sentenced and banished by our Parliaments, for such contempts, and affronts to justice.

11. That the subjects were bound to ayd and assist their Kings, as wel against Traitors, Rebels, Pyrates, as against forreign enemies, under our Saxon Kings.

12. That forreigners are usually the greatest occa∣sioners, and fomenters of civil wars. That such Incen∣diaries, deserve justly to be banished the Nation: And that civill wars between King and subjects, En∣glish and English, and their shedding of one anothers blood in such wars, was then deemed most unnatural, odious, execrable; by all prudent means and coun∣cels to be timely and carefully prevented: and not to be begun or undertaken, but by good advice and common consent in great Parliamentary Coun∣cels, upon weighty, urgent, inevitable necessities.

13. That the abolishing of ill, and enacting of good Laws, the removing of ill Counsellors and In∣struments about Kings, ordering matters of war

and defence by Land and Sea, and setling of peace, were the antient proper works, businesses, imployments of our Saxon Parliaments.

14. That the English Freemen have been always apt, forwards, cordially to joyn with such Nobles and Great men, who are most cordial and active to defend their just Liberties, Laws, Rights, against foreiners, and o∣thers who invade them.

Soon after the forementioned agreement between the King and Godwin v 1.762 King Edward (according to his forementioned promises, to make good Laws for all his people) out of all the former British and Saxon Laws, by Order of his Wisemen, compiled an universal common Law, for all the people throughout the whole Realm, which were called King Edwards Laws, being so just and e∣qual, and so securing the profit and wealth of all estates, that the people long after, (as Mr: Fox and others re∣cord) did rebel against their Lords and Rulers, to have the same Laws again, when suspended, or taken from them, or dis-used: and prescribed this Oath to x 1.763 William the Conquerour himself, and every of our Kings since, to be solemnly taken at the time of his Coronation, for the further ratification, and better inviolable observation of these Laws, and perpetuating them to all posterity. y 1.764 SIR, will you grant and keep, and by your Oath confirm to the people of England, the Laws and Customs granted to them by antient Kings of England, rightfull men, and devout towards God, & namely the Laws and Customs, and Franchises granted to the Clergy, and to the People by the glorious King Edward, to your power? To which the King must answer, I will doe it, before he be anointed or crowned King.

Now because these Laws of King Edward (made by his Wisemens Counsel and advice; as this Clause, * 1.765 Sapientes caeperunt super hos habere consilium, et constituerunt, in the Chapter, De illis qui has Leges despexerent, implyes) are so famous and fundamental,

most of our Common old Laws being founded on, or resulting from them, I shall give you this brief account of them, out of our Historians, as most pertinent to my subject matter, and usefull for those of my profes∣sion to be informed of (being generally not so well versed in Antiquity, History, and Records, as were to be wished, for the honour and lustre of their honour∣able publike calling,) pretermiting the grosse Forgery and Imposture of Modus tenendi Parliamentum, so much cryed up by * 1.766 Sir Edward Cooke for its Antiquity and Authority, as made and observed in Edward the Con∣fessors reign, when as it is a meer counterfeit Treatise, and Spurious Antiquity, scarce antienter than King Ri∣chard the 2. as I have proved in my Levellers levelled; and Mr. Selden manifests in his Titles of honour pars 2. p. 713, 738, to 745; yea its own mentioning the Bishop of Carlisle (which Bishoprick was not erected til the * 1.767 year 1132, or 1134.) the Mayors of London, (which had no * 1.768 Mayor til the year 1208) and of other Cities, with Knights and Burgesses usual wages, all instituted long after the Conquerours reign; the not mentio∣ning of this Modus in any of our Records, Histories, or judicious Antiquaries, and its difference from all the Modes and Forms of Parliaments, and Great Coun∣cils, of that or later ages held in England or Ireland, with the many falshoods and absurdities in it, will suffi∣ciently evidence it to every intelligent Peruser, to be a late Bastard Treatise, and no such Antient Record, as Sir Edward Cooke most confidently averrs it, upon groundless Reasons, and bold, false averments, void of Truth. Which Modus, if really made and observed in his reign, and after ages, no doubt our Historians would have mentioned it, as well as his Laws, of which they give us this following account.

y 1.769 Henry de Knyghton records; That King Edward after his Coronation, Consilio Baronum, et caete∣rorum Regni, received, established, and confirmed * 1.770

the good Laws, which for 68 years lay as it were asleep, among the sleepers, and buried in Oblivion These Laws are called, the Laws of St. Edward, not because he had first invented them, but because they being as it were put under a Bushel, and laid in oblivion from the time of his Grandfather King Edgar, he put to his hand, first to sind them out, and then to establish them. z 1.771 Wil. of Malmesbury thus writes of these Laws:

Omnes Leges ab antiquis Regibus, & maximè ab antecessore suo E∣thelred••, latas sub interminatione Regiae mulctae perpe∣tuis temporibus observari praecepit, in quarum custo∣dia, etiam nunc tempore bonorum sub nomine Re∣gis Edwardi Iuratur, non quod ille statuerit, sed observaverit.

The Author of the antient Manuscript Chronicle of Litchfield, and a 1.772 Mr. Selden, out of him, together with b 1.773 Roger Hoveden, and c 1.774 Bishop Usher, inform us concerning these Laws.

Ex illo die magna autoritate veneratae, et per universum regnum corroboratae & consecratae sunt prae caeteris regni legi∣bus Leges Regis Edwardi; quae quidem prius inven∣tae & constitutae fuerunt tempore Regis Edgari, avi sui. Veruntatem post mortem ipsius Regis Edgari, usque ad Coronationem S. Regis Edw. quodcontinet annos 67 predictae leges sopitae sunt, et penitus praetermissae. Sed postquam Rex Edwardus in regno fuit sublima∣tus, Consilio Baronum Angliae, Legem 67 annis so∣pitam excitavit, excitatam reparavit, reparatam deco∣ravit, decoratam confirmavit, & confirmata vocata est, Lex sancti Regis Edwardi, non quod prius ipse invenisset eam, sed cum praetermissa fuisset, & oblivi∣oni penitus dedita à morte avi sui Regis Edgari, qui prius Inventor ejus fuisse dicitur, usque ad sua tempora, videlicet 67 annis

The Chronicle of Bromton, col. 956, 957. gives us this large account of these and our other ancient Laws. This holy King Edward the Con∣fessor, Leges communes Anglorum genti tempore suo ordinavit, ordained common Laws in his time for the English Nation, because the Laws promulged in for∣mer

times were over-partial: For Dunwallo Molmu∣cius first of all set forth Laws in Britain, whose Laws were called Molmucine; sufficiently famous, until the times of King Edward; amongst which he ordained, That the Cities and Temples of the Gods, and the ways leading to them, and the Ploughs of Husbandmen, should enjoy the privilege of Sanctuary. After which Marcia Queen of the Britons, Wife of Guithelin (from whom the Provinces of the Mercians is thought to be deno∣uated) publish••d a Law full of discretion and justice, which is called Mercian Law. These two Laws the Hi∣storian Gildas translated out of the British into the Latine tongue; and so it was afterwards commonly called Mer∣chenelaga, that is, The Law of the Mercians, by which Law 8 Counties were formerly judged, namely Glouce∣stershire, Worcestershire, Herefordshire, Shropshire, Chesshire, Staffordshire, Warwickshire, and Oxford∣shire. After these there was superadded a Law, written in the Saxon or English tongue, by Ina King of West-Sax∣ons, to which Alfred King of the West-Saxons after∣wards superadded the Law, which was stiled West-Sax∣enelega, that is, the Law of the West-Saxons. By which Law in antient times, the 9 Southern Counties, di∣vided by the River of Thames from the rest of England, were judged; namely Kent, Sussex, Surrey, Berkeshire, Wiltshire, Southampton, Somersetshire, Dorset and Devonshire. At length the Danes dominering in the Land, a third Law sprang up, which was called Dane∣lega, that is, the Law of the Danes; by which Law heretofore the 15 Eastern and Northern Counties were judged, to wit, Middlesex, Suthfolk, Northfolk, Herth∣fordshire, Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire, Lincoln∣shire, Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire, Northampton∣shire, Leicestershire, Buckinghamshire, Beddefordshire, and Yorkshire, which County of York heretofore con∣tained all Northumberland, from the water of Humber, to the River of Twede, which is the beginning of Scot∣land,

and is now divided into six Shires. Now out of the foresaid three Laws, Merchenelega, West-Saxenelega, and Danelega, this King Edward set forth one com∣mon Law, which even to this day is called the Law of Edward. The like is recorded by Hygden in his Polychronicon, l. 1. c. 50. Mr. John Fox in his Acts and Monuments, vol. 1. p. 213, 214. Samuel Daniel his Collection of the History of England, p. 22. John Speed his History of Great Britain, p. 410. Fabian, H••∣linshed, Caxton, Grafton, and others, almost in the self-same words. These Laws are no where extant in any Manuscripts, or printed Authors, as they were originally compiled and digested into one body by him and his Barons, but as they were presented upon Oath to, and confirmed by King William the Conqueror, in the 4th. year of his reign, of which d 1.775 Ingulphus Abbot of Croyland, in the close of his History (to which they are e 1.776 annexed in some Manuscripts) gives us this ac∣count, flourishing in that age.

Attuli eadem vice me∣cum de London••is in meum Monasterium, Leges ae∣quissimi Regis Edwardi, quas Dominus meus incly∣tus Rex Willielmus autenticas esse, et perpetuas per totum Regnum Angliae inviolabiliter tenendas sub paenis, gravissimis proclamarat, et suis Instici∣ariis commendarat, eodem idiomate quo editae ••unt; ne per ignorantiam contingat, nos vel nostros aliquan∣do in nostrum grave periculum, contraire & offende∣re ausu temerario, regiam majestatem, ne in ejus cen∣suras rigidissimas improvidum pedem ferre, contentas saepius in eisdem, hoc modo.

These Laws are partly Ecclesiastical, partly Civil, re∣corded by Roger de Hoveden Annalium pars posterior, p. 611. to 631, by Mr. Lambaerd in his Archaion, Hen∣ry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae, l. 2. c. 4. Spel∣manni Concili. p. 613. Mr. Iohn Selden, ad Eadmerum & Notae, & Spicelegium, p. 172. to 195. Mr. Iohn Fox his Acts and Monuments, vol. 1. p. 214. wherein those

who please may peruse them.

In these Laws it is observable: 1. That all capital, cor∣poral, pecuniary punishments, fines for criminal offen∣ces, and all reliefs, services, and duties to the King, are f 1.777 reduced to a certainty, not left arbitrary to the King, his lustices, or other Officers, for the Sub∣jects greater liberty, ease and security. 2. g 1.778 That they protect, preserve the Possessions, Privileges, Per∣sons of the Church and Clergy from all Invasion, inju∣ry, violence, disturbance, and specially enact, That not only all Clerks and Clergy men, but all other persons shall enjoy the peace of God and the Church, free from all as∣saults, arrests, and other disturbances whatsoever, both on Lords-days, Solemn Festivals, and other times of pub∣like Church meetings, eundo, & subsistendo, & redeun∣do; both in going to, continuing at, and returning from the Church, and publike duties of Gods worship; or to Sy∣nods, and Chapters, to which they are either summoned, or where they have any business requiring their personal presence (wherewith the Statute of 8 H. 6. c. 1. con∣curs, as to the later clause) Therefore all Quakers, A∣nabaptists, and others, who disturb, affront and revile, assault, or abuse our Ministers, or their people, (as many now doe) in going to, or returning from the Church, or whiles they continue in it, as well before or after, as during Divine Service, Sermons, or Sacra∣ments there administred, may and ought by the Com∣mon Law o•• England, (confirmed both by Confessor and Conquerour in their Parliamentary Councils) to be duly punished, as Breakers of the Peace, by all our Kings, Justices, and Ministers of publike Iustice, being ratified by Magna Charta, c. 1. and the h 1.779 Coronation Oaths of all our Kings, (which all our Judges, and Ju∣stices are bound to observe;) To keep to God and holy Church, to the Clergy, and to the People Peace and Concord entirely, according to their power, (especially during the publike worship of God in the Church, and

in going to, tarrying at, and returning from the duties which they owe unto him, both as his Creatures and Servants) And to grant, keep, and confirm the Laws, Customs, and Franchises granted by the glorious King Edward. 3. That they i 1.780 prescribe the due payment of Tithes to God and his Ministers, as well personal as praedial, under Ecclesiastical and temporal penalties, being granted and consented unto a Rege, et Baro∣nibus et Populo. 4. That the k 1.781 Causes and pleas of the Church ought first to be heard & ended in Courts and Councils before any other, Iustitia enim est, ut Deus * 1.782 ubique prae cateris honoretur. 5. That they thus de∣fine Danegild:

Danegaldi redditio propter Piratas primitus Statuta est. Patriam enim infestantes va∣stationi * 1.783 ejus, pro posse suo insistebant. Ad eorum quidem insolentiam reprimendam, Statutum est Danegaldum annuatim reddi, scilicet, duodecim de∣narios de unaquaque Nida totius Patriae, ad con∣ducendos eos qui Piratarum eruptioni Resistendo obviarent.

(To which Hoveden, Knyghton, Lambard, and others subjoyn.)

De hoc quoque Danegaldo, om∣nis ecclesia libera est & quieta, & omnis texra quae in proprio dominico Ecclesiae erat, ubicunque jacebat, ni∣hil prorsus in tali redemptione persolvens, quia magis in Ecclesiae confidebant orationibus, quam in armo∣rum defensionibus, usque tempora Willielmi junioris, qui Ruffus vocabatur, donec eodem a Baronibus An∣gliae auxilium requirente ad Normanniam requirendam & retinendam, de Roberto suo fratre cognomine Cortehose Ierusalem proficiscente, Concessum est ei, nonLege sancitum, neque confirmatum, sed hac ne∣cessitatis causa, ex unaquaque hida sibi dari quatuor solidos Ecclesia non excepta. Dum vero collectio census fieret, proclamabat Ecclesia, suam reposcens li∣bertatem, sed nil profecit.

By which it is apparent, 1. That this grievous Tax of Danegeld, was first gran∣ted and appointed by a publike Law in a Parliamentary

Council, to hire men to resist the eruption of the Py∣rates and Enemies. That it amounted but to 12 d. a year, upon every Ploughland. That the Church and Demesne Lands of the Church, where ever they lay, were exempted from it, till William Rufus his time, who first exacted it from the Clergy upon a pretended ne∣cessity, and raised it, from 12 d. to 4 s. a Ploughland, by grant of the Barons, without any Law to enact or confirm it, for fear of drawing it into consequence.

6ly, That these Laws thus describe the Duty and Office of a King; m 1.784 The King, because he is the Vicar of the highest King, is constituted for this end, that he may rule the earthly kingdom and the Lords people, and above all things, that he may reverence his holy Church, and defend it from injuries, pluck away evil doers from it, and utter∣ly to destroy and disperse them; Which unless he shall doe, the name of a King agreeth not unto him, the Prophet (Pope) John witnessing, Nomen Regis perdit, qui quod Regis est non faciat; he loseth the name of a King, who dischargeth not the duty of a King. Pepin and Charls his Son, being not yet Kings, but Princes under the French King, hearing this definitive Sentence, as well tru∣ly as prudently pronouneed concerning the name of a King, by William the bastard King of England, foolishly writ to Pope John, demanding this question of him; Whe∣ther the Kings of France ought so to continue, being content only with the name of a King? Who answe∣red; That it is convenient to call them Kings, who do watch over, defend, and govern the Church of God and his people, imitating King David the Psalmograph saying, He shall not dwell in my House which worketh pride, &c. (After which it followeth in n 1.785 Mr. Fox, and some others, but not in Hoveden, and Knyghton,) Moreover, the King by his right and by his Office, ought to defend and conserve fully and wholly in all ampleness, without diminution, all the Lands, Honours, Dignities, * 1.786 Rights and Liberties of the Crown of his Kingdom. And

further, to reduce into their pristine state, all such things as have been dispersed, wasted and lost, which appertain to his kingdom. Also the whole and universal Land, with all I lands about the same in Norwey and Denmark, be appertaining to the Crown of his kingdom, and be of the appurtenances and dignity of the King, making one Mo∣narchy, and one Kingdom; which sometimes was called the Kingdom of Britain, and now the Kingdom of Eng∣land: such bounds and limits as is above said, be appoin∣ted and limited to the name of this kingdom, A King, a∣bove all things, ought to fear God, to love and observe his commandements, and cause them to be observed through his whole kingdom. He ought also to keep, cherish, main∣tain and govern the holy Church within his kingdom with all integrity and Liberty, according to the constitution of his ancestors and predecessors, and to defend the same a∣gainst all Enemies, so that God above all things be honou∣red, and ever before his eyes. He ought also to set up Good Laws and Customs, such as be wholesom and * 1.787 approved: Such as be otherwise, to repeal them, and thrust them out of his kingdom.

Item, he ought to doe Judgement and Justice in his kingdom, by the counsel of his Realm. All these things ought a King in his own person to do, taking his Oath upon the Evangelist, swearing in the presence of the whole State of the Realm (as well of the Temporalty as of the Spiritualty) before he be crowned of the Archbishops and Bishops. Three Servants the King ought to have under his feet as Vassals, Fleshly Lust, Avarice, and Greedy desire; whom if he keep under as his Seruants and Slaves, he shall reign well and honourably in his King∣dom. All things are to be done with good advisement and premeditation: and that properly belongeth to a King. For hasty rashness bringeth all things to ruine, according to the saying of the Gospel: Every kingdom divided in it self shall be desolate, &c. (A clear evidence that our Saxon Kings had no arbitrary nor tyrannical power to

condemn, banish, imprison, oppresse or Tax their Sub∣jects in any kinde, against their Laws, Liberties, Pro∣perties.) And thus much touching King Edwards Laws, Qui ob vitae integritatem, Regnandi Iustitiam & clementiam, Legumque sive à se latarum, sive ex ve∣teribus sumptarum, & Equitatem, inter Sanctos relatus est, as o 1.788 Matthew Parker records of him.

In the year of Christ, 1053. as many, or 1054. as others compute it, that old perjured Traytor Earl God∣win, came to a most soddein, shamefull exemplary death by divine justice, which the p 1.789 marginal Historians thus relate; and Abbot Ailred thus prefaceth. Inserendum * 1.790 arbitror quomodo Godwinum proditionum suarum do∣natum stipendiis, divini judicii ultrix ira consumpserit, detestandique facinoris quod in Regem fratrem{que} ejus cō miserat, populo spectante, ipsam quam meruerat poenam exolverat. This Godwin being the Kings Father-in-law, abusing his simplicity, multa in regno contra jus et fas pro potestate faciebat, did many things in the Realm, against Law and right, by his power; and often attemp∣ted to incline the Kings minde to his Injustice. At last his subtilty proceeded so farr, that by fraud, deceit and circumvention, he banished out of the land almost all the Kings kinred and friends, whom he had either brought with him, or called out of Normandy, as well Bishops as Clerks, and Laymen of other dignities: believing that all things would succeed according to his desires, if the King deprived of all his friends, should make use only of his Counsels. But Edward dissembling all things, in regard of time, place, and out of religion, addicted himself wholly to divine duties, sometimes predicting, That divine Justice would at some time or other revenge so great malice of the Earl, and telling Godwin himself so much. Whereupon on a certain day when the King was celebrating the Feast of Easter at Winchester (as most,) or at Windsor, (as some,) or Hodiam (as o∣thers) relate; which feast was famous among the peo∣ple; * 1.791

the King sitting at his royal Table at dinner, the Kings Cup-bearer (Harold, Godwins own Son as some record) bringing the Kings cup filled with Wine to∣wards the Table, striking one of his feet very hard a∣gainst a stumbling block on the pavement, fell almost to the ground, but his other foot going straight on re∣covered him again, and set him upright, so that he had no harm, nor shed any of the wine. Upon which ma∣ny discoursing touching this event, and rejoycing that one foot helped the other, Earl Godwin (who customari∣ly sate next to the King at Table, being his Father-in-law) laughing thereat, said by way of merriment; Here a brother helped a brother, as some; or, So is a Brother helping to a Brother, and one assisting another in necessi∣ty, as others report his words: To whom the King up∣on this occasion ironically answering, said; Thus my Brother (Alfred) might have assisted me, had it not been for Godwins Treachery, who would not permit him. Which Speech of the Kings Godwin taking over-grie∣vously, was sore afraid, and with a very pale and sad countenance, replied; I know O King, I know, it hath been often reported to thee, that I have sought to betray thee; and that thou O King dost as yet accuse and suspect me concerning the death of thy Brother Alfred; neither yet doest thou think that those are to be discredited, who call me either his or thy Traytor, or betrayer. But let thy God who is true and just, and knoweth all secrets, judge between us; and let him never suffer this piece of bread I now hold in my hand, to pass down my throat with∣out ch••aking me, if I be guilty of any Treason at all a∣gainst thee, or had ever so much as a thought to betray thee; Or, if I be guilty of thy Brothers death; or if ever thy brother by me, or my counsel, was nearer to death, or re∣moter from life. And so may I safely swallow down this morsel of bread in my hand, as I am guiltlesse of these facts. When he had thus spoken, the King blessed the piece of bread; whereupon Godwin putting it into his

mouth, swallowed it down to the midst of his throat, where it stuck so fast, that he could neither get it down nor cast it up by any means, till through the coopera∣tion of divine vengeance, he was so choaked with it, that his breath was quite stopped, his eyes turned up∣side down, his arms grew stiff, being conscious to him∣self of what he thus abjured, and so he fell down dead under the Table: Deus autem justus et verax audivit vocem Proditoris, et mox eodem pane strangulatus, mor∣tem praegustavit aeternam; writes q 1.792 Radulphus de Diceto. The King seeing him pale and dead, and that divine judgement and vengeance had thus passed upon him, said to those who stood by, Dragg out of this dog, this Traytor, and bury him in the high way, for he is unworthy of Christian burial. Whereupon his Sonnes there present beholding this Spectacle, drew him from under the Table into a Bedchamber, ubi debitum pro∣ditoris fortitus est finem; and immediately after they buried him privily in the old Monastery at Winchester, without hononr or solemnity. Abbot r 1.793 Ingulphus thus briefly relates the story of this his death. Anno Domini 1053. cum Godwinus Comes in mensa Regis de nece sui fratris impeteretur, ille post multa Sacramen∣ta tandem per buccellam deglutiendam abjurabit, & buccella gustata continuo suffocatus interiit.

As this judgement of God upon Earl Godwin for murdering Prince Alfred right heir to the Crown, and the Normans who accompanied him, (17 years after the fact) was most exemplary: so Gods justice upon his posterity is remarkable, which (to omit their forementioned exiles troubles) are thus epitomized by s 1.794 Will. Malmsb. Godwin in his younger years had the Sister of, Cnute for his wife, on whom he begat a Son; who having passed the first years of his childhood, whiles he was riding on a horse given to him by his Grandfather, in a proud childish bravado giving him the spurr and rains, the horse carried him into the swift

stream of the River of Thames, where he was drown∣ed. His Mother also was slain with the stroke of a thun∣derbolt, receiving the punishment of her cruelty; who was reported to buy whole droves of slaves, especially beautifull maides in England, and to send them into Denmark, that she might heap up riches by their defor∣med sale. After her death he maried another wife, on whom he begot Harold, Swane, Wulnoth, Tosti, Girth, and Leofwin. Harold, after Edward, was King for some Moneths, and being conquered by William at Hastings, lost both his life and kingdom, with his two younger Brothers, (there slain in battel:) Wulnoth sent into Normandy by King Edward, because his father had gi∣ven him for an hostage, was there detained a Prisoner without any release, during all King Edwards life, and being sent back into England in Williams reign, conti∣nued in bonds at Sarisbury till his old age. Swane of a perverse wit, treacherous against his King, revolted oftentimes both from his Father and his Brother Ha∣rold, and becomming a Pyrate, polluted the vertues of his ancestors with his maritime Robberies and murder. At last going barefoot to Jerusalem in pilgrimage, (out of conscience, to expiate the wilfull murder of his Cosen Breun••, and as some say his Brother) in his return thence, he was circumvented and slain by the Saracens. Tosti being advanced by King Edward to the Earldom of Northumberland after the death of Earl Syward, ru∣led the County near two years, which being expired, he stirred up the Northumbrians to a Rebellion with the a∣sperity of his manners: for finding him solitary, they chased him out of the Country, not thinking fit to slay him, by reason of his Dukedom; but they beheaded all his men both English and Danes, and spoiled him of all his horses, arms and houshold-stuff; whereupon being deprived of his Earldom, he went with his wife and chil∣dren into Flanders, and at last invading Northumber∣land, and joyning with the Danes against his own bro∣ther

King Harold, was there slain by him in battel, (with all his forces;) His daughter Queen Egitha, (besides her forementioned repudiation by King Edward,) and the imprisonment and disgraces put upon her by him for her Fathers sake, was never carnally known by him as his wife, out of a detestation to her Father Godwin, be∣cause he would not ingender heirs to succeed him in the royal Throne, out of the Race and séed of such a Tray∣tor, as many Historians assert: Even so let all other such like perfidious Traytors & their Posterities perish, who imitate him, and them in their Treasons, Perjuries, Rebellions, and will not be warned nor reclaimed by his, or their sad examples.

The same year Earl Godwin thus perished, o 1.795 Rheese brother of Griffin King of Southwales, was slain by King Edwards command, and his head brought to Glocester * 1.796 to the King on the Vigil of Epiphany, for his manifold Treasons, rebellions, and frequent depredations upon his English Subjects.

King Edward Anno 1054. commanded p 1.797 Sywara the valiant Duke of Northumberland, to invade Scot∣land with an Army of horse and a strong Navy, to re∣move Mackbeoth K. of Scots (to whom he had formerly * 1.798 given the Realm of Scotland to hold it of him) and make Malcolm (the King of Cumberlands Son) King in his place; Who thereupon entring Scotland with a puis∣sant Army, fought a set battle with Mackbeoth, slew many thousands of the Scots, and all the Normans who went to him out of England, chased him out of Scot∣land (then totally wasted and subdued by Syward) and deprived him both of his Life and Realm. Which being effected, King Edward gave the Realm of Scotland to Malcolm, to be held from and under himself. Not long after Duke Syward being likely to die of a flux, when he saw death approaching, said; What a shame is it, that I who could not die in so many battels and warrs, should be reserved to die with disgrace, like a Cow? Where∣fore put upon me my impenetrable coat of male, gird me with my sword, set my helmet upon my head, put my buck∣ler

in my left hand, and my gilt battel-ax in my right hand, that being the strongest of all Souldiers, I may die like a Souldier. Whereupon being thus armed as he commanded, he said; Thus it becomes a Souldier to die, and not lying down in his bed like an Ox; and so he most honourably gave up the Ghost. But because Waltcof his Son was then but an insant, his Earldom was given by the King to Tosti, son of Earl Godwin, whose Earldom after Godwins sudden death, was bestowed on Harold, and Harolds Earldom given to Algarus Earl of Chester: Earldoms in that age being only for life, not hereditary.

In the year 1055. q 1.799 King Edward, Habito Lon∣doniae * 1.800 Concilto, holding a Parliamentary Councill at London, banished Algarus, Son of Earl Leofric, quia de Proditione Regis in Concilio convictus fuerat, be∣cause he had been convicted in the Council of Treason a∣gainst the King, as Henry Huntindon, Bromtons Chroni∣cle, and Hygden record: Yet Florentius Wigorniensis; Simeon Dunelmensis, Hoveden, Henry de Knyghton, and others write, He was banished sine culpa, without any crime. Whereupon passing over into Ireland, he soon after repaired with 18. piratical Ships to Griffin King of Wales, requesting him to give him aid against King Edward. Who thereupon forthwith assembling a ve∣ry great Army out of all his Realm, commanded Alga∣rus, to meet him and his Army with all his forces at a certain place; where uniting their forces together, they entred into Herefordshire to spoil and depopulate it. Against whom timorous Earl Ralph, King Edwards Si∣sters Son, raising an Army, and meeting them two * 1.801 miles from the City of Hereford, commanded the Eng∣lish to fight on horseback contrary to their custom: But when they were about to joyn battel, the Earl with his French and Normans, fled away first of all; which the English perceiving, followed their Captain in fly∣ing; whom the Enemies pursuing, slew four or five hundred of them, and wounded many more; and ha∣ving

gained the Victory, took the City of He••ford, slew some of the Citizens, carried away many of them cap∣tives, annd having burnt and pillaged the City, return∣ed enriched with great booties. The King being in∣fotmed of it, commanded an Army to be presently as∣sembled out of all England, which meeting together * 1.802 at Gloucester, he made valiant Earl Harold their Gene∣ral; who devoutly obeying his commands, diligently pursued Griffin and Algarus, and boldly entring into the coasts of Wales, encamped at Straddle. But they knowing him to be a valiant man, not daring to fight with him, fled into South-wales. Upon which, Harold leaving the greatest part of his Army there, comman∣ded them manfully to resist the Enemies if there were cause, and returning with the rest of the multitude to Hereford, he enviroued it with a broad and deep trench, and fortified it with gates and barrs. At last Messen∣gers passing between them and Harold, they made a firm Peace between them. Whereupon Earl Algarus his Navy returning to Chester, there exacted the wages he had promised them; but he repairing to the King, received his Earldom from him again. This same year r 1.803 Herman Bishop of Salisbury requested of the King, and almost obtained leave to remove his See from Ramesberg to the Monastery of Malmsbury: sed Re∣ge jnxta Consilium Procerum id nolente, he there∣upon resigned his Bishoprick, went beyond the Seas, and took upon him the habit of a Monk; but repenting of his rashness, he returned into England, three years after, and held the Bishopricks of Salisbury and Sher∣borne united together, till the 9th year of King William the Conqueror. * 1.804

In the year 1057. s 1.805 Prince Edward, son of Ed∣mond Ironside, came out of Hungary (where he had long lived an Exile) into England, being sent for

thence by his Unkle King Edward, who had decreed to make him heir to the Crown after himself; but he di∣ed at London soon after his return, leaving onely Edgar Athelin his son, very young, and two daughters Mar∣garet, and Christiana, under the Kings custody and tu∣ition. This same year, Earl Leofric, at the request of his devout Noble Countess Godina, freed the City of Coventry from a most grievous dishonest servitude, * 1.806 and heavy Tribute, wherewith he had formerly op∣pressed the Citizens, being very much offended with them; which (though frequently importuned by her) he would remit upon no other condition but this; That his Lady Godina should ride naked through the street of the City from the one end of the market to the other, when the people were there assembled; Which she, to obtain their Liberties from this Servitude and Tribute, performed, covering her self so with her long fair hair, that she was seen and discerned by no body. Whereupon the Earl her husband by his Charter, exempted the Citizens of Coventry for ever from many payments, which he former∣ly imposed and exacted from them; the wisdom of which Earl much benefited the King and people whiles he li∣ved.

(t) Algarus his son succeeding him in the Earldom * 1.807 of Mercia in the year 1058. was banished the second * 1.808 time by Kiag Edward; but by the assistance of Griffin King of Wales, and help of the Norwey fleet, which be∣yond expectation came to assist him, he suddenly re∣covered his Earldom again by force, of which he con∣ceived himself unjustly deprived against Law. Griffin King of Wales having (contrary to his former league and agreement) invaded, infested England, slain the * 1.809 Bishop of Hereford, burnt the City, harrowed the Coun∣try, and twice assisted Earl Algarus against King Ed∣ward; * 1.810 thereupon Anno 1063. u 1.811 Duke Harold by

King Edwards command marched hostilely into Wales, with his forces to infest Griffin: who having notice of his comming, took Ship, and hardly escaped his hands. Hereupon Harold raised a greater Army, and likewise provided Ships and furniture; after this his brother To∣sti and he, joyning their forces together, by the Kings command, began to depopulate Wales, and invaded it both by Sea and Land: whereupon the Welshmen com∣pelled by necessity, gave them Hostages, and promised, That they would thenceforth pay a Tribute to K. Edward, as their Soveraign, and banish their King Griffin: whom they expelled accordingly that year: and An. 1064. they cut off their King Griffins head, and sent it unto Harold, who presently transmitted it to K. Edward: whereupon the King made Griffins Brothers Blethagent and Red∣wallo, Kings over the Welshmen, to whom he gave that land, who sware Fealty to King Edward and Harold; et ad imperium illorum mari terraque se fore paratos, ac omnia quae prius de terra illa Regibus anterioribus fue∣rant * 1.812 pensa obedienter se pensur••s responderunt, as Wi∣gorniensis, Hoveden, Simeon Dunelmensis, and others record their Oath. * 1.813

The next year x 1.814 Tosti Earl of Northumberland, moved with envy against his Brother Harold, in the Kings own presence at Winsore, took Harold by the hair as he was drinking wine to the King, and violently struck the Cup out of his hand, using him most dis∣honourably, all the Kings Houshold admiring at it. Upon which Harold provoked to revenge, taking Tosti between his arms, and lifting him up on high, threw and dashed him violently against the pavement. At which sight the Souldiers round about ran in on all sides, and parting the began fray perforce between these Brothers and stout Warriers, severed them one from the other. But the King upon this predicted, that the destruction of these two Brothers was now near at

hand, and that their deadly f••ud was not long to be defer∣red. For all the sons of the Traytor Earl Godwin were so ungracious, covetous, oppreffive, and so extremely un∣just, that if they had seen any fair Mannor or Mansion * 1.815 place, they would procure the owner thereof to be slain in the night, withall his posterity and kinred, that so they might get possession thereof for themselves. Who not∣withstanding which their soft and honied speeches, (al∣though they were but swords) did so circumvent the over-credulous simplicity of King Edward, that after many enormous wickednesses committed by them, he made them Regni Iusticiarios, Regni Rectores & Dis∣positores; both Justices, Rulers and Disposers of the kingdom; and likewise Generals and Admirals of his forces both by Land and Sea. The many acts of Inju∣stice committed by the sway of power and passion by Earl Godwin and his sons proportionate greatness and the Kings weakness, did much blacken that bright time of Peace, and made a good man (not by acting, but in∣during ill) held to be a bad King. Tosti after this con∣test and quarrel with his brother Harold, departing in a rage from the Kings Court, and comming to the City of Hereford, where his Brother Harold had provided a great intertainment for the King, slew and cut all his Servants in piece••, and put either a legg, arm, or some other member of their bodies thus mangled, into every vessel of wine, meade, bear, and other sorts of liquors he there found, wherin they lay steeping, stopping up the Vessels again: Which done, he sent word to the King, that when he came to his Farm at Hereford, he should find his flesh well powdered, and that he would provide him sweetmeats. The King being informed of this his bar∣barous villany and scoff, commanded that he should be banished for this detestable wickedness, which he abhorred. Soon after Tosti departing into Northumberland, about the 5. of October, divers Gentlemen and others of that

Country assembling together, came with about 200 armed men to York, where Tosti then resided, both to revenge the execrable murder of some Noble Northum∣berlanders, servants to Gospatric, whom Queen Egi∣tha, in the cause of her brother Tosti, had commanded treacherously to be slain on the 4th day of the prece∣dent Christmass, and of Gamel the son of Orne, and Ulfe son of Delfin, whom Tosti the year before had com∣manded to be treacherously murdered in his chamber at York, under pretext of making a Peace with them; necnon pro immanitate Tributi quod de tota Northim∣bria * 1.816 injuste acceperat; as also for the excessiveness of the Tribute which he had unjustly received out of all Northumberland, without their common consent and grant. These chasing the Earl himself out of the Coun∣try (pro contuitu Ducatus occidendum non rati) slew and cut off the heads of all his Servants, and Courtiers, as well English as Danes, being above 200. on the North part of the river of Humber; then breaking up his Treasury, they took away all his Treasures, Horses, Armes, houshold-stuff, and all things that were his. The rumor whereof being brought to the King, and the Country in an uproar, almost all the Nortkum∣berlanders met together, and elected, constituted Mor∣char, Earl Algarus, son for their Earl in the place of Tosti; who marched with them into Lincolnshire, Not∣tinghamshire, and Derbyshire, wasted and pillaged those Counties, slew many of the Inhabitants, and carryed many thousands of them away captive, leaving those Counties much impoverished many years after. Here∣upon Harold was sent against them to revenge those in∣juries, to prevent further mischiefs, and to mediate a reconciliation between them and Tosti. Upon this the Northumberlanders met Harold, first at Northampton, and afterwards at Oxford, and although they were more in number than he, yet being desirous of quietness and peace, they excused the fact unto him, saying: Se

homines liberè natos, liberè educatos, nullius Ducis fero∣ciam pati posse: A majoribus didicisse; aut Liberta∣tem, aut Mortem, &c. That they being men freely born, freely educated, could not suffer the cruelty of any Duke. That they had learned of their ancestors, either to enjoy Liberty, or death. Therefore if the King would have them his Subjects, he must set another Earl over them; even Morehar, who had had experience how sweet∣ly they knew to obey, if they were sweetly handled. But all of them unanimously refused any reconciliation at all with Tosti, whom they Dutlawed, together with all * 1.817 those who had incited him to make an unjust Law, and impose an illegal Tribute upon them. Harold hearing these things, and minding more the Peace of the Country, than his brothers profit, recalled his Army; and the King having heard their answer, confirmed Morchar for their Duke. Tosti hateful to all men, by the assistance of Earl Edwin, was expelled out of Eng∣land by the Northumberlanders, and driven with his wife and children into Flanders, whence returning a∣bout two years after, and joyning with the Danes, he entred with the Danes into Northumberland, miserably harrowed the whole Country, slaughtered the inhabi∣tants; and at last was there slain with most of his Souldiers by his own brother King Harold, Anno 1066.

King Edward, (as Abbot r 1.818 Ingulphus living in that age, records,) Anno 1065. being burdened with old age, perceiving Prince Edgar Atheling (his Cosen Edwards son, lately dead) to be unfit for the royal throne, tamcorde, quam corpore, as well in respect of minde as body, and that Earl Godwins many and wicked proge∣ny did daily increase upon the earth, set his mind upon his Cosen William Duke of Normandy, et enm sibi suc∣cedere in Regnum Angliae voce stabili sancivit; and de∣creed, by a stable vote, that he should succeed him in the Realm of England: For Duke William was then

superiour in every battel, and a triumpher against the King of France; and his fame was publickly blazed a∣broad amongst all the Earls of Normandy who were next him, being invincible in the exercise of Arms, Iu∣der justissimus in causarum judicie, a most just Judge in the judging of causes, and most religious and most de∣vout in the service of God. Hereupon King Edward sent Robert Archbishop of Canterbury to him, as his Legate a Latere, or special Embassador, illumque designatum sui regni Successorem tam debito cognationis, quam meri∣to virtutis suae Archipraesulis relatu insinuavit; and in∣timated unto him by the relation of his Archbishop, that he had designed him to be the Successor of his Realm, as well by the debt of kinred, as by the merit of Virtue. Moreover Harold, the Major of the Kings Court, comming into Normandy, not only swore, that he would conserve the Kingdom of England for Duke William after the Kings death; but likewise promised upon Oath, that he would take the daughter of Duke William for his wife; and upon these promises retur∣ned home magnificently rewarded: After which he sub∣joins, Edwardi piissimi Regis, cujus cognatione et consan∣guinitate inclytus Rex noster Willelmus fundat conscien∣tiam suam regnum Angliae invadendi, caeteris Regibus de Danorum sanguine, quasi nullius authoritatis ad allegan∣dum, interim intermissis.

s 1.819 William of Malmsbury (who flourished in or near that very age) thus seconds him. After the death of Edward, his son Edgar was, Neque promptus manu, neque probus ingenio. Rex itaque defuncto cognate, quia spes prioris erat soluta suffragii, Willielmo comiti Nor∣manniae successionem Angliae dedit. Erat ille hoc mu∣nere dignus, praestans animi juvenis, & qui in supremum fastigium alacri labere excreverat. Praetere•• proxime consanguineus, filius Roberti, filius Richardi secundi, quem fratrem fuisse Emmae matris Edwardi, non s••mel est quod diximus. Ferunt quidam ipsum Haroldum a Re∣ge

in h••c Normanniam missum: alii secretioris con∣silii conscii invitum venti violentia illuc actum, quose tue∣retur invenisse commentum; quod, quia propius vero videtur, exponam. Harold comming to his farm at Bo∣seam, going for his recreation into a fisher-boat, and putting forth into the Sea in sport, was by asudden con∣trary storm arising, driven with his companions into the Village of Ponthieu in France, where he was stripped and bound hand and foot by the rude Country people, and carried Prisoner to Guido their Earl, who detain∣ed him in Prison to gain a ransom from him. whereup∣on Harold being of a subtil wit, studying how to relieve himself, by large promises procured a Messenger to in∣form Duke William, that he was sent by the King into Normandy, that what lesser Messengers had but mutte∣red (touching his Succession to the Crow•• of England) he might perform by his presence; especially that he was detained in bonds by Earl Guido, wherby he was hinde∣red to deliver his message, notwithstanding his appeal to him, which was a great diminution to his honor: and if his captivity were to be redeemed with monie, he would willingly give it to him and not to Guido; Up∣on which, he was by Duke Williams command released, brought by Guido into Normandy; and there nobly fea∣sted by the Duke: where by his valour and policy he gained great reputation with Duke William; and that he might more indear himself in his favour, he there vo∣luntarily of his own accord, confirmed to him the Castle of Dover, which belonged to him of right, and the Kingdom of England after King Edwards decease: whereupon the Duke espoused him to his daughter (Adeliza) then a child, and bestowed her whole ample portion upon Harold, and then honourably dismissed him.

t 1.820 Matthew Westminster Anno 1057. relating this Story of Harolds driving into Ponthieu by storm a∣gainst his will, as hapning in that year; and that to in∣gratia••e himself with Duke William: Post mortem Re∣gis

Edwardi ei Regnum Angliae Sacramento firmavit▪ subjoyns thereto: Tradunt autem aliter alii, quod vi∣delicet Haroldus a Rege Edwardo fuerat ad hoc in Nor∣manniam missus, ut Ducem Gulihelmum in Angliam con∣duceret, quem idem Rex Edwardus Haeredem sibi consti∣tuere cogitavit.

Roger de Hoved. Annal. pars prior. p. 449. Radulph. de Diceto Abbr. Chron. col. 480, 481. Eadmerus Hist. No∣vorum, l. 1. p. 4, 5. Sim. Dunel. Hist. col. 195. Jo. Bromton in his Chronicle, col. 947. Hygden in his Polychron. l. 6. c. 27. with others, record the matter somewhat different from our other Historians. That Harold after his Fa∣thers death craving leave of King Edward to goe into Normandy, to free and bring into England his Brother Wulnoth, & Nephew Hake, there detained Hostages; the King would not permit him to goe as sent by him, but yet left him free to do what he pleased of him∣self therein: Adding, Praesentio tamen te ad nihil aliud tendere, nisi in detrimentum totius Anglioi regni, et op∣probrium tui; nec enim ita novi Comitem mentis exper∣tem ut eos aliquatenus velit concedere tibi, si non praescie∣rit in hoc magnum proficuum sui. Harold notwithstand∣ing taking ship to go into Normandy upon this occasion, was driven by storm into Ponthieu, and there impriso∣ned as aforesaid, and by Duke Williams means and threats, after two denials, released: who honourably entertaining him for some dayes, to advance his own designs by him; at last opened his minde thus to him. Dicebat itaque Regem Edwardum quando secum invene olim juvenis in Normanni•• demoraretur, sibi interposita fide sua, pollicitum fuisse, quod si Rex Angliae foret, Jus regni in illum Jure Haereditario transferret; & sub∣dens ait; tu quoque si mihi te in hoc ipso adminiculaturum sposponderis, et insuper castellum Dofri••, cum put•••• aquae, ad opus meum te facturum, s••roremque tuam, uni de Principibus m•• is dederis in ux••rem, te ad me temp••r••, qu•• nobis conveniet, destinaturum, nec non filiam means in con∣jugem

accepturum, promiseris; tunc et modo nepotem tuum: et cum in Angliam vener•• regnaturus fratrem tuum incolumem recipies: in quo regno, si tuo favore confirmatus fuero, spondeo, quod omne quod à me ratio∣nabiliter tibi postulaveris obtinebis. Hereupon Ha∣rold perceiving danger on every side, and not knowing how to escape, unless he condescended to Williams will in all things, he thereupon consented to his requests. But he, that all things might be ratified, bringing forth the reliques of Saints, brought Harold to this, That he should swear upon them, that he would actually perform all things which they had agreed between them. These things thus done, Harold receiving his Nephew, retur∣ned into his Country, where he related to the King, upon his demand, what had happened, and what hee had done; Who said, Did I not tell thee I knew William, and that many mischiefs might happen to this kingdom in thy journey; I foresee in this thy deed, that great calami∣ties will come upon our Nation, which I beseech God of his infinite mercy to grant, that they may not happen in my dayes. u 1.821 Mr. Fox relating this story more briefly, concludes thus. Whereby it may be ••athered That King Edward was right willing that Duke William should reign after him; and also in seemeth not unlike, but that he had given him his promise thereunto before. The same Hoveden, Annalium pars posterior, p. 608, 609, 610. reciting the Laws of King Edward confirmed by King William after he got the Crown; records these passages intermixed with them. That King Ed∣ward retained his Cosen Edwards son, Edgar, with him, and nourished him for his Son, and because he thought to make him his Heir, he named him Ad••ling, which we call a Little Lord. But King Edward so soon as he knew the wickednesse of his Nation, and especially the pride of the Sons of Godwin, of Harold, (who after in∣vaded the Kingdom) Estigurt, Lefwin, and others of his Brothers; imagining that what he had purposed

concerning Edgar, could not possibly be stable; A∣doptavit Willielmum Ducem Normannorum in reg∣num: adopted William Duke of Normandy to succeed him in the Realm; William, I say, the bastard, the son of Robert his Uncle, a valiant, warlike, and stout man: Who afterwards by Gods assistance, by vanquishing the foresaid Harold son of Godwin, victoriously obtained the Realm of England. To which he subjoyns, That Ed∣ward wanting issue, sent Robert Archbishop of Canter∣bury to his Cosen William Duke of Normandy, & de Regno cum constituit Haeredem; and made him heir of the Kingdom: yea after him he sent Earl Har••ld; and He invaded the Realm; He further Records; That when King William would have altered the Laws of England presented to him upon Oath in the 4th year of his reign but in one point. Universi compatriotae, qui leges edixe∣rant tristes effecti, &c. tandem eum prosecuti sunt depre∣cantes, quatenus pro anima Regis Edwardi qui ei post diem suum concesserat Coronam et Regnum, et cu∣jus erant Leges, that he would not alter the Laws herein, whereupon he consented to their request.

x 1.822 Thomas of Walsingham thus registers the fact. Edwardus Rex Anglorum, prolis successione carens, o∣lim miserat Duci Robertum Archiepiscopum Cantuar. statuens illum haeredem Regni a Deo sibi attributi. Sed et Haroldum ipse postmodum destinavit, qui fuit maximus Comitum regni sui in honore, dominatione et divitiis, ut ei de Corona sua fidelitatem faceret; ac Chri∣stiano more Sacramentis confirmaret; Qui dum ob hoc negotii venire contenderet, velificato freto, Porti Pontnium appulit, ubi in manus Widonis Abbatis vil∣lae S. Abvile Comitis incidit, quem idem Comes cap∣tum, cum suis confestim in custodiam trusit. Quod ut Dux comperit missis Legatis violenter illum extorsit, quem aliquandiu secum morat•• facto fidelitate de reg∣no pluribus Sacramentis, cum muneribus multis Regi remisit. Denique Rex Edwardus, completo termino foe∣licis

vitae, &c. migravit a saeculo: Cujus regnum Ha∣r••ldus continuo invasit, ex fidelitate pejuratus quam Duci Iuraverat. Ad quem Legatos direxit protinus, hortans ut ab hac vesania resipisceret, fidem quam Iu∣ramento sposponderat, cum digna subjectione servarer. Sed ille hoc non solum audire contempsit, verum omnem ab illo Anglorum gentem infideliter avertit, &c.

Chronicon Johannis Bromton, Col. 945. relates, That King Edward purposed to make Edgar (whom he had nourished as his Son) heir of England: Sed ut quidam aiunt, Rex gentis suae malitiam, et praecipuè superbiam Haroldi, filii Godwini, et aliorum divina demonstratione praevidens, percepit, quod propositum suum, quoad ipsum Edgarum cognatum suum, de regno post eum obtinendo, minime potuit adimplere, unde Willielmo cognato suo Normannorum Duci, Regnum post eum optinendum per solennes nuncios assignavit. And Col. 957. he adds, Some say that King Edward before his death had appointed William to succeed him, according to the pro∣mise which the said King had made him when he was a young man living in Normandy, that he should succeed him in the Kingdom; concerning which, as some write, he had sent solemn Messengers to him into Normandy. The like is affirmed almost in the same words by Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae, l. 1. c 15. col. 2238. and by Fabian, Caxton, Cambden, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Daniel, Stow, Vestegan, and other modern Hi∣storians.

y 1.823 Matthew Paris in the beginning of his History of England, p. 1. relates Harolds driving into Pountoise by storm, as he was taking his pleasure at Sea, his presenting to Duke William, his espousals to his daugh∣ter under age, which he ratified by Oath taken upon the reliques of Saints; adding, Juravit insuper, se post mor∣tem Regis Edwardi, qui jam senuit sine liberis, Regnum Angliae Duci, qui in Regnum jus habuit, fideliter conservaturum. Consummatis igitur aliquot diebus

cum summa laetitia, amplis muneribus ditatus, in Angli∣am reversus est Haroldus. Sed cum in tuto constituere∣tur, jactabat se laqueos evasiss•• H••stiles, Perjurii cri∣men eligendo. And * 1.824 Anno 1257. Writing of the Lay Peers of France, whereof the Duke of Normandy is first, he hath this passage. Rex Angliae, Dux est de jure Nor∣manniae, sanguinis deriva••ione geneali: Rex ex conque∣stu: dicitur tamen quod beatus Edwardus, ••o quod haere∣de caruit, Regnum legavit Willielmo Bastardo Duci * 1.825 Normannorum. Sed hoc robore asseruitur caruisse; quia hoc fecit in lecto Lethali, et sine Baronagii sui commnni consensu.

By all which Testimonies, as likewise by the express relations of Mr. Cambden in his Britannia, p. 144, 145. Richard Verstegan his Restitution of decayed Antiquities. Matthew Parker, his Antiquitates Ecclesiae B••itanniae, p. 88. Mr. Seldens Review of his History of Tithes; p. 482, 483. it is apparent, that King Edward whiles he was in Normandy, before he was King; upon Duke Williams repairing into England to him after he was King, by several Messengers, and Hostages sent to him in his old age, and in his very death-bed, appointed Duke William to be both his successor and heir to the Crown of England, and that Harold, either voluntari∣ly, as purposely sent by King Edward, or craftily, upon pretence he was sent by him, to work his own enlarge∣ment and his Nephews; or upon Williams motion to him; voluntarily swore, that he would faithfully pre∣serve the Crown and Realm of England for him after King Edwards death, who had appointed him to succeed him, as his heir & next kinsman by the mothers side, and that he intended to dishinherit his Cosen Edgar Athe∣ling of it, though next heir to it, by reason of his mi∣nority, unfitness, and indisposition both of body and minde, to sway the Scepter of the Realm.

King Edward, having finished his Abby of Westmin∣ster, and endowed it with ample lands and privileges by * 1.826

three several Charters, by the advice and assent of all his Bishops and Nobles as z 1.827 aforesaid, Anno 1066, cau∣sed it to be solemnly consecrated on Innocents day, with great solemnity; but falling sick in the midst of these festival Solemnities of its dedication, he betook himself to his bed; where continuing speechlesse for two days space together, on the third day, giving a great groan, and arising as it were from the dead, he related to those then about him, a Vision he had seen touching the State of England; Namely, that two religious Monks he had formerly known in Normandy, dead many years before, were sent unto him with this message, declaring the Corruptions and Vices both of the Clergy, Nobility, Gentry, and People of England, and the judgements ready to fall upon them for the same: Which a 1.828 Matthew Westminster thus relates. Quoniam Primo∣res Angliae, Duces, Episcopi & Abbates, non sunt Mini∣stri Dei, sed Diaboli, tradidit Deus hoc regnum uno anno, et die uno, in manu inimici; Daemonesque terram hanc totam pervagabunt: b 1.829 Abbot Ailred thus re∣cords it, Impletum dicunt Anglorum nequitiam, & ini∣quitas consummata iram provocat, accelerat vind••ctam. Sacerdotes praevaricati sunt pactum Domini, polluto pec∣tore & manibus iniquitatis sancta contrectant, & non Pastores, sed Mercenarii exponunt lupis oves, non pro∣tegunt, lac & lanam quaerunt, non oves, ut detrusos ad inferos, mors & pastores depascat et oves. Sed et Prin∣cipes terrae infideles, Sociae surum PRAEDONES PATRIAE, quibus nec Deus timori est, NEC LEX HONORI, quibus veritas oneri, JUS CON∣TEMPTUI, CRUDELITAS DELECTATIONI. Itaque NEC SERVANT PRAELATI JUSTITIAM, nec subditi disciplinam. Et ecce Dominus gladium suum vibravit, arcum suum tetendit, et paravit illum; ostendet deinceps populo hinc iram & indignationē, immissiones in∣super per Angelos malos, quibus traditi sunt anno uno & die uno, igne simul et gladio puniendi. The King groaning

and sighing for this calamity that was ready to fall up∣on his people, demanded of the Monks:

Whether if they repented of their sins upon his admonition to them, God would not pardon them, and remove his judgements, as he did from the Ninivites?

They re∣plied,

That God would by no means receive them into his favour, because the heart of this people was hard∣ned, and their eyes blinded, and their ears deafned, that they would not hear reproof, nor understand ad∣monition, nor be terrified with threatnings, nor pro∣voked with his late benefits.

The King thereupon demanded,

Whether God would be angry for ever? Whether he would be any more intreated? and when they might hope for a release of so great calamities?

To which they replyed;

That if a green tree cut in the midst, and carried a great space from the stock, could without any help reunite it self to the root, and grow again, and bring forth fruit, then might the remission of such evils be hoped for.

The veritie of which Pro∣phecy (add our Historians) the Englishmen experimen∣tally felt, namely, That England should be an habitation of strangers, and a Domination of Foreiners, because a lit∣tle space after, scarce any Englishman was either a King, a Duke, Bishop, or Abbot, neither was there any hope also of the end of this misety. King Edward after his relation of this Vision to the Nobles and Prelates then about him, yielded up the Ghost and died without issue on Epipha∣ny Eve, An. 1066. and was solemnly interred the next day in Westminster Abbey, the royal line of the Saxon Kings ending in him, which had continued from Cerdic the first King of the West-Saxons for 571. years, without interruption, except by some Danish Usurpers, who for the Sins of the English reigned for some years over them, with rigour, and were soon cut off by death.

CHAPTER 6.

Comprising the Historical Passages relating to the Par∣liamentary Councils, Lawes, Liberties, Properties, Rights, Government of England, Anno 1066. under the Short reign of the Usurper King Harold, till the Coronation of King William the First, falsly surnamed, The Conquerour, though never claiming the Crown by Conquest, but Title.

KIng Edward deceasing without any issue * 1.830 of his body to succeed him, refusing all carnal copulation with his Queen, ei∣ther out of a vowed virginity, as most Historians conclude; or, out of a de∣testation of Earl Godwins Trayterous race, quod Rex Religiosus de genere proditoris, haere∣des qui sibi succederent, corrupto semine Regio nolue∣rit procreari, as a 1.831 Ingulphus, b 1.832 Matthew West∣minster, and others record; thereby exposed the king∣dom for a prey to the ambitious Pretenders aspiring af∣ter it. Upon which consideration, praesentiebant plures in ejus morte, desolationem Patriae, Plebis exterminium, to∣tius Anglia Nobilitatis excidium, finem libertatis, ho∣noris ruinam, (as c 1.833 Abbot Ailred informs us.) The English Prelates and Nobles being then all assembled at Westminster to the solemn consecration of the Abbey,

were much perplexed, and the generality of the people exceedingly grieved at his death. For although he were, d 1.834 Vir propter morum simplicitatem parum Imperio ido∣neus, yet he was Deo devotus, ideoque ab eo directus. Denique eo regnante; nullus tumultus domesticus, qui non cito comprimeretur, nullum bellum forinsecus, omnia domi forisque quieta, omnia tranquilla; quod eo magis stupendum, quia ita se mansuete ageret, ut nec viles ho∣munculos verbo laedere noscet. Nam dum quadam vice venatum isset, et agrest is quidem stabulata illa, quibus in casses cervi urgentur, confudisset, ille sua nobili perci∣tus ira, per Deum inquit et Matrem ejus, tantundem tibi nocebo, si potero. Egregius animus quise regem in talibus non meminisset, nec abjectae conditionis homini se posse nocere putaret. Erat interea ejus apud dome∣sticos reverentia vehemens, apud exteros metus ingens: fovebat profecto ejus simplicitatem Deus, ut posset timeri, qui nesciret irasci; No wonder then if his death were much lamented by all his Subjects, e 1.835 cum omnes et in Rege cernerent unde gauderent, et in se sentirent unde do∣lerent. The English Nobility were much troubled and divided in their minds and affections, which were wa∣vering, touching the election of a fit person to succeed him; f 1.836 Fluctuabant Proceres Regni quem sibi Re∣gem praeficerent et Rectorem. Many of them favoured William Duke of Normandy, as specially designed by King Edward to succeed him; others of them inclined to Prince Edgar Atheling, as the next and right heir to the Crown, Cui de Iure debebatur: Others of them favo∣red Harold, Earl Godwins son, as being a person then of greatest Power and Valour in the Realm, g 1.837 An∣glia dubio favore nutabat cui se Rectori committeret in∣certa, an Haraldo, an Willielmo, an Edgaro. Nam & illum pro genere proximum regno, Proceribus Rex com∣mendaverat. Harold being a crafty subtil man, know∣ing that delayes were hurtfull to those who were pre∣pared, on the very day of Epiphany, whereon King Ed∣ward

was buried, having the command of all the Mili∣tia and forces of the Realm, as General and Vice-roy to the deceased King, by the strength of himself and his kinred and friends, invaded and seized upon the royal Crown, and then presently set it upon his own head, crow∣ning himself King without any Title, Right, or due E∣lection by the Nobles, or Coronation by the Bishops, (whereby he incurred the hatred both of the English Pre∣lates and Pope;) and then extorted allegeance from the Nobles; as William of Malmsbury, Matthew Paris, Ing••lphus, Henry Huntindon, Matthew Westminster, the Chronicle of Bromton, Knyghton, Caxton, Mr. Fox, Speed, and some others attest. But Marianus Scotus, Florent. Wigorniensis, Roger de Hoveden, Sim. Dunelm. Radulfus de Diceto, Eadmerus, Hygden, Fabian, Grafton, with others, write in favour of Harold, that King Ed∣ward before his death, made him not only his General, but Vice-roy; and ordained, that he should be King after him. Whereupon, A totius Angliae Primatibus ad regale culmen electus, he was elected to be King by all the Nobles of England▪ and solemnly consecrated and crow∣ned King by Aldred Archbishop of Yorke. And so, Jux∣ta quod ante mortem (Edwardus) statuerat, in Regnum ei successit Haroldus, writes [l] Eadmerus. That King * 1.838 Edward designed him for his Successor in the Crown, seems very improbable, because Harold himself never alleged nor pretended it in any of his Answers to Duke Williams Embassadors to him, who claimed the Crown by his speciall bequest and designation in his life-time; and because King Edwards hatred to Godwin and his Posterity, seems inconsistent with it.

i 1.839 William of Malmsbury an impartial disingaged Author living in, or near that time, gives us this deter∣mination of these diffrent relations. Recenti adhuc rega∣lis funeris luctu, Haroldus ipso Theophaniae die, extorta a Principibus fide, arripuit Diadema, quamvis Angli dicant, a Rege concessum: quod tamen magis benevo∣lentia,

quam judicio allegari existimo, ut illi haereditatem transfunderet suam, cujus semper suspectam habuerat po∣tentiam. Quamvis, ut non celetur veritas, pro per∣sona quam gerebat, regnum prudentiae & fortitudine gu∣bernaret, si legitime suscepiscet. Abbot k 1.840 Ingul∣phus living at that time, thus relates his intrusion into the Throne against his Oath. In crastino Regii funeris Comes Haroldus, contrasuum statum & jusjurandum, contempt••r praestilae fidei, ac nequiter oblitus sui Sacra∣menti, Throno Regio se intrusit: yet adds; per Archie∣piscopum Eboracae Aldredum solenniter coronatus: l 1.841 Henry Huntindon thus records it, Quidem An∣glorum Edgar Adeling promovere v••lebant in Regem: Haroldus vero, viribus et genere fretus Regni Diade∣ma invasit. The m 1.842 Chronicle of Bromton, and n 1.843 Knyghton, thus give us the story of it. Sancte Edwar∣do rege et Confessore mortuo, quidam Anglorum Magna∣tes Edgarum Adelynge, filium Edwardi, filii Regis Ed∣mondi Ironside in Regem promovere moliebantur; sed quia puer erat, et tanto oneri minus idon••us, et in bursa minus refertus, Haroldus Comes viribus et genere fretus, Cui erat Mens astutior, crumena fecundior, et miles copio∣sior, et pompis gloriosior, sinistro omine Regnum occu∣pavit, et contra Sacramentum quod Willielmo Duci Normanniae praestiterat, Regni Diadema sinistro omi∣ne illico invasit, et sic perjurus sancto Edwardo succes∣sit: juxta quod idem Edwardus, ut quidam aiunt, ante mortem suam statuerat promissione quam idem Rex dum juvenis in Normannia extitit, dicto Willielmo de succe∣dendo post cum in regnum fecerat, & sibi super hoc postea secundum quosdam solemnes nuncios, ut praemittitur, destinaverat, non obstante. o 1.844 Abbot Ailred, thus registers Harolds usurpation, and the sad events thereof. Interea Haroldus, Godwini filius, Regnum Angliae quod secundum fidem Sacramenti debuerat servasse Wil∣lielmo Regis Edmundi consobrino, sibi nec Iure debi∣tum, nec Natura, irreverenter usurpans, malum

quod Angliae secundum Sancti Regis oraculum Dominus praeparaverat transgressione pacti et fidei acceleravit laesione. Ut autem attenuati viribus, facilius ab hiis qu••s injustè provocaverat hostibus vinceretur, suscitavit ei a parte aquilonis inimicos, Haroldum cognomento Harfar, Norwagenorum regem, et Tostium fratrem s••∣um, quem de Anglia ipse expulerat &c. (p) Tho. Wal∣singham thus stories it. Cujus regnum Haroldus continuo y 1.845 invasit, ex fidelitate pejuratus quam Duci juraverat. Ad quem Legatos direxit protinus, hortans us ab hac ve∣sania resipisceret, et fidem quam juramento sposponderat, cum digna subjectione servaret. Sed ille hoc non so∣lum audire contempsit, verum omnem ab illo Anglorum gentem infideliter avertit. Hygden in his Polychro∣nicon, l. 6. c. 28. Mr John Fox, Acts and Monuments Vol. 1. p. 214. Mr. Cambden in his Britannia, p. 145, 146. Holinshed, Sir John Hayward, Sir Richard Baker, affirm the like, and incline to this opinion. That Harold, by his might, power, craft, policy usurped, and invaded the Crown, without any right, against his Oath. I shall summ up all their Opinions in the words of q 1.846 Iohn Speed.

After King Edwards death, the Statesmen perplexed for choice of a new, Edgar Athelings title was worthy more respect than it found, for him they held too young for government: besides a stran∣ger born, scarce speaking English, and withall the prophecies of Edward, touching the alienation of the Crown, the interest of the Danes, and the claim of Duke William, made, (both by gift and consanguini∣ty) bred great distractions of desires and opinions, but nothing concluded for setling the State; no man as∣suming or possessing the diadem, because none had the power or right to adorn therewith his own head. In this calm conference a sudden gale arose, which blew all the sails spred for that wind into one port. Harold, son to Earl Godwin, a man (duly prizing his many worthy parts) not unmeet for a Kingdom, next Ed∣ward

(his Brorher-in-law,) in the kingdom, courte∣ous in speech and behaviour, in martial prowesse the only man, (qui vivente Edwardo quaecunque contra e∣um bella incensa sunt, virtute sua compressit, cupiens se P••ovincialibns ostentare, in regnum scilicet spe pruri∣enti anhelans, as r 1.847 Malmsbury writes of him) frien∣ded by affinity of many of the Nobles, expected to be both sided and assisted, if his cause came either to tri∣al or voice, seeing the time well fitted his entrance. Swane King of Denmark (most dreaded by the Eng∣lish) being then intangled with the Sweden wars; Wil∣liam the Norman (that made claim from King Ed∣ward) then absent, and at variance with Philip the French King; the friends of Edgar in Hungary, and himself a Stranger, over young for to rule: all which concurrent made Harold, without deliberation, or or∣der from the States, to set the Crown on his own head, regardlesse of all ceremony, and solemn cele∣bration: for which act, as a violater of holy rites, he too too much offended the Clergy, none either great∣ly applauding or disapproving his presumption, except only for the omission of manner and form.

Harold having gotten actual possession of the Crown, Marianus Scotus, Florentius Wigorniensis, Huntindon, Hoveden, Sim. Dunelmensis, Radulphus de Diceto, Hygden, Fabian, Graston, Holinshed, Cambden, and Speed, record; that to ingratiate himself with the Clergy & people,

He began to destroy evil Laws and Customs before used: and stablished just and good Laws; especially such as were for the defence of ho∣ly Church: He likewise became a Patron of Churches and Monasteries, respected and reverenced Bishops, Abbots, Monks and Clergymen; shewed himself pi∣ous, humble, affable to all good men, and hatefull to all Malefactors; publickly commanding all his Dukes, Earls, Sheriffs, and other Officers, to appre∣hend all Thieves, Robbers, and Disturbers of the

Realm; himself likewise taking extraordinary paines and care for the defence and guarding of the Realm, both by Land and Sea

Whereunto John Speed super∣adds,

He remitted or diminished the grievous cu∣stoms * 1.848 and Tribute which his Predecessors had rai∣sed; a course ever powerfull to win the hearts of the Commons: to Churchmen he was very munificent, and carefull of their advancement; and to grow more deeply in their venerable esteem, he repaired their Mo∣nasteries, especially that at Waltham, which he sump∣tuously new built, and richly endowed. Moreover, to satisfie such Nobles as affected young Edgar, he created him Earl of Oxford, and held him in special favour. In brief, unto the poor his hand was ever o∣pen, unto the oppressed, he administred Justice; and all to hold that Crown upright which he had set on his own head with an unsure hand, and deprived him of unto whom he was Protector.

But these Encomiums of his Justice and Government, seem to me, to be rather forged than real. For how could he r••form ill Laws and Customs, and enact good Laws, when King Edward had so newly and exactly done it before him, that there was no need of such a reformation; neither finde we the least mention of any Laws made by Harold? Or how could he remit, or diminish those grievous customs and Tributes, which King Edward had totally remitted before him, unless himself first revived them? Or how could he court the Prelates and Clergy, when as he refused to be consecrated by them, for which he in∣curred their disfavour? I rather therefore incline to the quite contrary Characters which other Historians give of him and his Government, as most consonant to truth. s 1.849 Henry de Knyghton, though he recites what some forementioned write in his favour, yet gives us this ac∣count of his proceedings himself: Iste devenit nimis e∣latus et cupidus in collectione auri et argenti et thesauro∣rum, nec aliquam uxorem ducere voluit, & vi oppressit

filias Baronum & Procerum, atque Militum de reguo: quod ipsi aegrè ferebant; Et de Forestis suis tantam fere∣citatē & severitatem erga adjacentes Nobiliores exercuit, quod quamplures adnihilavit, et multos depauperavit. Nec mirum quamvis ex hiis et aliis nimis odiosus deve∣nit populis suis. Et ideo pars Comitum et Baronum ad invicem conferebant, dicentes, ipsum non esse fortunae deditum, nec verum esse Regem, sed per intrusionem erectum, et ideo infauste regere populum suum. Et mandaverunt Willielmo Duci Normanniae, ut in An∣gliam veniret eorum Consilio et Auxilio Ius Regni prosecuturus, feceruntque ei fidelem securitatem veni∣endi, et consensit. And Matthew Westminster gives us * 1.850 this character of him: Superbia elatus jam factus de Rege Tyrannus, Rex Haroldus in multis patrisans temerarius suit, et indiscretus, in praesumptione ancipiti nimis suae invictae confidens fortitudini, laudis cupidus et Thesauri, promiss••rum immemor arridente prosperitate. Unde ipsis Anglis quibus praeerat, etiam consangui∣neis se praebuerat odiosum; victoriamque cum illi Do∣minus exercituum et Deus ultionum concesserat, non Deo sed sibi, suaeque ascripsit strenuitati. Quod recenti ex∣perientia fuerat comprobatum, cum a Noricis evictis Superbus spoliisque omnium retentis, quae aliis promissa debebantur, ad Normannorum praelia praecipitanter et in∣consultè festinavit. Unde Ducis Gulihelmi, maguanimi in negotiis bellicis peragendis, et circumspecti, fidelis in polli∣citis, in pace socialis & jucundi, in conviviis dapsilis et se∣reni, omnibus fere, tam Anglis quam conterminis, maxime tamen Noricis acceptabatur. Recipientes eum benevole di∣c••bant; Benedictus qui venit in nomine Domini, Rex pacificus, bellator victoriosus, pater & protector deso∣latorum. Dominus autem Papa, simulque fratres Car∣dinales universi, cum tota Curia Romana, Regem Ha∣roldum semper exosum habentes, pro eo quod sibimet dia∣dema Regni, sine eorum convenientia, et ecclesiastica so∣lemnitate, consensuque Pralatorum, praesumpserat, inju∣riam

dissimularunt. Et videntes, quo fine ausa praesump∣tio terminaretur, cum fortuna adversasunt adversati, po∣tentiori{que} manu atque victrici▪ more cupidorum, vel potius arundinis exagitatae ventorum turbine, quantocius inclina∣verunt. Such was the Popes & Clergies temper then.

u 1.851 Duke William being certainly informed, that Harold contrary to his Oath and promise to him, had without right or Title invaded the Crown, and being secretly invited by some of the English Nobles to chal∣lenge his own right thereunto by Kings Edwards desig∣nation; sent Messengers to Harold, who mildly repre∣hending him for his breach of Covenant, added by way of menace, that he would before the year expired exact his due from him by force of arms, in case he refused voluntarily to yield up the kingdom to him. But Ha∣rold growing secure, contemning his threats, (as never likely to be put in execution, both because the Dukes daughter, to whom he was espoused, was dead, and himself involved in wars with his Neighbour Princes) returned his Messengers to him with this answer, x 1.852 Harold King of England sends you this answer, That true it is, when he espoused your daughter in Normandy, being compelled by necessity, He sware that the Realm of England should belong to thee. But against this he asserts, That a forced Oath is not to be kept: For if a vow or oath which a Virgin had knowingly made concerning her body, in the house of her Father, without her parents con∣sent, was revocable and void: much more the Oath which he, being under the Scepter of the King, had made without his knowledge, by compulsion, ought to be nulled and made voyd, as he asserted. Moreover he affirmed, Nimis prae∣sumptuosum * 1.853 fuisse, quod absque generali Consensu Regni Haereditatem vobis juraverat alienandam. Addidit etiam Injustum esse petere, ut e regno disce∣dat, quod tanto Principum favore, susceperat guber∣nandum. That it was overmuch presumption in him, that without the general consent of the Realm, he had sworn

the inheritance thereof should be alienated to him: That King Edward being then living, he could neither give a∣way the Kingdoms succession to him, non grant it to any o∣ther without his consent; et sine popull consensu, Senatus Decreto, et nesciente omni Anglia, de toto Regno, necessitate temporis coactus impegerit: and without the consent of the people, and decree of the SENATE, (or Parliament) he could not promise to him the whole Realm of England, without the knowledg of all England, being compelld therto only by the necessity of the time. Adding moreover, that it was unjust to demand, that he should depart from that kingdom, which he had undertaken to govern with so great favour of the Nobles; y 1.854 Ead∣merus, z 1.855 Radulphus de Diceto, and some others, re∣cord this to be his Answer then returned to Duke Wil∣liam. Soror mea, quam juxta condictum expetis, mortua e••••. Quod si corpus ejus quale nunc est vult Comes ha∣bere, mittam, ne judicer Sacramentum violasse quod feci. Castellum Dofris, et in eo puteum aquae, licet nesciam cui, ut vobis convenit, explevi Regnum quod necdum fu∣it * 1.856 meum, quo Iure potui dare vel promittere? Si de filia sua quam debui in uxorem, ut asserit, ducere agit; Super Regnum Angliae mulierem extraneam, inconsultis Principivus me nec debere, nec sine grandi injuria posse adducere noverit.

a 1.857

The Norman, who till then, thought England sure to be his, and had devoted his hopes from a Duke to a King, stormed to see himself thus frustrated on a sudden, and instead of a Crown to have such scorns heaped on his head; therefore, nothing content with this slight and scornfull answer, returnd his Ambassa∣dors again to Harold, by whom he laid his claim more at large; As that King Edward in the Court of France, had faithfully promised the Succession unto him, and again ratified the same unto him, at his being in Eng∣land; and that not done without consent of the State, but confirmed by Stigand (it should be Robert) Arch∣Archbishop

of Canterbury, the Earls Godwin and Si∣ward, yea and by Harold himself, and that so firmly assured, that his Brother and Nephew were delive∣red for pledges, and for that end sent to him into Normandy: that he being no way constrained to swear (as he pretended) he appealed to Harolds own Conscience, who besides his voluntary offer to swear the succession of the Crown unto him, contracted himself to Adeliza his daughter, then but young, upon which foundation the Oath was willingly taken.

But Harold who thought his own head as fit for a Crown as any others, meant nothing less than to lay it down upon parly; and therefore told Williams Embas∣sadours plainly;

That however Edward and he had tampered for the Kingdom, yet Edward himself coming in by election, and not by any Title of Inheritance, his promise was of no validity, for how could he give that wherein he was not interested, nor in the Danes time was likely to be? and tell yout Duke, that our Kingdom is now brought to a setled estate, and with such love and liking of the English, as that they will never admit any more a stranger to rule over them. That the Duke himself well knew, that the Oath he made him was only for fear of death or im∣prisonment, and that an Oath so extorted in time of extremity, cannot bind the maker in Conscience to perform it, for that were to joyn one sin with ano∣ther.

With which and the like Speeches he shifted off the Dukes Embassadours, without any Princely en∣tertainment, or courteous regard: who returned home without reply, b 1.858 vel veris vel veresimilibus argumen∣tis perstricti.

c 1.859 Some of our Historians record; That the Dukes Messengers upon their second Embassy, admonishing him how religiously he had bound himself by Oath, and that per∣jured persons should be sure to find perdition from Gods hands, and reproachfull shame with men, waived all o∣ther

demands of the Crown, and insisted only upon this; That Harold should marry his Daughter, which he had espoused, according to his promise, else he should cer∣tainly know he would by force of Armes challenge the suc∣cession of the Kingdom promised to him. But this seems improbable, because our other Historians conclude, that his espoused Daughter was dead before this Embassie; and Williams preparations and future Messages claim∣ing the Crown, resolve the contrary. d 1.860 Abbot In∣gulphus flourishing at that time, gives us this sum of their Negotiation, and Harolds answer thereunto. Willielmus autem Comes Normanniae Legatos mittit, foe∣dera facta dicit, pacta patefecit, promissa petit, & aliquod justum medium confici requirit. At Rex Haroldus Legatos vix auscultat, foedera fracta negat, pacta recusat, promissa excusat, & omnia justàmedia oblata sufflat, & subsannat; Cumque haec intermedia quorldie agerentur, ac solum nunciorum cursus ac recursus tota aestate sine fructis consumerarentur; The Embassadours returned empty, bringing only Harolds unsatisfactory and scornfull An∣swers with them. e 1.861 Wherewith Duke William be∣ing much inraged, cast about how to recover that by right of armes which he could not gain by Treaty; providing Ships, Souldiers, Mariners, and all things necessary for an inva∣sive war, making choice of the tallest, skilfullest and good∣liest Souldiers he could select, and of such Captains and Commanders, as both in the Army and elsewhere, seemed all of them to be rather Kings than Nobles. And to set the better colour upon his pretended enterprise, he sent to Pope Alexander, acquainting him with the ju∣stice of his cause, and the war he had undertaken, his Embassadours setting them forth with all the strength of eloquence, which Harold neglected to doe, either through sloathfullness, or diffidence of his Title, or for fear William (who strictly watched at Ports) should in∣tercept his Messengers. The Pope having weighed

the Title of both parties, sent a consecrated Banner to * 1.862 William, as an Omen of his right to the kingdom, and good success taken in the enterprise. Which having received, Conventum magnum Procerum apud Lis∣libonam, fecit, super negotium singulorum sententias scissitatus: Duke William called a Great Council of Nobles at Lillebon, demanding every one of their opi∣nions concerning this business: Cumque omnes ejus voluntatem plausibus excipientes, magnificis promissis ani∣massent, Commeatum Navium omnibus; pro quan∣titate possessionum indixit. Henry Huntindon, Hygden, Radulphus de Diceto, Speed, Daniel, and others relate, That the Lords of Normandie in this great Parliamen∣tary Assembly, taking Counsel amongst themselves, what was best to be done in this expedition, VVilliam Fitz-Osbert counselled,

to leave and forsake the war, both for scarcity of fighting men, and by reason of the strength, valour, fierceness and cruelty of the Ene∣mies.

Whereof the other Lords being glad, put their answer into his mouth, resolving they would all consent to what he should say: Who comming before the King said; That he and all his men were ready and devoted to as∣sist him in that enterprise, and so were all the other Lords. Whereupon all the Nobles of Normandy being thus un∣expectedly surprized and bound by his words and pro∣mise, provided themselves for the expedition. In this Assembly of the Norman States, f 1.863 a subsidy being pro∣pounded, as the sinews to carry on this great undertaking: it was answered, That a former war with the French had impoverished much of their wealth; That if new wars were now raised, and therein their substance spent to gain other parts, it would be there so missed, as it would hardly be suf∣ficient * 1.864 to defend their own; That they thought it more safe for him to hold what he had, than with hazard of their own to invade the territories of others: That though the war in∣tended were just, yet it was not necessary, but exceeding dan∣gerous. Besides, by their allegiance they were not bound to

military services in forein parts, and therefore no pay∣ments could be assessed upon them. Whereupon the wealthiest of all the people were sent for by the Duke, and severally, one by one conferred with; shewing them his right and hopes of England, where preferments lay even for the meanest of them: only money was the want, which they might spare, neither should that be given, but lent upon a plentifull increase. With which words he drew them so on, that they strove who should give most, and by this means he gathered such a masse of money as was sufficient to defray the war. Besides, Fitz Osburne promised to furnish 40 ships at his own charge, the Bishop of Bayon 40, the Bishop of Maus 30. and so others accordingly, beyond their abilities: And di∣vers neighbour Princes, upon promises of fair possessi∣ons in England, assisted him both with Ships and Soul∣diers. On the other side Harold to prevent his and the Danes invasions, who likewise laid Title to the Crown, provided ships and forces, to oppose them both by Sea and Land, and repairing to the Port of Sandwich, ap∣pointed * 1.865 his Navy to meet him there; which being there assembled, he sailed with it to the Isle of VVight, and there watched the coming of VVilliam into England with his Army all the Summer and Autumn, placing likewise his Land forces of Foot in fitting places about the Sea coasts. But at last the victuals of the Navy and land Army being spent, they both returned home about the Feast of Sr. Mary.

g 1.866 Soon after Divine Providence, to make the ea∣sier and speedier way for Harolds overthrow, stirred up his own Brother Tosti, the banished Earl of Nor∣thumberland, to recover his Earldom, and avenge him∣self of Harold (who exiled him) some think by Duke VVilliams advice, they marrying two Sisters: who coming with 60 (some write 40) ships, out of Flan∣ders, forced Taxes and Tribute out of the Isle of VVight, took booties and Mariners to serve in his Navy on the

Sea coasts of Kent, whence he hoising sail, fell foul on Lincolnshire, where Morcar and Edwin, Earls of Che∣ster and Yorkeshire incountring him with their forces by Land, and Harolds Navy by Sea, with some loss of their men, routed, and drove him from thence into Scotland. Where after some stay Harold Harfager, King of Denmark, after his conquest of the Orcades, by Tosti his solicitation came into the River of Tine with 300. (others write 500) ships, where they both united their forces, intending to subdue and conquer England: then landing their Souldiers in Northumberland, they wasted and spoiled the Country where ever they came. Whereupon Earl Morcar, and Earl Edwin, with the inhabitants of the Country, raised all the forces they could against them, and giving them battel in a tu∣multuous manner, were routed by them, many of them being slain in the field, and the rest inforced to fly into York for shelter, which the Enemies besieging, was presently surrendred up to them, and hostages de∣livered them after the slaughter of many Citizens, Nobles, and Clergy-men. Upon this King Harold recollecting his disband••d Army and Navy, marched with all speed towards York against the Danes, Norwe∣geans, and his brother Tosti, but coming to Hamford Bridge, one valiant Dane, with his Battle Axe slew 40 of his men, and made good the Bridge against the whole Army, for a long space, till at last some going under the Bridge in a Boat, slew him with a spear. Both Armies joyning battel, after a long and bloudy fight, Harfager and Tosti, with may other of Note were slain, their whole Army routed, all their Ships ta∣ken, with the loss of many of the bravest English Soul∣diers, and 20 of their Ships only permitted to depart into Denmark with their wounded men, and Olaus Harfagers Son, who to save his life, took an Oath, ne∣ver from thenceforth to attempt any hostility or invasion a∣gainst the English. h 1.867 This victory Abbot Ailred a∣ascribes

to the merits of Edward the Confessor, who promised to be the Captain and Protector of the English Nation, against those Enemies who invaded the Realm con∣trary to right and Law, and promised them the victory over them: But Harold, ascribing it to his own valour, in∣stead of rewarding his Souldiers with the spoils of the vanquished enemies, as the price of their bloud, out of a base unworthy a varice, converted all the spoils and booty to his own private use, giving no part of them to any other: Wherewith many of the Nobles and common Souldiers were so incensed, that detesting the covetousness of their Prince, they unanimously departed from his service, and refu∣sed to march with him against the Normans. This tri∣umphant victory so puffed up Harold, that he thought himself secure in the Throne, beyond the fear or reach of a∣ny adversity, and instead of a King became a TYRANT.

Whilst Harold with all his Land and Sea forces were thus busied in the North of England, Duke VVilliam in August assembled all his Land Army and Navy, consisting of 900 ships, at the Port of S. Valerie, to in∣vade England in the South, then wholly destitute of all Guards by Land, and Navy by Sea, to resist his landing. And to satissie his Souldiers, and all others of the justice of his undertaking, i 1.868 he alleged these three causes there∣of, which Henry de Knyghton devides into four.

The first was, to revenge the cruel murther of his Cousin Prince Alfred,King Edmunds brother, and of the Normans who came with him to assist him to re∣cover the Crown of England, to which he was right heir, whom Godwin and his Sons had shamefully dis∣honoured, treacherously betrayed, and barbarously murdered; which fact he ascribed principally to Harold.

The second was, because Godwin and his Sons by their cunning, had injuriously banished Robert Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, Earl Odo, and all the French and

Normans out of England, which wrong he would re∣venge on Harold, as done principally by his means and labour.

The third and chief ground was; because Harold falling headlong into perjury, had without any right usurped the Crown and Realm of England, which of due belonged unto him, both by right of Kinred to, and gift by King Edward his Nephew, and by Harolds own solemn Oath and promise, made to him in Nor∣mandy, to preserve the Kingdom for his use after King Edwards death without children, according to King Edwards command.

While Duke William with his ships and Army lay many days together at S. Valerie, expecting a fair gale for England, the winds being cross k 1.869 many of the com∣mon souldiers there lying in Tents, thus muttered one to a∣nother: That the man was mad who would by force invade and make another mans Country and Realm his own; That God did fight against them in withdrawing the winds: That his Father attempted the same thing in the same man∣ner, and was hindered and inhibited therein. That it was fatal to his family, that aspiring to things above their power, they should find God opposite to them. These speeches bruted abroad, which might enfeeble the strength, and a∣hate the courage even of valiant men; The Duke there∣upon taking Counsel with his Senators, caused the Corps of St. Valerie to be brought forth to procure a * 1.870 wind; & presently a prosperous gale filling their sayles, the Duke himself first took ship, and launched forth, and all the rest after him, then casting Anchor till the Fleet came round about him, they all sailing with a gentle course landed at Hastings and Pevemsy. The Duke stepping forth of the ship upon the shore, one of his feet slipped, so that he fell down into the mud, one of his hands being filled with sand, whch he interpreted as an ill omen, and sinister event. But one of his Soul∣diers who stood next him, lifting him up from his fall,

whiles he held the mud in his hand, changed this event into a better interpretation, saying; Most happy Duke, thou already possessest England and plowest it up; Behold the land is in thy hand, Lift up thy self with good hope, thou shalt be King of England ere long.

No sooner was the Army landed, (m) but the King * 1.871 strictly charged them to forbear plundering, and take no booties, seeing they ought to spare the things that should be his own, nor to wrong any of their persons, who should ere long become his Subjects. n 1.872 Richard Vestegan re∣cords out of a French Historian, that Duke VVilliam the same day he landed in England, caused divers of his chief Officers and Friends to dine with him, and * 1.873 chancing at dinner to talk of an Astrologer, who by the conjunction of the Planets, had assured him at St. Valerie, That Harold should never withstand him, but sub∣mit himself unto him, and yeeld him faith and homage; willed now that the said Astrologer should be brought unto him, whom he had caused to be imbarqued for that voyage: But it was told him, that the Ship where in the said Astrologer sailed, was cast away at Sea, and he drowned in it. Whereunto the Duke replyed; That man was not wise, who had more regard to the good or ill fortune of another, than unto his own. I am now, thanks be to God, come over, I know not how the rest will succeed. How false this Star-gazers prediction proved, the sequel will manifest.

o 1.874 Duke VVilliam after his arrival, rested quietly 15. days without acting any thing, as if he minded no∣thing less than war. After which to cut off all occasi∣on or hopes of return from his Souldiets, he fired all his ships, or (as some write) drew them all a shore and intrenched them, as others: erecting only a Castle on the shore for a retiring place for his Souldiers, if need were. From Pevensy he marched to Hastings, where he built another Fort. p 1.875 Henry de Knyghton records, that the first night he lodged in England in his Pavilli∣on,

there came a voice unto him, saying: William, Wil∣liam, be thou a good man, because thou shalt obtain the Crown of the Realm, and shalt be King of England; and when thou shalt vanquish the enemy, cause a Church to be built in the same place in my name, so many hundred foot in length, as in number of years the seed of thy bloud shall possess the Government of the Realm of England, and reign in England, an 150. years. But (q) Matthew Westmin∣ster writes, this voice was after the battel with Harold, * 1.876 not before it, and the subsequent words in Knyghton, (touching his march to London,) import as much.

r 1.877 Harold residing in the North after his great vi∣ctory there, when he deemed all his Enemies totally broken in pieces, received certain intelligence, that Duke William was safely arived at Pevensey with his Fleet, and an innnmerable company of valiant Horsemen, Slingers, Archers, and Footmen, whom he had hired out of all France. Whereupon he presently marched with his ar∣my in great haste towards London; and although he well knew, that most of the valiant men in all England were slain in the two late Battels against Tosti and the Danes; that many of the Nobility and Common Souldi∣ers had quite deserted him, refusing to march with him, in that necssity, because he permitted them not to share with him in the great booties they had won with their bloud; and that half his Army were not come together▪ yet he resolved forthwith to march into Sussex against the Enemy and fight them, with those small forces tired he then had, being most of them Mercenaries and Stipendiaries, except those English Noblemen, Gentlemen and Freemen, who enflamed with the love and liberty of their Native * 1.878 Country, voluntarily engaged themselves with him in the defence thereof, against the common, dangerous, inva∣ding Enemy, rather than to support his usurped Diadem and Royalty over them: of which number there were very few. (f) Immo vero panoi, et manu promptissimi fuere, qui charitati corporum renunciantes Propatria animas

posuerunt. Nampraeter S••ipendiarios et Mercinario•• milites, paucos admodum ex comprovincialibus habuit. Praecipitabant eum nimium fata, ut nec auxilia convocari vellet; nec si vellet, multos parituros invenerat. Ita omnes ei erant infensi, quod solus manubiis Borealibus incubuerat: Unde cum suis quos ductabat astutia Guliel∣mi ••ircumventus, fusus est levi videlicet belli negoti••, sed occulto et stupendo Dei consilio, quod nunquam posteà Angli Communi praelio in libertatem spiraverint, quasi cum Haraldo omne robur deciderit Angliae, quae certe Potuit et debuit (etiam per inertissimos) solve∣re paenas perfidiae. Yet t 1.879 Thomas of Walsingham and some others write, that Harold had gathered together an innumerable company of Englishmen against Duke William; and the multitudes of the Nobility, Gentry, and Commons of England slain in the Battel, besides those who fled from it, and could not come to fight; manifest his Army not to be so small, as these Authors would make it, u 1.880 only to augment the Englishmens va∣lour, and ecclipse the Normans, as overcomming them more by stratagem and multitude than true fortitude. Whiles Harold was in his march towards William with∣in 9 miles of his Fort in Sussex, he sent out Scouts before him, to discover the forces and numbers of the Enemy, who being intercepted and brought to William, he cau∣sed them to be led about his tents, that they might well view his Army, and then being bountisully feasted, he commanded them to be sent back to their Master with∣out any harm. Who returning to Harold, commending the Dukes magnificence, martial prowess and clemency, seriously affirmed, that all his Souldiers seemed to be Priests, because their faces and both their lips were sha∣ven; which kind of shaving none of the English then used, but their Priests only. Upon which Harold smi∣ling at the Scouts simplicity; replied, They were not effeminate Priests, but Souldiers of great and valourous minds, invincible in arms. Whereupon x 1.881 Girth, Ha∣rolds

younger Brother, a man of great knowledge and valour beyond his years, taking the Speech out of his mouth, said; Seeing you commend the valour of the Nor∣mans to be so great, I hold it unadvised rashnesse for you to fight with them, to whom you may be reputed inferiour, both in merit and valour. Neither are you able to gain∣say, but that you took an Oath to William (to reserve the Crown to his use) voluntarily or unvoluntarily. Where∣fore you shall doe more advisedly to withdraw your self out of the field in this instant necessity, ne si perjurus decer∣tans, vel fugam vel mortem incurras, lest fighting perju∣red, you incurre either flight or death, and the whole Army perish for your sin of Perjury, seeing there is no fighting against God. Therefore expect the issue of the battel without danger: For we are altogether free from any Oath, justum suscipimus bellum pro Patria pug∣naturi, and have undertaken a just warr, to fight for our Country. If we fight alone without thee, thy cause shall * 1.882 prosper better, and thou shalt be more safe, whatever be∣fallius; For if we fly, thou maist be able to succour and restore us; and if we be slain, thou maist revenge us. But such was Harolds unbridled rashness, that he would not give a pleasing ear to this admonition, esteeming it in∣glorious, and a great dishonour to his former life and valour, to turn his back to any Enemy or dan∣ger.

Whiles these discourses passed between them: in comes a Monk sent by Duke William, claiming the king∣dom as his, Because King Edward had granted it to him by advice of Archbishop Stigand, and of the Earls Godwin and Siward, and had sent the Son and Nephew of Godwin hostages thereof into Normandy. But to a∣void effusion of Christian bloud, the Monk brought him these three profers. Either to depart with the Realm to William, according to his Oath and agreement. Or, to hold the Kingdom from, and reign under him. Or final∣ly to determine the controversie between them two by a sin∣gle

Duc••, in the view of both their 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ But Ha∣rold out of a strange imp••udence, impudence & pride of heart, as one whom the heavens would depresse, ac∣cepting neither domestick counsel, nor the Normans of∣fer, would neither vouchsafe to look upon the Messen∣ger with a good countenance, nor discourse with him in milde terms, but sending him away with indignation, prayed only thus, That God would judge between him and his Master William. To whom the Monk boldly replying; required, that if he would deny the right of William, he should either reserr it to the Judgement of the S••e Ap••stolick, or else to battel, if he had rather; by which he asserted, that William was ready to trie his Ti∣tle. But Harold answering nothing to those his Pro∣posals, but what he had done before, went within little of laying violent hands upon the Embassador, comman∣ding William with violent terms and menaces to depart his kingdom. By which he whetted the minds of the Normans to fight, and gave them hopes of Victory by his Injustice. After which both Armies provided to give battel the next morning, being Harolds birth-day, 4 October 1066. his Souldiers (as men whose Heads were sure to be crowned with lawrels of Victory) spent the whole night in licentious revels, riot, drunkennesse, clamours, shouts; but the Normans more Christianly and seriously demeaning themselves, spent it in confessi∣ons of their sins, prayers, and Vowes to God for victo∣rious successe. No sooner did the morning appear, but the Norman Army was prepared for battel. Then y 1.883 Duke William making an elegant oration to them, minded them, of the extraordinary valour, the manifold victories and conquests of their ancestors and themselves, which he exhorted them now to second, concluding his Speech with this exhortation, To avenge the tinjury of Harold, and the treachery of him and the English in mur∣dering Prince Alfred, and the Noble Normans who ac∣companyed him. Nonne pudet Regem Haroldam, con∣tra

me in praesentia vestri perjuram faciem suam vobis ostendere ausum fuisse? Mihi tamen stupor est, Quod eos quiparentes vestros, cum Alftido cognato meo proditione nefanda excapitaverunt, oculis vestris vidi∣stis; et eorum capita adhuc humeris eorum supersint. Erigite vexilla viri, nec sit irae promeritae modus vel mo∣destia. Ab oriente ad occidente videatur fulmen gloriae vestrae, audiatur tonitrum impetus vestri, Vindi∣cesque generosissimi sanguinis. At which words all the Normans were so incensed against the English, that they left their Duke alone speaking to himself, before he had ended his Speech; and presently charged the Eng∣lish with unspeakable violence, before the third part of their army could be set in battel array (as Wigorniensis, Sim. Dunelmensis, Radulphus de Diceto, Hoveden, Brom∣ton, and others write.) One Taillefer, running before the rest, slew three English Ensigns one after another, and then was slain himself, before the rest of the Souldiers encountred. The English, by reason of the narrow∣nesse of the place, were unable to bring up above one third part of their men to fight in an orderly manner; For which cause, and out of hatred to Harold, many of them deserted both the field and him, and very few con∣tinued with him with a constant heart. Yet the battel was so manfully fought by Harold, and the English re∣maining with him, with various successe (sometimes one side prevailing, sometimes the other) that it con∣tinued from the third hour of the day, even till dark night. The English stood so thick and close together, and fought so valiantly, that the Norman assailants could no waies break their array, and were upon the point to recoyl: Which William perceiving, politickly sounded a Retreat; the Normans retiring in good or∣der, the English supposing them to flie, and themselves to be Masters of the field, thereupon began disorderly to pursue them, breaking their ranks and files; but on a sudden the Normans having their wished opportunity

charged them afresh, being scattered and disordered, so as they were not able to recover their battel, and so were beaten down and slain on every side; none of them by flight seeking to escape the field, but to main∣tain their honour in arms, chusing rather manfully to dye fighting in the cause and defence of their Country, than to fo••sake their Kings Standard. Who performing the Office both of an expert Commander and valiant Soul∣dier all the day, after many wounds received, and fight∣ing very manfully was at last slain with an arrow, shot through his brain in at his left eye, and falling dead from his horse to the ground, was slain under his own Standard, (when he had reigned only 9. Moneths and S. dayes;) and his two Brothers, Girth and Le••fwin, with most of the English Nobility & Gentry there pre∣sent were slain together with him. Upon Harolds death, most of the common mercenary Souldiers fled, being without that head for whom they fought, and were pursued and slain by the Normans till night, z 1.884 Sed generosi malentes mori quam probrose fugere, videntes exhaeredationem suam imminere et jugum int••lerabile, donec nox certamen divideret, in certamine immota pectora praebentes prestiterunt, pulchram mortem pro pa∣tria ultione meruere. a 1.885 Some of our Histori∣ans write, that there were slain of the English in this battel no lesse than sixty thousand nine hundred twenty four men; which could not be, if Harolds Army were so small, as some report it; the Normans losing not a∣bove six thousand in the fight. b 1.886 Eadmerus, Roger de Hoveden, Simeon Dunelmensis, Radulphus de Diceto, Bromton, and others, ascribe this Victory only to a di∣vine Miracle, and Gods Justice upon Harold for his de∣testable perjury, from the Testimony of the French who were present in it. De hoc praelio testantur adhuc Fran∣ci qui interfuerunt, quoniam licet varius casus hinc inde extiterit, tamen tanta strages et fuga Normannorum fuit, ut victoria, quâ p••titi sunt, vero et abs{que} dubio soli

miraculo Dei ascribenda sit, qui puniendo, per hanc iniquum perjurii scelus Haroldi, ostendit, se non domi∣num esse volentem iniquitatem. Which c 1.887 Abbot Ail∣red thus seconds. Gulielmus Dei judicio (to which Harold appealed) ipsum Haroldum Regno simul et vita privavit, for invading the Crown against right and his Oath, belonging to William, jure consanguinit at is & antiquae inter ipsum et Edwardum conventionis. The most of our Historians do the like. d 1.888 Thomas of Walsingham, imputes the great slaughter of the English in this battel by the Normans, as a just Judgement of God upon them for their treacherous murder of Prince Alfred and the Normans that came with him. Referun∣tur illo conflictu pugnae multa millia Anglorum corruisse, Christo illis vicem reddente ob Aluredi fratris Edwardi Regis necem, ab eis injuste perpetratus: With whom Mr. e 1.889 John Fox concurrs in his forecited passage; and Duke Williams Speech to his Souldiers before the battel implies as much, he making it the chief ground of his in∣vading England.

This battel, writes f 1.890 Abbot Ailred, Anglicae Li∣bertati finem dedit, initium Servituti: to which g 1.891 Malmsbury subjoyns. I lla dies fuit fatalis Anglis, fu∣nestum excidium dulcis patriae, pro novorum dominorum commutatione. h 1.892 Hanc autem regni subversionem, & sanguinis redundantis effusionem, cometa ingens & san∣guinea at que crinita, in exordio illius anni apparens, mi∣naci fulgore praesignavit, unde quidam:

Anno millesimo sexageno quoque seno Anglorum metae flammas sensère Cometae.

Quod Regni mutationem magnam, populi Stragem, & multam ter••e miseriam portendit. Ut enim Philosophi dicunt, quo dirigit crinem, illic diriget et discrimen••; as

Abbot Ingulpbus, Mat. Westminster, Matthew Paris, Huntindon, Hoveden, Wigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmen∣sis, Hygden, Knyghton and others observe.

In this Battel Duke William had three Horses slain under him, and often acknowledged, that Gods divine hand did more protect him, than mans, seeing his Ene∣my, amidst so many showers of darts and arrows which they shot against him, could not draw so much as one drop of his bloud, though they frequently hit him with them.

i 1.893 Morcar and Edwin Earls of Yorkeshire and Cheshire, Harolds Brother-in-laws, withdrawing themselves and their forces from their battel, (either for want of room to fight, as was pretended, or rather for former dis∣contents) retreated to London: where consulting with Alfred Archbishop of York, and other Pee••s, and with the Citizens and Mariners of London, they all re∣solved to crown and set up Edgar Atheling the true heir, for their King: promising, to march under him with all their forces against Duke William, and to try a∣nother field; for which end they posted abroad Messen∣gers to levy new forces, and raise up the hearts of the de∣jected English from a despairing fear. But before Ed∣gars Coronation, whiles many were preparing them∣selves for a new battel, Morcar and Edwyn (whom this fearful estate of their native Country would not disswade or restrain from disloyalty and ambition, to gain the Crown to themselves, (as some record) se∣cretly hindered that noble and prudent design, by with∣drawing themselves from Edgar, and marched home with all their forces and their Sister Algitha, or A∣gatha, (Harolds wife) into Northumberland; conje∣cturing out of their simplicity, that Duke William would never come so farr. Upon their departure, though the rest of the Nobles would still have elected and crowned Edgar King, if the Bishops would have assented thereun∣to; yet the Prelates, struck with the fear of the Popes thunderbolt from abroad, and with the consideration of

the divisions, distractions of the Nobility and people, and the imminent danger at home, would no wayes con∣curr with the Nobles, Londoners, Sea-Captains and others, to crown Edgar, but resolved to go forth and submit them∣selves to the victorious Duke, and elect and crown him for their Soveraign. k 1.894 The Nobility discerning this wavering inconstancy of the Bishops; and considering, that they were nobly born, and must have a King; that not to take him (who was of power to make himself King) would shew more of passion than discretion, distrusting each others faith, began to strive and runn headlong, who should be the first to preoccupate the Grace of Servitude, and intrude them into forein sub∣jection. The Commons (like a strong Vessel, that might have been for good use) were hereby left without a stern, and could not move irregularly without appa∣rent shipwrack. So that all estates in generall, either transported with sordid fear, or corrupted with new hopes, forsook Edgar, themselves, and their distressed Country, resolving all to become Williams sworn Vas∣sals, without any further contest. l 1.895 Ita Angli qui in unam coeuntes sententiam potuissent Patriae reformare ruinam, dum nullum ex suis volebant, induxerunt alie∣num.

During this their Consultation at London, m 1.896 Duke William after his victory marched with his army through Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire and Hartford∣shire, towards London, so farr as Berkhamsted, without the least opposition; wasting the Country, burning the Villages, and slaying the people (as Hoveden, Cambden, and others write) notwithstanding his former inhibiti∣on of plunder, to force them more readily to submit unto him. Hereupon Aldred Archbishop of York, Wulstanc Bishop of Worcester, Walter Bishop of Hereford, yea Prince Edgar himself, all the English Nobility, the chiefest of the Londoners, and many others repaired to the victorious Duke at Berkhamsteed; where giving

him hostages for their fidelity, they resigned themselves up unto him as his subjects, and swore allegiance to him: with whom he reciprocally made a Covenant of Peace; & nihilominus exercitui suo villas cremare, & rapinas agere permisit, adds Hoveden. When the feast of Christs Nativity approached, Duke William resolved to march to London, with all his Army, and there to be crowned King; n 1.897 but being on his way, he found all the pas∣s••ges blocked up with many great trees, which Frederick Abbot of St. Albans (descended from the Saxons noble bloud) had caused to be cut down and cast in the waies, to secure his Monastery from the destruction of the Normans; whereat the Duke both wondering and fret∣ting, sent for the Abbot, under assurance of his safe re∣turn; and demanding the cause, Why his woods were thus felled, and the wayes blocked up? he returned him this stout answer: I have done (saith he) both the duty of my birth and profession; and if others of my rank had performed the like, (as they well might and ought to doe) it had not been in thy power to have pierced the land thus farr. William hearing his bold answer, and knowing it was now a fitter time to pacifie, than exulcerate the English Spirits, gave way to the present necessity, and marched to London with his Army; where he was joy∣fully received, by the Prelates, Nobles, and Generality of the People, and by them all elected and crowned King on the day of Christs Nativity, Anno 1066. (o) In magna exultatione a Clero et Populo suscep∣tus, * 1.898 et ab omnibus Rex acclamatus. p 1.899 Thomas of Walsingham records, that Williams Vantguard march∣ing into London before him, found many Rebels against him in the streets of the City, with whom they encountring forthwith, brought no small grief and lamentation to the City, by reason of the many funerals of the Citizens and their Sons whom they slew. At last, the Citizens percei∣ving they could no longer resist them, put in hostages, sub∣jecting themselves with all theirs to their Conqueror and

Hereditary Lord. After which (writes he) the Duke on Christmass day was elected King by all the Nobles, as well of the Normans as English, and anoynted with sacred oyl, and crowned with the royal Crown by the Bi∣shops of the Realm at Westminster; He receiving the * 1.900 Crown from the hands of Aldred Archbishop of York, refusing to be crowned by Stigand Archbishop of Can∣terbury, by reason of the many evils and horrible crimes reported of him, and because he had unlawfully invaded that See, during the life of Robert, for which he was sus∣pended by the Pope: ne maledictionem videretur indue∣re pro benedictione, as most of our Historians accord: though the r 1.901 Chronicle of Bromton, and s 1.902 Mat. Parker assert, that Stigand peremptorily re••used to crown him, being a man of bloud, and an invader of anothers right. Cumque Willielmus Dux Normanniae, Conquestor Angliae Tyranni nomen exhor resceret, et nomen Legitimi Principis induere vellet, à Stigan∣do Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo in regno peti••t consecrari. Ille vero, ut quidam dicunt, cruenti viro, et alieni Iuris invasori, manus imponere formidans nullatenus adquie∣vit. Unde licet ipse Willielmus eundem Stigandum ut noverat multis modis blandè honoravit, ip••um tamen nun∣quam cordialiter amavit.

t 1.903 Thomas Sprot, William Thorne, and out of them u 1.904 Matthew Parker, x 1.905 Mr. Lambard, y 1.906 Mr. Cambden, z 1.907 Godwin, Stow, and a 1.908 Speed record this Story, which none of our other antient Historians mention, That after Duke William had slain Harold, and the City of London with the generality of England had submitted to his power, being struck with the fear and terror of Harolds death, and the Englishmens great slaughter) except Kent alone; William marched with his forces towards Dover Castle, (the lock and key of the Realm) the better to command the Seas, and awe the Kentishmen, to subject it, and the other parts of the County to his power. Archbishop Stigand then ly∣lying

close in that County, either to renew the warr, or to obtain more honourable and just conditions of sub∣jection for his Kentishmen than any others, effected for his Kentish people that which none in his Country did besides. For perswading all his Kentish men to keep at home, and not stirr out of their confines, when he heard of Williams appro••ch, advising with Eglesine Abbot of St. Augustinet (they two being the chiefest Lords and Gover••••urs of Kent) and the principal men of Kent; they considered, that the whole Realm was in a very sad and ill condition; for whereas before the comming of the said William, none of the English was a Servant, that now all indiffe••ently, as well Noble as Ignoble, were subjected to the perpetual Servitude of the Normans. And out of the dangers of their neighbours, assuming matter for their own and their Counties preservation, they assembled all the Commons of Kent to Canterbu∣ry; where they represented to them, the imminent dan∣gers of the Country, the misery of their neighbours, the in∣solency of the Normans, and the calamity of a servile con∣dition; all which now were too apparently seen. The English till then were frée-born, and the name of bon∣dage * 1.909 never heard among them, and they amongst the rest; but now nothing but servitude attended them, in case they unworthily yielded (as others had done) to the insolency of this griping Enemy. Whereupon by com∣mon advice, all the people decreed and declared to meet Duke William, et cum eo pro Patriis Legibus certa∣re; and to fight with him for the Lawes of their Coun∣try; chusing rather to end an unhappy life by fighting for them in the field, than to undergoe the unaccustomed yoak of bondage, or to be reduced from their accustomed li∣berty to an unknown and unsure Slavery. The Archbishop and Abbot chusing rather to die in battel, than to behold the miseries of their Nation, after the ex∣ample of the holy Maccabees, became the Captains of the Kentish Army, resolving to die in defence of their

Country and Laws, whereupon they all resolved to meet together at Swanscomb, (two miles from Graves∣••nd) at a set time. Where assembling accordingly, they secretly kept together in the woods, watching the Dukes approach, all joyntly agreeing to block up his passage on all sides, and to surround the Duke and his Army on a sudden, that they might not escape them, every one of the Horse and Footmen carrying a green bough in his hand, that they might not be discovered, and wherewith, if need were, they might impeach and hedge up the Normans passage. The Duke marching the next day through the fields near Swanscomb, the whole multitude of the Kentishmen, like a moveable wood, surrounded him, approaching nearer and nea∣rer to him with a loft pace. Which stratagem so daun∣ted the Duke, even with the very sight of their ap∣proach, (who being, as he thought, free from all Ene∣mies, was now suddenly beset on all sides with these moving woods) that he knew not but all the other vast woods he saw, might be of the like nature; neither had he time to avoid the danger. The Kentishmen having thus enclosed him round about, casting down their boughs, bended their bowes, drew out their swords, shaked their pikes, held forth their other arms, display∣ed their banners, and sounded their trumpets in token of battel. The Duke and his Army being herewith a∣stonished, (though so puffed up with their former late victory, that they had even now, to their seeming, the whole Realm of England in their hand) were so extra∣ordinarily terrified herewith, that they stood in danger not only of the losse of the Victory and Army, but he even of his own life. Whereupon he desired a parley with the Kentish before the battel was joyned. Upon this Stigand and Egelsine, their Generals, were sent Embassadors to the Duke, on the behalf of the rest, who spake thus to him in their Kentishmens names.

Most Noble Duke, behold the people of Kent, are

come forth to meet thee as thy friends, and are ready to re∣ceive and obey thee as their Liege Lord, if thou shalt grant their most just requests, demanding only such things as make for peace, and such as only tend to retain the Liber∣ty received from their Ancestors, and preserve the Laws and Customs of their Country, Neither will they be reduced under Bondage never yet felt by them, nor tolerate any new Lawes; For they can bear Royal Authority, but not Lordly Tyranny. Wherefore receive the Kentishmen, not as thy Servants, but as thy loyal, loving and affectionate Subjects. Yet upon this condition, That all the People of Kent may for ever enjoy their antient Liberty, without diminu∣tion, and use the Laws and Liberties of their Coun∣try. But if thou endeavourest to take away their Li∣berty, and the Immunity of their Laws, thou shalt likewise take away their Lives together with them: they being all ready at present to give thee and thine bat∣tel, and to try the uncertain chance of Warr; Being ful∣ly resolved rather to die in the field, than in any sort to depart with their Countries Laws and Customs, or to live under strange Laws or servile Bondage; the name and nature whereof is and ever shall be strange unto us. For although the rest of the English can submit themselves to Slavery, yet Liberty is the proper badge of Kentish men.

The Duke aston••shed with this Oration and his new troubles, with a perplexed troubled mind, advised here∣upon with his Counsellors; and wisely considering, that the event of the battel would be very doubtfull, that if he should depart without accomplishing his de∣signe, or if he should suffer any repulse or inconveni∣ence from this warlike people, that it would not onely redound to his great infamy, but that it would endan∣ger the loss of his new-acquired kingdom; undo what ever he had hitherto effected, and turn all his hopes and security into danger, if he should not joyne Kent, the

key of the whole Realm to the rest of the Kingdom, and retain it more by friendship and compact, (thus of∣fered to him) than by force. And considering like∣wise that their demands were not unreasonable; he thereupon, not so willingly as wisely, rather out of ne∣cessity, than voluntarily, granted to the Kentish men, that they should live freely according to their antient Laws and Customes. Whereupon there being a League made between William and the Kentishmen, and Hostages given on both sides for performance of it, they thereupon laid down their arms, and the joyful Kentish men conducted the joyous Normans to Rochester, where they resigned up to Duke William both the Cou••ty of Kent, and noble Castle of Dover. And thus the an∣tient Liberty, Laws, Usage, and Custom of the English (called Gavelkind in the municipal English Laws) which was frequently and equally used throughout the whole Realm of England, before the comming of Duke Wil∣liam, afterward taken from others, continued more inviolable even till these our dayes in Kent alone, by the industry, courage, intercession and earnest vehemen∣cy of Stigand and Egelsine. Which thing is sufficient∣ly proved out of antient Writings concerning the cu∣stoms of Kent, wherein it is thus recorded, Dicit Comi∣tatus, quod in Comitatu isto de jure debet de ejusmodi gra∣vamine esse liber; quia dicit, quod Com••tatus iste, ut re∣siduum Angliae nunquam fuit Conquestus, sed per pa∣cem factam se reddidit Conquestioris dominationi Salvis sibi omnibus Libertatibus suis, et liberis consuetudi∣bus primo habitis et usitatis. And from this valour and prowesse of the Kentishmen in standing thus man∣fully for the Laws, Customs and Liberties of their Coun∣try both against Duke William, and the Danes before him, when as the other English basely submitted their necks to their Vassalage, they b 1.910 first obtained, and for many years after claimed, enjoyed this special priviledge, That in all Armies and Battaliaes of the English, they

had the honour of the Van, and foreward, and were worthi∣ly placed in the front, in all conflicts with the Enemy; they above all other Englishmen, retaining still the badges of their antieut worthinesse and Liberty.

Duke William having thus rather reconciled, than subdued Kent to himself (of which he was most careful, because therin were the most commodious Ports for any ••o pass into or out of the Realm) hasted to London to his Coronation; (which Matthew Parker, Godwin, and others, make subsequent to his Agreement with the Ken∣tish men, though Speed erroneously makes it precedent) where he conceived so profound a displeasure against Archbishop Stigand, for his forecited Speech and Strata∣gem to preserve the Liberties, Laws and Customs of his Kentishmen, that he would not suffer him to Crown him, according to the duty of his place, though he al∣leged other reasons for it, and never ceased his rancor towards him, till he had revenged it; c 1.911 first by carry∣ing him over with him into Normandy soon after in the na∣ture of a prisoner at large, under a pretext of honour: Next, by depriving him of his Archbishoprick, upon his return from thence; And finally, by shutting him up pre∣sently after a Prisoner in Winchester Castle, where he had scarce enough allowed him to keep life and soul toge∣ther, and soon after there died of grief or famine.

When Duke William was crowned at Westminster by Archbishop Aldred, before he set the Crown upon his head, he caused him before the altar of St. Peter in West∣minster, to promise upon Oath in the presence of the Clergy, Nobles and people, Se velle Sanctas Dei Eccle∣sias, ac Rectores earum defendere; necnon & cunctum populum sibi subjectum Iuste & regali Providentiae rege∣re; Rectam Legem statuere et tenere: Rapinas in∣justaque judicia penitus interdicere: as Florentius Wigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, Roger de Hoveden, and Radulphus de Diceto, record his Oath: Which the Chronicle of Bromton, col. 962. thus expresseth. Ipsum * 1.912

Regem Willielmum ad Jura Ecclesiae Anglicanae ••uendae et confirmanda, populumque suum recte regendum et le∣ges rectas statuendum Sacramento solemniter astrixit. Which John Speed thus renders in English, At his Co∣ronation he took a corporal Oath, before the High Altar, according to the accustomed form. To defend the holy Church of God and the Rectors of the same. To govern the universal people subject to him justly; to establish equal Laws, and to sée them duly executed as became a good King. After which Oath taken, the Bishops and Barons of the Realm there publikely made him homage, and took an Oath to him, to be his true and loyal Subjects. Thus (writes d 1.913 Matthew Westminster,) the Kingdom of the English was translated to the Dominion of the Normans by the most orderly disposition of God, who disposeth and dis∣sipateth Kingdoms, and disappointing the Councils of Princes, gives them to whom he will, and so long as he pleaseth, neither is there any that can say, why d••st thou thus?

What the chief Sins of the Englishmen then were, which brought them under the Norman yoak, I have mentioned in part; take this addition to them, out of the Chronicle of Bromton, col. 961, 962. Cur autem tanto furore Dei Justitia in Anglos exarsit, causa, ut cre∣ditur haec est. In primitiva Angliae Ecclesia Religio cla∣rissime splenduit, &c. Processis vero temporis adeo omnis virtus in ••is emarcuit, ut gentem nullam in proditione et nequitia sibi parem esse permitterent. Immisit ergo Dominus omnipotens, velut examina apum, Gentes cru∣delissimas, quae ab initio Ethelwolfi Regis, usque adven∣tum Normannorum per CCXXX. annos Terram jugi∣ter, protriverunt, et potissimum Normanni, quando omnes fere Angli (ut inferius aliqualiter patebit) in servitutem sunt redacti, et approbrium erat Anglicus appellari: To whom I shall subjoyn this passage of e 1.914 William of Malmsbury more fully setting out the Sins and Vices of the generality of the English in that

age, which brought Gods judgements on them, and en∣slaved them to the Normans by one single battel. Illa fuit dies fatalis Anglis funestum, excidium dulcis patriae, pro novorum dominorum commutatione. Jam enim pri∣dem moribus Anglorum insueverat, qui varii admodum pro temporibus fuere. Nam primis adventus sui annis vultu & gestu barbarico, usu bellico, ri••u fanatico vive∣bant: Sed postmodum Christi fide suscepta, paulatim & per incrementa temporis, pro ocio quod actitabant exerci∣tium armorum in secundis ponentes, omnem in religione operam insumpsere. Taceo de pauperibus quos fortunae tenuitas plerumque continet, ne cancellos justitiae trans∣grediantur: praetermitto graduum Ecclesiasticorum vi∣ros, quos nonnunquam professionis contuitus, sed & infa∣miae metus à vero deviare non sinit. De Regibus dico, qui pro amplitudine suae potestatis licenter indulgere volunta∣tibus possent: quorum quidam in patria, quidam Romae, mutato habitu coeleste luc rati sunt regnum, beatum nacti commercium. Multi specie tenus tota vita mundum am∣plexi, ut thesauros egenis effunderent, Monasteriis divi∣derent. Quid dicam de tot Episcopis, Hermitis, Abbati∣bus: nonne tota Insula indigenarum tantis reliquiis ful∣gurat, ut vix aliquem vicum insignem praetereas, ubi no∣vi Sancti nomen non audias? quam multorum etiam pe∣riit memeria, proscriptorum inopia. Veruntamen lite∣rarum et religionis studia aetate procedente absoleverunt, non pau••is ante adventum Normannorum annis. Clerici literatura tumultuaria contenti, vix Sacramentorum verba balbuti••bant: stupori et miraculo erat caeteris, qui grammaticam noscet. Monachi subtilibus indumentis et indifferenti genere ciborum regulam ludificabant, Op∣timates gulae & venerii dediti Ecclesiam more christiano mane non adibant, sed in cubiculo, et inter uxorios am∣plexus, matutinorum solemni•• et Missarum a festinante presbytero auribus tantum libabant▪ Vulgus in medio expositum, praeda erat potentioribus, ut vel eorum substantiis exhaustis, vel etiam corporibus in longinquas

terras distractis acervos thesaurorum congererent, quam∣vis magis ingenitum sit illi genti commessationibus, quam operibus inhiare. Illud erat a natura abhorrens, quod multi ancillas suas ex se gravidas, ubi libidini satisfecis∣sent, aut ad publicum prostibulum, aut ad aeternum obse∣quium vendicabant. Potabatur in commune ab omnibus, in hoc studio noctes perinde ut dies perpetuantibus, parvis & abjectis domibus totos sumptus absumebant: Francis & Normannis absimiles, qui amplis & superbis aedificiis modicas expensas agunt. Sequebantur vitia ebrietatis socia, quae virorum animos effaeminant. Hinc factum est, ut magis temeritate et furore praecipiti, quam scientia militari Willielmo congressi, uno praelio, & ipso perfacili, servituti se patriam{que} pessundederint. Ad summam, tuno erant Angli vestibus ad medium genu expediti, crines tonsi, barbas rasi, armillis aureis brachia onerati, picturatis stig∣matibus, ••utem insigniti: in cibis urgentes crapulum, in po∣tibus irritantes vomica. Et haec quidē extrema victoribus suis participarunt, de caeter is in eorum mores transeuntes. Sed haec mala de omnibus generaliter Anglis dicta intelligi nolim. Scio clericos multos tunc temporis simplici via se∣mitam sanctitatis trivisse; Scio multos Laicos omnis generis & conditionis in hae eadem gente Deo placuisse: facessat ab hac relatione invidia, non cunctos pariter haec involvat calumnia. Verum sicut in tranquillitate malos cum bonis fovet plaerumque Dei serenitas, ita in captivitate bon••s cum malis nonnunquam ejusdem constringit severitas.

I have insisted more largely upon the Historical part of Harolds usurpation, perjury, short and troublesom reign, tragical death, Duke Williams claims to, and manner of acquiring the Crown of England, for this reason especially; To refute the common received Er∣ror of some ignorant Historians, of many illiterate Statists and Swordmen of this age, and of sundry tem∣porizing Ignoramusses of my own robe; who publickly averr in their Pamphlets, Speeches, Charges, and Dis∣courses; that Duke William claimed and obtained the

Crown of England only as a Conqueror; and thereupon al∣tered the antient Laws, Customs of the Realm, and gave New Laws unto it by his own absolute power, as a Conqueror thereof. Upon which false Ground they inferre; That those in late and present Power, coming in by the same Title of Conquest, may lawfully give new Laws to, & im∣pose what Taxes, Government they please upon the English (as well as Scotish and Irish) as a meer conquered Na∣tion, by their own inherent authority; seeing by the * 1.915 Laws of Warr, regularly all Rights and Laws of the place and Nation conquered be wholly subject to the Conquerors will. And hereby they justifie all their late Impositi∣ons, Taxes, Excises, Sequestration, Seisures, Sales of all the publike revenues of the Nation, and many thousand private mens Estates, by their Westminster, and White-Hall Ordinances, Edicts, with the changes of our Go∣vernment, new-modellings of our Parliaments; and all other irregular proceedings, destructive to our Funda∣mental Rights, Laws, Liberties, Government, (which they formerly covenanted inviolably to maintain) with∣out grant or consent, by any free, full, lawfull English Parliaments. Now to demolish all these their superstru∣ctures, by subverting their false Foundation of D. Willi∣ams pretended Title to the Crown of England only by Conquest; It is most apparent by the premised Historical Authorities.

1. That King William alwayes claimed the Crown of England, both before, at, and after his Coronation, as of right belonging to him, by the promise, gift, contract, gift and bequest of Edward the Confessor, and as his heir and next kinsman by the Mothers side.

2. That he alleged, this gift and grant of the Crown to him, to be made with the consent of the Archbishops of Canterbury, Earls Godwin, Syward, and other No∣bles of the Realm; ratified by special Messengers sent unto, and Hostages delivered him for its performance, and by Harolds own solemn agreement and Oath, sent

to him by King Edward for that purpose, as himself at least suggested to him: which designation and grant of King Edward to William, was no fiction; but a truth confessed by all our Historians, and Harold himself, who by his answers never denyed, but only endeavoured to evade it, and voluntarily acknowledged by all the No∣bles of England, both at his Coronation, and in Parlia∣ment it self in the 4. year of his reign.

3. That after King Edwards decease, divers of the Nobles would have elected William King, in pursuance hereof, but that Harold perjuriously usurped the Crown by meer force and power, without the least right unto it, or any election by the Lords or people; setting the Crown on his own head the very day King Edward was interred, and thereby prevented Williams election to it.

4. That hereupon divers of the Nobles, Prelates, and other English, sent private Messengers to William into Normandy to come and demand his right to the Crown, as due unto him; promising hostages and their assist∣ance to recover it.

5. That thereupon he sent Embassadors twice or thrice to Harold, one after another, before his landing, insisting on his meer right and Title to the Crown, to gain it by parly without effusion of bloud.

6. That upon Harolds obstinacy, he appealed to the Pope, and to all his Nobles assembled in a Parliamentary Council, for the justice of his Title and Right to the Crown, who declared his Title Lawfull and Just; and thereupon encouraged, assisted him all they could to regain it by force of arms from the Usurper Harold, who would not otherwise depart from it.

7. That immediately after his landing he made claim unto it only by the foresaid Right, Title, and thereupon prohibited his Souldiers to plunder the Country or hurt any of the Inhabitants, as being his by right.

8. That very few of the English Nobility or Nati∣on,

would march or engage with Harold, against Wil∣liam, and sundry withdrew themselves from the battel, as conscious of Harolds usurpation, perjury, and Williams just cause against him, (however other causes were then pretended) and amongst the rest, his own Brother-in-laws, the greatest Peers of the Realm, Earl Morcar and Edwin, deserted him in the fight.

9. That after the first battel won and Harold slain, all the Prelates and Clergy generally (except Abbot Frederick) appeared for him, and would not consent to set up Edgar, though right heir.

10. That after good deliberation, all the Nobles, Prelates, Londoners, and others who first appeared for Edgar, with the greatest part of the Clergy, people of the English Nation, without the least fight or resistance, or before any siege or summons from him, together with Prince Edgar himself, voluntarily went out, and sub∣mitted themselves, sware faith and allegeance to him as their Soveraign, at Berkhamsted, and after that joyfully received him with highest acclamations as their lawfull King, at his entry into London.

11. That all the Prelates, Clergy and Nobility soon after, without any coercion, upon his foresaid right and Title, freely elected, and solemnly crowned him as their lawfull King, in a due and accustomed manner and then did Homage, and swore new Allegiance afresh un∣to him, as their rightful Soveraign.

12. That he took the Ordinary Coronation Oath of all lawfull Kings; to mainitan and defend the rights, persons of all his people, to govern them justly, &c. as became a good King; which a King claiming by meer conquest, would never do.

All these particulars are undeniable Evidences, that Duke William never made the least pretence, claim, or title to the Crown and Realm of England, only as an absolute Conqueror of the Nation, but meerly by Ti∣tle, as their true and lawfull King, by designation, a∣doption,

and cognation, seconded with the Nobles, Prelates, Clergy, and peoples unanimous election: And although it be true, that this Duke ejected Harold and got actual possession of the Throne and Kingdom from him by the sword, as did Aurelius Ambrosius and others before, and King Henry the 4. Edward the 4. Henry the 7. with others since his reign; yet that nei∣ther did, nor could make him, a King by conquest only, no more than these other Princes, seeing the end of this warr was not against the whoie English Nation, the greatest part where of secretly abbetted his interest; but only against the unjust Usurper and Intruder King Harold, and his adherents; not to create a Title to the Realm, by his and their Conquest, but to remove a U∣surper, who invaded it without and against all right, and to gain the actual possession thereof by arms from which he was unjustly withheld by force, against those pretended lawfull Titles which he made. So that he got not the Right, Title, but only the actual posses∣sion of the Crown by his Sword, not as a universal Conqueror of the Realm without right or Title, but as if he had been immediate heir, and lawfull Successour to the Confessor, who designed him to succeed him. For fuller confirmation whereof, I shall here subjoin these ensuing proofs.

1. King William himself at his very Coronation in London (as Mr Cambden informs us) said; That the king∣dom * 1.916 was by Gods providence appointed, and by vertue of a gift from his Lord and Cosen King Edward the glorious, granted unto him; and that this most bounteous King Edward had by adoption ordained him his heir in the king∣dom of England.

2ly, In his f 1.917 Charter to the Church of Westmin∣ster, he resolves us much in direct terms, where he re∣cites, In ore gladii Regnum adeptus sum Anglorum, devict•• Haroldo rege Cum suis complicibus, qui mihi Regnum cum providentia Dei destinatum, & beneficio

concessionis Domini & Cognati mei, gloriosi Edwardi CONCESSUM, conati sunt auferre, &c. So that his Ti∣tle was from Edward, though his possession by the sword.

3ly. In the very g 1.918 Title of his Laws, (published in the 4th year of his reign, (which he was so far from altering, that he both by Oath and Act of Parliament, ratified, confirmed all the Laws and Customs of the * 1.919 Realm used in the Confessors time and before, presented by a Grand Enquest unto him out of every County of Eng∣land upon Oath, without any alteration, praevarication, or diminution) he stiles himself, (or is stiled by the Colle∣ctor of these Laws) HEIR AND COSEN TO Ed∣ward the Confessor, even in the ancient Manuscript which Sir Henry Spelman hath published Incipiunt Leges S. Edwardi Regis, quas in Anglia tenuit; & quas WIL∣LIELMUS HAERES & cognatus suus POSTEA CONFIRMAVIT. To which I shall likewise subjoyn the words of the Charter of his Sonn h 1.920 King Henry the 1. Anno 1108. translating the Abbey of Ely into a Bishoprick, wherein he gives his Father William the self-same Title. Ego Henricus providente divina cle∣mentia Rex Anglorum & Normannorum Dux, Williel∣mi magni Regis filius, QUI EDWARDO REGI HAEREDITAR••O JURE SUCCESCIT IN REG∣NUM: renouncing all Title by conquest, and claiming only as Heir to King Edward by Hereditary right.

4ly. Earl William himself in none of his Charters, Writs, Speeches, Writings, ever stiled himself a Con∣querour of England, nor laid claim to the Crown and Realm of England by Conquest, after his inauguration; which Title of Conqueror was afterwards (out of the flattery or ignorance of the times) given unto him by others. Therefore the words which the i 1.921 History of St. Stephens in Caen in Normandy, reports he used at his last breath: The Regal Diadem which none of my Pre∣decessors ever wore, I got and gained by the Grace of God

only. I ordain no man heir of the Kingdom of England, (which all our Historians unanimously contradict, af∣firming, that he ordained VVilliam Rufus his second son particularly to succeed him in it, at his death, up∣on which Title only he enjoyed it) but I commend the same to the eternal Creator, whose I am, in whose hands are all things. For I became not possessor of so great honour by any hereditary right, but by an humble conflict, and with much effusion of blood I took it from the perjured King Harold, and after I had either slain or put to flight his fa∣vourits and Servants, I subdued the kingdom to my self, must either be reputed false and fabulous, as most e∣steem them; or else have this construction, that he gained the actuall possession of it against Ha∣rold, and his adherents only by the Sword, and that he had not an hereditary right thereto, as next heir by descent to the Crown, but only by adoption from, and as heir by donation to King Edward; as next of kin by the Mothers side; which he made his only Title.

5ly. Those antient English Historians, who first gave him the name of Conquerour, did it not in a strict pro∣per sence, as if he were a meer universal Conque∣rour of the Nation, disposing of all mens Estates, per∣sons, and the Laws of the Realm at his pleasure, for that he never did: but only as one who gained the a∣ctual possession thereof from a perjured Usurper and his forces by strength of arms, conquering them by open battel in the field; but still claiming it by gift, con∣tract, and designation from King Edward, as his Kinsman; as an heir who forcibly outs a disseisor and intruder, comes in by Title and Inheritance only, though he gains the possession by force. This is evi∣dent by the forecited words of k 1.922 Mathew Paris, and this passage of Henry de Knyghton (not extant in Hyg∣den, * 1.923 out of whom he seems to tansoribe it.) Et sic quia Normannus Iure haereditatis tenuit Normanniae Du∣catum, ideo Dux, Regnum vero Angliae mero Con∣questu.

(in respect of actual possession) et clameo subscripto, (in respect of Title, & by claim by gift from King Edward) Ideo Rex: which claim and Title be∣ing backed by the unanimous election of the Prelates, Clergy, Nobility, People, and right heir to the Crown himself, (who all submitted and sware homage, fealty, and allegiance to him as their lawfull King) infallibly demonstrate him to be no Conquerour in respect of Ti∣tle▪ in a strict, legal military sense, even in the judge∣ment of those antient and modern Historians, who give him that Title, but only in regard of Harold and his party, and the actual possession which he got by conquest. And in this sense alone is that Distick in the m 1.924 Chronicle of Bromton to be understood.

Dux Normannorum Willielmus vi validorum Rex est Anglorum, Bello Conquestor eorum.

6ly. Our Great Antiquary Richard Vestegan in his Restitutions of decayed Antiquities, learned Mr. John Selden in his Review of the Hist. of Tithes p. 482, 483. Sir John▪ Hayward in the life of King VVilliam the first Mr. Nathaniel Bacon, in his first part of his Historical Dis∣course, of the uniformity of the Government of England, chap. 44, 45, 46, 55, 56. (to omit others) most ful∣ly prove and assert; That the entry of William the first into the royal Government of England, neither was nor pro∣perly could be by Conquest, but by Title, and by the free election of the Nobles, Clergy, and People. That al∣though the several Titles he Pretended were perhaps, if curiously examined, not sufficient to give him a true, legal Title and Right to the Crown of England, à parte ante, because not agreed unto and confirmed by the general con∣sent of the Nobles, Kingdom, and Nation in a Parlia∣mentary Great Council; but only by the King, and some particular Prelates and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of Parliament (as Ha∣r••ld in his answers alleged) yet being ratified, ex parte

post, both by the subsequent consent, agreement, submission, election, Oath, homage, and fealty of all the people, Nobles, Clergy, by their legal free crowning of him at first, by Edgar Atheling his own submission, fealty and resignation of his royal right and Title thereby unto him, and ratified by succeeding Parliamentary Councils, it became an indu∣bitable Right and Title, both in Law and Justice, to him and his Posterity, against all others, who could lay no legaller Title thereunto: he continuing, confirming all the anti∣ent fundamental Laws, Liberties, Customs, and Govern∣ment of the English Nation, without any alteration, both by Oaths and Edicts. I shal therefore conclude this point with the words of n 1.925 Shard (a learned Lawyer in King Edward the third his reign;) who when the Kings Counsel in a Quo Warranto against the Abbot of Peter∣borough, would have made a Charter of king Edgar void, because they alleged, all Franchises were devol∣ved to the Crown by the Conquest; replyed thereto, The Conquerour came not at all to put any who had lawfull possession out of their rights; but to dispossess those who by their wrong had soised upon any land in dis-inheri∣son of the King and his Crown, And with the words of our judicious Historian Sa. Daniel o 1.926 concerning this king VVilliam. Neither did he ever claim any power by con∣quest, but as a regular Prince submitted himself to the orders of the Kingdom: desiring to have his Testamentary Title, (howsoever weak) to make good his succession▪ ra∣ther than his sword. And though the stile of Conque∣ror, by the flattery of the time was after given him, he shewed by all the course of his Government he assumed it not: introducing none of those Alterations (which followed) by violence, but by a mild gathering upon the disposition of the State, and the occasions offered; and that by way of re∣formation.

And although * 1.927 Sir Hen. VVotton gives this verdist of them. VVe do commonly and justly stile him the Con∣querour: For he made a general conquest of the wh••le

Kingdom and People, either by Composition or Armes, &c. Yet he addes, He was Crowned on Christmas day, 1066. at which time he would fain have compounded a Ci∣vil Title of, I know not what Alliance or Adoption, or rather Donation from Edward the Confessor. As if hereditarie kingdoms did pass like Newyears gifts. The truth is, he was the heir of his Sword. Yet from these pretences howsoever, there sprang this good, That he was thereby in a sorting aged to cast his Government into a mid∣dle or mixed nature, as it were, between a lawfull suc∣cessor, and an Invader: though generally (as all new Empires do savour much of their beginning) it had more of the Violent than of the Legal.

If any domineering Souldiers, or others, upon this false surmise, of Duke VVilliams right to the Crown and Realm of England by meer conquest; shall henceforth presume to claim and exercise a meer arbitrary, abso∣lute, tyrannical and despotical power over our English Nation, Laws, Liberties, Parliaments, Estates, Per∣sons, as over a meer conquered Nation, against all Commissions, Trusts, Oaths, Engagements, Declara∣tions, and the rules both of Law and War it self, being raised, waged, commissioned only to defend and pre∣serve us from conquest by the opposite party, Let them know, that they are far greater, worser Enemies to their own Native Country, than this Norman Duke, or any of our former British, Saxon, Danish, Nor∣man or English Kings; who never claimed the Crown by meer conquest in any age, but only by some real or pretended Title of Inheritance; or at least by a free and general election both of the Nobility, Clergy, and people, as this King William did.

From the former Historical Passages concerning Harold, Tosti, Duke William, and the Kentishmen, I shall deduce these legal Observations.

1. That no Tax, Subsidie, or Imposition whatsoever could in that age be imposed on the English or Norman * 1.928

Subjects by their Kings or Dukes, but by their common consent in their Parliamentary Councils; where they were denied, when inconvenient to the publike; as well as granted, when convenient.

2. That no English or Norman Subjects were then * 1.929 obliged to aid and assist their Soveraigns, with their persons, arms, estates, or subsidies granted, in any fo∣reign invasive war, but only left free to contribute what private assistance they thought fit in such cases.

3. That no publike wars in that age were ever un∣dertaken, * 1.930 but by common advice and consent in great Parliamentary Councils.

4. That the Kings of England in that age, however * 1.931 they came to the Crown, by right or wrong, held it both their bounden duty, interest, safety, to defend and preserve the Laws, Rights, Liberties of the Church and people; to enact and maintain good Laws, and abo∣lish all evill Laws, Rapines, Exactions, Tributes, and to govern them justly, according to their Coronation Oaths, and not arbitrarily or tyrannically according to their pleasures.

5. That no Freemen in that age, could be justly im∣prisoned, banished, or put to death, but for some hai∣nous * 1.932 misdemeanors, and that by a legal trial and con∣viction.

6. That the Subjects of England then held it their bounden duties, in times of forein invasion, to defend * 1.933 the Realm, their Lives, Liberties, Properties both by Land and Sea against forein Enemies; yet they held themselves dis-obliged, and were generally averse to defend the person or Title of any Usurper of the Crown, against any forein Prince, or other Person, who had a better right and title to it.

7. That our English Ancestors in that age, esteem∣ed their hereditary Liberties, good antient Laws and Customs, more dear and pretious to them than their very lives, and would rather die fighting for

their Laws and Liberties like freemen, than live under slavery or bondage to any Soveraign whatsoever.

8. That the Kings of England in that age could nei∣ther give away, nor legally dispose of their Crowns, * 1.934 Kingdoms, or Crown Lands to others, without the privity and free consent of their Nobles, and Kingdom in general Parliamentary Council; as is evident by Harolds answers to VVilliams Embassadours; the re∣cited passage of * 1.935 Matthew Paris upon that occasion, and this of Samuel Daniel, p. 34. So much was done ei∣ther by King Edward or Harold, (though neither act, if a∣ny such were, was of power to prejudice the State, or alter the course of right succession) as gave the Duke a colour to claim the Crown by a donation made by Testament: which being against the Law and Custom of the Kingdom, could be of no validity at all. For the Crown of England, being held, not as patrimonial, but in succession by remotion (which is a succeeding to anothers place) it was not in the power of King Edward to collate the same by any dispositive and Testamentary Will, the right descending to the next of blood only, by the Laws and Cu∣stom of the Kingdom. For the successor is not said to be the Heir of the King, but of the Kingdom which makes him so, and * 1.936 cannot be put from it by any Act of his Prede∣cessors.

9. That the Nobilities, Clergies, and peoples free-Election, hath been usually most endeavoured and sought after by our Kings especially * 1.937 Intruders) as their best and surest Title.

To these Legal I shall only subjoyn some Political and Theological Observations, naturally flowing from the premised Histories of King Edward, Harold, and William, not unsuitable to, nor unseasonable for the most serious thoughts, and saddest contemplations of the present age, considering the revolutions and postures of our publike affairs.

1. That it is very unsafe and perillous for Princes

or States to intrust the Military and Civil power of the Realm in the hands of any one potent; ambitious, or covetous person: who will be apt to abuse them to the peoples oppression, the kingdoms perturbation, and his Sovereigns affront or danger; as is evident by Earl Godwin and his Sons.

2. That devout, pious, soft-natured Princes are apt∣est to be abused, and their people to be oppressed by evil Officers.

3. That it is very dangerous and pernicious to he∣ditary kingdoms, for their King to die without any cer∣tain, known, and declared right Heirs or Successors to their Crowns, yea an occasion of many wars and revolutions; as is evident by King Edwards death without issue, or declared right heir.

4. That right heirs to Crowns, who are of tender years, weak judgement, or impotent in Friends and Purse, are easily and frequently put by their rights, by bold, active, and powerfull Intruders, as Edgar A∣theling was both by Haroid and William successively. Yet this is remarkable in both these Invaders of his royal Right. 1. That a 1.938 Harold, who first dethro∣ned him, to make him some kind of recompence, and please the Nobles of his party, created Edgar Earl of Oxford, and held him in special favour. 2ly. That King Willam the first, (to whom b 1.939 he submitted himself, and did homage and fealty) used him very honourably and entertained him in his Court, not only at first, but even af∣ter he had twice taken up armes against him c 1.940 joyning first with the English Nobilitie, then with the Danes and Scots against his interest. For Edgar coming to him into Normandy, Anno 1066. out of Scotland, where he lived some years, where nihil ad praesens com∣modi, nihil ad futurum spei; praeter quotidianam stipem nactus esset: he not only pardoned his fore-past offen∣ces;

but magno donativo donatus est, pluribusque annis in Curia manens Libram Argenti quotidie in stipendio accipiebat, writes d 1.941 Malmesb. receiving a great do∣native from him, and a pound of silver for a stipend e∣very day, and continuing many years in his Court. After which, Anno 1089. He went into e 1.942 Apulia to the Holy wars by King Williams licence, with 200 Souldiers, and many Ships; whence returning after the death of Robert son of Godwin, and the loss of his best Souldiers, he received many benefits from the Emperours both of Greece and Germany, who endeavoured to re∣tain him in their Courts for the greatness of his birth: but he contemning all their proffers, out of a desire to enjoy his Na∣tive Country, returned into England, and there lived all Kings Williams reign. f 1.943 In the year 1091. Wil. Rufus going into Normandy to take it by force from his bro∣ther Robert, deprived Edgar of the honour which his Brother (with whom he sided) had conferred upon him, and banished him out of Normandy; whereupon he went into Scotland; where by his means a peace being made between VVilliam Rufus and Malcholm king of Scots, he was again reconciled to Edgar by Earl Roberts means, & returned into England, being in so great fa∣vour with the king, that in the g 1.944 year 1097. He sent him into Scotland with an Army, Ut in ea consobrinum su∣um Eadgarum Malcholmi Regis filium, (patruo suo Dufenoldo, qui regnum invaserat expulso) Regem constitu∣eret. Whence returning into England, he lived there till after the reign of king Henry the first, betaking himself in his old age to a retired life in the Country, as h 1.945 Malmesbury thus records; Angliam rediit, ubi diverso fortunae ludioro rotatus, nunc remotus & tacitus, canos suo in agro consumit. Where most probably he died in peace, since I find no mention of his death: No less than 4 successive kings, permitting this right heir to their Crowns to live both in their Courts and Kingdom of England in peace and security (such was

the Christian Generosity, Charity, and Piety of that age) without reputing it High Treason for any to re∣lieve or converse with him, as the Charity of some Saints in this Iron age would have adjudged it, had they lived in those times, who have quite forgotten this Gospel Lesson of our Savior they then practised: i 1.946 But I say unto you love your Enemies, do good to those that hate you, &c. Wherefore if thine enemy hunger give him meat, if he thirst, give him drink, &c. Be not over∣come of evil, but overcome evil with goodness.

5. That base carnal fears and cowardize, oft cause both Prelates, Nobles and People to desert their own best interest, and lawfull Princes, and to act, vote, and submit to meer unrighteous Usurpers, against their pri∣mitive resolutions, judgements, Consciences; as here in the case of Edgar, and Rich. 3. since.

6. That Generals puffed up with victorious successes, and having the command of the Land and Sea Forces in their power, are apt to aspire after the royal Crown and Soveraignty, and forcibly to usurp it upon the next oc∣casion, even with the disinheriting of the right heir, and hazard of the whole Realm; of which Harold is a most pregnant example.

7. That ambitious aspirers after the royal Crown and Throne, will make no conscience to violate all sa∣cred and civil Oathes, Obligations, Contracts, and find out any evasions to elude them, rather than goe without them, or part with them when injuriously usur∣ped by them; and will adventure to crown themselves with their own hands, than not wear the Diadem: wit∣nesse Harold

8. That Usurpers of Crowns without right, though they Court the people with Coronation Oaths and fair promises of good Laws, Liberty, Immunity from all Tax∣es and Grievances; yet usually prove the greatest Ty∣rants and Oppressors to them of all others; as Harold, and William in some sort did.

9. That Invaders of Crowns and Soveraign power, without any right, title, or colour of Justice, being once in possession, will never part with them to those who have better right, upon any verbal Treaties, but rather adventure their lives, bodies, souls, and their whole kingdoms utter ruine, than part with their usurped Su∣premacy.

10. That the most unrighteous Usurpers of the roy∣al Throne by apparent perjury, fraud, force, treachery, will feign, forge, publish some specious pretext or other of Title, or popular election, to palliate, or extenuate their intrusions; to avoid the infamy of Tyrants and Usurpers; and take off the Odium of their most unrigh∣teous Intrusions; of which we see footsteps, both in Harold, William then, and Rich. 3. of late.

11. That unjust Invaders of Crowns for the most part bring many miseries, troubles, warrs, and ruins, not only on themselves and their posterities, but likewise on their Kingdoms and people; as Harold did.

12. That royal Usurpers when they are most success∣full, insolent and secure (as Harold after his victory in the North) are nearest greatest dangers and ruine.

13. That such Usurpers are commonly very vigilant and industrious to preserve their own Interest and Pow∣er, under pretext of the common defence and safety of the Nation: yet more rely on their Mercinary forces, than the unmercinary Militia of the Nation.

14. That Usurpers, though they may have many Flat∣terers and seeming Friends, to write, and act for them whiles in prosperity; yet are commonly generally de∣serted both by Nobles, People, yea their own indeared Friends and kinred in their greatest dangers, when they need them most; as Harold was.

15. That few English Nobles, Gentry or Commons, will readily adventure their Lives in a Vsurpers quarrel, when and where his Title stands in competition with a better and clearer right; as most of them deserted Ha∣rold.

16. That the reign of perjured Invaders of others Thrones, is commonly * 1.947 very short, full of Wars, Trou∣bles, Fears, Jealousies, and their ends, for the most part, bloudy, tragical; as was Harolds, and Rich. 3.

17. That the sordid Covetousnesse of Kings and Generals in oppressing their people, and depriving their Subjects and Souldiers of their just and lawfull spoils after victory over the Enemies, is a ready means to alienate their affections, and cause a defection from them to their Opposites.

18. That when God hath designed a perjured Vsur∣pers or Nations ruine for their crying sins, he suddenly stirs up unexpected Enemies and Instruments to effect, occasions to facilitate it; and so infatuates them, that they become altogether uncapable of any good advice, and reject all Propositions and Accommodations, that might prevent the same; as Harold obstinately did.

19. That none are more forward publikely to appeal to God himself, for to judge and decide the Justice of their cause and proceedings, than the most perjurious and unrighteous Vsurpers. That when such pre∣sumptuously and atheistically dare openly appeal to God himself for justice against their Opposites or Com∣petitors, he usually cuts them off by exemplary deaths and fatal Overthrows, as he did Harold; both to ma∣nifest his severe Justice and Indignation against such A∣theistical and hypocritical Apellants and Appeals; and to deterr all others from such practices.

20. That all sacred Oathes and sworn Contracts so∣lemnly made to others in things lawfull or indifferent, be it through fear, or voluntarily upon premeditation, ought religiously and inviolably to be observed, and not wilfully infringed, or eluded by shifts and preten∣ces, as here, by Harold.

21. That God sooner or later doth usually avenge in an exemplary manner the perjurious wilfull breach of

solemn Oathes, even in Kings themselves and the grea∣test persons: whose detestable perjury oft brings sud∣den destruction both upon themselves, their kinred, Posterity, and whole Armies and Kingdoms too; as in the case of Harold.

22. That perjured persons fighting in a cause direct∣ly against their corporal Oaths, can expect no other suc∣cesse in battel, but either flight, or death. And that one Battel may both lose and win a whole kingdom; so un∣stable are even kingdoms themselves.

23. That the barbarous murders, the cruel oppressi∣ons of Innocent people, are apt to stirr up a universal Insurrection against their Governors and Instruments; and usually end in the dethroning, expulsion, death and destruction of the Authors of them; of which To∣sti yields us a notable president: And that people when once justly enraged against such bloudy tyrannical Op∣pressors, become altogether implacable, and will never brook their future Government over them.

24. That base carnal fears in times of imminent dan∣ger, usually dis-joynt, those persons, councels, forces whom the Common danger should more unite, and make them desert the probablest means of their publike preservation, liberty, peace, settlement, by setting up the Right heir of the Crown (as Edgar here) against the Intrusions and Pretences of all usurping Invaders of the Soveraign power.

25. That a few timorous Counsellors, Great Persons or Clergy-men, in times of danger, are apt to disappoint the magnanimous resolutions, and daunt the heroical Spirits of such who are most cordially affected both to their Native Countries Lawes, Liberties, and right heir to the Crown and to draw them to unworthy com∣pliances with them against both.

26. That stout resolute real Patrons of their Native Countries Laws and Liberties, will then appear most cordially zealous to protect, own, and fight for them,

when they are in greatest danger to be lost, and most disowned, deserted, betrayed by other timorous and time-serving persons: witnesse the example of Abbot Frederick, Stigand, Egelsine and the Kentish men.

27. That true heroick English Freemen, preferr their old Native Liberties, Laws, Customs before their Lives; and would rather die fighting for them in the field, than depart with them upon any Terms to a vi∣ctorious Soveraign; or subject themselves to the least publike Servitude, the name whereof hath been ever o∣dious to them, much more the thing it self.

28. That the best means to preserve our publike Laws, Liberties, Customs against all Invaders of them, is manfully, resolutely, and unanimously to stand up in their defence, both by words and deeds, when they are most indangered: That such persons, Counties, places who have appeared most stout and resolute in their defence, when others have generally deserted, surrendered or betrayed them; have thereby preser∣ved, secured, perpetuated them to themselves and their posterities, when all else have lost and been deprived of them; yea gained immortal honour, and prece∣dency of all others to boot: Witnesse the Kentish-men.

29. That the Stoutest Maintainers of their Countries Laws and Liberties are commonly most odious to, most injured, oppressed by tyrannical Soveraigns, though up∣on other pretences; witnesse Archbishop Stigand, Ab∣bot Frederick, and Egelsine. Yet this must not deterr them from their duties.

30. That no age or person ever yet reputed Conquest a just, safe, prudent Title or Pretext to the Crown of England, but ever disclaimed it, as most absurd and dangerous to their interests.

31. That the murdering, or disinheriting of the right heir to the Crown, hath been the Principal occasion and ground-work of all the great, sad revolutions of Go∣vernment

in this Island; and of the translations of the Crown and Kingdom from the * 1.948 Britons to the Saxons; from the Saxons to the Danes, and since from both of them to the Normans, by the murther of Prince Alfred, and rejection of Prince Edgar.

32. That when Treachery, Perjury, Oppression, Murder, Violence, and other sins forementioned have generally overspread the Kingdom, and infected all sorts and de∣grees of men, then National Judgments, Forein invasi∣ons, publike Revolutions of Governours and Govern∣ment, yea all sorts of Calamities, Warrs, Troubles, may be justly feared, expected, inflicted, as the fruits, punishments of these epidemical crying Transgressi∣ons.

33. That p 1.949 Crowns and Kingdoms have their Periods and Revolutions, as well as private possessions, Families, and that by the secret Justice, and wise dis∣posing Providence of God; who disposeth, translateth, dissipateth, dissolveth Kingdoms at his pleasure, and giveth them to whomsoever he pleaseth.

34. From the whole, we may observe, with the q 1.950 Chronicle of Bromton, and r 1.951 Mr. Fox, That as the English-Saxons had most unjustly, against their Oathes and Trusts, formerly subdued and expelled the Britons by the just judgement of God upon them for their sins, out of the possession of the Throne and Kingdom of Britain, by the power of the sword: so God him∣self, by divine retaliation, for the like Sinnes of the English-Saxons, after many years bloudy intestine warrs between themselves, (wherein many of their Kings, multitudes of their Nobles, and Millions of the Common Souldiers, and people were slain and lost their lives) first plagued, infested them for many years, and at last totally subdued, and dispossessed them of the Crown and Kingdom for some years space by the bloudy Danes, & after that subjected them to the Normans yoke, who possessed themselves of the Crown

and Realm of England instrumentally by the Sword, and put by both the Saxon Invader Harold and his Posteri∣ty, with Edgar the Saxon heir, in such sort as here you have read.

The Lord sanctifie all these Collections and Observa∣tions to the greatest publike good and settlement of our unsetled distracted English Nation, and the private be∣nefit of all who shall peruse them, that they may aim on∣ly * 1.952 at that kingdom which cannot be shaken, and that Crown of glory which fadeth not away: not at temporal Crowns, and kingdoms, which are so fading, transitory, full of Thorns, Crosses, Cares, Fears, Vexations, Tor∣tures, Perils, Deaths.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  See Mat. Westminst. An. 586, &c. Malmesbury, de Gest. Regum Anglorum. l. 1. Hen. Huntin∣don Hist. lib. 2. Ethelwerdi Hist. lib. 1. 2. Fox Acts and Monum. Vol. 1. p. 148. Speeds Hist. of Great Britain, p. 209, &c.
• a 1.2

  Ch••onic. Wil. Thorne: col. 1760, 1761 1762, 2123. Spelman Con∣cil. p. 118. to 129. Chronicon Johan. Brom∣ton, col. 733.
• * 1.3

  An. Dom. 605
• * 1.4

  Proposition 5. 6, 10.
• b 1.5

  Ecclesiast. Hist. lib. 2. c. 5.
• c 1.6

  De Gestis Reg. Angl. l. 1. c. 1.
• d 1.7

  Hist. l. 3. p. 226.
• e 1.8

  Chron. col. 738.
• f 1.9

  Mr. Sel∣dens Titles of Honour, part. 2. c. 5. p. 602.
• g 1.10

  Spelman. Concil. p. 127.
• h 1.11

  Beda Eccles. Hist. Gentis Anglo∣rum l. 2. c. 12, 13, 14. See Mat. Westm. An. 626, 627. Malmesb. de gest. reg. l. 1. c. 3. Hen. Huntindon, hist. l. 3. p. 327, 328. Chron. Johannis Bromton, col. 781, 782. Simeon Dunelmensis Epist. de Archiepiscopis Eborum, p. 77. Radulphus de Diceto, Abbreviationes Chron. col. 438. Gervasius Acta Pontificum Cantuar. col. 1634. Godwin in the life of Paulinus, Polychronicon, Fahian, Grafton, Holinshed, Speed, Fox in the life of Edwin. Seldens Titles of Honour, part. 2. c. 5. Sect. 6. p. 632.
• * 1.12

  Proposition 5, 6.
• * 1.13

  Fox Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. p. 156.
• i 1.14

  De Gestis Regum Anglor. l. 3. c. 2. p. 18. See Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 157.
• * 1.15

  Proposition 4.
• k 1.16

  Beda Ec∣cles. Hist. l. 4. c. 5. Mat. Westminst. & Florentius Wi∣gorniensis An. 673. Gervasi∣us Doroberni∣ensis. Actus Pontif. Cantu∣ar. col. 1639. Matthew Par∣ker Antiq. Ec∣cles. Bxit. p. 15. Spelmani Con∣cil. p. 152, 153. Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 161.
• * 1.17

  Anno 673.
• * 1.18

  Proposit. 5, 6.
• l 1.19

  Evidentiae Ecclesiae Chri∣sti. Cantuar. col. 2207.
• * 1.20

  Anno 680.
• * 1.21

  Propos. 10.
• m 1.22

  De Gestis regum Angl. l. 1. c. 2. p. 14. Mr. Seldens History of Tithes, c. 10. sect. 1. p. 269.
• n 1.23

  Beda Eccles. Histo∣riae l. 4. c. 16. Camdens Bri∣tannia. p. 275. Thomas Stubs Actus Pontif. Eboracensium col. 1691. & Malmesbury de Gestis Pontificum Angliae. l. 3. in Wilfrido. Chron. Johan. Bromton, col. 742. 757. Spelman. Concil. p. 181. Speeds Hist. p. 227.
• * 1.24

  An. Dom. 616.
• o 1.25

  Evidentiae Ecclesiae Chri∣sti Cantuar. col. 2207. Propos. 1. 10.
• p 1.26

  See Chr••∣nica VVil. Thorne, & E∣videntiae Ecclesiae Chri∣sti Cantuar. col. 2207. 2225. where all these Grants and Charters are recorded: & Monasticon Anglicanum, published by Mr. Doddes∣wel, &c. since this was penned.
• * 1.27

  An. 679.
• * 1.28

  Proposit 1. ••0.
• q 1.29

  Simeon Dunelmensis Historia Du∣nel. Ecclesiae, l. 4. col. 57, 58. Gervasius Doroberniensis, Actus Pontif. Cant. col. 1639. Florentius Wi∣gorn. An. 684. p. 254. God∣wins Cata∣logue of Bi∣shops in the life of Cutbert.
• * 1.30

  Anno 685.
• * 1.31

  Proposit. 10.
• * 1.32

  Ethelwerdus Hist. l. 2. c. 8. calls it Leth∣lege.
• r 1.33

  Chron. Io∣hannis Brom∣ton col. 759. to 767. Lam∣bardi Archai∣on. Spelmanni Concil. Tom. 1. p. 122. to 186. Mr. Seldens Titles of Ho- p. 632. Fox Acts and Mo∣numents, vol. 1. p. 164.
• * 1.34

  Anno 692.
• * 1.35

  Proposit. 1, 2, 4, 5.
• s 1.36

  VVilliam Thorne Evi∣dentiae Eccle∣siae Christi Cantuar. col. 2208. Spelm. Concil. p. 189. to 199.
• * 1.37

  Anno 694.
• * 1.38

  Proposit. 4, 6, 10.
• t 1.39

  Spelm. Concil. p. 194.
• * 1.40

  Anno 697.
• * 1.41

  Proposit. 5.
• u 1.42

  Spelm. Concil. p. 198. Evidentiae Ec∣cles. Christi, Cant. col. 2208, 2209. Antiqu. Eccles. But. p. 34, 35.
• * 1.43

  Anno 700.
• * 1.44

  Proposit. 1. 10.
• * 1.45

  Anno 678. to 706.
• x 1.46

  VVill. Malmes. de Gest. Pontif. Angl. l. 3. p. 264. to 269. Chron. Ioh. Brompt. col. 791, 792, 793, 794. Sim. Dunelm. de Archiepis. Ebor. col. 78. Spelman. Concil. p. 200. to 206. Mat. Parker, Tho. Stubs, Godwin in the lives of Archbishop Theodor, VVilfrid, and Brithwald. Mat. VVestm. Anno 692, 711. Hist. Anglicanae Scriptores antiq. An. 1652, col. 78, 294, 295, 296, 440, 441, 1691, 1741. Fox Acts and Monunments, vol. 1. p. 160, 161,
• * 1.47

  Propos. 23 4, 5, 7,
• * 1.48

  Proposit. 7.
• * 1.49

  Anno 705.
• * 1.50

  Proposit. 10.
• y 1.51

  De Stat. & Episcopis Hagustaldensis Ecclesiae, l. x. c. 5. col. 292. An. 708, 709, 712.
• z 1.52

  Antiqu. Ecclesiae Brit. p. 20. Balaeus script. Brit. Centur. 1. c. 91, 94, 99. Centur. Magdeb. 8. c. 9. Spelm. Concil. p. 209. to 217.
• * 1.53

  Proposit. 5, 6, 10.
• a 1.54

  Ingulph. Hist. p. 851, 852.
• * 1.55

  An. 716.
• * 1.56

  Proposit. 10.
• b 1.57

  Leges Ed. Confessoris c. 25. Spelman∣ni concil. p. 219. See Polychronicon, l. 5. c. 28. Mat. VVestminst. An. 586.
• * 1.58

  An. 720.
• * 1.59

  Proposit. 5, 6.
• c 1.60

  Spelman. Concil. p, 227, 228, 229. &c. Chron. Johan. Bromton. col. 758. & Mo∣nasticon Angl.
• * 1.61

  Anno 729.
• * 1.62

  Proposition 6, 10.
• d 1.63

  Matthew Westminst. An. 727. p. 765.
• * 1.64

  An. 727.
• * 1.65

  Proposit. 1, 5, 6.
• e 1.66

  Part. 2. p. 71.
• f 1.67

  Eviden∣tiae Eccles. Christi Cantu. col. 2209. Spelmanni Concil. p. 230, 231. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 21.
• * 1.68

  An. 742.
• * 1.69

  Proposit. 5. 10
• g 1.70

  Ingulph. Histor. p. 853. Will. Malmsb. de gest Reg. l. 1. c. 4. p. 29. Antiqu. Eccl. Bri. p. 22. Spel. Conc. p. 242. to 258. Mat. Westm. An. 748. Malmesb. de gestis Pont. l. 1. in Cuth. p. 197.
• * 1.71

  An. 747.
• * 1.72

  Proposit. 1, 5, 12.
• h 1.73

  Chron. W. Thorne, c. 3. sect. 7. col. 1772.
• * 1.74

  Proposition 5,
• * 1.75

  Anno 752.
• i 1.76

  Matthew Westm. p. 273. Chron. Johan∣nis Bromton, col, 769, Hun∣tindon. Hist. l. 4. p. 341. See Holinshed, Speed, Graf∣ton in their lives, VVil. Malmesbury de gest. reg. l. 1. c. 4. p. 28.
• * 1.77

  Proposit. 1, 2, 4.
• * 1.78

  Anno 756.
• * 1.79

  [k] Matthew West minst. An. 756. p. 274. Chron. Johan. Bromton, col. 770, 796. Wil. Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. 1. c. 2. p. 15. Hen. Huntindon, Hist. l. 4. p. 341, 342, Florent. Wigorn. An. 755. p. 274. Polychron, l. 5. c. 25. Cap∣grave, Fahian Holinshed, Speed, Gras∣ton in his life, and the life of Kenulphus, Hoveden, An∣nal. pars prior. p. 408.
• * 1.80

  Propos. 1, 2, 4.
• l 1.81

  Malmesb. de Gestis Reg. l. 1. c. 2. p. 16. Ethelwerdus Hist. l. 2. c. 17, 18. Hen. Hun∣tindon, Hist. l. 4. p. 343. Mat. Westm. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••86. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. col. 110. Chron. Johan. Bromt. col. 770. Hove∣den Annal. pars prior, p. 409, 410. Po∣lychron. l. 5. c. 17. Fabian, Capgrave, Grafton, Ho∣linshed, and Speed in his life. Florentius Wigorn. p. 278. 279.
• * 1.82

  Proposition 2.
• * 1.83

  Proposit. 8.
• m 1.84

  Mat. West. An. 758. p. 274. VVil. Malmesb. de gest. reg. l. 1. c. 4. p. 28. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. col. 105. chron. Jo. Bromt. col. 770, 776, Hen. Huntind. Hist. l. 4. p. 342, 346. Hovedon. Annal. pars 1. p. 408. Speeds Chron. p. 254, 368. See Polyc. Fabian, Graft. Holinshed in his and Offa his life, VVi∣gorn. An. 755, p. 274.
• * 1.85

  An. 758.
• * 1.86

  Prop. 1, 2, 4, 5.
• n 1.87

  Mat. West. p. 278, 279, 290. VVil. Malmesb. de gest. reg. l. 1. c. 4. p. 32. Spel. Concil. p. 315.
• * 1.88

  An. 775.
• * 1.89

  Proposit. 1, 4.
• * 1.90

  An. 780, 781
• * 1.91

  [o] Mat. West. p. 280. Hen. Huntind. Hist. l. 4. p. 346, 347. Malmesh. do gest. reg. l. 1. c. 3. Hove∣d••n Annal. pars prior, p. 409. Polychr. l. 5. c. 17.
• * 1.92

  Propos. 1, 2, 4.
• p 1.93

  Part. 2. p. 56 to 64.
• q 1.94

  In Hi∣storia de exordio Christianitatis & Religionis totius Northumbriae, & Richardus Hagustalden∣sis, de Stat. & Episcopis Haegustaldensis, Ecclesiae, col. 300. See Antiqu. Ecclesiae Brit. p. 32, 33, 34. Sim. Dunelmensis Hist. de Gestis Regum Angliae, col. 199. Chron. Joh. Bromton, col. 966. Tho. Stubs Acta. Pontif. Eboracensium, col. 1708. Hen. de Knyghton de Event. Angl. l. 2. c. 2. VVil. Malmesb. de Gest. reg. l. 3. p. 103. Hen. Huntind. Hist. l. 7. p. 306, Rog. Hoveden, Annal. pars prior, p. 451.
• r 1.95

  Hen. Hun∣tindon Hist. l. 4. p. 343. Matthew Westminster An. 789. p. 281. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 26. Cent. ••••••∣deburg. Cent. 8. c. 9. Hoveden Annal. pars prior, p. 410. Florentius VVigorn••••••∣sis, An. 785. Spelmanni Concil. p. 292, to 395. Malmesbury de gestis regum, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 c. 4. & de gestis Pontif. l. 1. p. 198, 199. Matthew Parker, and Godwin in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 life of Jambert. Chronica VVil. Thorne, col. 1774. Gervasius Dorobern. Actus P••••∣tif. Cant. col. 1641. Radulphus de Diceto Abbrevi. Chron. col. 445. Polychron. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 c. 17.
• * 1.96

  Anno 787.
• * 1.97

  Proposit. 5, 6.
• * 1.98

  Proposit. 5, 6.
• s 1.99

  Hen Hun∣tinaon, Hist. l. 4. p. 349. Hoveden An∣nalium, pars prior, p. 409. 410. Florenti∣us VVigorni∣ensis, Anno 781, 787, 788, 789. Spetman. Concil. p. 303, 304. Simeon Dunelm. Hist. 110. Mat VVestm. Anno 789, 791. Richardus Prior. Ha∣gustald. de Stat. & Episc. Hagust. Eccl. l. 1. c. 17. col. 297.
• * 1.100

  Anno 788.
• * 1.101

  Proposit. 6, 9.
• t 1.102

  Matihew VVest. p. 282. Mamesbury de gest. reg. l. 1. c. 3. Huntind. Hist. l. 4. p. 343, 344. Hoveden An∣nal. pars prior, p. 410. Flo∣rent. VVigorn. An. 792. E∣thelredi Hist. l. 3.
• * 1.103

  Anno 792.
• * 1.104

  Proposit. 5, ••.
• u 1.105

  Matthew VVestm. An. 794. p. 287, 288, 289. Spel. Concil. p. 300. to 316. Chron. Ioh. Bromt. col. 754, to 757. Polychron. •• l. 5. c. 17.
• * 1.106

  Anno 793.
• * 1.107

  Proposit. 5. 10.
• * 1.108

  Proposit. 6, 10.
• * 1.109

  (x) See Radol. de Diceto Ab∣brev. Chron. col. 446, & Spelm. Concil. p. 310. to 314.
• * 1.110

  Proposit. 1. 6▪
• y 1.111

  Mat. West. Anno 797, p. 290, 291. Alcuini Epist. Osbert. Speeds History p. 371. Chron. Iohan▪ Brom. col. 752, 754, 776.
• * 1.112

  Anno 797.
• * 1.113

  Proposit. 10.
• z 1.114

  See Mat. VVestm, Mal∣mesbury, Hun∣tindon, Hoved. Radulph. Ca∣strensis, Ethel∣werdus, VVi∣gorn. Speed, Grafton, Ho∣linshed, Fab. in his life. Ch. 10. Brom. col. 750. 751, 752. Ra∣dulph. de Dice∣to Abbreviat. Chron. col. 445, 446. Polichron. col. l. 5. c. 16, 17.
• * 1.115

  An. 797.
• a 1.116

  Bonif. Mo∣gunt. Ep. 112. Mr. Seldens Titles of Ho∣nour, part 2. c. 5. p. 632.
• b 1.117

  Tho. Stubs, Actus Pontis. Ebo. col. 1697. 1698. Simcon Dumelm. Hist. col. 114, 115. Rog. de Hove∣den, Annal. pars prior. p. 406.
• c 1.118

  Evidentiae Eccl. Christi Cantuar. col. 2211, 2212. Spelm. Concil. p. 317. Mat. VVest. Anno 798.
• * 1.119

  Propos. 5, 8, 9. 10.
• d 1.120

  Evid. Ec∣cles. Christi Cant. col. 2212.
• * 1.121

  An. 799.
• * 1.122

  Proposit. 4, 10.
• * 1.123

  An. 800.
• e 1.124

  Spelmanni Concil. p. 318, 319, 320. E∣vident. Eccl. Christi Cant. col. 2212, 2213 Gervasius Do∣robern. Actus Pontif. Cantu▪ col. 1642. and Godwin in the life of Atbelar∣dus.
• * 1.125

  Propos. 4, 5, 6.
• f 1.126

  Will, Malmsbury de gest. Reg. l, 1. c. 4. Spel. Conc. p. 320. to 324. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 27, 28, 29, 30. Mat. West. An. 797.
• g 1.127

  Spelman. council. p. 324, 325, 326. See Mat. Westm. An. 797, to 805.
• * 1.128

  An. 802.
• * 1.129

  Proposit. 5, 6.
• h 1.130

  Matthew West. An. 802, 854. Asserius Mene. de gest. Alfredi Regis, Wil. Malmesb. de Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 2. p. 46. Florentius Wi∣gorn. An. 855. Polychron. l. 5. c. 27. Speeds Hist. p. 230. Mr. Seldens Titles of Ho∣nour, part 1. c. 6. p. 166. Sim: Dunelm. Hist. de Gest. Reg. Angl. col. 118. Fox Acts and Monuments, vol. 1. p. 170, 171.
• * 1.131

  Anno 802.
• * 1.132

  Proposit. 2, 4.
• i 1.133

  Spelman. Concil. p. 327, 328, 329.
• * 1.134

  Anno 816
• * 1.135

  Proposit. 4, 5, 6.
• * 1.136

  Anno 822.
• * 1.137

  (k)Evident. Eccles. Christi Cant. col. 2213, 2214. Spelm. Concil. p. 332, 333, 334. Flo∣rentius Wigorn. Anno 822. p. 287. Ethelwerdi Hist. l. 9. c. 2.
• * 1.138

  Proposit. 5, 6.
• * 1.139

  Proposit. 2; 4.
• * 1.140

  Nota.
• * 1.141

  Nota.
• l 1.142

  Actus Pon∣tif. Cantu. col. 1639. Spelm. Concil. p. 334.
• * 1.143

  Anno. 824. Spelm. Concil. p. 334, 335.
• * 1.144

  Proposit. 5, 6.
• n 1.145

  Ingulphi Hist. p. 855, 857. See Mat. Westm. Anno 833, 834, 835. Spelm. Concil. p. 337, 338, 339.
• * 1.146

  An. Dom. 833.
• * 1.147

  Proposit. 5, 9, 10.
• * 1.148

  Anno. 838.
• o 1.149

  Evident. Eccl. Cbristi Cantuar. col. 2217, 2218. Spelm. Concil. p. 340.
• * 1.150

  Proposit. 5, 6, 10.
• o 1.151

  Hist. Angl. l. 5. Spelman. Concil. p. 343.
• * 1.152

  Anno 847.
• * 1.153

  Propos••t. 1.
• p 1.154

  Ingulf. Hist. p. 858, 859. Spelm. Concil. p. 344. Mat. Westm. An. 849, 85••,
• * 1.155

  Anno 850.
• * 1.156

  Prop. 2, 4, 5, 9. 10.
• * 1.157

  Anno 851.
• * 1.158

  [q] Ingulphi Histor. p. 858. to 863. Spelm. Concil. p. 344, &c.
• * 1.159

  Proposit. 1, 4.
• * 1.160

  Nota.
• * 1.161

  Prop. 5, 6, 10.
• r 1.162

  See Ingulf. p. 858, 862, 863, 864, 865. Mat. westm. Florent. wi∣gorn. Ethel∣werdus, Ra∣dulf. de Diceto, Huntingdon, Hoveden. Brom. An. 851.
• * 1.163

  Proposit. 9.
• s 1.164

  Hist. p. 861, 862.
• * 1.165

  Nota.
• * 1.166

  Prop. 5, 6.
• * 1.167

  Propos. 6.
• t 1.168

  Mat West. An. 854, 878. Mr. Seldens Hist. of Tithes ch. 8. p. 208, 209. Malms∣bury de Gest. Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 2. Flo∣rentius Wigor∣niensis Anno 855. Ingulphi Hist. p. 862. Polychronicon, l. 5. c. 30. Hen. Huntindon, Hist. l. 5. p. 348, Ethelwerdi Hist. l. 3. c. 3, p. 841, Roger Hoveden Annal. pars prior, p. 413. Chronicon Johannis Bromton, col. 802. Ethelredus Abbas, de genealogiâ Regum Anglie, col. 351. Simeon Dunelm. de Gest. Reg. Angl. col. 121. Radulfus de Di∣ceto. Abbrev. Chron. col. 450. Speeds. Hist. p. 377. Spelmanni Concil. p. 348. to 353.
• * 1.169

  An. 854.
• * 1.170

  Proposit. 1, 5, 6, 9. 10.
• * 1.171

  Or Winterden as Ingulsus hath it.
• u 1.172

  History of Tithes. ch. 8. p. 208, 209.
• x 1.173

  See Mal∣mesbury, Hun∣tindon, Hove∣den, Matthew Westm. Ethel∣werdus, Sime∣on Dunelmen∣sis, Wigornien∣sis, Speed, Po∣lychron. Fabi∣an, Holinshed, Grafton, and others in his life.
• y 1.174

  Mat. West. An. 802, 854. Huntindon, Hoveden, Bromton, Speed, Holin∣sh••d, Asser. Flor. Wigorn. Raduls. de Di∣ceto. Simeon Dunelm. Polycbronicon, Fabian, Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour, part. 1. c. 6. p. 116, 117, 118. See here p. 35.
• * 1.175

  Proposit. 2, 4, 7, 8, 10.
• z 1.176

  Matthew VVestm. An. 857. Speeds Hist. p. 376, 377. Chron. Jo. Bromton, col. 820. and the rest ••oreci∣ted.
• * 1.177

  Anno 857.
• a 1.178

  Radulph. de Diceto Ab∣breviationes Chron. col. 450. Chron. Johan. Brom. col. 802, 806. Polychron. l. 5••. c. 30.
• b 1.179

  Chron. Jo. Bromton, col. 803. Speeds History.
• * 1.180

  Anno 867.
• * 1.181

  Proposition 8.
• c 1.182

  Florent. Wigorn. Mat. Westm. Anno 867 Sim. Du∣nelm. Hist. de Dunelm. Eccl. c. 6. Huntingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 349. Roger, Hoven∣den, An. pars prior, p. 415. Ethelwerdi Hist. l. 4. c. z. p. 842. Poly∣chron. l. 5. c. 32. Hist. de Sancto Cuthberto col. 70. Sim. Du∣nelm. de gest. Reg. Ang. col. 123, 142. Tho. Stubs. A∣ctus Pontif. Ebor. col. 1608 Speeds Hist. p. 248. See Hol∣linshed, Fabian and Grafton.
• d 1.183

  Hist. de Dunelm. Eccles. c. 6. col. 14. & Hist. de Sancto Cuthberto col. 70.
• * 1.184

  Proposit. 3, 4.
• * 1.185

  Proposit. 8.
• * 1.186

  See [c] be∣fore p. 57.
• e 1.187

  Sim. Dunel. Hist. de Gest. Reg. Ang. cal. 123, 124, 146. Mat. VVestm. & Florentius VVigorn. An. 868, 869. H∣thelwerdi Hist. l. 4. c. 2. Huntingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 349. Hoveden Annal. pars 1. p. 416. Ingulph. Hist. p. 863, 864. Chron. Job. Bromtom. col. 807. Palych. l. 5. 6. 32. Fabi••, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed in the life of Be••rced and ••thelred.
• * 1.188

  Anno 868.
• * 1.189

  Proposit. 5, 6, 9,
• f 1.190

  Hist. p. 863. 864.
• * 1.191

  Proposit. 10, 1.
• g 1.192

  Hist. p. 864, 865.
• * 1.193

  Proposit. 1, 3, 8.
• h 1.194

  Pag. 312. & Malmesb.
• * 1.195

  de Gestis Regum. l. 2. c. 2. p. 37.
• * 1.196

  Proposit. 1. 3.
• * 1.197

  An. 870.
• l 1.198

  Ingulphi Hist. p. 865 to 869, Mat. Westm. Wigorn. Huntingd. Ho∣veden, Brom. Radulf. de Di∣ceto. Sim. Du∣nel. Polychron. Fabian, Graf∣t••n, Holinshed, Speed, Ethel∣werdus in the life of Ethol∣red and an. 870.
• m 1.199

  Mat. VVestm. An. 870. p. 313. Speeds Hist. p. 383.
• * 1.200

  Anno 870.
• * 1.201

  (n) Mat. VVestm. Anno 855. 870. VVil. Malm, de gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 3. v. 13. Hunt. Hist. l. 5. p. 349. Hov. Annal. pars 1. p. 416. Ethel. Hist. l. 3. c. 1. Chron. Jo. Bromton. col. 745, 754. 804, 805, 806. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. de Eccl. Dunelm. l. 2. c. 6. et de gest. Reg. Ang. col. 124, 143. Po∣lychron. l. 5. c. 42. Fab. Grast. Hollinshed, Caxton, Spced in the life of St. Edmund. Fox Acts and Munuments vol. 1. p. 140. Proposit. 2. 4.
• n 1.202

  De gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 3. p. 42.
• o 1.203

  See those forecited at
• * 1.204

  (m) and Cat∣grave, Su••ius, and Ribadeni∣era, Antonius in the life of St. Edmund, Malm. De Ge∣stis Reg. l. 2. c. 3.
• q 1.205

  An. 870. p. 370.
• * 1.206

  Proposit. 8.
• * 1.207

  Nota.
• * 1.208

  Proposit. 1.
• * 1.209

  Anno 870.
• * 1.210

  [r] Ingul phi Hi••t. p. 868, 869, 911.
• * 1.211

  Proposit. 1, 4.
• * 1.212

  7 E. 4. 11, 12. Brook Escheat 19.
• * 1.213

  Are not the Souldiers now sick of the same disease.
• * 1.214

  Propos. 4.
• s 1.215

  Mattew Westm. Floren. VVigorn. An. 874. p. 313. Chron. Joh. Bromt. col. 779, 810. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. de Gest. Reg. Ang. col. 127. VVil. Malm. de Gest. Reg. l. 1. c. 4. p. 33. Huntin. Hist. l. 5. p. 349. Hove∣den Annal. pars prior, p. 417. Speeds Hist. p. 256.
• t 1.216

  Ingulphi Hist. p. 869, 870. Florent. VVigorn. An. 874. p. 313. Chron. Joh. Bromt. col. 810. Simeon Dunelm. de Gest. Reg. Ang. col. 127. VVil. Malmesbury de Gest. Reg. l. 1. c. 4. p. 33. Huntind. Hist. l. 5. p. 349. Hoveden Annal. pars prior p. 417.
• * 1.217

  Anno 874.
• * 1.218

  Proposit. 1. 4.
• a 1.219

  De Gest. Reg. l. 1. c. 4.
• b 1.220

  An. 876. Mat. VVestm. & VVigorn. An. 876. Hun∣tingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 329. Hove∣den, Annal. pars prior p. 417. Ethel. Hist. l. 4. c. 3. p. 844. Sim. Du∣nel. Hist. de Dunel. Eccles. col. 14, 17, 21. Hist. de San∣cto Cuthherto col. 70. & de Gest. Reg. col. 155.
• * 1.221

  Proposition 4.
• c 1.222

  Florentins Wigarn. & Mat. Westm. An. 871 to 900. See Malmes. Huntingd, As∣ser. Fab, Hol∣inshed, Speed, and others in his life. Lamb. Arch. Spelman concil. p. 360, 362. Ingulph, Histor. p. 870, 871. Chron. 10. Brom. col. 809 to 832.
• * 1.223

  Anno 877.
• * 1.224

  Proposit. 3, 5, 6, 7, 9.
• * 1.225

  Anno 887.
• * 1.226

  Propos. 5, 6.
• d 1.227

  Mirrour of Justices, c. 1. sect. 3. p. 10. c. 5. sect. 1. Cooks Preface to his 9 Reports 1 Institutes, f. 110. See Spel. Concil. p. 347.
• * 1.228

  Proposit. 5, 6.
• e 1.229

  See Mat. VVestm: An. 892 Ingulphi Hist. p. 870. 871. Chron. Iohan. Bromp∣ton col. 818 819 Chron. VVill. Thorn cap. 5. Sect. Col. 1777.
• f 1.230

  Mat. VVestma. An. 888 Florent. VVigorn. An. 887 p. 326. 327.
• g 1.231

  Mirrour of Iust. cap. 5. Sect. 3. p. 296. to 301.
• * 1.232

  Proposit. 2.
• * 1.233

  De Gen. Reg. Ang. col. 355.
• h 1.234

  I ambar di Archaion Spel∣manni Concil p. 362.
• * 1.235

  Proposit. 5. 4. 7.
• i 1.236

  Chron. Io∣han Bromion, col. 822, and I. mbard. ar∣chaton.
• k 1.237

  Chron. Ioh Bromt. col. 825, & Lam∣bardi Archai. Spelmanni Concil. p. 369. which some∣what deprives the sense of it in the transla∣tion, and make it Lex 51.
• * 1.238

  Anno 878.
• l 1.239

  See Mat, westm. F••orent. VVigorn. Simeon Dunelm. Bromt. Huntindon, Hoveden, Polychronicon, Fabian, H••linshed, Speed, Asser. Ethelwerd, Fox and others, An. 878, 879.
• * 1.240

  Proposit. 5.
• m 1.241

  Chron. Io. Brom. col. 829. Spelman. conc. p. 375. 376, 390, 391. Proposition 6.
• n 1.242

  Huntingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 352 Asser. Aelerce∣di R••g. Gest. Chron. Io. Br. col. 819. Camb. Britan. p. 224.
• o 1.243

  Mat West. Wig. As. Men. An. 888, 898. Ae••hel. Abbas de Gen. Reg. Ang. col. 355. Chron. 10. Brom col. 814, 818. Sim. Dunel••. Hist. de Gest. Reg. col. 132, 133. Wil. Mal. de Gest. Reg. l. 25. c. 4. In∣gulph. Hist. p. 870, 171. Hov. Annal. pars 1. p. 420, 421. Ethelwerdi Hist. l. 4. c3. Polychron. Fab. Caxton, Hol∣linshed, Graft∣on, Speed in the life Alfred. of Camd. Brit. p. 378, 379. Spel∣man concil. p. 354 to 380. Antiq. Eccl. But. p. 43.
• * 1.244

  Propos. 1.
• * 1.245

  Anno 894. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. de Dunel. Eccl. c. 13, 14. col. 22, 23.
• * 1.246

  Propos. 10.
• q 1.247

  Spelman concil. p. 381 to 387.
• r 1.248

  Spelman▪ concil, p. 353, 379, 380.
• s 1.249

  Ethel. Hist. l. 49. c. 4. Mal. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 5. Matth. Westm. Florent. Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Hun∣ting d. Hov. Ethel. Bromt. Polychon. E∣thelr. Abbas. Fab. Holin∣shed, Grafton, Speed in the life of Ed. the Elder and An. 901 to 925.
• * 1.250

  A nno 901.
• * 1.251

  Proposit. 3.
• t 1.252

  VVil. Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 5. p. 47, & 48. Mat. VVestm. An. 905. An∣tiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 45. Gervasius Do∣robern. Act. Pont. Cant. col. 1644. Godwin in the life of Plegmund, Spelm. Concil. p. 387, 388. Ingulphi Hist. p. 877.
• * 1.253

  An. 905.
• * 1.254

  opo••••t. 5.
• * 1.255

  Propos. 5, 6.
• u 1.256

  Lambardi Archaion. Spel. Concil. p. 390, to 400. Mat. Westminster, Wigorn. Huut. Hoveden, Sim. Dunelm. Brom. and others. An. Dom. 906, 910, 918, 921.
• * 1.257

  An. 906, 921.
• * 1.258

  Propos. 5.
• x 1.259

  De Gene∣alogia Reg. Ang. col. 358.
• y 1.260

  Huntingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 354 Hov. An. pars posterior. p, 422. Mat. VVestm. VVigorn. Sim. Dunel. Anno 920. Chron. 10. Bromton col. 835.
• * 1.261

  Propos. 4.
• * 1.262

  (z) Col. 831, 835, 836, 837.
• * 1.263

  Proposit. 5.
• a 1.264

  Wil. Mal. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 6. Mat. VVestm. VVig. An. 925 to 940, Hunting. Hist. l. 5. p. 334. Hov. Annal. pars prior, p. 422. Ing. Hist. p. 877, 878. Chron. Johan. Brom. col. 838. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. Reg. Ang. col. 134. to 154. Ethelw. Hist. l. 4. c. 5. Aelr, Abbas de Ge∣neologia Reg. Ang. Pol. l. 6. c. 6. Henry de Knighton, de En. Ang. l. 1. c. 5. Speeds Hist. p. 393, 396. Fab. Holin∣shed, Grafton, Caxton in his life.
• * 1.265

  Anno 924.
• * 1.266

  Propos. 2.
• b 1.267

  De Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 6. p. 49.
• c 1.268

  Ingulphi Hist. p. 817.
• * 1.269

  Anno 928.
• d 1.270

  Chron. Jo. Bromt. col. 840, to 856. Spelman. con∣cil. p. 396, 397, 405, 406. Lambardi Ar∣chaion.
• * 1.271

  Proposit. 5. 6.
• * 1.272

  ••••oposit. 1.
• * 1.273

  Proposit. 1, ••.
• * 1.274

  Proposit. 5.
• e 1.275

  Chron. Joh. Brome. col. 850.
• * 1.276

  Proposit. 5, 6.
• f 1.277

  Chron. Joh. Brom. col. 850.
• * 1.278

  Proposit. 5, 6.
• g 1.279

  Chronicon Ioh. Bromt. col. 850, 851.
• * 1.280

  (k) Chron. •• Ioh Bromt. col. 852, 855, 856.
• * 1.281

  Propos. 2, 4, 5, 6.
• i 1.282

  See the Hi∣story of Guy of warwick.
• * 1.283

  Anno 932.
• * 1.284

  Propos. 5, 6, 9, 10.
• k 1.285

  De Gest. Reg. Ang. l. 2. c. 6. p. 52. Spel∣man. conc. p. 407, 408. Speeds Hist. p. 396. See In∣gulph. Hist. p. 378.
• * 1.286

  Proposit.: 5, 6, 10.
• * 1.287

  opos. 2, 4, 5, 6, 10.
• l 1.288

  Ingulphi Historia. p. 878. Chronic•••• VVill. Thorn, Col. 1778. Evi∣dentiae Eclesiae Christi, Cant. Col. 2220. &c.
• m 1.289

  de Gest: R. Ang. l. 2. c. 6. p. 51. See In∣gulp. Hist. p. 877, 878.
• * 1.290

  Anno 940.
• * 1.291

  (n) Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 7. Hoveden An∣nal. pars prior, p. 422. Ingulp. Hist. p. 878. Huntindon Hist. l. 5. p. 355. Ethelwer∣di Hist. l. 4. c. 6. Chron. Io∣han. Bromton, Col. 856, 857, 858. Mat. VVestm. et wi∣gorn. An. 940. to 946.
• * 1.292

  Proposit. 4. 8.
• o 1.293

  Spelman. Concil. p. 408, 411. &c.
• * 1.294

  Anno. 940.
• * 1.295

  Propos. 5. 2.
• p 1.296

  Simeon Dunelm. Hist. de Dunel. Eccl. c. 16. col. 23. c. 24.
• * 1.297

  Propos. 1, 4.
• q 1.298

  Mat. West. et Wigorn. An. 941. to 946. Huntingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 355, Hov. Annal. pars prior p. 421. Ethelw. Hist. l. 4. c. 6. VVilliam Malmesbury, De Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 7. Simeon Dunelm. Hist. de Dunelm▪ Eccl. c. 18. col. 26. et de Gest. Reg. Angl. col. 134, 155, 156. Ethelr. A••bas de Gen▪ Reg. Ang. col. 358. Pol. l. ••, c. 7. Fab. Caxt. Grast. Holinsh. Speed in the life of King Edm▪
• * 1.299

  Anno 941.
• * 1.300

  Proposit. 3, 7.
• * 1.301

  An. 944.
• r 1.302

  Chron. Ioh. Bromt. col. 858. to 862. Spelm. Concil. p. 415. to 428. Lambardi Ar∣chaion, Poly∣chron. l. 6. c. 7. Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 7. In∣gulphi Hist. p. 878.
• * 1.303

  Proposit. 5.
• s 1.304

  Bromt. Spel. Lamb. quo supra.
• * 1.305

  oposit. 5.
• t 1.306

  Chron. Johan. Bromt. col. 859.
• * 1.307

  Proposit. 5, 4, 7.
• * 1.308

  Proposit. 7.
• u 1.309

  Chron. VVil. Thorn. col. 21. c. 25. E∣vid. Eccles. Christ. Cant. col. 2221. Sim. Dunelm, Hist. de Eccles. Du∣nelm. l. 26. 19. col. 25.
• x 1.310

  M••lm. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 7. Sp••lman concil. p. 4. 27.
• y 1.311

  Mat. West. An. 945. p. 366. Chron. Ioh••n. Brom. col. 8••8.
• * 1.312

  An. 945.
• * 1.313

  Proposition 10.
• z 1.314

  Mat. West. Wig. Malm. Hunt. Hov. In∣gulph. Sim. Du∣nelm. Brom. wil. Thorn. Polch. Aclredus, Fab. Graft. Caxton, Holinsh. Speed, An. 946. and in the life of Edmund.
• * 1.315

  Proposit, 2, 8.
• * 1.316

  Anno 946. &c.
• b 1.317

  Mat. West. VVig. Sim. Du∣nelm. Hunt. Hov. Malm. Brom. Aclred. Polyc. Fab. Hol Speed An. 946. and in the life Edred, Ethelw. Hist. l. 4. c. 8.
• * 1.318

  Propos. 8.
• * 1.319

  Anno 951.
• c 1.320

  Mat. west. An. 951. p. 357. Malm. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 7. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. col. 356. Flor. VVig. An. 952, 954 Ro∣ger Hov. An∣nal pars prior, p. 427, Thomas Stubs. Acta Pontif. Ebor. c. 1669. Godw. Catalogue of Bishops, p. 443. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 49.
• * 1.321

  Propos. 2. 3.
• d 1.322

  Ingulphi Hist. p. 874, 875, 876. Hoveden An∣nal. pars prior. p. 423. Mat. Westm. An. 948 Spelm. Concil. p. 428. Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour, part 2. ch. 5. p. 633.
• * 1.323

  Anno 948.
• * 1.324

  Propos. 5, 8, 9.
• * 1.325

  Proposit. 1.
• e 1.326

  Spelman. Concil. p. 429, 430, 502, 530.
• * 1.327

  An. 950, 955.
• * 1.328

  Proposit. 2, 4, 6, 10.
• f 1.329

  Wil. Mal∣mesbury de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 8. de Gestie Pontificum, l. 1. p. 20. Mat. Westminster, & VVigorn. An. 955, 957, 958, &c. Hoveden Annal. pars prior, p. 427. Ethel∣redus Abbas de Genealogia Reg. Angl. col. 358, 359. Chronicon Johannis Bromton, col. 862, 863. Simeon Dnelmensis de Gestis Regum Angliae, col. 156, 157. Hyg∣den Polychron. l. 6. c. 8. Fabian, Caxton, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed in the life of Edwin, Osburn, Gervasius Dorobern. Capgrave, Mat. Parker, and Godwin in the Lives of Odo and Dunstan, Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 196. Antonini Chron, pars 2. Tit. 16. c. 6.
• * 1.330

  Anno 957.
• * 1.331

  Proposit. 2, 4.
• g 1.332

  Histor. 1. 5, p. 356.
• h 1.333

  Antiq. Ec∣cles. Brit. p. 47. to 54.
• i 1.334

  Catologue of Bishops in the lives of Odo & Dunst. p. 19, 20, 21, 22.
• k 1.335

  History of Great Brittain. p. 403, 404.
• l 1.336

  Spelm. con∣cil. p. 429, 430.
• m 1.337

  Antiq▪ Eccl. Brit. p. 4, p. 153. Spelm. concil, p. 431. ••ntonius in his life.
• * 1.338

  Propos. 5.
• n 1.339

  De Even∣tibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 5. col. 2312, 2313.
• o 1.340

  Mat. West∣minst. wigorn. Et Sim. Du∣uelm, Anno 859. VVil. Malmesb. de Gest. Regum Angl. l 2. c. 8. Ethelredus Abbas de Ge∣nealogid Reg∣num Angl. col. 359, 360. Graft. Chron. ••. 15••.
• * 1.341

  Anno 999.
• p 1.342

  Chron. Jo∣han. Bromton, col. 867. Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 8. Osburn. Capgrave, Mal. Parker, & Godwin in the life of Archbishop Dunstan, Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 200, 201. Speeds History, p. 407, 408.
• * 1.343

  Anno 963.
• * 1.344

  Proposit. 5, 9, 4.
• * 1.345

  Anno 964.
• * 1.346

  [r] Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. c. 8. Osburn, Capgrave, Surius, Matthew Par∣ker, and God∣win in the life of Dunstan, Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 201, 202. Speeds Chron. p. 407, 408. Spelm. Concil. p. 481▪ 482.
• * 1.347

  Anno 966.
• s 1.348

  Spelman∣ni Concil. p. 435, to 444. Mat. VVestm. & VVigorn. An. 963, 964, & Monasticon. Anglic.
• * 1.349

  Proposit. 1, 10.
• t 1.350

  Histor. p. 880, 881, 882.
• * 1.351

  Proposit. 6, 10.
• * 1.352

  Anno 967.
• * 1.353

  [u] Chron. Io. Brom. col. 870, 871. Lambardi A••chaion Spel∣man concil. p. •• 443 to 476.
• * 1.354

  Proposit. 5.
• * 1.355

  Propos. 2, 3, 4.
• x 1.356

  Ethelre∣dus Abbas de Gen. Reg. Ang. col. 360, 361. Sim. Dun••lm. De Gest. Reg. Ang. col. 158. Chron. Io. Brom. col. 768. Mat. VVestm. VVig. Hov. An. 963, 969. Polych. l. 6. c. 10. Osh. Ger. Surius. Mat. Parker, Godwin in the life of Dunstan, Oswald, & E∣thelwald. Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 197 to 203. Spelm. conc. p. 476. &c. Baron. Anno 969.
• * 1.357

  Anno 966.
• * 1.358

  Proposit. 4.
• y 1.359

  Chron. col. 868.
• * 1.360

  Propos. 4.
• z 1.361

  Spelman. Concil. p. 432 to 435. See Mat. westm. VVigorn. and Hoveden, An∣no 966. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. De Gestis Reg. Angl. col. 158.
• * 1.362

  Proposit. 4, 6,
• a 1.363

  Mol••nesb. de Gestis Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 8. p. 57, 58. Spelman. Con∣cil. p. 483, to 10 488. Mo∣nast. Anglic.
• * 1.364

  Anno 970.
• * 1.365

  Proposit. 6, 10.
• * 1.366

  [h] Ingulphi Historia. p. 883, 883.
• c 1.367

  Matthew VVestm. VVigorn. Stm. Dunelm, Hoveden, Bromt. and others, ••n. 973. Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 8, p. 10. Hen. Huntind. Hist. c. 5. l. 356. Hoved. annal. pars prior, p. 426,
• * 1.368

  Anno 973.
• * 1.369

  Malm. de gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 8. p. 56. Huntingd. Hist. l 5. p. 356. Hov. Annal pars prior. p. 426. Mat. Westm. Flor. Wigorn. Simeon Dunel. An. 973, 974. Chron. 10. Brom. col. 869. Ethel∣••edus. Geneal. Reg. Ang. col. 362. Polychron. l. 6. c. 10. f. 238. Hen. de Knygh∣ton, De Even∣tibus Ang. l. 1. c. 1. VValsing. Hist. Ang. p. 51. Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 200. Caxton, Graston, Fab. Holinsh. Spred, Baker, and o∣thers in the life of Edgar. Mr. Seldens Mare clausum. l. 2. c. 11, 12
• * 1.370

  Anno 974.
• e 1.371

  Mat West. An. 974. 374, 375. Hen. Hun∣tingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 356. Chron. 10. Brom. col. 867, De Gest. Aug, l. c. 8. p. 58. lugulphus, Histor. p. 884.
• * 1.372

  Propos. 2, 4.
• f 1.373

  De Gest. Reg. l. 5, c. 8. p. 28.
• g 1.374

  Histor. p. 883. &c.
• h 1.375

  Spelman. concil. p. 488, 489.
• * 1.376

  Propos. 4, 6,
• h 1.377

  Chron. of VVinton Spel∣man concil. p. 491.
• i 1.378

  Malm. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 8. Athelredus. de Genealog. Reg. Ang. col. 359, &c. Polychron. l. 6. c. 9, 10, 11. Henry Knyghton de Eventi∣bus Ang. l. 1. c. 2. Mat. VVestm. VVigorn. Ingulphus, Huntingdon, Hoveden, Brom. Sim. Dunelm. Wil. Thorn, Fah. Caxt. Holinsh. Graft. Speed, Baker in his life. Os∣burn, Capgrave, Surius in the life of Dunstan. Spelman. concil. Mr. Seldens Mare Clausum. l. 2. c. 11, 12. and others.
• i 1.379

  Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 8. E∣thelredus de Genealogia Reg. Angl. col. 359. &c. Po∣lich••on. l. 1. c. 9, 1, 11, Hen. Knighton de Eventibus Angliae, l. 3. c. c. 2. Mat. Westm. Wigorn. Ingulphus, Huntindon, Hoveden, Bromton, Si∣meon Dunetm. Wil. Thorn, Fabian, ••ax∣ton, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Baker in his life, Os∣burn, Cap∣grave. Snrius in the life of Dunitan. Spel∣manni Concil. Mr. S••lden. Mart. Clau∣sum, l. 2, c. 11. 12. Antonini Ch••on. p. 2. and others.
• * 1.380

  Proposit. 3, 9.
• * 1.381

  Polychron. l. 6. c. 11.
• k 1.382

  Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 200.
• l 1.383

  Polych. l. 6. c. 11. f. 239. Chron. Joh. Bromt. col. 870. Speeds History, p. 406.
• m 1.384

  Histor Novo••um. l. 1. p. 1.
• n 1.385

  Histor. l. 5. p. 356.
• o 1.386

  Io. Brom. Chron. col. 870. Fox Acts and Monuments vol. 1. p. 202.
• p 1.387

  Ingulphi Historia, p. 889. Will: Malmsb. Do Gestis Re∣gum, l. 2. c. 9. Mat. VVestm. VVigorniensis, Simeon Dunel∣mensis, Huntin∣don, Hoveden, Anno 975, 976. Chron Iohan: Bromton, col. 871, 872. Hen∣ry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 1. Col. 2313. Eadmerus Hist. Novorum, l. 1. p. 1. Polychro∣nicon, l. 6. c. 12. Fabian, Cax∣ton, Grafton, Holinshed, Speed, in the Lives of Edga•• and Edward. Fox Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 203. 204. Mat. Par∣ker, in Archbi∣shop Dunstans life. Antonini Chron. pars 2. Tit. 16.
• * 1.388

  Anno 975.
• * 1.389

  Proposit. 5, 6, 8.
• q 1.390

  Malmsbur. De Gestis Re∣gum. l. 2. c. 9. p. 61. Mat. West∣min. Wigornien∣sis, Ingulphus, Simeon Dunel∣mensis, Huntin∣don, Hoveden, Bromton, Ann. 975. Osburne, Capgrav••, Mat. Parker, God∣win in the Life of Dunstan, Ba∣ronius & Spon∣danus, Annal. Eccl. An. 975. n. 12. Surius Concil. Tom. 2. Fox Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 202, 203, 204, 205.
• * 1.391

  Proposit. 2. 4.
• r 1.392

  Historia, p. p. 889. See Fox Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. p. 203, 204.
• * 1.393

  Proposit. 6.
• * 1.394

  Proposit. 5, 6.
• s 1.395

  Wigorn. An, 977. p. 360. Roger Hoveden An∣nal. pars prior, p. 425. Joh. Bromt. Chron. col. 870. Sim. Duuelm. Hist. de Gest. Reg. col. 160. An∣tiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 56. Spelm. Concil. p. 497.
• * 1.396

  Anno 977.
• t 1.397

  Malmesh. de Gest. Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 9. Mat. Westmin. An. 975. VVigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, Hntindon, Hoveden, Bromt. An∣no 975. Gervasins, Osburn, Capgrave, Matthew Parker, Godwin in the life of Dunstan, Polychronicon, l. 6. c. 12. Fabian, Caxton, Holinshed, Grafton, Ba∣ker in the life of King Edward, Fox Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 204, 205. Speeds History▪ p. 411, 412. Baronius, & Spondanus An. 977. n. 2. Spelm. Concil. p. 494, 495. Camdens Britannia. p. 243.
• * 1.398

  Proposit▪ 6.
• * 1.399

  Proposit. 8.
• u 1.400

  Matt. VVestm. VVi∣gorn. Simeon Dunelm. Hun∣tind. Hoveden, Radul. de Dice. Ethelr. Bromt. An. 977, 978. Malmes bury de Gest. Reg. l. 8. c. 2. Po∣lych. l. 6. c. 13. Antonius Chron. pars 2. Fabian, Cax∣ton, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Fox and others in the life of King Edward.
• * 1.401

  Anno 978.
• * 1.402

  Proposit. 8.
• x 1.403

  Histor. l. 5. p. 357.
• y 1.404

  De Gestis Regum Ang. l. 2. c. 9. p. 61.
• * 1.405

  De Genealog. Reg. Anglor. p. 362.
• * 1.406

  Anno 979.
• z 1.407

  Ingulphi Historia p. 889, 890. Mat. VVestm: VVig. & Sim. Dun••l. An 978, 979, &c. 1016. Cbron. Inhannis Bromton, col. 877, 878. Will: Malmsbur. de Gestis Regum. l. 2 c. 18. Ead∣merus Hist. No∣vorum, l. 1. p. 1. Hoveden An∣nal. pars prior. p. 427. &c. Hen. de Knygh∣ton de Eventi∣bus Angliae, l. 1. c. 2. Polychron. l. 6. c. 12, 13. Caxton, Fabi∣an, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Stow & others in the lise os K. Ethelred. Ra∣dulphus de ••••∣ceto Abbrev. Chron. col. 46••.
• * 1.408

  Proposit. 8.
• * 1.409

  See i Mat. Westm. Malmsb. Huntindon, Hoveden, E∣thelwerdus, In∣gulphus, Wigor∣niensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, Bromton, Poly∣chronicon, Hen. de Knyghton, Fabian, Speed, Holinshed, Grafton, Dani∣el in their lives.
• a 1.410

  De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 10.
• b 1.411

  De Even∣tibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 2.
• * 1.412

  Anno 980.
• c 1.413

  Mat. West. Malmsbury, Ingulphus, Hnntindon, Hoveden, Simeon Dunelm. Bromton, Wigorn. Radulphus de Diceto, Polychron. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. Fox, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed.
• d 1.414

  Mat. Par∣ker, Antiqu. Eccl. Brit. p. 63, 64.
• * 1.415

  Proposit. 1. 4. 8.
• e 1.416

  Antiqu. Eccl▪ Brit. p. 62.
• f 1.417

  Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 207. Speeds History.
• * 1.418

  Anno 982.
• g 1.419

  Ms. de O∣peribus B. Edel∣woldi. Episco∣pi.
• h 1.420

  Titles of Honor, second part. c. 5. sect. 6. p. 693.
• * 1.421

  Munda, Saxonice Pax dicitur: sed et Satisdatio, ut hic, ni sallor, interpretatur.
• * 1.422

  Proposit. 4, 6,
• i 1.423

  Matthew westminst. An. 983, 986. VVigorn. and Sim. Dunelm. An. 986. Ingul∣phi Hist. p. 890. Wil. Mal∣mesb. de Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 10. Hoveden, An∣nal. pars prior, p. 427. Huntin∣don Hist. l. 5. p. 357. Chron. Jo, Bromton, col. 878. Hen∣ry de Knygh∣ton de Eventi∣bus Ang. l. 1. c. 2. col. 2515. Fox Acts and Monuments vol. 1. p. 207. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 61. Godwins Ca∣talogue of Bi∣shops p. 394. Speed▪ p. 144.
• * 1.424

  Anno 986.
• * 1.425

  Propos. 2, 4.
• * 1.426

  An. 988, 991.
• * 1.427

  [k] Mat. VVestm. VVi∣gorn. Huntin∣don, Hoveden, Bromt. Speed, Holinsh. Fox, Graston.
• l 1.428

  Gervasius Antiq. Ecclef. Brit. and God∣win in the life of Spricius.
• * 1.429

  Proposit. 1.
• m 1.430

  Huntind. Hist. l. 5. p. 357. Chron. Io∣han. Bromton, col. 879.
• n 1.431

  Hist. No∣voruml. 1. p. 1.
• * 1.432

  Propos. 1, 5, 6, 9.
• o 1.433

  De Gestis Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 10. p. 62.
• * 1.434

  [p] De Gestis Pontif. l. 1. p 203.
• q 1.435

  Histor. l. 5. p 357.
• r 1.436

  col. 879.
• * 1.437

  Proposit. 1, 6, 9.
• s 1.438

  Polychr. l. 6. c. 13.
• t 1.439

  De Even∣tibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 2.
• u 1.440

  Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 64.
• x 1.441

  Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. 207.
• * 1.442

  Proposit. 1. 4.
• y 1.443

  Page 415, 416.
• * 1.444

  Proposit. 1, 6, 9.
• z 1.445

  A Collecti∣on of the Histo∣ry of England. London 1634. p. 16.
• * 1.446

  Propoposition 1, 6, 9.
• a 1.447

  William Malmsbur. De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 10. p. 64. Spelman. Concil. p. 503▪
• * 1.448

  Anno 991.
• * 1.449

  Proposit▪ 6. 9.
• b 1.450

  Florenti∣us Wigornien∣sis, Mat. Westm. Simeon Dunel∣mensis, Hoveden, Huntindon, Hist. l. 5. p. 357. Chron. Johan. Bromton. col. 879. 880. Speed, Holinshed, Grafton, Fox.
• * 1.451

  Anno 992.
• * 1.452

  Proposit. 6, 9.
• c 1.453

  VVigor∣mensis, Bromt. Huntindon, Hoveden, Mat. VVestminst. Malmes bury Simeon Da∣nelm. Radul∣phus Cestren∣sis, Fabian, Ho∣linshed, Speed,
• * 1.454

  Anno 993.
• * 1.455

  Anno 994.
• * 1.456

  [d] Florent. VVigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Mat. Westm. Anno 994. William Malmes, de Gest, Reg. l. 2. c. 10. Huntin∣don Hist. l. 5. p. 358. Hove∣den, Annal. pars prior, p. 428. Chron. Joh. Bromt. col. 880, Po∣lych. l. 6. c. 13. Henry de Knyghton de Event. Angl. l. 1. c. 2. Fabian, Grafton, Ho∣linshed, Stow, Speed, Spelm. Glossarium, Tit. Danegelt, Radulph. de Diceto Abbrevi, Chron. 461.
• * 1.457

  Proposit. 1, 6, 9.
• e 1.458

  Wigornien∣sis, Mat. VVes. Huntindon, Rad. de Diceto, Simeon Dunel∣mensis, Poly∣chron. Bromton, Hen. Knyghton, Malmsbury, Hoveden, Fab••∣on, Holinshed, Speed, Grafton, and others.
• * 1.459

  An. 997, 998, 999.
• * 1.460

  Proposit. 1, 6, 9.
• f 1.461

  Hen. Hun∣tindon, Histor. l. 6. p. 359. Chro. Johau. Bromton Col. 883, 884, Polych••onicon, l. 5. c. 60.
• * 1.462

  Anno 1000.
• * 1.463

  Mat. Westm. Hoveden, wi∣gorniensis, Sim. Dunelmensis, Holinshed, Speed, and o∣thers. Anno 1000.
• h 1.464

  Wigorniens. Hnntindon, Hoved. Ethel∣werdus, Ingul∣phus, Malmsb. Radulphus de Diceto, Radul∣phus Cistrensis, Simeon Du∣nelm. Bromton, Mat. VVestmin. Hen: de Knygh∣ton, Mat. Par∣ker, Fox, Fabi∣an, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Daniel.
• * 1.465

  Anno. 1001. 1002.
• * 1.466

  Proposit. 1, 6, 8, 9.
• i 1.467

  Chron. VVil. Thorn, col. 1780 Spelmanni Con∣cil. p. 504▪ to 510.
• * 1.468

  Proposit. 6, 10.
• * 1.469

  Proposition 2.
• * 1.470

  Wigorni••nsis. and others.
• * 1.471

  Anno 1002.
• * 1.472

  (k) Huntindon, Hoveden, Malmsb. Mat. VVestm. Ra∣dijlphus de Diceto, Simeon Dunelm. VVigorn. Bromton, Hen. de Knyghton, Fox Acts & Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 207. Polychron. Fabian, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Dani••l.
• * 1.473

  Proposit. 2.
• l 1.474

  Historia∣rum, l. 6. p. 360.
• * 1.475

  Proposit. 2.
• m 1.476

  De Gest. Regum, l. 2. c. 10. p. 64.
• n 1.477

  Mat West∣min. An. 1012, p. 391, 392.
• * 1.478

  Anno 1003.
• * 1.479

  [o] Malmsbu∣ry, Huntindon, Hoveden, VVi∣gorniensis, Simeon Dunel∣mensis, [Radul∣phu•• de Diceto, Bromton, Henry de Knyghton, Polychronicon, Ingulphus, Mat. Westm▪ Fabian, Fox, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, D••niel▪
• p 1.480

  VVigorn. Hoved••n, Huntind. Hist. l. 6. Speed, & others.
• * 1.481

  Anno 1004.
• * 1.482

  Proposit. 6, 9.
• * 1.483

  Anno 1006.
• * 1.484

  Florentius Wigorniensis, Mat. Westm.
• * 1.485

  Propos. 2, 6.
• x 1.486

  Huntind. Hoveden, Malmesbury, Sim. Dnnel∣mensis, VVi∣gorn. Mat. VVestm. In∣gulphus, Brom∣ton, Radulph. de Diceto, Knyghton, Po∣lych. Fabian, Holinshed, Grafton, Fox, Speed, Daniel,
• * 1.487

  Anno 1007.
• * 1.488

  Proposit. 1, 6, 9.
• y 1.489

  Historia∣rum l. 6. p. 360.
• z 1.490

  Anno 1007. p. 387.
• * 1.491

  Anno 1007. 387.
• a 1.492

  Abbrev. Chron. col. 4••2.
• b 1.493

  Spelmanne Concil. p. 510. to 531. Malmsb. l. 2. c. 10.
• * 1.494

  Anno 1007.
• * 1.495

  Proposit. 5, 6.
• * 1.496

  Proposit. 1, 2, 4, 5.
• * 1.497

  Proposit. 1, 3, 6, 9.
• * 1.498

  Proposit. ••.
• * 1.499

  Proposit. 1, 2, 4, 5.
• c 1.500

  Chron. Jo Bromt. col. 893. to 903. Lam∣bardi Archai∣on, Spelm. Con∣cil. p. 530, 531, 532, 533.
• * 1.501

  Proposit. 5, 6.
• * 1.502

  Proposit. 1, 9.
• * 1.503

  Proposit. 1.
• * 1.504

  Anno 1008, 1009.
• d 1.505

  Florentius Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Mat. Westm. Huntin. Hoved. Mal∣mesb. Ingulph. Radulph. de Diceto, Bromt. Polychron. Fab. Grafton, For, Holinsh. Speed, Daniel, Antiq. Eccles. Brit. Knyghton.
• * 1.506

  Proposit. 2, 3, 6, 9.
• e 1.507

  Malmesb. Ingulph. Flor. Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Hun∣tind. Hoveden, Mat. Westmin. Bromt. Radul∣phus de Dice∣to. Polychroni∣con, Knighton, Fab. Holinsh. Speed, Fox, Grafton, Daniel, Antiq. Eccles. Brit.
• * 1.508

  Anno 1010, 1011, 1012.
• * 1.509

  Propos. 1, 6, 9.
• f 1.510

  See Speeds History, p. 419.
• g 1.511

  See Antiq. Eccles. ••rit. Gervasius, Malmesb. and Godwin in his life. Huntind. Hist. l. 6. p. 361. Mat. VVestm. Hoveden, Bromt. Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Polychron. Grafton, Holinsh. Fab. Speed, Daniel, VVil▪ Thorn, col. 1782. Radulph. de Diceto Abbrev. Chron, col. 464, 465.
• * 1.512

  Anno 1012.
• h 1.513

  Simeon Dunelm. Hist. col. 169. Hove∣den Annal. pars 1. p. 432. Florent. Wi∣gorn. p. 378. Mat Westm. An. 1012. Po∣lychron. Graft. Fabian, Speed, Daniel.
• * 1.514

  Propos. 1, 6, 9.
• * 1.515

  (i) Historiarum l. 6. p. 261. Chron. Johan. Bromton. col. 891.
• k 1.516

  Ingulphi Histor. p. 890, 891, 892.
• * 1.517

  Proposit. 1, 9.
• l 1.518

  History of Great Britain, p. 416.
• m 1.519

  De Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 10.
• * 1.520

  Proposit. 1, 4.
• n 1.521

  Spelm. Concil. p. 530, 531. Chron. Joh. Bromt. col. 901, 902, 903.
• * 1.522

  Anno 1013.
• o 1.523

  Malmesb. de Gestis Reg. l. 2, 6. 10. p. 69.
• p 1.524

  Malmesh. wigorn. Mat. Westm. Sim. Dunelm. Ra∣dulphus de Di∣ceto. Huntind. Hoveden, In∣gulphus, Poly∣chron. Fabian, Grofton, Ho∣linshed, Speed, Daniel, Fox.
• q 1.525

  De gestis Regum l. 2. c▪ 10. p. 69.
• * 1.526

  Proposit. 8.
• r 1.527

  Matthew W••stmin••t, An. 1013. p. 393. Malmesbury, l. 2. c. 10. Hun∣tind. p. 432. Sim. Dunelm. p. 169.
• s 1.528

  Malmesb. de Gestis Reg. l. 1. c. 10.
• t 1.529

  History of Great Britain, p. 420, 421. & Edit. 1611. p. 378, 379.
• * 1.530

  Proposit. 1.
• u 1.531

  Ann. 1013. p. 393. Huntin∣don, p. 452.
• x 1.532

  De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 10. p. 69, 70.
• * 1.533

  Proposit. 8.
• y 1.534

  Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Huntindon, Hoveden, Ra∣dul. de Diceto, Polychronicon, Malmesb. l. 2. c. 10. p. 70. Mat. Westm. p. 394. Bromton, Knyghton, Fa∣bian, Grafton, Holinshed, Speed, Daniel.
• * 1.535

  Propos. 1, 4.
• * 1.536

  Proposit. 1.
• z 1.537

  Malmesb. Huntind. Hove∣den, Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Radulphus de Diccto, Mat. Westmin. Poly∣chron. Bromton, Fabian, Graf∣ton, Speed, Da∣niel, Knighton,
• * 1.538

  Anno 1014.
• * 1.539

  Proposit. 1, 5, 6, 8.
• a 1.540

  Ad haec Principes, se non amplius Danicum Re∣gem admissuro: in Angliam u∣nanimiter spo∣sponderunt. Florentius Wigorniensis, p. 381. Henry Huntindon, p. 433. Simeon Dunelmensis, Hist. col. 171.
• b 1.541

  Sim. Du∣nelmensis, Flo∣rent. Wigorn. p. 382.
• * 1.542

  Proposit. 1.
• c 1.543

  Malmsbury l. 2. c. 10. p. 71. Wigorn. p. 382. Mat. Westmin∣ster, p. 395. Hoveden, p. 433. Polychronicon, Fabian, Grafton, Holinshed, Speed.
• * 1.544

  Anno 1015.
• * 1.545

  (c) Malmsbu∣ry, Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Ra∣dulphus de Di∣ceto, Huntin∣don, Hoveden, Bromton, Poly∣chronicon, Fa∣bian, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Daniel.
• * 1.546

  Anno 1016.
• * 1.547

  Proposit. 3, 8.
• * 1.548

  Proposit. 8.
• * 1.549

  Exagitabant illum umbrae sraternae, di∣ras exigentes inferias, &c. Malmesbury De Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 10▪
• e 1.550

  Florentius Wigorn. p. 384. Huntind. pars 1. p. 434. Sim. Dunclm. Hist. col. 173. Ra∣dulph. de Di∣ceto Abbrev. Chron. col. 446. Chron. Jo. Bromton, col. 903. Henry de Knyghton de E••••nti••. Angl. l. 1. c. 2. Polychron. Malm••b. Ma••. Westm. Fabian, Speed, Spelm.
• * 1.551

  Anno 1016.
• f 1.552

  Wigorn. c. 304. Hoved. Annal. pars 1. p. 434. Sim. Dunelm, col. 173. Bromt. col. 903. Henry de Knyght. de Eventib. Augl. l. 2. c. 2. col. 2315. Ail∣redus de vita & mirac▪ Ed∣ward. col. 374. See Po'yc. Fab. Holinshed. Graft. Speed.
• * 1.553

  Proposit. ••.
• g 1.554

  Malmesb. Huntind. VVi∣gorn. Sim. Dunelm. Mat. VVestm. Radulph. de Diceto. Bromt. Polychron. Fab. Caxton, Grafton, Holinsh. Speed, Daniel, and others in the life of Edmond Ironside & Cnute,
• h 1.555

  Ethelredus Abbas, De Ge∣neal. Regum Angl. coll. 363, 364. Polychro∣nicon, l. 6. c. 17.
• * 1.556

  Anno 1016▪ p. 400.
• * 1.557

  Annal. pars prior, p. 436.
• * 1.558

  Proposit. 1, 9.
• l 1.559

  William Malmsbury, de Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 10, 11. Hen. de Knygh∣ton, de Even∣tibus Angliae.
• * 1.560

  (m) Hen. Hun∣tindon, Hist. l. 6. p. 363. Radul∣phus de Diceto▪ Ymagines Hist. & Mat. Westm. Flores Histor. Anno 1016. Polychron. l. 6. c. 17, 18. Chro∣nicon Johan. Bromton, col. 906, 907, 908.
• m 1.561

  Ingulphi Hist. p. 892. Florent. W••gorn. Mat••restmin. Simeon Du∣nelm, Hoveden, Anno 1016, 1017. Chron. Iohan. Bromton col. 907, 908. Hen. de Knygh∣ton de Evenlib. Angliae, l. 2. c. 2, 3. Radulphus de Diceto Ab∣breviationes Chronicorum.
• * 1.562

  Proposit. 8.
• n 1.563

  Ingulphi Historia, p. 891▪ 892.
• * 1.564

  (o) Anno 1017. p. 402.
• p 1.565

  De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 10. p. 72. Chron. Johan. Bromton col. 906, 907.
• q 1.566

  Histor. l. 6. p. 359.
• r 1.567

  Chron. col. 883.
• s 1.568

  Polychron. l. 1. c. 59. f. 56.
• t 1.569

  Acts and Monum••nts, Vol. ••. p 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 22.
• u 1.570

  History of Great Britain, p. 394. to 398.
• a 1.571

  Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, and others in his life, Radul. de Diceto, Ab∣brev. Chron. col. 466. Chron. Jo. Bromton, col. 906.
• * 1.572

  Anno 1017.
• b 1.573

  Chronica, col. 1782.
• c 1.574

  De Gestis Regum Angl. l. 2. c▪ 11. p. 73.
• d 1.575

  Athelre∣dus Abbas, de Genealog. Re∣gum Angl. col. 965, 966. Flo∣r••ntius Wigor∣niensis, p. 389, 390. Sim. Du∣••elmensis, col. 175, 176. Hoveden An∣nal. pars 1. p. 436. Radulph. de Diceto, Ab∣brev. Chron. col. 466. Hen▪ de Knyghton, De Eventibus An∣gliae, l. 1. c. 3. Polychronicon, l. 6. c. 18. See Fabian, Graf∣ton, Holinshed, Speed, Daniel, in the Life of Cnute.
• * 1.576

  Proposit. 5, 6, 8.
• * 1.577

  Proposit. 8, 1.
• * 1.578

  Nota.
• * 1.579

  De Vita & Miraculis Ed∣wardi Confesso∣ris, col. 374.
• e 1.580

  Historia, p. 892.
• * 1.581

  Proposit. 1, 8.
• f 1.582

  De Genea∣logia Regum Anglorum, col. 365, 366.
• g 1.583

  Histo••iar. l. 6. p. 363.
• h 1.584

  De Even∣tib. Angliae, l. 1. c. 3.
• i 1.585

  Florentius wigorn. Anno 1017. p. 391.
• k 1.586

  Polychron. l. 6. c. 18. Fabian part. 6. c. 20 5.
• l 1.587

  Chronicle•• p. 174.
• * 1.588

  Nota.
• * 1.589

  Anno 1018.
• m 1.590

  Malmesh De Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 10. Mat. Westm. Hove∣den, Huntindon Wigorniensis, Simeon Dunel∣m••nsis, Ra∣dul. de Dic••to, Bromton, Poly∣chron. Fabian, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, and others.
• * 1.591

  Ailredus Ab∣as, de Vita & Miraculis Ed∣wardi Confesso∣ris, col. 374.
• n 1.592

  De Gestis Regum l. 2. c. 10. p. 73.
• o 1.593

  Malmsb. de Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 11. p. 73.
• p 1.594

  Florentius Wigorn. Sim••on Dunelm. Hove∣den, Speed & others.
• q 1.595

  Malmsb. de Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 11. Wigor∣niensis, Speed.
• r 1.596

  Malmsb. de Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 11. Mat. Westm. Huntin∣don, Hoveden, Wigorniensis, Sim. Dunelm. Radulphus de Diceto, Brom∣ton, Polychron. Fabian, Graf∣ton, Holinshed, Speed.
• s 1.597

  De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 11.
• t 1.598

  Mat. Westm. VVigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Radul. de Diceto, Knyghton, Fa∣bian, Graston, Holinshed, Speed, Hun∣tindon, VVigor∣niensis.
• u 1.599

  Wigornien. Sim. Dunelm. Hoveden and others.
• * 1.600

  [x] VVigorn. p. 389. Sim. Du∣nelm. col. 175.
• y 1.601

  Wigornien. Bromton, Sim. Dunelm. Hove∣den, Holinshed, Speed, Malmsb, and others.
• z 1.602

  Florentius VVigorniensis, Sim. Dunelm. Radulphus de Diceto, Roger Hoved, Chron. Ioh. Bromton, col. 908. Hen. de Knyghton de Eventib. Angl. l. 1. c. 3. Graf∣ton, p. 174. Speed, Holin∣shed, Fabian, part. 6. cap. 205. f. 272.
• * 1.603

  Anno 1018.
• * 1.604

  Proposit. 5, 6.
• a 1.605

  Mat. Westm. p. 423. VVigorn. p. 392. Hove∣den, p. 437. Sim. Dunelm. col. 177. Radulph. de Diceto Ab∣brev. Chron. col. 467.
• * 1.606

  Anno 1020.
• * 1.607

  Proposit. 2, 5, 6, 10.
• * 1.608

  Anno 1021.
• b 1.609

  Spelman∣ni Concilia, p. 534.
• * 1.610

  Proposit. 5, 6, 10.
• * 1.611

  [b] Concilia, p. 534.
• d 1.612

  Mat. West: Florent. Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Huntindon, and Hoveden.
• * 1.613

  Anno 1021.
• * 1.614

  Proposit. 2.
• e 1.615

  Mat. Westm. Flores Hist. p. 404.
• * 1.616

  Anno 1022.
• * 1.617

  Proposit. 5.
• f 1.618

  Mat. VVest. p. 404. Malms∣bury, De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 11
• * 1.619

  Anno 1023.
• * 1.620

  Proposit. 5.
• * 1.621

  Anno 1024.
• * 1.622

  [e] Mat. VVest. p. 405. Huntin∣don, Hist. l. 6. p. 364. Malms∣bury de Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 11.
• * 1.623

  Proposit. 8.
• * 1.624

  Anno 1027. to 1030.
• * 1.625

  [h] Florentius VVigorniensis, Simeon Du∣nelm. Hoveden, Mat. Westmin. Anno 1027, 1028, 1029, 1030. Radulf. de Diceto, Bromton, Hun∣tindon, and others.
• * 1.626

  Proposit. 2. 5, 6.
• i 1.627

  Flores Hist. p. 405.
• k 1.628

  Ingulphi Hist. p. 893, 894. VVill. Malmsbury de Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 11. p. 74. Mat. VVestm. p. 407, 408. Hoveden, An∣nal. pars 1. p. 437. Flor. VVi∣gorn, p. 394, 395. Radulph. de Diceto, Ab∣brev. Chron. col. 468. Brom∣ton, col. 912. Polych••on. l. 6. c. 20. Sim. Du∣nelm. p. 178. Fabian, Holin∣shed, Grafton, Speed, and o∣thers.
• * 1.629

  Anno 1031.
• * 1.630

  Proposit. 1, 2, 4.
• * 1.631

  Nota.
• l 1.632

  De Geslis Regum, l. 2. c. 11
• m 1.633

  Flores H••∣stor. p. 408.
• n 1.634

  Chronica, col. 1782.
• * 1.635

  Anno 1032.
• * 1.636

  (o) Ingulphi Historia, p. 892, 893.
• * 1.637

  Proposit. 1, 2, 4.
• * 1.638

  (p) Malmesh. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 11. Spel∣man. Concil. p. 517.
• * 1.639

  Proposit. 10.
• q 1.640

  Col. 1910, 2127.
• * 1.641

  Anno 1033.
• * 1.642

  [r] Chron. Joh. Bromt. col. 914. to 932. Lambardi Ar∣chaion, Spelm. Concil. p. 538. to 570. Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 211, 212.
• * 1.643

  Proposit. 5, 6, 1, 2, 4.
• * 1.644

  Proposit. 9.
• * 1.645

  Proposit. 8.
• * 1.646

  Proposit. 4, 9.
• s 1.647

  Col. 913.
• * 1.648

  Proposit. 6, 10.
• * 1.649

  (m) Malmesh De Gestis Reg l. 2. c. 11. Sim Dunelmensis, Hist. de Eccl. Dunelm. l. 3. c. 8. Evidentiae Eccles. Christi Cantuar col. 2223. 2225, &c. Chron. Will. Thorne, col. 1782. 1908, 1909, 1910.
• u 1.650

  Mat. Westm. Anno 1035. p. 409. Hen. Hun∣tindon, Hist. l. 6. p. 364. Radul∣phus de Diceto, Abbrev. Chron. col. 468, 469. Chron. Iohann. Bromton, col. 911, 912. Polychron. l. 6. c. 20. Hen. de Knyghton de Eventib. Angl. l. 1. c. 5. Fox Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. p. 211. Speeds History, p. 401. Mr. Sel∣dens Mare Clausum, l. 2. c. c. 12. Fabian, part. 6. c. 206. Polydor Virgil, Holinshed, and others in his life▪
• * 1.651

  Anno 1034.
• * 1.652

  Anno 1035.
• * 1.653

  (u) Malmesb. Mat. VVestm. VVigorn. Sim. Dunelmensis, Bromton, Hun∣tindon, Hove∣den, Knygbton, Polychroniton, Fabian, Holin∣shed, Graston, Speed, Radul∣phus de Diceto, Fox, and o∣thers.
• * 1.654

  Proposit. 6.
• x 1.655

  Holinshed, Hist. l. 7. c. 13. p. 182. Speed. Hist. p. 404. See Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. & Godwin in his life.
• * 1.656

  Proposit. 2.
• y 1.657

  An. 1036. P. 410.
• z 1.658

  Will. Cax∣ton, Fox Acts & Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 210, 211.
• a 1.659

  Speeds Hi∣story, p. 405.
• b 1.660

  Historia∣rum, l. 6. p. 365.
• c 1.661

  Col. 935, 936.
• d 1.662

  Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 210, 211. Grafton, p. 178, 179.
• e 1.663

  Chronicon Iohan. Bromton Col. 935, 936. VVilliam Cax∣tons Chronicle, part. 6. Fox Acts and Mo∣numents vol. 1. p. 211.
• * 1.664

  Proposit. 8.
• f 1.665

  Acts & Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 210.
• * 1.666

  Proposit. 8.
• g 1.667

  Florentius Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Radul. de Diceto, Hoved. Brom∣ton, Malmesb. Huntindon, Po∣lychronicon, Fa∣bian, Caxton, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed.
• * 1.668

  Anno 1037.
• * 1.669

  Proposit. 5.
• h 1.670

  Hist. l. 6. p. 365.
• i 1.671

  History of Great Britain, p. 425.
• * 1.672

  Proposit. 1.
• * 1.673

  Anno 1040.
• * 1.674

  (k) Malmesb. De Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 12. In∣gulphus. Mat. Westm. Flor. Wigorniensis, Sim. Dunelm. Radulphus de Diceto, Brom∣ton, Huntindon, Hoveden, Knyghton, Po∣lychron, Caxton Fabian, Holin∣shed, Grafton, Speed.
• * 1.675

  Anno 1040. 1041.
• * 1.676

  Proposit. 1.
• l 1.677

  Histor. l. 6. p. 365.
• * 1.678

  De Gest. R••g. l. 2. c. 12. p. 76.
• m 1.679

  Chronicon, col. 933.
• * 1.680

  Proposit. 1.
• n 1.681

  Flores Hist. p. 412.
• o 1.682

  De Gestis Reg, l. 2. c. 12.
• p 1.683

  History of Great Britain, p. 407.
• q 1.684

  Speed, ibidem.
• r 1.685

  Florentius Wigorniensis, Sim. Dnnelm. Hoveden, Brompt. R••∣dulph. de Dice∣to, and Mat. Westm. An. 1045, to 1050▪
• * 1.686

  Anno 1042.
• a 1.687

  Chro. Joh. Bromton col. 934. Fox Acts and Monum. vol. 1. p. 200. 212. Speeds Hist. p. 410. Wigorniensis. Sim. Dunel∣mensis Rad. de Diceto. Mat. Westminster. Huntindon, Hovedon, Po∣lychronicon. Fa∣bian, Caxton, Holinshed, Grafton.
• * 1.688

  (b) Page 223. 224. 225.
• c 1.689

  Prov. 27. 1.
• d 1.690

  Bromton col. 934. Hove∣den, Huntin∣don, Malmesb. Math. Westm. Fox, Speed, Caxtons Chro. pars. 6.
• e 1.691

  Huntindon Hist. l. 6. p. 365 Brom••on col. 934. Fox vol. 1. p. 210. 212. Speed p. 410.
• * 1.692

  Propos. 5. 6. 8.
• f 1.693

  Flores Hist. p. 415.
• g 1.694

  Malmsbur. de Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 13.
• h 1.695

  Hist. l. 6. p. 365.
• i 1.696

  Malmesb. d•• Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 13. de gest. Pontis. A••gl. l. 2. c. 13. p. 249. Mat. Westm. An. 1055. p. 422. Hen. Huntind. Hist. l. 6. Sim. Dunelmensis Hist. col. 136. Polychronicon l. 6. c. 18. Alre∣dus Ahbas de vita & mira∣culis Edwardi Confessoris col. 373. Chron. Joh. Bromton col. 909. 955. H. de Knygh∣ton. de En••ri∣bus Angl. l. 1. c. 3. Antiq••ita∣tes Eccl. Brit. p. 88, 89. Speeds Hist. p. 410. Ribadenira and Capgrave in the life of king Edward.
• k 1.697

  De vita & miraculis Edw: Confessoris. col. 372. 373.
• * 1.698

  Propos. 5. 6. 8.
• l 1.699

  Hist. l. 3. P. 396.
• m 1.700

  Col. 937. 938.
• * 1.701

  (n) Chron. pars 6.
• * 1.702

  (o) Titles of Honour. part. 2. ch. 6. sect. 5.
• * 1.703

  Prop. 2. 4. 5. 6.
• p 1.704

  Malmesh. De g••st. Regum. l. 2. c. 12. Mat. Westm. Sim. Dunelmens. Wigorn. Hun∣tind. Hoved. Polichron. Fab. Speed, Holinsh. Graft.
• q 1.705

  De gest. Regem l. 2. c. 13. p. 80.
• * 1.706

  Anno 1043.
• r 1.707

  In his E∣pistles to Histo∣riae. Anglica. Scriptur. p. 41.
• s 1.708

  Malmesbur. de. gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 13. Flor. Wi∣gorniens. Mat. Westm. Sim. Du∣nelmens. Ann. 1042. 1043. Bromton. col. 936. 937. Ho∣ved. Annal. pars 1. p. 439. Poly∣chronicon. l. 6. c. 33. Faban, Caxt. Holinsh. Grafton, Speed.
• * 1.709

  Propos. 2. 4.
• t 1.710

  Flor. Wigo∣goriens. Sim. Dunelmens. Hovedon, Mat. Westm. Malmsb. De gest. reg. l. 2. c. 13. Holinsh. Grafton.
• * 1.711

  Anno 1044.
• * 1.712

  Propos. 5. 2.
• * 1.713

  Anno 1045.
• * 1.714

  (u) Flor. Wigor∣neas. M. W••stm. Sim. Dunelm. Huntind. Bromt. Polychronic. Fabian, Speed.
• x 1.715

  Wigorniens. Sim. D••nelm. Hovedo••, Mat. Westmister, Malmesb. Brom∣ton, & others.
• * 1.716

  Propos. 3. 9.
• * 1.717

  Anno 1047.
• * 1.718

  Propos. 6. 9.
• y 1.719

  The Au∣thors in (x.)
• * 1.720

  Anno 1048.
• * 1.721

  Proposit. 3. 9.
• z 1.722

  Historiae p. 295. 296.
• * 1.723

  Proposit. 4. 5.
• * 1.724

  (a) De gest. reg. l. 2. c. 13. p. 79. 80.
• b 1.725

  Camdens Britan. Suss. p. 307.
• * 1.726

  Anno 1049.
• * 1.727

  (c) Mat. Westm. An. 1049. p. 416.
• * 1.728

  Propos. 5. 6. 9.
• d 1.729

  De vita & Mucanilis Ed∣wardi Confes. col. 379. 380. 381. &c.
• * 1.730

  Prop. 5. 6. 9.
• * 1.731

  Propos. 5. 6. 9.
• * 1.732

  Prayers then by th••s Popes d••cree are as effectuall and acceptable to God in any o∣ther place as in Rome it self.
• * 1.733

  Popes in that age determi∣ned no weigh∣ty matters, e∣ven in Rome it self, but by the major part or unanimous vote of a Sy∣nod.
• * 1.734

  (e) Ailredus Abbas Rival∣lis, de vita▪ & miraculis Edw. Confess. col. 386. 387. 388.
• f 1.735

  Spelmant Concil. p. 626. to 637.
• * 1.736

  Propos. 5. 10.
• g 1.737

  Spelm••n. Concil. p. 628.
• * 1.738

  Prop. 3. 3. 9.
• h 1.739

  Wigorniens. Huntind. Hove. Radul. de Dice∣to. Sim. Dunelm. Bromt. Speeds Hist. p 411. Holinsh. Graft. and others.
• * 1.740

  Anno 1049.
• * 1.741

  Propos. 3. 9.
• * 1.742

  Anno 1051.
• * 1.743

  Proposition 1.
• i 1.744

  ••hronicon. c••l 938. 943.
• t 1.745

  Flores Hist. p. 418.
• * 1.746

  Proposition. 1.
• x 1.747

  Degestis Regum l. 2. p. 13 p. 91.
• m 1.748

  See Ail∣redus Abbas de vita & mira∣culis Edwardi Consessoris c. l. 390.
• n 1.749

  Malmsbu∣ry de Gestis Re∣gum Angliae l. 2. c. 13. Iohn Brom∣ton Cronicon vol. 932. Ingul∣phus Historia p. 895.
• * 1.750

  Histor. 1. 6. p. 366.
• o 1.751

  See Fox Acts and Monu∣ments. vol. x. P. 212 213. Speed History p. 411. 412. Daniels History p. 2••.
• * 1.752

  Proposition 2. 5. 6. 9.
• * 1.753

  Propisition 2. 869.
• * 1.754

  Proposition 2.
• * 1.755

  Prop••sition 6.
• * 1.756

  Proposition 2. 6.
• * 1.757

  (q) Malmsturi. de Gestis Reg∣num. l. 2. c. 13. p. 82.
• r 1.758

  Histor. p. 898.
• * 1.759

  (s) Florent. Wigorniensis Sim Dunelmensis, ••olichronicon, Brompton Hove∣den, Huntindon, Rad. de Diceto, Malmsbury, Her. de Knigh∣ton Westminster, Caxton Fabian, Graston, Holins∣bead, Speed, Daniel, Fox, Eadiner Hist. Nov. l. 1. p. 4.
• * 1.760

  Proposition 3 8.
• * 1.761

  Proposition 5 2.
• v 1.762

  Polychr. ll 1. c. 50. Fox Acts and Monuments, vol. 1. p. 244. Speeds History, p. 440, 441.
• x 1.763

  Florentius wigornieusis, Sim. Dunelm. Hoveden, Dan. Speed. p. 441.
• y 1.764

  See To∣tles Magna Charta, 1556, p. 164. 1 R. 2. rot. Parl. num. 44. My Sove∣raign Power of Parliaments, pars 1. p. 52, to 79. Exact. Collect. p. 290. 712, 713, 714.
• * 1.765

  Hoveden, p. 607.
• * 1.766

  Epistle to his 9th. Report. 1. Institutes, p. p. 69, 110. 2 Instit. p. 7, 8. 4. Instit. p. 2. 12. 340.
• * 1.767

  Mat. Westm. and Mat. Paris An. 1122. Hov••den An, 113▪ p. 400.
• * 1.768

  Grafions Ca∣talogue of the Mayors of Lon∣don.
• y 1.769

  De Event. Angl. l. 1. c. 15.
• * 1.770

  Proposit. 5, 6.
• z 1.771

  De Gestis Reg. l. 1. c. 11. p. 75. S••e Spelm. Concil. p. 569.
• a 1.772

  Ad Ead∣merum & No∣tae, & Spicel••∣gium. p. 171.
• b 1.773

  Annalium pars posterior, p. 608.
• c 1.774

  De Brit. Ecclesia••um P••imord••is, p. 720.
• d 1.775

  Historiae p. 914.
• e 1.776

  Io. Sel∣deni ad Ead∣merum Notae, p. 171, 172.
• f 1.777

  Lex 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 19, 10 27, 30, 31, 35, 37. 40, 41, 50, 53, 62, 64, 67, 70. in Mr. Seld n.
• g 1.778

  Lex 1, 2, 3, 6, 7. in Hoveden and Spelman.
• h 1.779

  Toiles Mag. Cha••t. 1 R. 2. rot. claus. m. 44. rot. Parl. 1 H. 4. n. 17. Exact. Col∣••ect. p. 712, 713, 714.
• i 1.780

  Lex 8, 9. in Hoveden, Lambard, and Knyghton.
• k 1.781

  Lex 3. in Hoveden, Lambard, Knyghton.
• * 1.782

  [l] Lex 11. in Hoved. Lamb. Knyghton.
• * 1.783

  Proposit. 1, 9.
• m 1.784

  Cap. 15, & 17. in Hoved••n, Knyghton, Lam∣bard.
• n 1.785

  Acts and Monuments, vol. 1. p. 214.
• * 1.786

  Proposit. 10.
• * 1.787

  Proposit. 5, 6.
• o 1.788

  Antiqu. Ec¦cles. Brit. p. 88.
• p 1.789

  Ailredus Abbas, de Vita & Mirac. Ed∣wardi Consesso∣ris, col. 394▪ 395. Malmsb. de Gestis Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 13. p. 81. Hen. Hun∣tindon, Hist. l. 6. p. 366. Ingul∣phi Hist. p. 898. Mat. Westm. An. 1054 p. 424. Radulphus de Diceto Abbrev. Chron. col. 476. Chronicon 10. Bromton, col. 944. Hen. de Knyghton, de Eventib. Angl. l. 1. c. 11. Hyg∣den. Polychron. l. 6. c. 25. Ead∣merus Hist. No∣vorum, l. 1. p. 4. Fox Acts & Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 213.
• * 1.790

  Anno 1053.
• * 1.791

  Proposit. 8.
• q 1.792

  Abbrev. Chron. col. 476.
• r 1.793

  Historia, p. 389.
• s 1.794

  De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 13 p. 82, 83. See Speeds History, p. 418.
• o 1.795

  Mat. West∣minster, Wigoun. Sim. Dunelmen. Hoveden, Bromton, Anno 1053. Fabian, Holinshed, and others.
• * 1.796

  Anno 1053.
• p 1.797

  Marianus Scotus, Wigoun. Mat. westminst. Sim. Dunetm. Huntindon, Hoveden, Knyghton, Bromton, Ra∣dulphus de Di∣ceto, col. 478. VValsingham, Hist. Angl. p. 17. 51.
• * 1.798

  Anno 1054.
• q 1.799

  Huntindon, Hist. l. 6 p. 366. Marianus Sco∣tus, Mat. west∣minster, VVi∣gorniensts, Sim. Dunelm, and Bromton, Ann. 1055. Hen. de Knyghton, de Event. Angl. l. 1. c. 11. Poly∣chron. l. 6. c. 26. VVill. Malmsb. De Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 13. In∣gulphi Hist. p. 898, Holinshed, Speed, and o∣thers.
• * 1.800

  A••no 1055.
• * 1.801

  Proposit. 2, 4, 5, 6, 9.
• * 1.802

  Proposit. 3.
• r 1.803

  Malmsbury de Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 13. See Godwin in the life of Bishop Herman.
• * 1.804

  Anno 1057.
• s 1.805

  Wigornien∣sis, Hoveden, Huntindon, Sim. Dunelm. Mat. Westminster, Bromton, Hygden, Fabian, Holinshed, Fox Acts & Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 213▪ Cambdens Britannia, p. 568.
• * 1.806

  Proposit. 1.
• * 1.807

  Anno 1058.
• * 1.808

  (e) Wigornien∣sis, Hoveden, Sim. Dunelm. Anno 1058. Ingul. Historia p. 898. Speed, and others.
• * 1.809

  Proposit. 2.
• * 1.810

  Anno 1063.
• u 1.811

  Mat Westm. Hoveden, Wi∣gorn. Sim. Dunelm. Bromton, An. 1063, 1064. Malmsbur. de Gests Reg. l. 2. c. 13. Hen. de Knyghton, de Event. Angl. l. 1. c. 14. Ingulphi Hist. p. 899. Holinshed, Fa∣bian, Grafton, Speed.
• * 1.812

  Proposit. 4, 8,
• * 1.813

  Anno 1065.
• x 1.814

  Ailredus Abbas, de Vita & Mirac. Ed∣wardi confesso∣ris, col. 394. Malmsbur. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 13. Mat. West. Huntindon, Hoveden, Wi∣gorniensis, Sim. Dunelm. Rad. deDiceto, Brom∣ton, Polychron. l. 6. c. 27, 28. Fox Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 213. Speeds History. p. 418. Daniel. p. 24. Fabian, Caxton, Holinshed, Grafton.
• * 1.815

  Proposit. 2, 4.
• * 1.816

  Proposit. 1, 2.
• * 1.817

  Proposit. 1, 2,
• r 1.818

  Historia, p. 899, 900, 911.
• s 1.819

  De Gestis Regum, l. 2. ••. 13 p. 93.
• t 1.820

  Flores Hist. p. 426.
• u 1.821

  Acts and Monnments, vol. 1. p. 213.
• x 1.822

  Ypodigma N••ustria, p. 28.
• y 1.823

  Hist. Ang. ••. 912.
• * 1.824

  Hist. Angl. p. 912.
• * 1.825

  Proposit. 10.
• * 1.826

  Anno 1066.
• z 1.827

  Mat. West Florentius Wi∣gorn. Hoveden, Ailredus, Brom∣ton, Polych••on. Fabian, Caxton, Grafton, Holin∣sh••d, Fox, Spel∣man, Speed.
• a 1.828

  Flores Hist. p. 431.
• b 1.829

  De Vita & Miraculis ••d∣wardi Confesso∣ris, col. 399, 400.
• * 1.830

  Anno 1066.
• a 1.831

  Historia, p. 899, 900.
• b 1.832

  Flo••es Hist. p. 433. Malms∣b••ry de Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 13.
• c 1.833

  De Vita & Miraculis Ed∣wardi Confesso∣ris, col. 399.
• d 1.834

  Malmsbu∣ry de Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 13. p. 79.
• e 1.835

  Ailredus de Vit••, et Mira∣c••lis Edwardi. Confessoris, col. col. 402.
• f 1.836

  Mat. West∣minster, Anno 1066. p. 433.
• g 1.837

  Malmsb, de Gest. Regum, l. 3. p. 99.
• * 1.838

  [h] Historia, Novorum, l. 1. p. 5.
• i 1.839

  De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 13. p. 93.
• k 1.840

  Historia, p. 900.
• l 1.841

  Historiarum l. 6. p. 367.
• m 1.842

  Col. 957.
• n 1.843

  De ••ven∣t••bus Angeliae, l. 2. c. 15. col. 2339.
• o 1.844

  De Vita & Miraculis Ed∣wardi Confesso∣ris, col. 404.
• y 1.845

  Ypodigma Neustriae, p. 28.
• q 1.846

  History of Great Britain, p. 416, 417.
• r 1.847

  De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 13 p. 93, 94.
• * 1.848

  Proposit. 1, 2, 5••,
• s 1.849

  De Even∣tibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 16. col. 2339.
• * 1.850

  (l) Flores Hist. p. 434, 44••.
• u 1.851

  Ingulphus, Malmsh. Wi∣gorn. Huntin∣den, Hov••den, Mat. Paris, Mat. Westminst. VValsingham, Ypodigma Neu∣stri••, S••m. Dun••••m. ••a∣dulphus de Di∣ce••o, Bromton, Hygden, Knygh∣ton, Fabian, Caxton, Graf∣ton, Holin∣shed, Speed, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ••aker, S. J. Haywa••d, and others.
• x 1.852

  Ma•• Westm. p. 434 435.
• * 1.853

  Proposit. 5, 10.
• y 1.854

  Hist. No¦vo••um, l. 1. p. 5.
• z 1.855

  Abbreviat Chron. col. 481
• * 1.856

  Proposit. 10, 6.
• a 1.857

  Speeds Hi∣story, p. 419. S••e Sir Iohn H••y∣ward in VVill. 1.
• b 1.858

  Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. 3. p. 99, 100.
• c 1.859

  Eadmerus Hist. Nov. l. 1. p. 5. Radulph. de Diceto Ab∣brev. Chron. col. 481. Cambdens Brit. p. 14••.
• d 1.860

  Historia p. 900.
• e 1.861

  Mat. Paris Mat. Westmin. Wigorniensis, Sim. Dunelm. Rad. de Diceto, Bromton, Hun∣tind. Hoveden, Hygden. Malmsbur. de Gest. Reg. l. 3. p. 99, 100. Henry de Knyghton, de Eventib. Angl. l. 1. c. 16. In∣gulphi Hist. p. 900. Camb∣dens Brittan. p. 148. Speeds Hist. p. 420. Grafton, Fabian, Holinshed, Caxton, Daniel, Baker, Fox, Sir Io, Haywood.
• * 1.862

  Proposit. 6, 9
• f 1.863

  Cambdens Brit. p. 147. Speeds Hist. p. 421. Daniel Hist. p. 34, 35▪
• * 1.864

  Proposit. 1, 9.
• * 1.865

  Proposit. 3.
• g 1.866

  Malmsb. Mat. Paris, Mat. Westm. Huntindon, Hoveden, Sim. Dunelmen. Bromton, Ra∣dulph. de Di∣ceto, Hygden, Knyghton, Walsingham, Fabian, Caxt. Holinshed, Graft. Speed, Daniel, Baker, Ailredus Abba. Sir Iohn Hay∣wood.
• h 1.867

  De Vita & Miraculis Edwardi Con∣fessoris.
• i 1.868

  Hen. Hun∣tind in Hist. l. 6. p. 367. Po∣lychron. l. 6. c. 29. Chron. 10. Brompt. col. 958. Hen. de Knyghton, de Eventibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 16. Speeds History, p. 422. Fox Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 215. Cambdens Britannia, p. 149. Sir Iohn Haywood.
• k 1.869

  Malms∣bury de Gest is Regum, l. 3. p. 100.
• * 1.870

  [l] Mat. West∣minst. p. 435. Mat. Paris Hist. Angl. p. 2. Henry de Knyght. de E∣vent. Angl. l. 2. c. 1. Fabian part 6. c. 217. Grafton, Ho∣linsh. Speed, Caxton, Hay∣wood, and o∣thers.
• * 1.871

  4. Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. 3. p. 100. Fabian, part 6. c. 217. and others.
• n 1.872

  Restitution of decayed An∣tiquities, p, 137
• * 1.873

  Proposit. 1, 2, ••
• o 1.874

  Malmsb. Mat. Paris, Wigorn. Hove∣den, Bromton, Hygden, Fabi∣an, Knyghton, Walsingham, Holinsh. Speed, Daniel & o∣thers.
• p 1.875

  De Event. Angl. l. 2. c. 1.
• * 1.876

  [b] Flores H••st. p. 439, 440.
• r 1.877

  Malmsbur. Huntindon, Hoveden, tri∣gorn. Sim. Du∣nelm. Mat. Pa∣ris, Mat. West∣minst. VVal∣singham, Ba∣dulphus de Di∣ceto, Knyghton, Polychron. Bromton, Fa∣bian, Caxton, Graston, Ho∣linshed, Speed, Daniel, Baker, Sir John Hay∣ward.
• * 1.878

  [s] Malmsb. De 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Reg. l. 2. p. 94. l. 3. p. 100. See Mat. W••stm. p. 435. Fabian, part 6. c. 277. Sir 10. Hoyward in VVill. 1.
• t 1.879

  Ypodigma Neustria, p. 28.
• u 1.880

  See Malms∣de Gestis Reg. Angl. l. 2. p. 94.
• x 1.881

  Mat. West. p. 436. Malms∣oury de Gestis Reg. l. 3. p. 100. Mat. Paris Hist. Angl. p. 3. Ho∣linshed, Speed, Sir Iohn Hay∣ward and o∣thers.
• * 1.882

  Notae.
• y 1.883

  Hen. Hun∣tindon Hist. l. 3. p. 368. Chron. Iohan: Bromton col. 959, 966.
• z 1.884

  Mat. West. p. 438, 439. Malmsbury, de Gestis Regum, l. 3. p. 101.
• a 1.885

  Speed, Hey∣lyns Microcosm.
• b 1.886

  Hist. No∣vorum, l. 1. p. p. 5, 6.
• c 1.887

  De Genea∣log. Reg. Angl. col. 367, 368. & De Vita & Mir culis Ed∣wardi Confesso∣ris, col. 977.
• d 1.888

  Ypodigma Neustriae, p. 28.
• e 1.889

  Acts and Monnments, vol. 1. p. 215. here p. 254.
• f 1.890

  De Vita & Miraculis Ed∣wardi Confesso∣r••s, col. 401.
• g 1.891

  De G••stis Reg. l. 3. p. 101.
• h 1.892

  Ingulphi Hist. p. 900. Mat. Westminst. Mat. Paris, p. 4. Wigo••n. p. 428. Hoveden, p. 447 448. Sim. Du∣nelm. col. 193. Radulphus de Diceto Abbrev. Cbron. Col. 479. Knyghton De Event. Angliae▪ l. 1. c. 15. Polychron. l. 6. c. 28. Walsingham Ypodigma▪ p. 28. Fabian, Caxton, Graf∣ton, Holinshed, Speed, Stow, Baker, Sir Iohn Hayward.
• i 1.893

  Malmsb. de Gestis Regum, l. 3. p. 100, 101. Cambden, Speed, Daniel, Fabian, part. 6. c. 217. Sir 10. Hayward in William the 1.
• k 1.894

  Daniels History.
• l 1.895

  De Gestis Reg. l. 3. p 102.
• m 1.896

  Marianus, VVigorniensis, Hoveden, Sim. Dunelm. Speed, Holinshed, Da∣niel, Cambden, and others. Fa∣bian, part. 6. c. 217. Sir Iohn Heyward in VVill, the 1.
• n 1.897

  M••••. Paris▪ in the life of A••b••t F••ed••∣••ick, Speeds Hi∣story, p. 436. Iohn Stow, Sir Iohn H••••wa••d▪ in William the 1.
• * 1.898

  (••) Matthew VVestm. p. 44. Mat. Paris, p. 3, 4. Malmsb. de Gestis Reg. l. 3. p. 102. Bromton, Knyghton, Grafton, Speed, Daniel and o∣thers.
• p 1.899

  Ypodigma Neustriae, p. 28.
• * 1.900

  [q] 〈…〉〈…〉, l. 1. p. 6. Malmsb. Mat. Paris, Mat. Westm. W••go••n. S••m. Dun••lm. Radul. de Dice∣to, Hov••d••n, Bromton, Knyghton, Hyg∣den, Mat. Par∣ker, Godwin, & G••rv••sius Do••o∣b••rn. in the lives of Stigand, and Alfred, Chron. Will. Thorne, col. 1792.
• r 1.901

  Chron. Io▪ Bromton, col. 962.
• s 1.902

  Mat. Par∣ker, ••ntiq. ••c∣cles. Brit. p. 89, 90.
• t 1.903

  Chronica ••Vill. Thorne, col. 1786.
• u 1.904

  Antiq. Ec∣c••es. Brit. p. 89, 90.
• x 1.905

  Perambu∣lation of Kent.
• y 1.906

  Britannia, p. 325.
• z 1.907

  Catalogue of ••ishops, p 28
• a 1.908

  History, p 437, 438. Sir Iohn Hay∣ward in VVill. the 1.
• * 1.909

  Proposit. 3, 5.
• b 1.910

  Camb••••ns B••itan••ia, p. 324. Iohn S••∣lisbury in his Polycraticon.
• c 1.911

  Mat. Paris, Mat. Westm. VVigorniensis, Huntindon, Hoveden, Malmsb. De Gestis Reg. & de Vitis Ponti∣ficum in Sti∣gando, Sim. Dun••lmensis, Bromton, H••g∣den, Chronicon VVill. Tho••ne, col. 1787. Hen. de Knyghton, de Eventibus An∣gliae, l. 2. c. 8. Matthew Par∣ker, and God∣win in his life. Sir Iohn Hay∣ward in VVill. 1.
• * 1.912

  Proposit. 1, 2, 4, 5,
• d 1.913

  Flores Hist. p. 440.
• e 1.914

  De Gestis Regum, l. 3. p. 101, 102.
• * 1.915

  See Grotius, De Iure Bell, l. 3. c. 4, 5, 6, 7, 15.
• * 1.916

  (e) B••ittannia in English, p. 145.
• f 1.917

  In Inspex▪ par. 7. 1 E. 4. membr. 26. Mr. Seldens Review of his History of Tithes, p. 483.
• g 1.918

  Spelmanni Concil. p. 619.
• * 1.919

  ••oveden, p. 601.
• h 1.920

  1. Seldeni ad Eadmerum 〈◊〉〈◊〉, p. 212.
• i 1.921

  Cambdens Britannia, p. 145. Speeds History, p. 448, 449.
• k 1.922

  Here p. 34.
• * 1.923

  [l] De Event. Angl, l. 2. c. ••. col. 2343.
• m 1.924

  Col. 962.
• n 1.925

  In itinere Temps. E. 3. f. 143. Mr. Seldens Review p. 483.
• o 1.926

  In the life of Willam the first, p. 36, 37.
• * 1.927

  Reliquiae Wo tontanae, p. 149, 150, 152, 153.
• * 1.928

  Proposit. 1.
• * 1.929

  Proposit. 3.
• * 1.930

  Proposit. 9▪
• * 1.931

  Proposit. 1, 2, 4.
• * 1.932

  Proposit. 2.
• * 1.933

  Proposit. 3, 8.
• * 1.934

  Proposit. 10.
• * 1.935

  Here p. 340.
• * 1.936

  See Rot. Parl. 39 H. 6. n. 10. to 26. 1 E. 4. ••. 8. to 16.
• * 1.937

  See 1 R. 3. Rot. Parl, and Speed in his life.
• a 1.938

  Speeds History, Camb∣dens Britan. and others. Here p. 349.
• b 1.939

  VVigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Bromt. Hovden. An. 166. Here p. 369.
• c 1.940

  Mat. VVestminster, Mat. Paris, p. 6. VVigorniensis, Huntindon, Hoveden, Simeon Du∣nelmensis. Bromton, Malmsbur. Holinsh. Speed, Knyghton De Event. Angliae. l. 2. c. 3. ••ol. 2350.
• d 1.941

  De Gestis Regum, l. 3. p. 103.
• e 1.942

  Malmsb. Ib. p. 103. Sim. Dunelm. de Gestis Reg. Angl▪ col. 213. Chron. Ioh. Bromt. col. 976.
• f 1.943

  Florent. Wigorniensis, p. 456. Simeon Dunelm. De Gest. Reg. An∣glor. col. 216, 217.
• g 1.944

  Florent. VVigorn. p. 466. Sim. Du∣nelm. col. 223. Hoveden An. pars 1. p. 466.
• h 1.945

  De Gest. Reg. l. 3. p. 103.
• i 1.946

  Mat. 5. 43, 44▪ 45, Rom. 12, 14, 20, 21.
• * 1.947

  Job 20. 4, 5, 6. Psal. 37. 2. 35, 36.
• * 1.948

  See part. 2. p. 29, to 38.
• p 1.949

  Prov. 27. 24. Dan. 2. 21. 6. 4. 25.
• q 1.950

  Col. 883.
• r 1.951

  Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 148.
• * 1.952

  Heb. 12. 28. 1 Pet. 1. 4. c. 5, 4.