A short demurrer to the Jewes long discontinued remitter into England. Comprising an exact chronological relation of their first admission into, their ill deportment, misdemeanors, condition, sufferings, oppressions, slaughters, plunders, by popular insurrections, and regal exactions in; and their total, final banishment by judgment and edict of Parliament, out of England, never to return again: collected out of the best historians. With a brief collection of such English laws, Scriptures, as seem strongly to plead, and conclude against their readmission into England, especially at this season, and against the general calling of the Jewish nation. With an answer to the chief allegations for their introduction. / By William Prynne Esq; a bencher of Lincolnes-Inne.

A short Demurrer to the Jews long discontinued Remitter into ENGLAND.

HOw the Nation of the Jewes (once a 1.1 Gods own beloved, speciall, chosen People) after their b 1.2 malitious crucifying of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and imprecation, That c 1.3 his Bloud might be on them and their children, were for this d 1.4 their crying sinne especially, made the saddest Spectacles of divine Justice, and humane Misery of all o∣ther Nations in the World, being quite extirpated out of their own Land, almost totally deleted by the sword, pestilence, famine; carried away Captives, and disper∣sed like so many Vagabonds over the face of the whole Earth, as the very off-scowring of the world, and execra∣tion, derision of all other people, having no place, Ci∣ty, Form of Government, or Republike of their own, in any corner of the Universe; (according to Gods Commi∣nations against them, Levit. 26. 14. to 46. Deut. 28. 15. to 68. Jer. 9. 10. c. 13. 24. Ezech. 5. 2. to the mid. c. 12. 15. c. 22. 15. Mich. 1. 21. Mat. 24.) Or what banishments, punishments, oppositions, restraints by penal Laws, suppressions of their Synagogues, Ceremo∣nies, they have received in all ages from Christian Kings, Princes, Republikes in Forreign parts, for their impla∣cable malice, blasphemie against our Saviour Jesus Christ, Christians, Christian Religion, and other Crimes

and Misdemeanors to which they are most addicted, is not the subject of my intended Brief Discourse, and so fully related by Josephus, Egesippus, Eusebius, Nicephorus, Zonaras, Paulus Diaconus, the Magdeburgian Centuriators, out of them and other Historians, in their 2. to their 13 Centuries, chap. 14, and 15. in Baronius his Annals, and H••yl••••s Microcosm, p. 568, 569, 570. where all may pe∣ruse them, that I shall not spend time to recite them, but wholly confine my self to a Brief Relation of their first admission into, their ill deportment, misdemeanors, sufferings, popular insurrections against them in, and their final banish∣ment by Judgement and Edict of Parliament out of England, never to return again, collected out of the best Historians: to which I shall subjoyn, a taste only of such Laws, Scri∣ptures, and Reasons, as seem strongly to plead against their re∣admission into our Island, especially at this season.

When the Jews came first into England, appears not cer∣tainly by any Historians, there being no mention of their being here in any of our British or Saxon Kings reigns, to my remembrance. Antoninus in his Chronicles Tit. 16. ca. 5. records, That William the Conqueror King of Eng∣land, translated the Jews from Rhoan to London; and the Magdeburg Centuries out of him, Centur. xi. cap. 14. Col. 686. adds thereto, that it was OB NUMERATUM PRECIUM, for a summ of money given to him by them, (which I find not in Antoninus.) Both these Authors intimate, That this was their first arival in England, yet in what year of this King, they are silent. With them concurs Raphael Holinshed, Vol. 3. p. 15. where thus he writes, Among other grievances, which the English sustai∣ned by the hard dealings of the Conqueror, this is to be re∣membred, That he brought Jews into the Land from Rouen, and appointed them a place to inhabit and occupy: (reputing their very first introduction a Grievance to the English, and hard dealing.) Which John Stow in his Annals of Eng∣land, p. 103. thus seconds, King William brought the

Jews from Rhoan here to inhabit in England. But this Law concerning the Jews, inserted amongst the Laws in the Confessors time, seems to prove their arrival and settle∣ment in England, to be before this Normans reign; un∣lesse mis-placed in point of time amongst his Lawes by Hoveden, being rather in my opinion, a Declaration of the Jews servile condition under King William, and Ri∣chard the first, when Hoveden writ, then any Law in King Edwards reign, or before, as the words import.

e 2.1 De Judaeis in Regno constitutis.

SCiendum est quo{que}, quod omnes Judaei, ubicun{que} in Reg∣no sunt, sub tutela & defensione Domim Regis sunt; nec quilibet eorum alicui diviti se potest subdere, sine Regis licen∣tia. Judaei, & omnia sua Regis sunt. Quod si quispiam de∣tinuerit eis pecuniam suam, perquirat Rex tanquam su∣um proprium: (or detmuerit eos, vel pecuniam corum perqui∣rat Rex, si vult, tanquam suum proprium, (as Sir Henry Spelman renders it.)

This Law or Declaration (being the first record making mention of their being, and condition in England:) proves, That as all the Jews when they came first into England, were under the Kings protection and patronage where ever they resided: that they were under him only as his meer Vassals, their persons and goods being his a∣lone; & that they could dispose of neither of them with∣out his License: Into which slavish condition they doubt∣lesse then put themselves, (being banished out of other Nations for their Villanies) only to avoid the fury of the common people, to whom they were most detesta∣ble, who else would have quickly murdered, or ston'd them to death, and stript them of all their wealth; as the sequell will declare.

The next Passage in Historians concerning the Jews being and condition in England, is that of f 2.2 William of Malmsbury in William Rufus his reign. The Jews (writes he) in his time gave a testimony of their insolency: Once at Rhoan, endeavouring by gifts to perswade and revoke

certain men to Judaism, who had deserted their error: Ano∣ther time at London, being animated to enter into a combate (or dispute) against our Bishops, because the King (in mer∣riment, as I believe) had said, That if they should▪ overcome the Christians, and confute them by open arguments, he would then revolt to them, and become one of their Sect; Whereup∣on it was managed with great fear of the Bishops and Clergy, and with pious solicitude of such who were afraid of the Chri∣stian Faiths miscarriage. And from this combate the Jews only brought away nothing besides confusion; although they would many times boast, that they were overcome not by ar∣gument, but by a faction. g 2.3 Antoninus relating the sto∣ry in the same words, addes only this, That the Jews com∣ming to this King on a certain Solemnity, and offering him gifts; (after their removal from Rhoan to London) he thereupon animated them to a conflict against the Christians, swearing by St. Lukes face, that if they overcame them, he would revolt to their Sect: (as if he spake it in good earnest) with whom the h 2.4 Magdeburge Centuries accord.

By which we may observe, That the Jews were no sooner transported and setled in Rhoan and London, but they presently began to grow very insolent against the Christians; 1. Endeavouring to pervert some of them by monies to Judaism. 2ly, Attempting to corrupt the King himself, by gifts, to side with them against the Bi∣shops and Clergy, and to become one of their Sect. 3ly, By entring into open Disputations with the Bishops and Clergy against the Christian Faith, to the great fear of the Professors, and hazard of the Christian Religion. 4ly, By boasting frequently when they were overcome, That it was only by power and faction, not truth or dis∣putation. And will not this be their very practise now, if re-admitted, to the hazard of our Christian Religion, and seduction of many simple, unstable souls, in this un∣setled, apostatizing age? when not only the ignorant People, but many great Professors, turn Atheists, Here∣ticks, Seekers, Apostates, Blasphemers, Ranters, Qua∣kers,

Antiscripturists, and what not, but real Chri∣stians?

This History of William Rufus, causing a disputation between the Christians and the Jews, is related by Ra∣phael Holinshed in his Chronicle; Vol. 3. p. 27. who like∣wise records of him, That he being at Rhoan on a time, there came to him diverse Jews, who inhabited that City, com∣plaining to him, that divers of that Nation had renounced their Jewish Religion, and were become Christians: wherefore they besought him, that for a certain summe of money which they offered to give, it might please him to constrain them to abjure Christianity, and turn to the Jewish Law again. He was content to satisfie their de∣sires, and so receiving the money, called them before him; and what with threats, and putting them otherwise in fear, he compelled divers of them to forsake Christ, and to turn to their old errors. Hereupon, the Father of one Stephen a Jew, converted to the Christian Faith, being sore troubled for that his Son was turned a Christian, and hearing what the King had done in such like matters, presented to him 60 Marks of Silver, conditionally, That he should en∣force his Son to return to his Jewish Religion; where∣upon the young man was brought before the King, unto whom he said, Sirra, thy Father here complaineth, that without his license thou art become a Christian: If this be true, I command thee to return again to the Religion of thy Nation, without any more adoe. To whom the Young man answered, Your Grace (as I guess) doth but jest. Where∣with the King being moved, said, VVhat? thou dounghil knave, should I jest with thee; Get thee hence quickly, and fulfill my commandement, or by St. Lukes face, I shall cause thine eyes to be plucked out of thine head. The Young man nothing abashed thereat, with a constant voice answered, Truly I will not do it; but know for certain, that if you were a good Christian, you would never have uttered any such words; for it is the part of a Christian, to reduce them again to Christ, which are departed from him, and not to separate them from

him, which are joyned to him by Faith. The King herewith confounded, commanded the Jew to avant and get him out of his sight: But his Father perceiving, that the King could not perswade his Son to forsake the Christian Faith, required to have his money again. To whom the King said, He had done so much as he promised to doe; that was, to perswade him so far as he might. At length, when he would have had the King to have dealt further in the matter; the King (to stop his mouth) tendred back to him the one half of his money, and received the other to himself. All which increased the suspition men had of his Infidelity.

By this History we may perceive what a prevailing Engin the Jews money is, both to scrue them into Chri∣stian Kingdoms, though the most bitter, inveterate, pro∣fessed Enemies of Christ himself, Christians, and Chri∣stianity; and how their money can induce even Christi∣an Princes to perpetrate most unchristian, and antichri∣stian actions; and enforce by threats and violence, even converted Christian Jews, to renounce their Christiani∣ty, and apostatise to their former Jewish Errors which they had quite renounced. And do not they still work even by the self-same Money-Engin? preferred by too many Christians, even before Christ himself, and Chri∣stianity?

In the year of our Lord, 1145. during the reign of King Stephen, the Jews grew so presumptuous in Eng∣land, that they crucified a child called VVilliam, in the City of Norwich, in derision of Christian Religion, as Matthew VVestminster, Flores Historiarum, Ann. 1145. p. 39. Chronicon Johannis Bromton; Col. 1048. Hygden in his Polychronicon; Antoninus: Centuriae Magdebur∣genses: Cent. 12. c. 14. Mr. John Fox in his Acts and Monuments, 1640. Vol. 1. p. 302. Richard Grafton in his Chronicle, p. 46. Raphael Holinshed in his Chroni∣cle, Vol. 3. p. 56. and others joyntly attest. Not long after this, Anno 1160. (the 6. year of Henry the II.)

they cracifyed another child at Gloucester, (in contempt of Christ and his Passion) as John Bromtons Chronicon. col. 1050. Henry de Knyghton, de Eventibus Angliae, l. 2. col. 2394 Polychronicon: Fox Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 302. Grafton, in his Chronicle, p. 46. and others record. And in the same Kings reign, Anno 1181. up∣on the same account, the Jews on the Feast of Easter mar∣tyred and crucified another child at St. Edmonds-bury, cal∣led Robert; who was honourably interred soon after in the Church of St. Edmunds, and grew famous by miracles there wrought; as Gervasius Dorobernensis, in his Chronica, col. 1458. relates.

What punishments were then inflicted on them for these Murders, and Insolencies, I find not recorded; per∣chance they purchased their Peace with monies: For I i 2.5 read, That in the year 1168. King Henry the 2. want∣ing monies, banished the wealthiest of the Jews out of Eng∣land, and fined the rest of them in 5000 Marks; most like∣ly for these their Misdemeanors.

The k 2.6 Jews, though there were a great multitude of them in England, in every quarter of the Realm, had only one Church-yard alotted them, and that at London; in which they were enforced to bury all-their dead corps wheresoever they died; which being a great trouble and annoyance to them, thereupon in the year 1178. they petitioned King Henry the 2. (being at Stanstede) for a License to have Church-yards without the Cities wherein they inhabited, in convenient places where they could purchase them, wherein to bury their dead; which he then granted to them.

It seems the Jews were then so odious to the whole Nation, that they would not permit them to bury their very dead corps in any English soyl, for fear of polluting it, nor near any Christians bodies, without the Kings special License.

l 2.7 King Richard the first being to be crowned King at London, in the year of our Lord, 1189. the chiefest of the Jews flocked together from all parts to his Corona∣tion, resolving to purchase the favour of the New King with most ample gifts, and to get their former priviled∣ges confirmed, which they feared they should lose. But they being suspected of Sorcery and Magick, the King by a publick Proclamation prohibited all Jews from en∣tring the Church while she was crowning, or his Palace, whiles he was therein feasting. Notwithstanding some of the principal Jews secretly got into the Church and Palace; who being discovered one after another were well beaten, and thrust out of the Church and Court by the Kings Officers and Christians. Upon which the com∣mon people then flocking in greatmultitudes to the Kings Coronation, fell upon the Jews standing in great multi∣tudes at the Pallace gate, first beating them with their fists, and then taking up clubs and stones slew some of them, and left the others half dead: whereupon one of them called Benedict of Yorke; being so beaten and woun∣ded, that he despaired of life, and extraordinarily terrifi∣ed with the fear of death, received Baptism from William Prior of St. Maries of Yorke, and thereby escaped the peril of death, and hands of the persecutors. In the mean while there was a great rumor spred throughout the City of London upon this occasion, That the King desired, and had commanded, that all the Jews should be banished and de∣stroyed; Whereupon an infinite number of People, as well out of the City, as most Counties of England then coming to the Coronation, inflamed with the desire of booty, betaking themselves to their arms, fell pell-mell upon the Jews, and slew and pillaged them both in the streets and in their houses; and those who defended themselves for a time in such strong houses which they could not enter, were there soon after burnt and consu∣med, together with their houses, by the furious multi∣tude, who put fire to their houses, and burnt down

most of them, Synagogae dat•• dedec••ri, and likewise de∣faced their Synagogues, as Radulphus de Diceto records. The King being informed hereof whiles he was feasting with his Nobles, thereupon sent Ranulphus de Glanvd then chief Justice of the Realm, a potent and prudent man, together with other great Noblemen, to perswade and restrain these bold people. But all in vain, for in so great a multitude, none would hear their voices, nor reverence their persons; but rather murmuring against them, exhorted them speedily to return: whereupon they advisedly declining their unbridled rage, the fury of these Plunderers ceased not till the next day. Ac licet immensit as, tantae rabiei si dissimulata est inulta transiret, primordia regiae majestatis denigraret plurimum; propter re∣••••um tamen infinitam multitudinem dissimulari oportuit quod vindicari non potuit; writes Henry de Knyghton. Yet the very next day the King sending his Officers throughout the City, commanded some of the said malefactors to be apprehended, and brought before him, of which three were hanged by the judgement of his Court: one, because he had stollen the goods of a certain Christian: and two because they had made a fire in the City, whereby the houses of Christians were burned. After which the King sent for the man, who of a Jew was made a Christian, and demanded of him, in the presence of those who had seen him baptized, Whether he were made a Christian? Who answered, That he was not, but that he permitted the Christians to do to him what they would, that he might escape death. Then the King demanded of the Archbishop, in the presence of many Archbishops and Bishops, VVhat was to be done concerning him? Who answering very in∣discreetly, said: If he will not be a man (or servant) of God, let him be a man (or servant) of the Devil; And so he returned to the Judaical Law. In the mean time the King sent his Writs throughout all the Counties of Eng∣land, prohibiting, That none should doe any harm to the Jews, but that they should enjoy his peace. But before that Edict

was ••ublis••e, the Jews which were in the Towne of D••nstaple (to preserve their lives from the peoples fury) being con••erted to the Christian Faith were baptized, b••••roathing their Wi••es after the manner of Christians; which was likewise done through many Cities of Eng∣land. And although the King by his Proclamation had decreed Peace to the Jews, yet notwithstan••ing the fu∣ry against the Jews kindled at London, not verily out of a zeal of Faith, but of Gain, vehemently raged in other pla∣ces of the Land. For a certain Jew at Lynne happening to be made a Christian; thereupon the Jews persecuting him, as a prevaricator of the Law, taking an opportunity, assaulted him with arms as he passed through the city; whereupon he took sanctuary in the Church; yet not∣withstanding he raging Jews would not rest quiet ••or this, but with a continued fury presently began to assault the said Church with great violence presently hereup∣on there arose a great clamor; and the Christians assist∣ance was desired with loud out-cries. This clamor and fame incensed the Christian people, and young men who were strangers, of which a great number at that time re∣sorted thither, by reason of traffick; who running to the Church armed, valiantly assaulted the proud Jews, who being unable to resist the assault of the Christians, pre∣sently betook themselves to flight. After which, the Christians assaulting and taking their houses, spoyled, and then burnt them with fire. Hereupon the young∣men who were strangers, laden with prey, departed with it speedily to their ships, lest they should be questioned, and perchance inforced to restore their booty, by the Kings Officers. But the inhabitants of the place, when they were questioned for this by the Kings Officers, tran∣slated this fact to the strangers, who were then departed from thence; although themselves were not altogether innocent, taking up arms against the Jews upon the out∣cry, but yet doing nothing against the Jews, for fear of the Kings displeasure,

Not long after, in Lent there arose a new storm against the Jews at Stanford; for there being solemn Fairs there held in Lent, the young men and Souldiers who had ta∣ken upon them the sign of the Crosse, and were then rea∣dy to go to Jerusalem with the King, assembling together there out of divers Counties, disdaining that the Jews, being the enemies of the Crosse of Christ, possessed such great store of goods and wealth, when as they had not sufficient to defray the necessary expences of so great a journey; and imagining that they should do God good service, if they assaulted these his enemies; boldly rush∣ed upon them, no man opposing himself against so great attempts; whereupon divers of the Jews were slain, & the rest being received into the Castle, hardly escaped with their lives, their goods being all plundered, and the plunderers departing freely away with their booty, none of them being so much as questioned, or punished by the Kings discipline. The Citizens of Lincoln hearing what was done to the Jews of Stanford, taking occasion, and being animated by the examples of others, were willing to do something against them: and being assembled to∣gether against the Jews inhabiting together with them, became enraged against them. But these Jews being made more wary by the slaughters and damages of others, some few of them suffering harm and damages, the rest fled timely with their monies into the Royal Fort, and there secured themselves. In all other places whereso∣ever the Jews were found, they were pillaged and slain by the hands of the Pilgrims, who hastning through Eng∣land towards Jerusalem, decreed to rise up first against the Jews, before they invaded the Saracens. Hereupon all the Jews who were found in their own houses at Nor∣wich were slain on the 8. of February, some few of them only escaping to the Castle. At the same time, The No∣bles and Gentry of Yorkeshire, nothing fearing the Kings Proclamation, the wicked Jews having by Usury reduced thē to extream poverty, joyning with them some holy sol∣diers,

brake up th•• Houses of the chief Jews, equall to the Kings Palace, sle•• their families, spoiled their goods, and burnt their ho••••s in the night, and then retired themselves to their h••mes in the dark. After which, the promiscuous multitud•• making an assault upon the Jews, slew them without di••••••••ction of sex or age; except some few who would give up their names to Christ in baptism to save their lives. On the 18 day of April, being Palm-Sunday, the rest of the Jews in the City of Yorke, (being 500 men and women, besides their children) fearing the violence of the Christians, shut up themselves within the Castle of Yorke by the will and consent of the Guardian thereof, and of the Sheriff; who being thus received in∣to the Castle for their defence by the Guardian and She∣riff, would not afterwards deliver it up unto them again. Whereupon the Sheriff and keeper of the Castle being much offended with them, assembled the Souldiers of the County, and men of the City, that they might free the Castle from those Jews, exhorting them to do their ut∣most endeavours to effect it: who when they had assaul∣ted the Castle day and night, the Jews offered a great summe of money to save their lives; but all in vain, the people being so incensed against them that they would not accept it: whereupon a certain Jew skilfull in their Law, stood up, and said. Men of Israel hearken to my counsel; It is better for us to die for our Law, then to fall in∣to the hands of the enemies of our Law; and our very Law commands the same thing. Upon which all the Jews, as well men as women, consented to his counsel, and every Father of a Family going with a sharp razor, first of all cut the throats of his own wife and children, and then of his family, casting the dead corps of those whom they had thus sacrificed to Devils, over the Castle walls upon the Christian people. After which, burning their rich cloathes, an / casting their golden Vessels and Jewels in∣to Privies, that the Christians might not be inriched by them, these murderers shutting up themselves and the

rest they had killed in the Kings house, set it on fire, and so burnt both themselves and it. After which the Citizens of Yorke, and the Souldiers of the County burn∣ning all the Jews houses together, spoyled their goods, seized their possessions to themselves, and burn'd all the charters of their debts. The King being informed here∣of, and much incensed, both for the contempt of his Roy∣al Proclamation and Authority, and dammage to his Ex∣chequer, to which all the Goods and Debts of the Jews, being Usurers belonged, commanded his Chancellor to inflict due punishment upon the authors of this Sedition. Whereupon, after Easter, the Bishop of Ely the Kings Chancellor gathering a great Army together, came to Yorke, to apprehend those as malefactors who had de∣stroyed the Jews of the City: And understanding that this was done by the command of the Sheriff and Governour of the castle, he put them both from their Offices; and took sureties from the Citizens of the City, for to keep the Peace of the King and Kingdom, and to stand to the Law in the Kings court concerning the death of the Jews: and commanded the Souldiers of the Coun∣ty who were at the destruction of the Jews, to be appre∣hended; but the chief of them flying into Scotland, e∣scaped, not one of them all being put to death for this great massacre and Riot.

Henry de Knighton, De Eventibus Angliae, l. 2. c. 13. gives this censure of these slaughters and popular tumults against the Jews. The Zeal of the Christians conspired a∣gainst the Jews in England, but in truth not sincerely, that is, for the cause of faith; but either out of emulation and envy because of their felicity, or out of gaping after their goods: The Justice truly of God not at all approving such things, but decently ordering them, that by this means he might punish the insolency of a perfidious Nation. He likewise addes; That one John, a most bold Christian, flying from Stan∣ford with many spoyls of the Jews to Northampton, was there secretly slain by his Host, to get his money, and

thrown without the city in the night, the murderer flying therupon. After which, through the dreams of old women, & falacious signs, the simple people atributing to him the merits of a martyr, honoured his Sepulchre with solemn vigils, and gifts. This was derided by wife men, yet it was acceptable to the Clerks there living, by reason of the gains. Which the Bishop hearing of, presently un∣saincted him, and prophaned the Monuments of this false martyr, continued by the study of simple and covetous persons. I wish no such plunderers as this, might be saincted and adored in our age, as too many of them are, even before their deaths, who will be un-saincted after them, as well as this bold plunderer of the Jews.

Mr. Fox in his Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 305. relating the story of the massacres of the Jews this year out of the Chronicle of VVestminster, saith: That there were no less than a thousand five hundred of the Jews destroyed at that time in York alone, (beside those slaughtered in o∣ther places) so that this year, which the Jews took to be their Jubile, was to them a year of confusion. Neither was this plague of theirs undeserved for every year commonly their cu∣stom was, to get some Christian mans child from the Parents, and on Good-Friday to crucifie him, in despite of our Reli∣gion.

King Richard the first, after his return out of the Holy Land in the year, 1194. appointed Justices, Laws and Orders, for preventing the frauds, and regulating the contracts of the Jews, both between themselves, and be∣tween Christians and them, thus recorded at large by m 2.8 Roger de Hoveden, and briefly touched only by some others.

All the Debts, Pawns, Morgages, Lands, Houses, Rents and Possessions of the Jews, shall be registred. The Jew who shall conceal any of these, shall forfeit to the King his body, and the concealment, and likewise all his possessions and chattels; neither shall it be lawfull to the Jew ever to recover the con∣cealment.

Likewise 6 or 7 places shall be provided, in which they shall make all their contracts, and there shall be appoint∣ed two Lawyers that are Christians, and two Lawyers who are Jews, and two egal Registers; and before them, and the Clorks of William of the Church of St. Maries, and Willi∣am of Chimilli, shall their Contracts be made: and Char∣ters shall be made of their contracts by way of Indenture. And one part of the Indenture shall remain with the Jew, sealed with his seal to whom the money is lent; and the other part shall remain in the common chest; wherein there shall be 3 locks and keys, whereof the 2 Christians shall keep one key, and the 2 Jews another, and the Clerks of William of St. Maries Church, and William of Chimilli, shall keep the third. And moreover, there shall be three seals to it; and those who keep the seals, shall put the seals thereto. More∣over the Clorks of the said William and William shall keep a roll of the transcripts of all the Charters; and as the Charters shall be altered, so let the roll be likewise: For every Char∣ter there shall be 3 pence paid, one moity thereof by the Jew, and the other moity by him to whom the money is lent; whereof the 2 writers shall have 2 pence, and the keeper of the roll the third. And from henceforth no contract shall he made with, nor payment made to the Jews, nor any alteration made of the Charters, but before the said persons, or the greater part of thē, if all of them cannot be present. And the aforesaid 2 Chri∣stians shall have one roll of the Debts or receites of the pay∣ments which from henceforth are to be made to the Jews, and the 2 Jews one, and the keeper of the roll one. Moreover, every Jew shall swear upon his Roll that all his debts and pawns, and rents, and all his goods and possessions he shall cause to be enrolled, and that he shall conceal nothing, as is afore∣said: And if he shall know that any one shall conceal any thing, he shall secretly reveal it to the Iustices sent unto them; and that they shall detect and shew unto them, all Falsifiers or for∣gers of Charters, and clippers of moneys, where or when they shall know them, and likewise all false charters.

By these strict politick Laws, the King and his Officers knew the particular wealth, monies, goods, debts, and real and personal Estates of every Jew, and in whose hands they were, and so could seize and command them at their pleasure, upon any real or pretended misdemeanors, or complaints against them.

n 2.9 King John, in the year of our Lord 1210. com∣manded all the Jews of both sexes throughout Eng∣land to be apprehended and imprisoned; and to be afflict∣ed with most grievous torments, that so they might sa∣tisfie the Kings pleasure with their mony. Some of them being grievously tortured, gave all things which they had, and promised more, that they might by this means es∣cape so many kinds of torments. Amongst whom one Jew at Bristol, punished with various torments, when as he would neither redeem himself, nor submit to any fine, the King commanded his tormentors, that they should every day pull out one of his grinding teeth, untill he should pay to the King Ten thousand marks of silver. And when at last for 7 dayes space they had pul∣led out 7 of his teeth, with intollerable torment, and now on the 8 day the Tormentors had begun the like work again; this Jew, an over-slow provider for his pro∣fit, gave them the aforesaid money, that he might save the 8 tooth to himself, the other 7 being pulled out: who, with much more wisdom, and less pain, might have done so before, and have saved his 7 teeth, having but 8 in all.

o 2.10 In the year 1222. in a Council at Canterbury un∣der Archbishop Stephen, a certain Apostate Jew, made of a Christian a Deacon, and afterwards apostatizing, was there judicially punisht, whom Falco presently apprehen∣ding, caused to be hanged, as Matthew Paris writes; but Bracton and others record, that he was burned to ashes.

p 2.11 King Henry the 3▪ Anno 1230. wanting mo∣neys, constrained the Jews, whether they would or would not, to give him the third part of all their mov∣able

goods, and that with all expedition.

q 2.12 The Jews in the year of our Lord 1231. builded a Synagogue very curiously, but the Christians obtained of the King, that it should be dedicated to our blessed La∣dy, and was since by the same King Henry, granted to the Brethren of St. Anthony of Vienna, and called St. Antho∣nies Hospitall.

r 2.13 In the year of our Lord, 1233. King Henry the 3. at his proper costs built in London, not farr from the old Temple, a decent House and Church, sufficient for a Covent, with other convenient edifices thereto belong∣ing, called * 2.14 The house of the Converts: To which house the converted Jews flying, leaving the blindnesse of Judaism, under a certain honest rule of living, might have a certain habitation, a safe refuge, and a sufficient livelihood during their whole liues, without servile labour, and the gain of Usury. Whereupon it came to passe, that in a short time there was gathered together to that place, a great number of Converts, who were there baptized and in∣structed in the Christian Faith, and lived laudably, being governed by a skillfull Rector, specially appointed for that purpose.

s 2.15 King Henry in the year 1235. keeping his Court and the Nativity at VVestminster with many of his Bi∣shops and Nobles, there were brought before him upon the complaint of John Toly, 7 Jews, who had circumci∣sed a certain child in Norwich, whom they had stollen a∣way from his parents, and kept for a years space from the sight of Christians, intending to crucifie him on the feast of Easter. But being convicted for this fact, they con∣fessed the truth of the thing in the Kings presence; and so being at the Kings pleasure, both for their life and members, were detained in prison for this fact, and some of them drawn and hanged.

t 2.16 In the year of our Lord, 1240. the Jews circumcised a Christian child at Norwich, and being circumcised, they called him Jurninus: but reserved him to be crucified,

in contumely of Jesus Christ crucified. But the Father of the child, from whom the Jews had stollen him, dili∣gently seeking after his Sonne, at the last found him shut up in the custody of the Jews: and with loud clamours declared, that his Sonne, whom he thought to have been lost, was wickedly kept up in the chamber of a certain Jew. Which great premeditated wickednesse coming to the knowledge of the Bishop, William Rele, a prudent and circumspect man, and of other great men, lest through the slothfulnesse of the Christians so great an injury of Christ should be passed by unpunished, all the Jews of the City were apprehended: and when as they would have defended themselves by Regal authority; the Bi∣shop said, These things belong to the Church, and are not to be determined in the Kings Court, seeing the Question to be discussed, is concerning Circumcision, and the breach of faith. Whereupon 4 of the Jews being convicted of the aforesaid wickednesse, were first dragged about at the tails of Horses, and at last hanged on the Gal∣lows, lamentably breathing forth the reliques of life.

The very next year the Jews in Forraign parts, espe∣cially in Germany, believing, that the Tartars were of their own Nation, entred into a secret League with them, to destroy the Christians, and subdue the whole world to themselves; to which end they provided ma∣ny, Hogsheads filled with arms to be transported to the Tartars; pretending to the Christian Princes, that they were Vessels filled only with poysoned Wines, where∣with they intended to poyson and destroy the Tartars, who would drink no wines, but such as were made by the Jews. But this their Treachery being detected by the Customers in Germany; who found these pretended Vessels of Wine, to be fraught with arms for the Tartars wherewith to destroy the Christians; thereupon the Jews were delivered to Tormentors, to be perpetually imprisoned, or slain with their own swords, as Matthew Paris more at large relates. Anno 1241. p. 564.

u 2.17 King Henry, Anno 1243. exacted a great ransom from the most miserable Jews, both in gold and silver: so that, besides what he exacted from others, he extorted from one Jew, Aaron of Yorke, 4 marks of gold, and 4000 marks of silver: the King himself receiving the gold with his own hand from every Jew, man or woman, being made of a King, a new receiver of Custome; but the sil∣ver was received by others for the King.

x 2.18 Anno 1244. in August, the corps of a little male child was found buried in the City of London, in whose thighs and arms, and under his paps, there was a regular inscription in Hebrew Letters. To which spe∣ctacle when as many resorted, admiring at it, and not knowing how to read the letters, knowing that the Let∣ters were Hebrew, they called thither converted Jews, who inhabited the House which the King had founded in London, that they as they loved their life or members, for the honour, love, and fear of their Lord the King, without figment of falshood, might declare that writing. For the Kings Bayliffs and Conservators of the Peace were pre∣sent. They likewise believed, neither without cause, that the Jews had either crucified that little child in ob∣loquy and contumely of Christ (which was related fre∣quently to have happened) or had afflicted him with sun∣dry torments to crucify him, and when he had given up the ghost, they had now cast him there, as unworthy the Crosse. Moreover, there appeared in his body blew marks, and rents of rodds, and manifest signs and foot∣steps of some other torment. And when as those Con∣verts were brought, to read those things that were in∣scribed, and studied that they might perfectly read them, they found the Letters deformed, and now not legible, being many ways disordered, and tossed up and down, by reason of the extension and contraction of the skin and flesh. But they found the name of the Father and Mo∣ther of the little child, suppressing their surnames, and that the child was sold to the Jews; but to whom, or to

what end, they could not find. In the mean time, cer∣tain of the London Jews took a secret and sudden flight, never to return again, who by this very thing rendered themselves suspected. And some assirmed that the Lord had wrought miracles for the child. And because it was found, that the Jews at other times had perpetrated such wickednesse, and the holy bodies crucified had been solemnly received in the Church, and likewise to have shined brightly with miracles, although the prints of the 5 wounds appeared not in the hands and feet, and side of the said corps, yet the Canons of St. Paul took it violently away, and solemnly buried it in their Church, not far from the great Altar.

y 2.19 The same year (1244.) The Barons in Parlia∣ment ordered, That there should be one Justice at the least appointed for the Jews, by the nomination of the Parliament.

z 2.20 In the year of our Lord; 1250. King Henry the 3d. burning with a covetous desire, commanded mony to be extorted from the Jews without all mercy, so as they might seem to be altogether and irrecoverably im∣poverished; exacting what monies soever they had in their chests. Notwithstanding, although they were mi∣serable, yet they were pittied by none, because they were often proved and convicted to have been counter∣feiters as well of monies as of seals. And to passe by the monies of others, we shall only mention one, that their malice may the more appear to many. There was a certain rich Jew, having his abode and house at Berkamstede and Wallingford, Abraham in name, not in faith, who was very dear to Earl Richard, who had a very beauti∣full wife, and faithfull to him, named Flora. This Jew that he might accumulate more disgrace to Christ, cau∣sed the Image of the Virgin Many, decently carved and painted, as the manner is, holding her Sonne in her bo∣som. This Image the Jew placed in his house of Office▪ and which is a great shame and ignomy to expresse, blas∣pheming

the Image it self, as if it had been the very Vir∣gin her self, threw his most filthy, and not to be named excrements upon her, days and nights, and commanded his wife to do the like. Which when his wife saw, after some days, she grieved at it by reason of the Sex, and passing by secretly, wiped off the filth from the face of the Image most filthily defiled. Which when the Jew her husband had fully found out, he therefore privily and impiously strangled the woman her self, though his wife. But when these wicked deeds were discovered, and made apparent, and proved by his conviction, al∣though other causes of death were not wanting, he was thrust into the most loathsom Castle of the Tower of Lon∣don. Whence to get his freedom, he most certainly pro∣mised, That he would prove all the Jews of England, to have been most wicked Traitors. And when as he was greatly accused almost by all the Jews of England, and they en∣deavoured to put him to dea••h, Earl Richard interce∣ded for him. Whereupon the Jews grievously accusing him both of the clipping of money, and other wicked∣nesses, offred Earl Richard a thousand marks, if he would not protect him; which notwithstanding the Earl refu∣sed, because he was called his Jew. This Jew Abra∣ham therefore gave the King 700 marks, that he might be freed from perpetual imprisonment, to which he was adjudged, the Earl assisting him therein. The King thereupon at the same time sent the Justices of the Jews throughout all England, to search out all their mony both in Debts and Possessions, and with them a certain most wicked & mercilesse Jew, that he might wickedly & falsly accuse all the rest against the truth; who verily repre∣hended the Christians, pitying and weeping over the af∣fliction of the Jews, and called the Kings Bayliffs, luke∣warm and effeminate; and gnashing with his teeth over every Jew, affirmed with many great Oathes, that they could give twice as much more to the King, then what they had given, although he most wickedly lyed against

his own head. This Jew, that he might more effectu∣ally hurt the rest, revealed all their secrets daily to the Kings Christian Exactors. In the mean time the King ceased not to scrape mony together from all hands, but principally from the Jews; so that from one Jew alone, born and living in Yorke, called Aaron, (because he was convicted of falsifying a Charter, as was reported) he ex∣torted 14000 marks, and 10000 marks of gold for the Queens use, for a little times respite, that he might not languish in prison. All which sums being paid, it was found that this Aaron had paid to the K. since his return from forraign parts, 30000 marks of silver, and two hun∣dred marks of gold to the Queen, as the said Aaron upon the attestation of his honor and faith averred to Matthew Paris, who records it. Yet notwithstanding, although the Jews might be pittied, yet were they pittied by no man, seeing they were corrupters and counterfeiters of the Kings mony and of charters, and manifestly and frequently proved, condemned, and reprobated as such.

a 2.21 Philip Lunel Clerk, called to the service of the King, and addicted to the custody of the Jews, Anno 1251. was grievously accused before the King, his ad∣versaries affirming, that when he and Nicholas of St Al∣bans Clerk, were sent towards the Northern parts to tax and squeeze the Jews, he privily received most precious Vessels from a certain Jew, that he might spare him in his Tallage to the King; and that he likewise took se∣cret gifts from others, that he might spare them; and that he opprest these Jews notwithstanding, to the dam∣mage of the King, and the violation of his Faith. Where∣upon the King being very angry, commanded Philip him∣self to be unworthily handled, untill he should satisfy him for this great transgression. Philip hereupon, a crafty and circumspect man, humbly craved advice and assist∣ance from the Lord John Mansell, the Kings Prime Coun∣sellor, concerning his great tribulation, because he had

promoted him to the Kings service, who effectually pro∣cured that he recovered the Kings favor, giving him a great summ of mony for it, a thousand marks, as was reported. Yet notwithstanding he was removed from his Office, and not a little disgraced.

It seems the Kings Officers could fleece the Jews in that age, by secret Bribes and Gifts, as well as himself, by intollerable Exactions.

b 2.22 King Henry the III. to satisfie the Popes de∣sire in taking a Voyage to the Holy Land, Anno 1252. extorted from the Jews whatsoever those miserable wret∣ches might seem to have, not only by scraping or exco∣riating, but even by unbowelling them. Being also an Hydropical thirster after gold, he so greedily sucked ta∣lents, or Bullion, or Jewels, as well from Christians as Jews, that a new Crassus might seem to be raised from the dead. And th••s very year Robert de la Ho, to whom the King had committed the custody of the Jews, and of the Seal which belonged to their Exchequer, was grie∣vously accused before the King, being charged with this crime, That he had oppressed the innocent Son of a cer∣tain Knight, by a certain false Charter, confirmed with the Seal, of which the said Robert, Justice of the Jews, was the bearer and keeper. Whereupon he was basely apprehended, and committed to a close Prison; and de∣famed with the like scandal wherewith Philip Lunel but the year just before had been intangled in the-snares of the perfidious Jews, who was then their Justice. At last, by the great labour of his friends, the malice of the Jews is detected, but the innocency of the said Robert then set free, scarce declared. Whereupon being put from his Offices, he openly paid 4 marks of gold at least for his fine.

c 2.23 This very year (1252.) there came out of the holy Land a Mandate from the King of France; that all the Jews should be expelled out of the Realm of France, and condemned to perpetual exile; with this clause of

moderation added thereto: But he who desires to re∣main, let him be an artificer, or handicrafts-man, and apply himself to mechanical artifices. For it was scorn∣fully objectd to the said King by the Saracens; That we* 2.24 d••d little love or reverence our Lord Jesus Christ, who tole∣rate the murderers of him to live among us.

d 2.25 In the year of Christ, 1253. Novemb. 10. the Obligatory Charter wherewith the Abbot and Covent of St. Alban were held bound for the debt of Richard de Oxaie Knight, was taken out of the hand of Elias the London Jew, and freed out of the chest; and it was pro∣claimed in the School of the Jews at London (where it seems they had then a School) that the foresaid Ab∣bot and Covent should be quit from all this debt a∣gainst them, from the beginning of the world till then, as the Statute obtained by them protesteth.

e 2.26 The Jews in Northampton about the year of our Lord, 1253. had among themselves prepared wild-fire, to burn the City of London; for the which divers of them were taken and burned in the time of Lent, in the City of Northampton.

f 2.27 Anno 1254. King Henry after Easter so cruelly raged against the most miserable people of the Jews, that they loathed even to live. And when they were called together, Earl Richard exacted of them for the use of the King, who was in great want, no small summe of mony, under pain of a most loathsom prison, and a most ignominious death. Elias therefore of London, High Priest of the Jews, taking counsel with his Companions, answered for them all, who had frequently paid very great summs of mony, whether they would or would not. O noble Lords, we see undoubtedly that our Lord the King pur∣poseth to destroy us from under heaven. We intreat, for Gods sake, that he would give us license & safe conduct of departing out of his kingdom, that we may seek and find a mansion in some other place, under some Prince who bears some bowels of mercy, and some stability of truth and faithfulness. And

we will depart, never to return again, leaving here our hou∣sholdstuff, and houses behind us. How can he love or spare us, miserable Jews, who destroyes his own natural English? He hath people, yea his own Merchants, I say not Usurers, who* 2.28 by usurious contracts heap up infinite heaps of money. Let the King rely upon them, and gape after their emoluments. Verily they have supplanted & impoverisht us. Which the K. howsoever dissembles to know, exacting fro us those things we cannot give him, although he would pull out our eyes, or cut our throats when he had first pulled off our skins. And speaking this with sighs and tears hindring his speech, he held his peace, falling almost into an extasie, ready to die. Which when it came to the knowledge of the Magistrates, they permitted them not to depart out of the Realm; saying. Whether will ye flee, O wretches? Behold the King of France hateth and persecuteth you, and hath condemned you to perpe∣tual exile: shunning Charibdis, you desire to be drowned in Scylla. And so the small little substance, which was left to them for their mean sustentation, was violently extorted from them.

g 2.29 King Henry the 3d. An. 1255. exacted with great earnestnesse from the Jews, although very fre∣quently impoverished, 8000 marks, to be speedily paid unto him under pain of hanging. But they seeing no∣thing else hanging over them, but destruction with con∣fusion, answered all unanimously. Sir King, we see that thou sparest neither Christians, nor Jews, but studiest with crafty fetches to impoverish all men: we have no hope of re∣spiration left us: the Usurers of the Pope have supplanted us; permit us to depart out of thy kingdom with safe conduct; and we will seek for our selves such a mansion as we can, be it what it will. Which when the King had heard, he cryed out with a querulous voice, saying: It is no marvel if I covet money, it is an horrible thing to imagin the debts where∣in I am held bound. By the head of God they amount to the sum of two hundred thousand marks, & if I should say of three, I should not exceed the bounds of truth. I am deceived on every

side. I am a maimed and abridged King, yea, now but an halfed King. For having made a certain estimate of the ex∣pences of my rents, the sum of the annual rent of Edward my Sonne amounts to above 15000 marks. There is therefore a necessity for me to live of the mony gotten from what place soe∣ver, from whomsoever, and by what means soever. There∣fore being made another Titus, or Vespasian, he sold the Jews for some years to Earl Richard his brother, that those whom the King had excoriated, he might evisce∣rate. Yet the Eatl spared them, considering their abbre∣viated power, and ignominious poverty.

h 2.30 The same year, about the Feast of Peter and Paul, the Jews of Lincoln stole a child called Hugo, being 8 years old, and when as they had nourished him in a cer∣tain most secret chamber, with milk and other childish a∣liments, they sent almost to all the Cities of England wherein the Jews lived, that in contempt and reproach of Jesus Christ, they should be present at their sacrifice at Lincoln: for they had, as they said, a certain child hid to be crucified. Whereupon many assembled at Lincoln. And comming together, they appointed one Lincoln Jew for the Judge, as it were for Pilate. By whose judgement, by the consent of all, the child is afflicted with sundry tor∣ments. He is whipped even unto bloud and lividnesse, crowned with thorns, wearied with spittings and shrie∣kings: and moreover he is pricked by them all with po∣nyards, made to drink gall, derided with reproaches and blasphemies, and frequently called by them with grinding teeth, Jesus the false Prophet. And after rhey had deri∣ded him in divers manners, they crucified him, and peir∣ced him with a spear to the heart. And when the child had given up the ghost, they took down his body from the crosse, and took the bowels out of his corps, for what end is unknown, but it was said it was to exercise Magical arts. The mother of the child diligently sought for her absent son for some dayes, and it was told her by neighbours, that the last time they saw her child whom

she sought, he was playing with the children of the Jews of his age, and entred into the house of a certain Jew. Whereupon the woman suddenly entred that house, and saw the body of the child cast into a certain pit. And having warily called the Baylifs of the City together, the body was found and drawn forth; and there was made a wonderful spectacle among the people. But the woman, mother of the child, complaining and crying out, provoked all the Citizens there assembled together, to tears & sighs. There was then present at the place John de Lexinton, a circumspect and discreet man, and moreover elegantly learned, who said. We have sometime heard, that the Jews have not feared to attempt such things in reproach of Jesus Christ, our crucified Lord. And one Jew being appre∣hended, to wit, he into whose house the child entred playing, and therefore more suspected than the rest; he saith unto him. Owretch! knowest thou not that speedy de∣struction abides thee? All the gold of England will not suffice for thy deliverance or redemption. Notwithstanding I will tell thee, although unworthy, by what means thou maist preserve thy life and members, that thou maist not be dismembred. I will save both to thee, if thou dost not fear to discover to me whatsoever things are done in this case without falshood. Whereupon this Jew, whose name was Copin, believing he had thus found out a way of escape, answered, saying. Sir John, if thou makest thy words good by thy deeds, I will reveal wonderful things to thee; and the industry of Sir John animating and exci∣ting him thereto, the Jew said. Those things are true which the Christians say. The Jews almost every year crucify one* 2.31 child, to the injury and contumely of Jesus; but it is not found out every year: for they do this secretly, and in hidden and most secret places; But this child whom they call Hugo, our Jews have most unmercifully crucified, and when he was dead, and they desired to hide him being dead, he could not be buried in the earth, nor hid. For the corps of the innocent was reputed unprofitable for Divination, for he was unbowelled for

that end. And when in the morning it was thought to be bu∣ried, the earth brought it forth, and vomitted it out, and the body sometimes appeared inhuman, whereupon the Jews ab∣horred it. At last it was cast headlong into a deep pit, neither as yet could it be kept secret, For the importunate mother dili∣gently searching all things, at last shewed to the Baylifs the body she had found. But Sir John notwithstanding this, kept the Jew bound in chains. When these things were known to the Canons of the Church of Lincoln, they re∣quested the body to be given to them, which was granted them. And when it had been sufficiently viewed by an infinite company of people, it was honourably buryed in the Church of Lincoln, as the corps of a most precious Martyr. The Jews kept the child alive for 10 days, that being fed for so many dayes with milk, he might living suffer many sorts of torments. When the K. returned from the Northern parts of England, and was certified of the premisses, he reprehended Sir John, that he had promi∣sed life and members to so flagitious a person, which he could not give; for that blasphemer and homicide was worthy the punishment of many sorts of death. And when as unavoydable Judgement was ready to be execu∣ted upon this Offender, he said. My death is now approa∣ching, neither can my Lord John preserve me, who am rea∣dy to perish. I now relate the truth to you all. Almost all the Jews of England consented to the death of this child, where∣of the Jews are accused: and almost out of every city in Eng∣land* 2.32 wherein the Jews inhabit, certain chosen persons were called together to the immolation of that child, as to a Paschal Sacrifice. And when as he had spoken these things, to∣gether with other dotages, being tied to an horses tail, and drawn to the Gallows, he was presented to the aereal Cacodaemons in body and soul; and 91 other Jews, partakers of this wickednesse, being carried in Carts to London, were there committed to prison. Who if so be they were casually bewailed by any Christians, yet they were deplored by the Caursini (the Popes Italian Usu∣rers)

their corrivals with dry eys. Afterwards by the In∣quisition of the Kings Justices, it was discovered & found; That the Iews of England by Common Councel had slain the innocent Child, punished for many days, and crucified. But after this the Mother of the said child constantly prosecu∣ting her appeal before the King against them for that iniquity and such a death; God the Lord of Revenges, rendred them a condigne retribution, according to their merits; for on St. Clements day, 88. of the richest and greatest Jews of the City of London, were drawn and hanged up in the air upon new Gibbets especially prepa∣red for that purpose, and more than 23 others were re∣served in the Tower of London to the like judge∣ment.

I have transcribed this History at large out of Matthew Paris, who flourished at that time, because our other Historians doe but briefly touch it, and because it un∣deniably manifests the transcendent impiety, blasphemy, malice, persecution, and obloquy of the Jews against our Saviour Jesus Christ, and Christians, and their constant, usual practise of crucifying Children almost every year, in contempt and reproach of our crucified Saviour, by common consent; which Mr. Nye conceived might be easily wiped off, as false, and not fully proved or char∣ged on them by our Historians, which this ensuing pas∣sage concerning these Jews will further ratify.

i 2.33 Certain infamous Jews being 71 in number, ad∣judged to death by the Oath of 25 Knights, for the mise∣rable death of the Child crucified at Lincoln, being reser∣ved in the Prisons of London to be hanged Anno 1256 (the year after their condemnation) sent secret Messengers (as their enemies affirm) to the Friers Minors, that they might intercede for them, that they might be delive∣red from death and prison, being notwithstanding wor∣thy of the most shamefull death. Whereupon they (as the world reports, if the world in such a case be to be credited) by the mediation of money, freed them by their

prayers and intercession, both from the prison and from the death which they had deserved; led thereto with a spirit of piety, as I think is piously to be believed: Be∣cause so long as any man is in life, and in this world, he hath free will, may be saved, and there is hope of him. But yet for the Devil, or the manifestly damned we are not to hope nor pray, because there is no hope of them; for death and a definitive sentence, at once irrevo∣bly intangle them; Neither could this answer excuse the Minors, for although they were not guilty, yet the scan∣dal did defame them. The common people now hath withdrawn their hands, that they do not benefit them with their alms, as heretofore, and the Londoners de∣votion is grown cold towards the Minorites. For procuring these condemned Jews life and liberty, whose money (it seemeth) could even corrupt these very self-denying Popish Saints, who had renounced the world in habit, but not in heart.

k 2.34 All the Prelates of England in the year 1257. drew up certain Articles in writing concerning their li∣berties, which they intended to present to the King and Nobles, to be ratified by them in Parliament in due sea∣son; wherein they complain, Artic. 32, 33. That when as the Jews are convicted before the Ecclesiastical Jud∣ges for delinquency against an Ecclesiastical person, or for Ecclesiastical things, or for sacriledge, or for laying violent hands upon a Clerk, or for adultery with a Christian woman; the conusans of the cause is hindered by the Kings prohibition: because it alleageth that they have their proper Judge, the Sheriff of the place, and their proper delegated Judges, who may and ought to have conusance of these things. And yet if they be convented by a Clergy-man or Lay-man before them for such things, upon the denial thereof by the person alone, the simple assertion of another Jew, and of one Christian, with∣out the administring of any Oath they purge themselves, the proof of the prosecutor being utterly rejected.

Item, If Communion be denied to them by the Church

because they bear not their Table or signe, or because they retain Christian Nurses against the precepts of the Church, or if they be excommunicated for some other excesses; the Bayliffs (or Officers) of the King commu∣nicating with them, command on the behalf of our Lord the King himself, that they be not avoided by any, and cause them to be admitted and received to Commu∣nion.

Against which Grievances in derogation of Ecclesiasti∣cal Jurisdiction, the Bishops then thus provided. And because in like manner the office of the Prelates is hindred when as it happens a Jew offending against Ecclesiastical things and persons, shall be convented for these things before them, and for other things which apperta••n to the Ecclesiastical Court of meer right; We provide, that the Jew notwithstanding shallbe compelled to answerin these cases by the interdict ofcom∣merce, contracts, and communion of the faithfull: likewise the inhibiters, hinderers and distrainers shall incurre the punish∣ments of interdiction and excommunication.

(l) In the year of Christ 1259. On the Feast of Christs* 2.35 Nativity, a certain creature, Elias a Jew of London, whose Sirname was Bishop, fearing danger and manifest damna∣tion to himself, fled to the laver of defence and salvation, and was new-born in the Spirit; for being cleansed with wholesom Baptism, two others also accompanying him, he was delivered out of the lot of the Devil, and saved from the revenge of the most wicked crime heretofore committed by him. For it was said, that in his house that poysonous drink was made, which had proved mortal and perillous to many Nobles of England, (poysoned therewith by the Jews) which even he himself, as was reported, well confessed. But then he was a Devil, but now throughly changed, and a Christian, and as the con∣dition, so the operation is changed. As Mathew Paris I∣ronically writes of him.

m 2.36 A certain Jew in the year 1260 fell into a Privy at Teuk••sbury; but because it was then the Sabbath, he would not suffer himself to be pulled out, except on the

following Lords day, for the reverence of his Sabbath: Wherefore Richard Clare Earl of Glocester, command∣ed him (in reverence of the Lords Day) to be kept there till Munday, at which time he was found dead of the stink, or hunger.

n 2.37 The Barons of England Ann. 1262. robbed and slew the Jews in all places: There were slain of them in London to the number of 700. the rest were spoyled, and their Synagogues defaced. The original occasion of which massacre was, because one Jew had wounded a Christian man in London, within Cole-church, and would have enforced him to have paid more than two pence for the Usury of 20 s. for one week.

o 2.38 In the year 1264. in the Passion week, the Jews that inhabited the City of London, being detected of Trea∣son, which they had devised against the Barons and Citi∣zens, were slain almost all the whole number of them, and great riches found in their houses, which were ta∣ken and carried away by those that ransacked the same houses.

p 2.39 The disinherited Barons and Gentlemen in the Isle of Oxholme, in the year 1266, took and sacked the City of Lincoln, spoyled the Iews, and slew many of them, entred their Synagogue, and burnt the Book of their Law.

q 2.40 In the 7th year of King Edward the 1. Ann. Dom. 1278. as some, or 1279. as others compute it, the King held a Parliament at London, which was chiefly called for the reformation of his coyn, which was then sore clip∣ped, by reason whereof it was much diminished and im∣paired. In the time of this Parliament in the moneth of November all the Jews throughout England, (as Matthew VVestminster) or many of the Jews in London, and other parts of the Realm, were apprehended in one day, and imprisoned in London for clipping of money: and in De∣cember following, divers Enquests were charged in London to enquire of the said Jews and all others who

had so blemished and clipped the Kings Coyn; By which Enquests the Jews of the City, with the Gold-smiths that kept exchanges of silver were indicted. Andshortly after Candelmas, the Mayor and Justices of the Land sat at London, where before them was cast 297 persons for clipping; of the which 3 only were Englishmen, and all the other were Jews, born either within this Realm, or elsewhere, but most of them English Jews; who were all of them at sundry places and times put to exe∣cution in London; who impeached the chief men of Lon∣don, and very many Christians, who consented to their wickednesses. After which a very great multitude of Jews were hanged in other Cities of England for the same offence.

r 2.41 Anno 1279. The Jews of Northampton crucified a Christian boy, but did not throroughly kill him, upon Good-Friday; for the which fact many of the Jews at London, after Easter, were drawn at Horses tails, and hanged.

s 2.42 In the year of our Lord 1282. John Peckham Arch-bishop of Canterbury, sent an expresse precept and command to the Bishop of London, to suppresse and de∣stroy all the Synagogues of the Jews within his Dio∣cesse.

t 2.43 On May 2. Anno 1287. All the Jews of Eng∣land were apprehended by the Kings precept, for what cause was not known; who ransomed themselves for 12000l. of silver; They had then a Synagogue at Canter∣bury. Fabian writes, that the Jews of England were sessed at great sums of mony (perchance the cause of their sei∣sure) which they paid unto the King; But of * 2.44 other Authors it is said, That the Commons of England then gran∣ted to the King the fifth part of their moveables, for to have the Iews banished out of the land. For which cause the said Jews, for to put the Commons from their purposes, gave of their free wills great sums of money to the King, which saying appeareth to be true, for that the said

Jews were exiled within few years after, with whom Grafton and Holinshed accord. A strong evidence of the potency of Jewish money, over-powring the whole Commons of England in Parliament, and this their Li∣beral subsidy for their banishment at that season.

About this year (as I conceive) the Statutes of Ed∣ward the first, Intituled de Judeismo, were made and pub∣lished, Printed in rench in Tottles Magna Charta Anno 1556. part 2. f. 58, 59. which being not printed amongst our Statutes at large in the English Tongue, I shall here insert and translate.

* 2.451. For that the King hath seen, that many mischiefs & disherisons of honest men of this land have happened by the Usuries which the Jews have made therein in times past, and that many sins have therein risen from thence: Albeit he and his Ancestors have had great profit from the Jews both now and in times past: * 2.46Not∣withstanding this, for the honour of God, and for the common benefit of the People, the King doth or∣dain and establish; that no Jew hereafter shall take ought for usury upon lands, rents, nor upon other things: and that no Usury shall run from the Feast of St. Edward last past, and before, but that the Cove∣nants before made shall be held, save only that the U∣suries themselves shall cease. Provided that all those who are indebted to Jews upon pawns moveable, shall discharge them between this and Easter at furthest, and if not, let them be forfeited: And if any Jew shall take usury against this establishment, The King neither by himself, nor any of his Officers, will not intermeddle to cause him to recover his debt (or use) but will pu∣nish him at his pleasure for the Trespasse, and shall do right to the Christian to recover his gage.

2. And it is provided, that the distresses for the debt of Jews, shall not hereafter be so grievous, that the moity of Lands and Chattels to the Christians shall not

remain for their sustenance. And that no distresse shall be made for the debt of a Jew, upon the heir to the Debtor named in the Charter of the Jew, nor up∣on other which holds the Land which was the Debt∣ors, before the debt shall be dereigned and acknow∣ledged in Court. And if the Sheriff or other Bayliffs by commandment of the King ought to make seisin to a Jew, to one or more, for their debt, of chattels, or of lands, to the value of the debt; the chattels shall be praised by the Oath of honest men: the chattels shall be delivered to the Jew or Jewesse, or to their Attor∣ney, to the value of the debt. And if the chattels be not sufficient, the lands shall be extended by the same Oath, before that the seisin shall be delivered to the Jew or Jewesse, every one according to the value: and so that they may after know certainly the Debt is discharged, that the Christian afterwards may then have his lands: saving to the Christian for ever the moity of his lands, and of his chattels for his sustenance, as afore is said, and the chiefhouse.

3. And if any thing stollen at this hour shall be found in the possession of a Jew, and any will sue, let the Jew have his summons, if he may have it, and if not, he shall answer so, that he shall never be privile∣ged for it otherwise than a Christian.

4. And that all the Jews shall be residents in the Ci∣ties and in the Burroughs which are the Kings own, where the * 2.47 Chest for the Jews Indenture is wont to be. And that every Jew after he is past 7. years of age, shall carry a sign (or badge) in his chief garment; that is to say in form of two Talles of yellow taffety, of the length of six fingers, and breadth of 3. fingers (or handfulls.) And that every one after he is past 12 years, shall pay 3 d. the poll every year to the King, which shall be paid at Easter; and this shall be intended as well of women as of men.

5. And that no Jew shall have power to infeoff a∣nother

Jew nor Christian of their houses, rents or te∣nements which they have now purchased, not to alien them in any manner, nor to make an acquittance to a∣ny Christian of his debt, without the special license of the King, untill the King hath otherwise ordai∣ned.

6. And because holy Church wills and suffers, that they should live and be protected, the King takes them into his Protection, and gives them his peace, and wills that they shall live, and shall be guarded and de∣fended by his Sheriffs, and his other Bayliffs, and by his Leiges; and commands that none shall doe them harm, injury, nor force in their bodies, nor in their goods, moveables or unmoveables. And that they shall not be impleaded, sued nor challenged in any Court, but in the * 2.48 Kings Court, wheresoever they are.

7. And that none of them shall be obedient, respon∣dent, nor render rent, but to the King and his Bayliffs in his name, if it be not of their houses which they now hold rendering rent; saving the right of holy Church.

8. And the King grants them, that they shall live in their lawfull merchandizes, and by their labour, and that they shall converse with the Christians for lawfull merchandizing in selling and in buying. But yet, that by this priviledge, nor any other, shall they be levant (rising) or couchant (lying down) amongst them. And the King will not, that by reason of their merchandize, that they should be in lots nor scots, nor Tallage with those of the Cities or Burroughs where they re∣main, seeing they are tailable to the King, as his own Vassals, and to none other.

9. Moreover the King grants them, that they may buy houses and curtelages in the Cities or Burroughs where they reside, so as they hold them in chief of the King: saving to the Lords the Services due and accustomed.

10. And that they may take Lands to farm for term of six years, or under, without taking homages or feal∣ties, or such manner of service of a Christian, and with∣out having advowson of holy Church, for to support their life in the world, if they know not how to mer∣chandize, or be unable to labour. And this power for to take Lands to farm, shall not endure to them but 15 years from this time forth to come.

By these Laws this politick King to please his English Christian Subjects, who desired and sollicited the Jews banishment in Parliament, abridged many of their former priviledges, and put many new restraints upon them. And yet on the other hand, to gratifie the Jews, (who gave him more monies than the English, to reside here still) he takes them all into his special protection, pro∣hibits all violence to their persons or estates, and grants them some petty priviledges for the present, which seem∣ed to content them, and made for his own advantage, more than theirs.

u 2.49 K. Edward the 1. the next year (1288.) being in Gas∣coigne, a certain English Knight decreed to convent a Jew, for the undue detention of a certain Mannor morgaged to him, before the Judges: but the crafty Jew refused to answer, pretending a Charter of King Henry heretofore, which was granted to him, that he should not be drawn into judgement before any Judge, except only before the person of the King. The Knight being troubled at this, went into Gascoigne, that he might obtain some remedy hereupon from the King. Whom when the King had heard, he answered: It is not seemly for children to make void the deeds of their parents; to whom by Gods Law they are commanded to give reverence: wherefore I have decreed, not to make void the deed of my Father; but I grant to thee, and to the rest of my Realm by the like Law (lest a Jew might seem better than a Christian) that for any injury whatsoever done to the Iew, so long as he shall enjoy his Charter, you shall

not be convented before any Iudge, except my self. The Knight returning with this priviledge, the Jew conside∣ring that danger and peril hung over his head, volunta∣rily renounced his Charter, evacuating the condition of his priviledge, and wishing that both parties might be subject to the Common Law.

x 2.50 The year following, Anno 1289. King Edward taking upon him the character of the Crosse at Blankeford in Gascoigne, presently banished all the Jews out of Gas∣coigne, and all other his Lands which he possessed in the Realm of France, AS ENEMIES OF THE CROSSE. From whence returning into England, Anno 1290, he was joyfully received at London, both by the Clergy and all the people; and the same year exiling the Jews like∣wise out of England, giving them expences into France he confiscated all the rest of their goods.

Upon what grounds, by what Authority, for what time, in what manner, with what desire of, and content to all the whole Commons and Realm of England, the Jews were then banished thence, these ensuing Historians will at large relate, in their own words, which I shall transcribe for the better information and satisfaction of all sorts of men, whether Christians or Jews.

y 2.51 Matthew Westminster (flourishing at that time) gives this relation of it. About the s••••days, namely the 31 of August, the exasperating multitude of Jews, which dwelt confidently in times past through divers Cities and strong Forts, JUSSA EST, was commanded with their wives and children, together with their moveable goods, to depart out of England, about the Feast of All Saints, which was assigned to them for the term, WHICH THEY DARED NOT TO TRANSGRESSE UN∣DER PAIN OF HANGING: whose number was supposed to be 16511. Such A DECREE had issued out before from the landable King of England in the parts of Aquitain, from whence all the Jews were likewise ba∣nished.

z 2.52 Thomas Walsinghaem, living near that age, thus records it. The King returning out of Gascoigne to Lon∣don, was solemnly received by the Clergy and all the people, who the same year banishing all the Jews out of England gi∣ving them their expences into France, confiscated the rest of their goods. This year the King held A Parliament, in which were made the Statutes called Westminster the 3d. In quo etiam Parliamento pro expulsione Iudaeorum, concessa sunt Regi a Populo, quinta decima pars bono∣rum. In which Parliament likewise for the banishment of the Iews, there was granted to the King by the People, a fif∣teenth part of their goods.

a 2.53 Henry de Knyghton a Canon of Le••cester, a most diligent Antiquary flourishing in Richard the 2ds. reign, rendreth it in these terms▪ King Edward grievously puni∣shed the Iews and their consorts for clipping of money, and corrupt exchanges, where upon in one day he caused all the Iews to be apprehended, some he hanged, the rest he banished. When he had done his will upon his corrupt Iudges (fined, deposed, and some of them banished in the same Parlia∣ment that the Jews were exiled) presently another cause mo∣ved him concerning Money, which he found to be basely clip∣ped and corrupted, to the preiudice of the Crowns, and the great damage of the people, By the Infidelity and Malice of the Iews as it was inquired and found, Et fe••it sta∣bilire unum Parliamentum, in quo convicti sunt Iu∣daei de ea falsitate: Et statuit, quod omnes Iudaeos exi∣rent de Terra Angliae, deinceps non redituri, propter eorum incredulitatem principaliter, et propter falsita∣tem quam eis dure imposuerat: et pro hac causa cum festinatione facienda, et sine d••latione explenda, com∣munes regni ••ederunt Regi quintum denarium de omnibus bonis suis mobilibus. And he caused a Parlia∣ment to be 〈…〉〈…〉ed, wherein the Iews are convicted of that falshood; And he ordained, that all the Iews should depart out of the Realm of England, not to return again afterwards, for their incredulity, principally, and for their falsenesse,

which he had hardly pressed upon them. And for this (their banishment) speedily to be made and executed, without delay, the Commons of the Realm gave to the King the fifth part of all their moveable goods.

b 2.54 Iohn Major, and the c 2.55 Centuriators of Mag∣deburgh, out of him, thus register it to posterity. In the year 1290 the Iews were banished out of England, for the Englishmen had made a great complaint to Edward the 1. that by their usuries and frauds most m••n of the inferior sort were reduced to nothing, which thing was gainfull to the King; for every of the Commoners gave the King the fifteenth penny, that he might banish the Jews.

=Our learned d 2.56 Iohn Bale e 2.57 Polydor Virgil, and the Century VVriters out of him thus expresse it. Anno 1291 [It should be 1290] In the Parliament at Lon∣don, there was a debate in the first place, Concerning the banishing of the Jews; whereof there was a great multi∣tude throughout England; Sed edicto Publico Concilii Londinensis (writes one) Publico igitur decreto (saith another) But by the publick f 2.58 Edict of the Parliament assembled in London, and by a publick decree; They were all commanded to depart the Realm, with their goods, which they, Concilii jussis obedientes, obeying the com∣mands of the Parliament, speedily did.

To these Latin Authors, I might annex Thomas Stubs his Act a Pontificum Eboracensium: col. 1728. who makes mention of this universal banishment of them out of all England in one day; but I shall passe to our more Com∣mon English Historians.

Fabian, in his Chronicle, part 7. p. 133. Mr. Iohn Fox in his Acts and Monuments, Lond. 1640. Vol. 1. p. 443. and Richard Grafton in his Chronicle. p. 169. thus report it, in the same words almost. This year also [1290.] all the Jews were utterly banished the Realm of England, for the which the Commons gave the King a fif∣teen.

Nicholas Trivet in his Polychronicon, and VVilliam Cax∣ton,

in his Chronicles, printed 1502. in the life of K. Edw. the 1. thus stories the Jews banishment, out of Hygden and Trev••sa, in their words; A none after the King had done his will of the Justices, tho lete he inquere and espye how the Iews dysceyved and beguyled his people, thorough the synne of falsness: and of Usury. And lete Ordain a Prevy Parlement among his Lords: So they ordain∣ed among theim, That all Iewes should voyde out of Englande for their Mysbyleve, and also for their false Vsury that they did unto Crysten Men. And for to speed and make an end of this thing, All the Comynalte of Englonde gave vnto the King the XV. Penny of all theyr Goodes mevable: and so were the Iewes driven out of Englonde. And tho went the Iewes into France, and there they dwellyd, thrugh leve of Kyng Phylip that tho was Kyng of France. Raphael Holinshed in his Chro∣nicles, out of them, Vol. 3. p. 285. thus publisheth it. In the same year was a Parliament holden at Westminster, wherein the Statutes of Westminster the 3d. were ordained. It was also DECREED, That all the Jews should avoid out of the Land: in consideration whereof, a fif∣teenth was granted to the King: and so hereupon were the Jews banished out of all the Kings Dominions: and NEVER SINCE COULD THEY OBTAIN ANY PRIVI∣LEDGE TO RETURN HITHER AGAIN. All their goods not moveable were confiscated, with their tailles and Obligations, but all their goods that were moveable, together with their coyn of gold and silver, the King licensed them to have and convey with them. * 2.59 A sort of the richest of them being shipped with their Treasure in a mighty tall ship, which they had hired, when the same was under sail, and got down the Thames towards the mouth of the River beyond Quinborow. The Master Marmer bethought him of a wile, and caused his men to cast anchor, and so rode at the same till the ship by ebbing of the stream remained on the dry sands. The Master herewith inticed the Jews to walk out with him on land for recreation: and at length, when

he understood the tyde to be comming in, he got him back to the ship, whether he was drawn by a cord. The Iews made not so much hast as he did, because they were not ware of the danger. But when they perceived how the matter stood, they cryed to him for help? Howbeit he told them, that they ought to cry rather unto Moses, by whose conduct their Fathers pas∣sed through the red Sea, and therefore if they would call to him for help, he was able enough to help them out of these ra∣ging floods, which now came in upon them: They cryed in∣deed, but no succour appeared, and so they were swallowed up in the water. The Master returned with the ship, and told the King how he had used the matter, and had both thanks and reward, as some have written. But g 2.60 others affirm, (and more truly as should seem) that divers of those Marriners which dealt so wickedly against the Jews, were hanged for their wicked practise, and so received a just reward of their fraudulent and mischi••vous dealing.

John Stow in his Annals, p. 204. writes thus of it; King Edward banished all the Jews out of England, giving them to bear their charges till they were out of the Realm. The number of the Jews then expelled, was fifteen thousand and six∣ty persons, whose houses being sold, the King received an in∣finite mass of money.

Iohn Speed, in his History of Great Britain, p. 545. thus varieth the expression of it. King Edward, Anno 1290. to purge England from such corruptions and oppressions as un∣der which it groaned, not neglecting therein his particular gain, banished the Iews out of the Realm, confiscating all their goods, leauing them nothing but mony to bear their charges, they by their cruel Ʋsuries HAVING EATEN HIS PEOPLE TO THE BONES.

To passe by Heylms Microcosm, p. 570. Henry Isaac∣sons Chronology, Ann. 1290. with others, who mention this their final banishment out of England, I shall conclude with the words of Samuel Daniel, his History, p. 160. Of NO LESSE GRIEVANCE (than corrupt Judges then fined, displaced, banished) this King eased his peo∣ple,

by the banishment of the Jews, for which the kingdom willingly granted him a Fifteenth, HAVING BEFORE [in Anno Regis 9.] OFFERED A FIFTH PART OF THEIR GOODS TO HAVE THEM EXPELLED: But then the Iews gave more, and so stayed till this time; which brought him a great benefit by confiscation of their immovea∣bles, with their Tallies, and Obligations, which amounted to an infinite value. But now hath he made his last commo∣dity of this miserable people, which having never been under other cover, but the will of the Prince, had continually served the turn in all the necessary occasions of his Predecessors, but especially of his Father and himself.

Sir Edward Cook in his 2d. Institutes, p. 506, 507, 508, in his Commentary upon Statutum de Judaismo fore∣cited, seems to contradict these forecited Historians tou∣ching their Banishment, whose words I shall at large re∣hearse, and refute to in this particular. This Statute was made (writes he) in the Parliament of 18 Edw. 1. That the mischiefs before this Statute, against Jewish Usury, were these. 1. The evils and disherisons of the good men of the land. 2. That many of the sins and offences of the Realm, had risen, and been committed by reason thereof, to the great dishonour of Almighty God. (And are not these two sufficient grounds to keep them out now, as well as to restrain and banish them then?) The difficulty (adds he) was how to apply a remedy, considering what great yearly revenue the King had by the Usury of the Jews, and how necessary it was, that the King should be supplyed with Treasure. What benefit the Crown had, before the making of this Act, appeareth by former records, as take b 2.61 one for many. From the 17 of December in the 50 year of H. 3 until the Tuesday in Shrove∣tide, the 2d. year of Edward the first, which was about 7. years, the Crown had four hundred and twenty thousand pounds, fifteen shillings and four pence; De exitibus Judaismi: at which time, the ounce of silver was but 20 d. and now it is more than treble so much. So as the recital of the Preamble is true, That he and his Ancestors had received great pro∣fit

from Judaism. (i) Many provisions were made both by* 2.62 this King and others: Some time they were banished, but their cruel usury continued, and soon after they returned: and for respect of lucre and gain, King John, in the second year of his reign, granted unto them large Liberties and Priviledges, whereby the mischiefs rehearsed in this Act multiplyed. But the lucre and gain which King John had, and expected of the Infidel Jews, made him, IMPIE JUDAISARE: for to the end they should exercise the Laws of their Sacrifices (which they could not do without a Priesthood) the King by his Charter granted them to have one, &c. Which for the great rarity thereof, and for that we find it not either in our Books or Histories, I will rehearse in haec verba.

k 2.63 Rex omnibus sidelibus suis, & omnibus, & Ju∣daeis & Anglis, salutem. Sciatis nos concessisse, Jacobo Judaeo de Londoniis Presbytero, Judaeorum Presbytera∣tum omnium Judaeorum totius Angliae. Habendum & tenendum quam in vixerit, liberè & quietè, & honorifi∣cè & integrè; it à quod nemo ••i super hoc molestiam ali∣quam, aut gravamen inferre praesumat. Quare volumus & firmiter praecipimus, quod eidem Jacobo quoad vixe∣rit, Presbyteratum Judaeorum per totam Angliam, garan∣titis, manu-teneatis, & pacificè defendatis. Et si quis eum super eo sorisfacere praesumpserit, id ei sine dilatio∣ne (salva nobis emenda nostra) de forisfactura nostra e∣mendare faciatis, tanquam Dominico Judaeo nostro, quem specialiter in servicio nostro retinuimus. Prohi∣bemus etiam ne de aliquo ad se pertinente ponatur in placitum, nisi coram nobis, aut coram capitali Justicia∣rio nostro, sicut Charta Regis Richardi fratris nostri restatur. Teste S. Bathoniens. Episcopo, &c. Dat: per manus Huberti Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi Cancel∣larii nostri apud Rothomagum 21 die Julii, Anno Reg∣ni nostri primo.

To which Charter Sir Edward Cook annexeth this mar∣ginal

Note, This King had a most troublesom and dishonou∣rable rrign, God raising against him, FOR HIS JUST PUNISHMENT, two potent Enemies, Pope Innocent the 3 and Philip King of France. And besides, which was the worst, he lost the heart and love of his Baronage and Sub∣jects, and at the last had a fearfull end.

He adds (l) Our Noble King Edward 1 and his Father* 2.64 H. 3 before him, sought by divers Acts and Ordinances, to use some means and moderation herein, but in the end it was found; That there was no mean in mischief, and as Seneca saith, Res profecto Stulta est nequitiae modus (And will it not be so now in their new limited readmission if consented too?) And therefore King Ed. 1. as this act saith: for the honour of God, and for the common profit of his people, without all respect, (in respect of these) of the fil∣ling of his own Coffers, did ordain, That no Jew from thence∣forth should make any bargain or contract for usury, nor upon any former contract should take any usury, from the Feast of St. Edward then last past. So in effect all Jewish Usury was forbidden, This Law struck at the root of this pe∣stilent weed, for hereby Usury it self was forbidden, and thereupon the cruel Jews thirsting after rich gain, to the number of 15060 departed out of this Realm into foraign parts, where they might use their Jewish trade of Usury, & from that time that Nation never returned again into this Realm. m 2.65 Some are of opinion, (and so it is said in some of our Histories) That it was enacted by authority of Parliament, that the usurious Iews should be banished out of rhe Realm: But the truth is, that their usury was banished by this Act of Parliament, and that was the cause, that they banished themselves, into other Coun∣tries, where they might live by their usury. So that by his opinion, they were not then banished by the King or Parliament, but only voluntarily banished themselves upon the making of this Statutes aginst their Usury.

But under the favour of this deceased reverend Judge, whose memory I generally reverence, this opinion of his

is a meer mistake. For 1. This Statute of Judaisme was made some years before their banishment hence, as I formerly hinted, and the last clause thereof for renting houses (to continue for 15 years) manifests; not in 18E. 1. 2ly. No Record nor Historian mentions, that they vo∣luntarily banished themselves upon the making of this Law, neither can their voluntary departure hence upon this occafion be stiled a Banishment. 3ly. The forecited Historians record, that they gave but few years before a vast sum of money to prevent their banishment, then urged in Parliament by the Commons, with the profer of the 5 part of their goods to the King for their banishment and therefore it is very improbable they would at the same time volunntarily banish themselves. 4ly. All the last cited Historians of these latter times unanimously re∣cord, and theywere judicially, really banished both by the King and Parliament, principally for their infidelity, and o∣ther fore-alloaged reasons, commanded under pain of hanging to depart out of it by a set day; for the effecting and hastning whereof, the Commons gave the King a sifteenth. There∣fore not banished by of themselves alone. Who are more to be credited than this Judges singular opinion. 5ly. His own subsequent words and Records in direct terms contradict this opinion of his no lesse than 5 times, which I wonder he observed not, I shall recite them at large to undeceive his over-credulous Readers of the long Robe, who take his words and works for Oracles (though in many things very full of grosse mistakes contradicted by by his own Records, he cites, specially in his Chapter of * 2.66 Parliament and Admiralty.

n 2.67 And for that [writes he] they were odious both to God and Man, that they might passe out of the Realm in safety, they made Petition to the King, that a certain day might he prefixed to them to depart the Realm [it was prefix∣ed by the King and Parliament against their wills] to the end that they might have the Kings writ to his Sheriffs for their safe conduct, and that no injury, molestation, damage or grie∣vance

be offered to them in the mean time, One of which Writs we will transcribe.

o 2.68 Rex, Vic: G. Cum Judaeis Regni nostri universis CERTUM TEMPUS PRAEFIXERIMUS (therefore pre∣fixed by the King himself, without their Petition) •• regno illo transfretandi: Nolentes quod ipsi per ministros no∣stros, aut alios quoscunque, aliter quam sieri consnevit, indebite pertrectentur: Tibi praecipimus, quod per to∣tam Ballivam tuam, publice proclamari, & firmiter in∣hiberi facias, ne quis eis intra terminum predictum, in∣juriam, molestiam, damnum inferat, seu gravamen. Et cum contingat ipsos cum catallis suis, quae eis concessi∣mus, versus partes London, causa transfretationis, suae, dirigere gressus suos, salvum & securum conductum eis habere facias sumptibus eorum. Proviso, quod Judaei praedicti, ante recessum suum, Vadia Christianorum quae penes se habent, illis quorum fuerint, si ea acquietare vo∣luerint, restituant, ut tenentur. Teste Rege apud West∣minst. 18. die Julii, Anno 18 E. 1.

This Statute, De Judaismo, was made at the p 2.69 Parl. post festum Hilarii, Anno 18 E. 1. At which Parliament the King had a 15 granted to him, PRO EXPULSIONE JUDAEORUM [Therfore by his own confession they were banished by the King and Parlament against their wils and a Fifteenth given for it, as the former Historians note] And this writ was granted in July following [in pursute there∣fore of their Judgement of banishment, not upon their petition] the King beginning his reign Novemb. 16▪ For the Parliament knew [a strange conceit of a Judge] that by banishing of Usury [Did they banish it onely, not the Jews?] the Jews would not remain. And thus this Noble King by this means BANISHED FOR EVER THESE INFIDEL USURIOUS JEWS [Ergo, their persons, as well as Usury only] the number of which Jews THUS BANISHED, was fifteen thousand and threescore.

q 2.70 VVe will here adde a (Parliament) Record de Priore de Bridlington; thus.

Et quod praedictus Prior cogno cit, quid praedicta pe∣cunia praed. Judaeo debebatur, viz. 300l. nec ei solve∣batur ANTE EXILIUM JUDAEORUM (therefore by this Parliamentary record but 3 years after, they were judicial∣ly banished by Parliament, not voluntarily of themselves, no banishment in Law.) Et quicquid remansit reorum, debi∣tis aut catallis in regno POST EORUM EXILIUM, [again repeated] Domino Regi fuit. Consideratum est, quod Dominus Rex recuperec pecuniam praedictam: & dictum est eidem Priori, quod non exeat Villaean equam Domino Regi de praedicta pecunia satisfaciat: Et respon∣deat Johannes Archiepiscopus Eborum, quia praecepit dicto Priori solvere Valetto suo praedictam pecuniam in deceptionem Regis, contra Sacramentum & fidelitatem suam Domino Regi datam. Idem in alio Rot. An. 22 E. 1. rot 5.

Therefore by these 3 records resolutions cited by him∣self, the Jews were all banished by sentence of Parlia∣ment, in such sort as our Historians record, and not in his New sence alone, amounting but to a Recesse.

By all these concurrent Testimonies it is apparent [a∣gainst Sir Edward Cooks groundlesse conceit.]

1. That all the Jews were then banished out of England, never to return again, at the special instance, and request of the Commons in two several Parliaments, as an intollerable grievance and oppression under which they then groaned.

2. That the principle grounds of this their perpetual banishment were, their infidelity, Usury, forgeries of Charters, clipping and falsifying of monies, by which they prejudiced the King and kingdom, and much oppressed and impoverished the pople.

3. That this their banishment was so acceptable to

all the people, who oft-times pressed it in Parliament, that they gave the King a Fift and Fifteenth part of their moveables, to speed and execute it.

4. That this their banishment was by the unanimous de∣sire, Iudgement, Edict, and Decree both of the King and his Parliament; and not by the King alone: and this Banish∣ment, total, of them all, and likewise final, Never to return into England. Which Edict and Decree not now extant in our Parliament Rolls (many of which are lost) nor prin∣ted Statutes; yet it is mentioned by all these Authorities.

From whence I shall inferre and conclude: That as by the fundamental Laws of England, No Freeman and Natives of England can be justly banished or exiled out of it, but by special judgement of Parliament, or by Act of Par∣liament; as is evident by Magna Charta c. 29. The ba∣nishment of Sir Thomas Wayland Chief Justice of the Common Pleas 19. E. 1 Rot. Parl. rot. 12. and these Jews then banished. Exilium Hugonis le Dispenser patris & filii. Tottles Magna Charta, f. 50, 51. The double banishment of Peter de Gaverston out of England, assensu communi Procerum & Magnatum, and of the King in Par∣liament. Walsingham Hist. Angliae p. 68, 71, 72. The Statute of 1 Edward the 3. c. 2. 11 Richard the 2. c. 2, 3, 4. for the banishment of Belknap, and other Judges into Ireland, 21. R. 2. Rot. Pa•• l. n. 16. 17. For the banishment of Thomas Arundel Arch-bishop of Canterbury, The Statute of 35 Eliz. c. 1. of 39 Eliz. c. 4. For banishing dangerous Sectaries, Rogues, out of the Realm after conviction, upon Indictment only, not before, (which could not be done by Law, before these Acts) Cooks 2 Institutes f. 47. Mr. St. Iohns speech against the Shipmony- Judges p. 22 My New Discovery of the Pre∣lates Tyranny, p. 166, 167, 168. VValsingham, Hist. Angliae, p. 394: and other Testimonies; as also by 1 E. 3. r. 5. 4 H. 4. c. 13. The Statute for the pressing of Souldiers for Ireland. 17 Caroli. Exact Collect, p. 435. The Petition and Protestation of the Lords and Commons in

Parliament against serving the King in person, or contribution to his wars in Flanders and other forain parts, 25 E. 1. Wal∣singham Hist. p. 35, 37, 38, &c. nor yet in Gascoigne, France, Notmandy, Scotland, or Ireland, Cooks 2 Instit. p. 528. 4. H. 4. n. 48. 1 H. 5. n. 17. 7 H. 5. n. 9. 18 R. 2. n. 6. So, none once banished the Realm by judgement or Act of Parliament, can, may, or ought, by the funda∣mental and known common Laws of England, to be re∣stored and recalled again, but only by a like judgement, Act and Restitution in full Parliament, as is adjudged, declared, resolved by the cases, and Petitions of the two Spencers and Peirce Gaveston, VValsingham, Ypodig. Neu∣striae. p. 152. and Hist Angl. p. 68. 71, 72. Holinshed, p. 328. Speeds History, p. 674. The Printed Statute of 20 R. 2. c. 6. for the restitution of Belknap, and the other exiled Judges 28 E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 8. to 14. and 29 E. 3. Rot Parl. n. 29. touching the Repeal of the Judgement in Parl. against Roger Mortimer Earl of March, 17 R. 2. Rot. Parl. n. 18. for the pardon and restitution of the Justices banished into Irel. 21 R. 2. n. 55. to 71. for confirmation of the repeal of the exile of Hugh de la Spencer, Father & Son, An. 15. E. 2. and the revocation of the repeale thereof in 1 E. 3. [A notable full Record in point.] 3 H. 7. 10. 4 H, 7. 10. 1. H. 7. 4. 10 H. 7. 22 b. 15. E. 3 Fitz Pe∣t••t. 2. 9. E. 3. 23, 24. 9 E. 4. 1 b. with sundry other Re∣cords, for the repeals of Iudgements and Acts of former Parliaments, by the subsequent Judgments and Acts of other Parliaments, in Cooks 4 Institutes. c. 1. and Ashes Ta∣bles. Parliament. 16. and Statutes 68. Therefore the Jews being so long since by Judgement, Edict and De∣cree both of the King and Parliament for ever banished out of England (never since repealed or reversed) neither may, nor can by Law be readmitted, reduced into Eng∣land again, but by common consent and Act of Parlia∣ment: which I conceive they will never be able to obtain.

I have now presented you with a true Historical and

exact Chronological Relation of the Jews first admission in∣to England; (not in the time of the Emperour Constantine the great, as some groundlesly would collect, from his * 2.71 General Epistle to all Churches, touching the Decrees of the Council of Nice, and the Ʋnanimous observation of the Feast of Easter, not after the Jewish computation; wherein there is mention of the Churches in Britain, (as well as in Rome, Africk, Spain, France, and other places) concur∣ring with other Churches herein; but not one syllable of any Jews therein, or in Britain then; nor in any other particular places; but onely these general passages a∣gainst Christians complying with them in their Paschal observation. Ac primum quidem indigna res fuit sanctis∣simum eum diem imitatione atque consuetudine Iudaeorum ce∣lebrare, qui manibus suis nefario flagitio contaminatis, non injuria quoque animis sunt excaecato, homines scelerati. Quidni enim liceat, gente ea rejecta, rectiore, verioreque or∣dine, quem à primo passionis die hucusque servavimus, ad fu∣tura quoque saecula observationis hujus ritum transmittere]? Item nihil nobis commune sit cum infestissima Iudaeorum tur∣ba, &c. Quin & strictior ipsa atque exactior ratio flagita∣re videtur, NEQUA NOBIS CUM IUDAEORUM PERJURIO COMMUNIO. From whence no rational man can inferr, that there were any Jews at that time observing their Jewish Passeover in Britain, of which I can find no syllable in any Domestick or forreign Histo∣rians or Writers whatsoever; nor yet that they inhabi∣ted here, or were here in the Briton, Saxon, or Danish Kings reigns; which if they had, some of our Historians, Synods, Decrees, and Laws in those ages would have men∣tioned it, (as well as the * 2.72 Gothish, Spanish Histories, Laws, Councils, and Constitutions, where they resided) in which there is not one syllable of them, but only in the foreci∣ted Law foisled in amongst the Confessors, to which doubtlesse it was puny:) but in Will the Conq. reign: Together with, their ill deportments, misdemeanors, suff∣rings, massacres, servile condition, and manifold popular

tumults against them, during all the time of their resi∣dence in England, & final banishment out of it, never yet to my knowledg, collected into one intire History▪ before. The serious consideration whereof, will, in my weake judgement, sufficiently satisfie, convince the whole Eng∣lish Nation, that they have just grounds and reasons, in point of piety, of policy, never to re-admit them more into our Island; and likewise resolve the very Jewes themselves, that they have little cause or reason at all to desire to re-plant themselves in England, where their an∣cestors in times past, susteined so many miseries, massacres affronts, oppressions, fleecings upon all occasions, & them∣selves can expect little better usage for the future. To this principal part of my undertaking, for fuller satisfacti∣on, I shall hereunto subjoyn a Taste of such Lawes, Scriptures, Reasons, as seem strongly to plead, yea conclude against their re-admission into England, at least in that latitude and freedom as formerly they there en∣joyed.

As 1. To erect new Synagogues, Temples amongst us, or turn any of our Churches, Chapels into Synagogues, for the free publique exercise of their Judaisme, Jewish Worship, Customes, Religion, h 2.73 diametrically contrary to the Gosple, Person, Kingdome, Priesthood, Offices, Media∣tion, Redemption of our Lord Jesus Christ, which they there∣by professedly deny, renounce, as false and fabulous.

2ly. To set up a Jewish Corporation or Fraternity a∣mongst us in our Cities and Corporations, distinct and separate from the English, subject to their own immedi∣ate peculiar Officers and Judges as heretofore.

3ly. To purchase Houses, Habitations, Rents, Lands, Exercise of all sorts of Trades, and Manufactures amongst us, as free Denizens or Merchants, upon such terms and qualifications as shall be indulged to them.

1. For our Laws and Statutes, these following, make directly or obliquely, by way of necessary consequence, against their re-admission.

1. For their Jewish Synagogues, worship, Sacra∣ments, Religion; these ancient, pious Laws of our Saxon and Danish Kings (made in their great Parliaments and Councils before the Jews first coming into England) strongly oppose their admission now.

As namely the i 2.74 Laws of King Alfred and Guthern, Lex. 1. 2. of King Ethelred in the Council of Aenham, c. 1. 3. 27, 29, 30. of Habam, c. 1. with the Laws of King Cnute the Dane, Lex. 1. 27, 28: All which enact, That the only true God and our Lord be loved, worshipped in all ages by all the people, with all their might: the one Christian, holy Catholick faith, orthodoxly kept, and the Churches of God to be diligently frequented throughout the Realm. That all Paganisme and false Religions be renounced both in words and deeds; That who ever wickedly resisteth the Laws of Christ, shall be grievously fined and put to death: and, that all men should diligently seek out by all means; Ut recta Christi religio maxime provehatur; That the right Reli∣gion of Christ might be most of all advanced: obtesting all Ecclesiiastical and secular persons again and again; most earnestly, to keep the sincere faith unanimously in the true God; and the right Christian faith in a right manner: dili∣gently to hear the Teachers of Gods word; studiously to follow their Doctrine and Precepts; to maintain peace and tranquili∣ty in the Church of God, and there diligently to pour forth their prayers. All which particulars exclude all Jewish Syna∣gogues, and Judaisme, and are of perpetual force, being grounded on the very Law of God.

Moreover King k 2.75 Cnute his Ecclesiastical Laws [made by the advise of his wise men▪ to be observed throughout all England] prohibited, That no Christian should be sold or sent out of the Realm, or banished amongst those who had not as yet embraced the faith in Christ, lest per adventure those Souls should perish at anytime, which our Lord Iesus Christ had redeemed with his own blood and life. If Christians for this cause ought not to be sent, sold or banished amongst Jews and Infidels, much more then

ought not Infidel Jews, with their Jewish Synagogues, Religion, Ceremonies, to be now introduced amongst us Christians, to the hazard of many Christian Souls redee∣med by Christs blood.

2. All the Statutes concerning Uniformity of Common Servicc, & administration of the Sacraments, as 1 Ed. 6. c. 1, 2. 2 Ed. 6. c▪ 1. 6 Ed. 6. c. 1. 1 Eliz. c. 2. 23 Eliz. c. 1. 35 Eliz. c. 1. 2. [most of them still in force, being never legally repealed] do fully and directly oppugne the introduction of any Jewish Synagogues, Service, Sacra∣ments, Worship, Ceremonies, with the use of them in any place within our Realm.

3. The Statutes of 3 E. 6. c. 10. 13 Eliz. c. 2. 23 El. c. 1. 28 Eliz. c. 2. 6. 35 Eliz. c. 1. 3 Iac. c. 4. against Popish Recusants, Seminary Priests, Iesuites, Friers, Masse-Books, Agnus Dei's, Popish Books, Superstitions: for preven∣ting the withdrawing of the Subjects of this Realm, from the publique Ordinances, Sacraments and Religion here esta∣blished; and for speedy banishing all Seminary Priests and Jesuites, and keeping them perpetually out of the Realm, (upon this account, amongst others) though professing Christ, Christian Religion, and agreeing with us in all Ar∣ticles of the Creed, and most fundamental points of Chri∣stianity: Must in Substance, Law, Reason, (in this re∣gard) much more perpetually exclude, abolish all Jews, Jewish Priests, Rabbies, Synagogues, worship, Ceremo∣nies, Superstitions, out of our Dominions, being farre more dishonourable to Christ, opposite to our Christian Religion, and destructive to the peoples souls, if once admitted, then any Jesuits, Seminary Priests, Friers, Po∣pish Recusants, or any Romish Masses, Superstitions whatsoever. And if the Jewish Priests, Judaism, and Jewish Ceremonies, may be now set up and practised publiquely amongst us, notwithstanding all these Sta∣tutes, then much more Masse-Priests, Masses, Popery, and Prelacy, by the self same reason, justice, equity.

To these I might annex, all the late Ordinances for the

Directory, The solemn League and Covenant, and for Sup∣pressing, punishing of Heresy and Blasphemy: therefore of Iudaism, which is both Heresy and Blasphemy, and Jew∣ish assemblies, the very Synagogues of Satan, and Iews great blasphemers, by Christs own resolution, Rev. 2. 9. c. 3. 9. Acts 18. 6. Rom. 2. 21. With the late prin∣ted l 2.76 Instrument of Government: which though it allows not only toleration, but protection to all Sects and Religions professing faith in God through Iesus Christ, (though differing from the Doctrine and Discipline publtkely held forth in the Nation,) except only to Popery and Prelacy; yet certain∣ly it can no ways extend to the toleration or protection of Jews and their Antichristian blasphemies against Christ himself and the Gospel; seeing they are so far from profes∣sing faith in Jesus Christ; that m 2.77 they utterly renounce, and professedly decry him to be the true Saviour and Messiah of the world; rejecting the whole New Testament and Doctrin of the Gospel: and so by consequence, are necessarily se∣cluded by this Instrument, and Oath for its observation, from practising their Jewish worship, Ceremonies, or erecting any Synagogues in our Nation for that pur∣pose.

2ly. Though the n 2.78 Kings of England by the Law and their Prerogative may in sundry cases erect New Corporati∣ons of their Subjects by their Charters only, yet notwith∣standing, no Corporation or Fraternity of Iews, being meer Aliens, may, can, or ought to be erected in England, by the Fundamental Lawes and Constitutions of the Realm, but only by full consent of the Nation in Parlia∣ment, by special Acts of Parliament; it being one of the greatest Intrenchments that can be upon the English Na∣tions Rights, Liberties, Customs, Priviledges, Pro∣fit, and a violation of all the ancient Charters, Priviledges, Rights, Franchises, confirmed to them by the Great Charter of England, (forty times since ratified by new Acts of Par∣liament.) This is evident by the Statutes of Magna Charta, c. 9. 37. 34, E. 1. c. 4. 1. E. 3. c. 9. 14. E. 3. c.

1. 1. H. 4. c. 1. 2. H. 4. c. 1. 7. H. 4. c. 1. 9. H. 4. c. 1. 13. H. 4. c. 1. 3. H. 5. c. 1. 2. H. 6. c. 1. compared with 2 E. 3. c. 9. 27. E. 3. c. 1. to 29. 28 E. 3. 13. 15, 36. E. 3. c. 7, 19 H. 7. c. 12, and all other Acts for the o 2.79 Staple and Styliard: and with 3. E. 4. c. 6. 1. R. 3. c. 9. 14 H. 8. c. 2. 21 H. 8. c. 16. 22 H. 8. c. 8. 32 H. 8. c. 16. touching Artificers, Merchants and Aliens.

3ly. The * 2.80 preambles of the Statute of Merton, 20 H. 3. 3 E. 1. with c. 17. 48. 6 E. 1. of Quo Warranto, and of Glocester, 13 E. 1. 12 E. 2. of York, 9, 10, 14, 15, 25, 28, 36, 37. E. 3. 1. 3, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 21. R. 2. 1, 2, 4, 6. H. 4. 1, 8, 10, 12. 36. H. 6. 18 E. 3. c. 1, 2, 3. R. 2. Rot. Parl. n. 36, 40. 6 H. 6. c. 5. and o∣ther Acts, declare and resolve, That the Kings of England by their Oath and Duty, and the Lords and Commons in Par∣liament, are all obliged by their trusts and our Laws, to ad∣vance, uphold, maintain and defend the welfare, wealth, safe∣ty of the Church, Realm, Subjects, People of England, and to prevent, redresse, suppresse, remove by wholsom Laws and Ordinances, all Grievances Mischiefs, Damages, In∣conveniences, Disinherisons contrary thereunto; it be∣ing a fundamental Maxime both in our Laws and Law-Books, SALUS POPULI SUPREMA LEX: which the Army Officers in their Declaration of 16 Nov. 1648. and Mr. Iohn Pym in his Speech against Strafford 12 A∣pril 1641. p. 3. &c. printed by the Commons special Or∣der, much insist on. Moreover, it is another Maxime in our Law, * 2.81 Summa ratio est, quae pro religione facit. Now the admission of the Jews into England, as appeareth by the Statute de Judaismo, and premised Histories, is no way consistent with the welfare, profit, wealth, safety of the Church, Realm, Subjects, People, or Religion of England, and will be an extraordinary damage, mischief, grievance, inconvenience, and disinherison to them all. Therefore prohibited, enacted against by the general scope of all these Laws and Maximes, and no wayes to be ad∣mitted.

4ly. The Jews heretofore in England, an •• still in all p 2.82 other parts, being most grievous Clippers, Coyners, Forgers of money, Usurers, Extortioners, and the greatest Chea••ors, Cozeners, Impostors in the world, in all their Merchandizes and Manufactures whatsoever: upon this accompt they are and ought to be still excluded, and never re-admit∣ted amongst us, by the provisions of q 2.83 all our Laws, yet in force, prohibiting clipping, coyning, usury, extortion, frauds, deceipts, in any Merchandizes or Manufactures whatsoever; unlesse we intend to have them all now more practised by them and others among us, then ever here∣tofore. The rather, because they were never admitted free Trading & Habitation in England by r 2.84 any of our Laws touching Alten Merchants, and Artificers free Traf∣fick amongst us, from the time of their forementioned banishment, till this present, under the Name and No∣tion of Jews, Foraign Merchants, or Artificers. And therefore not to be admitted to those desired Priviled∣ges, from which all these forecited Laws (in my weak Judgement) with the former old Parliamentary Judgment, and Edict, for their per petual banishment, in Law, Justice, Conscience still debarre them readmittance, till repea∣led; and they (if ever readmitted against all these Acts and Statutes) must be introduced, resetled by special Acts of Parliament, which no English Parliament (in probability) will ever indulge unto them, as the peo∣ples general present declamations in all places, against their endeavoured introduction, prognostick. And thus much I thoughr meet to inform the Nation, touching those Laws & Statutes which (in my poor opinion) directly or by consequence oppose their re-admission, and re∣fute those Lawyers misinformation, who confidently a∣verred, there is no Law of England at all against it, if Mr. Nye did truly inform me.

2. For Scriptures, these Texts may engage us against their re-admission.

1. Matth. 5. 13. Lu. 14. 34, 35. Salt is good: but if the

salt have lost its savor, wherewith shall it be seasoned? It is neither fit for the land, nor yet for the dunghil, but to be cast out, and to be trodden under foot of men. This is the condition of the Jews, who have lost both their Saviour & their Savor too. Therefore not fit for our land or dunghils; but to be kept and cast out from amongst us, and trodden under foot of all true Christian men.

2. 1 Cor. 16. 22, If any man love not the Lord Iesus Christ, let him be Anathema Maranatha. That is, sepa∣rated and cast out from all Christian society and Commu∣nion until the day of Judgment, the highest kind of Jew∣ish Excommunication. Now the Jews are such, who do not only not love, but deny, defie and hate our Lord Jesus Christ in the highest degree. Therefore to be excom∣municated and secluded from our Christian Communi∣on and Cohahitation amongst us, to which they can pre∣tend no right.

3. 2 Cor. 6. 14, 15, &c. Be ye not unequally yoaked together with unbelievers: for, what fellowship hath righte∣ousness with unrighteousness? and what communion hath light with darkness? and what concord hath Christ with Be∣lial? and what part hath he that believeth with an Infidel? and what agreement hath the Temple of God with Idols? &c, VVherefore come out from among them, and be ye separate saith the Lord, and touch no unclean thing, and I will receive you. The unconverted Jews, are both Unbelievers, In∣fidels, Darknesse, Belialids, and the very Synagogue of Satan, as the Scripture resolves them, Acts 14. 1. Mar: 6. 6. Rom. 11. 20. 23. 32. Heb. 4. 6. 11. Ioh. 1. 5. Mat: 8. 12. Rev. 2. 9. 1 Th••ss. 2. 14, 15, 16. Therefore we Christians ought not to be unequally yoaked, or to have any fellowship, communion, agreement, part or mix∣ture with them; much lesse to receive them into our land and bo••omes, from whence they were formerly spu∣ed out, but to keep our selves separated from amongst them, lest God reject us, as he hath done them.

4. 2 John 9. 10. 11. VVhosoever transgressith, and

abideth not in the doctrine of Christ, hath not God: he that a∣bideth in the doctrine of Christ, he hath both the Father and the Sonne. If there come any unto you, and bring not this Do∣ctrine, receive him not into your house, neither bid him, God speed: for he that biddeth him God speed, is partaker of his evil deeds. The Jews abide not in the Doctrin of Christ; and if they come unto us, they will not bring this Do∣ctrine to us, but the quite contrary: Therefore we ought not to receive them into our Dominions or Houses, nor bid or wish them God speed, in returning to dwell a∣mongst us. And if any do the contrary, they are and shall be partakers of their evil deeds.

5, Tit. 1. 10, 11, 13, 14, For there are many unru∣ly and vain talkers and deceivers, ESPECIALLY THEY OF THE CIRCUMCISION; whose mouthes must be stopped, WHO SUBVERT WHOLE HOUSES, tea∣ching things which they ought not, for filthy lucres sake. VVher∣fore rebuke them sharply, that they may be sound in the faith: NOT GIVING HEED TO JEWISH FABLES, and commandements OF MEN THAT TURNE FROM THE TRUTH. If the circumcised Jews were such un∣ruly Deceivers, seducers, and subverters of whole houses, even in the Apostles own dayes, and their Jewish fables then did turn so many from the truth. With what co∣lour of Christianity, piety, conscience, can we call them in amongst us now, in these times of fearfull, and almost universal Apostacy from the truth, when lesse dange∣rous seducers have subverted whole houses, parishes, and almost Cities and Counties too?

6. 1 Thess. 2. 14, 15, 16. For ye also have suffered like things of your Countrymen, even as they have of the Jews: who both killed the Lord Jesus, and their own Prophets, and have persecuted (or chased out) us, and they please not God, and are contrary to all men: * 2.85 Forbidding us to speak to the Gentiles, that they might be saved, to fill up their sins alway▪ FOR THE WRATH IS COME UPON THEM TO THE UTTERMOST. This Gospel character of the

Jews, expressing their transcendent malice to the Lord Jems, their own Prophets, the very Apostles themselves, the Gentiles, with their contrariety to God and all other men and Gods wrath upon them for it to the uttermost: administer plenty of invincible arguments, against our re∣ceiving them in again amongst us, lest they bring along with them the extremity of Gods wrath upon the whole English Nation, who have enough thereof already.

7. Acts 18. 5, 6, 7. Paul was pressed in spirit, and testified to the Jews, that Jesus was Christ. And when they op∣posed themselves and blasphemed, he shooke his rayment, and said unto them, Your bloud be upon your own heads: I am clean, from henceforth, I will go unto the Gentiles. And he departed thence and entred into a certain mans house named Justus, who worshipped God; &c. compared with Acts 13. 44. to 52. The next Sabbath-day came almost the whole City together to hear the word of God: But when the Iews saw the multitude, they were filled with envy, and spoke against those things that were spoken by Paul, contradicting and blasphe∣ming: Then Paul and Barnabas waxed bold, and said, It was necessary the word of God should first have been spoken unto you; but because ye put it from you, and judge your selves unworthy of everlasting life; LO WE TURN TO THE GENTILES: For so hath the Lord commanded us, &c. And the word of the Lord was published throughout all the re∣gion. But the Jews stirred up the devout and honourable women; and the chiefmen of the City, and raised persecution against Paul and Barnabas, and expelled them out of their coasts; but they shock off the dust of their feet against them, and came unto Iconium. This malitious carriage and per∣secution of the Jews, even against the * 2.86 Apostles them∣selves and their Doctrine, and the Gentiles salvation, and casting them maliciously out of their coasts; with their Separation from them, and turning themselves wholly to the Gentiles upon this account, by Gods own command; demonstrates, what all Gods faithfull Ministers, and we Christian Gentiles must expect from them now: and

that being formerly cast out of our Coasts by our Ancestors for their infidelity, crucifying of Christ in his Members, and such like misdemeanors, and so being separated in cohabitation and communion from us, we neither may nor ought now to resume them into our Land, Bosoms, or Communion again upon any pretence.

8. When God was bringing the Jews into the promi∣sed Land which he gave them to inherit, he gave them these special commands. Thou shalt drive the Inhabitants of the land out before thee s 2.87 Thou shalt make no Covenant with them, nor with their Gods, THEY SHALL NOT DVVELL IN THY LAND, l••st they make thee sin a∣gainst me, and it be a snare in the midst of thee. Thou shalt make no Covenant with them, nor shew mercy to them, Ne∣ther shalt thou make marriages with them. Thy Daughter thou shalt not give unto his Son, nor his Daughter shalt thou take unto thy Son; for they will turn away thy Sons from fol∣lowing me, that they may serve other Gods, so will the an∣ger of the Lord be kindled against thee, and destroy thee sud∣denly: If ye do IN ANY VVise go back, and cleave un∣to the remnant of these Nations, and go in unto them, and they to you, know for a certain, that the Lord will no more drive out any of these Nations before you; but they shall be snares and traps unto you, and scourges in your sides, and thorns in your eyes, until you perish from the good Land which the Lord your God giveth you: But thus ye shall deal with them, ye shall destroy their Altars, and break down their Images, and cut down their groves, &c. for thou art an holy people un∣to the Lord thy God. Now, THE NOT DRIVING OF THESE NATIONS BY THE ISRAELITES FROM AMONGST THEM, according to these commands of God, is charged as a special sin upon them by God, enticed them to Idolatry, and brought his severe wrath upon them, Judges 1. 27. to 36. c. 2. 2, 3, 12, 13, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23. and is thus expressed by the Psalmist Psal. 106. 34 to 43. They did not destroy the Nations, concerning whom the Lord commanded them; BUT WERE MINGLED AMONG

THE HEATHEN, AND LEARNED THEIR WORKS; & they served their Idols, which were a snare unto them, yea they sacrificed their Sons & Daughters unto Devils, & shed innocent blood▪ even the blood of their Sons and Daugh∣ters, whom they sacrificed unto the Idols of Canaan, and their Land was defiled with blood. Therefore was the wrath of the Lord kindled against his people, insomuch that he a••horried his own inheritance, and he gave them into the hands of the Heathen; and they that hated them were Lords over them: their enemies also oppressed them, they were brought into sub jection under their hands. The morality, ground and equity of which precepts, as they justifie our Ance∣stors expulsion of the Jews out of England, with their a∣dulterous worship, Ceromonies & Synagogues heretofore; So I conceive they strongly oblige all English Christians (especially after our late solemn forgotten League and Co∣venant) to seclude and keep them out from re-entring, coming in, mingling, and dwelling, amongst us now, for fear they draw the self-same sad effects, and bring down the same, or like heavy Judgements of God upon us, as these Scriptures threatned, and God himself in∣flicted on the Israelites for transgressing them.

In brief, the Parables of the Vineyard and Husband∣men, the King going into foraign parts, and Marriage Supper, Mat. 21. 33. to 46. c. 22. 2. to 11. c. 23. 21. to the end. Mar. 12. 1. &c. Luk. 19. 12. to 28. c. 20 9. &c. particularly applied to the Jews, and notably set∣ting out their desperate malice against our Saviours per∣son, Kingdom, Government, Ordinances, Ministers, Gos∣pel, and his rejection of them for it. Together with Rom. 16, 17, 18▪ 1. 32. 1 Cor. 5, 4. &c. Phil. 3. 2, 3. Mat. 7. 15 c. 16. 7. 11. 12. 17. Col. 2. 8. 2. Pet. 3. 17. c. 2. 1. &c. 7, 8, 20, 21, 22. 2 Tim. 3. 1. to 10 c. 2. 16, 17. Titus 3. 10, 11. Revelations 2. 9. 14. Hebrewes 6. 4. to 9. c. 16. 26. to 32. Phil. 4. 2, 3. will all furnish us with sundry arguments against their re-admission a∣mongstus, as likewise Prov. 6. 27. 28. Psal. 101. 3, 4, 5,

6, 7, 8. Psal. 119. 104. Ps. 139. 21. 22. Num. 8. 13. Num. 16. 26. Ps. 6. 8. Ps. 119. 115. Ps. 139. 19. which every good Christian may peruse at leasure, and apply as he sees cause.

3. For Reasons against their re-admission into England they are divers, Theological, Political, and mixt of both.

1. God himself by his Prophets, Son, Apostles, before their rejection, while they were his special, peculiar chosen people, treasure, above all other Nations of the world, most frequently complains of them, and the ge∣nerality of the Nation, t 2.88 that they were a most rebelli∣ous, disobedient, gainsaying, stiffnecked, imp••nitent, incorrigi∣ble, adulterous, whorish, impudent, froward, shamelesse, per∣verse, treacherous, revolting, back sliding, idolatrous, wicked, sinfull, stubborn, untoward, hard-hearted, hypocritical, foo∣lish, sottish, brutish, stupid, ungratefull, Covenant-breaking Nation, House, People; a seed of evil-doers, a generation of Vipers, doing evil greedily with both hands, according to all the Nations that were round about them: as bad, nay worse than Sodom or Gomorrha, casting all Gods Laws, Ordi∣nances behind their backs, trampling them under their feet,* 2.89 rejecting, forsaking, despising God himself, provoking him continually to his face, grieving him to the heart, forgetting him days without number, always ••rring in their hearts, and disobeying his voice, and the lik: And dare, can wethen har∣bour such a Nation as this, and bring them in amongst us, now they are worse in all these respects than e∣ver?

2. God himself hath denounced against, and inslicted upon the Jews grea••••••, severer W••••s, Judgements, Calamities, Dispersons, D••v••s••ations, Captivities, Desolations, Curses, P▪ ••gues of all kinds, for their sins, rebellions, imponnen∣cies, and to their Nation, Kingdom, Countrie •• Cities, than to any 〈…〉〈…〉 Nations, Kingdomes, People; and that more fre∣quently th••n against any other▪ S〈…〉〈…〉 against them in his wrath, that they should never 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into his r••st, Psal. 95.

11. Hebr. 3. 10, 11, 18. stiling them, the Generation of his wrath, Jer. 7. 29. and averring of them, that wrath is come upon them to the uttermost, 1 Thess. 2. 15. 16. And can or shall we then receive such a Nation as this into our bosoms now, without entertaining, and pulling up∣on us, that wrath and curses of God which are denounced against, and do now pursue and accompany them in all places?

3. The Jews were alwayes heretofore x 2.90 a very mur∣muring, mutinous, discontented, rebellious, seditious people for the most part, not only against God, but their Lawfull Gover∣nors, Kings, Priests, Prophets, ••oft tumultuously rebelling a∣gainst, disobeying, revolting from, deposing, murdering their Kings, and Soveraigns; and contemning, disobeying, slaying, killing the Prophets, Messengers whom God sent un∣to them. Whence God him••elfe gi••es us this black Character of them, 2 Chron. 36. 15, 16. And the Lord God of their Fathers sent unto them by his Messengers, rising up betimes, and sending, &c. But they mocked the Messen∣gers of God, and despised his words, and misused his Pro∣phets, untill the wrath of the Lord rose against his people, till there was no remedy, &c. And our Saviour Christ a worse: Lu. 13. 33, 34. It is impossible (or cannot be) that a Pro∣phet perish out of Jerusalem: Mat. 23. 27. O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, thou that killest the Prophets, and stonest those that are sent unto thee! Which St. Stephen thus seconds, Acts 7. 51. 52. Ye stiff-necked and uncircumcised in heart and ears▪ ye do alwayes resist the holy Ghost; as your fathers did, so do ye. VVhich of the Prophets have not your Fathers persecuted? and they have slain them which have shewed them before of the comming of the Just One: of whom ye have been now the betrayers and murderers: Which St. Paul also con∣firms in the forecited observable Text, of the 1 Thess. 2. 14, 15, 16. And can we then in point of piety or policy; even in these distracted, rebellious, mutinous times, en∣terrain, or bring in such a Nation, People as this amongst us? Or can our despised Ministry in this age, have any

hopes of reclaiming or converting such a people, who have thus abused, murdered, stoned their own Prophets in former times, though immediatly sent unto them by God himself?

4. y 2.91 They were the greatest haters, revilers, persecu∣ters, blasphemers, betrayers, and the only murderers, crucifi∣ers of our z 2.92 Lord Iesus Christ himself, and his a 2.93 Apo∣stles, whiles on earth, as the Evangelists, Acts, and other Scriptures testifie. And although Christ and his Apostles miraculously converted some thousands of them by their prea∣ching and miracles, to the faith of Christ, Acts 2. 41. c. 21. 20. Yet the generality and body of the Nation continued still blinde, obstinate, under the very most powerfull Ministry of the Prophets, Apostles, and Christ himself, being then, and ever since that time, judicially and penally given up to a blind, obdurate, obstinate, impenitent, stupid heart and spirit, a re∣probate sense, a cauterized conscience; and divorced, reje∣cted, reprobated, broken off, cast of by God himself, proclai∣ming them to be no more his people, to be reprobate silver, be∣cause be hath rejected them; to make way for the calling, con∣version, salvation of the Gentiles, whom be hath ingrafted, called, and taken into special covenant in their stead, as is e∣vident by Acts 13. 45, 46, 47. c. 19. 9. c. 28. 25, 26, 27, 28. Isa. 8. 14. to 17. c. 10. 22, 23. c. 29. 8. to 15. c. 65. 2, 3 9. c. 53. 1. Jer. 6. 10. c. 7. 29. c. 14. 19 Lam. 5. 22. Ho••. 1. 9. 10. c. 4. 6. Mat. 13. 13, 14, 15. c. 21. 24. to 46. v. 22. 2. to 11. Mar. 4. 12. Luk. 2. 34. c. 8. 10, &c. John 9. 39. 41. c. 12. 37. to 44. Rom. 9. 24. to 33. c. 10. 16. 19. 20, 21. c. 11. 5. 7. &c. 1 Thess. 2. 14, 15, 16. Heb. 10. 26. to 31. compared together. Which Texts conjoyned with Lu. 18. 8. Joh. 1. 11. 1 Tim. 4 1. 2, 3. 2 Tim. 1. 3. to 10. c. 4. 3, 4. 2 Pet. 2. 1. 2. &c. c. 3. 3 1. John 2. 18. Jude 18. in my judgement unanswerably refute, that commonly received opinion, of the calling and conversion of the whole Nation and Body of the Iews in these latter dayes to the faith of Christ, which some have o∣ver-confidently asserted, and now insist on, as the chief∣est

argument for calling in the Jews amongst us at this season; as if they were able more effectually to perswade, convert them, then either their own Prophets, or Christ himself and his Apostles, and remove that veil of obsti∣stinate blindnesse, and obduration which God hath laid up∣on thoir hearts and eyes, to this very end, that they might nei∣ther see, hear, nor understand, nor be converted, that he might heal them. Acts. 28. 25, 26, 27, 28.

5. God himself, (especially for their rejection of Jesus Christ, and refusing him to be their King to rule and reign over them) hath utterly extirpated and ejected the Jews out of their own promised land, which himself be∣stowed on them for their peculiar b 2.94 inheritance, and habi∣tation, and setled them in actual possession thereof by an out∣stretched hand, and power: yea, scattered, dispersed them into other Nations like chaff before the wind, without any fixed habitation, according to the ancient comminations and curses long since denounced against and now fully execu∣ted upon them. Deutr. 28. 63, 64, 65, &c. Levit. 26. 33. 36, 37, 38, 39. Deutr. 4. 27. c. 32. 26. 1 Kings 14, 15. Neh. 1. 8. Ps. 106. 27. Jer. 9. 16. & 17. 24. c. 18. 17, c. 49. 32 36. Ezech. 5. 2. to 13. c. 12, 14. 15, c. 20, 23. c. 22. 15. Daniel 12. 7. Zach 1. 21. Ezech. 11. 16, 17. c. 6. 8. c. 17. 21. which scattering, is principally intended only amongst Heathen Nations, where they should be totally deprived of all Gods Ordinances, and means of salvation, where they shall serve other Gods, which neither they nor their Fathers have known, even wood and stone; as these texts expresly resolve and import. Ther∣fore, to receive them into, and settle them in our Chri∣stian Kingdom and Island, whereunto they have no title, nor colour of inheritance, which God hath c 2.95 appointed to the English alone for their portion, (and therefore these A∣liens may not invade or intrude themselves into it, without the whole Nations general consent) is in some sense to crosse these sacred Texts, and neither convenient for us to grant, nor for them to request; being already over-stored with Native Englishmen.

6. Since the Jews crucifixion of our Saviour Jesus Christ himself, and their extirpation and dissipation for it, they have oft-times in sundry places, ages, in high contempt and despite of his person, and passion, malici∣ously acted it over and over again in representation; not only by d 2.96 piercing his Images with swords and spears, and in e 2.97 stabbing, piercing, boyling, burning, braying in a mor∣tar, and otherwise despiting the consecrated Sacramental bread, representing his crucified body, as the Historians in the Margin at large relate; and likewise by crucifying a Ram at Easter, as they did at f 2.98 Syracusa, in the year 1113▪ but likewise by crucifying sundry Christian children on Good Friday; o•• near Easter, on a Crosse, in a most bar∣barous manner, in derision of our Saviors death and pas∣sion. To pretermit those 7. or 8. forecited instances in England alone, I shall instance in some forreign ones re∣corded by Historians. About the year of our Lord, 430. the Jews in their publike g 2.99 Enterludes and Dances, held on their Sabboth, openly crucisied a Christian child in con∣tempt and derision of Christs death and passion, at Inmestar in Syria; first nailing him to a tree, and lifting him up on high; then deriding and laughing at him, after that like mad men, scourging him as long as any breath remained in his body: whereupon there arose great contention between them and the Christians; and by the Emperors command, the Jews who had done this in jest, were punished in earnest, Anno 1172. h 2.100 they crucified in like manner ano∣ther Christian Child at Bloyes in France. And near the same time, the Jews at i 2.101 Bray in France, crowned a Christian man (whom they accused for a Male∣factor) with thornes, then led him publickly about the Town, scourged him with many stripes, and at last crucified him in contempt of Christ. Not long after the k 2.102 Jews at Paris in France, in like manner crucifi∣ed a Christian child called Richard; & sundry others yearly.

Anno 1236. l 2.103 the Jews at the Monastery of Ful∣da, killed many Christian Children in a Mill, piercing them with ponyards, and squeezing out their blood, to mix and knead it with their vnleavened bread in their Passeover, as was generally reported, which being discovered many of them were burnt to death for it, & the rest grievously persecuted. At m 2.104 Prague in Bohemia, the Jews on Good-Friday in the year 1283. shutting their gates, crucified a Christian man, having first of all done unto him, in contempt, what ever they had learned was done to Christ by their Ancestors, which when the people had discovered, running to their arms, they raged cruelly against, and slew many of these impious Murtherers

The Jews n 2.105 Anno 1286 stole away, cruelly tormented, pricked with ponyards, drew the blood, & impiously cru∣cified a Christian Child called VVernerus, not far from the Rhene in Germany, barbarously murthering him after sun∣dry torments. o 2.106 Anno 1287. they tormented and cru∣cified another Christian Child at Bern called Rodolphus, for which they were massacred and cruelly handled by the furious vulgar. The Jews at p 2.107 Trent on Good-Friday, in the year 1475. tortured, whipped, pierced & crucified to dearh a Christian child about 13 years old called Simeon, in contempt of Christs passion, and Christians, kneding their Paschal unleavened bread with his blood, which History is as large related by the Marginal Historians, And to instance in no more particulars, Vincentius Belua∣censis q 2.108 Speculum Hist. l. 29. c. 25. Gaguinus l. 6. de Francis. Centur. Magd. 12. and 13. c. 14 record, That the Jews in Paris did every year steal some Christian child or o∣ther brought up in the Kings Court, & carrying him to a secret house or vault, did on Good-Friday, or Easter-day, in con∣tempt and derision of Christ and Christian Religion, crucify him on a Crosse (as Christ was crucified) and that they had been frequently appprehended per severing in this wicked∣nesse; for which, upon Detection, they were usually murthered, stoned, burned, destroyed, hanged by the furious multitudes

violence, or executed; imprisoned, banished by Christian Kings and Magistrates, yet such was their mal••ce to Christ, that they would st••ll persevere there••n, and act it over again upon every opportunity. How can or dare we then receive into our Christian Island, such barbarous, bloody obstinate murderers and inveterate, incorrigible malicious e∣nemies to, and deriders, despisers of our blessed Saviours death and passion, formerly cast out by our Ancestors (amongst other things) for their bloody impieties and unchristian blasphemies of this nature, unlesse we first renounce both our Christianity and Humanity at once, and become as bad as the very worst of Jews?

7. The Jews ever since their dispersion, in all ages, pla∣ces to their power, have been more bitter enemies to the Chri∣stians than the worst of Pagans, bending all their studies, forces, wits, endeavours to hinder, oppugne, blaspheme, extir∣state the Christian Religion, and all professors of it out of the world; stirred up many bloody persecutions against them, up∣on all advantages, confederating both with Julian the Apo∣state, the Pagan, Persians, the Tartars, Sarazens, Turks, to murder and delete them, having a great hand in raising the 4th▪ persecution, and murdering, stoning to death, burning, destroying even those of their own Nation, yea poysoning their own VVives, Children, for imbracing Christianity, More∣over they have raised up many seditions, rebellions against Christian Princes, poysoned, destroyed some of them and their Nobles, yea raised, occasioned many great popular Tu∣mults, Commotions, Seditions against them in all ages, pla∣ces, as well as formerly here in England, as you may read at large in Socrates Scholasticus, Eccl. Hist. l. 7. c. 13. Zo∣naras Tom. 3 Paulus Diaconus, l. 16, 17, 18. Nicepkorus Eccles. Hist. l. 14, c. 14. l. 17. c. 6, Ambrose Epist. l. 5. Epist. 29. Jerom. in cap. 4 ad Galatas, & in Abdiam. So∣zomen Hist. l. 1. c. 8. Mat. Paris Historia Angl. p. 564 A∣ventinus. Annal. Boyorum, l. 5. and 7. Abbas Uspergensis Parale. p. p. 346. Centur. Magd. 4. c. 14. 15. &c. 3 col. 85, 86. Cent. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 11, 12, 13. ••. 3. 14, 15. Mr.

Fox Acts and Menuments, vol. 1. p. 56. with sundry o∣thers record. Upon this ground, certain Christians on the contrary, out of an over-furious zeal, have endeavoured to extirpate them all from under heaven, unlesse they would turn Christians. Anno. 1101 o 2.109 Emicho a German Earl, and the Inhabitants near the Rhene, pillaged, plun∣dered, banished, slew, and destroyed all the Jews in those parts, who refused to turn Christians, slaying no lesse than twelve thousand of them, many of the Jews killing each other with their own hands, to avoid their fury; but the rest receiving baptisme, and turning Christians only to save their lives, re∣lapsed to their Judaisme again when the storm was over. In the year 1146. one p 2.110 Rudolphus a Monk, out of a misguided fur••ous zeal, stirred up many thousands of peo∣ple in France and Germany, near the Rhene, to take up the Crosse for the holy wars; exhorting them in his preaching, that they should in the first place kill and destroy all the Jews remaining every where in the Cities and Towns, as being the greatestenemies of Christ. The seeds of which doctrin took such deep root in many Cities of France and Germany. that in a tu∣multuous sedition & uproar, they slew most of the Jews in those parts, but such who fled into fenced Cities & Castles, under the protection of the Emperour Fred. the 1. w^ch bloody Doctrine & proceeding was reprehended by St. Bernards Letters to these people, informing them, that the Jews for their excessive wickednesses were not to be slaughtered but dispersed. In the year of Christ•• 298. r 2.111 one Rindflash an Husbandman in Germany, openly preached to the people; That he was sent from heaven, & specially chosen by God to root out the Jews in all places: And proclaimed, whoever will have the Chri∣stian Commonwealth to be safe, let him follow me; Where∣upon the people flocking to him in great multitudes, & chusing him for their Captain, sought out the Jews in Wirtzburgh, Nurinburgh, Rorenburgh, Bamberge, Orenberge, and all other Towns and Villages in Franconia and Bavaria, and slew many of them, the greatest part of them in these places, both men & women obstinately setting their own houses on sire,

& burning both themselves▪ wives, children, with their houses, housholdstuff and goods together, that they might not fall in∣to the Christians hands. In the yearr 2.112 1349. There being a great plague and mortality in Germany, the Iews were generally accused for the chief Authors or increasers thereof, by poysoning all the VVells and Fountains, to destroy all the Christians, and corrupting likewise some baptized Jews, & o∣ther Christians with money, and charmes so far▪ that they could willingly have destroyed and slain all their fellow Christians, which some of them confessed upon their examinations. Here∣upon the Common people in great rage and fury, against their Magistrates & Bishops wills, & commands (who neither could nor durst withstand their violence) fell upon all the Jews in Bern, Friburgh, Argentine, Wormes, Oppenheim, Franc∣fort, Mentz, Spires, and other places, slew, and brai∣ned many of them, burned other of them, hanged up many o∣thers upon Gibbets, pillaging, burning, breaking, and pulling down their Houses, the Jews themselves in many of these places burning both themselves, wives, children, goods, to a∣void the enraged peoples fury; very few of them escaping, who were baptized to preserve their lives: The Inhabitants of Spire, fearing the air would be infected with the stink of the slaughtered Jews dead corps lying in the streets, although most of them were burnt, put them into empty Caskes, and threw them into the Rhene. All such who protected any of the Jews for mony (as some did) were so murmured against, and hated by the people, that they were in great danger of their lives, wh••ch some of them lost, as Albertus Argentinensis re∣cords at large which sad calamity came upon them by Gods just judgement, many of them being found guilty of all sorts of wickednesses, poysonings, the murder of many Children, forging of Letters, counterfeiting and corrupting of moneys, thefts, deceipts, and other villanies, whereby they offended the Divine Majesty. To these I might adde many other such tumults, uproars, occasioned by, and massacres, burnings and destructions of them for their villanies, re∣corded in Hermannus Schedel. Chron. f. 243, 248. 258.

271, 272. and Genebrardi Chronog. p. 461, 627, 660, 618, 688, 824. 830. with those forementioned in England. And can we then in point of Christian piety or pru∣dence, now bring in such a generation of men as these amongst us, especially in these unsetled, unquiet, dis∣contented times, to kindle new flames of discontent and tumults amongst the people?

8. The r 2.113 conversation of the Jews is so dangerous to Christians, that the 4 Council of Toledo: can. 59, 61, 62. made this Decree,

The Conversations and Compa∣nies of evil men do oftentimes corrupt even the good, how much more then those who are prone to vices. Let therefore the Jews who are converted to the Christian faith have no further Communion henceforth with those, who still continue in their old Jewish rites, lest peradventure they should be subverted by their Socie∣ty: Therefore we decree, that the Sons and Daugh∣ters of those Jewes which are baptized, that they be not again involved in the errors of their parents, shall be separated from their Company, and placed with Christian men & women fearing God, where they may be well instructed, and grow in faith and Christian manners; and that the Jewes believing Wives shall be divorced and separated from their Hus∣bands, unlesse upon admonition they turne Chri∣stians.

The like was s 2.114 Enacted by the Wisigothes, Laws: lib. 12. Tit. 2. 3. Yea, t 2.115 Pope Alex. the 3. Decre∣tal. l. 6. c. 7. prohibited all Christians, under pain of Ex∣communication, to cohabit with the Jews, or keep company with them, because their manners and Christians accord in nothing, and they by reason of their continual conversation, and daily familiarity, might EASILY incline the minds of simple people TO THEIR SUPERSTITION AND INFI∣DELITY. And should not those then, who pretend themselves far greatet Zealots then the Goths, Spaniards, or Pope, upon these very grounds, much more oppose, pro∣hibit their readmission into England, in this giddy Aposta∣tizing

age, lest their Company and Society should easily seduce the unstable people to their Judaism and Infide∣lity, to Christs dishonour, their own damnetion, and the infamy of our Church and Government. The rather, be∣cause if extraordinary care be not taken herein, under pre∣text of Jews, we shall have many hundreds of Jesuites, Popish Priests and Friers come over freely into England from Portugal, Spaine, Rome, Italy, and other places, un∣der the title, habit, and disguise of Jews, of purpose to un∣dermine our Religion, Church and State, and sow the seeds of Heresie, Blasphemy, Popery, Superstition, Schisms, and Divisions amongst us; they having formerly sent over some of late years amongst us, under the notion and vizard of converted Jews, as Ramsey the Scot, and E∣leazer, and Joseph Ben-Isaiah, all Jesuitical, wicked chea∣ting Impostors: the two last whereof, have cheated the honest people of the Nation of many thousand pounds, be∣ing notorious Villains, one of them formerly a Trooper and Plunderer in Prince Ruperts army, as he confessed to his Hostesse at Dursly in Glocestershire in his drink, where he would have ravished the Maid-servant of the house, locking the door upon her, whiles she was war∣ming his bed in the night, and upon her crying out for help, fled away presently in the night, to avoid appre∣hension; And yet wanders about cheating the people in other places, instead of being brought to Tyburne for his Villanies. And if they abuse and cheat us thus already, much more will they doe it upon, and after the Jewes admission.

9. To pretermit their banishment out of Rome by the Emperor Claudius, recorded Acts 18. 2. and that as t 2.116 Ecclesiastical Historians report, for their cheating, and tumults there raised. I shall only in brief relate, how they have from time to time been banished, expelled ma∣ny Christian Cities, Countries, Kingdoms, and their Sy∣nagogues burnt and destroyed, especially for their In∣fidelity, and other forementioned Misdemeanors, Crimes,

Villanies. u 2.117 About the year of Chri•••• 430. at the insti∣gation of St. Cyril Bishop of Alexandri••, and the Christi∣ans there, they were expelled and banished that famous City, where they had long inhabited, for their insolencies, & seditious conspiracies against the Christians. About the year of Christ, 615. they were banished out of Jerusulem it self, by Heraclius the Emperour, as Zonaras, Tom. 3. in his life: Paulus Diaconus, rerum Rom. l. 18. & Cent. Magd. 7. c. 14. storie. About Anno 616. x 2.118 King Sisebutus banished them all out of Spaine, unlesse they would turn Christians, which the most of them refusing to doe, de∣parted thereupon into France, as the marginal Authors unanimously attest. About the year 618. they were all banished out of France by King Dagobert, unlesse they would renounce their Judaism, and turn Christians, up∣on the command and instigation of Her a••lius the Empe∣rour; as Regino, Chron. l. 1. & Cent. Magdeb. 7. c. 14. re∣late. King Wamba about the year 710. banished them out of the Province of Narbon; as Rodericus Toletanus de Rebus Hisp. l. 3. c. 11. informs us. The y 2.119 Empe∣ror Phocas, about the year 60••. banished them out of the City of Antioch, for the tumults they had there rai∣sed against the Christians and Government. About the year 1196. they z 2.120 were banished out of the City of Mentz, and near the same time out of the City of Triers, and the Bishoprick thereof, by Bishop Everhard. a 2.121 Philip Augustus King of France, banished them all out of France by several Edicts, Anno 1152, 1162. & 1182. for these reasons: because they had divers times crucified children of Christians in Paris, and elswhere, in contempt of Christ and his Passion; entertained Christian men servants and maid servants in their houses, who did likewise play the Jews with them, contrary to the Decrees of God and the Church; above measure oppressed▪ impoverished by their Usu∣ries, the Citizens, Knights, Gentry, and Country people both

in the Cities, Suburbs, and Villages of France, and detained some of them prisoners in their houses, like captives, binding them by an Oath, not to depart out of them; most vilely profa∣ned the sacred Vessels pawned to them by church-men in cases of necessity, causing their little children ordinarily to drink wine and eat sops out of them (in contempt of the Sacrament) and casting the silver Vessels, Crosses, and guilded Books of the Gospel pawned to them, into Jakes in a sack, that the Chri∣stians might not find them; and because the Saracens upbrai∣ded the Christians for entertaining them amongst them, being the professed Enemies of Christ. Upon these grounds, as also because their wealth and Number were so increased, that they had almost gotten half the City of Paris into their hands, King Philip caused them to be all apprehended through France in one day, as they were in their Synagogues: then spoiled them of all their rich gold and silver garments, con∣fiscated all their Lands, Houses, Possessions; and banished them the Realm, notwithstanding the intercessions of many Bishops and Nobles (bribed with their gold and gifts) on their behalf, and the proffers, of great summes of money to him by the Jews, wherewith he would not be mollified. After which, he caused their Synagogues to be prophaned, and then consecrated and converted to Churches; that so where Christ was first blasphemed after the manner of the Jews, he might in the same places be praised both by the Clergy and people, as Vincentius records at large. After this, cree∣ping into that Realm again by money and Bribes, they were b 2.122 again banished out of France, and their goods con∣fiscated by King Philip the Fair, in the year 1293. as some, or 1307. as others compute it, and driven into Germa∣ny. In the year 1349. at the earnest importunity of the people they were all banished out of c 2.123 Alsatia, and the Imperial Cities, by the agreement of the Bishops and No∣bles, and most of them burnt and destroyed, as they had been formerly in those parts by Earl d 2.124 Emicho, An. 1102. who then banished them thence. Ludovicus Duke of Bavaria, about the year 1450, banished all the Iews out

of his Territories, as Aeneas Picolom••neus in his Europ•• staius sub Frederico, l. 3. c. 32. p. 79. assures us. e 2.125 In the years 1474. 1482. and 1492. they were all banish∣ed out of Spain by King Ferdinand, surnamed the Catho∣lique, from whence they were transported and received into Portugal, they paying to K. Iohn 2. 8. Duckets for e∣very poll of them at first, for their admission; which much augmented his Eschequer, though it diminished his pie∣ty and honour. Not long after, Anno 1497. they were driven and banished out of Portugal by King Emanuel: And in the year 1539. they were banished out of Naples and Sicily by Charles the 5th. To which I might adde the de∣struction, burning and utter extirpation of the Jews by the Rubeaquenses Anno 1309. and 1338. Munst. Cosm. l. 3. p. 547. out of Worms and Spires, An. 1092. Munsteri Cosm. l. 3. p. 580. Out of Prague, by VVratislaus for ha∣ting and slaying the Christians, Geor. Bartholdus Pontanus, Bohemiae Piae. l. 2. p. 20. Out of Berne, An. 1287. Mun∣steri Cosm. l. 3. p. 582. Having therefore been thus fre∣quently banished by Christian Kings, Princes, from time to time, at the earnest sollicitation of their godly Chri∣stian Ministers, Bishops, People; and by our King and Parliament too out of * 2.126 England, so long since, never to return again, what shadow, colour of Piety, Policy, Pru∣dence, Justice, Law, Reason, there can be for any person or persons whatsoever to re-admit them (except the Argu∣ment of dishonest, private, filthy under-hand Bribes or Lucre, by which they usually scrue themselves into those places, whence they have been exiled) transcends my shallow capacity to comprehend, especially at this sea∣son, when we are so over-stored with English, that some think of sending and planting Colonies in another world; whither these Gold-thirsty Jews may do well to trans∣plant themselves, if they be weary of their former habi∣tations.

9. The forecited Christian Authors, Historians old and new, much applaud and magnifie those Christian

Emperors, Kings, Magistrates, States, who have most op∣posed, restrained, suppressed by f 2.127 severest Laws, Edicts, the Jewish Synagogues, Ceremonies, Superstitions, Rites, A∣buses; and banished these Antichristian Blasphemers, and Enemies of Christ Jesus out of their Kingdoms and Territories, especially for their Infidelity, and censured those who favoured them. And Matthaeus Flacius Ille∣ricus, Johannis Wigandus, Andreas Corvinus, Thomas Hol∣thuter, 4 famous, learned Protestant Historians and Di∣vines, in their laborious, learned Ecclesiastical Centuries, as they every where do the like: So in their 12. Cent. cap. 7. col. 1078, 1079. they passe this sharp censure a∣gainst the Decrees of g 2.128 Pope Alexander the 3. and Cle∣ment the 3. (prohibiting the Jews to build any new Synagogues where were none before, yet tolerating thē only to repair old ones where they were fallen down or defaced, to use their rites in. But withall forbidding all Christians under pain of Excom∣munication, communion with them, for fear of being seduced to their Superstitions, &c.) Deni{que} ut EXTREMAM Ro∣manorum Paparum IMPUDENTIAM ET STUPEN∣DAM IMPIETATEM VIDEAS, non pigebit eorum Decreta, PRO BLASPHEMA IN DEUM GENTE JUD AEORUM LATA, adscribere. And Peter Her∣lin in his Microcosme, p. 569, 570. writing, That the Iews having been put to divers fines and ransoms, they are at last even quite thrust out of Europe also. They were banish∣ed out of England by Edward the 1. Anno 1290. Out of France, Spain, Portugal, Naples, and Sicily (by the Kings forecited) subjoyns by way of Censure. Yet are they found in great numbers in the Romish part of Germany and Po∣land, in most Cities of Italy, especially Rome, where there are not lesse than 15000. or 20000. of them; and also in the Popes Country of Avignion. The reason why they are per∣mitted to live thus under our Holy Fathers nose, is forsooth, AN EXPECTATION OF THEIR CONVERSION:* 2.129 WHICH IS A MERE PRETENCE, THE REASON BEING INDEED, THE BENEFIT HENCE ARI∣SING

TO HIS HOLINESSE COFFERS. But the hopes of their conversion is small, and the means less, &c. And therfore we cannot now readmit them in to England upon the self-same Papal pretence and Ground of Gain; without incurring the like Censures from Protestants and Papists too; and bringing intollerable Scandal, Diss••o∣nor, Reproach, on our Nation and Religion, in these times of pretended highest Reformation; they being the professed Enemies of our Lord Jesus Christ, who will not not have him to rule over them, Luk. 19, 27. and so odious to the b 2.130 very Turks them selves for cru••fying Christ, that they oft use to say in detestation of a thing, I would I might die a Jew. Neither will they permit a Jew to turn Turk, unless he be first baptized.

11 Many of the wisest Heathen Law-givers, Polititians, States, have especially prohibited the introduction and habitation of foraigners amongst them. Hence i 2.131 Lycurgus the famous Legislator, and the Spartans by his Law and advice expelled all foraigners out of their City and Country, lest by insinuating themselves amongst them, they should teach their Citizens some ill, introduce foraign manners, and an ill disordered kind of life; upon which ground they all prohi∣bited their Citizens to travell into foraign Countries. Upon these grounds the Thebans and also Apotloniatae (in imi∣tation of the Spartans, banished all foraigners out of their City, as Aelian Variae Historiae l. 13. c. 16. & Alexander ab Alexandro l. 4. c. 10. record. Plato the Philoso∣pher Dialogo 12. de Legumlatione, though he permits forai∣ners by way of study, trade, travel, and embassie to come into his City and Republike, under certain Laws, R••ules, yet he totally secludes them from inhabiting therein, or to trade, without strict Laws to prevent their danger. So∣let enim civitatum in commerc••is permixtio, varios mores ci∣vitatibus ammiscere, dum externi externiis vicissim novatio∣nes inducum: quae res civitatibus per rectas leges benè institutis MAXIMUM DETRIMENTUM AFFERT: * 2.132 Arist. ob∣serves, Thatthe bringing in of forainers is a principal cause of seditions, quarels; Qui inquilinas aut advenas 〈…〉〈…〉nt in

vitatem, Hi ferè Omnes aut certè plurimi SEDITIO∣NIBUS CONFLICTANTUR. k 2.133 Dr. Jo. Case gives the reason of it. Nam ut nihil citius corpus humanum inficit quàm pestilentium vaporum malis humoribus copulatio; ita NIHIL VELOCIUS CORRUMPIT CIVITATEM, QUAM PEREGRINORUM HOMINUM ADMIS∣SIO, in qua contagio & venenum latet. And hereupon he raiseth this question from Aristotles Text; Utrum pericu∣losa sit in Rempublicam peregrinorum admissio? And thus resolves it. It is perillous to take Snakes into the Bosom, and Forraigners into the Commonwealth; for as they being refreshed with heat doe bite and sting; So these being enfran∣chised destroy the Republike. To prove this by arguments, we may consider that every Nation hath its proper manners and ceremonies which they bring along with them, & do not change with the climat when they come into another Country; VVhere∣fore there is great danger, lest by receiving strangers the an∣cient manners & Laws should be changed into new and forain. Now what sooner begets sedition then alteration of Laws and Customs? (as we may see even in sundry Scripture exam∣ples, which he remembers not, and of the Jews espe∣cially Acts 14. 2. to 7. 16. c. 16. 19. to 25. c. 18. 5, 6, 7, 17, 18, 19. c. 17, 12. to 18 c. 19. 24. to 41. c. 21, 27, to 40. c. 22. 22. &c. c. 23. & 24. & 25.) VVhat therefore is more perillous than the admission of Foraigners into our Commonwealth? Moreover, wherefore hath Nature instructed like to associate together with like, if it should draw men of strange and different manners into a Republike. Na∣ture will not that sheep should be associated with wolves, nei∣ther wills Prudence that Natives should be coupled with for∣raigners; For Philosophy perswades this, that contraries can∣not dwell in the same place; but strangers for the most part are enemies to the Citizens with whom they converse. Adde to this, that as Locusts are to the corn, so are foraigners to the Republike; for as they do wast and consume the grain of corn, so these devour the fruit of the Commonwealth; for although they are branches of the same plant, yet they suck not whole∣som

juyce but poyson from the root, wherewith at length the whole plant being infected perisheth. This he proves by several examples out of* 2.134 Aristotle himself; as by the Tre∣zenii, Zanclei, Sybarites, Bysantii Antissiaei, Apolloniatae, Chii; Syracusani, Aniohipoli••e, who by receiving strangers into their Cities and Countries, were all much infested, and some of them quite supplanted and ejected by them, the rest enforced to expel them by force of arms. Then he subjoyn∣eth, That the strangers admitted among Gods own people, proved briars and thorns unto them, and Solomon himself by many strange women fell into idolatry: concluding thus, The Spaniards in my judgement did not unjustly BANISH THE SEDITIOUS JEWES OUT OF THEIR COASTS: propius non accedo, sed Christum oro, ne pere∣grinarum turbâ immanis turbo in civitate fiat., As these Grecians in ancient times prohibited the introduction of strangers amongst them, for the forementioned rea∣sons, so likewise did some of the wisest Romans: Pen∣nus in ancient times, and Papius after him (as l 2.135 Cicero relates; Peregrinos Ʋrhibus prohibent, eosque exterminant; which although he thus censures as a cruelty, usu verò urbis prohibere peregrinos, sanè inhumanum est; Yet he in∣tends it only of excluding strangers from all trading and commerce, not from cohabitation, as Denizens, from which he holds it just to debarre them, there being a special Law then in force for that purpose, which he thus expresseth: Nam esse pro cive qui civis non sit, REC∣TUM EST NON LICERE: QUAM LEGEM TU∣LERUNT SAPIENTISSIMI CONSULES, Crassus & Scaevola. Hence Claudius the Emperour benished the Jews out of Rome, Acts 18. 2 and Suetonius in his life. And the mischief of admitting forraigners is largely ar∣gued in m 2.136 Cornelius Tacitus, who were after his time banished out of Room▪ as n 2.137 Coelius Rhodiginus relates out of Ammianus Marcelinus; So the Carthaginians, o 2.138 * 2.139 Scithians, Scythotauri, Jamphasanti, Seres, Indians, and Ae∣gyptians in some places; The Aethenians also exluded

forraigners company and conversation; Ne cives longo usu dissimiles mores imbuerent, & in alienas leges ritusque transi∣rent, as Alex. ab Alexandro, Gen. Dierum l. 4. c. 10. and Boêmus de Mor. Gentium record. And we read of the p 2.140 Tartars and most politick Inhabitants of China, at this day, that they will admit no strangers into their Countries, so much as to travel or traffick, for fear of discerning their secrets, and corrupting their maners, and those few they admit by special licence to enter into their Country, they will by no means suffer to return thence, nor permit Merchants and Marriners there tra∣ding to walk abroad publikely in their Cities and Coun∣tries, nor to lodge on land, but only in their ships; which practises of theirs, being if not grounded on, yet at least warranted by Gods own forcited Precepts to the Israelites, and being warranted by the Jews own practise, who had no dealings with the Samaritans, John 4. 9. and the Samaritans reciprocal carriage towards the Iews, whom they would neither lodge nor entertain, Lu. 9. 51, 52, 53. Why we should not upon this account seclude those a∣lien Jews, so different from us both in manners, customs, Laws, Religion, and obeying not the Laws of our Sa∣viour Christ Jesus, it being not for the Kings or the King∣doms profit to suffer them, (as Haman, Esther 3. 8. once said of them in another case) I referre it to all wise Statesmen to resolve, since it may be truly said of such unwelcom guests.

Turpius ejicitur quâm non admittitur hospes.

Neither will this contradict that Gospel precept, Heb. 13. 2. Be not forgetfull to entertain strangers: or Deutr. 10. 18. 19. c. 23. 7 Mat. 25. 35, 43. which extend only to Christian hospitality, liberality, and pity towards exiles, travellers, and other private distressed strangers, coming in to lodge or sojourn with us for a short season in our houses, or Country, and standing in need of our releif, as is clear by the Texts themselves, compared with Rom. 12. 13. 1 Pet. 4. 9. 3. Iohn 5. but especially to such who are of

the houshold of faith, not Jews or Infidels) Gal. 6. 10. Not to the reception of any whole foraign Nation or Colony into our Island to cohabit perpetually with us (the only point in question) which the Scripture noe where commands nor in ends, but disallows in the fore∣cited Texts, and Neh. 9. 2. c. 13. 30. And these Scrip∣ture expressions, Pro. 5. 10. Lest strangers be filled with thy wealth. Isay 1. 7. your land strangers devour in your pre∣sence, and it is desolate as overthrown by strangers, Lam. 5. 2. Our inheritance is turned unto strangers, our Houses to aliens, Hosea 7. 9. Strangers have devoured his strength, and he knoweth it not; sufficiently manifest both the ille∣gallity, folly, and sad consequences of our receiving Jews and other strangers in such a nature, of which our Ancestors had sufficient experience in the Jewes themselves; enforcing them for ever to exile them hence.

These general Reasons against the Jews readmission pre∣mised, w^ch I hope will satisfie most men; I shall conclude with some particular Reasons drawn from late published Declarations of our Grandees, which I conceive will best satisfie them of any other: and for this end (I hope without any just offence, or Scandalum Magnatum) I shall crave leave to presse them home in this common cause, for the defence of the Glory, honor, Scepter, Gos∣pel, Kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, the only q 2.141 Poten∣tate, the Prince of the Kings of the Earth, the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, the head of all Principality and pow∣er, and God over all blessed for ever, before whose feet, all other subordinate Kings and Potentates whatsoever ought to r 2.142 prostrate, not only their persons, but Crowns, and most peremptory Royal Wills and Edicts too; for whose pleasure, ho∣nor and glory alone, all things and powers likewise both are and were created: in whose cause we must be most s 2.143 bold and zealous, not fearing the faces of any Mortals.

My 1. Reason shall be drawn from the very words of the Declaration of 21 Novemb. 1655. inviting the people of

this Commonwealth to a day of solemn Fasting and Hum lia∣tion, on the 6. of December last (a * 2.144▪ day of trouble and of re∣buke, of blasphemy, & provocation, in respect of the violence acted on it that time seven years, when the children were come to the birth, and there was no strength to bring forth, but only to obstruct and pull out the Members, to prevent our peace and settlement.) The principal cause whereof they Declare to be; The abominable Blasphemies vented and spreading of late, through the Apostacy of, and the abuse of Liberty by many professing Religion. And to joyn with them in solemn and earnest supplications to the throne of Grace; That the Lord will disappoint the designs of those, that labour to lift themselves up against the interest of Christ and his people: That he will rebuke the foresaid Evils, and give his people to know the things that belong to their Peace, that so we may with one heart and shoulder serve the Lord, both theirs and ours. The Jews of all other Nations in the world, are the greatest venters, spreaders of abominable * 2.145 Blasphe∣mies against our Saviour and the Gospel; the greatest Apostates from God and abusers of Liberty of any profes∣sing Religion; The greatest designers, plotters and lift∣ers up of themselves against the interest of Christ and his people; as the Premises undeniably evidence: And their introduction amongst us at this season, when the generality of the people, and professors of Religion like∣wise are so bent to Apostacy, and all kind of Errors, of Novelties in Religion, will no ways allay, but most cer∣tainly increase the venting and spreading of abominable Blasphemies amongst us, multiply the Apostacies of, and abuse of liberty by the professors of Religion, and make thousands in probability turn Apostate Jews, instead of converting any of the Jews to Christianity. It will not disappoint, but most of all advance the designes of those that labour to lift up themselves against the interest of Jesus Christ and his people; this being (as some justly fear) the Jews very end and plot in pressing now to be received amongst us, to seduce us unto Judaism, to which

many are now inclined; and to deny our Saviour Christ in words, as too many have t 2.146 denied him in their works, and some in their opinions of late years. It will not rebuke, but foment the foresaid Evils; obstruct Gods people both from knowing and pursuing the things that concern their peace; and instead of enabling them with one heart and shoulder to serve the Lord, divide them into more Sects and Schisms, than formerly, and set up Judaism to affront Christianity with open face, as 2 Pet. 2. 1. Jude 3. 4. &c. Tit. 1. 10. 11. 1 Joh. 4. 3. resolve: & so multiply the late Rebukes and Judgements of God upon the Nation. Ther∣fore their re-admission into England after such a Solemn Declaration, and Day of Humiliation as this (and some o∣thers formerly prescribed, observed through the Nation, for the late monstrous growth and spreading of Errors and Blasphemies amongst us,) if resolved and effected, will be reputed by God and Men, A most palpable violation, yea contradiction of this Declaration and Humilation; a most hypocritical, Atheistical mocking of God himself to his face; a most prophane abuse, and perversion of this So∣lemn. Fast and Humiliation; a frustration of all the pray∣ers, hopes of most religious people thereon, who obser∣ved it for far other prescribed ends, and an high Provo∣cation of Gods severest wrath against the perverters of it, to this very end, to introduce the long-since banished Jews, the debate whereof was proposed immediately be∣fore, and began the very next day after it.

My 2. Reason shall be deduced from the Declaration of the 24 Novemb. 1655. in order to the securing of the peace of the Commonwealth; Declaring it necessary to use all good means to secure the Peace of the Nation, and prevent fu∣ture troubles within the same. The bringing in of the Jews at this season, when the people are so generally di∣vided, discontented, and declare (for ought I can learn) their highest, unanimous dislike, and derestation of it, is the most probable means to disturb the peace of the Nati∣on, and to engender future new troubles, Tumults with∣in

it; the generality of the people in England, and in o∣ther Countries, having in former * 2.147 ages frequently risen up in armes against them; massacred, burnt and destroy∣ed them, notwithstanding their Kings and Magistrates Proclamations and Edicts to the contrary. And the u 2.148 Jews themselves in all ages having been principle firebrands of sedition both in their own Land, and all places where they have been dispersed, as the Texts and Authors in the 3. and 7. premised reasons, with the foregoing Relations out of our English Historians attest. Therefore their re-admissi∣on into England, (especially in this unquiet season) must needs be diametrically contrary to the scope of this De∣claration; and neither in policy nor prudence to be resol∣ved on, but utterly rejected.

My 3d. reason shall be grounded on this clause of that Declaration: That no person who hath or shall be sequestred, or ejected for Delinquency, or being in actual arms for the late King against the then Parliament, or for Charls Stuart his Son, &c. out of any Benefice, School, or Colledge, shall from and after the 1. day of December, be kept as a Chaplain or School-master in any sequestred persons house; Nor after the 1. day of January, keep any School publike or private; Nor preach in any publike place, or private meeting of any other persons than those of his own▪ family; Nor shall administer Baptism, or the Lords Supper, or Marry, &c. upon pain that every person so offending in any of the premisses shal be procee∣ded against, as by Orders (therin mentioned) is provided: pre∣scribing 3 months imprisonment for the 1. 6 months for the 2d, and banishment for the 3d Offence, as I am informed. If native freeborn Englishmen, formerly ejected out of any Benefice, Colledge or School, only for their old delin∣quency in adhering to the lare King and Prince (though ac∣cording to their Oaths, duties and dictate of their con∣sciences) after some years publike liberty to preach, Ar∣ticles of Agreement confirmed by the Army and both Houses, and that which some call, An Act of Oblivion, and future indempnity, though orthodox in Doctrine, un∣blameable

in conversation, and eminent in learning, with∣out any particular impeachment, hearing, conviction of any new Delinquency or misdemeanors whatsoever, must not have so much liberty as to keep any School, or preach Gods Word in publike or private, or to be en∣tertained in formerly sequestred Englishmens houses, under the foresaid penalties at this season, only in Or∣der to the Nations peace: Then much lesse ought Jews, meer aliens, who always have been, and still are pro∣fessed Enemies in arms against the Person, Kingdom, Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ (which the late Parlia∣ment by their solemn Protestation, Vow and Covenant, enga∣ged by all good means to defend and advance) to be enter∣tained by any English Christians, or publikely or private∣ly to teach, preach, spread, propagate their Jewish Do∣ctrines, Errors and abolished Ceremonies in our Island, but to be banished for ever from amongst us, if any of* 2.149 them should publikely or privately artempt to creep in amongst us; Else not only all sequestred Delinquents, but the whole English Nation and world too, will cry out and say, [x] the faithfull loyal Chaplains, Servants, followers, Friends of the late K. and Pr. though English Nativs, Freemen, ye our felow brethren Members in Christ are more execrable to, more injuriously, unchristianly, uncharitably dealt with by their Fellow English Christians in present power, only for their loyalty and conscien∣tious adhering to their late temporal King and Prince, than the very alien Jews, who both denied, rejected, crucified the Lord Jesus Christ, their own tempo∣ral Soveraign, who y 2.150 was born King of the Iews, and had this very title inscribed on his Crosse; and their & our only spi∣ritual King and Saviour, whose Honour, Power, Kingdom, Gospel, we a vowedly profess to advance; & that they en∣joy lesse Christian or civil liberty for themselves, their wives and families necessarie subsistance, now in their Na∣tive country and must neither teach nor preach Christ Je∣sus to any in publique or private, though Gods word and

their function, condition enjoyn, * 2.151 necessitate them to do both, when as these admitted Jews may both teach and preach against him too in publique & private. Which restraints on these English Royalists on the one hand, & indulged liberty to the alien Jew * 2.152 Antichrists on the other, if now put in execution, I humbly referre it to the saddest considerations & conscientious meditations of all in power to resolv themselvs how scandalous & odious it will prove both to God and all good men how much it will resemble the proceedings, not only of the malici∣ous Jews themselves against the Apostles and Ministers of Christ, recorded▪ Acts 4. 1. to 24. &c. 5. 24. to 32. 1 Thes. 2. 14, 15, 16. of beheaded z 2.153 Canterbury against Mr. Workman of Glocester, But likewise of that detestable Apostate Emperour a 2.154 Iulian, who out of his desperate ma∣lice to Christ, to undermine and extirpate Christian Reli∣gion without shedding the blood of Christians, first shewed himself a most zealous Christian professor, reducing the Or∣thodox Bishops, Ministers, christians, whom the persecuting Arian Emperor Constantius had exiled, & restoring them to their confiscated Bishopricks, to ingratiate himself with the peo∣ple; but not long after turning Apostat he took away all the Pri∣vileges, honours, revenues of the Clergy setled on them by Con∣stantine, with the Laws for their establishment, shut up the Churches & Schools▪ of the Christians, prohibiting them to teach in publike or private, or set their children to School, unless they would renounce their former Religion, and turn Pagans, impoverished, oppressed the Christians with extraordinary dou∣bled Taxes, from which the Pagans were exempted, and cast∣many of them into prison. But on the contrary at the same time, he shewed extraordinary favour and affection to∣wards the Jews, sent for the chiefest of them to his court, where he discoursed with them, writing a special Letter to them, wherein he desired their prayers for him, granted them free exercise of their Jewish ceremonies, and sacrifices long dis∣continued, encouraged and assisted them with monies out of his publike Treasury to re-edifie the Temple at Jerusalem,

to receive & set up all their Jewish Sacrifices and customes there formerly used, whereupon they began to build it, till-miraculously interrupted therein••; and all to vex and un∣dermine the Christians. By which indulged Liberty, the Jews then grew so insolent against the Christians, that they greivously persecuted divers of them, destroyed and burnt down some of their Churches, and threatned to persecute them worse than the Pagan Romans had done; as the Marginall Historians record more at large. The imitation of whose proceedings now in any degree in these particulars, what harsh constructions and sad events they may pro∣duce, I refer to all wise Christian States-men seriously to ponder, for their own and our Religions honor and Se∣curity.

My 4. argument is this, The Orders for securing the peace of the Nation, which the Declaration relates to; a 2.155 contrary to all the Statutes, Acts, Resolutions of our Parlia∣ments and Law-books forecited, upon another occasion) authorize the Major Generals and Commissioners named in them. To banish and send into Foraign parts and Plantations, all persons of the royal party formerly in arms, of no estate, and living loosly, and all persons whatsoever that shall appear by their words or actions to adhere to the party of the late King or his Son, & to be dangerous Enemies to the peace of the Commonwealth, even without and before any Legal in∣dictment, tryal, conviction of any particular crime, for which a Sentence of Banishment is prescribed by our Laws: or any Judgement or Act of Parliament inflicting this heavy Punishment upon them, far worse to many than death it self. Now I shall earnestly intreat in the name and fear of God, all those whom it most concernes, to consider in their own retired thoughts, how unjust, un∣righteous, unreasonable, unchristian it will seem to all Free-born English men, and conscientious Christians, both at home and abroad, and what great scandals it may bring, both upon our Nation, Government, and Religi∣on it self, in this manner, (and on this old account a∣lone)

to banish these Christian English freemen one of their Native Country, both from their Wives Children, Kinred, and Gods own publike Ordinances; and at the self-same time to call in foraign, Infidel Jews, (greatest E∣nemies to Christ himself and Christians, and in that re∣spect more dangerous to the peace and welfare of the Nation than tho••e thus to be banished) to supply their places, even against an express old Judgement and Edict of the whole Kingdom in Parliament, for their perpetu∣al exile. What a sad p••rnicious * 2.156 president it may prove in future ages, upon every new revolution to banish all English freemen of a contrary party and call in Forraign∣ers in their rooms: Whether it will not revive that an∣cient complaint of * 2.157 Petrus Cluntacensis. Lex nam vetusta sed verè diabolica ab ipsis Christianis Principibus processit, &c. Manet inultum scelus detestabile in Judaeo, quod ex∣ilio vel horrenda morte suspendi•• punitur in Christiano. Pin∣grescit inde & deliciis affluit Iudaeus, unde laqueo suspenditur Christianus? And whether upon consideration of this and the precedent reasons deduced from these Declarati∣ons, and all the premises, they ought not peremptorily to conclude against the Jews present and future re-ad∣mission into England? most seriously to determine.

I shall close up all with an Answer to the two principal Allegations for their reception into our* 2.158 Realm.

1. The main and only consciencious Argument for their introduction, is this, That it may be a very proba∣ble hopefull means of the general calling and conversion of the Iewish Nation to the Christian Faith, which hath been so long prayed for and expected by Christians, and seems now ap∣proaching; which their seclusion from us may much ob∣struct.

Not to enter into any large debate of this conversion of the Iews, wherein learned b 2.159 Orthodox Divines and Writers, are much divided. I say, 1. That I could never yet be satisfied, that there shall be such a general call and

conversion of the whole or major part of the Nation of the Jews, as some expect, but only of an elect remnant of them, The c 2.160 foreciced Texts, with I say 30. 8, 9, 10, 11. Now go write it before them in a Table, and note it in a book, that it may be for the time to come FOR EVER and EVER, That this is a rebellious people, children that will not hear the Law of the Lord, which say to the Seers see not, and to the Prophets, prophesie not unto us right things, &c. cause the holy one of Israel to depart from before us. Luk. 20. 16, 17, 18. Mat. 21. 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, John 1. 11. 12. Rom. 9. 27. 26. 33. c. 11. 2, 5, 7, 8. contradicting such a general conversion of them, & that of Rom. 11. 26, 27, 28. And so all Israel shall be saved, being meant only of the E∣lect, and true Israel of God, both Jews and Gentiles, as many judicious Expositors, and Rom. 2, 26, 27, 28, 29. c. 9. 6, 7, 8. c. 11. 1. to 8. Gal. 3. 7, 9, 14, 16, 22, 28, 29 c. 6. 16. seem to expound it, not of the whole Jewish Nations calling and salvation at the last. 2ly. It is agreed by most who expect such a general calling and conversion of the Iewsd 2.161 That it shall not be till the fullnesse of the Gentiles become in, as Rom, 11, 24, 25. resolves, And whe∣ther this fullnesse be yet come in, there being so many Gentile Nations yet e 2.162 unconverted, especially in A∣sia, Africa, and America, and those infinitely exceeding the Gentiles yet converted to the Gospel, let those consider who now expect the Iews conversion. 3ly. If this fullnesse of the Gentiles conversion to Christ, must preceed the gene∣ral calling of the Iews, as a necessary preparative and in∣troduction thereunto, then we ought by this allegation in the first place to call the Turks, Tartars, Persians, Chi∣noys, and all other unconverted Gentile Nations into Eng∣land, and first convert them to the Christian faith, be∣fore we bring in the Iews, whose conversion is to succeed theirs, and the Gentiles fullnesse, And then we shall have Religions enough in England to please all Novel∣lists, and a thousand aliens to each English Native. 4ly, There are farre more expresse, direct promises, texts,

grounds, both in the e 2.163 Old and f 2.164 New Testament, for the calling, conversion of all Gentiles, and yet unconver∣ted Heathen Nations to the faith of Christ, then of the Iew∣ish Nation: not one Nation of them (for ought we read) being so far rejected, broken off, and given up to an obdura∣tion of heart, and blindness of mind, by Gods judiciall de∣cree, as we read the Jews to be; Isa. 6. 9, 10, 11, c. 8 14. 15, 16. c. 29. 9, 10, 11, 12. Mat. 13. 14, 15. Mar. 4. 11, 12. Lu. 8. 10. Iohn 12. 37, 38, 39, 40. Act 28. 25, 26, 27, 28. Rom. 11. 7, 8, 9, 10. Therefore our prayers and endeavours ought first to be for the conversion of all Gentiles yet unconverted to the faith, being more hope∣full, more successfull in all probability, than our prayers, endeavors for the Iews conversion, at least till the Gentiles fullnesse be come in. 5ly, Admit either a general or special calling and conversion of the Iews in the latter end of the world; yet the calling of them in∣to England to cohabit with us in such a manner as they now desire, is no ways necessary for that end. For 1. it is no where declared in Gods word, that they must be called in England, or by English men. 2ly. If they were principal∣ly to be converted by English Divines or Laicks, we may with more ease, lesse danger and prejudice to our Nation and Religion, send English Divines and Laicks into o∣ther forraign parts where they now reside, to instruct, teach, convert them to the faith, than call them into Eng∣land to convert them now, in this giddy, unsetled, apo∣statizing age, wherein they are likelier to gain a thousand English Proselytes to their Judaisme, than we one Jewish convert to Christianity, if introduced with their Syna∣gogues and Jewish ceremonies; perhaps their hopes of such a harvest here, is the principal motive that they are so

pressing to be now admitted again into our English cli∣mate, without delay. 3ly. If we admit them with all their Jewish worship, Synagogues, Ceremonies, as they now propose, it will be rather a means to harden, then convert them; a g 2.165 doing of evil that good may come of it: a swallowing down of a certain deadly poyson, in hope to correct it with a subsequent antidote; and to set up a present h 2.166 Synagogue of Satan, upon hopes hereafter to convert it into a Church of Christ. 4ly. God can con∣vert them in any other Countries, as well as in England, and by any other Christian Nations, as well as English∣as he hath done i 2.167 some few of them in all ages, as Pe∣trus Alphonsus, Lyra, and Junius, three eminent Divines and Writers, amongst others: And there being as lear∣ned able Protestant Divines in Holland, Germany, France, Denmarke, as any▪ in England, if they cannot convert them, what hopes have we to do it? 5ly. Conversion of their hearts to the truth of the Gospel, and saving Grace, is k 2.168 only the work of God, not men, who can work it when, where, and by whom he pleaseth, and is not tied either to place or persons, much lesse to our English climate to ef∣fect it. And, it is Gods and Christs usual prescribed way of converting Nations, People, to send Apostles, Ministers to preach the Gospel to, and convert them, in the Countries, places where they dwell; not to call them into another For∣raign Land where the Gospel first shined, or where it is en∣tertained: as he sent his Apostles from Jerusalem into all the world, to convert the Gentiles, not called them all to Ieru∣salem or Palestine, to be there instructed and converted, Mat. 9. 38. c. 10. 5. 6. c. 28. 19, 20. Mar. 16. 15. Isay 2. 3, 4. Acts 9. 15. c. 10. 20. c. 22. 12. Ephes. 3. 8. 2 Tim. 4. 17. 3. Iohn 7. Why then we should take this new-found contrary way of calling the Iews in to us to convert them, and not rather send out Ministers to them, I cannot dis∣cern; The rather, because the * 2.169 Council of Basil, An. 143 1. Sessio 19. prescribes this course both for the converting of the unbelieving Jews and Gentiles to the Orthodox Faith;

That all Diocesans should yearly, at appointed times, provide certain men well learned in holy Scriptures, and in the Tongues, to preach and explain the truth of the Catholick Faith, IN SVCH PLACES WHERE THE IEWES AND OTHER INFIDELS DID DWELL, in such sort, that they acknowledging their error, might for sake the same. To which preaching they should compell all of both Sexes that were at years of discretion to resort, by interdi∣cting them commerce with Christians, and other sitting pe∣nalties. Provided, the Diocesans and Rreachers should behave themselves towards them mercifully, and with all charity, whereby they might win them to Christ, not only by declaring of the truth, but also by other Offices of humanity. 6ly. If the observation of learned Paraeus be true, that the* 2.170 overflowing of all sorts of wickednesses, crimes, murders, wars, oppressions, rapines, injustice, tyranny, cruelty, extor∣tions, usuries, the infinite multiplicity, contrariety of Sects, Schisms, Religions, and unchristian, heathen, atheisticall practises of one Christian towards another, be principal ob∣stacles to hinder the Jews conversion, especially amongst Protestants (as these, with idolatrous worship of Images, Saints, and the Hostia amongst Papists) than the calling of them now into England, where * 2.171 all these abound more than ever heretofore, and more than in other Nations, will be a means more to harden them, and hinder their conversion, then any furtherance thereunto: the rather, because the desperate Apostacy, and atheistical actions of sundry late eminent Professors, have caused many English Christians to turn Antiscripturists, Seekers, Atheists, and like the Iews, to repute Christ and Christianity meer Fables. 7ly, Most of the Iews, who since their dispersion have been baptized, and turned Christians in any age or place, have done it either out of fear, to save their lives, or estates, when endangered by popular tumults, or judgments of death denounced against them for their Crimes; or for fear of banishment, or by coercion of penal Laws, not cordial••y and sincerely, they still playing the Jews in pri∣vate

upon every occasion, and renouncing their baptism and christianity at last, either before or at their deaths, as our own n 2.172 forecited Historians; the 4th Council of ••oledo, cap. 58, 59, 62. 63. Leges Wesigothorum, lib. 12. Tit. 2, 3▪ Vin∣censius Beluacensis spec. Hist. l. 29. c. 25. Rodericus Tole∣tanus, de rebus Hisp. l. 2. c. 17. Aventinus, Annal. Boio∣rum l. 5. p. 468. Abbas Uspergensis Chrou. p. 227 228. and o 2.173 other authors at test, Of which we have this late me∣morable History recorded by Munster in his Cosmogra∣phy, l. 2. c. 19. f. 72, 73. There being no lesse than one hun∣dred twenty four thousand Jews banished out of Spain, Anno 1492. leaving all their gold, jewels, houses behind them, and paying two duckets a pole to the King for their transportation into Portugal; some of them there seemingly turned Christi∣ans, and were baptized, but yet secretly practised their Judaival rites, being Christians only in shew, but not in heart, observing the Passeover, and eating flesh with the Iewes: Upon the discovery hereof, there arose a great tu∣mult of the people against them in Lisbon, the people com∣plaining thereof to the King, Anno 1506. Whereupon the King commanded 16 of them to be imprisoned, and at last dismissed them without other punishment. Upon this the Citizens conspiring againg the King and Governour, raised a commotion against these Iews and false Christians, slaying all those false converted new Iews they could find through∣out the City, to the number of six hundred, whom they like∣wise burnt; which example spreading into the Country, there were slain in the City and Country of these Iewish, false converts, to the number of 1630: which the King hearing of, being then absent, he was so incensed against the Iews, that he imprisoned very many of them, whereof some were burned, others beheaded, others hanged on Gibbets, and all the rest spoiled of their goods, then expelled and banished the Kingdom, A sad judgement on them for their Hypo∣critical conversion; and such converts mostly we are like to find them, and none other. 7ly. If any private Iews out of meer conscience or sincere desires of being conver∣ted

to the Christian faith, shall upon that account alone desire admission into England, to be instructed by our English Divines, I suppose no English Christians will oppose, but further their desires herein, and contribute both their prayers and best endeavors for their conversi∣on, and if there be cause, admit them into our Churches Communion upon real testimonies of the truth of con∣version in, and work of grace upon them; which is as much as they can desire at our hands; But to admit whole multitudes and Colonies of infidel Iews at once in∣to our Nation, who neither desire nor pretend conver∣sion to Christianity, together with the free use of their Iewish Synagogues, Rites, Ceremonies, (which they strong∣ly insist upon) is such an Impious, Unchristian, Antichti∣stian dangerous president (glossed over only with a possibility of their future conversion) as no sincere Eng∣lish Christians can approve of, nor the Iews themselves desire: For as the Iews by p 2.174 Gods own Laws, and their own Iewish Rabbies precepts, neither might, nor yet would permit any Heathen Gentiles heretofore to set up any Altars, Ima∣ges, Idols, Groves, or exercise any Idolatrous worship a∣mongst them, or to blaspheme, reproach their God or Religion, under pain of death if they transgressed therein, There being the self sume▪ Law of God in these things both to Gentiles, & Iews. And like as they afterwards would not permit the Apostles and Christians in Ierusalem, or any other Cities, for to preach the Gospel, and exercise the Chri∣stian Religion freely, but raised up present tumults against and persecuted and cast them out, as 1 Thes. 2. 14, 15, 17, the whole History of the Acts, and premises abundantly testifie: So by the very self same justice and equity, they can neither now demand nor expect that we, or any Christian Realm or State should tollerate or connive at, much lesse openly countenance and protect them in the publick or private exercise of their Iudaisme, or Iewish Rit, and Blaspemies against our crucified Saviour, and his Gospel: All then that English Christians can do for

them, is to q 2.175 desire, and pray for the conversion of all Gods elect amongst them in his due time, by such means as he shall think meetest, and to instruct them in the faith, by learned Ministers sent to them, if they desire it; but not to admit them (and perchance many disguised Iesuits, Papists and Friars with them) promiscuously into our Na∣tion; to undermine our Church and Religion, and undo many thousand Souls, it being our duty, * 2.176 as to give no just offence to the Iew, so neither to the Gentiles, nor to the Church of God, whom their admission amongst us will offend. Lastly those Popes and Popish Princes, who have heretofore admitted any Iews to inhabit amongst them, have done it under these several cautions and limitations prescribed to them by their * 2.177 Laws, Councile, Canons, De∣crees, Divines and Canonist's. 1. That they should build no new Synagogues, nor repair any old ones quite demolished. 2. That where there were old Synagogues formerly used by them, they should only repair, but not enlarge or build them higher than before, nor extraordinarily ad••rn them. 3. That they should not stir out of their doors on good Friday, nor open their doors, windows, shops, or do any servile work, on the Lords days, or other solemn Christian Festivals. 4. That they shall utter no blasphemons words, speeches against God, Christ, Christians, or Christian Religion, nor mani∣fest their open contempt of them by gestures or actions, un∣der pain of peouniary, corporal, and capital punishments, ac∣cording to the quality of the offence. 5. That they shall be admitted to no degrees of learning, honour, dignity, of∣fice or preferment whatsoever in state or Church, because it is most absurd and unjust, that any blasphemer of Christ should exercise any power or authority over Christians in a∣ny

Christian State. 6. That they should neither eat, nor drink, nor have any dayly familiarity or communion with Christians, nor entertain any Christian man or woman in or out of their houses, either as a Servant, Nu••se to th••ir Children, or otherwise, nor yet administer physick to any Christian in his sicknesse, lest any simple Christians should be seduced by them to Judaisme by th••se means. 7. That all Iews both males and females should always wear a speci∣cial * 2.178 badge or sign in all places upon their outward Garments or heads, whereby they might be distinguished from Chri∣stians, and known by all men to be Iews, to avoid c••mmix∣tion and communion between them and Christians, which o∣therwise would happen. 8. That they should be disabled to bear witnesse, or give in any legal testimony against Chri∣stians, or to exercise usury amongst them, or to purchase any advowson or Ecclesiastical preferment, or to bequeath any legacy to the Nation or Corporation of the Iews. 9. That they should be subject both to the Ecclesiastical & Temporal Courts and Iudges for all * 2.179 offences properly punishable by them which they should commit. 10. That they should pay all predial and personal Tithes to the Christian Ministers where they lived. 11. That though they should not be com∣pelled to be baptized or turn Christians against their willt, yet they should at certain times be all constrained to come to the Sermons of such Christian Priests and Ministers as were appointed to instruct them in the Christian faith, and to preach unto them to convert them 12. That their Ser∣vants and Children being Iews; when once baptized and turned Christians should no more c••habit with, nor be under their power. 13. That upon their conversion to Christiani∣ty, all their goods and mony gotten by usury and cheating should be distributed to pious uses, and the rest only retai∣ned for their proper use and livelyhood. 14 That if any of them after their baptisme apostatized and turned Iewes a∣gain, or fell into Heresie, they should be proceeded against and burned, ••executed as Apostates, and Hereticks. 15. That no Christians should communicate with them in any

kind, except in buying and selling, nor cohabit with, serve them as a Nurse or Servant, under pain of excommunication, yet notwithstanding all these restrictions and cautions, we read of few Iews really converted by them, and that the Iews have r 2.180 perverted and seduced sundry Christians to Iudaisme, and made them professed Iews; perswaded other Christians to observe Mosaical ceremonies, besides Baptism, whereby they made a confused Chaos of Religion; yea they corrupted Michael Balbus the Emperor so far, that he com∣manded Christians to fast on their Sabbath, and made him as it were a sink of Sects, as Zonaras and others record; Yea, Sedechias the Iewish Physician s 2.181 poysoned the Em∣peror Charles the Bald his body, as well as others in that age after poysoned other Christians souls. What mischiefs then they may do to mens bodies in England, by poyson∣ing of them, (as they did the t 2.182 English Barons heretofore, and Dr. Lopez a Iew, would have poysoned * 2.183 Queen Eliza∣beth of late) and what desperate venom they may infuse into their souls by their Iewish Doctrines, Synagogues, and Antichristian Ceremonies, if admitted without such or upon these restrictions or any other, let all prudent Christians resolve: Since u 2.184 Pope Innocent the 3. him∣self, and x 2.185 Cardinal Hostiensis, with other Popish Ca∣nonists, who have tolerated them, give us this account of their requital for it, in positive terms. Iudaei ingrati, pro¦gratia reddunt contumeliam, pro familiaritate contemp∣tum, impendentes nobis illam retributionem, quam juxta vulgare proverbium, MVS IN PERA, SERPENS IN GREMIO, IGNIS IN SINV, suis consueverunt Hospiti∣bus exhihere, Nam sunt quidam (quod nefandum est dice∣re) Nutrices Christianas habentes, non permittunt lactare filios cum corpus Christi sumpserunt, nisi prius per triduum lac effuderint in latrinam, (quasi intelligunt, quod corpus Christ incorporetur, & ad s••cessum descendat.) & alia in∣audita committunt, & detestabilia, quae à fidelibus sunt minime toleranda, ne si haec negligunt quae inducunt confusi∣onem fidei INDIGNATIONEM DIVINAM INCVR∣RANT. As therefore y 2.186 Aldredus de Ponte; Ab∣bot

Panormitan, z 2.187 Antonius Corsitus, and other Po∣pish Canonists conclude positively. That Christians and Christian Kings may lawfully expel and banish all Iews and Infidels out of their Realms, though peaceable, for their In∣fidelity, and other just causes: So may all English Prote∣stants likewise upon the premised reasons conclude: we may as justly, as lawfully now keep them from re-entring into England, notwithststanding the pretence of their conversion to the Faith, which I hope I have satisfactorily answered.

The 2. Allegation for bringing in the Iews is meerly* 2.188 politick, That it will bring in much present and future gain and mony to the State, and advance trading.

I answer, 1. That if this argument overpoysed not the* 2.189 scales, that of conscience, (the hopes of their conversion) would be lighter than the dust of the ballance and sticke with no man, their mony being the only engin, which hath opened the gate and passage for them into any Chri∣stian Kingdoms at first, and made new entrance for them when they have been expelled, as a 2.190 Concilium Toleta∣num, 4. c. 57. and others inform us. This opened their first passage into b 2.191 England, c 2.192 Spain, Portugal: and Philip Augustus who banished them out of France, An. 1183. Postea verò quum propter bella inopia laboraret pe∣cuniae, acceptae grandi à Iudaeis pecunia redditum cis con∣cessit & domicilium Parisiis, as d 2.193 Munster and others inform us. And this kept them so long in England here∣tofore, till their very banishment; A sign we love their money better than their souls or our own. 2ly, This ar∣gument, for their readmission, is but wordly, carnal, sen∣sual: the very same with that of Hamer to the Sheche∣mites, when he would perswade them to be circumcised, and turn Iews, Gen. 23. 25. shall not their cattle and their substance, and every beast of theirs be ours? only let us con∣sent unto them, and they will dwell with us. An argu∣ment only fit for such whom the Apostle characterizeth, Phil. 3. 18, 19. For many walk of whom I have told you

often, and now tell you weeping, that they are the enemies of the Crosse of Christ, whose end is destruction, whose God is their belly, and whose glory is in their shame, who mind earthly things; Or for such Princes or Governours as God of old complained thus of e 2.194 Her Princes in the midst thereof are like Wolves ravening the prey, and to shed blood, and TO DESTROY SOULS TO GET DIS∣HONEST GAIN. It proceeds from such f 2.195 whose eyes and hearts are not but for their Covetousnes g 2.196 who all seek their own, not the things that are Iesus Christs. And if the root of it be covetousnesse h 2.197 which is Idola∣try, which Christ commands all i 2.198 to take heed and be∣ware of, and k 2.199 is not so much as to be named (much lesse practised) amongst Christians, whose l 2.200 con∣versation ought to be without covetousnesse, and they to rest contented with those things they have; Because (l) They that will be rich fall into temptations, and a snare,* 2.201 and into many foolish and noysom lusts which drown men in perdition and destruction; For the of Love of mony is the root of all evill, which whiles some covered after, they have been seduced (or erred) from the faith, (as thousands of late years have been) and pierced them∣selvs through with many sorrows, Therfore 'tis not as much as once to be named or insisted on amongst us, unlesse we will renounce our Christianity, make great gain our only godlinesse, instead of making n 2.202 Godlinesse with contentment our great gain; o 2.203 betray and sell our Sa∣viour Christ again to the Iews, like Iudas, for thirty peeces of silver, without repenting and making restitution of it to the Iews, as he did; and most blasphemously transferre our very Saviours most blessed Deity, and stamp his most sweet and most highest Title p 2.204 GOD WITH US, upon a contemptible piece of white and yellow shining clay, as some have lately done on all our New State coyn (as if it were the only God with them and us) how christian-like, let themselves determine. 3ly. God himself who saith q 2.205 Behold I have smitten mine hand at thy dishonest gain,

which thou hast greedily gained of thy neighbour by oppressi∣on, & other unlawfull means; will certainly smite his hand at this gain by the Iews re-admission. And therefore let us give that resolute answer to the Iewish Agents, if they proffer to purchase an idenization amongst us by their gold, as r 2.206 St. Peter once did to Simon Magus in ano∣ther case: THY MONEY PERISH WITH THEE; Thou hast neither part nor lot in this bu∣sinesse, for thy heart is not upright with God. 4ly. None ever gained by the Iews introduction or conti∣nuance in any Christian State, but the King and some of his bribed Officers, and that by oppressing, squeezing, fleecing, taxing: excoriating, eviscerating, crucifying, pil∣laging, plundering the poor Iews in such an unchristian, inhuman, illegal, unrighteous manner, against s 2.207 the express commands of God, as made both Christians and Christianity most detestable to them, brought a se∣cret curse of God upon all those unrighteous gaines as also upon their very persons and Government, (wit∣nesse t 2.208 King Iohn, and Henry the 3d.) and encouraged them to oppresse, fleece and pillage their Native Subjects, by illegal Taxes and Projects, and to use them rather like Iews than Christians, enforcing them thereby to take up arms against them for their Laws, Liberties and Properties just defence, as those Kings reigns, and others sufficiently evidence. 5ly, The introduction of the Iews into Eng∣land and other Nations, never advanced the publike wealth of the Natives and Republike, but much impaired it by their Vsuries and Deceits, clipping and falsifying monies, ingrossing all sorts of commodities into their hands, usurping the Natives trades, and becomming such intolerrable grievances to them, that they were never qui∣et till they were banished, as their greatest Annoyance, and purchased their Exiles even with publick Subsidies granted to their Kings to be quit of them; as the * 2.209 premises abundantly evidence. 6ly. The Trade of this Nation flourished more after their banishment hence, then ever it did before; and their introduction now, will but sup∣plant,

undoe our English Merchants and other Natives, to enrich them, and some few other Grandees, who shall share with them in their spoils and unrighteous gains: 7ly, The taking off all long continued, uncessant new, il∣legal Taxes, Excises, Imposts * 2.210 imposed without common consent in Parliament on the Nation, ingrossing, antici∣pating most of the current Monies of the Land, which are the nerves and wheels of Trade, eating up all the Mer∣chants, Peoples gains and labors, and overclogging all or most Commodities imported or exported. The dis∣banding of all unnecessary mercenary Forces and Gar∣risons, who have devoured most of the publike and pri∣vate wealth of our three Kingdoms, and extraordina∣rily impoverished them, only to enrich and advance them∣selves; and setting up the old unmercinary Trained Bands and Legal Militia of the Realm in their steads: The en∣couraging of Merchants to bring in gold and silver Bulli∣on, to set the Mint on work, which hath lain for the most part idle near 15 years: the suppressing of the superflu∣ous making, wearing, use of gold and silver lace, wyre, gilding, which consume many thousand pounds of current coyne every year: The inhibiting of the excessive use of that late intoxicating smoke of Tobacco, causing such a pro∣digal expence of money, time, and hindring more necessa∣ry, usefull, staple merchandizes and plantations. The re∣gulating of the gross abuses of Letters of Mart, now little better than commissioned open pyracies, occasioning the ru∣ine of Trade and Merchandize by way of Reprisal: The ordering according to Law, Iustice, Conscience, that all prizes taken from any foraign Enemy, or other who pil∣lage or damage the English, by the States Ships, and men of War, set out by the Merchants Customs, Tonnage, Poundage, Imposts, and therewith maintained for their defence, (which therfore u 2.211 should be equally distributed to our English Merchants that are damnified, undon by them, towards the reparation of their losses, who maintain them, to enable and encourage them in their trading, espe∣cially when much impoverished or undone by their losses)

and not all converted to the use of that some stile, the Ad∣miralty and State, or Mariners who take them; (at whose cost they are not maintained:) The binding of all Cap∣tains of all States men of war, * 2.212 to make good all the Eng∣lish Merchants, and their Allies losses, susteined by their default or negligence: The * 2.213 resuming of all the late alie∣nated ancient Lands, rents, revenues of the Crown, got into private hands, which ought to defray the constant expence of the Government, now extorted for the most part by arbitrary new devices, out of the exhausted peo∣ples purses. The speedy preventing of the late unparal∣leld wasts in all places of English Timber, for shipping, of which there is like to be such scarcity ere long, as will both destroy our Navy, and Fishing Trade. All these, and every of them will far more advance the Trade and Traffique of the Nation, and the publike wealth, and give all the people far better content and satisfaction ten thou∣sand fold, then this New distastefull pernicious project of bringing in the Iews: against which I shall only dis∣charge this ancient x 2.214 Canon of the 4th Council of Toledo in Spain, under their most religious King Sysenandus in the year of our Lord 681. which thus batters all ecclesi∣astical and temporal promoters of this allegation for fil∣thy Lucres sake with this direfull thunderbolt; So great is certain mens lucre of money, that some coveting after it, according to the Apostles saying, have erred from the faith. For many hitherto of the Priests and Laity receiving gifts from the Iews, foster their perfidiousnesse (or infidelity) by their patronage; who not undeservedly are known to be of the body of Antichrist, because they act against Christ: Therefore whatsoever Bishop or Clergy m••n, or secular person shall from henceforth give his suffrage to them a∣gainst the Christian faith. Either For reward or favour, being (as prophane & sacrilegious) really made accursed, let him be reputed, excommunicated from the Catholick Church and Kingdom of God; because he is worthy to be separated from the Body of Christ, who is made a

Patron or Protector to the enemies of Christ.

I shall close up all with the memorable apposite Hi∣story* 2.215 and words, of that famous ancient Bishop of Millain St. Ambrose (z) The Eastern Christians, out of Christian zeal, burnt down a Synagogue of the Iews in the Castle of Callinico, by their Bishops instigation and command, for which the Emperour Theod••sius being much incensed against them by the Jews and their Instruments, commanded his Lieutenant of the East to punish the people, and the Bi∣shop to re-edify the Synagogue for the Iews at his own costs: Of which St. Ambrose being informed, and unable to go to the Emperour, writ an Epistle to him, wherein he most boldly pleads the cause both of the Bishop and people, proving by evident arguments; The burning of this Syna∣gogue of impiety to be just, and that the Emperour should sin both against his own and his Kingdoms safety if he should do any thing severely against the Bishop or 〈…〉〈…〉ople for it; Adding, that he himself was prepared ra∣〈…〉〈…〉 to suffer death in this cause, than that he should by 〈…〉〈…〉 dissimulation make the Emperour a Prevaricator, who 〈…〉〈…〉 commanded such an unjust thing against the Church. 〈…〉〈…〉er which the Emperour coming to Millain, & St. Amb. 〈…〉〈…〉aring that the Iews had built a Synagogue in the Market 〈…〉〈…〉 Constantinople: he publikely preached against it, & ju∣stified the peoples burning of the other Synagogue in his Ser∣mon before the Emperor and people: wherein amongst o∣ther passages, he used this Speech to the Emperor himself in ••he person of Christ. O Theodosius! I have made thee of an obscure private person, an Emperor, committing my flock unto thee: I have adorned thy formerly squalid head with a Crown: I have delivered the forces of thine Enemie unto thee, I have reduced thine Enemy under thy power, I have made thee triumph without labour; and dost thou make mine Enemies to triumph over me? and offer contumely unto me, by preferring those whom I have rejected, before those by whom I am worshipped? by offering violence unto them, and suffering a Syna∣gogue

to be built in the midst of that City, wherein I am worshipped, and my Crosse adored, by those who have been my Murderers? When St. Ambrose came forth of the Pulpit, the Emperor saying to him: O Bishop, you have this day preached against us. He thereunto replyed; He had not spoken against him, but for him. To which the Emperor subjoyning, O Bishop, will you have the people in a well governed Commonwealth, to have license rash∣ly and impudently to do what they please? St. Ambrose thereto rejoyned: Neither is this verily to be granted, That the Iews should have Synagogues in the midst of a Christian City, and offend the ears of the Godly with blasphemous Prayers: Nor oughtest thou to Decrée this, most holy Emperor; Whereupon the Emperor being quite silenced and convinced of his error, forthwith gave his faith and promise to St. Ambrose, to reverse his former decree for re-building the Iews Synagogue, before he went to the Altar to receive the Sacrament at his hands. I wish this my Demurrer may produce the like effects.

Gal. 5. 2, 3, 4.

Behold I Paul say unto you, that if * 2.216 ye be circumcised, Christ shall profit you nothing; For I testifie again to every man that is circumcised, that he is a debtor to do the whole Law: Christ is become of no effect unto you; whosoever of you are justified by the Law, ye are fallen from Grace.

1 Joh 4. 3.

Every Spirit that * 2.217 confesseth not that Ie∣sus Christ is come in the flesh, is not of God, and THIS IS THE SPIRIT OF ANTICHRIST, wherof ye have heard that it should come, and even now already is in the world.

FINIS.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Deut. 7. 6. c. 14. &c. 26. 19.
• b 1.2

  Acts 2. 22. 1 Thess. 2. 15, 16.
• c 1.3

  Mat. 27. 25.
• d 1.4

  1 Thess. 2. 15, 16.
• e 2.1

  Ro. Hoved. Annal. pars posterior p. 604. Spelmanici Concil. 623. Lombard. A••∣chaiori.
• f 2.2

  De Gestis Regum, l. 4. p. 122.
• g 2.3

  Chronica•• ••ars 2. Tit. 16. c. 5. f. 167.
• h 2.4

  Centur. xi. ••. 14. col. 687.
• i 2.5

  Gervasius Dorobern: Chro. col. 1403.
• k 2.6

  Chronicon Johann. Brom∣ton, col. 1129. Polydor Vir∣gil l. 13. Holinsheds Chronicle, Vol. 3: p. 101. Graftons Chro: p. 79. Cent. Magdeburg. 12 c. 15. col. 1759.
• l 2.7

  Guliel. Nu∣brigens. Hist. l. 4. c. 1. 7••8. &c. Matthew west. Matth. Paris, Rog. Hoveden, Hygden, Fabi∣an, Holinshed, Grafton, Slow, Speed, Fox, Daniel, in the life of Rich. 1. Chronicon Jo∣hannis Brom∣ton, col. 1152, 1160. 1171. Radulphus de Di••eto Ymagi∣nes historia••ū, 647. 651. Henricus de Knyghton, de Eventibus Angliae, l. 2. ••. 13. col. 2401.
• m 2.8

  Annalium pars posterior, p. 745. Chron. Johan. Brom∣ton, col. 1258. Holinshed Vol. 3. p. 155.
• n 2.9

  Mat. West. A••. 1210. Mat. Paris, Hist. Angliae. Lon∣dini 1640 p. 229. Holinshed. Vol. 3. p. 174. John Stow, p. 168. Daniel p. 115.
• o 2.10

  Mat. Paris Hist. Ang. p. 314, 315. An∣tiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 152. Bracton l. 3. c. 9.
• p 2.11

  Mat. Paris hist. Ang. p. 365 Mat. Westmin∣ster, p. 128. Holinshed, p. 221.
• q 2.12

  Jo. Stows Chronicle, p. 182.
• r 2.13

  Mat. Paris Hist. Angl. p. 393. Stow, p. 183. Speed, p. 519.
• * 2.14

  Near the Rolls.
• s 2.15

  Mat. Pa∣ris Hist. Angl. p. 409. Mat. Westm. p. 136. Holinshed Vol. 3. p. 219. Stow p. 183. Fox Acts & Mon. Vol. 1. p. 423. Speed p. 521. Polychronicon, l. 7. c. 35. Fabi∣an part 7. p. 46. Grafton p. 122. Mat. Park. An••iq. ••. Eccl. Bri. p. 178
• t 2.16

  Mat. Paris p. 532.
• u 2.17

  Mat. Pa∣ris, p. 605.
• x 2.18

  Mat. Pa∣ris, p. 644.
• y 2.19

  Mat. Pa∣ris p. 641.
• z 2.20

  Mat. Paris p. 778, 779. 785. Speed. p. 529.
• a 2.21

  Mat. Pa∣ris, p. 827.
• b 2.22

  Mat. Pa∣ris, p. 831. 856.
• c 2.23

  Mat. Pa∣ris Hist. Angl. p. 861▪ 862. Fox Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. p. 423.
• * 2.24

  Nota.
• d 2.25

  Mat. Pa∣ris, p. 873, 874.
• e 2.26

  Fox 'Acts & Mon. Vol. 1. p. 423. ex Eu∣logio.
• f 2.27

  Mat. Paris p. 887.
• * 2.28

  Nota.
• g 2.29

  Mat. Paris p. 902. Mat. West. p. 270. Holinshed. Vol. 3. p. 252.
• h 2.30

  Mat. Paris p. 912. Fabian part 7: p. 58. Fox Acts &. Mon. Vol. 1. p. 423. Jo. Stow, p. 190. Grafton, p. 127 Holinshed, p. 253. Balaeus Cent. 4. c. 22. Johan. Major l. 4. c. 12. Cent. Magdebur. 13. c. 14. col. 1282.
• * 2.31

  Nota.
• * 2.32

  Nota.
• i 2.33

  Mat. Paris. p. 922.
• k 2.34

  Mat. Paris. Addi••amenta, p. 202. 207.
• * 2.35

  Mat. Paris. Hist. Angl. p. 982.
• m 2.36

  Mat. Paris hist. Ang. p. 990 Fox Acts & Mon. Vol. 1. p. 423. John Stow. p. 91.
• n 2.37

  John Stows Chroni∣cle p. 210. Holinshed, Vol. 3. p. 263.
• o 2.38

  Mat. West. An. 1264. pars 2. p. 320. Ra∣pbael Holin∣shed, Vol. 3. p. 267.
• p 2.39

  Holinshed Vol. 3. p. 272.
• q 2.40

  Mat. West. An. 1278. p. 367. Walsing∣ham, Hist. Ang. Anno 1279. p. 18. Ypodigma Neustriae, p. 69. F••bian, part. 7. p. 124. Graf∣ton, p. 164. Stow, p. 200. Holinshed, p. 279.
• r 2.41

  John Stow, p. 20.
• s 2.42

  John Stow his Chro∣nicle p. 202.
• t 2.43

  Stow his Chronicle, p. 203. 204.
• * 2.44

  Fabian part 7. p. 131. Grafton p. 168. Holin∣shed vol. 3. p. 283.
• * 2.45

  Nota.
• * 2.46

  Nota.
• * 2.47

  See here, p. 15. & Rot. Claus. 1 E. 1. m. 3.
• * 2.48

  See Rot. claus. 3 E. 1. memh. 17.
• u 2.49

  Thomas Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. 14.
• x 2.50

  Th. wal∣singham, Hist. Angl. p. 15.
• y 2.51

  Flores Hist. par. 2. ann. 1290. p. 381.
• z 2.52

  Ypodig∣ma Neustriae, p. 72.
• a 2.53

  De even∣tibus Angliae, l. 3. c. 1. col. 2462, 2466.
• b 2.54

  Histor. Majoris Brit. l. 4. c. 9.
• c 2.55

  Centur. Magd. 13 c. 15 col. 1286.
• d 2.56

  Centur. 4 Script. Brit. c. 60. in Appendice.
• e 2.57

  Ju. Ed. 1.
• f 2.58

  Cent. Magd. 13 c. 9. col. 967. c. 13. col. 1284.
• * 2.59

  See Cooks 2. Instit. p. 508.
• g 2.60

  Chron. Dunstap. Cooks 2 Instit. p. 508.
• b 2.61

  Rot. Pat. Anno 3 E. 1. m. 14. 17. 20. william Mid∣dleton reddit Compot.
• * 2.62

  l) Temp. R. 1. Jo. Char. 2. oh an. n. 49. 53. 18 H. 3. Dors. claus. m. 27. Dors. Pat. 55. H. 3. m. 10.
• k 2.63

  Rot. char. 1. Reg••s Johan. part. 1. m. 28. Char. 171.
• * 2.64

  (i) Rot. 2. E. 1. m. 1. 3. 5. Rot. Claus. 3. l. 1 m. 8. 10. 13. 16. 23. Rot. Parl. 3 E. 1. m. 36. & 17. Dors. Claus. 7 E. 1. m. 6.
• m 2.65

  Holinshed p. 285. Wal∣sing. Tpodig. 72. Flerileg. chron. Dunsta∣ble.
• * 2.66

  See my Le∣vellers levelel∣led and Plea for the Lords.
• n 2.67

  2 Instit. p. 507.
• o 2.68

  Rot. claus. 18 E. 1. m. 6. 11 Julii. The like writs, to other Counties & intituled, De Judaeis Regno Angliae exeuntibus.
• p 2.69

  Parl. 1 3 E. 1.
• q 2.70

  Plac. Parl. Post Pascha a∣pud London. 21 E. 1. rot. 4.
• * 2.71

  Socrates Scholast l. 1. c. 9. Theodo∣ret, l. 4. c. 10. Niceph. Eccles. Hist. l. 4. c. 25. Cent. Magd. c. 3. col. 650, 651. Spelman. Concil. p. 43, 44
• * 2.72

  See Leges Wisigothorum l. 12. Tit. 2. 3. Surius Concil. Tom. 2. 3. His∣paniae Illustra∣tae, Tom. 5.
• h 2.73

  See Centur Mag 2 to 13. c. 15. in each. Antonini Chro∣nica. pars 2. Tit. 16. c. 12.
• i 2.74

  Chron. Jo∣hannis Brompton col. 829, 901, 908 Lambardi Archaion, & Spelman Concil. p. 376, 513, 515, 521, 522. 549. 550, 599.
• k 2.75

  Spelmani▪ Concil. p. 553, 566.
• l 2.76

  Article 37.
• m 2.77

  See Petrus Alphonsus, ad∣versus Judaeos. Antonini Chro. pars 2. Til. 16. c. 12. Agobar∣dus De Inso∣lentia Judaeo∣rum, & Juda∣icis superstitio∣nibus, & Cent. Magdeburg. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 12, 13, c. 14, 15. where this is largely pro∣ved & Juda∣ism refuted.
• n 2.78

  See Brooks & Ash. Cor∣poration & Prerogative.
• o 2.79

  See Rastals Staple.
• * 2.80

  See my So∣veraign power of Parliaments, parl. 2. p. 76, 77, 78.
• * 2.81

  Cooks reports.
• p 2.82

  See Cent. Mag. 3 to 13. c. 14.
• q 2.83

  See Ra∣stals Abridge∣ment Title, Ar∣tificers, Aliens Money, Trea∣son, Drapery, &c.
• r 2.84

  See Rastals Abridgment, Tit. Merchants and Merchan∣dize.
• * 2.85

  Acts 4. 17, 18, c. 5. 28, 29. 40. c. 13. 45. Let those who now imitate them, inejecting & silencing Ministers from preaching, con∣sider & repent of this Jewish crime.
• * 2.86

  See the like, Acts 17. 5. to 16. c. 19. 8, 9, 10. c. 28. 25. to 31.
• s 2.87

  Exod. 23, 31, 32, 33. c. 34. 1. to 17. Deut. 7. 2. to 9. Jos. 23. 3 to 15. Judg. 2, 3, 4.
• t 2.88

  Deut. 9. 6, 7, 13. ••. 31. 17. Exod. 32. 9. c. 33. 3. 5. Psal. 78. 8. 9. Jer. 3. 6. to 22. c. 5. 23. c. 8. 5. c. 2. 11. c. 23. 14. Isay. 3. 9. c. 24. 5. Ezech. 2, 3. to 9. c. 3. 26, 27. c. 12. 2. to 26. c. 17. 12. c. 16. 46. 56. 57. c. 24. 3. c. 44, 4. Hos. 4. 16. c. 5. 7. c. 6, 7. c. 11. 7. Mat. 3. 7. c. 11. 23. 24. c. 23. 33. Acts. 7. 51. 52. and other texts.
• * 2.89

  (H) Levit. 26. Deut. 28. Isay. c. 1. & 9. & 14. & 29. & 32. Jer. cap. 1. to 30. Lam. c. 1. to 5. Ezech. c. 2. to 25. Hos. c. 1, to 11. Joel, c. 1. and 2. Amos, c. 2. to 3. Mat. c. 1. 2. Zeph. 1. Zach. 11. 2 Kings 17. 2 Chron. 36. Mat. 24. Lev. 22. Egesippu••, Eusebius, and others.
• x 2.90

  Exod. 15. 24. c. 16. 2. &c. Num. c. 14. c. 16. c. 20. c. 21. 2 Sam. 1. 15. to 21. 2 Kings c. 12. c. 15. c. 16. 2 Kings c. 9. c. 10. c. 12. 20. c. 14. 17. c. 17. 21. 23. c. 23. c. 20. c. 27. 2 chron. c. 23. c. 36. Ezech. 17. 13. to 24.
• y 2.91

  Mat. 21. 33. to 36. c. 26, & 27. & 28. Mar. 14. & 15. Lu. 22. & 23. John 5. 16. 18. c. 7. 1. c. 9. 22. c. 10. 31, &c. c. 11. 8. 55. c▪ 1•• & 19. c. 20. 19. Act. 2, 23. 36. c. 3. 13, 14, 15.
• z 2.92

  1 Thess. 2. 14, 15.
• a 2.93

  Act. 4. 1. to 23. c▪ 5. 5. 17. to 42. c. 6. 9. to 15. c. 7. c. 8. v. 9. c. 12. 3. c. 13. 42. to the end. c. 14. 2. 4, 5, 19. c. 17. 6. to 17. c. 18. 12. &c. c. 21. to c. 27. c. 28. 17, 18, 19. •• Cor. 11. 24. 1 Thess. 2. 14. 15, 16.
• b 2.94

  Gen. 15. 7. 8. c. 26. 5. Num. 26. 54, 55. c. 27▪ 7. 8. c. 32. 18, 19. c. 33. 55. Josh. c. 14. to 20. Ps. 78. 55. Ps. 105. 11. 1 Kings 8. 36. Ezech. 48, 29
• c 2.95

  See Acts 17. 28. Exod. 36. 43. Num. 20 14. to 22. c. 21. 21. 22. 23. Deut 2. 26. to 32. Judg. 11. 12. to 29. Deut. 2. 9. 2 Chron. 20. 10. Gen. 34. 20. Num. 26. 54. Deut. 26. 9. Ezech. 36. 5. Exod. 20. 17.
• d 2.96

  Athanasius de Passione Imaginis Chri∣sti, Cent Magd. 4. c. 13. col. 1445. Cent. 6. col. 825. Cent. 8 col. 122. Cent. 10. col. 633. cent. 11. c. 657. Fasciculus Tem. po••um. f. 56. Sigeberti Chro•• Hermannus Schedel. chron. f. 168.
• e 2.97

  Chron. mag. Germaniae, An. 1036. p. 268, 269. Herma∣nus Schedel. chron. f. 278. 289. Genebr. chronogr. p. 824. 825. Jansenius, l. 4. Mer. Gallo∣belgici.
• f 2.98

  Johannis Bromton chron. col. 1005.
• g 2.99

  Socrates Scholast. l. 7. c. 16. Centur. Magd. ••. c. 14.
• h 2.100

  Sigeb••rti continuatur. Cent. Magd. 12. c. 14. Cent. 13. c. 14.
• i 2.101

  Vincentius Spec. Hist. l. 29. c. 25. Gaguinus l. 6. de Francis, cent. Magd. 12. c. 14. col. 1670.
• k 2.102

  Vincen∣tius Spec. Hist. l. 29. c. 25. cent. Magd. 23. c. 14. Munsteri Cosm. l. 2. p. 170.
• l 2.103

  Fragmen∣tum Historicum Chronicon▪ Hir∣saug. Mun••ze∣rus. Centur. Magd. 13. c. ••4.
• m 2.104

  Cranzius. l. 7. c. 14. in Vandalia Cent. Magdeb. 13. c. 14.
• n 2.105

  Chron. Hirsaug. Cent. Magd. 13. c. 14. Fasciculus Temporum. Aventinus An∣nalium Boiorum l. 7. p. 576.
• o 2.106

  Sebast. Munsteri Cosm. l. 3. p. 482.
• p 2.107

  Hermanus Schedel. Chron. f. 285. 286. Ant. Coc. ••ius Sabellicus ••••ead. 10. l. 6. p. 742.
• q 2.108

  And so doth Sebast. Munster Cos∣mog••. l. 2. c. 57. p. 171.
• o 2.109

  Aventi∣nus Annal. Boi∣orum. l. 5. p. 468. Hedio in Chron. Annot▪ Cent. Magd. 11 c. 15. col. 689.
• p 2.110

  Ot••o de Gestis. Fred. 1 ••mp. l. 1. c. 37. 38. p. 428. Cent▪ Magd. 12. c. 14. Genebrardi Chronogr l. 4. p. 108.
• r 2.111

  See Mun∣steri Cosmog. l. 3. p. 547, 707.
• r 2.112

  M. Albertī Argentini Chron▪ & de rebus gestis Bertoldi. p. 147. 148, 149, 177. 178. See Ab∣bas Uspergensis Paraleip. p. 346. Seb. Mun∣steri Cosmogr. l. 3. c. 139. p. 563. 707.
• r 2.113

  Surius Con∣cil. Tom. 2. p. 735. Gratian. Dist. 28. qu. 1. & 29. qu. 1.
• s 2.114

  Frederi∣cus Lindebro∣gus Codex Le∣gum, Antiq.
• t 2.115

  Centur. Magdeb. 12. c. 7. col. 1079.
• t 2.116

  Orosius, l. 2. c. 6. Cent. Magd. 2. col. 26 Euscb. l. 2. c. 8. Opmeeri Chron. p. 185. Meta∣merus de Ac•• demiis Hisp.
• u 2.117

  Socrates Schol. Eccl. Hist. l. 7. c. 13. Agobardus de Judaicis su∣perstit. Bibl. Patrum. Tom. 9 pars 1. p. 564. Cent. Magd. 4. col. 1081. 1490
• x 2.118

  Rodericus Toletanus de Rebus Hisp. l. 2. c. 17. Vasae∣us Chron. Hisp. 685. Jo. Mari∣ana de Rebus Hisp. l. 6. c. 3. Sigeberti chro. Ado Viennen∣sis. Opmeerus Orbis Universi. Chronogr. p. 355 Cent. Magd. 7. c. 14. Genebrar. Chronogr.
• y 2.119

  Paulus Di∣aconus, l. 17. Zonaras Tom. 3. Cent. Magd. 7. c. 15. col. 588.
• z 2.120

  Cent. Mag. xi. c. 14. &c. 15. col. 689.
• a 2.121

  Vincentiu•• Belu. Spe. Hist. l. 29. c. 25. An∣tonini Chron. pars 2. Tit. 17. c. 9. Mat. Paris Hist. Angl. p. 861. A••b •••• ••sp••••g: Paral. p. 346. Herman. Schedel Chro. f. 231. Cent. Mag. 12. ••. 15. col. 1781. Genebrardi ••hron. l. 4; p. 638. Fox. Acts & Mon. Vol. ••. p. 423, Cooks 2 Inst. p. 507. Seb. M••••. Cos••. l. 2, c. 57. f. 171.
• b 2.122

  Aemilius l. 8. Gaguinus, l. 7. Genebrardi chronogr. l. 4. p. 634. 660, 667. Heylins Microcosme, p. 576.
• c 2.123

  Alberti Argentinensis chron. p. 147, 148. De Rebus Ge••lis Bertoldi p. 177, 178.
• d 2.124

  Aventinus Annal. Boior. l. 5. p. 468.
• e 2.125

  Seb. Mun∣ste••t Cosmog. l. 2. p. 72, 73. 171. Hieron. Conestaggius de Portugal. & Cast. conjunct. p. 1064, 1065. Vasaeus chron. Hisp. Johan. Mariana de Re∣bus Hisp. l. 26. c. 1. 3. The Ge∣neral History of Spain in their Lives. Gene∣brardi chronog. p. 380. 634. 660. 667. 703. 705, 708. Heylins Mi∣crosme, p. 570. Opmeeri chro∣nogr. p. 429.
• * 2.126

  Annales Do∣min. colmari∣ensium, p. 25.
• f 2.127

  See Le∣ges wistgotho∣rum l. 12. Tit. 2. 3. Surius concil. Tom. 2. 277. 608. 640. 679. 696. 674. 680. 734. 735. 1092. Tom. 3. p. 552. 622. 670. 726. 754. Cent. Mag. 4. col. 541. 1461. cent. 6. col. 824 cent. 7. col. 588
• g 2.128

  Surius Concil. Tom. 3. p. 726.
• * 2.129

  Nota.
• b 2.130

  Heylins Microcosm, p. 170.
• i 2.131

  Alexander ab Alexandro, l. 4. p. 203. Plutarch's La∣conica instituta Xenophon de Lacaedem. Re∣publica, Thuci∣dides coelius Rhodiginus an∣tiqua in lect. l. 18. c. 5. Boemus de moribus Gent. p. 199.
• * 2.132

  De Republ. l. 5. c. 2.
• k 2.133

  Sphaer•• civitatis, l. ••. c. 3. p. 435, 437, 438.
• * 2.134

  De Repub. l. 5. c. 2. 3.
• l 2.135

  See Thuci∣dides Hist. l. 6. p. 506.
• m 2.136

  Cicero de Officiis, l. 3.
• n 2.137

  Page 218, 210, 220.
• o 2.138

  Antiqu. Lection, l. 1••. p. 5.
• * 2.139

  (p) Alexan∣der ab Alexan. Gen. Dier. l. 4. c. 10.
• p 2.140

  Purchas pilg••image, l. 4. c. 13, 19. p. 537, 538.
• q 2.141

  1 Tim. 6. 15. Col. 2. 10. & 16. Rev. 1. 5. c. 17. 14. c. 19. 16 Rom. 9. 4.
• r 2.142

  Rev. 4. 9. 10, 11; c. 19. 4 Rom. 11. 36.
• s 2.143

  Ezech. 2. 3. to 9. Acts 4. 19. 20. c. 5. 29. 30, &c.
• * 2.144

  2 Kings 19. 3.
• * 2.145

  Acts 13. 45. Rev. 2. 9.
• t 2.146

  Tit. 1. 16. 2 Tim. 3. 5. 2. Pet. 2. 1. Jude 14. 1 Joh. 4. 3.
• * 2.147

  See here p. 8. to 15. 18. 24. 32. 33. 64. 65. 67. 68. to 77. 79.
• u 2.148

  See Socra∣tes Scholast. l. 7. c. 13. Sozo∣men, l. 4. c. 7. Cent. Magd. 4. 5. 7. 12, 13, c. 14.
• * 2.149

  Immo qui Regi paruerit pro excommunica∣to habeatur, qui contra re∣gem fecerit, à noxâ injusti∣tiae, & penurii absolvatur, as Sigebertus Gemblacensis, Chron. Au. 1088. writes of Pope Hilde∣hrand, and his Abettors.
• y 2.150

  Mat. 2. 2. c. 27, 37. Lu. 1. 32. 33. Rev. 25. 9.
• * 2.151

  1 Cor. 9. 16

  2. Tim. 4. 1. 2.
• * 2.152

  1 John 4 3.
• z 2.153

  Canter∣ries Doom, p. 107. 138, 491, 496.
• a 2.154

  Ambros. Epist. l. 5. Ep. 29. Cent. Magd. 4. cap. 3. col. 114 to 120. c. 14. 1438, 1459. Nazianzon O∣ratio 2. in Julianum So∣crates Schol. l. 3. c. 22. Ruf∣finus, l. 1. c. 28. Theodoret, l. 3. c. 20. Nicephorus l. 10. c. ••3. 4. 5. 24, 25, 33 f. 32. Sozomen. l. 5 c. 22.
• a 2.155

  See here, p. 49. 50. 1 H. 4. rot. Parl. n. 44, 47, 50. Memineritis, nihil posse ju∣dicio fieri con∣trarium magis, quam sine ju∣dicio proscribe∣re aliquem. Non sinit Lex decretum lege plus valer••: iste cum tot sunt leges, de∣cretum ratum facit, leges tollit: Demost∣henes, Oratio contra Timo∣cratem, p. 200.
• * 2.156

  Mat. 7. 2. Luk. 6. 37. 38. & Rev. 13. 10. Obad. 15. & Joel 3. 6, 7, 8.
• * 2.157

  Lib. 5. Epist. 33. & Cent. Mag. 12. ca. 14.
• * 2.158

  Allegat. 1.
• b 2.159

  See Hype∣rius, Osiander, Peter Martyr, Bucer, Melan∣cthon; Calvin, Selneccerus, Marlorat, Pa∣raeus, Willet, I Wilson, and o∣thers on Rom. 11. Dr. Pride∣aux, Orat. 6. de Vocatione Judaeorum▪
• c 2.160

  Here p. 63, 64, 65, 66.
• d 2.161

  Paraeus Willet, Peter Martyr. Wilson on the place, and Dr. Pri∣deaux, Orat. 6.
• e 2.162

  See Pur∣chas Pilgri∣mage, and Pil∣grim. Edward Brerewood his Inquiry touching the diversity of Religions through the chief parts of the world.
• e 2.163

  Ps. 2. 8. Ps. 22. 27. Ps. 72. 1. to 18. Ps. 67. 3. 4. 6. 7 Ps. 86. 9, 10. Ps. 100. 1, 2, 3, 4. Ps. 148, 11, 12. 1. Kin. 8. 43 Isay 2. 1, 2 3, 4. c. 9. 2. 7 c. ••1, 10. c. 18. 7. c. 35. 1, 2, &c. c. 40. 4, 5. c. 41. 2. c. 42. 1, 6, 7, 10 11, 12, 16. c. 59. c. 6, 7, &c. 20, 21, 22, 23, 24. c. 54. 1, 2, 3, 4. c. 55. 4, 6. c. 56 c. 56 5, 7, 8. c. 60. through out, c. 61. 5, 6, 9, c. 62. ••2. c. 65. 1. c. 66. 19. to 24. Jer. 16 19. Dan. 7. 14, Hag. 2. 7. Mic. 4. 1. to 8. Mal. 1. 10. Hos. 1. 10. c. 2. 23. Gen. 49. 10.
• f 2.164

  Mat. 12. 21. c. 28. 19, 20 Mar. 16. 15. Luk. 2. 32. Ioh. 7. 25. Acts 9. 15. c. 10. 1. &c 44. 65. c. 11. 1. 18. c. 13. 42. to 49. c. 14. 27. c. 15. 3. to 24. c. 16. 4. to 13. c. 17. 12. c. 18. 9, 7. &c. c. 19. 10. c. 21. 25. c. 22. 21. c, 26. 20, 21, 22, 23. c. 28. 28. Rom. 1. 13. c. 9. 24. 30. c. 10, 12, 13, 18, 19, 20. c. 11. 11, 12 &c. 25▪ 30. c. 18. 4. to 30. c. 16. 4. 26. 1 Cor. 12. 2. to 24. Gal. 2. 2. 16. c. 3. 14. Ephes. 2. 1. 11. to 22. c. 3. 6. to 12. Col. 1. 6. 23, 26, 27. 1 Tim: 2. 1. to 9. c. 3. 16. 2 Tim. 1. 11. c: 4. 17. Rev. 5. 10. c. 6. 9, 10. c. 11. 15. c. 14. 1. 3. 6. 7.
• g 2.165

  1 Tim 2. 3. 10. Rom. 3 8.
• h 2.166

  Rev. 2. 9. c. 3. 9.
• i 2.167

  See Cent. Mag. 4. to 13. c. 14. Par••us Com. in Ro. 13. p. 1101. Here p. 17. An∣tonini Chron. pars 2. Tit. 16. c. 12. & Tit. 17.
• k 2.168

  Jer. 31. 18. Ephes. 2. 1. &c. John 3. 8. c 12. 40. Phil. 2. 13.
• * 2.169

  Surius Concil. Tom. 4. 57 ••ox Acts & M••n. Vol. 1. p. 913. Summa Rosella & Angelica, Tit. Judaeus.
• * 2.170

  [m] Comment. on Rom. 11. p. 1101, 1102.
• * 2.171

  See my Qua∣kers unmask∣ed: and New Discovery of Free State Ty∣ranny.
• n 2.172

  See here p. 9, 10, 12, 16.
• o 2.173

  Cent. Magd. 4. Col. 1470. Cent. 8. col. 3 Joan Mariana de re∣bus Hispan. l. 19. p, 481, 482. Munsteri Cosmogr. l. 1. c. 19. c. 73. Sum. Rosella. Tit. Judaeus.
• p 2.174

  Deut. 7. 5. Exod. 23. 35. c. 34. 13, 14. 2. Chron. 30. 14. c. 31. 1 c. 34. 3. to 9. 33 Levit.▪ 17. 12. c. 24. 16. 22. Nurin. l. 5 16. 30, 31. Deut. 31. 12. See Mr. Selden. de Ju∣re naturali & Gentium, jux∣ta Disciplinam Judaeor••m. l. 2. and 3.
• q 2.175

  Rom. 10. 1. 1. Tim. 2. 1, 2, 3.
• * 2.176

  1 Cor. 10. 32.
• * 2.177

  Fredericus Lindebrogus codex ligum Antiqu. leges wis••gothorum. l. 12. Tit. 2, •• 3. Laur. Suri∣us, Concil. Tom. 2. p. 277. 322, 366, 608. 646, 634, 674, 679, 698, 735, 1042. Tom. 3. p. 552. 670. 726, 754, 632, 753, 495, 466. Concil Basilens. Sess. 19. Suri∣us Tom. 4. p. 57, 56. Alexan∣der, 3 Decret. l. 5. Tit. 6. c. 4, 5, 7, 8. Inno∣centii, 3. ope∣ra. Tom. 1. p. 488. Tom. 2. p. 798 805. Graliau Caus. 28. qu. 1. Panormitan; ibid. ••n••onii Corseti, Repertorium in ••ha••. qu. J••de••s Cardinalis Hostinensis. Summa cum additionibus, Nicholai Superanti•• l. 5. Tit. 1•• de Judaeis & Saracenis & eorum servis Baptista Tro∣vomala Summa Ros••l••a Tit. Jud••••s Angelus de Clav••sio Summa Angelica. Tit. Iudaeus, Th Zerul a Pra••is ••••fcopa••••s pars; 1 Tit. Judaeus, Centur. Magd. 12 c. 7. Iac. de Graf∣fiis Decin. A〈…〉〈…〉 pars, ••. lib. 2. cap. 23. de Judaeis & Saracenis Calderius de Judaeis. Consil.
• * 2.178

  See here, p. 35.
• * 2.179

  Yea King E∣ringi••s and Leges VVisigo∣thorum l. 12. Tit. 3. c. 3. 4. 7. prohibited the Jews the use of Circum∣cision keeping of the Pass••o∣ver Jewish Sabbaths of and differences of me••ats, un∣d••r pain of whip••ing, con∣siscation ••f Goods losse of noses, goni al••▪ banishment.
• r 2.180

  Zonaras Tom. 3. Centur. Magd. 9, c. 14. col. 614. Ma∣rianus Scotus. General Hist. of Spain, p. 775 458.
• s 2.181

  Alarini Poloni suppu∣tationes. Anno 876. Sigeber••i chron. Grimston and others in his life.
• t 2.182

  See here, p. 31. 71.
• * 2.183

  Cambden, Speed, and o∣thers in her. life.
• u 2.184

  Constitut. l. 2. Constit. 22. Oper. Tem. 2. p. 798.
• x 2.185

  Summa li. 5. tit. 11. De Judae••s, &c.
• y 2.186

  C••nsil. 87. & ••64.
• z 2.187

  Repertori∣um in Ab. Pa∣normitan. Tit. Judaus fac. de Graff. Decis. Aur. Tom. 2. l. 2. 23. Sect. 60.
• * 2.188

  Allegat. 2.
• * 2.189

  Answer.
• a 2.190

  Surius Concil. Tom. 3. p. 534.
• b 2.191

  See here, p. 2.
• c 2.192

  Hironi∣mus Conestag∣gius de Portu∣gal et Castil. unione. p. 1064. 1065. Opmeris Chronog. p. 429
• d 2.193

  Cosmogr. l. 2. p. 171. Vincentius, l. 29. c. 25, Ga∣guinus and o∣thers.
• e 2.194

  Ezech. 22. 27.
• f 2.195

  Icr. 22. 17.
• g 2.196

  Phil. 2. 20, 21.
• h 2.197

  Ephes. 5. 3. Col. 3. 5.
• i 2.198

  Lu. 12. 15.
• k 2.199

  Ephes. 5, 3.
• l 2.200

  Heb. 13. 5.
• * 2.201

  1 Tim. 6. 9, 10.
• n 2.202

  1 Tim. 6. 6.
• o 2.203

  Mat. 26, 15, 16. c. 27. 3, 4.
• p 2.204

  Mat. 1, 2, 3. 4.
• q 2.205

  Ezech. 22. 12, 13.
• r 2.206

  Acts 8. 18, 19, 20.
• s 2.207

  Exod. 22. 21. c. 23. Mic. 2. 1, 2. c. 3. 2. 3, 4, 9. Zeph. 3. 3. Ezech. 22. 27. 28. Jer. 22. 17. Mal. 37. Levit. 13. 34. Baptista ••••ouomola, Sum Rosella Iudaeus. 2. ••ngelus de Clavasio, Sum Angelica Iu∣daeus, sect. 30. Oldradus Con∣sil. 83. 264. Iacobus de Grassus Decis. Aurearum. Tom. 2. l. 2. c, 23. Sect. 60. Gratian. Caus. 23 qu. 7.
• t 2.208

  See Mat. Paris, and o∣thers in their lives.
• * 2.209

  Here p. 33. 34. 38. to 46. 74, 75. John Stowes Sur∣vey of London 1633. p. 288. 289.
• * 2.210

  See my Legal & Historical Vindication, of the Funda∣mental Laws & Liberties of England, part. 1. p. 60, 61, &c. part 2. p. 65. to 80. Si quis Mercatores no∣vis Thelon••o∣rum, & Peda∣giorum exacti∣onibus molesta∣re tenta verit Christiana com∣munione car••∣at, donec satis∣fecerit, Grati∣an Caus. 24. q. 3. Vincen••ii Spec. Doctrin. l. 10, c. 163.
• u 2.211

  Qui sen∣tit onus, s••nti∣re debet & commodum; is, and o••ght to be Law in this case.
• * 2.212

  See 5 R. 2. Stat. 2. ch. 3.
• * 2.213

  See My Histo∣rical Vindica∣tion, part 1. p. 64.
• x 2.214

  Surius Concil. Tom. 2. p. 734, 735.
• * 2.215

  (y) Ambrosii Epist. l. 5. Epist. 29. A∣g••bardus de Judaicis su∣perstitionibus. ••••bl. Pa rum, Tom 9. p. 516. Tripart. ••••ist. l. 3. c. 1. l. 9. c. 1. Zo∣nares Tom. 3. Cent. Magd. 4. col. 1165. 1166.
• * 2.216

  As every Jew is.
• * 2.217

  The Case of e∣very Jewish Spirit.