The history of magick by way of apology, for all the wise men who have unjustly been reputed magicians, from the Creation, to the present age. / Written in French, by G. Naudæus late library-keeper to Cardinal Mazarin. Englished by J. Davies.

THE HISTORY OF MAGICK; By way of APOLOGIE, For all those eminent-Persons, who have un∣justly been reputed Magicians.

CHAP. I.

Of the Conditions requisite to judge of Authours, especially Historians.

THe learned and judicious a 1.1 Ludovicus Vives, who for his excellent worth, was thought the fittest of all the great Wits of the last age, as another Plutarch, to cultivate that of the famous Emperour Charles the Fifth, gives us a good Dichotomy of Prudence. One part regulates our enjoyments, preserves our health, directs our conversation, acquires char∣ges and employments, and is so much taken up with the procurement of the gods of Fortune and the Body, that it hath gotten, among the Fathers, the title of Prudentia carnis, and is called by La∣tine Anthours, Vafricies & astuti••. The other, labouring onely the cultivation and ornament of

the nobler part of man, the Mind, and the enrich∣ing of it with Sciences and Disciplines, that so it might discover and practise what is most advanta∣geous and reall therein, is particularly employed in the censure and judgement of Authours. This is so truly necessary, and of such importance, that, being once well ordered, it so guides us into the interiour of the persons we deal with, that it dis∣covers the calms or tempests of their passions, the Euripus of their severall agitations, and the admi∣rable diversity of their inclinations. The advan∣tage we are to make of it, is like that of a touch∣stone to distinguish truth from falshood; of a Torch, to light us in the palpable darknesse of Errour, or we must look towards it, as our onely Pole-star, regulating our course and discoveries of Truth. For since she alwayes appears to us masked with the passions of those, who either out of ignorance, or interest, endeavour to disguise her, we must, to enter into familiarity with her, and to be absolutely possessed of her, seek her out, as Palamedes did Ulysses, or young Aristeus the Sea-god; in those places where she is hidden and be so importunate with her, that after she lurked under the indiscretion of the ignorant, the envie of the passionate, the extravagancies of the teme∣rarious, the blindnesse of the interessed, and an infinite number of fabulous, strange, and ridicu∣lous opinions, she may appear at last restored to her own former shape;

b 1.2 Et quant•• illa magis formas se vertet in omnes, Tanto, nate, magis contende tenacia vincla, Donec talis erit, mutato corpore qualem Videris incaepto, tegeret cum lumina somno,

To do this, we must shake off all the insinuating titles, the Panegyricks, the manifest gratulations, which are ordinarily bestowed on those, who are the most able to disguise her with the greatest Ar∣tifices and Palliations. For we should be more tender of our liberty, than to be fooled out of it by the number of their suffrages, as if we were obliged, as a packed Jury, to approve whatever they are pleased to tell us, and had not the free∣dom of a diligent disquisition and censure, to con∣sider whether it be just and rationall. To our discare, as to this point, may we justly attribute all the fables, impertinencies, and superstitions, that have to this day crept into the writings and imaginations of abundance of people, especially that simple and ridiculous opinion of a many, who have thought the most eminent men that ever were, even to the highest Magistrates of the Ec∣clesiasticall State, Sorcerers and Magicians. But as this discare hath been extreamly prejudiciall to us, so must we endeavour to make it as advan∣tagious, and use it as Telephus's spear, which only could cure the wounds it made; or as the Sun, who onely disperses those clouds and mists which were risen in its absence.

This task is indeed too difficult and subtle to be indifferently accommodated to all persons, and therefore Experience, which is onely acquired by Time, the Reflection men ought to make on what they have conceived, the carefull observation of the excellent sayings, and prudent actions of others, and above all things, that Indifference which should alwayes carry the light before us in this disquisition of Truth, give a certain dispen∣sation to weak, inconstant, and obstinate minds,

as also to young men, such for the most part, as he whom Virgil describes,

Ense velut nudo, parmâ{que}, inglorius alba,

from employing themselves in this censure, whereof a riper age, and a well-settled constitu∣tion of mind, acquits it self with better successe, and lesse difficulty. Nor can we but observe, that Erasmus, Vives, Scaliger, Bodin, Montaigne, Ca∣nus, Possevin, and many more, who reserved this employment for their more serious studies, have proved so fortunate in this kind, that we must needs (if with Seneca we acknowledge, that Bona mens nec emitur, nec commodatur) adde something to it by their examples, and by the assistance of those precepts, which may be generally given for the regulation and refining of the judgement: whereof,

The first is, to be very well versed in those Au∣thours, who have been most excellent in this kind; as for instance, Seneca, Quintilian, Plutarch, Charron, Montaigne, Vives; as also in those admi∣rable and great Genius's of History, Thucydides, Tacitus, Guicciardine, Comines, and Sleidan. Adde to this an acquaintance with those who have been Authours of politicall and rationall Discourses, and all such as are eminent for new discoveries and conceptions, such as Cardan, and the great Chancellour of England, Verulam, in all their books.

The second requires the knowledge of Logick, to be able with more readinesse and facility, to distinguish between true and false, simple and compound, necessity and contingence; which

does (as it were) open the way to

The third and last, which is a certain familia∣rity with the most profitable Sciences, and the most universall and generall account of the af∣fairs of this World that may be had, which is to be gained, partly by our own industry, partly by the endeavours of those who have gone before us, such as may be those of Historians. But in this the choice is of such consequence, that there can∣not be too much circumspection used, especially in the present age, wherein self-love does so ea∣sily triumph over the industry of men, to force upon the world the fruits of their ignorance.

—c 1.3 Sic dira frequentes Scribendi invasit scabies, & turpe putatur In nullis penitus nomen praestare tabernis.

In so much, that we may justly say of the Mystery of Printing, the Mint of all these rampant imagi∣nations, what Seneca said upon such an occasion in Nature, as this is in Art, Si beneficia naturae uten∣tium pravitate perpendimus, nihil non nostro malo accepimus. This is no more than what was fore∣seen above an hundred and twenty years since, by the learned Hermolaus, Patriarch of Aquilea, and Perrot, Bishop of Sipontum, and to which alone, as to their cause, we are to attribute the sudden dis∣semination of our modern Heresies, with this complaint into the bargain, that with all the ad∣vantages we derive from the Ancient, we are much inferiour to them in point of learning. I therefore think it extreamly necessary, amidst such a multitude of Authours, to be curious in the choice and selection of those▪ the diligent reading

whereof may convince us, that they have been furnished with all the conditions required in a perfect Historian, such as was for the English, Po∣lydor Virgil; for the Germans, Rhenanus; and for the French, Paulus Aemilius, and discard all the rest, who (as the fore-mentioned) have not the mark of truth. But if we are desirous to read them, let it be on the same conditions, as Seneca permitted his friend Lucilius; Nec te prohibuerim (sayes he) aliquando ista agere, sed tunc cum voles nihil agere. For my part it should be my censure, that they be all suppressed, or that, as anciently all under fourty years of age were forbidden the reading of the Apocalyps, and the last chapter of the Prophet Esdras, so they, whose judgements are not settled by the reading of good books, should not be permitted to surfet on those abor∣tive fruits of ignorance, whereof there is no end, but that of degenerating and bastardizing the spi∣rits of those that trouble themselves with them, Nam qui omnes etiam ind••gnas lectione schedas ex∣••utit, anilibus quoque fabulis accommodare operam potest.

But before we dilate any further upon the censure and precaution we are to make of them, it will not be amisse, by the way, to lay open the extravagance of, I know not what, persons, who are of a saith, that Painting and Poesie are two sworn sisters, exercising an Empire over our Be∣lief, equivalent to that of the most impartiall Hi∣stories. For though it be presumed they may hap∣ly take their rise from a true Relation, yet taking the liberty to disguise it, as they please, with their Chimericall imaginations, they have long since incurred the same sentence▪

Nam{que} unum sectantur iter, & inania rerum Somnia concipiunt, & Homerus, & acer Apelles.

That person might very deservedly be laugh'd at, who should be perswaded that Turnus, little Ty∣daeus, and Rodomont, flung quarters of mountains at their enemies, meerly upon the reputation of Poets; or that Jesus Christ ascended into Hea∣ven upon an d 1.4 Eagle, because he is so represent∣ed in the Metropolitane Church of St. Andrew, in the City of Bourdeax; and that the Apostles play'd on cymbals at the funerall of the blessed Virgin, because a capricious Painter thought fit to paint them so: which considered, we may well excuse the Satyricall retort of Beza, to the pictured ar∣gument, which Dr. De Sainctes thought so pre∣valent at the conference of Poissy. Nor shall I be too forward to give any more credit to so many other fabulous narrations, as have crept into the world (if it may be permitted to observe some, even in the Ecclesiasticall History) under the ban∣ners of such insinuating and specious titles, as those of, De infantia Salvatoris, The Conformity of St. Francis, The Golden Legend, The Proto-Evan∣gelium, The nine or ten Gospels, and a many such like, which having been at first printed in the Micropresbyticon, have been since prudently left out of the Orthodoxographia, and the Library of the Fathers. Those who would have Pliny, Al∣bertus Magnus, Vincent de Beauvais, Cardan, and some others not inferiour to them, accounted fabulous Secretaries of Nature, are in my judge∣ment extreamly insensible of the obligation we owe these great persons, for their excellent obser∣vations.

It were much more rationall to blast with this breath the impostures of Mountebanks, the resveries of Alchymists, the fooleries of Magicians, the riddles of Cabalists, the combina∣tions of the Lullists, and other like extravagances of certain Engrossers, and Collectours of Secrets, since they do not▪contribute any thing more solid to naturall History, than all those old and rotten monuments of Olaus, Saxo-Grammaticus, Turpin, Neubrigensis, Merlin, Nauclerus, Phreculphus, Si∣gebert, Paulus Venetus, and a multitude of others, do to Policie and civill Society. For these, be∣stowing their time rather in gleaning what was scattered up and down, than in weighing the au∣thority of the Authours from whom they bor∣rowed their notes, have not onely advanced an Iliad of chimericall and ridiculous stories, but with the same labour, brought upon the stage some more improbable than the other, reporting them as most true & certain. Of this, one reason or motive is obstinacie, in that having once expo∣sed them, they could not imitate Sr. Augustine in his Retractations, Quamvis enim, saith Seneca, vana nos concitaverint, perseveramus, ne videamur caepisse sine causa. Another, haply more likely is that be∣ing content to follow the common track of those, who when they write, make it their onely busi∣nesse, to prove and make good what they have undertaken, by what means they care not, they bring in reasons and arguments by head and shoulders, and take hear-sayes for certain truth, and old wives tales for demonstrations:

—e 1.5 Et sic observatio crescit Ex atavis quondam malè caepta, deinde sequutis Tradi ta temporibus, seris{que} nepotibus aucta.

This certainly must needs be an impertinent kind of writing, and proper to sheepy mindes, such as willfully quit the bark of Truth, to cast them∣selves one after another into the Sea of Er∣rour.

But to avoid all these absurdities, we are only to consider the method & designe of such as enter∣tain us with these fine conceptions, and make an ascent from one to another, till we come to discover the first advancer of them, and haply the only man from whom all the rest derived them. For instance; It is out of all controversie, that all our old Romances took their rise from the Chroni∣cles of Bishop Turpin; all the Stories of Pope Ioan, from one Marianus Scotus; the Salvation of Trajan, from one John Levit; the opinion of Virgill's being a Magician, from Helimnndus the Monk. This man once found out, we must di∣ligently consider his quality, the party he inclin'd to, and the time wherein he first writ; and thence bethink our selves, whether we ought not to give greater credit to those who have had the man∣nagment of Affairs, than to Monks and private men; to persons of honour and worth, than to the dreggs of ignorance and the populace.

In the second place, we are to look on Histo∣rians, (those only who are perfectly Heroick excepted) as a fort of people seldome or ne∣ver representing things truly and naturally, but shadowing and masking them according as they would have them appear, and such as to gain their judgment a reputation, and to insnare others therein; spare not either abilities or eloquence, Stretching, Amplifying, byassing and disgui∣sing all things, as they think most proper to their

design. Hence it is that we find Heathens and Idolaters have spoken many things against the first Christians, out of the aversion they had to the Religion; that the adherents of some Em∣perours broach'd many indignities against the Popes; that the English represented the Mayd of Orleans as a witch and Sorceresse; and that modern Heretiques have vented so many fables against the dignity of the Church, and the main Pillars of it.

In the Third place, we are to make that judg∣ment of Books which Paterculus made of Learned men, experience teaching us, that in a manner, all Histories within seven or eight hundred years past are so hydropically swoln with lying legends, that a man would think the Authors of them had made it their main strife, who should advance the greatest number, From these severall conditions requisite to the censure of Historians, it may be in∣ferr'd that theywill signifie little as to the direction of those dull & earthly souls, which are represented to us in the Aegyptian Hieroglyphicks by the Ono∣cephalus, a Creature that stirres not from the same place, that is to say, such as are not acquain∣ted with any thing beyond the limits of their own Country, who read no Histories, who trouble not themselves, with any thing done elsewhere, and who are unletterr'd and ignorant to that de∣gree, that when they hear some great person nam'd, they think the discourse is about some African monster or something of the new world. For these having nothing either to contradict or oppose, make no difficulty to admit or reject what suits or suits not with their humour, quite contrary to the procedure of a prudent man, e 1.6

cui si plura nôsse datum est, majora ••um sequuntur dubia; and of the old men represented to us by Aristotle, qui rerum vitiis longo usu detectis et cog∣nitis, nihil impudenter asseverant, and of whom he sayes in the same place, that their long pra∣ctice and experience makes them commonly in∣credulous, and suspecting all things: A qualifica∣tion, which indeed must alwayes be supposed in those who expect to make any advantage of their Readings!

CHAP. II.

Of Magick and its Species.

The famous a 1.7 Civilian hath in his Emblemes, taken occasion to represent the three causes of ignorance by the image of Sphinx; pleasure, by her face; inconstancy, by her feathers; and pride, by her feet. Methinks it is not hard to add some∣thing to this representation, by observing the effect of ignorance by the cruelty of the same Monster. For as that took a certain pleasure in casting down from the top of the Rock she sate on, all those who either could not or would not resolve her Riddles; so Ignorance hath ever made it her businesse to precipitate those out of all cre∣dit and reputation, who, better employ'd, would not mind those fooleries and legerde∣maines. Nor indeed can we but perceive, that, before Humanity and Learning became common and generally attainable by the happinesse of this last age, all those who endeavoured their propa∣gation and advancement, were (infamously) term∣ed

Grammarians and Hereticks; those who made stricter scrutinyes into the knowledge of naturall causes incurr'd the censure of Scepticks and Atheists; he who was more then Ordinarily vers'd in the Hebrew tongue, went for a Jew or an Apostate; and those who studied the Mathe∣maticks, and more hidden Sciences▪ were sus∣pected to be Conjurers and Magicians; A Calum∣ny that had no other ground then either popular Ignorance, or the envy which the multitude bears to the vertue of eminent persons, because of the little correspondence there is between the incli∣nations of the one and the other, as b 1.8 Seneca ingenuously acknowledges in this passage; Nun∣quam volui populo placere: nam quae ego Scio, non probat populus, & quae probat populus; ego ne∣scio.

But since the former have, through the disco∣veries of time, and the endeavours of those who have undertaken their just cause, outliv'd and trampled on the censures of envy and Ignorance▪ I cannot sufficiently wonder, that amidst such a multitude of writers, there is not any one hath taken pen in hand to rescue the honour of all those hegemonick and predominant soules, and particularly the greatest Lights of Religion, even Popes and Prelates, from a vanity the most ri∣diculous and opposite to their state that can be imagin'd, which is, that of their having been Magicians, Sorcerers, and Conjurers. This taske I shall without much difficulty undertake, yet hope to unskale the eyes of vulgar Ignorance, scrupulous simplicity and zeal, and Hereticall malice: all which combine together to keep up these sables and erroneous opinions, to the pre∣judice

of accused innocence, Truth, as to matter of fact, and the honour and integrity of Religion, which certainly never could so far miscarry in the choice of her principall Ministers, as that they should make an unnaturall conjunction between the Prince of Light and that of Darknesse, God and the Devil, Christ and Lucifer, Heaven and Hell, and the Sacrifices of the Creatour and those of the most vile and abominable creature in the world. It is certainly not onely to be admired, but deplored, that this opinion, kept above wa∣ter by some vain and triviall conjectures, should have taken such rooting, that it now concerns us to maintain the piety of those great Souls, whose lives and actions should rather be an example by which to regulate ours, than afford us occasions of Apologies and Vindication.

We shall then lay our foundation with the di∣stinction of Magick into lawfull, and unlawfull or prohibited: whereof if every one were but inten∣tive to observe the severall species and effects, me thinks it were not very difficult to comprehend them. Let us then consider Man, as a perfect and accomplished creature, made after the image of his Creatour, the noblest production of all Nature, such as she thought fittest to shed her fa∣vours on, and to furnish with her greatest excel∣lencies, that so he might be Lord Paramount over all the rest, and exercise dominion over them, it being the inherent right of his excellencie,

—c 1.9 Et quod dominari in c••ter•• posset Natus homo,—

ordering and regulating his extraordinary acti∣ons,

either by the particular grace of Almighty God, or by the assistance of an Angel, or by that of a Daemon; or lastly, by his own industry and ability. From these four different wayes, we in∣fer four kinds of Magick: Divine, relating to the first; Theurgick, to the second; Geotick, to the third; and Naturall, to the last.

The first is that sacred and divine Magick, which being absolutely happy and accomplished, exceeds our forces, and wholly depends on that Spirit, qui qu•• vult spirat, and which discovers it self in its noble and supernaturall operations, such as Prophecie, Miracles, the gift of Tongues, by means whereof it forces its knowledge upon mankind, affords it matter both of instruction and entertainment, so to chastize and mind men of their duties, and to raise a veneration for the Ministers of its Commandments. Magicians of this kind were Moses, Joshua, the Prophets, the Apostles, Gregory Thaumaturgus, and Simeon Sti∣lites, those great Wonder-workers, and a multi∣tude of others, who have exercised this Mosaicall * 1.10 Magick. This Pliny, not understanding it, con∣demns; as also another, which he cals by the name of the Cyprian Magick, that is, that of St. Paul, who being in Cyprus, did, in the presence of the Pro-Consul Sergius, make Elymas the Sorcerer lose his sight. But this kind never discovered it self with so much lustre and miracle, as in those two transcendent actions, the alliance of God with man, made at severall times, by Moses, and Jesus Christ, who confirmed it onely by the ver∣tue of this Magick. For the former, he was so fortunate in it, that having abjured what he ••ad learned in the school of men, he by the practice

of this, delivered the people of Israel out of Ae∣gyptian bondage, and made himself a Generall of 600000 men, whom he and his Successours go∣verned according to the Laws he had received from God with thunder and lightening. The lat∣ter, Jesus Christ, wrought wonders with so much ease, that both Jews and Gentiles, not able to comprehend whence that power was derived, which yet was no other than that of his Divinity, imagined all done by a wicked and Diabolicall Magick. Thence it came they were so impudent (as d 1.11 S. Hierome, and S. Augustine observe) that they published certain books under the title of, Magia Jesu Christi ad Petrum & Paulum Aposto∣los. But the said Doctors prove them clearly spu∣rious, in that having seen and read them, they found them fraught with stories quite disconso∣nant to the actions of Jesus Christ, who left no∣thing behind him in writing, nor called Paul to the Apostleship till after his Ascension: besides that, he could not by his Magick have made the Prophets say what they had foretold both of his Deity and Coming.

The second is the Theurgick, or White Magick, which upon the account of Religion, enjoyns fasting and abstinences, piety, purity, candour, and integrity of life, that the Soul desirous of com∣merce with the superiour Deities, may not be in any thing diverted by its polluted and sinfull bo∣dy. Hence it is that the Apostle sayes, Corpus quod corrumpitur, aggravat animam, and suffers not a man to make use of that strictnesse of Dis∣quisition, which is absolutely necessary in this o∣peration; which, me thinks, Scaliger too prodi∣gally commends, if so be what he sayes in his third

book against Cardan, be meant of this kinde: e 1.12 Terti•• divina est; nomen apud vulgus odiosum facit colluvies impostorum, propter Smerdis proditio∣onem ac perfidi••m infensa diu; hac Dominum Jesum fuisse promissum Regem; cognoverunt illi qui ad eum adorandum longinquis è regionibus profecti fuerant. For my part, I should rather explane this of Na∣turall Magick, against the opinion of Loyer and Godelman, who ground theirs perhaps only on his, calling it Divine. Yet for his so doing there is some reason, since that those who practise it, ac∣knowledge thereby that supream and onely Divi∣nity, and may as well by the knowledge it gives us of the creatures, ascend to that of the Creatour (according to the direction of Moses, Faciem meam non videbis, posterior a autem mea videbis) as by the assurance it gives us of the miracles of the new Testament, to that of the Redeemer. Other∣wise we must suppose Scaliger extreamly mista∣ken, in making such Panegyricks on this Theurgie, when it is, not unjustly, condemned by Delrio, Pererius, and all the rest, who deserve more credit than this modern Writer, who leaving not a stone unmoved to gain the reputation of a Magician, though ineffectually, thought fit, not long since, to put forth a Rhetorick, consisting of five parts, new and never used before, which he would make consonant to the Ancient, that is, the Art of Trithemius to Invention, Theurgie to Disposition, the Art of Armadel to Elocution, the Art Paulin to Pronunciation, and that of Lullius to Memory. For this, I doubt not, since his reputation encrea∣ses daily, he will have his reward, that is, within fifty years he shall have as fine stories made of him, as there are now of Dr. ••austus, De Maugis,

Merlin, Nostradamus, and others who are mar∣ked with red letters in the Magicians Calendar. To which Catalogue we must also adde Homer, Socrates, Aristotle, Proclus, Jamblichus, Porphyrius, Maximus, and all the great Wits of these latter ages, if it be true, as they would fain perswade us, that they were acquainted with their Genii, and could dispose of their good Angels, meerly by the Criticall observation of all those ceremo∣nies and Theurgick preparations, so much cele∣brated by the Poet Palingenius, that a man would think all the morall precepts, whereof his Zo∣diak of humane life is so full, aim only at the pra∣ctice of all those knacks and Image-Arts of Ar∣madel, Paulin, and the Planetary, Et hujusmodi su∣perstitionum * 1.13 genera, quae e•• sunt perniciosiora, quò no∣bis apparent diviniora; since especially they bring us thorow the back door to the knowledge & pra∣ctice of Conjurations and Diabolicall Magick, quae cùm sit occulta, non minus quàm tetra & horri∣bilis, * 1.14 plerun{que} ••octibus vigilata, & tenebris abstru∣sa, & arbitris solitaria, & carminibus mumurata, we ought consequently to be very distrustfull of, as the principall instrument the Devil hath ever made use of, to pretend to the honour belongs not to him, and to be so idoliz'd by men, as that he might divert them from the worship they owe their Creatour. To compasse this with the more ease, we see it hath been his constant employ∣ment, to bring into practice all the artificies and subtleties imaginable, putting on all shapes, and making his advantage of all creatures, to make this Idolatry the more universal, & consequently more abominable to him, who, for the love he bears us, call'd himself sometime a jealous God. We * 1.15

have it from some Historians, that he spoke to Apollonius under the shape of an Elm, to Pythago∣ras under that of a River, to Simon Magus under that of a Dog, to some others under that of an Oak. He entertain'd the Heathen in their super∣stitions, by heaps of Stones and Statues, whence proceeded Oracles, and (as they say) presides yet among those wretched Assemblies which frequent his Sacrifices, under the representation of a Hee∣goat, the ugliest may be seen; for which yet there must be no more respect had, than that Aprilibro made of Virgin Parchment, at the opening where∣of (they say) he is oblig'd to answer; or that Shirt of Necessity, the Looking-glasse of Darknesse, and such instruments of perdition, as these poor, su∣perstitious, and melancholly wretches take abun∣dance * 1.16 of pains to make, cum cantiunculis, cadave∣ribus, funibus suspendiosorum; quae siquis attrectare aude at, etiam mereatur.

The sentence we have pass'd against the se∣cond, may in like manner, with no lesse earnest∣nesse and truth, be directed to all those who busie themselves in a sort of endlesse Divinations, the spawn of the third kind of Magick, which there is no necessity of specifying more particularly, it being the custom of all that write on that Subject, to dispose it into Alphabets and Catalogues. But to deal ingenuously, it were much more discre∣tion to give them a perpetuall act of Oblivion, not only because we may say, and justly, that of them which Tertullian does upon another occasion, Tot pernicies quot species, tot dolores quot colores, tot ve∣nena quot genera, but also because they seem to be of the nature of a flame, which (as Ovid describes it) heightens and increases the more it is stirr'd:

Vidi ego jactatas mot•• face crescere flammas, Et rursus, nullo concutien••e, mori.

It were therefore much more to our purpose, and the advantage of Religion, to bestow some time in refuting what Picus, in his Apologie, Crinitus, and the rest affirm, that this wicked and unlawfull Magick was so predominant all over Aegypt, that people resorted thither from all parts of theworld, as if it had been some Academy or Lycaeum, pur∣posely set up for the propagation of this Idolatry. Hence it proceeds that Lucians and Infidels de∣rive much from this opinion, when they would prove that Moses, who according to the Wise-man, Josephus and Philo, had been instructed in all the wisdom of the Aegyptians, was so well vers'd in this Magick, that he made use of it in the working of miracles. To this some adde, that Jesus Christ practis'd it, as we find in i 1.17 Marsilius Ficinus, and more particularly in k 1.18 Arnobius, who affirms, that it was the common objection of those blind wretches, to say, Magus fuit, clandestinis artibus omnia perfecit: Aegyptiorum ex adytis Angelorum potentium nomina, & remotas furatus est discipli∣na••. This the Author of the Fortalitium fidei might have spar'd his ordinary glosses upon, had he but considered these objections, as ridiculous as those of a many others, who would have Abra∣ham and Jacob passe for great Astrologers, Joseph for a Southsayer, and Salomon for a Necromancer, grounded only on certain passages of the Bible, w^ch many of our Doctors have interpreted much more superstitiously than ever did the Rabbins.

But it is almost demonstrable, that this kind of

Magick which was practis'd so universally over all Egypt was no other than the Naturall, disguis'd haply with some vain and impertinent Ceremo∣nies, as may be easily judg'd, in that Zoroastes, Zamolxis, Abbaris, Oromasis, Charondas and Damigeron, who were most eminent therein, as all Authours generally affirm, are commended * 1.19 by Plato, especially the two first, as persons very intelligent and excellent for the knowledge of Nature rather then any command they had over those Genii, Spirits, and Robin-good-fellowes. This may be further prov'd by the examples of Plato himself, of Pythagoras, Empedocles, and Democritus, who have ever been reputed Philo∣sophers and not Magicians, though by their tra∣vels into Egypt they had attain'd those Disciplines. For indeed it were a strange thing, as the Learned * 1.20 Bishop Mirandulanus observes, that, this Ma∣gick having been so much in vogue, neither Aristotle, nor any Philosopher of his rate, took any paines to leave us the least account of it, espe∣cially the former, who having observ'd what∣ever was conformable to reason in his Books, could not have forgot himself so far, as to passe over the effects of this admirable doctrin, in that little Book wherein he hath, with so much pru∣dence, layd up together whatever he had dis∣cover'd that were secret, and surpassing the Or∣dinary course of Nature.

It is therefore no hard conjecture, to think that these transcendent Sciences, this rare doctrin, these admirable disciplines amounted to no more than the practice of our fourth and last kind of Magick, called Naturall. To discover and unmask which, we are to remember that man be∣ing

a Conversative creature, capable of discipline, and furnished with all instruments requisite for ratiocination and his instruction in the truth of all things, he is able to put them in practice, either for the attaining of an ordinary vulgar knowledge proportionable to that of others, lit∣tle or not exceeding that of his Equalls, such as have nothing extraordinary or miraculous in it, because (n) inaequalitas tantum est ubi•• quae eniment * 1.21 notabilia sunt; non est admirationi una arbor, ubi i n eandem altitudinem tota sylva▪ surrexit. Or haply to raise himself to the highest and most transcendent speculations, to avoid the common road, and take a Noble flight into those azure vaults of the purest part of our soul, to ••oare up into that terrestiall paradise of the Contem∣plation of Causes, that so he may at length arrive at that supreme degree of felicity; which onely opens a man the way into those places so much celebrated by Lucretius, * 1.22

Edita doctrinâ Sapientum templa serena.

This is indeed the true effect of this kind of Ma∣gick, which the Persians called, anciently, Wisdom, the Greeks Philosophy, the Jews Cab∣bala; the Pythagoreans, Science of the formall numbers; and the Platonicks, the Soveraigne Remedy, which seats the soul in perfect Tranquil∣lity, and preserves the body in a good Constitu∣tion by the faculty it hath of being able to recon∣cile the passive effects to the active vertues, and to make these elementary things here below, comply with the actions of the Stars and celesti∣all Bodies, or rather the Intelligences which guide them by materialls, proper and conveni∣ent

for that purpose. We may therefore con∣clude with the Learned Verulam, that this fourth kind of Magick Naturalem Philosophiam à veri∣tate speculationum ad magnitudinem operum revoca∣re nititur, it being nothing else then a practical Physick, as Physick is a contemplative Magick; and consequently since what is subalternate to the one is the same to the other, it will not be hard to disentangle it out of an infinite web of Super∣stitions, confine it to that which it only hath to do with, and appoint it its due bounds and li∣mits.

Quos ultràcitra{que} nequit consistere rectum.

These are no other than what are assign'd to Physick by Wendelinus, Combachius, and the subtle * 1.23 Algazel, and confirmed by (p) Avicenna, who stating the parts of Naturall Philosophy attributes to it, first Medicine▪ then Chymistry, Astrono∣my, Physiognomy and Oneiroscopy, to which may be added Chiromancy, Metoposcopy, Elioscopie, and Geomancy, that is, the three former to Phi∣siognomy, and the last, as Albertus Magnus, Vigenere, Dr. Flood, Pompanatius, and Agrippa, would have it, to Astrologie. All these parts, in regard they have some foundation in naturall causes, may be, as these Authors affirm, freely practised, and that without the suspicion of any other Magick then the Naturall such as is allow'd and approved by all, yet provided al∣wayes, that the professors confine themselves, the most strictly that may be; within the Limits of their Causes, without wandring into a million of ridiculous observations, such as but too too easi∣ly

creep in to their mindes, who make it their employment.

CHAP. III.

That many Eminent Persons have been accounted Magicians, who were only Politicians.

WEre it lawfull to adde any thing to that excellent consideration upon which the French (a) Seneca built the first Chapter * 1.24 of his Essayes, namely that it is possible by severall wayes, and those absolutely different, to attain the same end; I know not any example contibutes more to the demonstration of this truth then that of the punishment of lying and fabulous Authors, whose malice may be suppress'd by a meanes quite con∣trary to what was anciently practis'd by the Lyci∣ans * 1.25 against false witnesses and informers. For whereas the custome among them was to treat such as slaves and to prostitute them in publick places, we are on the contrary to establish a Law, that all Histories should be like those con∣tracts which the Civilians call Stricti juris, and that the discovery of the first imposture should fairly entitle the whole body of the Book to the fire, or at least hinder the sale and publishing of it. Had this been as carefully lookt after heretofore as it is necessary to be put in practice now, we should, I must confesse, have fewer precepts but more profitable, fewer Books but more fraught with Learuing, lesse History but more truth, and consequently we should have some∣thing else to do than to t••ouble our selves for

* 1.26 Apologies for all those excellent persons, (c) tanquam artis sinistrae contagione pollutos. Nay there is such a multitude of writers repre∣sent them as such, that the Civilian Heraldus, considering with himself that in these daies they are only pittifull wretches that are drawn into these pernicious and unlawfull practises, took occasion to say that the trade was now absolutely fallen into the hands of cheats and the Ignorant, * 1.27 (d) non amplius Philosophorum, sed rusticorum et idoitarum.

Having therefore shewn in the first Chapter of this Apologie that the Propagation of all these vulgar errours happened by the want of Judg∣ment in those that read Authors, we are now to proceed further in our designe; and finde out the generall causes of all these false reports, which being of the same alloy with the most extrava∣gant imaginations of the Poets, crept into repu∣tation under the appearance of some adventure or occasion. Titus Livius seems to shew us a little light in the Discovery of the first cause for which many excellent persons have been charg'd with Magick, though not any of them had ever the least acquaintance with it, where he tells us, * 1.28 that, datur hac venia Antiquitati, ut miscendo humana divinis primordia urbium augustiora faci∣at. Whence we may easily conjecture, that the more subtle and practis'd Lawgivers knowing that the readiest way to gain Authority, amongst the people and to continue it, was to perswade them that they were only the Instruments of some supreme diety, who was pleased to favour them with its assistance and protection, have not unsuc∣cessefully father'd all upon feigned Dieties, pre∣tended

Conferences, imaginary Apparitions, and in a word, this Magick of the Ancients, the better to palliate their ambition, and to ••ay a surer foundation of future Empire. Hence came it, that sometime Trismegistus affirmed the derivation of his Laws from Mercury, Zamolxis from Vesta, Charondas from Saturn, Minos from Jupiter, Lycurgus from Apollo▪ Draco and Solon from Minerva, Numa Pompilius from the Nymph Aegeria, and Mahomet from the Angel Gabriel, who often whispered him in the eare under the Shape of a Pidgeon, being as well in∣structed to further his design, as Pythagoras's Eagle and Sertorius's Hind were for theirs. Nay the Cheat hath prov'd no lesse fortunate to some Politicians, who using all the industry and arti∣fices possible to gain the reputation of the indul∣gence of some Divinity, by the means of this Theurgie and feigned apparitions, have brought to passe, some adventures difficult beyond im∣agination. Such were those of the Hermit Schaca∣culis, * 1.29 who, having acted that part excellently well for seven or eight years in a desert, at last drew the Curtains, possess'd himself of severall Citties, defeated a Bashaw, and Mahomets Son, and had done much more mischief, had he not incens'd the Sophy by the meanes of one certain Celender, who under pretences of devo∣tion shook all Natolia, and found the Turk work enough, till at last he lost his life in a pitch'd field. To be short, such another was Elinahel an African who took the same course to wrest the Scepter out of his Master's hands the King of Morocco; to whom we might adde a many others, whose extraordinary fortune gave Cardan occa∣sion

* 1.30 to advise such Princes and Soveraignes, who by reason of the meannesse of their extraction, want of friends or a military force, have not credit enough to governe their Countries; to apply themselves, to this sacred Theurgie. By such meanes did James Bussularius make a shirt to rule for some time at Pavia; John de Vin∣cence, at Boulongue; and Savanorola at Florence of which latter we have this remark of the Polite * 1.31 Italian in his discourse upon Livy; The people of Florence are no fools, yet Brother Hierom Savano∣rola perswaded them that he had conferences with God. But before all these, had Vespasian done as much by his miracles, and Nama the second * 1.32 founder of Rome, qui Romanos operosissimis su∣perstitionibus oneravit, ut rapaces et adhuc feros hominee multitudine tot numinum demerendorum at∣tonitos efficiendo, ad humanitatem tempera∣ret.

And indeed this kind of circumvention is of such consequence, that those who thought not fit to make use of it this way, as conceiving it too low, and not able to bring about their ambitious ends, have ascended a step higher, affirming themselves to be the Sons of these supreme Dei∣ties (rather Devills); under pretence of whose favo••r all other Law-givers, and Politicians were glad to keep up their credit and Autho∣rity.

Virg▪ —Veluti Parnassia laurus Parva▪ sub ingenti matris se protegit umbra.

When therefore we find Hercules calling himself the Son of Jupiter, Romulus of Mars, Servi••s of

Vulcan, Alexander of Ammon, and so of others, we must conceive they did it, either to bring the people under obedience, and to gain that respect among men which they bore their supposed Fa∣thers. Or haply their Mothers being more then ordinarily crafty and politick hoc pr••texunt nomine culpam; a trick probalbly play'd by those of Plato, Apollonius, Luther, and the Prophet Mer∣lin, * 1.33 whose Romance must needs take its rise from the pretty story of his birth, that so nothing might be omitted that should render his adventures more full of prodigy and astonish∣ment.

To this head may also be reduc'd the vanity of those private persons, who no lesse desirous, to have some influence over their fellow-citizens and the ordinary rate of men, than Princes and Monarchs have over their subjects, make it their businesse to perswade us that the Gods have an extraordidary rendernesse for their persons by assigning them some Guardian-Angell, or Di∣rector in all the most important actions of their lives, Among these may be ranked Socrates, Apol∣lonius, Chicus, Cardan, Scaliger, Campanella and some others, who would perswade themselves, that all the proofs and assurances which they should be pleas'd to afford us of their familiar Demons should be acknowledg'd by ••s, with no lesse veneration than those ancient Commen∣taries * 1.34 of the Rabbins, which lay it down as undeniable that among the Patriarchs of the Old Testament, Adam had been govern'd by his An∣gel Raziel, Sem by Jophiel, Abraham by Tzad∣kiell, Isaac by Raphael, Jacob by Piol, and Mo∣ses by Mitraton. No•• indeed do I see any reason

to passe any other judgment of the one than of the other; and that the best advantage we can make of all these extravagances, is to use them as a Collyrium to help us to discern truth from falshood, reall Magick from fictions and pre∣tences, and politicall and naturall operations from the Diabolicall, which, as such, are con∣demn'd by all. Such were those practis'd some∣time * 1.35 against Moses, by the Magicians of Pharaoh, called by St. Paul, Jammes, and Mambres; those of Simon Magus who oppos'd St. Peter; of Cy∣nops, who was drown'd upon the prayer of St. John the Evangelist; of Elymas struck blind by St. Paul; of Zaores and Arphaxat, who▪ accor∣ding * 1.36 to the History of Abdias, were destroy'd by thunder in Persia. To these we may adde of latter times Dr. Faustus, Zedechias the Jew, the little Scot, Trois-eschelles, he who under Charles the fifth, would needs be called Magister videns, * 1.37 and a many others of whom we must understand the Decree, thundring in the Code against Magici∣ans, Magi, in quacun{que} sint parte terrarum, hu∣mani generis inimici credendi sunt.

CHAP. IV.

That the extraordinary Learning of many great men hath oftentimes been accounted Magick.

FUrius Vesinius the Peasant, accus'd before the people of Rome for a sort of wizzardry done by him upon the Lands of his neighbours, which though of greater extent, yet yeelded not so great a Crop as his that were lesse, would take no other

course to justifie his Innocence, then to bring along with him, on the day of his appearance, all the Instruments of Agriculture, kept in very good order, beseeching his Judges to believe that he had made use of no other poisons or unlawfull drugges then those, together with abundance of paines and a many watchings, which, to his sor∣row, he knew not how otherwise to represent. In like manner these great persons

—Queis arte benigna Et meliore luto finxit pracordia Titan,

need no more, to blast this Calumny, which to this day lyes heavy upon them, than to manifest and discover the proceedings whereby they have attain'd so great Learning and Abilities. Those indeed they were so eminent for, that it seems in some sort to excuse their weaknesse who could referr them to no causes but what were extraor∣dinary, and upon no other account have made it a crime, such as, were it not true what Apuleius saies, that, Calumniari quivis innocens potest, revin∣ci * 1.38 nisi nocens non potest, we might say are in a man∣ner entail'd on all persons of more than ordinary desert. Galen, that great Genius of Medicine, * 1.39 confesses that at Rome he was thought guilty of it, for diverting a fluxion, by Phlebotoimy in lesse then two dayes, which Erasistratus could not effect in a long time, because he would not make use of that remedy. Apuleius was forc'•• to the trou∣ble of two Declamations in publick, and to display all his great abilities and Learning to re∣scue them from the censure of Magick, which his Enemies would fasten on them, wherein they

must needs be mistaken, unlesse they took the word according to the explication of Sr. Hierom, * 1.40 where he sayes, Magi sunt qui de singulis philoso∣phamur. For if it be restrained to that sense, we shall freely acknowledge, that Galen, Apuleius, and the rest for whom we make this Apologie, were Magicians, that is, studious persons, inde∣fatigable, as to travell; and consequently pale, * 1.41 wan, and sickly, quibus continuatio etiam literalis laboris omnem gratiam corpore deterget, habitudi∣nem tenuat, succum exsorbet, colorem obliterat, vigo∣rem debilitat.

These indeed are the charms and enchant∣ments, whereby they came to understand the Tri∣vium and Quadrivium of the seven Liberall Sci∣ences, so much celebrated by the Moderns, and consequently arrived to the knowledge of the whole Encyclopedy. This it was, that in some sort raised them to a communication with that Divinity which Homer attributes to the Sun, be∣cause he sees all things. This likened them to the Gymnosophists, who as Philostratus affirms, thought themselves the more acceptable to their Gods, the higher they jumped and lifted themselves up into the air in their carols and dances. That in∣deed bred the quarrell, these great intelligences raised themselves to such a height of perfection, that the ignorance of the ages they lived in, envy∣ing the distance between them and other men, hath alwayes charged them with impiety in their Speculations and Theory, and Magick in their A∣ctions. * 1.42 As to the former, Plutarch was the first Authour of this excellent observation, where he tels us that Anaxagoras and those Philosophers, who first found out the causes of Eclipses, com∣municated

it to their Disciples in a Cabalistical & Traditionall way very secretly, not daring to ven∣ture it among the people, whose faith it was, that only temerarious and impious persons sought out any reason for those entraordinary effects, which depended immediately on the will of the Gods, whose Liberty they thought incompatiblewith the indisturb'd order of those causes, whereof the Philosophers pretended a naturall Demonstra∣tion. Hence proceeded the rigorous punish∣ment inflicted on them, either by banishment, as happened to Protagoras, or long imprisonment as to Anaxagoras, out of which Pericles had all the trouble in the world to make him go. Nay they would not pardon Socrates, but condemn'd him upon this very account that his Philoso∣phy had something different from those that went before him. These harsh proceedings gave Plato * 1.43 such an alarm, that he ingenuously confess'd to Dionysius, that for that very reason he had not advanc'd any opinion of his, but under the name of Socrates or some other Philosopher, least some∣time or other he should be called to account for it. The same person, consulted by the Atheni∣ans * 1.44 about the execution of the Oracles answer which had commanded them to double their Altar, which was of a Cubick figure, took that occasion, as extreamely advantageous, to per∣swade them to the study of Philosophy especially Mathematicks, without the knowledge whereof it was absolutely impossible to satisfie the Oracle▪ This might haply seem fabulous to a many who have a greater reverence for Antiquity then to Imagine it so stupid and Ignorant; but that the Author from whom we have this testimony is not to be suspected guilty of either mistake or negli∣gence.

But if we come nearer our own age, we shall find there was not much more reason, some ages since, to deny as Lactantius did, against Avi∣cenna, that the Torrid Zone was habitable; or to dispute against the opinion of the Antipodes, and to say, by way of raillerie, to those that maintai∣ned * 1.45 it, Et miratur aliquis hortos pensiles inter septem mira narrari, cum Philosophi & agros, & maria, & urbes, & montes, pensiles faciant?

Nay, so ridiculous and contrary to Religion was this opinion thought in that time, that the * 1.46 poor Bishop Virgilius was excommunicated, and condemned for an Heretick, for patronizing that reverse of this world, long before it was disco∣vered by Columbus. Nor is it a thing lesse strange, that Philastrius should put into the Catalogue of the hereticall and condemned opinions in his time, that of some Philosophers, who held the Solidity of the Heavens, which yet hath ever been acknowledged, and still is in the Schools, though within these thirty or fourty years, some Profes∣sours have discarded it, to introduce the ancient, which was the more common and authentick in the time of Philastrius.

It is therefore no miracle, when all the pro∣positions of these great wits, though most solid and rationall, have ever met with contempt, by the Gentiles, out of suspicion of impiety; by the Christians; of heresie, onely because they happen'd in ages distrustfull of those vast and extraordinary acquests of learning, if the greatest part of Philo∣sophers, Mathematicians, and Naturalists have been unjustly charged with Magick: an observa∣tion * 1.47 we are obliged for, to that great person, whom Laurentius Valla cals the last of the La∣tines,

who among other lamentations directed to Philosophy, forgot not to say, Atque hoc ipso af∣fines * 1.48 fuisse videmur maleficio, quod tuis imbu••i disci∣plinis. From which passage we may learn, that that calumny hath been so pinned to the sleeves of all that have professed those Disciplines, that it seems in a manner an essentiall property in them to be accounted Magicians▪ since it seldom or ne∣ver happens, that any Lawyers and Divines (un∣lesse Hereticks) have been charged therewith. Whereas on the contrary, those who are the most intimately acquainted with Philophy, have not been able to ward off this reproach, or divert men from attributing the fruits of their industry to their proficiencie in the Academy of Devils, where they yet profited more than in any of the other Sciences, if we may trust those who would furnish us with more Magicians, quàm olim mus∣carum * 1.49 est, tum cùm caletur maxime.

But to facilitate the discovery in this point, all our businesse is to observe the first appearances of Learning, the first risings of great Wits, the time they flourished, the ages which have brought forth most, and take notice by the way, how that ignorance hath alwayes persecuted them with this calumny. It will tell us, if we will hearken to it, that Zoroastes and Zamolxis never did any thing, but fool away their time in Sacrifices; that Pythagoras, Democritus, Empedocles, Socrates and Aristotle had never known any thing, had they not applyed themselves to the Daemons; that Apu∣leius was but a Wizard; that Geber, Alchindus▪ Avicenna, and all the most excellently learned among the Arabians, were Professours of Ma∣gick; that Roger Bacon▪ Ripley, Bongey, Scotus,

were so many cunning men among the English, excellently well vers'd in Necromancie, and very able Conjurers; that Chicus, the Conciliator, An∣selm of Parma, and divers other Italians, were very well acquainted with the businesse of Invo∣cations; that Arnoldus de Villa nova, and William of Paris, were also very fortunat therein, in France. In a word, all Countreys that had any men famous for learning were sure to have also Magicians; whereof, for want of the former, Germany had alwayes been barren enough, Alber∣tus Magnus excepted, till that, furbish'd & refin'd by letters, it brought forth Trithemius & Agrippa, as the Ring-leaders of all the fore-mentioned. To these: if we beleeve Bodin, we must add Hermolaus & Cardan▪ if de Lancre▪ Scaliger & Picus; if some o∣thers yet more superstitious, all the most eminent persons, as if there had been no other schools than the Ca••es of Toledo, no other books than the Cla∣viculae, no other Doctors than Devils, no other wayes for a man to become learned, but by the practice of all those Magicall Superstitions; or lastly, that the reward of a great industry, and the fruits of excellent endowments, were only to en∣able a man to cast himself into the claws of that enemy of mankind, whose acquaintance is but too too easily procur'd, it being his businesse, to go about like a roaring Lion, seeking whom he may devour.

Having therefore well considered whence it comes to passe, that many have made such dis∣advantagious glosses on the learning of these great persons; I am, in the first place, perswaded it might proceed from a reason common to all the erroneous perswasions which insensibly thrust

in among us, as the learned Verulam hath obser∣ved, Is humano intellectui error est proprius & per∣petuus, * 1.50 ut magis moveatur & excitetur affirmativis quàm negativis. In the second, that haply it might come from this, that these Philosophers soaring up into contemplations too high and remote from ordinary apprehensions; those, who, in com∣parison of them, onely crept upon the ground, were oblig'd to admire them, and, in time, to re∣proach, as over-confident and supernaturall, whe∣ther this change proceeded from the weaknesse of their judgement, or a designe to calumniate them, as Seneca observes, quàm magnus mirantium, tam * 1.51 magnus invidentium est populus. Or lastly from this, that whatever the most subtle and ingenious among men can perform, by the imitation or as∣sistance of Nature, is ordinarily comprehended under the name of Magick, untill such time as it be discovered by what wayes and means they ef∣fect those extraordinary operations. Of this we have an example in the invention of Guns and Printing, and the discovery of the new world; the people wherof, thought at first sight, that our ships were made by Magick, our vaults & arches by en∣chantment, and that the Spanyards were the De∣vils that should destroy them, with the thunder and lightening of their Arquebuzzes and Guns.

From what hath been said may be inferr'd, that all these great persons have incurr'd the censure of Magicians, for having performed many strange things by the assistance of Physick and other Sci∣ences they were Masters of, and in the practice whereof all good Authours are wont to compre∣hend Magick. The reason of this, is, that they are not so easie to be prostituted to the knowledge of

the Vulgar as the Mechanicks are, which cannot so much command admiration, because, being exercis'd about manifest and palpable Bodies, it is a manner impossible that the Authors thereof should keep up the secret of their severall canses and operations. And this leads us to a necessity of acknowledging that the practice of the Mathe∣maticks, and, above all, of these Mechanicks, and judiciary Astrology, hath contributed much to the confirmation of all these erroneous opini∣ons, as we shall shew more at large else∣where.

CHAP. V.

That Mathematicians have many times been accoun∣ted Magicians.

AMong all the Precepts which contribute any thing to the regulation and conduct of our Actions, me thinks there is not any more serious or of greater consequence then that which minds us, that, Venena non dantur nisi mel∣le circumlita, & vitia non decipiunt nisi sub specie Virtutum. Of this we have daily experience, in that as Coyners of false mony employ all their industry so to dispose some little Gold or Silver upon bad pieces that they may passe for good and current; so the greatest part of those who by reason of the lightness and vanity of their Doctrine fall into the generall contempt, are forc'd to change Scenes, to disguise, and if they are Here∣ticks, for example, to take the title of Divines; if Impostors, of Chymists, if Mounte-banks, of

Doctors; if Sophisters, of Philosophers; if Con∣jurers, of Well-wishers to the Mathematicks. This makes sad and strange confusion in all things, especially the Sciences, that, if it be not abso∣lutely impossible, it is certainly very difficult to be able to discern the Legitimate professors from the Ignorant and presumptuous profaners of them; who, having scattered into them abundance of cheats & superstitions, have made them so suspect∣full, that even those who have courted them with greatest religion could never do it with the gene∣rall approbation and allowance of all. This certainly is one principal reason whereby the most criticall and accomplish'd Wits, have given their Enemies occasion to defame them as Magicians, because they had made greater discoveries into those four parts of the Mathematicks, which are called by e 1.52 Cassiodorus, Quadrifariae Mathesis Januae; by Sarisberiensis, Quadrivii rotae; and by Calcagnin, Quadriga disciplinarum, that is, Ari∣thmetick Geometry, Musick, and Astrology. These indeed are such, that, by reason of ••he subtle operations are wrought by them, the Jesuit Pe∣rerius * 1.53 took occasion to divide Naturall Magick into two kinds. One hath an absolute depen∣dance on Physick and its parts, working, by the meanes both of the occult and known qualities of all things, many times, very strange and mi∣raculous effects, such as might be the Golden henne of Sennertus, the Magneticall unguent of Goclinus, the Lamp and invulnerable Knight of Burgravius, the Idaeall pouder of Quercetanus, the Fulminant Gold of Beguinus, the Vegetall Tree of the Chymists, and many such naturall miracles which these Authours affirme they have seen and

experienc'd. The other giuded by Mathematicall precepts, makes certain artificiall Engines by meanes whereof we come afterwards to admire * 1.54 that Sphere of Archimedes, parvam machinam, gravidam mundo, Caelum gestabile▪ compendium rerum, Speculum naturae. To that adde those Au∣tomata of Daedalus, those Tripods of Vulcan, the * 1.55 Hydraulicks of Boëtius the Pidgeon of Architas, that industrious Iron-fly presented to the Empe∣rour Charles the V. by John de Mont royal, which

—from under's hand flew out And having flown a perfect Round about, With weary wings return'd unto her Master, And (as judicious) on his Arm she plac'd her.

Besides which, there are many other producti∣ons of man's wit, working, it as it were in ••pight of nature, which have so dazzled weaker minds, that it is indeed no wonder, if, not able to dis∣cover the reasons, which were purposely kept from them, they have attributed all those instru∣ments and engines, rather to Diabolicall opera∣tions then humane industry, and have through ignorance, bespatter'd the greatest Mathemati∣cians with the infamy of Magick. An instance of this we have in that Archimedes of Gascony, Francis Flussad of Candale, who was not able to ward off the blowes of that Calumny. To him adde John Denys an excellent Mathematician of our time, who printed an Apology for himself in the year 1570. and pleaded his own cause at London. And to him, Pope Silvester, Bacon, Michael Scotus, Albertus Magnus, and all the rest who now put in their Bills of Com∣plaint.

Ovid. de Nace. Fructus obest, peperisse nocet, nocet esse feracem.

Wherein there is certainly much justice, their on∣ly crime being, that their Sciences, their instru∣ments, their brazen heads, their Clocks, and all their other subtle Inventions, have so astonish'd the populace, that instead of referring these sin∣gular effects to their true cause and the experience of the Mechanicks▪, the Operator whereof, is▪ if I may so expresse it, penè socius naturae, occulta * 1.56 reserans, manifesta convertens, miraculis ludens, it hath attributed all to Diabolicall Magick. This they think was very much more in reputation five or six hundred years since than itis now•• and that was publickly taught in certain Schools in Spain, whereof the ruines are yet to be seen in the Cel∣lars near Toledo and Salamanca. But this rather begs our belief then requires it, in as much as the Authors from whom we have these things, being no more Authentick Testimony, then what we might produce to affirm as much of the Castle of Vicestre. But indeed, it is a certain piety not to think that Citty ever was the Seminary of so many Magicians, which God honour'd with a prero∣gative above all other, that the doctrine and po∣licy of his Church was confirm'd and maintain'd therein by the assemblies of 17. Councells; be∣sides that those who make Sylvester a Magician acknowledge that he learn'd, what he knew that way, at Toledo.

But when it shall be hereafter evinc'd that Syl∣vester was no such man, but the greatest aud most excellent Mathematican of his Age, it will be but rationall to grant, that, by the Magick

taught at Toledo is only meant the Mathematicks, which had gain'd such reputation there, and were so perfectly taught, that a certain English man called Daniel Morlerus (who flourish'd in the year 1190. and writt excellently well therein) after a long aboad in Barbarie to learn them, was at last advised to transport himself to Toledo, as the most famous place for their profession in the World. Such, it seems, it was then, and continu'd so, long after, even to Alphonsus King of Castile in the year 1262. who became such a Mecaenas and Patron of these disciplines that he gave, by way of recompence, to certain Arabi∣ans whose assistance and industry he had made use of in composing his Astronomicall Tables, above 400000 Crownes: so infinitely desirous was he of being accounted the common Benefactor of all the Mathematicians of his time, that there needs no further security for it, then that infinite num∣ber of Treatises and Translations upon this sub∣ject, which had never been done but by the influ∣ence of his name, and the example of his Libe∣rality. * 1.57 That indeed brought these Disciplines much into request, especially judiciary Astrology, as Mirandula observes, that it is not to be wondered at, that the place where it was so diligently practi∣sed, should be taken for the Schoole of Magick. If * 1.58 so, those certainly, who glory'd in the imitation of the Astrologer Diophanes, who boasted in Apuleius that he certainly knew qui dies copulam nuptialem affirmet, qui fundamenta moenium perpetuet, qui negotiatori commodus, qui viatori celebris, qui na∣vigiis opportunus, must needs expect to be brand∣ed * 1.59 for Magicians, not much differing from the opinion of Tertullian, who sometimes said, Sci∣mus

Magiae & Astrologiae inter se societatem. It is also the opinion of the Civilians, who under the same head, treat De Maleficis et Mathematicis, upon occasion of Divinations and this Astrolo∣gie, which hath been condemn'd under the name of Mathematicks, because Justinian de∣sirous to make his Constitutions clear and in∣telligible, made use of the most usuall and Vulgar words: Vulgus autem, saies Gellius, quos genti∣litio * 1.60 vocabulo Chaldaeos dicere oportet, Mathema∣ti••os dicit. We have it confirmed also by a pas∣sage in Juvenal,

Sat. 14.Nota Mathematicis genesis tua—

which, as that of Gellius, is not to be understood of Arithemetick, Geometry, Musick, and Astro∣nomy, which are particularly signifi'd by the name of Mathematicks, and generally approved by all, but only of Judiciary Astrology, which is, with much reason, condemn'd by the Church, not as suspected guilty of any thing of Magick, but as a Profession, quae stellis ea quae ge∣runtur * 1.61 in terra consecrat, makes us slaves to the destinies, and is absolutely in consistent with all kinds of Religion.

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CHAP. VI.

That the Books attributed to divers great persons, are not a sufficient testimony to make them guilty of Magick.

* 1.62 VVE find in History, that that potent King of Aegypt, Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, ha∣ving spar'd no industry to adde to and adorn the proud Library he had erected in Alexandria, ap∣pointed, for its further splendour, a certain so∣lemn day, on which all the Poets assembled toge∣ther, recited verses in honour of the Muses, that the most able and fortunate might be gratified with the presents he had designed for them. These guerdons were already voted to divers of the Candidates, when Aristophanes, who was the se∣venth of the Judges, opposed the sentence of the rest, and opening the treasury of his memory, a∣maz'd all with the greatnesse of his reading and his miraculous learning, and discover'd that the pieces they thought so excellent and accomplish∣ed, were not theirs who had recited them, but had been taken out of the best Authours, whom he particulariz'd one after another, making such an Inventory of Felonies, that the King, People, and Judges revok'd the former sentence, for to fa∣vour some others, who had not brought any thing, but what was of their own invention. For my part, I am clearly of opinion, that there was not more occasion, for that Aristophanes in the time of Ptolemy, than there is in this, and that he should find much more occasion to discover his

prodigious reading, not onely in the censure and condemnation of Plagiaries, but also in the vin∣dications of these great persons. For in stead of receiving those elogies and honorary titles, some∣times given them by Richard de Bury, Chancellor of England, the greatest Lover of Books that hath been since the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus, who, to insinuate the advantage of good books, tels us, Hi sunt Magistri qui nos instruunt sine virgis & * 1.63 ferula, sine verbis & cholera, sine pannis & pecunia: si accedis non dormiunt, si inquiris non se abscon∣dunt, non remurmurant si oberres, cachinnos nesciunt si ignores; in stead of these Elogies, I say, they have father'd upon them a number of pernicious and pestilent books, for which, in stead of these com∣mendations, they meet with onely the contempt and imprecations of those, who cannot distin∣guish these supposititious brats from their true and legitimate children.

This hath given some occasion to imagine, that many great men have not been charg'd with Ma∣gick, but meerly upon this fourth cause, and the books unjustly father'd upon them, such as are those of Trithemius's Catalogue, and many other Manuscripts, qui e•• periculosius errant, quò in solidi∣tate * 1.64 naturae & vigore rationis suum fundare videntur errorem. For an Antidote against the venom of this fourth kind, according to our method in the precedent, we are to shew that there is no proba∣bility, that all these books improbatae lectionis, as * 1.65 the Civilians call them, were ever written or composed by those, under whose names and au∣thority they are publish'd, which yet if we should grant, yet can there not any certain proof be de∣duced out of them, to conclude the Authours

Magicians. For, in the first place, we have no o∣ther knowledge or account of these books, than what we find in certain Catalogues, who furnish us with their titles in such a manner, that we can∣not judge, unlesse by some other circumstances, what the Authours drift and designe was in the composition of them, whether to illustrate or confute, plead for or against, mantain or condemn the subject they treat of, and busie themselves a∣bout. Whence it came to passe, that many find∣ing by these Catalogues, that Alexander Aphrodi∣saeus had written of Magicall Arts, Aquinas of ju∣diciary Astrologie, and Roger Bacon of Necro∣mancie, have presently entered into imaginati∣ons contrary to what they should, beleeving that they contain'd nothing else, but the precepts and direction we are to follow, to be perfect in the practice of all those Divinations, and consequent∣ly, that there was much reason, why the Authors should be accounted Magicians.

But this consequence is vain, light, and ground∣lesse; for besides the first errour, we may observe a second, which, because not so obvious, hath de∣luded a many, even to this day, who held that there needed no more to qualifie any one, an En∣chanter or Magician, than to write of Magick: which once granted, we must also infer, that all those who undertake to write against, and to con∣vince them, should be bemir'd with the same vice, and accordingly incur the same punishment. For it must be supposed, that they cannot discover the absurdity of their precepts and maximes, un∣lesse they understand and declare them to us, which if they do, they become equally guilty, be∣cause the good or bad intention of the one and

the other, doth not make any alteration in the case, relating onely to the nature of Precepts, which should have no more force taken out of Picatrix than Delrio, if he hath once explan'd them, nor of the prohibited Authours, than those who refute them. Nay, we must presse further, and affirm, that all those who are able to dis∣course pertinently of Magick, ought to be con∣demn'd as Magicians, were there no other reason than that it is in their power, as much as theirs who did it before, to furnish us with books and precepts, which if they do not, it is either because they think it not convenient▪ or out of some other motive, without any prejudice to their learning. We find Socrates, Carneades, and divers others ac∣counted good Philosophers, though they would never take the pains to commit any thing to wri∣ting; Hortensius, thought, in Cicero's time, the best Oratour in all Rome, who, probably, out of an imitation of a many others highly celebrated by Seneca and Cicero, would never publish any of his Declamations. Adde to this, that it were a strange simplicity to think, that only such as have been in the Circle, are practised in Invocations, and have exercised Magick, can write or make books of it, whereas every one is at liberty to dis∣course according to his humour, of a thing where∣in there is neither precepts, order, nor method, and where all a man hath to do, is to mingle the characters of the twelve Signes and the seven Planets, the names of certain Angels mentioned in Scripture, the Tohu and the Boh••, the Urim and Thummim, the Beresith and Merchava, the Ensoph and the Agla of the Cabalists, with the Hippomanes, Virgin parchment, Pentacle, the dead

mans muffler, the Deaths head, the blood of Owls and Bats, and certain prayers and conjurations out of the Flagellum Daemonum, to make a world of my∣sterious Books and Treatises. These must after∣wards be sold very secretly, and for good round prices, by such as can make no other shift to stave off their clamorous necessities, than by making a trade of these cheats and impostures, to the cost and sorrow of many weak, superstitious, and me∣lancholy inclinations, who think they are within sight of Felicity, and can do miracles, when they meet with these Cheats and Mountebanks.

—Tam magna penuria mentis ubique! In nug as tam prona via est!—

Lastly, there is no likelihood that these books, which are onely for the most part, the fruits of a long Theory and Speculation, should be suffici∣ent proofs to convince the Authours of Magick, which consists rather in certain practices and ope∣rations, than in the laying down of precepts; he * 1.66 onely, according to Biermannus, deserving the name of a Magician, who contracts with the De∣vil to make use of him in what he shall think fit to employ him in. This definition indeed cannot pos∣sibly agree to all those, for whom we make this A∣pologie, if there be no other charge against them, than that of the Books they have written on this Subject▪ since it is possible they made them with∣out any contract expressed or understood, simple or publike, as we have shewn before. Nay, to take away all controversie, it is a pure calumny mali∣ciously advanced, an opinion ab olutely errone∣ous and rash, to think to maintain or prove, that

any one of them ever made or troubled himself with the composure of any Book treating of Geotick or unlawfull Magick, or of any Species or difference thereof. And this, in the first place may be confirm'd by the Testimony of him who is accounted the Prince and Ring-leader of the * 1.67 Magicians, who very well understood the chears and suprises of all these Books vamp'd and never set up with false Titles, and father'd upon Zoro∣astes, Enoch, Trismegistus, Abraham, Solomon, Apuleius, Aquinas, Albertus magnus, and severall other great persons. To this adde the Suffrage of * 1.68 Vuierus and all those who have written with most judgment upon this subject, grounded, probably upon the same reason that made Picus Mirandula give the like Judgment of some such Books of * 1.69 Judiciary Astrology, which, as he saies, are falsify'd by certain impostors, who, quoniam, quae produn∣tur ab iis, rationibus confirmari non possunt, sive ipsi illa vera credunt, sive credi volunt ab aliis, libros hujusmodi fabularum, viris clarissimis et antiquis∣simis inscribunt, et fidem errori suo de fictis Authori∣bus aucupantur.

The same remarke we may make on all the other kinds of Quacksalving, especially that of Alchymists, who think they have not done their duty and cheated as they should, if after they have made a shift to find the explication of all their Chimera's in Genesis, the Apocalypse, the Hieroglyphicks, the Odyssey, the Metamorphôses, nay even in Epitaphs, Sepulchres, and Tombes, they should not send their Books into the world under the names of Mary Mose's Sister, Trisme∣gistus, Democritus, Aristotle, Synesius, Avicenna, Albertus magnus, and Aquinas. As if all these

Learned men and great Authors had had no other employment all their lives then blowing & stirr∣ing of fires, or making of Circles, Characters and Invocations; and that the barbarisme, the extra∣vagances, the childishnesse, want of order, the lownesse, errour, and Ignorance of all these Books were not sufficient arguments to rescue from so black a calumny, such transcendent Soules, and Intelligences of Litterature,

Omnes coelicolas, omnes supera alta tenentes.

And not only that, but with the same labour dis∣cover unto us the muddy, and pestilent source, the Styx and Tartarus, whence proceed all these lit∣tle Monsters, these Apparitions, these Bastards, these abortive fruits, which indeed is no other * 1.70 then the temerity of some poor reptile Spirits, qui sui quaestûs causa fictas suscitant sententias: fa∣thering them upon the first comes into their mind * 1.71 never minding any reason, choise consideration or respect. Hence it comes that Chicus affirmes he had seen a Book written by Cham concerning Magick, and another made by Solo∣mon, de umbris Idaearum; that John of Salisbury * 1.72 makes mention of an Art of Dreams vented under thename of Daniel; that the two Picus's aknow∣ledge not for legitimate the treatises of Necro∣mancy * 1.73 attributed to Saint Hierome, Aquinas, and Plato; and that the Abbot Trithemius, not without reason, laughs at all that is father'd upon Al∣bertus Magnus and divers others.

For what reason or ground is there to believe that Hippocrates was Author of the Book of Lu∣nar Astrologie, Plato of that of the herbes and the

Cow, Aristotle of those of the Apple of Vegeta∣bles of the properties of Elements and the Secrets of Alexander, Galen of that of Enchantments; Ovid, of that of the Old Woman, and the Loves of Pamphilus; Seneca, of the little Book of Vertues and the Epistles of St. Paul; and that all the be••t Authors spent their time so trivially upon trifling Books of no Value or consequence; whereof we have so little assurance of the true Authors, that we are not certain to whom we ought to at∣tribute a many we afford places to in our Lib••a∣ryes. For, to passe by the works of Orpheus, Trismegistus, Berosus, and Manethon, all which are ab••olutely feigned, some Apocryphall peeces of holy writ; doubtful Treatises of Hippocrates, Galen, those question'd by Erasmus at the im∣pression of the Fathers, the Pamplets of Ge••s••n, Fenestella, Pythagoras, and Cato, and all that lye under suspicion among Humanists; is it not strange that Francis Picus, successor to the * 1.74 Learning as well as Principality of his Uncle the great Picus, the Phaenix of his Age, should take so much paines to prove, that it is altogether un∣certain whether Aristotle be Author of any one Book of all those that are found in the Catalogue * 1.75 of his Works? And yet he is therein seconded by Nizolius, and the businesse so strictly discuss'd by Patricius, that, after he had discovered a miraculous industry in the scrutiny of the truth * 1.76 of that proposition, he concludes at last, that, of all the Books of that great Genius of nature, there are but four, of little bulk and lesse conse∣quence, come to us, as his, without the least doubt or controversy; that is, That of he Mechanicks, and three others he writ against Zeno Goro••as and

Xenophanes. On the other side Ammonius, in his Commentaries upon the Praedicaments, affirms, that there were in the Library of Alexandria forty Books of Analyticks, all under the name of Aristotle; though he had made but four, whereof the two first are answerable to the nine cited by * 1.77 Diogenes Laertius. But this, if we credit Galen, is to be attributed to the emulation that was be∣tween the Kings of Pergamus and Aegypt in re∣warding those who brought them the Books of any good Author, especially Aristotle; for the greater ornament▪ of their Libraries; it having never happened before, that the Titles of Ancient * 1.78 Books had been falsifyed. But in this point we shold have been more large had not Patricius taken the paines before us; or that it had been necessary to demonstrate how unjust it is, and beside all ap∣pearance of reason, that some, under their names, whose prodigious Learning rais'd them to great∣est reputation, have pester'd the world with an infinite number of impertinent fragments, dis∣order'd collections, fabulous Treatises, fruitlesse writings, and Books shuffell'd together without reason, method, or judgment.

—Quos—ipse Non siani esse hominis non sanus juret Orestes.

CHAP. VII.

Of all the other Causes which may give any occasion of suspicion thereof.

THough the number of those who have endea∣voured to discover & explain to us the nature & condition of Magick within these two hundred years is almost infinite yet me thinks the first that undertook it have done it with no small distracti∣on, as not seeing well; and the greatest part of the more Modern have endeavoured to faciliate the disquisition by the use of those Glasses which make Ants seeme as great as a man's thumbe, so to represent to us in their Books, atomes like Mountaines and flyes like Elephants, that is, magnifie the smallest faults into the greatest crimes, by a childish metamorphosis of the least jealousy into truth, of a hearsay into a demon∣stration, and accidents of no consequence into prodigious and memorable Histories. Whence it is not to be wonder'd at, that as the higher & greater things are, the more subject they are to Light∣ning; so the greatest part of those Noble Souls of past ages, those tutelary Gods of Parnassus and favourites of the Muses have not been free from that of Tongues. For being the principall Actors upon the Stage of this world, and as much above the ordinary rate of men, as they are above other Creatures; their leasts, faults and most in considera∣ble misapprehensions have been more narrowly pry'd into, whether it be that the least mark or mole is more obvious in an extraordinary Beau∣ty

than on some poor Baucis or Cybale, or that, according to the saying of the sententious Po∣et.

Omne animi vitium tanto conspectius in se Crimen habet, quanto major qui pecat habetur.

However it be, we may adde this cause to the precedent, as one of the principall that hath caused learned men to be thought Magicians, and upon account whereof the curiosity of Al∣bertus magnus, the naturall Magick of Bacon, the judiciary Astrology of Chicus, the Mathema∣ticks of Sylvester, and he resy of Alchindus, and certaine superstitious obervations, have been re∣puted Geotick and diabolicall Magick. But it must be confess'd, it is for the most part the ma∣levolent interpretation of those who judge not of things, but with misprision; of Authors, but by their outside and superscriptions; of Books, but by their titles; nor of men, but by their vi∣ces; div••••ging what they ought in prudence to conceale, and priding it, not only to lay open to the world the miscarriages of all these great per∣sons, but magnifying and aggravating them pur∣posely to prepossesse, and consequently make us passe sentence against their innocence, which certainly ought to have all the faire play that may be, it being just to suppose it not so weak and wounded as it is represented to us. Besides, should we a little more narrowly search into the truth of this opinion quae mala attollit et exag∣gerat, * 1.79 & cothurnis quibusdam auget, we shall find all these proofs resolv'd into conjectures, and all these enormous crimes into certain vaine and triviall snperstitions. Nor is it in the mean

time any miracle at all, that these glorious men in their times should somewhat degenerate that way, nay endeavour to practise them, when it is of ordinary experience, that what is most accom∣plished, is also most delicate and perishable. Thus we find that the sharpest points are the soon∣est blunted, the perfect'st white the most easily soyl'd, the best complexion the most subject to se∣veral altrations, & we have it from holy Writt, that the noblest of the Angels was the first that fell.

Having therefore thus deduc'd all the causes we could find of this suspicion as to what con∣cernes the accused, we shall in the rest of this Chapter observe five others, which we may say, have contributed more to the propagation of this erroneous opinion, then the former. These are, Heresy, Malice, Ignorance, Credulity, and the Dis-circumspection, and want of judgment in Authors and writers.

For the first, it amounts to something more then a conjecture that Alchindus▪ Peter d' Apono, Arnoldus de Villa nova Riply, and some others who with some reason have been suspected guilty of Heresy, may without any be charg'd with Ma∣gick, though Tertullian sometimes said, Notata * 1.80 sunt etiam commercia Haereticorum cum Magis plurimis, cum Circulatoribus, cum Astrologis, * 1.81 cum Philosophis. Which censure be confirmes elsewhere, calling Magick, haereticarum opinionum * 1.82 auctricem. Hence haply some Catholick Doctors, especially Delrio and Maldonat, took occasion to lay it down as a Maxime, strengthened by con∣stant experience, that either the Authors and first * 1.83 promoters of Heresies, have been themselves Magicians, as Simon Magus, Menander, Valenti∣nianus,

Carpocrates, Priscillianus, Berengarius, and Hermogenes; or that prohibited and Magical Arts have alwayes come in the neck of some heresy. This they exemplify out of some Historians of Spaine, who relate, that after the Arrians had long continu'd therein, the Devils were for a good space of time seen tormenting men there. So was the heresy of Hus seconded by a great tempest of Sor∣cerers and Demons through Bohemia and Germa∣ny, and that of the Lollards through the Apenni∣ne Hills. Of this the Jesuit Maldonat gives five principall reasons, which we shall not presse in this place.

In the second cause of suspicion, we may ob∣serve, that Malice sometime, made Apuleius be accus'd of Magick by his wife's friends; the Popes Sylvester and Gregory by the Emperours they had excommunicated, and some Heretiques their im∣placable enemyes. To which may haply be add∣ed the procedure of the English against the Mayd of Orleance, who accordingly condemn'd her for a Witch, whereas de Langey and du Haillan make her act another quite contrary part. But if the common opinion of those who were best acquain∣ted with her may prevaile, there is little proba∣bility she should have been a Witch, which is the conclusion Valerandus Varanius puts to the Histo∣ry he made of her.

Tandem collatis patres ultro{que} citro{que} Articulis, flammas sub iniquo judice passam Darcida, concordi decernuntore: modum{que}. Angligenas violasse fori, juris{que} tenorem.

But Learning, formerly alledg'd by us as one

of the principall causes of this false accusation, obliges us now to say something of Ignorance, its adverse party, and shew, how prodeminant it was, as well among the Greeks before Socrates, who may be called the Patriarch of Philosophy, as the Latines, from the times of Boetius, Symma∣chus and Cassiodorus, till the last taking of Constan∣tinople. Then indeed the world began to put on another face, the Heavens to move upon new Hypotheses, the Aire to be better known as to Meteors, the Sea to be more open and easie, the Earth to acknowledge a Sister Hemisphere, men to enter into greater correspondences by Naviga∣tion, Arts to be delivered of those miraculous in∣ventions of Guns and Printing. Then were the Sciences restor'd to their former lustre, in Gorma∣ny by Reuchlin and Agricola, in Switzerland by Erasmus, in England by Linacer and Ascham, in Spain by Vives, and Nebrissensis, in France by Faber and Budaeus, in Italy by Hermolaus, Po∣litianus, Picus, and the Greeks who fled thither for refuge from Constantinople; and lastly in all other parts of the earth, by the meanes of new Characters and Printing. We formerly observ'd out of Plutarch that, before the revolution hap∣pening in Socrates's time, it was not lawfull in Greece to advance any thing of Astrology, to study the Mathematicks, or professe Philosophy. Thence we are now to consider what capacity may be allow'd those, who, suffering the best Authors to moulder away in Libraries, made use of no other Grammarians, then Graecismu•• Barbarismus and Alexander de Villa dei; no other Rhetoricians then Aquilegius; no other Philosophers, then Gingolfus Rapoleus▪ Ferrabrit,

and Petrus Hispanus; no other Historians, than the, Fasciculus Temporum, and the Mo∣ther of Histories, nor other Books in Mathema∣ticks than the Compot Manuel, and the shepheard's Kalender. What could the Grammarians expect from these, but Barbarisms like that of the Priest, whom the Master of Sentences mentions baptizing of infants, In nomine Patria, Filia, & Spiritua Sancta? What could Philosophers find there, but suppositions, ampliations, restrictions, sophisms, obligations, and a Labyrinth of fruit∣lesse niceties comprehended under the title of Parva Logicalia? So also, for those that read Histories, what entertainment had they but that of ridiculous tales upon Merlin's prophecy, S••. Patrick•• Purgatory, Pilate's▪ Tower, Ammon's Castle, Pope Joan, and abundance of such fabu∣lous trash and trumpery, as now,

Vix pueri credunt nisi qui nondum are lavantur.

Not indeed is it any thing extraordinary, when they are commonly accounted Magicians that can produce Roses and Summer-Flowers in the depth of Winter. That those gallant men, who have been seen like so many Stars shining in that dark and Melancholy night, and have darted the influ∣ences of their miraculous Learning, in the cold∣est and frostiest season of Letters, have pass'd to us under the same Title, through the over easy belief of those who first mistook, then represented them for such. But alasse what shall we say of a sort of empty unballasted soules, but that they may be easily weigh'd down any way by an errone∣ous perswasion, which is as constant an atten∣dant

of ignorance, as a shadow is of the body, or envie of vertue.

And now we have but a step to the fourth cause of suspicion which fastens on these great persons, that is, from Ignorance to that of Credulity, which easily admits abundance of such things, as though improbable and superstitious, ordinarily fall and follow one in the neck of another. To make this more evident and apprehensible, we must begin with what we find related in a little Treatise, which St. Agobart Bishop of Lyons made in the year of Christ 833, against the extravagance of the people then, who beleev'd that those could trou∣ble the air, and raise tempests, who, for that rea∣son, in the first chapter of the Capitularies of Charlemaigne, and Lewis the Debonaire, are called, Tempestarii, sive immissores Tempestatum. It was, it seems, the common, and, by a many, stiffely maintain'd opinion, that there were in his time certain Conjurers, that had the power to make it hail and thunder, or to raise tempests, as often and when they pleas'd, so to spoil and destroy the fruits of the earth; which so destroy'd, they after∣wards sold to certain Inhabitants of the Countrey of Magodia, who every year brought ships tho∣row the air, to carry away those provisions. This was grown into such a vulgar article of faith, that the good Bishop had much ado one day, to deli∣ver three men and a woman out of the clutches of the distracted multitude, who were dragging them to execution, as having fallen out of those ships. The same Authour relates further in the same book, that there being a generall mortality * 1.84 among Cattle, especially Oxen, (whereof there died such a number over all Europe, that Bellefo∣rest

thought fit to take notice of it in his Additi∣ons upon Nicholas Gilles) the more superstitious sort of people presently imagin'd, that one Gri∣moald, Duke of Benevent, and a great enemy of Charlemaigne, had sent a many men with veno∣mous powders, which they should scatter up and down the sens, fields, and into springs: Inso∣much, that this holy and judicious person, seeing abundance of innocent people daily hanged, drown'd, and extreamly persecuted for this sim∣ple fable, ends his book full of indignation, with this excellent sentence; Tanta jam stultitia op∣pressit miserum mundum, ut nunc sic absurdè res credantur à Christianis, quales nunquam antea ad credendum poterat quisquam suadere Paganis.

These and the like Fables were but the Pro∣logue to Romances, which came upon the stage immediately after, in the reigne of Lewis the De∣bonaire (in whose time the Bishop was still alive) and multiply'd so strangely by the ignorance of that age, easily, it seems, lay'd asleep by an y ab∣surdities, though ever so extravagant, that all tho••, who meddled with the history of that time, would needs, to render it more pleasant, interweave it with abundance of such relations. This is very pertinently observ'd by a certain Di∣vine, who ingenuously confesses, that, Hoc ••rat * 1.85 antiquorum plurium vitium, vel potius quaedam sine judicio simplicitas, ut in cl••rorum virorum gestis scribendis se minus existimarent elegantes, nisi ad or∣natum (ut putabant) sermonis, poetic as fictiones, vel aliq••id earum simile admiscerent, & consequenter vera f••lsis committerent. Nay, such reputation did these books gain, that in the year 1290, James de Voragine, Bishop of Gennes, Homo (as Vives,

and Melchior Canus call him) ferrei oris, plumbei cordis, animi certe parum severi & prudentis, yet whose intention was certainly good, thought fit to introduce that style into the Ecclesiasticall Hi∣story, and so writ a Golden Legend, whereby many devout and pious souls were edified, till the late Hereticks began to metamorphose it in a sove∣raigne Pantagruelisme, purposely to affront the Catholicks, and undermine the foundations of the reverence they pay those holy, but pernicious Relicks.

To the vanity of these Romances we are fur∣ther obliged for all the false relations which were soon after scattered among the people▪ of the mi∣raculous stratagems of Sylvester, Gregory, Michael Scotus, Roger Bacon, Peter d' Apono, Thebit, and in a manner, all the most learned of that time. These proved excellent entertainments, till the year 1425, when an infinity of other superstitions began to swarm, giving (as it were) a cessation to the precedent. And these we have thought fit to particularize, to shew it is no miracle, if the great knowledge of a many of that time occasi∣oned millions of ridiculous stories and fictions, when the zeal and good life of the greatest Saints, & the conduct & courage of the greatest Captains and Commanders have met with the same fate. Nor does it amount to much, that some of their books have been condemn'd as conjuring books, when a many others, whereof the very reading sufficiently clears their innocence, have met with as little favour. We may instance in the three propositions made by the famous Chancellour of the University of Paris, Gerson upon the Romance of the Rose, and the judgement of John Raulin, a

famous Doctor of the same University upon that of Oger the Dane, wherein they affirm the Au∣thours as certainly damn'd as ever Judas was, if they died without repentance, for the making and venting of such pieces.

Lastly, though it be alwayes more rationall and commendable, so to interpret, as to give the best sen••e to every mans writings, than to impeach them, and to excuse than to aggravate, to avoid a comparison with those, who worship not the ri∣sing Sun, but with affronts and imprecations; yet can we not, but make this Chapter full weight with the explication of the last cause of the whole calumny, which to do Truth right, is nothing else, but the neg••igence of Authours, or rather their want of circumspection and judgement in the composition of their works. For whether they have an itch to swell them with lesse trou∣ble, or prove in some degree what they had once undertaken, or make ostentation of their reading, or that those found the best entertainment and reception, who were fullest of strange and mira∣culous adventures; or lastly, were so sottish, as to beleeve all things, they have so outvied one another in the allegations of these fabulous sto∣ries, that the impertinences of old Romances, the fooleries of I know not what books, the tales of * 1.86 old wives, and such fictions, as those of Lucian's Dialogues, and Apuleius's Metamorphoses, have these Authours taken for irrefragable Demonstra∣tions, * 1.87 as being a sort of Writers, Qui compilant omnium opiniones & eae▪ quae etiam à vilissimis di∣cta, & scripta sunt, ab inopia ••udicii scribunt; & proponunt omnia▪ quia nesciunt praeferre meliora. But it were a thing hard and presumptuous, and

haply too tedious, to shew by a large censure on all those that have written on this subject, what freedome, every one took to discourse thereof at random and to interweave abundance of triviall tales with the most certain and unde∣nyable Truths. For this we may bring to the Bar John Nider, James. Sprenger, and Henry Institor, the Former confessing ingenuously (against l 1.88 Trithemius and Molanus, who made him Judge upon the Witches of Germany) that whatsoever he had said of them, and other Ma∣gicians in the last book of his m 1.89 Formicarium, which is as it were the Leaven of all that hath been said since upon that Subject, he had learn'd from a Judge of the City of Berne, & a Benedictine Monk, who before his going into the Order, had been, Necromanticus, Joculator, Mimus, & Truphator apud Seculares Principe▪ insignis & expertus. The two other have faggoted together so many stories into the Malleus Maleficarum, which came abroad in the year 1494 that Vui∣er had some reason to question whether they de∣served any more credit then those brought by Niderus.

The same judgment may be given upon a ma∣ny others who have follow'd these as it were by the scent, whose miscarriages yet are not so considerable as those of some latter writers, and particularly of that eminent man of France, John Bodin. Thi sman, having, with a miraculous viva∣city attended by a solid judgment, treated of all things divine, naturall and civill, would haply have been thought something more then Man, nay some Intelligence, had he not left some tracks of his humanity, in his Demonomancie, hand∣somely

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* 1.90 censur'd by the late learned King of Eugland Majori collecta studio, quam scripta judicio. But to make the best of it, we may say, that this great ingenuity more then ordinarily vers'd in the holy Tongue; was a little besotted with the Learning * 1.91 of the Rabbins and Thalmudists, quibus, as the Jesuit Possevin affirmes, hoc libro tam videtur ad∣dictus, ut ad eos s••piùs recurrat quàm ad Evange∣lium, Whence we may easily conceive that this Book, and that which Vuier made of the im∣postures and delusions of Devils may stand for the two extreames in comparison of the mean which should be observ'd in judging of the truth of these things, and the integrity of the principall Au∣thors, who first advanc'd them. By this meanes we are disengag'd from the rest, who, by fabu∣lous reports, and the little judgment they dis∣cover in this Disquisition would have us embrace the Clouds of their imaginations instead of the reall Juno, and thereby engage us to a recanta∣tion of such an abundance of childish and spuri∣ous Opinions, as are demonstrative arguments that our Minds may be much more justly said to creep than to fly; and that, to be rescu'd from these Chimera's, they must be set at Liberty, and absolutely possess'd of their full right, that so they may freely do their duty, which is to reve∣rence and acquiesce in Ecclesiastiall History, to discourse upon natnr••ll, and to be alwayes doubt∣full of the Civill.

CHAP. VIII.

That Zoroastes was neither Author nor Promoter of Geotick, Theurgick or unlawfull Magick.

WE have indeed many discoveries of the the nimblenesse and subtilty of that Emperour's wit, whose infamy for his Apostacy outweigh'd the reputation, his many Vertues and perfections otherwise, which were wholly particular in him, had gain'd him. But me thinks he never made a greater expression of * 1.92 it then at Paris, when the Subtle Orator Delphi∣dius, having accus'd before him Numerius Gover∣nour of Languedoc, and perceiving he had not suf∣ficient testimony to convince him, cry'd out, as it were in indignation, that No man would ever be found guilty if he had no more to do then to deny. The word was no sooner out of his mouth, but the Emperour Julian judiciously reply'd, that no man's innocency was secure, if bare accusations should be admitted for proofs. His meaning in that witty retort was, that the impeach't are not al∣wayes criminall, nor the accus'd punishable; and that to condemne a man and to last the verdure of his Innocence, there are other proofes re∣quir'd then that of a simple word, which argues oftener the ignorance, rashnesse, or passion, of some envious and malevolent person, then it does the guilt or desert of him against whom it is directed.

This certainly cannot but make something for all these renowned persons, who must needs

be crush'd by the multitude of their Accusers, if we were oblig'd, as Civilians, or forc'd, as were anciently the Roman Tribunes, rather to count the suffrages then to examine the reasons; or if Senecae had not sometime given us this advice, which we may now make use of for their defence, Non tam bene cum rebus humanis geritur, ut meliora pluribus placeant. But he who by a diligent reading knows how to discover the rea••ity of things, will not think this multitude so considerable. For as some Captaines are glad to fill their Troops with Rogues and hedge Birds, and force armes up∣on Boyes and peedees to give the enemy a check upon the first appearance; so the Timons of Li∣terat••re, and enemies of all learned men make use of such another Stratageme, and level against their Fame, the authority of a multitude of wretched & Vulgar Souls with certain plagiaries and cut∣purses of writers. These, like the Potamonick Philosophers think nothing good or right, but what is judg'd so by others, see not but with Spectacles, as the Lamiae, have no other cloaths then the cast ones of their Masters, as the pee∣dees, * 1.93 follow no other path then what is the most beaten, like so many sheep, and in all things resemble those religious Disciples of Py∣thagoras apud quos tantum opinio praejudicatae poterat, ut etiam sine ratione valeret Authori∣t••s.

I shall not therefore stand to sift all popular assertions of the Magick of the ancient Philoso∣phers, such as were Zoroastes, Orpheus, Pythago∣ras, Democritus, and others; but, having treated of it in generall, descend now to particulars, and make that good of every one, which hath

been prov'd of all together. With this caution neverthelesse, that it is not my intention to pursue the designe as far as any thing may be said of it, if a man would undertake to write whole Volumes, in defence of every one of these great persons. For when we have once examin'd the opinions of the best Authors upon their doctrine, whatever may be added otherwise, is not produc'd so much for explication as to swell up a Volume, and make those, whose Stomacks cannot bear such repetitions, say what they do of a many others.

Et veterem in limo ranae ••ecinere querelam.

This engagment cannot be better or more fitly begun then with the defence of Zoroastes, a per∣son represented to us, as the living spring and originall of all Magicians, neither more nor lesse then Cain was of murtherers, Nimrod of Tyrants, Ninus of Idolaters, and Simon Magus of Here∣tiques, through the opinion of the Abbot Serenus in c 1.94 Cassian, of Lactantius, St. Cyprian, Pererius and most other Doctors, is much more probable. They hold for certain that men should not ima∣gine any other Author of this perverse and un∣lawfull Magick then Satan, the sworne enemy of all the Creation, who made use of this Geotick long before the Deluge. For, as Eusebius * 1.95 observes, the innocency of the first ages had not been defil'd and corrupted with all those vain superstitions and ceremonies, if this jealous spirit, envying the hoped-for salvation of man∣kind, had not bent all his forces to ensnare them as deeply in this Magical Idolatry as they were in

all other exorbitancies and iniquities, which in time so far prevailed over vertue, that God could do no lesse than send an universall Deluge to cleanse the earth from all those abominations. But the waters were no sooner return'd into their place, but this spirit of presumption, this Beelze∣bub, Prince of Flies, began to renew his practices, and to lay the foundation of his second Monar∣chy in those weak minds, which are most easily taken, and entangled in the cobwebs of a multi∣tude of suspicious operations, strange sacrifices, and magicall superstitions. It is not indeed possi∣ble to particularize and tell justly, who, of all the men of this second age of the world, was the first instrument of this fatall enemy of Nature, to di∣sperse his conjurations over the habitable earth, as we find them now received and practised.

* 1.96 Whence we may charge Pliny with a double errour, where he treats of this Subject; one, in that being an Epicurean as well as Lucretius,

Et mundum nullo credens re••tore moveri Naturâ volvente vices & lucis & anni;

as he openly professes in these words, with no * 1.97 lesse rashnesse than ignorance, Per quae haud dubie declaratur, naturae potentiam id quoque esse quod Deum vocamus; he had not recourse, as the Chri∣stians and Platonick Philosophers, to the first Authour of Magick, who is no other than he whom we have already described, as may be fur∣ther, were it needfull, proved by a passage of Por∣phyrius * 1.98 cited by Eusebius. The other is, where he affirms Zoroastes to have been the first that ever practiz'd it, and brought it into esteem among

men. This, how unlikely soever, is receiv'd with so little difficulty by all that have written after him, that few or none have taken the pains to ex∣amine that proposition; which, as it is grounded chiefly on the long time it hath been acknow∣ledged, and their authority who maintain it; so is there but little reason it should be received as infallibly true, when Pliny himself wonders, how the memory and precepts of Zoroastes could be preserved so long time, he having lived, according to one Eudoxus, whom he cites for it, six thou∣sand years before Plato. Nay, if we allow the o∣pinion of Pererius and some Moderns, who make * 1.99 him flourish in the time of Ninus and Abraham, yet this age we have so slender an account of, and the things said of it, so lost in the Labyrinth of so many ages, that it were more ingenuous to con∣fesse our ignorance, than presumptuously to af∣firm Zoroastes, of whom,

Ad nos vix tenuis famae perlabitur umbra,

to have been the first of all Magicians. Adde to this, that the little knowledge we have of him is so disguised by Historians, that we can hardly meet with two or three, who do not contradict and confute one another in the history of this person.

* 1.100 For if with Theodoret and Agathias we call him Zarades, he will presently be confounded, by all those Writers who mind not the order of time and Chronology, with one Zaratas, whom Plutarch makes Master to Pythagoras; with one * 1.101 Zabratus, mentioned by Malchus (who is no o∣ther than Porphyrius) in the life of Pythagoras;

* 1.102 and with one Nazaratus, whom some in Clemens Alexandrinus would have to be the Prophet Eze∣kiel. Or if we will allow him the name of Zoro∣astes, as the most common, yet will there be no lesse difficulty to guesse which of the six men, who were of the same name, was the Magician, * 1.103 four whereof are named by Arnobius, the fifth by Suidas, and the sixth by Pliny. Further, be it sup∣posed that the true Zoroastes was well known among so many, yet must we allow somewhat to Sixtus Senensis, who mentions two Kings of that name, one of the Persians, Authour of Naturall Magick; the other of the Bactrians, first Inven∣tor * 1.104 of the Diabolicall: somewhat to Rhodoginus, and diverse others, who will allow both Nations but one Zoroastes for a Law-giver, that according to the common opinion of all Writers, endea∣vour'd to perswade them that he had received his Laws and Constitutions from a certain Divinity, whom he called Oromasis. But, what should make us yet more distrustfull of what is said of him, is, that the same Authours would perswade us, that he was the son of that Oromasis, or Ari∣manius, * 1.105 whereas Plutarch, the most considerable man of Antiquity assures us, that Zoroastes meant nothing else by those two words he pronounced so often, than the good and bad Daemon, to which he was wont to refer that miraculous order which is observed in the course of Nature and revolution of all things, as Heraclitus did to har∣mony; Anaxagoras, to mind and infinite; Empe∣docles, to friendship and debate; and Parmenides, to light and darknesse. This the same Authour confirms in the Treatise of Isis and Osiris, as also Diogenes Laertius, Brissonius, Calcagnin and Phi∣lelphus,

who would not disparage their judge∣ment so much, as to heap multitudes of fables and contradictions one upon another, to repre∣sent this Zoroastes as the Prince of Magicians. For indeed there is much more reason to think him, that of Philosophers and Professours of Learning, as, when we have refuted the errour of this pernicious opinion, we shall make appear. It does indeed sufficiently undermine it self by the discord of those that maintain it, and the at∣tendant contradictions, as it ordinarily happens in all other lies; yet, to blow it up, and to apply a remedy as soveraigne as the disease is inve••e∣terate, we must reduce all these opinions to four principall heads, and, in the particular explicati∣on of them, shew, that there is no reason in the world, why this Zoroastes should be represented to us, as the first and most eminent of all Conju∣rers and Magicians.

* 1.106 The first shall be that of Goropius Becanus, as being the easiest, and needing no other solution than to be understood and proposed. For that Zoroastes was no Magician, he endeavours▪ to make good, by alledging it was a meer fable, and that really there never was any such man; which right he does not onely do him, but Mercurius Trismegistus, & Orpheus, deriving the Etymologie of these words from a certain Cimmerian lan∣guage in use, as he sayes, from the Creation to the Deluge. But while he chimerises on that in liberty of conscience, there fals from him a mani∣fest contradiction, observ'd since by Patricius, in * 1.107 that having maintain'd the negative as an unde∣niable axiom, he afterwards indifferently con∣founds this Zoroastes with Japhet one of the sons of Noah.

But this opinion, if true, would in some sort agree with the second, which we are now to de∣duce, the promotets whereof endeavour to prove, That Cham and Zoroastes were but one person, according to Berosus, Didymus of Alexandria, and the Author of the Scholastick History, that Cham was the first that exercised Magick after the De∣luge, * 1.108 as is affirm'd by the same Berosus in his Hi∣story; and that, this granted, it is to be inferr'd, that Zoroastes after the restauration of the world, first began to soil mens minds with the soot of his invocations & sorceries. Nay, they stick not to affirm that the first he practised them on, was his own Father, affirming, that the only motive that Noah had to thunder such a curse against him, was that the other had by his Magick so bound and made him impotent▪ that having, at it were, lost the prerogative of his nature,

Corn. Gall. Eleg. 3. Diriguit, quantus{que} fuit calor, ossa reliquit.

Insomuch, that afterwards he could not get any children, either on his wife or any other, as is so clearly and methodically set down by Berosus, that we need not seek that contradiction in his History, which is falsly imposed upon him by du * 1.109 Verdier in his Censure. Whence it comes to passe, that many keep a coil to have this opinion of the first Author of Magick maintain'd, not only upon the account of Berosus, who indeed is the most an∣cient and venerable Historian we have left, but also those of Gregory of Tours, and St. Clement, (the two other principall opinions) who, to strengthen his authority say, that Chus or Mis∣raeim, the two elder sons of Cham were sir∣nam'd

Zoroastes, which signifies onely Living Stars, in acknowledgement of the miraculous o∣perations which they effected by this Disclipline.

But if we seriously consider the strength of these proofs, we shall at last find, that the two latter are no more probable than the former, and that the whole web of the Argument hath no more truth than likelihood, as is not hard to shew. For first, as to the three Authours, who make Cham and Zoroastes but one and the same person; P••tri••ius, who produces the authority * 1.110 of the second, immediately addes, that it deserves no credit, as having no ground of reason or pro∣bability. The same account doth Pererius * 1.111 make of the authority of the third, who sayes, that Ninus subdued Cham, who was yet alive, and called Zoroastes, making him, according to the opinion of some, King of Thrace; whereas Justin affirms, in the beginning of his History, that the Zoroastes that was overcome by Ninus was King of the Bactrians. According then to the calcula∣tion of this Writer, Cham must have lived, at least, twelve hundred yeers, since Ninus was contem∣porary with Abraham and Melchisedec, whom St. Epiphanius, relying on the translation of the * 1.112 seventy Interpreters, places 1100 years after the Flood, to which adde the hundred years that Cham liv'd before; it will be evident, that he could not be overcome by Ninus, unlesse he be allow'd to live twelve hundred years, a thing not affirm'd by any Authour.

Nor can it be probably said, that notwithstand∣ing his fathers curse, he outliv'd him by two hun∣dred and fifty years, and his brother Sem by six hundred. For as to Berosus, I think it much

more pardonable not to credit him than those that preceded him; since all the books published under his name, are nothing but the extravagant imaginations of Annius a Monk of Viterbo, as hath been well observ'd by a 1.113 Faber Stapulensis, b 1.114 Vi∣ves, c 1.115 Goropius, d 1.116 Vergara, e 1.117 Giraldus, f 1.118 Ga∣spar Varenus, Melchior Canus, and divers others, whose authority is of greater consequence against him, than all that g 1.119 Postel, quem insania, saith h 1.120 Scaliger, à communi invidia liberare debet, could say to keep up his credit, as making use of him, as a Base on which to ground the learned Resveries he daily fansied to himself, upon the happy conquests of the universall Empire▪ promi∣sed the French Monarchy.

The same answer may be made to the second proposition of the contrary Argument, which, stil∣ted up by the onely authority of Berosus, would prove Cham to have been a Magician. There needs no more than to deny it, unlesse it be meant of naturall Magick, or rather those Sciences, wherein Delrio sayes he was instructed by his fa∣ther Noach, which name he thinks corrupted by * 1.121 Pliny into that of Azonach, who he affirms to have been the Master of Zoroastes, as † 1.122 Bodin ob∣serves, that he changed that of Gabbala into Jo∣tappe, or Jochabelia, Authour of a certain kind of Magick. And yet there is not much to be built on that light conjecture of Delrio▪ since what he * 1.123 sayes absolutely, that, Cham & silii ejus magiam bonam edocti sunt à Noacho, cannot be any wayes understood of this Zoroastes, who is represented to us, as a most eminent practiser of Magick and Necromancie.

Nor needs there any other answer to the story

of the Magick which Cham exercised upon his fa∣ther, brought upon the stage to confirm the se∣cond proposition. For since we have no other Authour for it than Berosus, falsified by the Monk of Viterbo, there is no reason to admit it for true, and make it outlive the credit and authority of him whose it was, seeing, that if we look narrow∣ly into the originall of this relation, and take off its mask, we shall find that it is grounded upon the curse pronounced by the Patriarch Noah in the ninth of Genesis, Maledictus puer Chanaan, ser∣vus servorum erit fratribus suis. Whereof though the cause be clearly laid down in the same place, yet Berosus, the Rabbins, and Thalmudists must needs glosse upon, and metamorphose it as they please, but with a doctrine so flat, and concepti∣ons so contradictory and fantastick, that they may serve, beyond any thing I know, to convince us of the truth of what Lactantius sayes, Hac * 1.124 mendaciorum natura est, ut cohaerere non possint. For if we credit the former in his History, we must withall beleeve that Cham used certain charms and sorceries, to make his father unable as to the act of generation, If the Rabbi n 1.125 Levi in his Commentary on Genesis, that, like another Saturn, he guelt him of the parts necessary for that act. If R. o 1.126 Samuel, that he shewed him such a nasty and abominable trick, that I shall be more tender of chaste ears than to mention it, and passe it by, as Laur. Valla did a word of the like signification▪ Malo ignorari, quàm me docente cog∣nosci And lastly, if we refer our selves to the p 1.127 Thalmudists, we must grant that Cham in∣curr'd this malediction for all the causes toge∣ther mentioned by the Rabbins, which we have

particulariz'd, to shew, that though Zoroastes should assume Cham's person, yet were there no justice to condemn him for an Enchanter and Magician.

Having therefore dispatch'd that, we come now to discover the errour of the third opinion, which men have had of this person: according to which, many have thought him to have been King of the Bactrians, because Justin seems to be of their side, when speaking of Ninus, in the first book of his Epitome, he sayes, Postremum illi bel∣lum cum Zoroastre Rege Bactrianorum fuit, qui primus dicitur artes magicas invenisse, & mundi principia, syderum{que} motus diligentissimè spectasse. And yet this Herculean passage, which hath been alwayes quoted, to call down the good reputati∣on of Zoroastes at his enemies feet, may easily be refuted by the contrary authority of Diodorus Si∣culus, who sayes, that this King of the Bactrians, against whom Ninus made war, was called Oxi∣artes and of whose Magick, neither he not Cte∣sias, who according to Arnobius, writ his particu∣lar History, make not the least mention. Nor in∣deed does Justin speak of it, but under the cauti∣on of a Hear-say, and in such ambiguous and doubtfull expressions, that not specifying what kind of Magick this Zoroastes was Authour of, there is nothing more obvious than to conclude from the consequent words, & mundi principiae, coeli{que} motus diligentissime spectasse, that it was meant of the philosophicall and naturall. Whence it is certain, that according to the fourth and last opinion, which the most reserv'd have had of this Zoroastes, he was an excellently knowing man, well acquainted with all manner of Disciplines, a

subject of Ninus, contemporary with Abraham, and by countrey a Chaldaean, who having been in∣structed by Azonach, one of the Disciples of Sem or Heber, was so earnest in the cultivation and re∣stauration of the Disciplines lost by the Floud, that he became the most eminent man of his time, and writ a many books, of which Suidas sayes, Four treated of Nature, one of Precious Stones, and five of Astrologie. To these Pliny addes some of Agriculture, and Mirandula ano∣ther * 1.128 of Caldaick Sentences, which he said he had in his Library, with Commentaries upon them in the same language; one part whereof was first printed at Paris, and since augmented by Patri∣cius, who digested it into the first part of his Book, De Magia Philosophica, alluding, in all pro∣bability, to that of Zoroastes, which certainly was onely naturall and philosophicall. Nor is it hard to infer thus much from those shreds which we have left of his Aphorisms and Sentences, which are so far from being guilty of any thing of dia∣bolicall or superstitious Magick, that, on the contrary, Steuchus Eugubinus, in his so much cri'd up Book against Infidels, Atheists, and Phi∣losophers, makes use of them ever and anon, to prove and maintain the mysteries of Christian Re∣ligion. Adde to this, the improbability that Syria∣nus, the most learned of all the Platonicks, would bestow on them a Commentary of ten books, as Suidas affirms he did; or that Marsilius Ficinus would cite them so often in his Book Of the Im∣mortality of the Soul, and Picus draw fifteen of his Conclusions thence, if they had been fraught with so many triviall and superstitious things, such as many have imagin'd them, contrary to the opi∣nion

of the same Ficinus, Mirandula, and Plato. The first of these layes it down as a certain max∣ime, that à Zoroastre, omnis manavit Theologorum veterum sapientia; the second openly confesses in the defence of his conclusions, that that Magick, which studies the perfect knowledge of Naturall Philosophy was first brought into vogue by Zoro∣astes * 1.129 & Zamolxis; and the last tell us that the Ma∣gick of Zoroastes is nothing but that knowledge of divine things wherein the Kings of Persia caus'd their children to be instructed, ut ad exemplar mundanae Reipub▪ suam ipsi Rempublicam regere edo∣cerentur.

To make this good weight, we might adde a many Authorities and passages out of the best Authors, were they not already produc'd by s 1.130 Brissonias, t 1.131 Bulenger, u 1.132 Philelphus and x 1.133 Heurnius, who have made a faithfull collection of all that can be said, to prove that these Mages of Persia and Chaldaea, were only priests and Phi∣losophers▪ and their doctrine an excellent Theo∣logy grounded upon the worship and adoration of one supreme omnipotent Divinity, as is perti∣nently observ'd by the Learned Master of Lactan∣tius, where he sayes, that Eorum Magorum & eloquio et negotio, primus Hosthanes verum Deum merita ma••estate prosequitur, et Angelos Ministros & nuncios dei, sed veri, ejus venerationi novit assiste∣re. Whence we may well judge that, if Pliny describe this Hostanes (so excellent a person in the judgment of Arnobius) as a famous impostor and Mountebank, Zoroastes must needs meet with worse handling from him and others, who thinking it a shame to be beaten out of the pit, will yet to keep this so long agitated question in

play, fly to certain impertinent and simple obser∣vations of the presages of his Nativity, the course of his life, and the manner of his death. From thence they would conclude, forsooth, that his laughing when he was borne, the beating of his brain, so strongly that it forc'd back ones hand; his twenty years solitude, and the fire from Hea∣ven which consum'd him for his offences, are, (were there no other reasons) more than au∣thentick proofs to make him a great enchanter and Magician. This indeed may seem something probable, to those who look on all Securities as good and solvent, who will receeive any mony though ever so bad, who mind only the superfi∣cies of things, & quorum nusquam penetrat ad inti∣ma telum.

But since we must try what we can pick out of these proofs, we may answer, to the first▪ that there is not any one can assure us that this laughing of Zoroastes happened precisely on the day of his na∣tivity, whether when he was asleep or awake, whe∣ther by the percussion of the Aire, or only an agi∣tation of his lips all which one should know to judge aright of it. But to take away the prodigy & strangenesse of this accident, Hippocrates tells us * 1.134 that Children, assoon as they are born seeme to laugh or cry as they sleep; and that, waking, there is a constant vicissitude of laughing and crying till they have passed forty dayes. This might have happened more particularly to Zoroastes through abundance of Spirits, and consequently heat, which rescuing him from that humidity that is common to others, caus'd that action in him, which might well signifie that he should

one day prove a very great man, but not a Magi∣cian. It is indeed a Circumstance hath ever been thought very fortunate, so that it gave * 1.135 Virgil occasion to say

—Cui non risere parentes, Nec deus hunc mensa, Dea nec dignata cubili est.

* 1.136 For those who laugh so soon are ordinarily more active and lively, or as Hippocrates calls them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, such as have a certaine nim∣blenesse and vivacity of spirit, and accordingly give greater hopes of their future good fortune, then those who are stupi'd, slow, and whose spirits are dull and heavy.

* 1.137 Nor shall we need, if we may trust Pliny, trou∣ble our selves ••o derive any greater presage from the motion of his Braine, it being ordinary in all Children newly born to have a certain cavity about the brain-pan where the sagittall future meets with the coronall, which is cover'd with a grosse and thick membrane, about which, at least till it be converted into bone, a man may easily * 1.138 perceive, visu & tactu (as the most Learned Ana∣tomist Riolanus hath observed in his Oste∣ologie) the constant beating of the brain, which haply was preceiv'd more strong and vehement in Zoroastes, then it is usually in other Children, by reason of the abundance of Spirits and naturall heat, which we have shewn to have been parti∣cular in him.

Lastly, if any one will inferre that Zoroastes was a Magician, because Pliny tells us that he remain'd 20. years in the Wildernesse, and that Suidas and Volaterranus affirme that he dy'd

struck with a Thunderbolt; he must also with the same breath conclude that Epimenedes who stay'd therein 50. years, that Moses, who spent the third part of his age in it, and that all the Fathers of Thebais were far greater Magicians then he, since they bestow'd all their life time there: And that Tullus Hostilius, Pompeius Strabo, Aurelius Carus, Anastasius, and Simeon Stilites were great Sorcerers and enchanters, because they all dy'd thunderstuck. And yet this is not a little in jurious to the truth of the History, and to what is ex∣presly observ'd of the last, in the Spirituall Mea∣dow of Sophronius, where it is said, that the Ab∣bot * 1.139 Julian Stilites incensing at an unseasonable hour, answer'd those who ask'd him the reason of it, quia modo frater meus Simeon à fulgure dejectus interiit, & ecce transit anima ejus in tripudio & ex∣ultatione. Whence may be easily observ'd their want of judgment, who, upon the dis-security of such vain conjectures, would perswade us that Zoroastes was the first inventer of Magick, and the greatest enchanter of his time. Which con∣fidence I have the rather taken the trouble to re∣fute, to make way for that light of truth which we are to follow in the account we have of him; and with the same breath, blow away the proofs and grounds of certain Authors, who believe, that all the Learning the ancient Philosophers acquir'd in Aegypt, was no other then that of the Magick and Invocations of this excellent person.

CHAP. IX.

That Orpheus was no Magician.

HUmane nature is so limited and confin'd that it cannot judge of things spirituall but by the sensible and materiall, nor of substances but by their Accidents, nor indeed of any thing it knows but by appearances. The only way then, me thinks, to disengage Truth out of all these maskes and disguises, is, to take as strict and near a view of them as may be, and, when we come to the weight and tryall of them, never to admit that prejudicate opinion, which often ob∣liges us to choose and preferre shadows before bodies, darknesse before Light, and the most ex∣tra-regular fables before certain and authentick Histories. This we are to do with so much the more diligence and circumspection in this Chap∣ter by how much that there is not any thing, as Plutarch affirmes, slides more insensibly into our soules, or hath so much charme and force to at∣tract and insinuate as the disposition of certain tales handsomely couch'd and interwoven; such as, for instance, those of the miraculous Mu∣sick of Orpheus, at which we see, that,

Mirantur justi{que} senes, trepidae{que} puellae, Narrantis conjux pendet ab ore viri.

To proceed then to a strict and dispassionate ex∣amination of all the grounds, which men have had to suspect this Great man, and first Professor of divinity, guilty of magick, we must build up∣on

the foundations layd in the former Chapter, and say with Patricius, that, according to the testimony of Philo, Josephus, and all the best Au∣thors, the Sciences and disciplines which had been lost by the Flood, having been re-esta∣blish'd in the Schooles of Sem and Heber, the first erected, as the Rabbins and Thalmudists af∣firme, Zoroastes, who had been instructed in them, and who might be one of the Sons or Ne∣phews of Cham, endeavour'd so much to dilate and make them flourish in his Country of Chaldaea, and among those of this Nation, that besides the knowledge which b 1.140 Apuleius allows him of Medicine, and that of Astrology attributed to him by St. c 1.141 Hierome, d 1.142 Origen, e 1.143 Proper••ius, f 1.144 Cicero, g 1.145 Philelphus and most Writers, and upon the account whereof they pass'd anciently for Astrologers, as the Canaanites for Merchants and the Arabians for Robbers, we have the Au∣thority of Averroes cited by h 1.146 Patricius, who sayes, that Philosophy was sometime in as much esteem in Chaldaea, as it was in his time in Spaine by the meanes of the University of Corduba. All these Disciplines were afterwards translated into Aegypt, when Abraham▪ as is observ'd in the Scripture, i 1.147 went down into Aegypt, to so∣journe there, because the famine was sore in the Land. For Josephus sayes plainely, and k 1.148 Plato seems to agree with him, that during his abode in that Country, he taught the Aegytian Priests the Mathematicks, and gave them as it were the first rudiments of all the other Sciences, which thereupon so thriv'd and were so much im∣prov'd that it became the spring-head, whence the Greeks by long draughts got all their wisdom

and Learning, by the travells and pilgrimages of Orpheus, Thales, Democritus, and Pythagoras: whereof, the first brought thence Theology, the second the Mathematicks, the third Physick; and the last, all the foremention'd with Morall Philosophy into the bargain.

This is it we are now to prove of Orpheus, and hereafter of Pythagoras and Democritus, to shew, by an apparant discovery of what they were, how much they are mistaken, who would still make * 1.149 them no other then Sorcerers and Mountebanks. For as to Orpheus, Diodorus, Siculus affirmes him to be one of the first that pass'd into Aegypt (which happened about the year of the World 3060, long before Pythagoras, who return'd thence in the time of Polycrates, Tyrant of Samos in the year 3••90.) and that he brought thence with him, his Hymnes, his Dionysiacks, and his Orgia, which were no other then those of Isis and Osiris. This made m 1.150 St. Austine put him into the Chap∣ter of Divine Poets, n 1.151 Virgil to give him the name and vestment of a priest where he sayes of him.

Nec non Thrëicius longâ cum veste sacerdos, Obloquitur numeris septem discrimina Vocum.

So o 1.152 Eusebius gives him the title of the great∣est Master of Theologie. p 1.153 Justin and q 1.154 Athe∣nagoras assure us, that he was the first that advanc'd and propos'd the names and sacrifices of the An∣tient Gods, and reduc'd their Theologie into or∣der, not only in his Hymnes and Books fore∣mentioned, but in divers others which Suidas sayes he made, of the Mysteries of the Trinity,

of the occult reason of divine things, of sacred Conferences, of Oracles, and of Purgations. This gave Plutarch occasion to call his Learning * 1.155 Sacred, insomuch, that diverse Catholick Doctors have been of opinion, that it might be very serviceable to refute the Religion of the Ancients, and confirme Christianty. Among these were St. s 1.156 Augustine, t 1.157 Eusebius, u 1.158 Marsilius Ficinus, x 1.159 Picus, y 1.160 Mosellanus▪ z 1.161 Fabius Paulinus, and the Learned Divine, a 1.162 Steu∣chus Eugubinus, who, with great diligence and a commendable curiosity, hath made a certain Analogy or parallell between the Doctrine of Moses and that of Orpheus, the first Philosopher and Divine among the Greeks, as Zoroastes was among the Chaldaeans, and Trismegistus among the Aegyptians.

These Authorities I have been the rather en∣clin'd to summe up together, to shew, both by the number and diversity of them, what account we should make of the most part of our Daemonogra∣phers, who must needs be guilty either of Igno∣rance or a huge presumption, if they know not or esteem not the judgment of so many great persons, qui, ut rationem nullam afferrent, ipsa au∣toritate nos frangerent, to court and embrace an old fable, and the dreams of doting Antiquity. And to make the madnesse compleat, they think they have ground enough because they find it in Pausanias, who sayes, that some were of opinion, * 1.163 that this principall Divine among the Greeks was a Sorcerer and Magician, making it their businesse to retrive the Story & dress it up, as they please; so it contribute any thing to the opinion they would either introduce or maintaine, yet do I not meet

with any of all those that maintaine this extrava∣gance, hath made it reach further then le Loyer, * 1.164 in his de Spectris, where he sayes,

that the Orphe∣otelestae were so called from Orpheus the greatest Sorcerer and Necromancer that ever was, whose writings contain'd nothing but the praises of Devils, as of Jupiter Alastor, Daemon Vindex, & exterminator; of Bacchus, his Master; of the Satyres, of Phaneros, who in my judgment was that Lucifer whom we believe turn'dout of Hea∣ven; the originall of the Gods, alledged by Athenagoras; unchast mixtures of Gods with men, (blazon'd since by Homer and Hesiod) which indeed are nothing but the copulations of Devils, with Sorcerers, for the generation of Gyants; and lastly, the initiations into Bac∣chanalian and Diabolilcal Ceremonies, shrowded in obscure termes, not understood even by those who were of the Magicall Frater∣nity of the Orphcotelestae.

From which passage it is easily conjectur'd, that the chiefest argument and motive to conclude Orpheus a Magician, may, according to this Au∣thour and the rest, be drawn from the charmes and superstition of his Hymnes, which, in some sense they may be taken in, or some exposition may be giving them, containe nothing but the names of infernall Spirits, the order of their sacrifices, and the severall Ceremonies and ••uffumigations requisite in their invocations. Whence many have bin perswaded, that they were as effectuall in Geotick Magick, as the Psalmes of David in the Divine▪ the diverse letters, Sylla∣bles and Combinations of the Mercaua in the Theurgick, and the medicinall applications of

Virgil in the Naturall. Bodin therefore doth * 1.165 not unjustly charge Mirandula with too much su∣perstition, for grounding some of his Conclusi∣ons upon the Doctrine of this Magician, who certainely must needs be such, when by the tones of enchanted Musick, he drew after him, not only the most untractable Animals, but even Woods, Rocks, and Rivers,

Horat. l. 1. Ode 12. Unde vocalem temerè insecutae Orphea Sylvae.

To this Philostratus addes, that he became Oracu∣lar after his Death by the Organs of his head, which kept in the Isle of Lesbos, answer'd the Greeks, that they should never take Troy without the Ar∣rowes of Hercules▪ & the Ambassadors of Cyrus that the fate of their Prince should be like his own, that is, that he should dye by the hands of a Woman.

But all this amounts to very little in comparison of what le Loyer affirmes of this person▪ that is, that * 1.166 he instituted the Fraternity of the Orpheotelestae, among whom Bacchus had anciently the same place, as the Devill hath now in the Assemblyes of Magicians, who have deriv'd all their super∣stitious operations from these Orpheotelestae. This puts him into an astonishment, that none of all the Authors, who writ upon that subject be∣fore him, made no use of that proof to convince the followers of Peter d' Apono, and Vuierus, who deny there were any Magicians anciently, and laugh at the homage which they say they do the Devill. For he observes that what was s••ng in the Orgia, Saboe Evohe is answerable to the Shouts and exultations of Magicians Har Sabat Sabat; and that Bacchus, who was only a disguis'd De∣vill,

was call'd Sabasius, because of the Sabat or conventions of these Bacchanalian Priests, where∣in after they were initiated, they were wont to say, I have drunk of the Tabour, and have eaten of the Cymbal, and so I am admitted. Le Loyer would have this to be so explicated, that by the Cymbal we should understand the Cauldron or Bason, which they made use of, as the modern Magicians do, to boyle the little children they feed on; and by the Tabour, the Goat-skin out of which they drew the juice and quintessence to drink.

This way the manner of admission to the Ceremonies of their Bacchus, which were so nasty and detestable, that Demosthenes had, as he * 1.167 observes, much reason to reprove Aeschines, his adversary, that in his younger years he and his mother had been initiated in them, and had cry'd Evre Sabaoe. But for my part, I am in as great an astonishment that he should not expect to be reprov'd himself and to be laught at too for producing such triviall conjectures, such groundless proofs, and such fantastick, extravagant, and ri∣diculous conceptions to prove that the Orpheote∣lestae▪ practis'd all the Ceremonyes, common among the Magicians of this time; and conse∣quently, that he, who was the Institutor of them, ought to be the rather look'd on, as an Enchanter and Magician. For if Reason may moderate the ex∣cesse of these Symptoms, may we not by the way, truely affirme, that he gives the name of Orpheotelestae to all the Priestesses of Bacchus which yet appertain'd not but to the Masters of their Congregation. But then if the former con∣sequence hold, this also must, That Hugh de Payennes, and Godefrey de St. Aumart, who

founded the order of the Knights Templers, were Sorcerers and Idolaters; because many Authors are of opinion, that this Order was abolish'd by Clement V. for these two Vices which had insensi∣bly crept into it. And if that, this also, That all the corruption and irregularity of life, which hap∣pens often enough in most Orders and Religious Fraternities, long after their Institutions, must reflect upon the innocence and Sanctity of their Authors.

But, in the mean time, there's no reason to admit for truth the wantonizing conjectures of this Writer upon the relation there is between the Magicians and the Orpheorelestae, since they proceed rather from an ambition in him to start out some new observation upon so thread-bare a subject, then that he gave the extravagance any credit. To cure him of it, and to cleare up the businesse from the bottom, we must remember, that, according to all the best Authors, the Bac∣chanalian Orgia or Dionysiacks were first insti∣tuted by Orpheus in his own Country, Thracia; ordaining that they should be celebrated by the Women when they were in their terms, meerly to separate them for that time from the company their Husbands, to avoid the accidents which might happen if they should conceive in that con∣dition. But finding by experience that they were asham'd to be at them, because it discover'd what they were wont to dissemble with all possible artifice, and consquently, that he should be forc'd, to his own dishonour, to abolish them if he did not think of some remedy, took occa∣sion from this dislike to make them more famous, permitting all women in general to exercise them

upon certain dayes appointed for those Ceremo∣nies. In these they took so much freedom and enjoyment, that, besides their Dances, which they regulated by the sound of Tabours and Cym∣balls, as also by the Voices and acclamations which they often repeated Euhoe, whence Bac∣chus, who was no other than the Sun, was since called Euhoeus, as Sabasius, from their run∣ning and skipping. There were also certain men disguis'd in Womens Cloaths, who, as h 1.168 Lucian, i 1.169 Columella, and k 1.170 Eusebius affirme, carry'd the image of the God Priapus, as the representa∣tion of fruitfulnesse, and the production of all things, which Orpheus would have highly esteem'd and reverenc'd. But it being true, what the Poet sayes,

Nox, & amor, vinúm{que} nihil moderabile suadent,

because, as he addes,

Illa pudore vacat, vina Venus{que} metu.

these sacrifices and Ceremonyes could not so well moderate their enjoyments, nor continue the use of them among those Nations who after∣wards receiv'd them into their Countryes, but at last they were made a cloak and covering for thousands of cheats, basenesses, and fornications, Cum vinum & nox, & misti faeminis mares aetatis * 1.171 tenerae majoribus discrimen omne pudoris extinxis∣sent. Upon which account they were absolutely suppress'd and abolish'd at Rome the year after its foundation 568. in the Consulship of Posthumus Albinus, and Martius Philippus.

This hath cost me the pains of consulting Au∣thours much more moderate and judicious than

le Loyer was, when he describ'd this imaginary Sabat of the Orpheotelestae, or Superiours of this Bacchick Fraternity, to shew, by the naked truth and simple relation of what was done in these Orgia and Dionysiacks, how little reason this Authour had (unlesse his great learning and vast reading may somewhat excuse him) to make such a strange metamorphosis of Euhoe into har-Sabat, a Tabour into a Goat which was suck'd to the very last drop, and little Bels and Cymbals into great Kettles and Cauldrons, wherein they boil'd little and newly born children. He might have hit, if not more fortunately, yet more pertinently, if he had reflected on the Bowls, which, as Pau∣sanias affirms, the women, engaged in these Sa∣crifices, carried in their hands; or the Goat which gave Arnobius occasion to say, speaking to men who troubled themselves with these Congregati∣ons, Atque, ut vos plenos Dei numine ac majestate doceatis, caprorum reclamantium viscera cruenta∣tis oribus dissipatis. This had been much more proper to prove what he said, than what he re∣lates of the Tabour, or yet the passage of Demo∣sthenes justly reproving Aeschines, for that he and his mother were initiated in these ceremonies, at that time much suspected and cried down for the reasons beforementioned, observed by Livy. But as Hercules overcame not the Hydra till he had cut off all her heads, so is it nothing to have over∣thrown this first Argument, if we cannot do the like with three others yet to come▪ since that the least of them remaining entire and without an∣swer, were enough to maintain the suspicion there is, that Orpheus was a Magician.

To begin then with that wherein they say, that

his head became an Oracle, and gave answers in the Isle of Lesbos. I shall not stick at the doubt may justly be made, whether this story be true, though all the Authours speak of it with much contradiction, since that, it being supposed true, it makes nothing against Orpheus. For the mira∣cle happen'd long after his death, and conse∣quently it was not he that spoke thorow his scull; but the Devil undertook to give answers in it, to advance Idolatry amongst his creatures, making this head to speak, as he since did that of one Po∣lycritus, which exposed in the Market-place, fore∣told the Aetolians that they should lose the bat∣tle they were to fight against the Acharnanians. * 1.172 The like feat he also did with the head of one Ga∣binius, which after it had been retriv'd out of a Wolves throat, did, in a long Poem, sing all the mis-fortunes which should happen to the City of Rome. The inference will be as prejudiciall to the two last as to Orpheus. Were it not madnesse to say, that Samuel being dead answered the Witch, the Abbot Cassian, St. Germain, and ano∣ther St. Macaire, that is, that all these holy per∣sons were Magicians. For it must be thought, that as the Angels spoke under the persons of these last, for the instruction of the devout and faith∣full; so the Devil, the true Ape of all divine acti∣ons made his advantages of the former, the more easily to deceive men, and involve them in an abysse of new worships and superstitions.

This granted, our next businesse is to shew the * 1.173 little reason thereis to beleeve that Orpheus, Mu∣tis animalibus imperavit, vagos{que} greges, contemptis pascuis, ad audiendi epulas invitavit. This errour, as we have observ'd in the first Chapter proceeds

from this, that many times men take Poeticall Fables for evident Truths; and the literall sense of their writings, for the allegoricall and morall which they meant, as may be particularly obser∣ved in this fabulous musick of Orpheus. It must then be understood of the civilization which his Laws wrought upon savage and barbarous people, reducing them to quiet and better conversation, if we take the security of Horace, who sayes,

De Art. poet. Sylvestres homines sacer interpres{que} Deorum, Caedibus, & victu foedo deterruit Orpheus, Dictus, ob id, lenire tygres, rabidos{que} leones.

Which is also the common explication of o 1.174 Dion, Chrysostom, p 1.175 Boccace▪ q 1.176 Cassiodorus, r 1.177 Ma∣crobius, and s 1.178 Quintilian. It were therefore impertinent to endeavour to explane the seven severall reasons which t 1.179 Fabius Paulinus would draw from the Philosophy of the Platonists, to prove this motion of things inanimate possible in Nature, since he confesses himself, that he propo∣ses them not, but to exercise his learning; where∣as, had he advanced seriously, and as true, Delrio hath so fully refuted them, that there were not now any ground to receive them as legitimate; besides that, their main drift was to shew the pos∣sibility of that musike, which certainly is a very weak proof, and in a manner of no consequence, if we consider with Apuleius, that, Non omnia * 1.180 quae fieri potuerunt pro fact is habenda sunt.

The conjecture they would draw from his Hymnes would be more considerable than either of the precedent, if we were obliged to follow the glosse and interpretation which hath been

* 1.181 made of it by diverse persons, especially le Loyer, who will, I hope, pardon me, if I endeavour to prove, that he hath been as unfortunate in the ex∣plication of his Hymnes, as the Metamorphosis of the Orpheotelestae into Magicians. For, not to quarrell with the little account or knowledge we have of the Composer of them (since Genebrard assures us, that there is not any one book left of all those old Authours, and first Divines, such as Orpheus, Linus, Musaeus, Phenias, and Aristeus Proconesiensis, grounding his opinion haply on the authority of Cicero, who fathers these Hymnes upon one called Cecrops, and those of Franciscus Picus, Selden, and Eugubinus, who ingenuously acknowledge that their Authour is utterly un∣known to us) we may shew in two words, that these Hymnes contain not any thing that should bring them into the least suspicion of Magick; whether they be considered literally, or in the se∣verall interpretations of their allegoricall and mo∣rall sense.

For to shew that there is no such danger as to the former, we need onely reflect on the indu∣stry of this first planter of Theologie, who, to subdue and refine the spirits of a rough and sal∣vage people, took the most effectuall course that could be thought upon, to bring about his enter∣prise, which was to possesse them with a fear and veneration of certain Divinities. These he him∣self celebrates in his Hymnes, as well to bring them into reputation by his example, as to leave his Successours a certain Modell (as it were) of those observations and ceremonies which ought to be practiz'd, to keep up the honour and devo∣tion of their Sacrifices, whereof there were cer∣tainly

many kinds. For as the ceremonies of Christianity, at the present, are not much diffe∣rent one from another, because they relate to the service of one onely Almighty God; So those, of the false Religion of the Ancients, could not but be very contrary and discordant, by reason of the infinite number of Gods, Idols and Images, which were to be ador'd with Sacrifices peculiar to every one of them; Cum ex hoc Divorum nume∣ro, * 1.182 (saith Apuleius) nonnulli nocturnis vel diurnis, promptis & occultis, laetioribus vel tristioribus ho∣stiis, vel ceremoniis, vel ritibus gauderent. But this proceeded meerly from the sleight and subtilty of the Law-makers and first Divines, who thus diversify'd the Sacrifices, as they saw it most con∣venient for the people. We have a manifest ex∣ample hereof in these Hymnes of Orpheus, un∣lesse any one would sift out a more mysterious and hidden sense under the veil of their Allego∣ries, as Picus acknowledges we must, when he * 1.183 sayes, that, Ut erat veterum mos Theologorum, it a Orpheus suorum dogmatum mysteria, fabularum involucris, & poetico velamento dissimulavis, ut si quis legat illius hymnos▪ nihil subesse credat praeter fabellas nugas{que} meracissimas.

But this Mythologie once admitted, the Chy∣mists presently explane these Hymnes of their se∣verall Tinctures and their Philosophers stone; the Cabalists, of the Ensoph and its Zephirots; Di∣vines, of the mysteries of Christian Religion; Phi∣losophers, of Nature and its causes; and Daemo∣nographers, of Sacrifices and Conjurations. When yet there is no ground to beleeve, that Orpheus would conceal so many mysteries, and those so different one from another, under the mask of his

fables, which can neither be interpreted of the universall spirit, or the Philosophers stone, nor of the sorceries of Magicians. For as to the inter∣pretation of Alchymists, we shall in the ensuing Chapters shew, that it hath ever been one of their main fooleries, to be desirous to glosse on all things obscure and difficult, advantageously to their disquisition. For that of du Loyer and other Daemonographers, it were irrationall to admit it for the legitimate, since first, we have the contrary authority of all the Catholike Doctours, specifi'd before, who allow their authority may be used to confirm the principall points of our Religion. Secondly, we are able to shew that they cannot be better interpreted than of Physick, according to the judgement even of the great Mirandula, who in the third of his Conclusions upon the Doctrine of Orpheus, sayes expressely, that Nomi∣na Deorum quos Orpheus canit, non decipientium Daemonum, sed naturalium virtutum divinarum{que} * 1.184 sunt nomina. This is further confirm'd by Strabo, who observes, that in all the Discourses were an∣ciently made of the Gods, under the umbrage of diverse Fables & Metamorphoses, were shrowded the most famous opinions of those who were par∣ticularly excellent in the knowledge of Nature. Such is Orpheus in his Hymnes, which if we would * 1.185 interpret in their tr••e sense, we must with Seneca observe, that the Aegyptians, from whom this first Philosopher and Divine had deriv'd all his learning, divided every element into two parts, one whereof they called the male, the other the female. Thus in the earth, rocks and stones; in the air, the winds; in the water, the Sea; in the fire, flame and thunder, are held the strongest

and most forcible parts; and the soft and tracta∣ble earth, fresh waters, the most untroubled Aire, and the least activefire, are the weaker and more feminine parts.

In allusion to this, does Orpheus put two distinct Vertues into all the bodies of the Vni∣verse, one whereof was destin'd only to Governe its Sphere, the other to produce the effects which depended on its perfection. Desirous there∣fore to spread this doctrine under the sweetnesse of his Hymnes, he compos'd them all under the names of his vertues, calling those he directed to the Earth, Pluto and Proserpina, to the water Thetis and Oceanus; to the Aire, Jupiter and Juno; to the Fire, Aurora and Phaneta, and giving the names of the Nine Muses, and an Epithet of the God Bacchus to all the rest, whom he plac'd in the Spheres of the seven Planets the Firmament and the soul of the World, as may be seen more particularly in Caelius Rhodiginus. * 1.186

All which put together may be enough to de∣monstrate, that Le Loyer and such Writers have been extreemly mistaken, when they interpre∣ted those names of a Legion of Devils, and so pittifully charg'd this Author with Magick upon the Authority of Pausanias, who sufficiently re∣futes himself, both as mentioning it only upon the score of a common report, and that he fastens the same calumny upon Amphion, a person ex∣cellent only for Musick, qui canendo chordis, as * 1.187 (Cassiordorus hath well observ'd) Thebanos mu∣ros dicitur condidisse, ut cum homines labore marcidos ad studium perfectionis erigeret, saxa ipsa viderentur relictis rupibus advenisse. To which we may adde one thing more that may oblige us to have senti∣ments

* 1.188 of this great person contrary to theirs who too lightly suspect him, which is, that Pliny him∣self delivers him out of the Inquisition after he had charg'd a many others, whose Innocencie shall neverthelesse appear when we come to their par∣ticular vindication.

CHAP. X.

A Vindication of Pythagoras.

* 1.189 HAd we not from Plutarch this Character of Pythagoras, that he was wont freely to ac∣knowledge, that the greatest advantage he had reap'd from Philosophy, was, Not to wonder at any thing; I should not easily be perswaded but that he would find much matter for his admirati∣on, when he should consider how the malice and ignorance of men hath so chang'd the truth of his History, and the genuine sense of his Doctrine, that his life seems now like that of some Mounte∣bank or Hocus Pocus, and his precepts so fabu∣lous, impertinent, and at such distance with Rea∣son, that a man cannot avoi'd astonishment at such a prodigious Metamorphosis. To reduce which to its former lustre and scowre it from that rust and rubbidge which obscure the Noblest stroaks, and what ever is most like and naturall in the Historicall draught of this great Philoso∣pher, we need only follow the method observ'd in the precedent Chapter. That is, as Vertue precedes Vice, and truth falshood, to shew, in the first place, what he hath been, according to the true telation of those who knew most of him,

that so we may the more easily judge what ac∣count we should make of all these forged storyes which impeach him so highly of sorcery and in∣chantment, as if he had done nothing all his life, to the destruction of those of his own Species, but deal and trade in,

Quicquid habet Circe, quicquid Medaea veneni, Quicquid et herbarum Thessala terra gerit.

This great person borne to things far above the ordinary rate of men, and having a mind, able to comprehend what ever the world could; that is, such as could not be satisfied within the nar∣row limits of a City, resolv'd to go and learne among the Aegyptians & Chaldaeans what he could not in his own Country, that is, Ceremoniarum * 1.190 incredendas potentias, numerorum admirandas vices, & Geometriae solertissimas formulas. Having by a peregrination of fifteen years made himself Ma∣ster of all manner of Disciplines, he brought, as it were, the Spoiles of Aegypt into Greece, and par∣ticularly into the City of Crotona, where he be∣gan to erect an Academy, according to the order which may be seen in Gellius. Here he though * 1.191 fit to communicate the precious talent he had ac∣quir'd by his study and travell, and lay open the treasures of the Encyclopedie, wherewith he was so inrich'd, that, not to rely too much on the testimonies of Laertius and Jamblichus, who might be thought too favourable to him, because they have made it their businesse to write his History; it is not to be doubted after the gene∣rall consent of all good Authors, who have bu•• justly been tender of the honour and respect due to his memory.

For if we begin with his Philosophy, we have no reason to doubt of it, since he is call'd by * 1.192 Apuleius, Primus Philosophiae nuncupator & cre∣ditor, as well because he chang'd the name of Wisdome, in his judgment too arrogant, into that of Philosophy, as that he was the Prince and Institutor of the Italick Philosophers, as Thales had been of the Ionick, as Laertius and others affirme; and that Reuchlin, who first dispell'd the cloudy ignorance of Germany, hath design'd the second Book of his Cabalisticall Art, to explaine and revive, in his Country, the Philosophy of Pythagoras, in imitation, as he sayes, of Faber Stapulensis and Marsilius Ficinus, who both in France and Italy had brought into reputation those of Aristotle and Plato. If we proceed to Medicine, e 1.193 Laertius and f 1.194 Apuleius are a sufficient testimony to convince us, that he was excellently able in it. Nor have we worse secu∣rity for his knowledge of the four parts of Mathematicks. For as to Arithmetick or the Science of Numbers, besides the testimony of those two Authors, we may out of thousands * 1.195 pitch upon that of Cicero, who sayes, that Py∣thagoras deduc'd all things from Numbers and the Principles of Mathematicks, whereto he attri∣buted very great Mysteries, and gave the names of certain Divinities. These are explain'd at large by h 1.196 Plutarch and i 1.197 Calcagnin, who up∣on them ground the subtlery of that Ancient Custome of giving an account of all things by Numbers, as Picus promis'd to do in his Conclu∣sions, to re▪establish that Philosophy neglect'd ever since the time of Pythagoras, who was so well vers'd therein, that by the difficulties of it

he try'd the ingenuity of his Disciples. He also gain'd thereby some advantage as to the practice of Geometry, wherein he was so admirably able, that he, k 1.198 first, brought the Geometricall in∣struments, of the invention of Moeris to perfecti∣on, and was the first among the Greeks, that us'd weights and measures. Which yet he could not have done without the assistance of that Sci∣ence, which he study'd with so much importu∣nity, that having found out an excellent propo∣sition in it, which is the 47. of the first Book of Euclid's Elements, he was so overjoy'd, that he express'd his thanks to the Gods, in a Hecatomb, * 1.199 or Sacrifice of 100 Oxen.

These two Sciences were as it were steps for him to ascend to two others more excellent, which are those of Musick and Astronomy, the former whereof he must needs be well acquainted with, since m 1.200 Macrobius, n 1.201 Boetius, o 1.202 Fici∣nus, p 1.203 Gafurius, and q 1.204 Calcagnin (to omit all the rest who are of the same opinion) particularly describe his industry in finding out the tones of Musick, by the proportion he observ'd in Smiths, when five or six beat upon their Anviles together. The same Macrobius, Athenaeus and Maximus Ty∣rius affirme that he first found out the inferiour and celestiall Harmony, whether it be interpre∣ted of the admirable order and Symphony of Na∣ture▪ or of the Musick which r 1.205 Pontus de Tyard, and s 1.206 Kepler do maintaine there ought to be in the proportionall revolution of those Globes and great Machins of Heaven. Whence we may draw an evident argument of his knowledge in * 1.207 Astronomy; to learn which Justin sayes, he went * 1.208 to Aegypt to Babylon, and Pliny and Laertius

affirme, that he first demonstrated the obliquity of the Zodiack, and discover'd the nature and qua∣lity of the Planet Venus.

Lastly, for what concernes the other Sciences, it may be presum'd he was as well provided as for the former, if we may credit Ovid, andespecially Apuleius, who sayes, that Pythagoras learnt of the Brachmanes, quae mentium documenta, quae corporum exercitamenta, quot partes animi, quot vices vitae, quae diis manibus pro merito suo cui{que} tor∣menta vel praemia. Adde to this, the Lawes he gave the Inhabitants of Crotona, and the three Books which Plutarch and Laertius say he writ, one of Iustitution, another of Civility, and the third of Nature; the fame whereof was so great that Pla∣to hearing that Philolaus intended to publish them, gave order they should be bought up for him at the rate of a hundred minae of Silver.

This Universall acquaitance with the Sciences gain'd him such respect in his life time, that Plu∣tarch * 1.209 affirmes, he taught at Crotona and Metapont above thirty years without any interuption, be∣ing alwayes follow'd by above 600. Auditors, who, for the integrity of his life and eloquence of * 1.210 his discourses, took his words for Oracles, so far, that, as the Roman Orator affirmes, his autho∣rity was thought reason, and divers Princes and * 1.211 Potentates of Italy were glad, as Plutarch affirmes, to take his advice in all affaires. For these great deserts did the people of Metapont immediately after his death consecrate his house, calling it the Oratory of Ceres; and the Street, the Sacred Street of the Muses. Upon the same ac∣count, the Romans, having had an Oracle in the time of the Warrs with the Samnites, that

they should erect Statues to two men, whereof one had been the greatest Warriour, the other the wisest among the Grecians, without any debate cast that honour on Alcibiades and Pythagoras, the first having been the greatest Captain of his time, the other gain'd such reputation through all Italy, that qui sapiens haberetur, is continuò Py∣thagoreus * 1.212 putaretur.

But it were an endlesse work to run over all the eulogies & honorary titles that are scatter'd of this person, in all the Books of the Ancients. These had an extraordinary esteem and reverence for him, as being indeed one of the greatest Wits of all Antiquity, who had the greatest earnestnesse for that which is good and honest, and who en∣deavour'd more then any other among the Pagans to reduce mankind to a respect and knowledge of a first cause, and to draw it out of irregularity and dissolution, to raise it to the contemplation of things naturall and Civill.

From the little we have, it is easy to judge what might be said in his praise; we shall there∣fore now come to an examination of all those fal∣sities, or rather extravagances, which some, either out of envy to his Vertue or enmity to his fame, have insensibly foisted into the relation of his life, grounded, probably at least, upon his vast knowledge of the Mathematicks, and great Learn∣ing. Which once done, we shall need no more then the improbability & impertinences of those little stories, to satisfie us, what distance they are at with Reason, who not weighing the proofs they meet with, presently believe that all the an∣cient Philosophers, and first Authors of Sciences * 1.213 and Disciplines, such as Seneca calls Praeceptores,

generis humani, have been absolute Necromancers and Magicians. For as to Pythagoras in particu∣lar, they are so confident, that they think it not to be question'd after the instances of it, which may be taken out of c 1.214 Iamblicus, in his life, d 1.215 Pliny, e 1.216 Tertullian, f 1.217 Origen, g 1.218 St. Au∣gustine, h 1.219 Ammianus Marcellinus, and, the most accurate Writer on this Subject, i 1.220 Delrio, not to put into the scale the authority of some late Daemonographers, quibus satisfactum non est, saith Sarisberiensis, nisi libello doceant quicquid alicubi scriptum invenitur, and who accordingly stifle their judgement with a confused collection of all the stories they can patch up together upon this Subject. Such are those that are brought upon the stage in the history of this person, whereof some may be found in Boissardus, who seems to have taken more pains than any, to rank him among the Magicians▪ whom he describes in his book of Divinations. From which and all the precedent may be inferr'd, that Pythagoras was accounted a Sorcerer and Magician; because, first, he had liv'd long in Aegypt, and had read the books of Zoro∣astes, out of which he might probably have learnt the properties of certain herbs, which he called Coracesia, Callicia, Menais, Corinthas▪ and Aproxis, whereof the two first put into water, caused it to freeze, the two next were excellent against the biting of Serpents, and the last took fire at a di∣stance. He also in one of his Symbols expressely forbade the use of Beans, which, according to the same superstition▪ he boyl'd, and, for certain nights expos'd to the Moon, till such time, as, by a strange effect of Magick they were converted into Blood. This haply he did in order to another delusion,

mention'd by Coelius Rhodiginus, after Suidas, and the Scholiast of Aristophanes in his Comedy of the Clouds, who affirm that this Philosopher writ with blood upon a hollow glasse, what he thought fit, and holding the letters opposite to the face of the Moon, when she was in the full, he saw in the star what he had written in his glasse. Adde to this, his appearance with a golden thigh at the Olympick games; as also, that he caused himself to be saluted by the river Nessus; that he stay'd the flight of an Eagle, tam'd a Bear, kill'd a Serpent, drove away an Oxe that spoil'd a field of Beans, by the meer vertue of certain words. He was seen on the same day, at the same hour, in the City of Crotona and that of Metapont, and foretold things to come with so much certainty, that many think him call'd Pythagoras, because he gave as certain & as insallible answers, as the Pythian Ora∣cle. This he perform'd by Onomancie, wherein he excell'd as we may ghesse by the fragments we have of his superstitious Arithmetick, and the wheel attributed to him by Flood and Catinus.

The troth on't is, I am asham'd to swell up this Chapter with the relation of so many fables and fooleries, so flat and inconsistent with truth, as might make us say with much more reason, what the Satyrist anciently did,

Juven. Sat. 8. —Quid diceret ergo, Vel quó nunc fugeret, si nunc haec monstra videret, Pythagoras?—

For my part, I think he would be distracted by two severall passions, that is, that of amdiration at their want of judgement, who say of him,

what they would be loth to affirm of the most no∣torious Cheat and Mountebank that ever was; or that of compassion for their shallownesse, in the choice and triall of all these proofs, which may not by any means be receiv'd for legitimate. For it may be generally said of them, that it were ab∣solutely irrationall, to imagine that a man, so se∣rious all his life, and so learned (as we have re∣presented him) could spend his time in such vain fooleries and legerdemain, such as can be no other than the imaginary productions of popular igno∣rance, and the malice of his Enemies and Emu∣latours. That is a handsom observation of Rheu∣clin, * 1.221 Non enim caruit aemulorum livore praestantissi∣ma ejus viri virtus, innocentissima vita, egregia do∣ctrina, celebris fama, ut{que} fit, nihil non pollutum re∣liquerunt invidi carptores. Timon, Xenophanes, Cra∣tinus, Aristophon, Hermippus, & alii qui de Pytha∣gora suis in libris mendacia plurima scripsere. This is particularly levell'd at the stories that were crept into his Metempsychosis, and his prohibition of eating Beans: For as to the Histories which concern his Magick, he conceives them so feign'd and absurd, that he would not so much as menti∣on them, in a Book, wherein he should have brought in the greatest part, had he thought there had been any thing of truth in them, since the drift of it is to prove a resemblance between the Doctrine of Pythagoras, and the Cabala of the Hebrews, so far, that he affirms in his Book, De Verbo mirifico, that many strange and extraordi∣nary things may be done by the vertue of num∣bers and words.

But if the Metempsychosis, or transanimation, which was one of the principall points of Pytha∣goras's

Doctrine, if the greatest part of his Sym∣bols, his prohibition of eating things animate, the main actions of his life, and the history of his death, be so much controverted among Authours, what certainty can we have of these old wives tales, and Hocus Pocus tricks, when Laertius and Iamblicus have prudently passed them by, instan∣cing onely in two or three of so great a number, and that upon the credit of other Writers. If further their authority be pressed, for their satis∣faction, and that of all those who have accounted Pythagoras a Magician, we may rationally pre∣sume, that they did not put into their Books their own opinions of that person, but the false reports which from time to time had been scattered of him among the people, by the malice of Timon the Phlyrsian & others his enemies, qui viro aliàs * 1.222 Coryphaeo propemodum magicae vanitatis crimen in∣ustum voluerunt. Thus came the fables before∣mentioned into reputation, which though they sufficiently refute themselves, we may yet, to dis∣cover the impertinencie of every one in particu∣lar, affirm, that what hath been said before of the Aegyptian Magick, and the books of Zoroastes, * 1.223 make it clear, that the voyage of Pythagoras into that Countrey, and his reading, as Clemens Alex∣andrinus delivers, of the books of that person, are rather arguments of his knowledge in Physick, medicine, and naturall Magick, than any thing he could do in the Geotick and superstitious. His acquaintance with the former may be further ar∣gued, from his knowledge, as Pliny relates of cer∣tain herbs, from which our Adversaries would derive a certain proof to convince him of Magick. Which they might have done with some colour,

if Pythagoras had described them with so much superstition, as sometimes did their Authours, Andreas and Pamphilus, in the book which Galen * 1.224 sayes they made, Of Charms, and the conversion of the sacred herbs into Daemons, or had gather'd them under some certain Star or Planet, as those that were anciently called Herbae Decanorum, for the * 1.225 reason given by Monsieur Moreau in his learned Comment upon The School of Salerna. But Pliny saying nothing of them that had any relation to these vain ceremonies and observations, I see not what reason they had to make such an extravagant conjecture, nay, he doubting withall, whether the * 1.226 book wherein they are described, should be attri∣buted to Pythagoras, or to one Cleemporus. And if we must follow their opinion, who will have it to be his, their vertue was not so prodigious and extraordinary, but we daily find as much in Mallows, Basil, Bawme, Vervin, Horehound, Hen∣bane, Cypresse, Benjamin, and Germander, all which are very good against the biting of Serpents; or in the leaves of Willows, Vines, Lettice, Violets, and Water-lily, which can much more easily cool wa∣ter, than they do the air in sick folks chambers. It may be also supposed, he might put in Salt-peter, which is used in stead of ice, to cool wine in the height of Summer. Nay, Pliny seems to give a reason of what might be thought most hard in the vertue and properties of these herbs, when he sayes that the root of Aproxis took fire at a di∣stance, as Naphte did, because it might be of a bi∣tuminous nature, which exhaling many fat & un∣ctuous spirits, takes fire as a candle newly put out, which is not to be at all doubted of, after the ma∣ny experiences of it, as they may be found in the

books of r 1.227 Libavius and s 1.228 Agricola.

The proofs deduced from this Philosophers forbidding the eating of Beans, and the course he took to convert them into blood, may refuted with as much ease as the precedent, since Rheuclin justly laught at all those impertinencies, which some hollow and dislocated brains have forg'd upon this prohibition, such as might be that of Hermippus in Laertius, who thought Pythagoras would rather have suffered death at the entrance into a field of Beans, than passe thorow it to avoid his enemies. But the reason of the prohibition, was certainly no other than the first giuen by M. Moreau in the place before mentioned upon the * 1.229 School of Salerna; namely, that Pythagoras, who commanded his Disciples to lie down to rest with the sound of the harp and pleasant songs, as it were to charm the soul, and, by harmony, to bring it into it self, absolutely forbade the use of that fruit, the juyce whereof being flatulent, grosse, and of ill nourishment, sends such vapours to the brain as make it heavie; and divert the spirits from minding the contemplations of Philosophy, which were the main businesse and entertain∣ment of his followers. It may be also affirm'd, that there was nothing extraordinary in the con∣version he made of Beans into blood, for M. Mo∣reau, in the said Commentary, shews clearly, that according to the principles of Chymistry, which put similitude and resemblance for causes of an action, it is a thing may be done and demonstra∣ted by naturall reasons. In the mean time, let no man perswade himself from hence, that Pythago∣ras ever made use of this Elixir of Beans, or hu∣mane blood, to write upon his hollow glasse; for

besides the little reason there is he should rather use blood in that businesse than any other liquor, u 1.230 Campanella proves by sound reasons that ope∣ration absolutely impossible. And whereas x 1.231 A∣grippa boasted, that he knew the secret of it, and Natalis y 1.232 Comes hath written, that in the times of Francis the First, and Charles the Fifth, men knew at Paris in the night, whatever had passed the day before in the Castle of Milan; the for∣mer onely said it to gain reputation, as shall be shewn more particularly in his vindication; and the relation of the latter is a pure Fable and Ro∣mance, advanced by those who would needs joyn Magick to the Arms of those two great Prin∣ces, as hath been affirmed before, of Ninus and Zoroastes, Pyrrhus and Croesus, Nectanebus and Philip of Macedon. Whence may be inferr'd, that what ever is said of this Looking-glasse of Pytha∣goras, is as unjustly attributed to him, as the su∣perstitious Arithmetick, and the wheel of Ono∣mancie; or if he ever made use of it, it was cer∣tainly some game, imposture, or juggling trick, and, to conclude with Suidas, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

We may well passe the same sentence on the the relation of Laertius, concerning the golden * 1.233 thigh of this Philosopher, since Plutarch openly acknowledges, that it was a pure stratagem of Py∣thagoras to gain him the reputation of some He∣ros or Demy-God, among the infinite number of people that came to the Olympick exercises. Which yet does not prejudice the probability there is, that that golden thigh was not attributed to him by the Ancients, but in some allegoricall and morall sense, yet not such as Alchymists ima∣gine, who think that Pandora's box, Jason's fleece,

Sisiphus's stone, and Pythagoras's golden thigh, are the true Hieroglyphicks of their Philosophers stone. But much more likely it was, as Calcagnin makes it, when he sayes, in the explication of the particular marks of all the old Philosophers, that Phythagorae rerum abditarum pretium, & excellens * 1.234 indicatura, femur aureum fecit. Nor indeed is there any reason this thigh should be taken lite∣rally, or that we should beleeve it was of massie gold, as the tooth of the Silesiun youth, who liv'd within these fourty yeers, not onely by reason of the impossibility of it, both in Nature and Art, but also for the disagreement of Authours speak∣ing of it; some, cited by Delrio, affirming it to * 1.235 be a golden river, which he made to run at the Olympick games; others, that it was his reall thigh, according to c 1.236 Aelian, Plutarch, Laer∣tius, and Lucian. But the more probable opinion is that of d 1.237 Origen, that it was of Ivory, it being easie to imagine that it was the naturall thigh of Pythagoras, which being fair, white and smooth, was haply celebrated by some of his friends with a similitude to Ivory, a comparison we find Solo∣mon makes use of, when he commends his Spouse, Thy belly is of Ivory, thy neck is as a Tower of Ivory. * 1.238 Adde to this, that the Gods could not think of a fitter materiall to make Pelops a shoulder than this, because of the colour, and other relations there are between Ivory, and a delicate and smooth fleshinesse, such as haply was that of this so much talk'd of thigh of Pythagoras.

The reputation of all these miraculous opera∣tions gave occasion to say he was saluted by the genius of a river, which Laertius sayes was that of * 1.239 Nessus, Apollonius Dyscolus that of Samus, and

Porphyrius that of Caucasus, which diversity shews what account we should make of such a salutation, as cannot but be fabulous, unlesse, to save the credit of these Authors, we should say it was another politick sleight of Pythagoras, such as I have read of Mahomet, who, having hid one of his Companions under ground, had instructed him, when he heard him passing by with a great multitude of people, to cry out through a Trunk that Mahomet was the great Prophet sent from the Living God. Which having done with care, he was very ill rewarded for it: for Mahomet desi∣rous the cheat of the miracle should never be dis∣cover'd, entreated those that were about him to marke the place where they had had so strange a revelation, by raising there a great heap of stones, which they immediately did with such devotion, that the poor subterranean Angell was presently buried under the weight of such a masse and Py∣ramid.

Were I not affraid, while I would deliver Py∣thagoras out of one danger, to make him fall in∣to another, and represent him as an impostor and crafty Polititian, to take away from him the impu∣tation of a Magician, I should with the same expli∣cation answer what is said of his appearance on the same day, at the same hour in the two several Cities of Crotona and Metapont. For it being a thing absolutely impossible as to men (whose essence requires no lesse union as to their own particular, then seperation from all other) and not happening by divine permission, as the appa∣ritions of some Saints in severall places at the same time; as those of St. Ambrose, Agatha, Nicholas, and Benedict, we must conclude, that

either it is a pure Chimera and fiction (which I think the most probable) or that it was effected by the Subtlety of Pythagoras, who caus'd his gestures and person to be acted by one of his Dis∣ciples or Companions, whom he sent, in his name, to talke with some simple man or woman of either of those two Cities. Nor indeed need∣ed there any more to raise the report of that mi∣raculous apparition, which ought rather to be thus reconcil'd, then to have any recourse to spi∣rits and Daemons. For it brings with it no dif∣ficulty or inconvenience, besides that Laertius gives such another interpretation of what Her∣mippus * 1.240 affirmes of Pythagoras's descent into Hell, and Plutarch of the tales were made of his Gol∣den thigh, and the Eagle which he had so well instructed that he made him descend when he would upon his head, as they say Mahomet did his Pidgeon. Yet it should seeme by his story of the Eagle that Pythagoras was well acquainted with that part of Magick which consists in Liga∣tures, if we had not sufficient reasons to answer whatever may be said of the power he had over certain creatures. For if it be objected that he brought up a Bear familiarly in his lodgings, what reason is there to conclude he had tam'd it by Magick, since that, not to mention that which was Paris's Nurse, or another which St. Corbinian made to carry his Luggage instead of the Asse whom it had devour'd, the two Bears, called Mica aurea and Innocentia, which the Emperour * 1.241 Valentinian caus'd to be brought up in the same Chamber in a manner with his own; and that which Sindrigal Prince of the Lithuaniaus, had us'd to come from its denne and Knock at his

Chamber door, and receive a certain almes for its nourishment, wherewith it return'd to the Woods till the next day that it came again at the same hour; these are enough, I say, to make us admire the Docility of these Creatures, which are not so savage, but the industry of men is able to reduce them, and that by the force, tis true, of certain words, not Magicall and superstitious, but those pronounc'd by the Creator of all things, when he said to our first parents, Have * 1.242 dominion over the fish of the Sea, and over the fowle of the Aire, and over all the Creatures that move up∣on the Earth.

Nor is it worth much consideration, that Py∣thagoras, by the uttering of certain words, kill'd a Serpent which did abundance of mischief in Italy. For Boissardus, who cites Aristotle's Authority for the story, quotes not the Book whence he took it, and if we search a little more narrowly into it, we shall find it prove absolutely false, as being grounded only on their Ignorance who change Socrates into Pythagoras, and who take for sterling a fable related of the former, in a Book of the causes and properties of Elements, * 1.243 which Patricius demonstrates falsely attributed to Aristotle. But this negllgence of Boissardus might have been well excus'd, had he not com∣mitted another great and more observable, when * 1.244 he cites Plutarch to patronise the story of the Ox, which Pythagoras sent packing out of a Bean-field; after he had whispered something in his eare. He had better confest he had translated it out of Caelius Rhodiginus, who indeed cites Plutarch in the beginning of his Chapter, but upon ano∣ther occasion than that of this fable, whereof

it will be found he never made any mention. To give it then a finall shock, we may say, that it is absur'd and irrationall that this Philosopher, so grave & vertuous in all his other actions, should trouble himself to drive away that Creature, es∣pecially when it was executing his will, spoyling & trampling the beans, the use whereof he thought the greatest abhomination in the World. But sup∣posing he should take paines to do it, yet is it not likely it was by the vertue of certain words, or by the wayes known and practis'd by certain Moun∣tebanks, as may be seen in n 1.245 Emanuel de Mou∣ra, o 1.246 Pierius, and p 1.247 Cardan; since the least Child, coming near the one might as easily have done it as this Philosopher.

Lastly for what concernes his conjectures and praedictions, we may say they can be but of three sorts, that is, morall, as those of Socrates, or na∣turall, as those of Pherecydes, Thales, and Anaxa∣goras, or Diabolicall and superstitious, as those of all Magitians. Since then it is easie to conjecture, by what hath been said concerning his doctrine, that he might well practise the two former, it were no lesse barbarisme and simplicity to think he should be engag'd in the last than to receive the proofes are brought for it, as good and Au∣thentick, when they are only grounded upon the superstitious Arithmetick and the Wheele of Onomancy falsely attributed to him by q 1.248 Flood and r 1.249 Catanus. For this Arithmetick and all the impertinent fooleries insensibly crept into it, is nothing but the pure imagination of those who would needs glosse upon the passage of Plutarch where he sayes, that the Pythagoreans honoured Numbers and Geometricall figures with the

names of the Gods, calling a Triangle with equal sides Pallas and Tritogonia, because it is equally divided by three lines perpendicularly drawn from each angle. They call'd Unity by the name of Apollo, the binary by that of Contention and Boldnesse, the trinary by that of Justice, for as much as to offend or be offended, to do or suffer an injury, is done by excesse and defect, Justice remaining equally in the middle.

Nor is it a lesse injury to this great person, to think that he ever troubled himself with the practice of this Wheele which s 1.250 Trithemius and t 1.251 Raguseus acknowledge as falsely publish'd un∣der his name, as that of Plato and Apuleius; or that he ever exercised Onomancy by the help of Common numbers represented by the Letters of * 1.252 the Alphabet, the seven Planets, the dayes of the week, & the 12. Signes, as Flood would perswade us in his Microcosme. For in the first place, this kind of Divination is counterfeit, and without any ground at all; this application of Numbers with∣out any relation or correspondence with the signs and Planets; this Arithmetick absolutely fa∣bulous. And lastly, it was ever the custome of those, who made it their businesse to bring into reputation, such impertinences as these, or any other Mathematicall Niceties; to divulge them under the name of this Philosopher, by reason of the great knowledge he had therein. Whereof we have a manifest example in de Bois∣siere who within these 60. years making some ad∣ditions to the Rythmomachia, hath in like manner put it out under the title of, Pythagoricall Recrea∣tion, though there be nothing to manifest, as that Pythagoras minded this sleight, now attributed to him, as litle as all the other stories, which deserve rather

Juven. Sat. 8. —Purgantes corpora succos, Quicquid & in tota nascitur Anticirâ▪

than what we have been obliged to say in this Chapter, to discover their vanity, and the little ground there is to admit them for true.

CHAP. XI.

Of Numa Pompilius.

THeodorus Gaza, the learnedst Greek that ever came from Constantinople, being ask'd by a friend of his, what Authour he would preserve, in case a generall wrack were to destroy all the rest, would not seem so fond of his own Tradu∣ctions, as to prefer Aristotle or Cicero before Plu∣tarch. Him he thought worthy to survive all the rest, not so much, as I conceive, for his admirable learning & variety, as to perserve in him the most judicious Authour that ever was, what could not * 1.253 have been found in any other, to wit, the judge∣ment he gave of all the things he treated of, which we might make use of as a certain mark to distin∣guish truth from falshood, or as a guide to con∣duct us thorow those noble ruines of Antiquity, which we find in his Works. This puts me into a more than ordinary admiration, at the malice or negligence of most of our Daemonographers, who will not apprehend the true account which this Authour gives us of Numa Pompilius, as they have done long since in the Metamorphosis of Apu∣leius, which they quote upon all occasions, as a

manifest history to prove Lycanthropie. Out of some such jealousie it was, that the Authour thought himself oblig'd to give us all the precau∣tions possible, to shew that his transmutation was a meer Fable and Romance, when he sayes in the first page of his Book, At ego tibi sermone isto Milesio varias fabellas conseram, and a little after, Fabulam Graecam incipimus, lector intende, laetaberis. Which laid down, if those are deser∣vedly laugh'd at, who would establish and con∣firm a proposition of such consequence by a rela∣tion acknowledged to be fabulous, even by the Authour of it, we may with as much reason af∣firm those guilty of a greater malice and teme∣rity, who so apparently falsifie the authorities of Plutarch, Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, and Livie, to convert into Magick the admirable wisdom and excellent policie of Numa.

That I undertake his vindication next that of Pythagoras, is not grounded on the opinion of * 1.254 divers, especially Ovid, who have made him la∣ter, and a Disciple of that Philosopher; since Livie * 1.255 sayes in his Decads, Authorem doctrinae ejus, quia non extat alius, falsò Samium Pythagoram edunt. The same is also confirm'd by the said d 1.256 Diony∣sius Halicarnassaeus, e 1.257 Plutarch, f 1.258 Rhodiginus; and g 1.259 Pererius; the former whereof shews that the City of Crotona was but founded in the fourth year of Numa's reign; and the three others insist much upon all the chronologicall reasons which may prove these two persons not to have been Contemporaries, but by a figure of Anachronism, ordinary, and indeed tolerable, in Poets; but by no means allow'd an Historian. But in regard Iambli∣cus observes in the life of Pythagoras, that he had

borrow'd all his learning from the Theologie of Orpheus, I have put their Chapters one after the other, without being too Criticall, as to the time wherein they flourished, since it contributes no∣thing to their vindication, and that I am oblig'd to neglect it in divers other parts of this Apo∣logie.

We are then to note, that the accusation against Numa is grounded upon four principall points, the least whereof, were it true, were enough to condemn him for an Enchanter and a Magician. For, first, it is urg'd, that the Genius attributed to him by d 1.260 Ammianus Marcellinus, and which e 1.261 Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, f 1.262 Plutarch and g 1.263 Livie affirm to have been one of the nine Muses, or rather a Nymph called Aegeria, was no other than a Succuba with whom he was very familiar, as being one of the cunning'st and best vers▪d that ever was, in the invocations of the tutelary Gods, and the Genii of Men and Cities. Hence h 1.264 Postellus takes occasion to maintain, that th••s Familiar was the same that had attended Vesta the wife of Janus or Noah, and then was Guardian of Rome, Quo duce, sayes he, Numa tantae molis urbem stabilivit. It is also taken for certain, that by the assistance and industry of this Divinity, he did many strange and miraculous things, to gain reputation among the people of Rome, that so he might govern at his pleasure. To this purpose is haply, what is related by Dionysius Halicarnassaeus and Plutarch, That having once invited many Citizens to supper, he entertain'd them with mean and ordinary things, and with plate that spoke neither wealth nor magnificence. But they had not sate down long, ere he took

occasion to tell them, that the Goddesse whom he convers'd with, at that very instant was come to give him a visit, and that immediately there∣upon the room was excellently well furnish'd, and the tables covered with all manner of meats, the most exquisite and delicate in the world. The same may also be confirm'd by the discourses he * 1.265 had with Jupiter, such as may be seen in Arno∣bius, who sayes that Numa, by the advice of his Nymph Aegeria, found out a way to bind two Devils, or internall Gods, Faunus and Picus, who taught him how to invocate Jupiter, and force him to come to him by strong and imperious conjurations, in case he should not willingly and of his own accord. This it seems he was so for∣tunate in, that he fetch'd out of his throne, the greatest and most powerfull of all the Gods, and forc'd him to declare, how by sacrifice he should expiate the thunder and lightening. To which may be added the Hydromancie which Varro, ci∣ted * 1.266 by St. Augustine, sayes, he was very well ver∣sed in; as also his magicall books, discover'd four hundred years after his death, and condemn'd to the fire as most pernicious, in the Consulship of Publius Cornelius and Marcus Bebius. All this ad∣mitted, we may well conclude with all our Dae∣monographers, especially le Loyer and Delrio, the most learned among them▪ That Numa Pompilius was the greatest Magician of any that ever wore Crown, and that he had a greater power over De∣vils than over men, since he made use of the assi∣stance of the former, to reduce the Romane peo∣ple to subjection and obedience to his Laws and Institutions.

But if we would shew how all these Authours

are too prodigall of our leisure and their own, when they take so much pains to hatch a sort of strange and hideous imaginations, and thereby captivate our belief, we need do no more than take a view of the first draught of this person, done not onely by Livie, and D. Halicarnassaeus, who drew the first lines of him, but particularly by Plutarch, who hath clad him in his proper co∣lours, and all the circumstances and particulari∣ties of his life, that we might thereby judge of the least vices and vertues, as also the disposition, custom and proceedings of this great Politician, and second Founder of Rome. Whence it will not be hard to resolve, what credit we should give all these after-draughts and copies of the mo∣dern, who have rather follow'd the Originall in their own fantastick imaginations, than that of Plutarch and the best Historians, who seem not to mention Numa, but out of a designe to cele∣brate his vertues, and admire the excellent con∣duct, whereby he fastened and established the Ro∣mane Monarchy. For that, being loose, and but newly set together, might easily have been ruin'd by the least hostile violence, if Numa had not by a peace of three and fourty years, given it time to take root and growth, looking on the Romane people as a Champion that were to fight, having exercis'd it self at leisure, for the time he should reign over it, would by that means prove strong enough to oppose any that should question the limits of their Empire.

The first thing he did, after he had possessed himself of the government, was to soften and ci∣vilize the City, converting their rough & warlike humour into a gentle and tractable, remitting

that height of courage and earnestnesse of fight∣ing, by Sacrifices, Festivals, Dances, and Processi∣ons▪ nay sometimes, as Plutarch sayes, represent∣ing unto them the fear of the Gods. To this end did he make them beleeve, that he had strange vi∣sions, or had heard of great calamities, purposely to keep down their hearts in a dread of the Gods. To this may also be apply'd that passage of Ter∣tullian, cited in the third Chapter of this Apologie, but much more pertinently that of Lactantius, * 1.267 who sayes that Numa, Sic novi populi feroces ani∣mos mitigavit, & ad studia pacis à rebus bellicis avocavit. Whence may be drawn a certain argu∣ment, that whatsoever hath been said of the Nymph Aegeria, was nothing but the meer pre∣tences and palliations of this crafty Politician, who by that Fable would establish the authority of his Sacrifices, Laws, and Constitutions, as is well observ'd by the same Lactantius, when, speak∣ing of Numa, he sayes, that to settle these things, aliqua cum authoritate, simulavit cum Dea Aege∣ria nocturnos se habere congressus. This increases my admiration at the Lethargick judgements, or seared consciences of our Daemonographers, who can so securely deprave the authority of this Au∣thour, with those of Halicarnassaeus, Livie, and Plutarch, to give some colour to what they would have beleev'd, and so ground the truth of their proposition upon the most palpable falsity can be imagin'd. For if le Loyer and m 1.268 Delrio may be credited, the principall Authours that affirm all these fables we have related of Numa, are Plu∣tarch, and D. Halicarnassaeus, which yet when we come to read, and peruse, we shall find, that on the contrary they are those that resute, under∣mine,

discover, and advise us not to credit them.

And that it is so, to begin with the opinion they had of the Nymph Aegeria; Plutarch having * 1.269 made a long discourse of the credit ought to be given these divine apparitions, concludes it with his own opinion, to this effect.

Howbeit, if any be of a contrary opinion, he is left at liberty; for, I do not hold those things improbable, which others relate of Lycurgus and Numa, and others of their quality; who, being to deal with rough and salvage people, and oblig'd to introduce great alterations into the govern∣ment of their Countreys, have prudently pre∣tended communication with the Gods, since those fictions and pretences were advantageous even to those whom they perswaded to a beleef of them.

This he further confirms, when three or four pages after he sayes, immediately after he had cited the verses of Timon the Phlyrsian, that this personation of Numa was nothing else than the love of a Goddesse, or some Nymph of the mountains, and the secret meetings he pretended to have with her. This seems to have been tran∣scrib'd out of D. Haliearnassaeus, where speaking * 1.270 of Numa, he sayes, as Portus's Latine Translation hath it, Multa autem ea{que} admiranda de eo dicunt, referentes humanam ejus sapientiam ad Deorum mo∣nita: fabulosè enim dicunt illi congressum fuisse cum quadam Nympha Aegeria, quae illum assidu•• Regiam sapientiam edoceret. Nay Livie, who is * 1.271 tax'd with no other vice, than that of having fill'd his History with abundance of prodigies & mira∣culous things, confesses ingenuously, that Numa resolv'd to keep the Romanes in subjection by

the fear of the Gods, and seeing it would not ea∣sily fasten on them, without the disguise and cir∣cumvention of some counterfeit miracle, simula∣vit sibi cum Dea Aegeria congressus nocturnos, ejus se monitu quae acceptissima Diis essent sacra institue∣re, sacerdotes suos cui{que} Deorum praeficere.

* 1.272 But indeed Ammianus Marcellinus seems to be more pertinently cited by our Daemonographers, and consequently to favour them more than all the precedent. For, discoursing upon a certain vision which the Emperour Constantius had, he sayes, that the correspondence between Gods and men is not a thing so extraordinary, but that there were manifest examples of it in the Genii, which sometime were familiar with Hermes, Socrates, Apollonius, Numa, Scipio, Marius and Augustus. From which passage it might be imagin'd, he was of opinion, that it was not fabulous what was said of the Nymph Aegeria, and the conversation that was between her and King Numa. But, be it suppos'd that this was his opinion, yet can it not conclude any thing to the prejudice of the prece∣dent, since that thorow all his History, he disco∣vers himself very prone to beleeve and amplifie such narrations; alluding to which, I conceive, * 1.273 not improbably, Ludovicus Vives presum'd to pronounce this judgement on his History, Am∣miani Marcellini quod superest opus, nec Oratoris omnino nec historici.

Lastly, for Postellus's Comment upon the Fable, I think it of the same metall, with what he relates in his Cosmography, where he sayes that the Ae∣thiopians are black, by reason of the curse God thundered against Chus the first Authour of their Nation, because Cham, his father, had known his

wife in the Ark, against the expresse command of the Patriarch Noah to the contrary. Nor in∣deed can there be a more true and modest solu∣tion made to all these vaine and chimericall spe∣culations, then to say of their Author as the Pro∣consull Festus did of St. Panl, Insanis Postelle, multae te literae ad insaniam eonvertunt.

Having thus discover'd the weakness & falsity of the proofs, brought to make this Aegeria a Witch or Succuba, which was only a subtle fiction of Nu∣ma's, we must do as much with those which s 1.274 le Loyer and t 1.275 Delrio would draw out of the same Authors to make good the enchanted Banquet, and the conference he had with Jupiter, by the meanes of this Hydromancy. But this was nothing but the fabulous invention of Numa to surprise Faunus and Picus, putting wine and honey into the Spring out of which they were wont to drink, that they, being taken, should shew him the way to in••ocate Jupiter, & know of him what he should do to expiate the Lightning, as we have already observed out of Plutarch and Arnobius. For as to D. Halicarnass••us, tis true, that speaking of the Nymph Aegeria, he menti∣ons also the Supper Numa made by her meanes; but what he saies in consequence, sufficiently shews that he held it a meer fiction, adding im∣mediately after the relation, sed qui res omnes fa∣bulosas * 1.276 ex historia tollunt, Numam haec quae de Aegeria dicebat finxisse dicunt, ut qui Numen di∣vinum metuerent facilius animum ad se adverterent, & leges quas esset laturus libenter ut àdiis latas ac∣ciperent.

In like manner hath not Plutarch fallen upon a relation of these fables, without a precaution gi∣ven

before, beginning very judiciously thus.

By these rudiments and as it were apprentiship of Religion, the City of Rome became so civiliz'd, & had such an admiration for the great power of K. Numa, had it receiv'd for truths such tales, as had no more likelihood of truth then there is in meer Fables and thought there was nothing in∣credible nor impossible to him that he should desire to effect.

There remaines therefore only the objection concerning his Books about which I shall not gleane up all that may be said of their number, * 1.277 and the time, when, and the manner, how, they were found, since Guillandinus hath very learned∣ly performed that task, and that it is suffici∣ent for me to shew, that they were not burnt as treating of Magick, as divers moderne Au∣thors would perswade us. For it was not the opinion of any of the ancients, as may be easily demonstrated, in that, according to that of y 1.278 Plutarch, z 1.279 Livy, and a 1.280 Caius Piso Censorius, they treated only of the offices and duties of the Priests, and the Philosophy of the Greeks, such as it had been in Numa's time; to that of b 1.281 Cassius Hemina, they treated only of the Philoso∣phy of Pythagoras; and to that of c 1.282 Lactantius, d 1.283 Varro, and e 1.284 Tuditanus, they contain'd on∣ly the order and causes of the sacrifices and cere∣monies he had instituted amongst the Romans. Which last opinion I think the more probable, beause it discovers the reason why the Senate thought it not convenient they should be di∣vulg'd, for since we find in Plutarch that Numa forbad the Romans to believe that God had the forme either of Man or Beast; and to make

any image or Statue of him, which was observ'd for the space of 70. years, and permitted not they should do sacrifice but with the powring out of wine, milk, and a litle flower, it is probable he had given reasons at large in his Books of that new kind of worship. These coming to light and acknowledg'd for his, four thousand years after, as Plutarch affirmes, or according to * 1.285 Cassius Hemina 535. when the City of Rome was so full of Idols, ut facilius esset Deum quàm homi∣nem invenire, and that all the temples continually sweltered in the blood of the Victims, it is, I say, easily conjectur'd, that the Books of this Roman Trismegistus, who, in Juvenal, passes for the example of a great Priest, were burnt by order of the Senate, for fear lest some great change might happen in Religion, if by the perusall of those Books, it had been known what reasons Numa insisted on, both to establish the purity of his Sacrifices, and to cleanse men's mind from Idolatry, which had taken such root there at the time of this discovery, that the best expedient was to destroy those Books which were otherwise likely to put the whole Roman Monarchy into disturbance; it being a maxime among Politicians, that the troubles & dissentions in the State are ever consequential to those that happen in Religion.

This in my judgment was the true cause of the condemnation of these books, and not that which le Loyer, and other modernes have endeavoured * 1.286 to find out in Magick, or yet what Cassius Hemi∣na, who might haply live in Augustus's time, seems to relate of their treating of the Philoso∣phy of Pythagoras. For as to the former, his opinion being without any ground or Authority,

eâdem facilitate contemnitur quâ affertur. For that of the latter, it is sufficiently refuted, not only in what we have shew'd before, that Py∣thagoras was latter then Numa, and, that this last came not into Italy, according to h 1.287 Gellius, till the raign of Tarquin the proud, but also by the testimony and contrary opinion of i 1.288 Livy, who saies, that one Antius Valerius gave the same judgment of these Books Vulgatae opinioni, as he adds, quâ creditur Pythagorae auditorem fuisse Numam, mendacio probabili accommodatâ fide. After all which answers and solutions, all I have to wish, is, that our Daemonographers would own either more modesty or more judgment, that they may not hereafter so indiscreetly forge such Monsters and Chimeras as afrerwards frighten them, and make them run away, and cry like little Children, who are many times startled at the dirt they cast in the faces of their companions, quasi quicquam infelicius sit homine, cui sua figmenta do∣minantur.

CHAP. XII.

Of Democritus, Empedocles, and Apollo∣nius.

I Should never have presum'd to remove the precious and venerable bounds of Antiquity, which the God Terminus in the fabulous Theolo∣gie of the Romans, signify'd to us immoveable, did I not somewhat rely on its being called by Arnobius, errorum plenissima mater, so far at least as to be satisfi'd, it was no sacriledge to bring that

to the test which hath been held for true. And this I do after so many ages, as, by their long and various revolutions, are wont, as well in Civill History as naturall, to dragge after them along traine of fables, and from time to time to give them new force and vigour by the multitude of those who, out of meer respect to Antiquity, are ensnar'd by them. And indeed it were too great a severity to be oblig'd to follow the super∣stitious track of those, who will not do the least violence to Antiquity, which, as if our eyes were not able to endure a full light, puts a cob∣web before them, and burdens all things, especi∣ally the memory and lives of great persons, with fables and fictions, as it does the Statues erected to them with dust and filth. This our designe leades us to maintain, by the examples of these three great Philosophers or rather Daemons of knowledge, vers'd in all Sciences, and the chiefest, and of greatest Authority among their people, that is, Democritus, Empedocles and Apollonius. These have undergone such a change and Metamorphosis, by those who make it their businesse to write without minding that precept of Horace,

Quid de quoque viro, & cui dicas, saepe caveto,

that besides that they are delivered over to us all three for Sorcerers and enchanters, it is further believ'd, that Democritus was such a foole as to put out his own eyes, after he had blown away his estate in a fruitlesse search of the Philosophers stone; and that Empedocles, as an ambitious Desperado, cast himself into the burning furnaces of Mount Gibel.

* 1.289—Deus immortalis haberi Dum cupit Empedocles, ardentem frigidus Aetnam Insiluit—

But these calumnies are so far from being true or well grounded, that, on the contrary, there's nothing easier then to shew how they are abso∣lutely false, if we may bestow but a few lines on them before we come to joyn issue with the most materiall part of the Charge put in against the reputation and Learning of these excellent Per∣sons. For first, as to the Book of the Sacred Art, and the knowledge and practice of Alchymy, at∣tributed to Democritus, it is a symptome that signifies the deprav'd imaginations of our Fur∣nace-Imps, who know no other project to gaine any credit to the Books of their Art, than to fa∣ther them on Moses, Salomon, Trismegistus, Aris∣totle, nay (such is their stupidity and want of judg∣ment) Adam; a 1.290 ut authoritatem videlicet sumat ab homine quae non habet ex veritate. But to make an absolute discovery of this imposture, sufficiently laugh'd at by b 1.291 Riolanus, c 1.292 Guibert, and d 1.293 Semertus, we may affirme, that this Book was never made by Democritus, since the learned Mercurial assures us that Chymistry was not known at all in Aristotle's time, and that Delrio shewes; there is no track of it in any good Au∣thor, till from Caligula's time, when it first broke the shell, till that of Dioclesian, under whom lived one Zozimus, who, as Delrio thinks, * 1.294 is the most ancient Greek that hath written of it. To which may be added that Casaubon saies, he saw in the K. of France his Library, a manu∣script

treating of the making of Gold, entituled, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or, the sacred Art, who yet never mentions Democritus for the Author of it. To make this good weight, we may urge the poor∣nesse of conceptions which it discovers, and the censure long since given it by Laertius, when having been very punctuall in the Catalogue of this Philosophers workes, he sayes that others; under his name, either falsely attributed to him, or taken out of his Writings, may assure us, not∣withstanding the Authority of Psellus, who makes him the Author of it, that Democritus had no∣thing to do with it, but some other Greek, lesse learned, and much latter, Yet might question the Authority of Mercurial, and conclude against him, that Aristotle was vers'd in Chimestry be∣cause he saies in his Problems, that Oyle may be extracted out of salt, which it cannot but by distil∣lations and Furnaces; if f 1.295 Gesner & g 1.296 Patricius had not prov'd those Problems not to be Aristi∣tle's, and that it is hard to guesse at the time when they were writ, for that as h 1.297 Henry Ste∣phen first observ'd, the Books of Theophrastus, Of Sweating and Wearinesse, are transcrib'd in a manner Verbatim in them.

But me thinkes, those are yet more irrationall, who, with i 1.298 Tertullian, believe that this Philo∣sopher put out his own eyes, because he could not look on Women without some concupiscen∣tiall insurrections; or with k 1.299 Gellius and l 1.300 Plutarch, that he might study Philosophy more freely, and be lesse diverted by externall Objects; or lastly with Laberius, that he did it,

—malis benè Esse ne videret civibus.

For besides the unlikelihood and diversity of these reasons, we must clearly discredit Hippo∣crates in his Epistle to Damagetus, where he sayes, that being employ'd by the Abderites to cure the madnesse of Democritus▪ he found him reading certain Books and dissecting Animals, actions certainly much inconsistent with want of sight. We may therefore imagine, that as his Laughter was morall, his blindnesse was so too; and that fabulous Antiquity hath, as Scaliger con∣ceives, * 1.301 represented him blind, quod aliorum more oculis non uteretur.

Nor do I see any more reason to believe what is▪ said of Empedocles, that he cast himself into the flames of Mount Gibel, ut cum repenté non appar∣uisset, * 1.302 saies Lactantius, abiisse ad Deos crederetur. For Empedocles was so farre from that extrava∣gance of ambition, that Laertius assures us, that with incredible constancy he refused a Royall crown presented to him, preferring a life peaceable and free from those vaine Grandeurs, before the greatest enjoyments of Princes. And indeed the story is good for none but Polititians, who comment on and make their advantages of it, when they credit it no more than they do a many others; nor indeed do Pausanias and Timaeus in Laertius, dissemble the falshood of it; this lat∣ter concluding his opinion with theirs in part of an Epigram,

Si se flagrantem male sanus jecit in Aetnam, Quomodo adhuc Megaris structa sepulchra jacent?

For my part, it shall ever be my faith, that the vast paines and industry of this Philosopher in the disquisition of naturall things consider'd, if he dy'd in that manner, it proceeded rather out of his over curiosity to find out the cause of so miraculous an effect, as it afterward happened to Pliny in the burning of Vesuvius, than out of any designe he had to get into the Catalogue of * 1.303 the Gods, by so hazardous and indiscreet a reso∣lution.

Having therefore brush'd off the dust which hid the lustre & perfection of these living Images and modells of vertue, we come now to what is most materiall to our purpose, that is, to answer those proofs, which may be drawn out of Pliny and other Writers, who would fasten on them the black patches of diabolicall Magick, ad quam discendam, sayes Pliny, Pythagoras, Empedccles, * 1.304 Democritus, Plato, navigavêre, exiliis veriùs quàm peregrinationibus susceptis. This he more particularly confirmes of Democritus, when he addes in the same place, Plenum{que} miraculi et hoc, pariter utras{que} artes effloruisse, Medicinam dico, Magicen{que}, eàdem aetate; illam Hippocrate, hanc Democrito illustrantibus. And elsewhere he saies, he was Magorum post Pythagoram studiosissimus, * 1.305 and that he maintain'd thousands of litle stories and ridiculous propositions which could not be effected but by Magick. Of this mettall were these, that of the blood of severall young birds might be engendred a Serpent, which eaten

would cause a perfect understanding of the sing∣ing * 1.306 of Birds; that there were certain herbs so powerfull and endu'd with such vertue, that they were requisite in the invocation of the Gods, and would make criminals confesse what judges and torments could not. He affirmes further that * 1.307 he had writ a Book of the nature of the Came∣leon, which contained things absolutely triviall, * 1.308 Magical, and superstitious; and lastly that he had publish'd the works of Dardanus a famous Magi∣cian, whereto he added his own fraught with fol∣lies of the same nature, and abundance of vaine observations.

Empedocles he is a little more favourable to, in that he gives him not the quality of Magician, but only where he makes him one of the ancient Philosophers who travell'd into Aegypt; nor in∣deed were there any proofes to make him such, if Satyrus did not let fall a word to that purpose in Laertius, where he cites nine or ten verses of this Philosopher's, wherein are comprehended his Magicall operations, and which are all the ground whereupon the Moderns have made him act the part of a Magician. Of these, one of * 1.309 the most considerable is Delrio who hath ranked among the miraculous operations of ancient Ma∣gicians those of Empedocles when he mitigated the fury and violence of the Etesian winds, par∣alleling it with that of one Erric King of the Goths, who was surnam'd Windy-cap, because he made the wind to blow which way soever he turn'd it. To that may be added what is said of his making the Plague to cease in the Country of the Salinuntians, and of the women he deli∣ver'd of a long and dangerous suffocation of the

Matrix. But since it may well be imagin'd, that he omitted these things because he thought them either fabulous or naturall, we may as safely passe the same sentence on those we have specifi'd as well of him as Democritus, since they are all of the same coyne; and that to speak seriously of them, it is absolutely irrationall to think these two great persons guilty of such pitifull weak∣nesses contrary to the confidence we should have of their vast Learning and integrity, had we no other security for it then that of Lucretius and Hippocrates. The former thinks it an honour to be the Celebrator of Empedocles's vertues, when after a long discourse in the praise of Sicily, he saies, that,

Lib. 1. Nil tamen hoc habuisse viro praeclarius in se, Nec sanctum magis & mirum clarum{que} videtur. Carmina quinetiam divini pectoris ejus Vociferantur, & exponunt praeclara reperta, Ut vix humanâ videatur stirpe creatus.

The latter, whom we may justly call the Oracle of truth, assures us in his Epistles what account we should make of the admirable wisdome of Democritus, which gave Celsus occasion to call * 1.310 him, magni nominis Philosophum; and Gellius, * 1.311 nobilissimum Philosophorum; virum praeter alios venerandum, authoritate{que} antiquâ praeditum.

But as the same turf brings forth many times both wholsome and hurtfull herbs, and Bees suck honey whence Caterpillers do poison; so the tra∣vels, which they say these Philosophers under∣went, to learn Magick, must now serve us as a pregnant proof, that they were the occasions of

their great Learning and Polymathy. And this must be the more probable, if we reflect on what hath been already said of the Magick of the Aegy∣ptians, and the travels of Orpheus, Zoroastes, and * 1.312 Pythagoras; as also on the authority of Philostra∣tus, who, though of a contrary opinion to us, as to the Sages of Persia and the Aegyptians, yet sayes, that Pythagoras, Democritus, and Empedocles, not∣withstanding their conversation with them, would not learn any thing of their Science. To strengthen this yet further, we may adde the ne∣gative authority of Laertius, who makes not the least mention of the Magick of Democritus, and but one word by the way of that of Empedocles, not specifying, contrary to his custom, any thing he had done by the means of it, without bringing on the stage the common solution of this kind of argument. And yet it were but just to urge it, when he from whom i•• is taken had made it his businesse to say all he could, and to particularize whatever belongs to the Subject he treats on. For instance, if any should undertake to give an exact account of all the Sciences, and should say nothing of Medicine, it might be justly inferr'd, he did not rank it among them. So it may be concluded, that Laertius and two hundred and eleven Au∣thours, whom he quotes, had not heard ought of the Magick of these two Philosophers, since he sayes not any thing of it in his Book, where yet he intended a full collection, even to the jugling tricks of Pythagoras, and the most inconsiderable particulars, though fabulous, he had read of o∣thers.

But as to Democritus in particular, we may * 1.313 balance Pliny's authority with what he sayes him∣self

of the doubt which many made to beleeve things so leight and triviall of a man so wise and discreet in all his other actions. And to that adde the contrary authority of Gellius, who hath made * 1.314 an expresse Chapter, De portentis fabularum quae Plinius secundus indignissimè in Democritum Philo∣sophum confert; where he discovers at large the vanity of all the forementioned fables, and at last concludes with these words; Multa autem viden∣tur ab hominibus male solertibus hujusmodi com∣menta in Democriti nomen data, nobilitatis, autori∣tatis{que} ejus perfugio utentibus. Nor indeed do I find any more than two things in these objections of Pliny, which we may at all stick at, that is, the magicall books written by Democritus, and those of Dardanus publish'd by him. To which may be answer'd, that such proofs conclude not directly, as we have shewn in the sixth Chapter of this Apologie; that these books are not specified by Laertius, or any other, and that it is extreamly uncertain who that Dardanus should be. For though Pliny, Tertullian, and Apuleius make him a great Magician, yet all they say of him is upon the credit of Columella, who sayes,

Lib. 10. At si nulla valet medicina repellere pestem, Dardaniae veniant artes.—

If we will refer the businesse to the Civilians, this Dardanus may well be some other than a Magician, since they say, that Dardanarii are pro∣perly Seplasiarii, Propolae, Proxenetae, that is, En∣grossers and Regraters, who fill their barns and store-houses with all sorts of provision, to be sold again at extraordinary rates, when a dearth should

happen, as it is learnedly interpreted by f 1.315 Cuja∣cius and h 1.316 Turnebus. To this I adde, to leave this erroneous perswasion as naked as may be, what i 1.317 Solinus, speaking of the stone Cathochi∣tes, which stuck to the hands of those that handled it, as if it had been of a viscous and glewy nature, saith, Democritum Abderitem ostentatione scrupuli hujus frequenter usum, ad probandam occultam na∣tur •• potentiam in certaminibus quae contra magos ha∣buit. And to that, the opinion of the Spaniard * 1.318 Torreblanca, who sayes expressely, that Magiam Daemoniacam pleno ore negarunt Democritus, Aver∣roes, Simplicius, & alii Epicurei qui unà cum Sad∣du••aeis Daemones esse negarunt. For indeed he well discover'd what account he made of Spirits and * 1.319 Magick, when he pleasantly laugh'd at those young men of Abdera, who had disguis'd them∣selves like Devils, purposely to frighten him in * 1.320 his solitude, and that being sent for by King Da∣rius, and entreated by him to raise up his wife, he answer'd him with a good morall instruction, that he would do it with all his heart, provided he would bring him but three men who had never bewail'd the death of their neerest friends; for there needed no more than to write their names, and put them upon his wife's tomb, to make her rise again immediately. This was much different from the proceeding of Simon Magus, or rather * 1.321 the counterfeit Monk Santabarenus, who entreat∣ed by the Emperour Basilius, that he might see his Son, though dead; was much more kind than Democritus, for he gave him a meeting with him, as he went a hunting, and suffer'd them to em∣brace one another for some time; which it was as easie for him to do by his Enchantment, as it was

impossible for Democritus, who had attain'd the knowledge of all things, save that of Magick.

Nor is my admiration lesse, that Delrio should also refer thereto what was done by Empedocles to hinder the over-violence of the winds that blew in his Countrey. For Laertius expla••ing it, sayes, He commanded a many Asses to be flay'd & their skins to be made into bags, and put upon the tops of mountains, to represse the immoderate gusts of the Etesian winds. Wherein it is easily percei∣ved there was no more Magick, than in the indu∣stry he used to deliver the Salinunti••ns from the plague caused by the noisomnesse of a river, by cutting into it two little rivulets, which dissolv'd the viscousnesse, and carried away all the filth, or in the simple cure he did of the suffocation of the Matrix, which yet hath given some occasion to say, that he rais'd a woman to life, and to Satyrus in Laertius, that he was a Magician, though most part of the verses he produces to prove it, and a∣mong others these,

Pharmaca queis pellas morbos, releves{que} senectam Percipies, quae cuncta tibi communico soli Extinctum{que} hominem nigro revocabis ab Orco.

* 1.322 should be interpreted as Talentonius sayes, of a se∣cret he had to keep a body, for some time, from corruption, though depriv'd of nourishment, re∣spiration, and the beating of the Arteries; upon the explication whereof may be consulted Galen, * 1.323 Goreus, and the forementioned Talentonius.

Drawing now neer unto the end of the Chap∣ter, I have briefly two things to note upon the Romance we have from Philostratus in the life of

* 1.324 Apollonius. But I shall first observe the inadver∣tencie of Volateranus, Cassiodorus, Boissardus, and de Lancre, who assure us there is now to be seen in the Vatican at Rome a book, De figuris conicis, compos'd by Apollonius Thyanaeus, the ambiguity of the name having made them mistake him for Apollonius Pergaeus, sirnamed Magnus Geometra, who liv'd in the time of Cleomedes, an hundred and fifty years before the nativity of our Saviour; for he it was that writ eight books de Ominicono, four whereof are translated out of the Greek by Frederick Commandin, printed at Bologne in the year 1566. This being granted, as needing no other proof, I shall say, first, that this Apollonius Thyanaeus might be some vertuous man, of a vast and powerfull wit, one who made excellent ad∣vantages of philosophicall speculations and his own nature, to dispose of that of Kings and Prin∣ces, and so came as neer the Hero's and Demi-Gods, as he was far from the ordinary sort of men. Whence Sidonius Apollinaris took occasion very much to celebrate one of his friends, a Counsel∣lour to, and of great authority with Evarix King * 1.325 of the Goths, putting him into the scales with this Philosopher. Lege virum, said he to him (Fidei Catholicae pace praefara) in plurimis similem tui, id est, à divitibus ambitum, nec divitias ambi∣entem, cupidum scientiae, continentem pecuniae, inter epulas abstemium, inter purpuratos linteatum. This certainly might well seem strange in the mouth of a Bishop, and a friend who would commend another, were it not evident by the testimonies of Eusebius and Cassiodorus, that this Apollonius was a famous Philosopher and a very wise man. Besides, that it were imprudence to credit the fi∣ctions

of Philostratus rather than the authorities of St. Hierom, and Justin Martyr, who assigne no other cause of all his miraculous operations than the knowledge he had of Nature, and so absolute∣ly clear him of Magick; the former saying in his Epistle to Paulinus, Apollonius sive Magus, ut vul∣gus * 1.326 loquitur, sive Philosophus, ut Pythagorici tra∣dunt. The latter is much more open in his Que∣stions * 1.327 to the Orthodox, Apollonius ut vir natura∣lium potentiarum, & dissensionum at{que} consensionum earum peritus, ex hac scientiae mira faciebat, non authoritate divina; hanc ob rem in omnibus indiguit assumptione idonearum materiarum quae eum adju∣varent ad id perficiendum quod efficiebatur.

* 1.328 But if this be not enough, we may read in St. Anastasius and Cedrenus, that one Julian a Chal∣daean, and another famous Magician called Ma∣nethon, sleighted all the naturall performances of Apollonius, as being nothing in comparison of what they daily did, by the means of Geotick and prohibited Magick; whereas there cannot any proof to the contrary be drawn out of a many Au∣thours, who have forg'd as many lies and Chime∣ra's upon his life, as all our old Romances have done on that of Paladin Rowland. For Vopiscus * 1.329 made not that Book he promis'd of his History; Sidonius had describ'd him such as we have repre∣sented him; Tascius Victorianus and Nicomachus are not to be met with, in any Library; so that it cannot be judg'd in what sense they writ of him. And for the more ancient, Hierocles had borrow'd * 1.330 all his relation from Philostratus, who had dress'd up his at the request of the Empresse Julia; as at the present, Love-stories and Romances are writ∣ten for the entertainment of Queens and Prin∣cesses.

Besides the false notes of his own imagi∣nation, he made use of those of one Maximus, who had written a relation of what Apollonius had done at Tarsus, but his main assistance was the Diary or Diurnall of Damis. Of the integrity of this Damis, since a Lion may be known by his claw, and that a man need not drink up the Sea, to try whether it be salt; we are not to make the least account, si••ce he is so impudent as to affirm, * 1.331 in Philostratus, that he had seen the chains where∣with Prometheus had been fasten'd to Mount Cau∣casus, which were yet in the stones, when he pas∣sed it with Apollonius, who was travelling to the Indies. But as all things, even the most fabulous, have some ground, and that all painting supposes a firm and solid body under it, so must it be ac∣knowledg'd, that this great Volume blown up with falsities, was written by Philostratus out of no other designe, than to make a parallel between the miracles of this Philosopher, and those of Je∣sus Christ, purposely to undermine the foundati∣ons of our Religion, and set people at a losse, whe∣ther of the two they rather ought to credit, our Saviour or Apollonius. The same course took Eu∣napius, an implacable enemy of the Christians, to disparage the miracles of Saints and Martyrs, by advancing a many invented by himself of Plotinus, Sosipater, Porphyrius, Maximus, Iamblicus, and divers other Platonists, whose lives he writ. That the case stands thus with Philostratus, the conje∣cture is but too probable; for the Empresse Ju∣lia's desire, to see something of his writing (as be∣ing a man very polite and eloquent) might well give him occasion to publish that chimericall, yet pernicious History, in the time of the sixth Per∣secution,

which happen'd under Septimus Seve∣rus, about two hundred and ten years after Christ, when the Pagans endeavour'd the destruction of Christianity, no lesse by Artifices than by open war. Upon this very account was it, that Vopiscus * 1.332 celebrated so highly, though in few words, the vertues and miracles of this Thyanaeus; for accor∣ding to the learned Casaubon's glosse upon it, Cum * 1.333 hoc tibicine fulcirent homines pagani ruentes jam su∣perstitiones suas, nemo debet mirari Vopiscum hoc loco in illius laudes ferri.

We may therefore passe our finall judgement on all this, with Paulus Orosius, and Leonard Vair, viz. That as the greatest part of the Fables of Po∣ets, and other Heathen Writers, seem to have ta∣ken their disguises out of the holy Scriptures; as for instance, the Deluge in the time of Deucalion and Pyrrha, from that of Noah; the fall of Pha∣eton, from the miracle of Joshua; the Gyants war, from the Tower of Babel; the Ambrosia of the Gods, from the Manna of the Israelites; the plague at Rome from that in the Desert; and the Serpent of Aesculapius, from the Brazen one ere∣cted by Moses. So without question all the extra∣vagancies of Philostratus upon his Apollonius, took their rise from the true miracles of our Saviour, since he hath been pleas'd to oppose the Daemon, which came to give Apollonius's mother notice of * 1.334 his nativity, to the mystery of the Annunciation; the singing of Swans, to that of the Angels; the lightening that sell from Heaven, to the Star that appear'd in Bethleem; the Letters sent to him from divers Kings, to the adoration of the Magi; the discourses he held, when very young, in the Temple of Aesculapius, to the disputation of

Christ among the Doctours; the questions put to him by his Disciples, to those of the Apostles; the judgement he passed upon the Eunuch and the Concubine, to that on the woman taken in adul∣tery; the apparition he met with upon Mount Caucasus, to the temptation of the Devil in the wildernesse; the incredulity of the Ephesians, to that of the Jews; his deliverance of a young man possessed with the Devil, to the like action of Christ; the Maid he raised to life at Rome, to Jairus's daughter; his appearing to Damis and Demetrius without the City, to that of our Savi∣our to the two Disciples going to Emmaus; the words he said to them, to those of Jesus Christ, Spiritus carnem & ossa non habet; and lastly, his death and ascension, either to that of Christ, or to the translation of Enoch or Eliah. All these pa∣rallels I have the rather thought fit to particula∣rize, to shew the malice, and the pitifull and in∣discreet subtlety of Philostratus; and consequent∣ly, that the safest way to refute all these fictions, is to deny them any relation to Magick, contrary * 1.335 to what Franciscus Picus hath done, because Jews and Gentiles might make their advantage of them, aud thence draw an example, to prove what they have so often said of Christ in the Go∣spel, Now we know thou hast a Devil, for thou castest out Devils, through Beelzebub the prince of Devils. * 1.336 Besides that, we must with Eusebius absolutely deny them, and so proceed, according to his dire∣ctions in the discovery of them, that we may lay open the weak grounds they are built upon, and all the imperinencies and contradictions they are * 1.337 guilty of, Ut vetusta habeantur ista, non ut in vin∣cula virorum sint, sed oblectamenta puerorum.

CHAP. XIII.

Of the Genii attributed to Socrates, Aristotle, Plo∣tinus, Porphyrius, Jamblicus, Chicus, Scaliger, and Cardan.

* 1.338 THe Jesuit Thyraeas quotes an observation of some people sufficiently superstitious, who say that all Children borne in the Ember-weeks commonly bring along with them their caules or certaine membranes, and are much more likely then others to gaine the acquaintance and fami∣liarity of the Genii designed for their conduct. The same Priviledge they also pretend to, accor∣ding to Ptolemy, who have the Moon, in con∣junction * 1.339 with Sagittary, Lady of their actions, or with Pisces, of the Nativity. All we inferre hence, is, to imagine one of these two happened in the Nativities of all those for whom we make this Chapter, since that by the Anthority of most Authors, every one of them might presume he was brought into the Temple of Glory and Im∣mortality by the extraordinary assistance of some Genius or familiar Daemon, which was to them, as Apuleius sayes, singularis praefectus, domesticus * 1.340 speculator, individuus arbiter, inseparabilis testis, ma∣lorum improbator, ••onorum probator. But since this opinion cannot be asserted without much injury done to these great men, and taking away from the obligation we owe their excellent Labours, by the meanes whereof, and not by that of these Daemons and tutelary Gods, so many precious reliques and monuments of their Learning have

come to our knowledge: me thinks it is but just we should continue them in their deserv'd repu∣tation, and shew the true meaning may be gi∣ven this Conversation and correspondence, how extravagant their imaginations are who believe it to have been such as that of the Angels with holy men, or that of Devills with Magici∣ans.

For to come as near the truth as may be, we are to observe that the Platonicks, as d 1.341 Jam∣blichus and e 1.342 Foxius affirme, assigned four kinds of rationall Creatures, after that which they called the first Being, or first Goodnesse, that is, the first Author and Mover of all things; that is to say, the Celestiall Gods or Angels; the Daemons inferior to them; the Heroes; and the souls of all men. The principall duty and employment * 1.343 of the Daemons being, as Proclus affirmes, only to enterpose and manage the affaires and conduct of the last, and to be as it were their guides and interpreters towards the Gods, some have taken occasion, from the resemblance of these actions, with those of the souls over their bodies; to call them sometimes by the name of Daemons. And to do this they thought there was much more reason, when they arriv'd to such a defiance of the Slavery and tyranny of the matter wherein they were as it were immers'd, that they had the absolute dispo∣sall of all their faculties, and were as miraculous * 1.344 in all they did as those Daemons were thought. According to this sense that does Apuleius say, Animus humanus etiam nunc in corpore situs, Dae∣mon nuncupatur; and Heraclitus, that the Spirit of a man was to him instead of a Genius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: besides that it may easily be in∣ferr'd

from these two verses of Virgil.

—Diine nunc ardorem mentibus addunt Eurgale? an sua cui{que} deus fit dira cupido?

that the just desires and good operations of the soul may in like manner be qualifi'd with the name of God. Adde to this what Porphyrius sayes, after Plato in his Timaeus, that God hath assign'd the superior faculty of our Mind as a Dae∣mon to conduct us, and that it may be justly call∣ed Eudaemon, who looks on Wisdom as the Pha∣ros that should direct it in all the actions of his life.

This might well serve for a generall solution to that whatever may be said of the familiarity and acquaintance of Socrates, Aristotle, and others, with certain Devils; were it not also requisite, to answer the objections may be made against them in particular. To begin then with that famous and so well known Daemon of So∣crates, no lesse celebrated by their Authority from whom we have the history of it, than by the great * 1.345 diversity of opinions concerning it. Some affirm it might truely be some Apparition, & others that it was a pure fiction of that Philosopher, or of his two Disciples Xenophon and Plato, who as falsely advanc'd the report of this divine assistance, as that of the Oracle's declaring him the wisest of Mankind, as if there were any reason to bestow the highest and proudest Title imaginable, on a lewd fellow that publikely prosess'd Ignorance, Sloath and Sodomy, who liv'd upon almes, knowing not any art or discipline, and endea∣vouring to discredit all the Sciences by his igno∣rant Wisdome▪

* 1.346 Socratici{que} gregis fuit haec Sapientia quondam Scire nihil—

a man that breath'd nothing but the introduction of Atheisme, deservedly reprov'd and laugh'd at by Aristophunes, Timon, Aristotle and Athenaeus. And lastly a man that for all the praises have been given him, is only oblig'd to two of his disciples, persons not free from suspition, and consequently not absolutely creditable, who might as well write Apologies for him, a••d outvy one another in his commendations, as Gellius observes that one of them did when he writ his Institutions of * 1.347 Cyrus, out of aemulation to the other, who had published ten Books of Common-Wealth.

But these are desperate Sallyes of a dangerous sort of spirits, who, purposely to expose him to generall contempt, so freely discredit the Authority of these two great Philosophers, as also those of Apuleius, Maximus Tyrius, Cicero, Plutarch and the best Authours, out of no other motive then that of meer vanity and a groundless hope of being thought more criticall and quick∣sighted then others for breaking and battering this ancient image. I should, for my part, rather be of their number who reverence it, out of a be∣lief that so many Authors would not bestow such Elogies on Socrates, or call him, as Martial did, magnum Senem, as Persius, barbatum Magistrum, as Val. Maximus, palliatum animum virilitatis ro∣bore, * 1.348 or lastly as Apuleius, Divinae prudentiae senem, if he had not been so famous for his wisdome, that they are rather to be excus'd then condemn'd who, with some reason thought he had acquired it by the favour and assistance of his Daemon.

With this misfortune, neverthelesse, that there is as much uncertainty in the explication of the na∣ture of it according to this opinion, as there was malice and calumny in the precedent. For o 1.349 Apuleius will have it to be a God, p 1.350 Lactantius and q 1.351 Tertullian, a Devil, r 1.352 Plato, invisible; Apuleius affirmes that it might be visible s 1.353 Plutarch that it was a certain sneezing on the left or right side, according to which Socrates pre∣sag'd good or bad successe in the thing undertaken. t 1.354 Maximus Tyrius sayes, it was only a remorse of conscience against the violence of his naturall inclination, which was neither heard nor seen, whereby Socrates was restrain'd from doing what was ill; u 1.355 Pompanatius, that it was the ascendent of his Nativity, & lastly x 1.356 Montaigne that it was a certain impulsion of the will, that presented it self to him, beyond the direction of his discourse. But for my part, I think it may be truely and ration∣ally said, that this familiar Daemon of Socrates, which was to him, y 1.357 in rebus incertis prospecta∣tor, dubiis pr••monitor, periculosis viator, was only the good regulation of his life, the wise conduct of his Actions, his experience of things, and the result of all his Vertues, which wrought in him that prudence, which may justly be termed the salt and seasoning of all actions, the rule and line of all affaires, the eye which sees, directs and dis∣poses all; and in a word, the Art of life, as Me∣dicine is the Art of health. So that there is much more reason to believe that the soul of this Philosopher, not only refin'd from its vio∣lent passions, but inrich'd with all sorts of Ver∣tues, was the true Daemon of his carriage, than toimagine him entangled in the delusions and

conversing with Hobgoblins, crediting them or following their directions, an imagination so absurd that Plutarch thought himself concern'd to endeavour to weed it out of our belief. For in his Book upon Socrates's Daemon he saies, that Socrates slighted not celestiall things, as the Athenians would have it believ'd at his condemnation, but that abundance of im∣aginary apparitions, fables, and superstitions hav∣ing crept into the Philosophy of Pythagoras and his disciples, whereby it was become absolutely ridiculous and contemptible, he endeavour'd to regulate it by prudence, to cleanse it from all those Stories, and not to believe any more then what he thought rationall.

To this we may adde a generall Goodnesse shining through all his actions, and that he had no other designe then to lead his neighbour in the paths of vertue, and thence perceive the little ground we have to conclude this Genius to have been a bad Daemon. Which yet we should rather believe than that it was a good An∣gel, since that he must either have it voluntarily and by divine permission (a secret hath not been yet reveal'd) or by the force of his conjurations. But these must needs be vain at that time, where∣in Angels rather commanded men, and were not courted with so much facility as since the passion of Jesus Christ, who hath deliver'd us from the sla∣very of sin, to make us equalls and companions to Angels, who would not be ador'd by St. z 1.358 John, as they had sometimes been by a 1.359 Abraham.

This foundation layd, there remaines only to resolve three difficulties which may happen con∣cerning this Daemon. The first is, why he never

perswaded him to do any thing, but only not to undertake something, and to take heed and avoid it. To this it may be answered that Socrates needed it not, in as much as being naturally en∣clin'd to whatever were vertuous, his particu∣lar endeavour was, by a long habit, to arrive to that reservednesse which the greatest persons, e∣ven in their most violent passions, and notwith∣standing their courage, either have or ought to have. This is true prudence, which regulates their conduct, and makes them do all things wisely, quae ratio, saith Cicero, Poetas, maxime{que} Home∣rum impulit, ut principibus Heroum, Ulyssi, Aga∣memnoni, Diomedi, Achilli, certos deos discriminum & periculorum comites adjungerent.

The second is a proof taken from the Ecstasies which were ordinary to this person, whence some conclude they could not happen to him but by the means of a Daemon more powerfull then that of the perfection of his Soul. As if it were not more rationall, with Aristotle and Marsilius * 1.360 Ficinus, who represent Socrates as a man extream∣ly melancholy, to imagine these ecstasies as na∣turall in him as those of Charles de Bouille, menti∣oned * 1.361 by Gesner and Trithemius. For Melancho∣ly may for a long time entertaine the Soul, in a deep meditation, and when the Spirits attend the soule to that place where it retreats as it were into its centre, to do it some service there, the other parts are depriv'd of their influent heat, and seem not to have any spark of life, and this is properly what is called Ecstasie.

The last depends upon the great number and certainty of the praedictions of this Philosopher, whence is drawn the same inference as from the

precedent, as that Socrates was certainly the in∣strument of that Daemon, which not content to have declar'd him the wisest of all men, would needs add a further respect to him by the meanes of his Oracles and answers. To this may be said, that, besides that it were an open breach of Horace's commandment.

Nec Deus intersit, nisi dignus vindice nodus * 1.362 Inciderit,—

to attribute these predictions of Socrates, and the advice he gave his Friends, to some Divinity; it were more rationall to conceive, that, as he was absolutely enclin'd to morall actions, so had he so particularly consider'd all the accidents that happen to men, that any thing almost gave him some light to judge of and foresee what was to come. Hence it also came that he was repu∣ted the eighth wise-man of Greece, because he ab∣solutely resign'd himself to the practice of com∣mendable and vertuous Actions, not medling with the fruitlesse speculations of the Sciences; which, like mony, are sometimes current, some∣times cry'd down, one while stamp'd one way, another, another; but alwayes embas'd and very leight. And herein he imitated the seven fa∣mous persons of Antiquity, among whom was only Thales whose wisdome exceeded the con∣templation of those things which were in com∣mon use among men; for, him excepted, all the rest acquir'd that so honourable title by their great understanding of Morality, and Matters of State and Government.

There are those, who, to make Aristotle not

inferiour to Socrates, maintaine he had the par∣ticular assistance of some Daemon. But these, methinks, do his doctrine as much violence as e 1.363 Cardan did that of Averroes (who never be∣lievd there were any Devils) when he introduces a Daemon who call'd himself one of his disciples and followers; or the Alchimists daily do to Avicenna, to whom, (though, in f 1.364 Aegidius Romanus, he absoutely deny the possibility of their metallick transmutation) they yet attribute the knowledge and practise of the Philosopher's stone. For there is nothing, so certain in the Doctrine of Aristotle, not wherein his Interpre∣ters do so much agree; as that he never admitted any other intelligences then those which caused the motion of the celestiall Bodies, discarding all other kinds of Daemons and Angels, so con∣firming his own principles, and admitting no∣thing which was not known to him either by mo∣tion or operation. This is the generall asserti∣on of the Peripateticks, with g 1.365 Aquinas, h 1.366 William Bp. of Paris, i 1.367 Pompanatius, k 1.368 Cardan l 1.369 Theupolus, m 1.370 Riolanus, n 1.371 Niphus, and o 1.372 Bernard Mirandulanus, who expressely sayes, illud negare non possumus, Aristotelem ratione natura∣li non pervenisse nisi ad form as quae in corpore aliquo sunt. To the same purpose Niphus, before him, said, that such forms and separated substances, ac∣cording to the doctrine of the Peripateticks, erant Teretismata quaedam & figmenta, such as Theu∣polus sayes Aristotle ever slighted, tanquam Sphin∣gis & Chimaerae inania nomina, attributing what is commonly said of them, to nature, that is, to the properties of naturall things, to the humour and temperament of Animals, to the

qualities of places, and to their vapours and ex∣halations, leaving nothing at all for the substances to do. And that there is not any dispute con∣cerning them in his workes, is, not that he could not assert them without some Demonstra∣tion, but that he durst not openly refute them, not because he would not contradict Plato, who had gaind much reputation by introducing them, but that he would avoid the censure of impiety by opposing the Lawes of his Country, & the common opinion concerning Gods & Oracles. However it be, we cannot conclude according to his doctrine, that they were any thing but dreames and Chime∣ra's. For if there were any, they must be either Corporeall or incorporeall; to say they were incor∣poreall were to contradict what he sayes in the 12. of his Metaphysicks, that there is no Intelligence but is joyn'd to some body. Besides they must be thought all good; and void of malice and corrup∣tion according to what he sayes in the ninth Book of the same treatise, that sin cannot proceed but from matter; wherein▪ as he explaines it in his Ethicks, lyes the sensuall appetite, which, when it exceeds and over-rules the rationall, causes that deformity. If they were corporeall, their Bo∣dies were either eternall or mortall; the former they cannot be, because, in all his Physicks, he as∣signs but one only body of that nature, that is that of Heaven. If mortall, they were either simple or compound; if simple, what he sayes in the first and second Book, de Anima, that she is never found in a simple Body, cannot any way stand with it; if the latter, they were consequently corruptible, palpable, perceptible, and subject to a thousand changes and alterations, which can∣not be admitted.

Nor does it amount to much that he hath the word Daemon in severall places of his Books, for then it must be conceiv'd he speakes according to the opinion of the vulgar & the Platonicks, as Al∣exander & Niphus affirme, upon the fift of his Me∣taphysicks, and the third, Of the generation of Ani∣mals, Chap. 14. Or haply he made use of that word speaking of God, as is evident from that passage in the second Book of his Rhetorick, where he sayes, that the Demon is sent to divers persons of extraordinary Prosperities, not out of any af∣fection he bears them, but to make their Cala∣mity the more remarkable; for certain it is that only God can send those prosperities.

Besides all these proofs, me thinks there is one very pertinent may be had out of his Book Of Di∣vination by dreames, where to shew there was no∣thing supernaturall in them, he sayes, Omnin•• autem quoniam nonnulla etiam somniant animalia, a Deo certé missa non erunt somnia, neque hujus gra∣tiâ fiunt, sed daemonia sané ernnt, siquidem natura daemonia est, non divina. For though it hath bred much controversy among the Interpreters and Commentators of Aristotle, about the sense wherein the Epithet, he gives Nature, should be taken, yet me thinks Leonicus hath guess'd better then any of the rest▪ and that the Learned p 1.373 Carpentarius hath discover'd the full signification of that Phrase, when he sayes that Aristotle would thereby shew, q 1.374 in naturâ bené ordinatâ depen∣dente ex coelestium orbium conversione ipsis Intelli∣gentiis, eam vim ad omnia explicanda reperiri posse propter quam alii ad Daemones confugerunt. This explication does first confirme what we have said before of Aristotles's opinion concerning these

separated substances, and then confute the only * 1.375 Reason which Cesalpinus gives to assert them, even out of his very doctrine.

This certainly were enough to satisfie the World how much this Philosopher is injur'd, when he is charg'd with the familiarity of one of these Genii or Daemons, which he never took for any thing but dreams and imaginations. But here are yet some trivall Objections rais'd by certain Authors, who wanting Reason to compasse their designe, fly to Stratagems and cast dust in our eyes. Medina and others upon s 1.376 Aquinas would af∣firme, that the reach of our spirit is not so great, as to be able to dive into the knowledge of na∣ture, as did that of Aristotle, without the parti∣cular assistance of some good or bad Genius. And that he made use of the latter, is not, say they, to be questioned, after the proofs whi••h s 1.377 La∣ertius, and t 1.378 William, Bishop of Paris, afford. The former cites a Book of his treating of Ma∣gick; the latter, in divers places of his Works, sayes that this Philosopher had for Counsellour in all his Actions, a Spirit he made to come down out of the Sphere of Venus, by the sacrifice of an insnar'd Lamb, and some other Ceremonies. This piece of superstition gave Emanuel de Moura * 1.379 occasion to relate out of Philoponus in the life of Aristotle, against those who would make him an Atheist, that he was so strangely cajoll'd by a Woman, that she made him consult the oracle of Apollo. Adde to this what Plutarch and Laer∣tius affirme, that he ordain'd by his last will, that there should be dedicated to Jupiter Soter and Minerva Sotira the effigies of certain Animals, of stone, of four cubits, in performance of the

vow he had made for Nicanor's health. Besides all which, the said de Moura would have him con∣fesse * 1.380 in his first book, Of Heaven and the World, Se cum aliis obtulisse diis trina sacrificia, in recognitio∣nem trinae perfectionis in eis inventae.

From these passages may be inferr'd, not only that he beleev'd Devils, and was very superstitious in his Religion, but also that he had stumbled on the hardest & highest mystery of our Faith, that is, the Trinity of Persons in the Unity of Essence, as y 1.381 Salmeron would have it, and before him z 1.382 Trapezontius, who hath writ a compleat book, Of the conformity of Aristotles doctrine with the Scriptures. It was also the opinion of that famous Divine a 1.383 Henry d' Assia, that Aristotle might naturally arrive to as perfect a knowledge of Di∣vinity, as that discover'd to our first Parent, when he slept in the terrestriall Paradise, or that of St. Paul when he was taken up into Heaven. But the spinning out of these proofs, would bring us at last to discourse of the salvation of this Philo∣sopher, an opinion so common, that one of the Fathers and Doctours of the Church hath said, speaking (as it were) to him, Aristoteles, laudaris ubi non es, & cruciaris ubi es; and Werlinus cites a certain Philosopher called Lambert du Mont, * 1.384 who hath made a Magistrall question, upon what may be rationally thought of it. It were there∣fore much more rationall to unravell all these absurdities, which fall one in the neck of ano∣ther, without aim or end, and clear up the fore∣mentioned, than to digresse into further repeti∣tions.

We shall then begin with the authority of Me∣dina, who seems to have little reason to strip Ari∣stotle

of his own proper faculties, to bestow on him others; and to deny him the excellencie of his own nature, to make him subject to that of a Daemon. For what ground is there, that those naturall Truths, which he sayes, Aristotle arriv'd to the knowledge of, should now be thought su∣spicious and doubtfull, through a swarm of Mo∣derns and Innovators, daily encreasing under the banners of Telesius, Patricius, Campanella, Veru∣lamio, Jordan, Brun, and Bassonius, out of no other designe, than to put a slur upon that Philosophy, and to undermine that great building which Ari∣stotle, and above twelve thousand who have writ upon him, have spent so many ages to build up; and this not so much by any demonstation or force of reason, as the advantage of that vicissi∣tude and revolution of all things, which insensi∣bly brings it to a declination,

* 1.385—Et jam per moenia clarior ignis Auditur, propiuf{que} aestus incendia volvunt.

The book cited by Laertius of Aristotle's Ma∣gick, cannot at all confirm this opinion of Me∣dina; for it is clear, that he thought it spurious, when citing it onely in the Proem to his Lives, he mentions it not in the particular Catalogue of this Philosophers works. Besides that, it may well be thought of the fame cloth with that of Demo∣critus, mentioned before, and all those Magicall * 1.386 Manuscripts, which, as M. Gaumin thinks, the modern Greeks have published under the name of Salomon, and divers of the Ancients. For it may be gathered from Laertius, that Aristotle af∣firm'd therein, that the Persian Mages medled not

with Divinations; and consequently, it being fa∣ther'd on him, there is more reason to conclude for our opinion, than that of our Adversaries.

Nor should they be so confident upon the au∣thority of William of Paris, since that in another * 1.387 place speaking of this Genius, he sayes, that Ari∣stotle, deceptus fuit ab ipso familiari Daemone suo quem de coelo Veneris descendisse opinabatur, quod hoc ex somno Rustici cujusdam acceperat. This clearly shews he had taken this flat and pitifull relation out of a certain book of Conjurations and Astrologie, which Trithemius sayes was falsly pub∣lish'd * 1.388 under his name.

For Emanuel de Moura, he evidently injures Philoponus, who, according to the Greek Text, and the old Translation conformable to that of Nun∣nesius, sayes onely, that Aristotle having attain'd the seventeenth year of his age, was advis'd by the Pythian Oracle, to apply himself particularly to Philosophy.

The clause in his Will, concerning the erection of the Statues he had vow'd for Nicanor, might, for a shift, make a better proof than any of the precedent, if this discreet Philosopher had not done it, in imitation of Socrates, to preserve his memory from the infamy of Atheism, and to leave a remorse of conscience for those who had accu∣sed him of it, which should make more for his justification, than the three Sacrifices he made the Gods, or the knowledge of the Trinity, attri∣buted to him by diverse Catholike Doctours. For these are all Chimera's grounded meerly on what he sayes, speaking of the Ternary number, in his first book of Heaven, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; That is, Quapropter hoc à natura numero sumpto, perinde at{que} quadam illius lege, & in Deorum sacrificiis celebrandis uti sole∣mus. From which passage cannot be concluded any thing, but that Aristotle sayes, that the num∣ber Three was much used in Sacrifices in his time. Somewhat to confirm this we have in Theocritus, when he sayes in his Pharmaceutria,

Ter libo, ter{que} haec pronuncio mystica verba.

But that Aristotle neither did, or could have thought any such thing, is learnedly shewn * 1.389 by Cardinall Bessarion, who laught at Trapezon∣tius, for taking so much pains to prove from that Text, that Aristotle had a perfect know∣ledge of the Trinity. Which rashnesse deserves the greater censure, in that he never consider'd, * 1.390 that all the Fathers, and after them Aquinas, have mantain'd it impossible and impious, to en∣deavour the proof of it by naturall reasons, and opposite to the authority of St. Paul, to make Aristotle and Plato so Eagle-sighted in the myste∣ries of our Religion. Besides, it is utterly discon∣sonant to the Philosophy of Jesus Christ, to cele∣brate these Philosophers so highly in the appre∣hension of Christian Truths.

Whence we may also with the same labour give Henry de Assia his answer, viz. that the es∣sence of materiall things is the onely object of the spirit of the way-faring man, as the School∣men expresse it, that is of man while he is in this world.

Were it our designe to swell up this Chapter into a Volume, we need onely make a particular

refutation of all may be said of the Magick of the Platonicks, taking the relations of an infinite number of Authours, who would fain perswade us to things utterly impossible. But since it were vainly to squander time away, to lop off the bran∣ches in stead of pulling up the roots, we must with that begin the ruine of all these fabulous narrati∣ons, and shew, that whatever the Platonicks have advanc'd, either of Daemons or Magick, can nei∣ther be prov'd by reason nor experience. For first, as to what they say, that Nature cannot afford two Extreams without some Medium, cementing and uniting them; and that Heaven and Earth are two Extreams, which can have no other Medium than these intellectuall powers; The Peripateticks answer, that they neither assigne the Medium, nor the Extreams right; for they should have op∣pos'd the first Mover, which is absolutely immu∣table, impassible, and immoveable, to things sub∣lunary, and afterwards joyn them together by the celestiall Nature, which is naturally invariable and eternall, and yet potentially subject to muta∣tion, resembling God in its intelligences, and things transitory in its motion. We may as easily answer what they say, that the soul of the World being diffus'd and dispers'd thorow the whole U∣niverse is not idle, but produces Animals in all its parts, and that those generated in Fire and Air are properly these called Daemons. For, besides that this universall Soul is formally denied by Mersennus in his book against Deists, Aristotle * 1.391 never held, that an Animal that must use severall Organs, can be produc'd and conserv'd in the pu∣rity of those two Elements. And for their last reason, deriv'd from those many effects, which

must necessarily be attributed to those causes, I would, before I am forc'd to allow it for good, they had satisfi'd, as they ought, k 1.392 Pompanatius, l 1.393 Cardan, and the learned Bishop m 1.394 Bernard Mirandulanus, who pertinently shew, that to be∣leeve Angels and Daemons, it were better to refer to the assurances of our Religion, than to all those experiences whereof a reason might be gi∣ven out of the principles of naturall Philosophy.

This granted, no question, but all that may be said of the Genii attributed to Porphyrius, Ploti∣nus, and Iamblicus, may be referr'd to what we have already said of the Daemon of Socrates, and that the other stories and miracles related of them, are either meerly the flatteries of their Di∣sciples and Followers, or the pure inventions of Eunapius, purposely advanc'd by him, to lessen the esteem which men had of the sanctity of the new Christians. And that the case stood thus with these three Philosophers, it may be judg'd by that Treatise of Plotinus, De proprio Daemone, that what he sayes of it, was rather out of conje∣cture than experience. Nor could Porphyrius give better security for the little credit he gave all those superstitious practices, than the Epistle read of him in n 1.395 Theodoret, and o 1.396 Eusebius. For he layes down therein eight or nine difficulties he made, touching the invocations of Devils, and their Sacrifices; the least whereof were enough to convince us, that he was no Magician. All the trouble then fals upon Iamblicus, because he was the man answer'd all those difficulties and doubts, which hath given Authours occasion to tell more miracles of him than the two former. But the best on't is, that it is yet with lesse ground and

reason; for as to Alectromancie, by which Zona∣ras, * 1.397 and most of the Daemonographers affirm, that he endeavour'd to find out the name of him that should succeed the Emperour Val••ns, Ammianus * 1.398 Marcellinus, who liv'd in the same time, delivers him from that calumny, not making the least mention of him in the particular account he hath given us of that story. And for his Ecstasies, evo∣cations, and other miracles, a man needs not take the pains to refute them, because they suffi∣ciently destroy themselves, both by the absurdity that attends them, and that fear Eunapius was in, * 1.399 to be thought an Impostour for his relations. This were enough to satisfie us, that these Philo∣sophers were not Magicians, and that if there re∣main any difficulty concerning their Books, which might any way prejudice their innocence, as such as may be fraught with abundance of su∣perstitious things, we refer them to the sixth Chapter of this Apologie, unlesse we should rather follow the opinion of Cardan, who speaking of * 1.400 these Daemons, sayes very judiciously, Nolim ego ad trutinam haec sectari, velut Porphyrius, Psellus, Plotinus, Proclus, Iamblicus, qui copiosè de his quae non videre, velut historiam scripserunt.

The same motive which made me speak of these ancient Philosophers, obliges me to say som∣thing of three modern, who are charg'd with an acquaintance and conversation with their Genii, that is, Chicus Aesculanus, Scaliger, and Cardan, whereof what I shall deliver of the first, tends ra∣ther to the vindication of Truth, than the merit of his person, or the advantage may be reaped from his Works. For the onely Commentary we have of his upon the Sphear of Sacrobosco suffici∣ently

discovers that he was not onely very super∣stitious, * 1.401 as Delrio cals him; but also that he had a soft place in his head, there being three things in it, that very much lay open his weaknesse. The first is, his interpretation of Sacrobosco's book, ac∣cording to the sense of Astrologers, Necroman∣cers, and Chiroscopists. The second, his citations of abundance of falsifi'd Authours, fraught with old wives tales and fooleries, such as, for instance, that of Salomon, De umbris idaearum; Hippar∣chus, De vinculo spiritûs; De ministerio naturae; De Hierarchiis Spirituum; Apollonius, De arte magicâ; Zoroastes, De Dominio quartarum octa∣vae Spherae; Hippocrates, De stellarum aspectibus secundum Lunam; Astafon, De Mineralibus con∣stellatis; and divers others of the same metall. The third that he often makes use of the Revela∣tions of a Spirit called Floron, which he said was of the Order of the Cherubims, and being once ask'd what the spots in the Moon were, he roundly answered, Ut terra terra est. But, besides that he does not attribute this spirit to himself in any place of the said Commentary, it may be easily * 1.402 judged, that this relation is like what Pliny sayes of the Grammarian Appion, who invocated the Devil, to know what Countrey-man Homer was. * 1.403 Or to that related by Bodin, of Hermolaus Barba∣rus, who did the same, to know what Aristotle meant by the word Entelechia. Or lastly, to what Niphus sayes of one in his time, who saw the way to make the y 1.404 Philosophers stone written in a piece of paper that was shewn him by a bearded Devil. For all which extravaganeies, what bet∣ter solution can there be than that of Lucre∣tius,

Quis dubitat quin omne sit hoc rationis egest as?

Were I at liberty to follow my inclination ra∣ther than my duty, I should be loth to say any thing against the Genii attributed to the two only men, whom we may oppose to the most learned and eminent of the Ancients, as being the last pro∣duction and miracle of Nature, Scaliger, and Car∣dan. For I am clearly of opinion, that either they were themselves deceiv'd in acknowledging those Genii, because they could not, after much exami∣nation, find any cause of such extraordinary per∣fection; Or that they have done it out of mode∣sty, as unwilling to discover, by their learning, how much all others were below them. Or last∣ly, they endeavoured, by those particular assist∣ances, to elude the envie and jealousie, which might have been consequent to the great Fame they have acquir'd by their unwearied industry.

But since Truth is the sooner found by the asso∣ciated disquisitions of a many, those may well de∣serve our attention, who say; first, That Scaliger practis'd that sleight by the example of all great persons; and secondly, that he might not be thought to give ground to the ambition of his Antagonist. The Genius he attributed to him∣self, was, as we find in his Poeticall Art, a simple * 1.405 sally and emotion of Spirit, whereby the Soul was (as it were) enflam'd in it self, and so eleva∣ted into the knowledge of things, during which a man may sometimes speak or write something he understands not, when the heat of that Enthu∣siasm is over.

For Cardan, 'tis true he speaks so variously of his Genius, that after he had absolutely affirm'd in a Dialogue entituled Tetim, that he had one, and that Venereall, yet participating of the na∣ture of Saturn and Mercury, and in his Book, De libris propriis, that it communicated it self to him by Dreams, he in the same place is at a losse, whether he truly had any or no, or that it was the excellencie of his own nature, Sentie∣bam, sayes he, seu ex Genio mihi praefecto, seu quod natura mea in extremitate humanae substantiae con∣ditionis{que} & in consinio immortalium posita esset, &c. and so concludes in his Book, De rerum va∣rietate, * 1.406 that he had not any, confessing ingenu∣ously, Ego certè nullum Daemonem aut Genium mi∣hi adesse cognosco. Whence it may safely be jud∣ged, that he and Scaliger had no other Genius, than that of the vast learning they had acquir'd by their indefatigable labours, and the experi∣ence they had of things, upon which raising up their judgement, as on two Pyramids, they jud∣ged pertinently of all things, and suffered no∣thing to escape them, till they had known and master'd it.

CHAP. XIV.

Of Alchindus, Geber, Artephius, Thebit, Anselme of Parma, Raymundus Lullius, Arnoldus de villa∣nova, Peter d' Apono, and Paracelsus.

SHould we credit the fabulous Philosophy of the Poets, who represent all things under the Mythology of their inventions, there were some ground to receive the Authority of Pliny, for good; * 1.407 where he sayes that Magick is a Branch of Medi∣cine. The motive to believe this, is only, that the so much celebrated Sorceresse, Circe, is by the Poets thought to be the Sister of Aesculapius, the first inventor of Medicine, and one of the Sons of Phoebus or the Sun, whose Daughter this Sorcer∣esse also was, according to the Poet, who, speaking of her, sayes very freely,

Dives inaccessis ubi solis filia lucis Urit adoratam nocturna in lumina cedrum.

* 1.408 But since we have a more authentick Authori∣ty, that of the Scriptures, which makes God the first Author of so necessary an Art, we need no more to discover the errour of Pliny, and with the same labour, to rescue Medecine, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Isidorus Peliusiota calls it, from the calumny of this inveterat perswasion. And if so, it must also de∣liver the professors thereof from the censure, wch, to the prejudice of their Innocence, seem'd to be fastn'd on them upon the account of the pernicious & Diabolical Magick, which c 1.409 le Loyer d 1.410 Bois∣sardus

e 1.411 Delrio, f 1.412 Vuierus, and the rest of the Daemonographers, with divers Historians, af∣firme to have been the practice of Alchindus, Geber, Lullius, and the rest whose cause we plead in this Chapter.

For though it be endeavour'd to represent them, especially the Arabians, as the Bacchan∣tes did Orpheus, and that Empericks, Astrologers, Chymist•• and Magicians would gladly cut them in pieces, that they might challenge the greatest and best part in every one of them; yet is it easy to judge by the fragments remaining of their workes, and compositions, that they were Phy∣sicians. But with this misfortune, that it is as im∣possible punctually to know the particulars of their Lives, and the time of their birth, (which certainly is as indiscoverable) as that of the peo∣ple called Aborigines, without beginning; or of those, whom the Poets make to come down out of the Clouds, to avoid the blasting of their Noble and generous actions by the mean∣nesse of their Originall. This neverthelesse is not so much to be attributed to any negli∣gence of the Arabians to leave us some account thereof; as to the Barbarisme raigning among the Latines in their time who have troubled themselves to translate the Books which might have given us some knowledge and discoveries thereof, so little, that they have not so much as made a collection of the lives of the most learned men that were in esteem even among themselves. In so much that it may be truly said, that what we now know of R. Lullius, Arnoldus de villa no∣vo, Peter d' Apono, and the rest, is rather ground∣ed on the doubtfull conjectures and several passi∣ons

of moderne Authors, then the proofs and testimonies derived from the Ancient.

Whence it comes to passe that I can only guesse of this famous person Alchindus, with whom we begin the vindication of Physitians, that he might flourish five or 600. years since, because Averro∣••s who liv'd abont the year 1160. and of whom * 1.413 Gilles of Rome saies he had seen his two Sons at the Court of the Emperour Frederick Red-beard, gives him great Elogies, and makes a large com∣memoration * 1.414 of his Books, as Cardan relates. To which he adds much in praise of him, giving him the Tittle not only of a great Astrologer, with Albohazen Haly, and Haly Rodoan; or that of a most learned and experienc'd Physician, with Rasis and Mesue; or lastly, that of a subtile Philosopher, with Averroes and Wimpinal, but proceeding further, and grounding, in all probability, his opinion as well upon what they said, as his own judgment, he allowes him an honourable place among the greatest Wits, that ever were, that is, Archimedes, Aristotle, Euclid, Scotus, Suisset, Apollonius Pergaeus, Archit as, Maho∣met the inventer of Algebra, Geber, Galen, and Vi∣truvius. It were not then hard to judge, what an excellently learned person this was, not only by the two Books that are printed of his, De Temporum mutationibus, &, De gradibus medici∣narum compositarum investigandis, but also by divers others, frequently cited by Authours, under the titles of, De ratione sex Quantitatum; de quinque Essentiis; de motu diurno; de Vegetabi∣libus; & de Theorica magicarum artium. Where∣of all the difficulty is concerning this last, since Francis Picus, and Wimpinall have made whole

Treatises out of it, wherein they discourse at large of the Heresies, blasphemies, and absurdities which may be observ'd therein, as also of the Magick which Alchindus endeavour'd to intro∣duce. Hence is it, that all the Daemonographers have taken occasion to speake of him, as an emi∣nent and pernicious Magician. And yet Johan∣nes Picus, the miracle and astonishment of his age, sayes expressely in his Apologie, that he knew but three men that had made the best ad∣vantages of naturall and lawfull Magick, Al∣chindus, Roger Bacon, and William Bishop of Paris.

But to extract truth out of these so manifest contradictions, me thinks, when a man hath well considered, in Aimery, Wimpinal, and Francis Picus the maine grounds of that Book, there may two things be rationally said of it. One, that it is extreamely superstitious, and full of he∣reticall propositions and directly opposite to the principles of Faith, as having bin writt by one that liv'd under the Law of Mahomet, and took a free∣dome to write without any respect to Christian Religion, which he accounted false and ill∣grounded. Whence it is no miracle, if he, Avi∣cenna, Algazel, Averroes, and all the Arabians have fallen into these abysses and precipies since they were not guided by that pole-Starre which conducts us now through these manifest errours and falsities. The other, that there is no ground * 1.415 to make this Author a Magician, when Delrio is content to rank him only among the superstiti∣ous, & that he was so far from having ought to do with Theurgick or Geotick Magick, that on the contrary, he seems to have no other designe in his Books than to referre to Nature whatever

was attributed to Angels and Devils. In which opinion he hath been since seconded by Peter d' Apono, and Pompanatius, who, in order there∣to, imagin'd an absolute dependance of things sublunary upon the celestiall, and that the form∣er deriv'd all their vertues and properties from the Latter, and every particular from the whole, by the meanes of certain corporeall rayes which passed from the least even to the greatest. And these he assign'd for cause of whatever was done in nature, as Plato did Idaea's; Avicenna, In∣telligences; Hermes and Marsilius, Ficinus, the Starrs and Planets; Camillus and Albertus mag∣nus the specificiall forme; and Galen, Tempera∣ment. Whence we may passe a finall judgment * 1.416 with R. Bacon, quod multi libri reputantur inter Magicos qui non sunt tales, sed continent sapientiae dignitatem. If so, Alchindus cannot be con∣demn'd of Magick; if we do not in the same sen∣tence include all those Authors, who, as he, have endeavour'd to take away the admiration that follows a many extraordinary effects, by the disco∣very of some more probable causes which they have found out.

I should passe by Geber without mentioning him among those that have been charg'd with Magick, upon the security of Cassiodorus, who sayes, Calumnia non praesumitur, ubi nulla proba∣tio * 1.417 habetur, were I not oblig'd to answer the only argument which our Daemonographers draw by head and shoulders out of a book which Trithe∣mius * 1.418 sayes was made by Geber King of the Indi∣ans, upon the relation between the seven Planets and the seven names of God, and some others quoted for Magicians in the second Book of Pi∣catrix.

To which it may briefly be reply'd that this Geber King of the Indians was nothing to this we speake of; and that that Book ought no more to be condemn'd as treating of Magick, than the Commentary of R. Abraham Aben-Ezra, upon the sixth treatise of the first part of the Thal∣mud, where he makes a Symbolization between the ten Hebrew Sephirots and ten celestiall Spheres, and the ten Commandements of the Law.

But to take away all suspition there may be of truth in this proof, it must be said, it is abso∣lutely false and absurd; since that, notwithstand∣ing * 1.419 the Autohrity of Vigenere, it is unquestionable, that this Geber, who, they say, was King of the Indians, is a meer fable and Chimaera of these wretched Charcole-marchants; who by that piti∣full fiction, would gain more reputation to the Chymicall writings of a Philosopher of the same name. This Geber, as Leon of Africa affirmes, was a Greek by Nation, first a Christian, then a Mathumetan; and lived, as he sayes, 100 yeares after Mahomet; or, according to the cal∣culation of a 1.420 Vigner about the year 723. though, if the 100. yeares be taken precisely, it should be affirm'd he liv'd rather in the year 732. whereto yet b 1.421 Blancanus does not agree but makes him flourish in the year 801. unlesse the mistake be, that he went upon the time of his death, and Vigner upon that of his Navity. How∣ever it be, this takes away nothing from his Learning, upon occasion whereof Cardan hath not forgot to put him to the test, among the most eminent advancers of Literature. Nor indeed was the honour above his deserts, since he was so

great an Astrologer, that, as Blancanus affirmes, he reform'd many things in the Almagestum of Ptolemy; and for Chymistry, a 1.422 Fallopus and b 1.423 Erastus seem to approve the judgment of the Chymists, who call him the Master of Masters in that Art. Adde to this, that the Catalogue of his works faithfully got together by Gesner, is an evident proof that he knew all but Magick, of which or of the Books he writ thereof, neither he nor any good Author hath deliver'd any thing, * 1.424 as knowing what Lactantius sayes, Turpe est ho∣minem ingeniosum dicere id, quod si neges▪ probare non possit.

And indeed if all those who make it their bu∣sinesse to write, had been as carefull to observe this precept, as they have been ambitious to make ostentation of their knowledge and read∣ing, by heaping together all those fabulous Stories wch make ever so little to their purpose, we should not be now to shew that that of Artephius, and his living 1025. years by the force of his Magick, is, if not absolutely false, extreamely suspicious, as having been gloss'd upon by the Alchymists and Roger Bacon. For he sayes in his Book of the ab∣bridgment of Theology, that this Philosopher or Chymist travell'd all over the East, and was to see Tantalus, who sate in a throne of Gold; and discoursed very pertinently of the most abstruse secrets of all the Sciences. In a 1.425 another of his works, he sayes that he was a live in Germany even in his time. To which adde what others say in b 1.426 Francisus Picus, that it is he who is represented to us by Philostratus under the name of Apolloni∣us. All this put together and well considered, sufficiently discovers, how far they are mistaken,

who, notwithstanding the impossibility of this * 1.427 length of life, evinc'd by M. Moreau and divers others, do yet maintaine, and fagot together so many fables upon this person, and, to make it the more plausible, will needs father on him two Books or fragments. One, call'd Clavis majo∣ris saepientiae, treats so perfectly well of the or∣der and procedure to be observ'd in getting the Philosophers stone, that Johannes Pontanus, one of the greatest Dreamers among the Chymists, confesses ingenuously, that he had never known the degrees of fire, the principal agent in this Art, had he not read that Book. The other is a little treatise, superstitious and ridiculous beyond ex∣pression, where he teaches a way to know the Characters of the Planets, the signification of the motion of Animals, as also what they mean when they sing, the vertues of all Herbs, the Philoso∣pher's stone, things past, present, and to come; with divers other secrets and experiments, and at last, the way to prolong life. All which may * 1.428 be seen in Cardaen, who hath transcrib'd it word for word, rather to laugh at, then out of any credit he gave those absurdities; the relation whereof he concludes with his own judgment in these words, Quidnam stultius excogitari potest ut quod Nero tanta impensa, tot immolationibus deductis ex Arabia Magis impetrare non potuit, hic verbis simplicibus ostendere promittaet. In like manner, one James Gohory, who would needs be call'd Leo Suavius, a great favourer and abetter of such ex∣travagancies, had no way to disguise the Magick of Artephius than to maske it with the terme of Chymicall morality, when, speaking of it and

his fair promises, he saies, that, si scriptum se∣quamur, * 1.429 non solum incredibilia videntur, sed ridi∣cula; rerum si scientiam parabolicam, non abhorre∣re omninò à fide sapientum. For my part, I think the businesse were sooner decided by saying that that Treatise was some man's who had a designe to abuse the strange credulity of a many Authors, or ground a practise of Magick upon the fooleries of his own braine and the speculatious of Alchin∣dus, whose maximes he makes use of though he names him not.

Nor is it a lesse ingratitude towards the me∣mory of that famous Astrologer Thebit Ben-Corat (whom some would have a Jew or Spaniard by Nation; but, as Lelandus affirmes, he was an En∣glish man) the first finder out, according to Blan∣canus, * 1.430 of the trepidation of the eighth Sphere, in the year 1270. to ranke him amongst the Magi∣cians, and to say with the facecious Poet and pro∣totype of Rabelais, Merlin Coccaius,

Ecce Magus Thebit, qui tempestate, venenis, Grandinibus, quadam destruxit imagine regnum.

For if a man look narrowly into the reasons whence the suspicion is deriv'd, he will find they have no other ground then certain Books attri∣buted to him, treating of naturall Magick, the composition of Annulets and Images, and the pro∣perties of herbs, stones, and the Planets, whence I doubt not but the Demonographers easily pumpe out the sutlest and obscurest pa••t of Ma∣gick. But for my part, I can perceive nothing in it but the track of a superstitious Astrologie which in this time, was in greater reputation

then any of the other Sciences, by reason of the particular inclination Alphonsus King of Spaine, had for the study of it nor long before. Where∣fore it is not much to beadmir'd, when, as Lactan∣tius * 1.431 saith, Mores ac vitia Regis imitari, genus obse∣quii judicatur, if Thebit & a many more endeavour'd so much the propagation of it, that like a fat and fertile soyle it brought forth abundance of weeds, and tares, among the good wheat, that is, that it was burthened with a many vaine and su∣perstitious things amidst the fundamentall rules and the certain precepts which their daily obser∣vations laboured out. But if the Book publish'd under this Astrologers name were a sufficient testi∣mony to convince him of the crime he is charg'd with, we must in like manner conclude Ptolemy * 1.432 an eminent Magician, because Trithemius cites three Magicall Books as unjustly attributed to him as the forementioned to Thebit. And that this is the misfortune of the latter, is sufficiently * 1.433 evident by the account which Arthur Thomas gives of one of his Books treating of the vertue of herbs and the Starrs; which was, that Thebit explain'd in it the opinion of Marcilius Ficinus (who yet liv'd 250. years after him) concerning Planetary Annulets and images made under cer∣tain Constellations. Whence it may be safely concluded, that these superstitious treatises are the meer forgeries of some Mountebanks and mo∣derne Cheates; And consequently, that it is a foule shame to harbour any such calumny against Thebit, who hath furnish'd us with so many good Books of Astrology, that he can hardly be al∣low'd time to mind these triviall fragments, and that moreover, as Jacobus Curio hath well ob∣serv'd,

Quàm in non vatis seu inerrabilis sphaerae ve∣stigandis motibus gener••s•• cum obscuris & prop•• inexplicabilibus difficultatibus certaverit, eruditis non est incognitum.

My next step should be to Raimundus Lullius, were I not obliged to say a word or two in the defence of one Anselm of Parma, who is celebra∣ted by a 1.434 Bartholomew Cocles, as a great Philoso∣pher, and blasted by b 1.435 Wierus, c 1.436 Delrio, and the rest of the Daemonographers, with the title of a Sorcerer and Magician; because, say they, the Emsalmists, or those who cure wounds by words, take their name from this Anselm. But there is more ground to beleeve, that the Professours of this kind of Medicine abuse the name of St. An∣selm, from whom they pretend the derivation of this vertue, as the Salutators in Spain do that of St. Catharine; those who heal the biting of Ser∣pents in Italy, that of St. Paul; and some others in France, that of St. Hubert. Or it is more pro∣bable * 1.437 that the Emsalmists are, as Bravus and Car∣valho affirm, so called, because they make frequent use of certain verses of the Psalms, which might properly be called Empsalmi, as he who practis'd them to do some cure, Empsalmator, or Empsal∣mista.

This being clear, and beyond all considerable contradiction, we come at last to the two Idols and tutelary Gods of the Alchymists, Raimundus Lullius, and Arnoldus de Villa nova, though their allegations, who make them Magicians; are grounded rather on the custom which Authours have taken to make them act all parts, than on the number or truth of the proofs which may be had of this suspicion. For as to Raimundus Lui∣lius,

* 1.438 I find Peter Montuus laughing at the new Dialectick, which he would needs introduce, af∣ter he had transcrib'd it by open robbery out of the Arabian Abezebron, grounding his so doing upon Lullius's saying himself, that it were very good in the time of Antichrist, to satifie his de∣mands in generall terms, Ut si interrogaretur quid credis? in Deum; quare? quia placet mihi: cur placet tibi? quia Deus est; quid est Deus? cui pro∣prie competit deificare; quare deificat? quia talis est * 1.439 ejus natura. I find also that Charles Bovillius takes occasion from the imposture of certain miracles, to put him into the Catalogue of Blessed; that Gregory the Ninth governing at Avignon, in the year 1371, condemn'd his Doctrine, because a a certain Bishop had discovered therein above five hundred errours. That the Chymists attri∣bute to him the knowledge of the Philosophers stone, by a simple Metamorphosis of the Impost put by King Edward upon the wools, which were transported out of England into Brabant, to the Sum of six millions of gold, which was bestow'd on him by this Chymist, to make war against the Turk and the Infidels. And if we would shew how far the vapours of the Mercury had disturb'd his brains, we need onely quote the voyages he made, as Bovillius relates, as well to the Pope, as King Philip the Fair, to have the three Propositi∣ons granted, which may be seen at the end of his Book, De natali pueri. Which were these, that all the Military Orders that were up in his time should be formed together into one body; That the works of the Philosopher Averroes should be absolutely suppress'd; and that Monasteries should be built in all parts of the world to in∣struct

in strange languages▪ such as should enter in∣to vows for the conversion of Infidels. But I could never yet discover upon what reasons the greatest part of the Daemonographers, and some Historians, as Vigner, have presum'd to represent * 1.440 him as a Magician.

To give them time to produce them, we shall in the mean while speak of Arnoldus de Villa nova, who was not an ignorant Friar or Beguin, as R. Lullius; or some wretched and wandering Chy∣mist, as he is represented to us. For, on the con∣trary, it is certain, he was the learnedst Physician of his time, equally acquainted with the Latine, Greek, and Arabian Tongues, and one whose wri∣tings sufficiently witnesse his abilities in the Ma∣thematicks, Medicine, and Philosophy, the pra∣ctice whereof gain'd him favour and employment about Pope Clement, and Frederick King of Sicily, who certainly would never have made use of him, if they had thought him a Conjurer or Magician, such as a many are perswaded he was.

Among these is Francis Pegna, who refers to Satanicall delusion the metallick transmutation, * 1.441 which John Andreas, a famous Canonist, sayes, he saw him do at Rome. Adde to this the proof they draw from two little books publish'd under his name, one treating, De physicis ligaturis, the o∣ther, De Sigillis 12 Signorum. But to shew that he is as unjustly charg'd with Magick by these Authors, as he is with the writing of the Book, De∣tribus Impostoribus, by a 1.442 Postellus, or to have been the first that tried the generation of a man in an Alembick, by some in b 1.443 Mariana, we are first to consider that c 1.444 Delrio absolutely clears him of this accusation; affirming against the said Pegna,

that it was injurious to the Clergie of Rome at that time, to imagin they should employ Arnoldus de Villa-nova, or permit him to practise so freely in their City, if they could have discover'd in him the least indicia of Magick. Nor is it a lesse ma∣nifest abuse to attribute to him the Book, De phy∣sicis ligaturis, since it is evident he did only trans∣late it out of an Arabian, one Lucas Ben Costa. And for that, De Sigillis 12 Signorum, besides the question it is, whether it be his, as being not com∣prised in the collection of his works, we may roundly answer, that it is like those of Thebit, Chicus, and the rest, and that all the prejudice it can do him, is to confirm the opinion of the vain and supers itious speculations he was guilty of in Astrologie. But even of this no man will doubt, * 1.445 that shall observe in Picus, how he laugh'd at the very Science, when he would assigne the birth of Antichrist in the year 1345, and confirm and maintain all his other heresies, which Vigner, in his Ecclesiasticall History, takes the more pains to particularize, by how much the more sympa∣thy and resemblance there is between them, and those of the Hereticks and new Religionaries of these time••.

But if the particular and over-curious study of Astrologie, hath ever prov'd prejudiciall to those * 1.446 who have practis'd it, we may truly say, that the famous Physician Peter d' Apono, hath felt the stings of Calumny more than any of the prece∣dent upon that account. For the common opi∣nion of almost all Authours, is, that he was the greatest Magician in his time, that he had maste∣red the seven Liberall Sciences, by the assistance of seven familiar Spirits, which he had constantly

lodg'd in a Crystall; That he had the way, like an∣other Pasetes, to force back the money he had spent into his purse again; and, to conclude with a proof as manifest as undeniable, That it is cer∣tain he was accus'd of Magick, in the eightieth year of his age, & that dying in the year 1305, be∣fore sentence was pass'd upon him, he was never∣thelesse (as Castellanus affirms) condemn'd to the fire, and it was ordered, that a bundle of Straw or Osier, representing him, should be burn'd in the publike place at Padua, purposely by an example so rigorous, and the fear of incurring the like pu∣nishment, to prohibit the reading of three super∣stitious and abominable books of his. Of these the first was called Heptameron, now printed at the end of the first Tome of Agrippa's Works; the second, that which Trithemius cals, Elucidarium Necromanticum Petri de Albano; and the last, one, by the same Authour, call'd, Liber experi∣mentorum mirabilium de annulis, secundum 28 man∣siones Lunae.

All which proofs, as well of his practice and his books, as the Sentence thundered against him by the Inquisition, might indeed perswade us that he was the most deeply guilty of all that medled with those magicall and superstitious observati∣ons. But we are as well to consider the face, as the reverse of his Medall, and take it out of the false light, wherein his adversaries have placed it, to view it in its proper situation, and observe there∣in the draught of a man that appear'd as a miracle amidst the ignorance of his age. One he was, that besides the knowledge of the Tongues and Medicine, had so search'd into that of the lesse common Sciences, that having left, by his wri∣tings

of Physiognomy, Geomancie, and Chiro∣mancie, enough to prove his abilities therein, he shook hands with them all, and his own youth∣full curiosity, to apply himself wholly to Philo∣sophy, Physick, and Astrologie. In these he pro∣ved so fortunate, that not to say any thing of the two former, whereby he insinuated himself into the Caresses of the Popes and Princes of his time, and gain'd that reputation wherein he now shines among all the learned; it is evident he was excel∣lently well skill'd in the last, as well by the Astro∣nomicall figures he caused to be painted in the great Hall of the Palace at Padua, as his translati∣ons of the books of Rabbi Abraham Ben Ezra. To which we may adde those he made himself of the Criticall dayes, and the illustration of Astro∣nomy, as also the suffrage of the famous Mathe∣matician Regiomontanus, who made an excellent Panegyrick to him, in the quality of an Astrolo∣ger, in an Oration he pronounc'd publikely at Padua, when he was upon the explanation of the book of Alfraganus.

From his so great celebration of this Science, through all his works, especially in the hundredth fifty sixth Difference of his Conciliator, have some Authours taken occasion to maintain an opinion directly contrary to that of the precedent, to wit, that that Sentence passed upon him not for his Magick, but because he would give an account of the miraculous effects that happen many times in Nature, by vertue of the Celestiall Bodies, with∣out referring them either to Angels or Daemons. * 1.447 This is clear by the collection which Symphoria∣nus hath made of the passages of his Differences, as such as are not to be read without the precaution

and peremptory authority of Franciscus Picus•• * 1.448 who▪ speaking of him, sayes expressely, Ab omni∣bus fermè creditus est Magus; ver••m constat quàm oppositum dogma ei aliquando tributum sit, quem ettam Haeresium inquisitores vexaverunt, quasi nul∣los esse Daemones crediderit. To which may be ad∣ded, that a 1.449 Baptista of Mantua, upon this score, cals him, Virum magnae, sed nimium audacis teme∣rariae{que} doctrinae; that b 1.450 Casmannus numbers him among those who referr'd all miracles to nature; and that c 1.451 le Loyer affirms, that he laugh'd at Sorcerers and their Sabats. Whence it might be wonder'd at, that yet the same Authors, in divers other places, rank him among Conju∣rers and Magicians, were it not ordinary with those who write upon this Subject, so to swell up their books, by copying out whatever they find in others, that they seldom observe the Poets advice,

Primo ne medium, medio ne discrepet imum.

Nor can it but happen so, when having gotten to the middle or end, they forget what they said at the beginning, and become like that Didymus, who having deni'd a thing in one of his books, an∣other was produc'd wherein he affirm'd it.

But I should not have insisted on all these proofs of the impiety of Peter d' Apono, so to re∣scue him from the crime of Magick, by charging him with that of Atheism, if I had not something to clear him of both. For this, I have not onely the testimony of the most illustrious and religious Frederick Duke of Urbin, who, for his great de∣serts, erected a Statue to him, among those of the

most eminent men that are to be seen in his Cit∣tadel; but also the publick attestation of the City of Padua, causing his Effigies to be set up over the gate of their Palace between those of Titu•• Livius, Albertus Magnus, and Julius Paulus, with this inscription upon the Base.

PETRUS APONUS PATAVINUS PHILOSOPHIAE MEDICINAEQUE SCIENTISSIMUS, OB IDQUE CONCILIATORIS NOMEN A∣DEPTUS, ASTROLOGIAE VERO ADEO PERITUS, UT IN MAGIAE SUSPICIONEM INCIDERIT, FAL∣SOQUE DE HAERESI POSTULA∣TUS, ABSOLUTUS FUERIT.

This me thinks were enough to shew, that all the Objections formerly made to convince him of Magick are rather imaginary then reall. But to make an absolute discovery of their falshood, we * 1.452 may answer what Ludwigius hath said of the seven spirits who taught him the seven Liberal Sciences, that this fabulous relation proceeded from the * 1.453 said Peter's affirming, after Albumazar, that the prayers made to God, when the Moon is in con∣junction with Jupiter in the Dragon's head, are infallibly heard; and that for his own particular, he had no sooner made his addresses, but, accor∣ding to his own expression, Sapientiam à primo visus est sibi in illa amplius proficere. Nor indeed could it but give diverse Authours occasion to smile at his indiscretion in disacknowledging his great Industry and Labours, to become oblig'd for his Learning to the superstition of a certain

prayer which must needs be vain & ineffectual ta∣ken inwhat sense soever. For if it be directed to the Stars, it were absolute bestiality to think they could heare it; if to God, I would gladly know whe∣ther he were deaf before that conjunction; whe∣ther he would not receive our prayers without it, or whether that force did necessitate him to condescend to our desires. Hence was it, that Johannes Picus, speaking of this new Salomon * 1.454 had reason to say, Consulerem Petro isti ut totum quod profecit suae potius industriae, ingenio{que} accep∣tum referret, quàm Joviae illi suae supplicationi.

In like manner, for the three Books divulg'd under his name, it may be sayd, they are no lesse unjustly attributed to him than diverse others to most of the great Wits, besides that Trithemius * 1.455 will not acknowledge them to be legitimate, be∣cause of the great number of fables therein fa∣ther'd upon this Author; and what he had said before in his Catalogue of Eccelesiasticall Writers, that he thought nothing true of what was said of the Magick of Peter d' Apono, because he could never understand he had writ any Book upon that subject. To which if we adde the generall silence of all Libraries, and the confirmation Sym∣phorianus * 1.456 gives the Authority of Trithemius, af∣firming he had never seen any of his Magicall Books, save a certain Difference where he treats of it by the way, I conceive there is nothing can hinder us from declaring him innocent, and con∣cluding with the more rationall party, that the suspicion men have had of his being a Magician proceeds, as its true originall, from the power he attributes to it in the Hundred fifty six differ∣ence of his Conciliator, and his faculty of predicti∣ons

by the assistance of Astrology, upon which, in processe of time, all these fables and Chime∣ra's crept in, according to the true saying of Pro∣pertius,

Omnia post obitum pingit major a Vetust as.

Lastly for this Arch-heretick in Philosophy, Medicine, and Religion, Theophrastus Paracelsus, who is now the Zenith, and rising Sun of all the Alchymists, me thinks those who would re∣scue him from the crime of Magick, yet without abatement as to any other he stands charg'd with, may with reason say much in his vindication. Among other things, that the novelty of his con∣ceptions, the difficulty of his style, and the ob∣scurity of a many words frequent in his workes, such as, for instance, Ens Pagoicum, Cagastricum, Cherionium, Leffas, Jesadach, Trarames, Stannar, Perenda, Relloleum, and abundance of the like, make the reader so doubtfull of his meaning, that he must needs go feeling in the darknesse of such Maeanders, and knows not whether he speakes of a Sheeps trackle or a pill, a stone or bread, the Devil or Nature. Which if so, there is much more ground to doubt, whether he makes use of Magick as of riddles (after the example of Tri∣themius) to disguise his precepts, and to conceale the vanity of his Art, which he thought should be the more admir'd, the lesse it is under∣stood.

Lucret. l. 1. Omnia enim stolidi magis admirantur, amant{que} Inversis quae sub verbis latitantia cernunt.

But for my part, since I have not studied the Dictionary Rulandus hath compil'd of the Phrases of this Author, so far as to be able to judge of his workes and to understand them, I shall, in this question of his Magick be guided by the opi∣nion of his chiefest Interpreters, Severinus the Dane, and Crollius. These make it only the vaile and vizard of his doctrine, witnesse the latter, * 1.457 page 77. of his preface, Paracelsum expertis stylo magico scripsisse, non vulgo, sed sibi & intelligen∣tibus in schola magica educatis, sapientiae filiis, mysteria sua sub variis nominibus occultasse. And indeed it is certain, that the names of diverse Spirits scatter'd frequently up and down his Books, such as might be taken for covies of Devils, are to be understood, according to the opinion * 1.458 of James Gohory, the first favourer of Paracelsus in France, of extractions and diverse essences▪ of their properties and preparations, or lastly of things minerall, vegetall and animate, such as he made use of in the composition of his Remedies. With this agrees that of Johannes Oporinus; who * 1.459 was his servant a long time, and having made the first discovery of what is now objected to him, makes no mention of his Magick, or his invocati∣ons; and Wetterus, who having stayd twenty se∣ven months with him, sayes only, that, when he was drunk, he would threaten to bring in mil∣lions of Devils, to shew what power he had over them, not to take any notice of what a many say of the familiar Daemon which was lock'd up

within the pommell of his sword. For, not to bring upon the stage the opinion of the Alchy∣mists who maintaine, it was the secret of the Phi∣losophers stone, it were more rationall to be∣lieve, that, if there were any thing within it, it was certainly two or three doses of his Laudanum, which he never went without, because he did strange things with it, and us'd it as an universall medicine to cure all manner of diseases.

It might here be said that it signifies not much to have glean'd up these proofs to strike Paracelsus's name out of the Catalogue of Magicians, when he himself, not content to have put Magick for one of the four pillars of Medicine, hath endea∣vour'd further to acquaint us with the precepts and nature of it, and that, in all his Books and * 1.460 particularly in that de Philosophiâ sagaci, where he divides it into six species and different parts. The first treats of the signification of the signes happening besides the order of Nature, as the Starr that appear'd to the wise men. The se∣cond, of the Metamorphoses and transmutation of Bodies; the third, of the vertue of words and speech; the fourth, of Annulets; the fift, of en∣chanted images; and the last, of the Cabal, which he said was to be us'd to do all those extraordina∣ry actions which cannot be reduc'd to any of the other five parts. Such are these, to ripen fruits in an instant; to make one horse travell further in a day, then another shall in a month; to dis∣course intelligibly with those that are above 500. miles distance from us; and in a word, to do whatever seems, and ever hath been thought im∣possible. But I extreamly wonder since he pre∣tended to the absolute knowledg of all these kinds

of Magick, why he never did any thing by the as∣sistance of them. For certainly it had been much more reputation to him, to confirme this new doctrine by some of his experiences, than to fol∣low the ordinary track of Mountebanks, who break out into a torrent of common and popular eloquence to celebrate the miraculous power of their Druggs, and call themselves Professors and Operators, as if they had the certain cure of all diseases.

At nusquam, totos inter qui talia jactant, Apparet quisquam qui re miracula tanta Comprobet.

But, however it be, I shall not quarrell with their opinion, who hold, that one of the princi∣pall advantages which learned and industrious men have over the ignorant, is, that it is in their power to make new Systems, and advance new Principles, nay change the order, precepts and method of the Sciences, shortening or lengthen∣ing them, like a Stirrop, as they please. Of which number Paracelsus being one thought he might as well invert the course of Magick, as he had done that of Medicine and Philosophy, and boasted he could have done of Religion, threatning both the Pope and Luther to bring them both to his Maxims when he should think fit to do it. Though therefore he might justly be condemn'd as an Arch-heretick for the depravednesse of his opinion in point of Religion, yet do I not think he should be charg'd with Magick. For this con∣sists not in the Speculations and Theory; which every one may explicate and amplify according

to his fantasie, but in the practice of the Circle and Invocations, wherein, as we have already shewn, not any one of the Authours, that have the great∣est aversion for his Doctrine, would ever main∣tain he employ'd himself.

CHAP. XV.

Of Cornelius Agrippa.

VVEre there no more requisite to declare a man a Magician, than that he should give himself the title, or were it just, that who should brag he could do thousands of tricks and invocations, were truly guilty of the practice thereof, that Impostor and Mountebank that wander'd up and down Germany in the time of Trithemius, should certainly be taken for the most exquisite Conjurer of our last ages, since he was so ambitious to be known, and called every where by these honourable titles, Magister Geor∣gius Sabellicus, Faustus junior, Fons Necromantico∣rum, Astrologus, Magus, Chiromanticus, Agro∣manticus, Pyromanticus, & in Hydra arte nulli se∣cundus. With the same confidence of Truth may we affirm, that if the composition of Magicall Books were a sufficient proof to convince their Authours of this crime, no compurgation of Elo∣quence could deliver Agrippa, since he is at such losse of modesty, as to publish, by writings printed even in his life time, the rules and precepts there∣of. * 1.461 But as the said Trithemius tels us in his Epi∣stles, that this Sabellicus had no other ground for that foolish ostentation, than the impudence and

temerity he was guilty of, in promising all things without effecting any; so may it be said, that this Book of Agrippa discovers him to be rather of their rank, who, to make a noise, and gain repu∣tation, pretend to know many things beyond the ordinary reach of men, than of that of Conjurers and Magicians.

This I undertake to make good in this Chap∣ter, not so much out of opposition to most Au∣thours, as to propose it as a probleme, for those who desire to see the reasons of both sides, as a Paradox in respect of the common opinion, and as a true resolution to those, who by my reasons shall think it such. For I doubt not, but amidst the great diversity of mens judgements, such an opinion must needs fall under one of these three interpretations. Whereof as I shall alwayes find favour from the two extreams, so do I expect that those who hold it new and paradoxall, should ex∣cuse me, if I endeavour to clear up the truth, be∣cause, if it be not such, it is a charity to rescue what is so near it from so dangerous a calumny, and to deliver the person, to avoid the censure of Lactantius, who sayes that, Non major est iniqui∣tas * 1.462 probatam innocentiam damnasse, quàm inaudi∣tam. But if it be such, a man is at liberty to main∣tain it, and celebrate the praises of Agrippa, as Isocrates some time did those of Busiris, and Car∣dan those of Nero. With this caution by the way, that their opinion be absolutely discarded, who hold that Agrippa cannot be represented, but like an Owl in a Night-piece, because of his magicall deformity; that he was a superstitious vagabond; that all his travels and peregrinations were but so many flights and escapes; and that he died in

great necessity, (as being forsaken by, because abominable to, all the world) among Beggars and the Scurf of the City of Lyons. For to do other∣wise, were, to speak ingenuously, to be guided by the ignorance or passion of Paulus Jovius, and the Daemonographers, rather than the truth of the History, and thereby to passe such a disadvanta∣geous judgement on a man, who was not only a new Trismegistus in the three superiour faculties, Theologie, the Civill Laws, and Medicine; but one, who by travelling thorow all parts of Eu∣rope, would roll his mind into all Sciences and Disciplines, to be like that Argus, who,

Centum luminibus cinctum caput unus habebat.

By this means, came he from one employment to another, at last to that z 1.463 of Secretary to the Emperour Maximilian; a Favourite of Antonins Delevus, and Captain in his Troops; Professour of Divinity at Dole, and Pavia; Syndic, and Ad∣vocate▪Generall of the City of Metz; Physician to her Highnesse the Dutchesse of Anjou, Mother to King Francis the First; and lastly, Concellour and Historiographer to the Emperour Charles the Fifth. All these charges may well secure his re∣putation amongst the greatest persons, and there∣fore we needed not to have cast into the balance, that he was employ'd at twenty years of age by some Gentlemen of France, to endeavour the transmutation of metals; that two years after he publikely explan'd that obscure and difficult book of Reuclin, De Verbo mirifico; that he understood eight severall Languages; that he was chosen by the Cardinall de Sainte Croix, to assist him in the

Councell which was to be held at Piso. To this we may adde, That the Pope writ a Letter to him to exhort him, as he had begun, to continue in well-doing; That the Cardinall of Lorrain would needs be Godfather to one of his sons in France; That a Marquesse of Italy, a King of Eng∣land, the Chancellour Mercurius Gatinaria, and Margaret Princesse of Austria, courted him into their service at the same time: And lastly, that he was singular friend to four Cardinals, five Bishops, and all the learned men of his time, such as Eras∣mus, Faber Stapulensis, Trithemius, Capito, Melan∣cthon, Capellanus, Montius, and Cantiuncula.

This granted, I cannot much wonder, that a 1.464 Paulus Jovius cals him, Portentosum ingenium; that b 1.465 James Gohory places him, inter clarissima sui saeculi lumina; that c 1.466 Ludwigius cals him, Venerandum Dominum Agrippam, literarum lite∣ratorum{que} omnium miraculum, & amorem bono∣rum; that d 1.467 Uvierus, Melchior Adam, and a many others, speak of him very honourably, com∣plaining that all these elogies, and testimonies, these extraordinary perfections, these great em∣ployments and dignities should not any way shake the opinion men have to this day of his be∣ing a Magician. Which indeed is the more deplo∣rable, because there are but two or three proofs to make him such, which since they are so false and forged, that it were madnesse or malicious ignorance, to take them for authentick, I should rather beleeve that this opinion hath not crept into the imaginations of Authours so much by any of these three wayes, as by the indiscretion of the first Advancer of it. For what he first broach'd, the rest took for good security, to describe Agrippa

as the Prince of Magicians, and blast his reputati∣on with all the injuries imaginable, so far as to curse him with Bell, Book, and Candle. Nor is this any thing extraordinary in them, it being their designe to praise or dispraise to the worlds end, right or wrong it matters not, and that with∣out any heed or moderation, a many persons, of whom they neither have nor would know any thing, save that they have been condemn'd or ap∣prov'd by such and such; and consequently, that they cannot be mistaken, if they passe the same judgement on them;

Horat. O imitatores servum pecus! ut mihi saepè Bilem, saepè jocum, vestri movêre tumultus!

But haply I may be thought too harsh with these Authors, since that what was alledg'd before, may somewhat clear Agrippa; yet is not so preg∣nant, as absolutly to acquit him from all suspicion of Magick. I would therefore ask Delrio, one of his greatest adversaries, why the judgement of the Pope, the authority of so many Cardinals & Bi∣shops, the favour of two Emperours, and so many Kings, are not as good and authentick proofs to clear his innocence, as that whereby he would ju∣stifie Arnoldus de Villa nova from being a Magici∣an, because the Clergie of Rome, among whom he liv'd a while, would not have employ'd him, if they had known him to be such. Besides, if this first rea∣son, out of which it were not hard to deduce a many more, give them not full satisfaction, I wish * 1.468 they would, for their better, consider what De∣clamations the said Agrippa makes against Ma∣gick, not only in his Book, Of the Vanity of the

Sciences, but also in his treatise of Originall Sin, * 1.469 in his Complaint against the School-men in the fourteenth Epistle of the fifth Book, wherein he was indeed a little elevated by a holy zeal, and some animosity against the French: and in Epist. 26. of the same Book, of which Epistle I shall only give notice, that the title is transpo••'d in the last edition; where it is Amicus ad Agrippam, instead of Agrippa ad Ami∣cum, as it is printed with the three Books of his occult Philosophy, Anno 1533.

Adde to this, that being Syndic, and Advocat Generall of the City of Metz, he directly oppos'd the proceedings of Nicolas Savini then Inquisitor for the Faith in the said City, who would have punish'd a poor Country woman as a Witch; and stickled so much in the businesse that he got her releas'd, and the accusers and witnesses well fi∣ned; which shews he was not so superstitious as the greatest part of those who calumniate him.

To make his charge high enough, it is further urg'd that the Divines of Lovaine pass'd a severe censure upon his Declaration against the Sciences; that John Catilinet, a Franciscan declaim'd pub∣likely against the explication he had made at Dola, de Verbo mirifico; that the Dominicans of the City of Metz writt against the propositions he had publish'd in defence of the opinion of Fa∣ber Stapulensis, concerning the Monogamy of St. Anne. And yet not one of these censurers could take occasion to make any remarkes upon the two first Books of his occult Philosophy printed long before any of these pieces, at Paris, Antwerp, and other places, and every where with the Pri∣viledge

and approbation of those who had the management of such affaires. But it may haply be conjectur'd that the Adversaries will answer this last reason, by saying, that there is indeed no danger in those Books, it being Agrippa's de∣signe to make that advantage of the curious Phi∣losophy and Learning therein contained, as a gilt pill, to make the poison of the other to slide down more easily; imitating therein the subtlety of the Crocodile, which counterfeits the voice of a man, to devour him, or rather the stratageme of Satan transforming himself into an Angell of Light, or of some beautifull Creature, the more easily to deceive us. We shall therefore take this occasion to discover, how much the avarice of Booksellers, and the vanity of certain men▪ who have no other employment then to make counterfeit ke•••• to all Books and treatises that are ever so litle dif∣ficult and obscure, have injur'd the memory of this Author, fathering on him a fourth Book full of vain, Magical, superstitious, and abho∣minable Ceremonies, and publishing it with the three of his Occult Philosophy, together with some other shreds and fragments of Peter d' Apono, Arbatel, Pictorius, Trithemins, and commenta∣ries upon the whole History of Pliny by Stephanus Aqueus; the reading whereof we must acknow∣ledge much more dangerous to a mind carry'd through weaknesse, away with such vanities, then that of Ovid to a debauch'd person, of Martiall to a Flatterer and detractor, of Lucian to a Scoffer, of Cicero to a proud man, and of Lucretius to an irreligious man and an Atheist. But note by the * 1.470 way, that these Books are as falsely father'd on them, as that fourth upon Agrippa, as Vuierus,

in defence of the last, affirmes, that that Book was not publish'd till twenty seven years after his death, and that certainly he was not the Author of it. And for Agrippa, we may obiect, that he sayes in his Epistles, that he had reserv'd to him∣self * 1.471 the key of the three Books he had publish'd. For besides that we may probably answer, that he mention'd such a Key meerly to be courted by the curious, upon which account, a 1.472 James Gohory and b 1.473 Vigenere affirme he boasted that he knew the secret of Pythagoras's glasse, as also that of c 1.474 extracting the spirit of Gold, to turn Sil∣ver or Copper into perfect Gold, yet not for a greater quantity then the waight of the Body whence it was extracted amounted to. Besides this reason, I say, he clearly expresses what he meanes by such a key when he saies in the 19. Epist. of the 5. Book. Haec est illa vera, & mirabili∣um operum occultissima Philosophia. Clavis ejus Intellectus est, quanto enim altiora intelligimus, tantó sublimiores induimus vir tutes, tanto{que} & ma∣jora, & facilius & efficacius operamur. This I suppose takes away all difficulty concerning this occult Philosophy unlesse we would raise any out of the third Book printed with the other two, in in the year 1533. he being then a a 1.475 Domestick of the Archbishop's of Cullen, who thought him∣self much honour'd with the b 1.476 dedication of them and c 1.477 permitted him to publish them according to the Priviledge of the Emperour Charles, V. From which circumstances may be inferr'd, that as the two first were publish'd long before, without any prejudice to the Author's re∣putation, so is there not any thing in the third, that may give any suspicion of Magick, unlesse

it be particularly to such, as, like fearfull travel∣lers, take roots for folded Serpents, huts and bushes for Highway-men waiting for them, Et motae ad Lunam trepidant arundinis umbram. For he treats not of any thing, under the title of Divine and Ceremonious Magick, but of Religion, of God, and of his names and attributes, as also of Daemons and Angels, of Intelligences and Genius's, of sacrifices, of Man and his severall operations. And all this according to the opi∣nions of Divines, Philosophers and Cabalists, not advancing any thing, but what, as he acknow∣ledges himself, he had taken out of the printed, much read, and much approved Books of H••••o Porphyrius, Proclus, Calcidus Synesius, Ammonius, Psellus, Albertus magnus, Roger Bacon, William of Paris, Gatalinus, Johannes Picus, Reucli••••s, Riccius, and such like; who are only suspected of Magick by those that are frightned at any thing they are unacquainted with, and as Lncretius sayes, fear,

—Nihilo quae sunt metuenda magis, quàm Quae pueri in tenebris pavitant fingunt{que} futura.

To this we may adde, that he hath, in his pre∣face, cautiously retracted what ever might have crept into his works contrary to the doctrine of the Church, & does both a 1.478 there and all thorow his workes, excuse himself, saying that, Minor quàm adolescens hoc composuit. It is then out of all controversy that there will not hereafter be any so barbarous & inhumane as to glosse more disad∣vantageously upon the heats & sallyes of his youth, then on those of Picus, Albertus magnus, Aene∣as

Sylvius, and divers others, who may as well as Agrippa imitate the penitent King, where he sayes, Remember not, O Lord the sins and ignorances of my youth.

Having thus defeated the strongest and most unsuspected proof of the Adversaries, and rendered it vain and of no consequence, the rest are easily rooted, as such, as are fitter to fill up the Magi∣call Romances of Merlin, Maugis and Dr. Fau∣stus, than that they should be found in the seri∣ous and considerate writings of Historians and Daemonographers, at least such as ought to be such. Among these, Delrio, Thevet, and Pau∣lus Jovius are the most considerable witnesses that come in against the life, manners, and doctrine of Agrippa. The former was a man of such a vast and prodigious reading that he hath omitted nothing that any way made for his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the other two seem to speak of him with more candour and integrity, in as much as they prudently rank him amongst the most illustrious men, and liken him to that altar of Midas, which seem'd sometimes to be of Gold, but for the most part of stone. * 1.479

To begin then with the deposition of Thevet, who having first drawn him according to the Ori∣ginall of Bohemians and Cingarists,

Quos aliena juvant, propriis habitare mole stum,

very confidently gives you a reason for all his Travells, which was, that he could not stay long in any place, before he had shewn some trick of his Art, which being discover'd, and he thereby known to be an Enchanter and Necro∣manner,

all he could do was to fly from one Country to another like those apes that leap from one tree to another, and from one bough to another, till at last they are taken by the Hun∣ters. To make this testimony the more authen∣tick, Delrio makes oath that the Emperour Charles V. would never admit him to his sight, * 1.480 after he had entertain'd him with some discourses that he could find out and discover great trea∣sures by his Magick: as also that, being at Lo∣vaine, * 1.481 when the Devil had murthered one of his Pensioners, he commanded him to enter into his body, and to walke seven or eight turnes in the publick place of the City before he quitted it, that so he might not be troubled or suspected for his death, when the people should find him dead of a sudden and naturall one. To which adde that of the third witnesse Paulus Jovius, who, in his Elogies, sayes, that, discarded by all the world, he dy'd very poor at Lyons, and that touch'd with some remorse of conscience, he dismist a great black Dog that had follow'd him all his life, ta∣king off his neck a Coller full of images and Ma∣gicall figures, saying to him with some exaspera∣tion, Abi perdita bestia quae me totum perdidisti, whereupon the Dog went and cast himself into the Saone, and was never seen afterwards.

Though the ridiculousnesse of these relations sufficiently discover their falsity, yet to pluck them up by the roots, we are to reflect on that saying of Machiavel, that if Cesar had been van∣quish'd by Pompey, no question, but he would have been describ'd to us, not such as he is now, but more extravagantly wicked then ever Catiline was. Thus the greatest part of Mankind inter∣preting

the actions of others alwayes suitably to their fortune, all the Vertues we now admire in him, would have been turn'd into so many vices, nor could nature have afforded colours sad enough to disguise him so as to please some Writers. For we may inferre from this Maxim that we may dash out of the Calumnies fasten'd upon Agrippa, the story of the pensioner of Lovaine, as such as we may more rationally de∣ny with Ludwigius, than Delrio affirme it, since he hath taken it word for word out of a Book called The Theatre of Nature, publish'd in Italian and Latine under the name of Stroza Cicogna, and in French and Spanish under that of Valderama. For the rest, they are faign'd upon the reall actions of his life, which ever since he put out his Book of the vanity of Sciences, men endeavour'd to inter∣pret in a contrary sense, and make them as de∣formed and abhominable, as they would have been thought noble, vertuous, or at least tolerable, if he had not committed that fault, which indeed prov'd the cause of all his misfortune. This it was also, and not his Magick, that incens'd the Emperour Charles V. as he himself acknow∣ledges in * 1.482 severall places of his works, and made him slight his service; nay he would have gone further, if Cardinall Campege, and the Bishop of Liege had not appeas'd him. This disgrace gave his envyers, and emulators occasion to calum∣niate him with Magick, grounding their malice on his publishing his three Books of occult Philo∣sophy. The two former▪ as we have shewn, were publish'd long before this tempest arose, and stood out the surges of detraction, but coming again into the presse they underwent the same

fate with the third, so that there was no more mer∣cy for them than the others as if all things had con∣spired both their and their Authors rui••e. Thence it comes that Thevet attributes all his travells to a base shifting from place to place, and from Coun∣try to Country by reason of his Magick. And yet there's nothing so certain, as that all the voy∣ages he undertook from the twenty second year of his age were upon the Negotiations of some Kings and Princes that employ'd him, in the quality of an Agent.

Thus his coming into England was, as a 1.483 he himself affirmes, to manage an affaire of great consequence; it was upon the account of Maxi∣milian the Emperour that he follow'd the army he sent into Italy; the Dutchesse of Anjou sent for him into France, Margaret of Austria into Antwerp; the Archbishop of Cullen into Germany. And upon some such other occasion he return'd again into France, where he dy'd, in the year 1535. not at Lyons, as b 1.484 Thevet and c 1.485 Paulus Jovius affirme; but, more truely, according to Wierus and Melchior Adam, in the City of Greno∣ble, at the Receiver General's house, of the pro∣vince of Dalphine, whose Son dy'd, some years since, first President of the said City.

Lastly for the story of the Dog, represented to us with greater eloquence than truth by Paulus Jovius,

Venalis cui penna fuit, cui gloria flocci;

what surer judgment can be pass'd on it, after so evident a falsity, but that it is a pure Calumny forg'd by his emulators? For as men have strange

inclinations for certaine animals, as that of Alex∣ander for his Horse, of Augustus for a Parrat, of Nero for a Starling, of Virgil for a butterfly, of Commodus for an ape, of Heliogabalus for a Spar∣row, of Honorius for a Hen, and of others for others; so Agrippa plac'd his affection on the most ordinary, keeping constantly five or six Dogges in his house, whose names are often mention'd in five or six of his n 1.486 Epistles, as also in the Epitaphs which some of his Friends made upon them. Though o 1.487 Wierus, who was his servant sayes he had but two, which were perpetually with him in his study, whereof one was called Monsieur, and the other Mademoiselle. But since the incertainty of the number of his Dogs, which he might daily change, makes nothing to his prejudice, I conceive it best concluding with the said Wierus, that they might indeed give his enemies occasion to raise the report that the Devill convers'd with him un∣der the forme of a great black Dog, as they had before heard that Simon Magus, Sylvester, Dr. Faustus, and the Bragadochio of Venice, had one perpetually at their heeles under the shape of such a Creature.

Having thus faithfully layd down the reasons producible on both sides, though I leave all per∣sons to incline to which they think it most rati∣onall, yet shall I for my own particular conclude the Chapter with that saying of Seneca, more true * 1.488 on this occasion then many others, Crede mihi levia sunt, propter quae non leviter excandescimus.

CHAP. XVI.

Of Merlin, Savanorola, and Nostradamus.

THere is a story, that among many birds that came not neer the Temple of Minerva, the Goddesse of Sciences and Reason, the Crows durst not take their flight about it, much lesse light upon it. If it be lawfull to give it any other sense than the literall, I think the most probable were this; that that bird, so considerable in the superstitious Augury of the Ancients, according to this verse of Virgil,

Saepe sinistra cava praedixit ab ilice cornix,

being the true Hieroglyphick of those who search after things to come, it is to teach us, that all those who are over-inquisitive in such things, together with the Authours and Observers of I know not * 1.489 what chimericall and fabulous prophecies, quae unicui{que} pro ingenio finguntur, non ex vi Scientiae, should be eternally excluded the Temple of Mi∣nerva, that is, the conversation of learned and prudent men. For indeed, it were more rationall * 1.490 to acknowledge with Arnobius, Quae nequeunt sciri nescire nos confitemur, neque ea conquirere aut inve∣stigare curamus quae comprehendi liquidissimum est non posse, quamvis mille per corda suspicio se rigat at{que} intendat humana, than to waste our spirits in the pretended mysteries of the Cabala, the super∣stitious invocations of Magick, the fruitlesse study of the Philosophers stone, and the fantasticall pre∣dictions

of certain Figure-flingers, and Cunning∣women, since they are extravagancies that find no entertainment, but in the imaginations of vulgar and reptile souls, easily taken in such cob∣webs, as a mind any thing masculine cannot be ensnar'd in, without an absolute losse of reputa∣tion and prudence.

For two reasons have I brought in Savanorola and Merlin into the number of the great persons, for whom I make this Apologie; one is, that they were the Prophets of their Countries, as they say Nostradamus was of France, Lolhardus of Germa∣ny, and Telesphorus and the Abbot Joachim of Ca∣labria. The other, that it is a kind of justice to make a true discovery of them, so to raise them from under those heaps of calumnies, which co∣ver both them, and what we should know of them. As to the famous Merlin, all Authours hitherto have thought him gotten by an Incubus, who was a little too familiar with a certain Kings daughter, then a Nun in a Monastery at Carmar∣then. What credit can be expected for all the other stories of his life, when we must be lesse prudent, and more credulous than z 1.491 Godfrey of Monmouth, from whom we have them, to beleeve such a nativity as this any way possible? Whence we may safely infer, that the foundation of such a prodigious relation, being so ill laid, it must needs be absolutely false and forg'd, as we shall with∣out any difficulty demonstrate. For if our Dae∣monographers will not admit the generation of Merlin to have been by the ordinary way, they must needs acknowledge, that whatever is said of him is nothing but pure fiction; and consequent∣ly, the surest and safest way to answer them is, to

deny what they say, as confidently as they af∣firm it.

I shall not therefore at the present make it any question, whether there are such Daemons as the Incubi and Succubae, but onely with a 1.492 Wierus, b 1.493 Sibilla, c 1.494 Cardan, d 1.495 Casmannus, e 1.496 Ulric Molitor, f 1.497 Guibelet, g 1.498 Eugubinus, h 1.499 Nicholas Remy, Maldonat, and divers others, deny that their copulations with mankind can produce any gene∣ration, whether they do it by eluding the imagi∣nation, or make use of humane bodies. Not be∣cause, as Nicholas Remy would have it, man and the Devil differ in specie; for a Mule is engender∣ed between a Horse and an Asse; nor yet because God will not co-operate with such an action, by the infusion of a soul, for Adulterers, Fornicators, and incestuous persons, should never ingender for the same reason; but for that if they ingen∣der, it is necessary it should be of their own seed, or a borrow'd. To think they have any of their own, were too palpable an absurdity, since that, as they are immateriall substances, they cannot possi∣bly have that excrement, and (as it were) quin∣tessence extracted out of abundance of nourish∣ment, and consisting of blood and spirits. Besides that, if this were granted, their productions would be like themselves, or rather some medi∣ate substance between a man and a Daemon, than an absolute man▪

Burdonem ut sonipes generat commixtus asellae, Mulus ut Arcadicis ab equina matre creatur. Tityrus ex ovibus oritur hirco{que} parente. Musinonem capra ex vervegno semine gignit Apris at{que} sue setosus nascitur ibris, Ut lupus & catula formant coeundo liciscam.

On the other side, to attribute to the Daemons a power to transport the seed from one place to another, without diminishing the generative ver∣tue, and the principle which it contains, is a te∣nent hath no reason at all to support it, when even those that have the instrument of generati∣on of an over-great length, are not so able for the act, because the conduit being so long, the seed cools, and the principle is weakened. And that it must be much more thus in the seed of the In∣cubi, is not to be question'd, since that Witches, & cottidianae istae, as they are called in Lipsius, genia∣liam libidinum victimae, infelices mulierculae, do all unanimously confesse in their depositions, that they find it extreamly cold, and receive it with∣out either pleasure or satisfaction, as having not those spirits without which there cannot be any, nor indeed generation be effected. Further, as Gold being the most perfect of Metals, is accor∣dingly of the most difficult production, so must it be thought, that man, the noblest of all Creatures, hath by the same reason a more difficult, a more perfect, and a more accomplish'd generation than any other. Adde to this, that the most considera∣ble authority, which may be brought against this negative, out of Genes. 6. is no more advantageous to our Adversaries, than the great number of ex∣periences they endeavour to collect from Apollo∣nius, Alexander, Romulus, Servius Tullius, Simon Magus, Geffrey Great-tooth, Balderus, Luther, the Huns, and Counts of Cleveland, or the Corocoton of new Spain, and the Nefesoglians of the Turks. For that passage of Genesis, where it is said, After the sons of God went in to the daughters of men, &c. is to be understood, according to Eugubinus, and

Maldonat, of the sons of Seth, who was a holy man, and esteem'd by God, and the daughters of Cham, the most corrupt man of his age; Or, as some interpret it, by the Sons of God are meant Judges, whom the Scripture often cals by the name of Elohim. And lastly, for the said ex∣periences, no doubt, but they are fabulous, and the meer fictions of such as thought to make those persons more recommendable by such Ro∣mances, which indeed, while the world was yet in swadling clouts, were good to cover and conceal Adulteries, and to preserve the reputation of those Ladies, who were more than ordinarily desirous of their pleasure. But now, that the world's grown up to yeers of discretion, and more than ever▪ refin'd,

Mart. Et pueri nasum Rhinocerotis habent,

such inventions are thought as vain and triviall, as all the stories of the Magicall Romances of Mau∣gis d' Aigremont, Dr. Faustus, or our Merlin. Of this latter, all, I think, may be truly and ratio∣nally said, is, that he was not the son of one of * 1.500 these Incubi, and that according to the descripti∣on we have of him from Lelandus and Balaeus, he was the most excellent Philosopher and Mathema∣tician * 1.501 of his time, Disciple to Telesinus, and a great Favourite to four Kings of England, viz. Vorti∣gern, Ambrose, Utherpendragon, and Arthur, whom all Romancists make the first Institutor of the Knights of the Round Table, with whom agrees the Poet Annevillanus,

Arthurus teretis mensae genitiva venust as.

But as to the rest of his actions, what is not buried in the ruines of Time, is come to us darkened with such clouds of fables and lies, that a 1.502 Guli∣elmus Neubrigensis, and b 1.503 Polydor d' Urbin do

with reason laugh at this Godfrey of Monmouth, who hath transplanted some of those of Merlin's Romance into his History, and hath made a colle∣ction * 1.504 of certain Prophecies, as falsly attributed to him, as to that other Merlin, sirnam'd the Sa∣vage or Caledonian, whom Ranulphus and Trevisa, * 1.505 in Vigner and Balaeus would distinguish from the former. Nor are their conjectures without some ground, who would maintain that there was but one Merlin under these two names, but in seve∣rall times and successively, Ambrose and then the Caledonian, since they were both Contempora∣ries, that they liv'd under the same Kings, and ex∣cell'd in the same Science, and that, according to the vulgar errour, they both writ certain short Prophecies and predictions. Upon which when I find the Commentaries, of a large Volume, of Alanus, a man not ignorant in his age, I am for∣ced to acknowledge with Cicero, that, Nihil tam * 1.506 absurdè dici potest quod non dicatur ab aliquo Phi∣losophorum, For I cannot think any thing at a greater distance with possibility, than the accident on which Merlin took occasion to publish his ex∣cellent Prophecies, which was this. King Vorti∣gern was advised by the Magicians, to build a * 1.507 strong Tower in some part of his Realm, where he might live securely, not fearing the Saxons whom he had brought out of Germany. Coming to build, they had hardly laid the foundations, but the earth in one night swallows up all, and leaves not so much as the tracks of any Edifice. Upon that, the Magicians perswaded him, that to fasten the stones well, they should be sprinckled with the blood of a child born without a father, such as Merlin, after a long search, happened to be. Being

accordingly brought to the King, he first disputed with his Magicians, and told them, that under the foundation of that Tower there was a great Lake, and under that Lake two great and terrible Dra∣gons, one red, signifying the people of England, or Britain, the other white, representing the Saxons. These Dragons were no sooner disbur∣then'd of the earth that lay upon them, but they begin a furious combat, whence Merlin takes * 1.508 occasion to bewail the condition of England in his Prophecies.

But for my part, I cannot imagine there is any thing equally fabulous with this story, unlesse a man will squander away so much leisure, as to look into this Godfrey of Monmouth's book, to ob∣serve * 1.509 the subtle invention, like that of Amphitruo in Plautus, whereby Merlin made Utherpendragon assume the person of Gorlois, and by that means enjoy the fair Ingerna; as also that of the Dance of the Gyants, that is, great stones and rocks, which he transported out of Ireland into England, to erect a Trophy neer the City of Ambrosiopolis. But that one a 1.510 Gervase, Chancellour to the Em∣perour Otho the Fourth; as b 1.511 Theodoric a Niem relates, hath so glossed upon it, as not to be asha∣med to affirm, that these great rocks and moun∣tains turn'd perpetually in the air, and that not held up by any thing, I cannot sufficiently ad∣mire. Whereas c 1.512 Lelandus, who hath made a more curious search into the Antiquities of Eng∣land, laughs at the indiscretion of these Authours, affirming this Dance of the Gyants to be nothing but diverse heaps of great stones, which Merlin caused to be rais'd like Pyramids or Trophies neer the said City, in imitation haply of those,

which Sylvester Girard sayes were in Ireland up∣on the mountain Cyllarus in the time of Henry the Second of England. Bythese patterns you may judge of the whole piece of these ridiculous ficti∣ons, and so, whether Badius Ascensius had not * 1.513 some ground, speaking of the nine books of this Godefrey printed by him, to say, In quibus si dili∣genter legeris, agnosces, aut meram antiquitatis in∣tegritatem, aut admirandam illius saeculi, cùm in no∣minibus, tum verò in temporibns su••putandis calli∣ditatem.

From this Merlin, so highly favour'd by the Kings of England, we passe to Brother Hierom Savanorola, born in the City of Ferrara, a Friar of the Order of St. Dominick. This man knew so well how to husband his eloquence, and so dis∣cover the candor and integrity of his life, that having gain'd extraordinary reputation among the people of Florence by his preaching, which did not only charm the most delicate ears of his Audi∣ence with Rhetoricall expressions and figures, but also raised the hearts and affections of all sorts of persons, by his zeal and great devotion, he began by degrees to discover some symptoms of his se∣cret ambition. This happen'd, when in the year, 1484, as he acknowledges himself, in the book he hath made upon his Prophecies, he intruded into matters of Policie, and caused himself to be called to the Councell then held at Florence for the setling of a popular Government, wherein he stirr'd up all the Citizens unanimously to em∣brace it, proposing to them four or five points of great consequence much conducing thereunto, which he said had been reveal'd to him by Al∣mighty God, & which accordingly they must pun∣ctually

observe, to make their State the most flou∣rishing of those of all Italy. Whereupon, though affairs were not carried on as he had imagin'd to himself, yet did he make it his businesse to adde daily to the reputation he had gain'd among the people, teaching in his Sermons of the year 1489, upon explication of the Apocalyps, that the Church was threatened with an approaching re∣formation, to succeed that of the little Kings and Tyrants of Italy, who were soon after to feel the revenging scourge for all their iniquities. This he could do so strangely, by passages out of the Scripture, and the security he gave them of his own revelations, that after the roming of Charles the Eighth into Italy, foretold by him two years before, it was generally expected he should return again, upon no other ground than his affirmation of it. Nor indeed could they be convinc'd of the contrary, till the year 1498, wherein both Charles, and he who had favour'd him so much in his predictions, exchanged this life for a better; the former by a sicknesse that took him at Amboise; and Savanorola by the pu∣nishment of fire, which, in the commotion that happened in the City of Florence, upon the refu∣sall to manifest the truth of his Prophecies, he suffered publikely, with two of his Brethren, en∣tering into the fire with a Franciscan, who had offered to maintain the falsity of them, by such a demonstration and triall.

But to this contributed not a little, the indig∣nation, not onely of Pope Alexander the Sixth, and most of the Clergie, against whom he ordina∣rily rail'd in the Pulpit, but also of the principall Citizens of Florence, by reason of the execution,

which, by his advice, was done upon seven or eight of the noblestamongthem. So that having no other friends than the faction of Paul Anthony Soderin, who made his advantages of him, to keep up the popular State against Guy Anthony Vespu∣tius, who would have setled a kind of an Aristo∣cracie, they were not able to resist the contrary party, which in the heat of the commotion for∣ced open the gates of his Monastery to bring him to execution, so to quiet the City by the death of a man who kept them at a distance with the Pope, by reason of the novelty of his Doctrine, and rai∣sed such factions and parties amongst them, as had they gone further, must needs have buried them in the ruine of their State and Seigneury.

I am not ignorant that many Authours are of a direct contrary opinion to me, as who am inclin'd to assent to Paulus Jovius, Machiavel, and Cardan, who rank this Authour, if not among the most fortunate, yet among the most eminent and famous Politicians, as being one of those Monks St. Hierom speaks of, Qui Daemonum contra se pugnantium portenta fingunt, ut apud im∣peritos, & vulgi homines miraculum sui faciant. For one half of the book he hath writ upon his Prophecies, contains nothing but the conferen∣ces he had with the Devil, taking him for a Her∣mit. But what indeed contributed much to his reputation, was the influence he had over two sorts of persons who favoured him very much. The former were certain Catholikes, as Johannes Picus, and Franciscus of Mirandula, de Benivenius, Marsilius Ficinus, Flaminius, g 1.514 Marth••us Tosca∣••us, and divers others, who receiv'd his predicti∣ons as celestiall and divine, and speak not of his

piety, Learning and good life, but witha certain admiration. In so much that Benivenius a Floren∣tine Priest put forth a Book of his miracles and Prophecyes; and Franciscus Picus was so passionate in his vindication, that he stick'd not, though a man very religious and a sound Catholick, to derogate much from the Authority and power of the Pope, to shew that Alexander the Sixth had no reason to forbid him the Pulpit, and to ex∣communicate him.

The other sort of people that had a great ve∣neration for him, were of a different religion from the former, that is, a 1.515 Beza, b 1.516 Vigner, Cap∣pel, du c 1.517 Plessy, Mornay, and all the Lutherans of Germany, who ordinarily in their writings call him the faithful witnesse of the Truth, the fore-run∣ner of Evangelicall reformation, the scourge of great Babylon, the sworne enemy of the Romane Anti∣christ, and in a word, to conclude with d 1.518 Jes∣senius, a Jessen, the Italian Luther. Only it is to be wondr'd they call'd him not also the John Hus of that Country since they both suffered the same punishment, that they were but Archhere∣ticks, and are both written in Capitalls in the Catalogue of their Martyrs, as may be seen by these verses put under his effigies.

En Monachus solers, rerum scrutator acutus, Martyrio ornatus, SAVONAROLA prius.

But there is this maine difference between these two sorts of persons; that the former have said much good of Savonarola, because, replying on the common opinion, they thought him a good man, not searching any further then others

into his internall dissimulation, or rather because most of them were his intimate friends, as is ap∣apparent, in that Johannes Picus, who dispos'd, as he could, of Benivenius and Marsilius Ficinus, was resolv'd a little before his death, to turn Dominican, upon the meer perswasion of this Frier; as also in that Franciscus Picus dedicated a * 1.519 Book to him entituled, De morte Christi & propriâ cogitandâ. On the contrary the other sort had no otner reason to celebrate him, but that his Doctrin was not perfectly Catholick, that he threatned the Ecclesiasticks with an approaching reformation; that he preach'd scandalously against the manners of the Clergy & Court of Rome▪ and la••tly, because he derogated from the Authority of the Popes. For which, if my word may not be taken, take it from Beza, who speaking of him in his Elo∣gies, sayes roundly and confidently, Homini tam perditò scelerato quàm fuit Alexander ille Borgia Pontifex hujus nominis sextus, us{que} adeo displicuisse, ut non ni si te indignissimé damnato, & cremato quies∣cere potuerit, maximum esse videtur singularis tuae pietatis argumentum. Whence it is clear that all the praise hath been given him to this day is to be attributed either to the affection of his favo∣rities and friends, or the subtlety of certain Hete∣rodox persons, who would gladly make him more zealous then St. Paul, more eloquent then Chrysostome, and more learned then St. Au∣gustine, out of an imagination that it is some way advantageous to them.

But to make a more rationall and equitable judgment of him, we may say, first, of the Pre∣dictions which have made him so famous, that they are so far from being the effects of divine

Magick, such as were those of the Prophets, and divers other Saints and favorits of God, that on the contrary, they have prov'd almost all false. * 1.520 For instance, these: his affirming that Charles VIII. would come a second time into Italy; that he should come to an unfortunate end, that endea∣vour'd to rule in Florence; that Johannes Picus should recover of the sicknesse, whereof, two dayes after, he dy'd; and divers others of his pro∣phesies, much more vaine than these, as they are at large cited and exemplify'd in a Book which Johannes Pogus hath purposely written to discover the falsity of them. But if any have fallen out true, it is to be attributed either to Chance, or that he had notice of what should be done by some of those many friends he had in the Counsels of the Florentines, and the K. of France. And lastly for the rest of of his actions, they easily dis∣cover him a very great Politician, putt many times upon very honourable Employments, and endu'd with an Eloquence, so ready and persua∣sive, that he may well be compar'd to those an∣cient Orators, who were as powerfull in popular and democraticall Governments as the winds are upon the Sea, entertaining them as they pleas'd both in the Calmes of peace and Storms of war, tossing them now, on one side, then on the other turning them upside down; and in a word, dispo∣sing them at their pleasure by the Charmes of their discourses. This may Savonarola presume he did for the space of ten years at Florence, though he had withall the assistances of his revelations and a counterfeit sanctimony to keep up his credit for so long a time; knowing well by the examples of Mahomet and Arrius that the respect we have

for Religion hath an extraordinary influence upon us, and that when a man hath once the reputation of living holily, he perswades the people to what he pleases; especially when he is endu'd with the grace of well speaking, and a more then ordinary eloquence. To prove this, we may instance in the fortunate and temerarious enterprise of the Religious man Almohadi, who being excellent∣ly learned and well vers'din the Alcoran, under∣took without any other assistance than that of an Astrologer that seconded him with his predi∣ctions, and the great opinion men had of his life, to crowne, King of Africk, the Son of a Potter, a poor and necessitous man, called Abdel∣mon. To effect which with more ease, he first, got some followers by the introduction of a new Heresy, and then perceiving himself sufficiently seconded so far as to engage in the publick Affairs, and to reforme them at his pleasure, he began to propose that Abdelmon, was a person rai••'d up by God, who through his meanes, would plant the holy Alphurcanistick Law through all the world. His next businesse was to preach down the race of the Almoravides, calling them Tyrants and Usurpers, as such as had driven out the family of the Alabeci, and the blood of their Prophet Ma∣homet. This done, he set upon the person of the Caliph of Baldac, high Prist of their Law, and did so well, by the force of his perswa∣sions, that, having gottten this Abdelmon the assistance of the greatest part of the Nobility, there happened a great battle between them, wherein the King Albohaly Aben Tessin being kill'd in the year 1147. this Noble Potter Abdelmon was made King and Miramomelin of Africk. From this sto∣ry

I leave men to judge, whether Savonarala * 1.521 might not governe at Florence, quando (as Paulus Jovius, speaking of him, well observes) nihil va∣lidius esset ad persuadendum spec••e ipsa pietatis, in qua etiam tuendae Libertatis studium emineret.

I should have left Michael Nostradamus out of this Apology, were it not to adde some lustre to so many excellent persons, by the temerarious ig∣norance and little merit of this upstart prophet, as the sparkling of a Diamond is heightned by a little foile. Or rather to imitate that great Julius * 1.522 Caesar Scaliger, who having pass'd his judgment on the most famous Poets, would needs give the same upon Rhodophilus and Dolet alledging by way of excuse that it was in imitation of Ari∣stotle, who in the same Book treats of living Crea∣tures and their ordure and excrements. This may I much more apply to this Monster of abuses, whose li••e I shall not set forth according to its principall circumstances, since they are so flat and pittifull that no Historian hath yet med∣led with them, but the Author of the French Janus, and the Pleiades, it being my businesse, only to observe the vanity of his Designes. For not content to have cheated us in his praedicti∣ons, which he printed at the beginning of every year from 1550. till 1567. he further im••gin'd, that he might easily blast the memory of Merlin, Telesphorus, Cataldus, Lolhardus, Joa∣chim Savonarola, Laurentio Miniati, Antonio Torquatö, and all those that had dabled in predi∣ctions, by the reputation he was in hope to gaine by publishing a Decad of Centuries, upon the future state of all things in the world. These were no sooner abroad, but they immediately got

him a quite contrary repute: some, as Ro••sard and Monluc not knowing what to say to their * 1.523 falling out true sometimes; and others looking on them as lyes fooleries and impostures, and containing such a diversity of crafty ambiguities, that it were in a manner impossible not to find something among so many thousands of tetrast∣icks upon any occasion a man can propose to him∣self: Accordingly did▪ some take thence occasion to make sport with those falsities, among whom the most ingenious was he, who, without charg∣ing him with contradictions, or calling him Monstre d' abus, and Monstra-damus▪ as divers did, onely sent him this Distick;

Nostra damus, cum verba damus, nam fallere nostrum est; Et cum verba damus, nil nisi nostra damus.

But as there is no Cause so desperate which, in time, meets not with some that will patronise it; so much it be acknowledg'd, that there are a ma∣ny hollow braines, and minds fit only to receive any thing that is extravagant, and that without any examination, who think their pockets em∣pty without these Centuries, which they idolise as Humanists do Petronius, and Politicians Tacitus, looking on them as more infallible then the Gos∣pell, and making it appear on all occasions that happen daily though ever so triviall.

Virg. geor. 4. —Novit namque omnia vates! Quae sint, fuerint, quae mox ventur•• trahantur.

Yet does not this Idolatry hinder, but that among those who admire them so much, it is a

controversy by what meanes the Authour could arrive to such a certain knowledge of things to come. Some hold he got it by the practise of judiciall Astrology; others, that it was re∣veal'd to him by the meanes of some familiar Daemon; and a third sort, that he had no other assistance then that of the capacity of the humane Soul to foretell things to come. For, according * 1.524 to the opinion of Avicenna, when she is disengag'd from the government of the body, she suffers a certain paralysis, and leaves it as it were buried in the masse of its terrestriall Element, that so she may be free to consider what is at the greatest distance from her. Then it is that shee sees things to come as present, which she could not have done while the exigencies of the body divert her from this contemplation. And this happens for the most part, when, being forc'd against her naturall motion by the violent agitation of Me∣lancholly she displayes and discovers what is most hidden in her, that is her divine and celestiall forces and faculties; so that there is nothing hin∣ders her from exceeding her ordinary Limits, and arriving to the knowledge of things to come. Of this we have some experience in old men, who being in the utmost declination of their age, do often foretell what afterwards comes to passe; as if the soul, by a certain anticipation, were al∣ready at Liberty. To strengthen this last opini∣on, they adde that were some reason to charge Nature with a certaine discare of mankind if she deny'd this perfection to man when we see the * 1.525 birds call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Messengers of the Gods, as Euripides terms them, and severall other Creatures, foretel, by the disposition of the Aire

the changes of seasons, wind, raine, fair weather, tempests, and all this without any other instructi∣on than that of their naturall instinct.

I have been more particular in this last cause, then in the other two, because Nostradamus him∣self confesses in his Epistle to the three Centuries dedicated to Henry the second of France, that he uttered his predictions rather through a naturall in∣stinct attended by a Poeticall fury, then by any assist∣ance of the rules of Poesy, though he had reconcil'd them to astronomicall Calculations.

But since the truth & reputation of that so My∣sterious book cannot subsist but by one of these three reasons, they certainly are to be blam'd for their over-credulity, who would ground the Au∣thority of this Fortune-teller, upon causes, which if they had well examined them, they should have found more false than any of his Centuries. And this it were the more easy to shew, in that, of all predictions and Prophecyes that ever came to our knowledge, we have not met with any more particular then those of Nostradamus, who precisely markes out all the accidents and severall Circumstances, even to occurrences of litle or no concernment. Whence in the first place I in∣ferre, that he could not compose those predictions by the assistance of Astrology, the Authors whereof having not left us any rules whereby we might attain the knowledge of those particulars. For these are no more under the juridiction of that Art, by reason of the uncertain emergencies of their causes, then things purely free and con∣tingent, such as are the actions that depend meer∣ly on our will, and which in regard they have not any determinate truth or falshood cannot be ei∣ther

known or foreseen by the help of any hu∣mane science, till such time as they are present. In the second place, I inferre, that he could not have done it by any revelation from Daemons, be∣cause even they, consider'd in their nature, have not any knowledge of these actions which are free & depend purely on our will, as being not able to foresee them either in their causes, or their effects. Not in the former, because they are uncertaine while they remaine buried in the several motions of our mind, as being such as St. Paul speaks of to the Corinthians, None knows the things of man but the spirit of man that is in him: not in the lat∣ter, as being such as cannot be known till they ap∣pear. So that if we allow his prophecies any foundation, it must be that of the third cause, grounded on the naturall capacity men sometimes have to foretell things to come, which yet is per∣tinently refuted by a 1.526 Cicero and the learned b 1.527 Valesius, who digg up the very corner stones of this erroneous opinion.

To answer therefore, in few words, all those reasons alledged to confirme it, we are indeed to acknowledge, that Melancholy may, by reason of its qualities, make men more desirous and capable of Sciences, more earnest in the dis∣quisition of causes, and more perseverant in the deepest contemplations upon any subject; nay that it may cause certain motions in the soul, where∣by it makes sooner discoveries of the reason it would find out. But we must deny that there can proceed from it this naturall Divination, where∣of there is not in it either the cause, principles, or beginnings. Nor is it to be credited, that old men are more likely to foretel things then others,

unlesse it be by way of Revelation, as Jacob did, or the Pope Pius V. & the Archbishop Angelo Cat∣to. Of these two last, the former knew by reve∣lation * 1.528 that the Christians had gain'd the battel of Lepanto; the other acquainted Lewis the Sixth with the death of the Duke of Burgundy at the very hour it happened. And lastly for the foresight of certaine Creatures, Leonard Vair will tell us, that the gesture of their bodies does not portend any thing to come, but only what is present, that is, the humid influx of the Aire, which, by a naturall instinct, they feel in their bodies, assoon as it gathers together in the Element. And as to the Birds which shift Countries according to the severall seasons of the year, it is not so much out of any foresight in them, of Spring, Winter, or Autume, as a certain knowledge of those vi∣cissitudes according to the naturall alteration of their bodies, proceeding meerly from heat and cold, or some other quality unknown to us.

This premis'd, I leave those to judge who are not over-easily drawn in to embrace opinions without any reason or gronnd, what esteem should be had of these fine Centuries, which are so ambiguous, and contradictory, so obscure and enigmaticall, that it were no miracle if among a thousand tetrasticks, whereof every one speakes commonly of five or six severall things, and par∣ticularly such as ordinarily happen, there comes in a Hemistick mentioning the taking of a Town in France, or the death of a Grandee in Italy, a plague in Spaine, a Monster, a great fire, a victory, or something of this nature, as if those Emergen∣cies were extraordinary, and happen'd not at one time or other. And yet this is the main motive

of that little hope there is to see these prophecyes veryfi'd as being such as we cannot compare to any thing more fitly then to Therame••es's shooe, which fitted all feet; or that Lesbian rule, which being of Lead, bent it self to all figures, con∣cave, oblique, round, and Cylindricall. So may we say of this Authour, that his maine designe was so to write as to avoid a clear and intelligible sense, that Posterity might interpret his predicti∣ons as they pleas'd. For though John Aime Chavigni, one that, of all others, hath foolishly trifled away his paines upon all kinds of Prophe∣cyes hath shewn in his French Janus, that the greatest part of Nostradamus's predictions are ac∣complish'd near thirty years since; yet are they still brought upon the stage when any thing remarkable falls out, as for Instance, those that are scatter'd abroad upon the death of the Marshall d' Ancre the great fortune of Monsieur de Luynes; and the firing of the Palace and the Bridges of Paris. And indeed, that there are not found some upon all occasions, is only because men will not be at the paines to search them out, since they met with something about that imaginary monstrous fish which some years since was sold up and down in effigie, and that the Author of a little book called▪ The Chymist, or French Conserver, sayes very ingenuously, pag. 15. that Nostradamus had spoken of him, above thirty four years be∣fore he was born, quoting him by his name and Armes in the 31. tetrastick of the 6th. Century,

La Lune au plein de Nuict sur le haut mont, Le nouveau Sophe, d' un seul cerveau l' a veuë.

This he is so confident of, that he affirmes it can∣not possibly be meant of any other then him∣self, for certain reasons by him layd down in the said Book. But because it may be objected that the Author of the French Janus, who translated divers of the Centuries into Latine verse, does, by the explication he makes of them evince the truth at least of some of those tetrasticks, & conse∣quently that I ought not so farre to discredit them, especially those whose events are yet uncertain; I shall briefly answer, and withall conclude this Chapter with that excellent passage of Seneca, Pa∣tere etiam aliquando Mathematicos vera dicere, & tot sagittas cum emittant, unam tangere, * 1.529 aberrantibus caeteris. To which adde that of Phanorinus in Gellius, that, ista omnia quae aut temerè aut astutè vera dicunt, prae caeteris quae mentiuntur, pars ea non sit millesima.

CHAP. XVII.

Of St. Thomas, Roger Bacon, Bungey, Michael the Scot, Johannes Picus, and Trithemius.

I Have sometimes wondered there should be a∣mong the Romans a Law so barbarous, as should impower the Dictator to put to death any Citi∣zen he pleased, without allowing him to make any defence for himself, and that without the least fear of being call'd to any account for so doing. But there is more reason to wonder now, when a man reflects on the temerity of those Writers, who, though they have not the power of the ancient Dictators of Rome, do yet so confidently con∣demn * 1.530 the most eminent Authours, not as deser∣ving death, but as guilty of a crime, as Johannes Sarisberiensis affirms of it, morte digni sunt qui à morte conantur scientiam mutuare, which deserves nothing lesse. Nay, such is their impudence, that they have no more respect for Religious men, Bi∣shops, and Popes, than they had before for Phi∣losophers, Physicians, and others of greatest au∣thority among the Learned. For if we look for any reason of this rigorous proceeding, there will be no other sound than that they strike at all, without any exception of persons, Tros Rutulusve fuat, out of an excesse of zeal to the truth, as they imagine; so under the shadow and conceit of their pretended integrity, to the prejudice of the accu∣sed innocent, to gain the greater credit to certain collections and gleanings of I know not what ridiculous and ill digested relations, which would

never find Readers, were there not more fools who are delighted to see extravagant pictures, than wise men that have the patience to contem∣plate a simple and naturall Beauty.

Since therefore it were indiscretion in me to break off this Apologie, when I am come to that point for which principally I undertook it, I think it now time to speak of Religious men, and to shew what ingratitude it were in us to make so sleight acknowledgement of the obligation we owe them for the preservation of Letters, from the times of Boetius, Symmachus, and Cassiodorus, to the last taking of Constantinople. At which time Learning began to creep out of Monasteries, which for all the time before, had been (as it were) publike Christian Schools, where not only youth, but also such men as would apply them∣selves that way, were instructed in all manner of Disciplines, Sciences, & Morality, and that to such a height, that not content with that so famous Quadrivium of the Mathematieks, which, besides all that is now shewn in Colledges, was then taught, Medicine, both as to Theory and Practice was so well cultivated, that we need no more to convince us how expert they were therein, than the writings of Aegidius, Constantine, and Dama∣scene, Joannitius, Peter of Spain, and Turisanus. So that it were easie for me to answer those who charge them with illiterature and ignorance, did I not think it more requisite to apply the remedy where there is most need, and by culling out five or six among them,

—Qui ob facta ingentia possunt Verè homines, & Semidei, Heroes{que} vocari,

to rescue them from the crime of this Magicall Idolatry, which were so much the more horrid and abominable, practis'd by them, by how much they are principally those who should oppose it, and cleanse mens minds thereof, as well by the example of their good lives, as by the zeal and fervencie of their learned instructions.

We are then to consider, that the Authour of the Book entituled Ars notoria, publish'd by Giles Bourdin, layes this foundation for the reputation thereof, that the holy Ghost had dictated it to a 1.531 St. Hierom, which we must allow upon ano∣ther assurance of his, that he translated the history of Judith in one night. To which adde, that Jo∣hannes * 1.532 Picus affirms, he had seen a book of En∣chantments, which diverse weak judgements hold was interpreted by the same St. Hierom, though with as little reason, as Trithemius affirms, as some attribute certain conjurations of the four prin∣cipall Devils to St. Cyprian Bishop of Car∣thage. This consideration premis'd, I doubt not, but the evident falshood of these calumnies, will prove a certain light to the judgement we should passe on those books of Necromanticall Images, the Metallick Art, the Secrets of Alchymy, and that De essentiis essentiarum, divulg'd and vented daily under the name of St. Thomas Aquinas, just∣ly sirnam'd by a 1.533 Picus, Splendor Theologiae, by Erasmus, Vir non sui saeculi, by b 1.534 Vives Scriptor de schola omnium sanissimus, and by the consent of all Authours, with that of the Church, The faith∣full Interpreter of Aristotle and the holy Scripture, The base and foundation of Scholasticall Divinity, and in a word, the Angelicall Doctor. For I would know, what ground there were to imagine, that

this great Intelligence, canoniz'd in the year 1322, and whose doctrine was approv'd by a De∣cree of the University of Paris, in the year 133••▪ and by three Popes, Innocent V, Urban VI, and John XXII, should trouble himself with either Magick, or the extravagancies of the Alchymists, who might indeed have brought him over to their party, had they not forgot one thing, which is to dash out and corrupt, as some Hereticks do, that passage of his Commentaries, upon the second Book of the Master of Sentences, where he for∣mally * 1.535 impugnes the possibility of their transmuta∣tions of Metals. Whence, me thinks, they should take warning not to expose themselves so freely to the scorn of those who distrust whatever comes from them, & who read these supposititious books out of no other designe, than to observe their great indiscretion therein, and the little judge∣ment they have to carry on their subtle plots. We may instance, not to engage into an infinity of proofs, in their making this great Doctor speak so childishly in the Book De essentiis essentiarum, that he might very well be said to have no more ac∣quaintance with his works, than the barbarous Inhabitants of Margajats and Topinamboux in Africk, who should beleeve that such low and reptile conceptions could fall from a mind so high and sublime; or that he ever dreamt of what they make him say in the same Treatise of an * 1.536 Astrologicall Book, which Abel, son of Adam, lodg'd within a stone, found after the Deluge by Hermes, who took the book out of it, wherein was taught the Art of making Images under cer∣tain Planets and Constellations. Besides the story concerning himself, that being disturb'd in his stu∣dies,

by the great noise of Horses passing by his door every day at watering time, he made the image of a Horse, according to the rules of the said Book, which being put in the street two or three foot under ground, the Grooms were thenceforward forc'd to find out another way, as being not able to make a Horse passe that way,

Spectatum admissi risum teneatis amici?

For I think a man must be more Agelastus than ever Crassus was, if he can refrain laughing at this pretty relation, since that, not to say any thing of the absurdity of its circumstances, there could not possibly be found out another more contrary * 1.537 to the Doctrine of St. Thomas, who in all his works, and particularly in his Sum, in his Quod∣libet Questions, and in his Treatise of Secret Ver∣tues and Properties, denies, that these images can receive any vertue from the Stars and Constella∣tions under which they were made. This certain∣ly were enough to shew the impertinence and absurdity; it is, to charge this great person with contributing ought to the composition of these books, though we should not presse, that Trithe∣mius in his Catalogue of Ecclesiasticall Authours, mentions not any one of them printed with the body of his works, collected into seventeen Tomes; nor take any notice, that Johannes Picus laughs at that book of Necromanticall Images, and Franciscus his nephew, though much a servant and favourer of the Alchimists, makes it a great question, whether those Books of the Metallick Art, are not to be attributed rather to the Alchy∣mists then St. Thomas. To which I may adde,

that, as Delrio affirmes, the Commentaries upon the Nativity of one Thomas an English man, have been publish'd under his name because of the nearnesse there is between these two Latine words, Anglicus and Angelicus; so it may safely be inferr'd, that since, according to all the Dae∣monographers, there have been diverse other persons of the same name that have writ severall Books in Magick, it were more rationall to imagine that that of the Necromanticall images should be rather father'd on them then on St. Tho∣mas of Aquin, of whom it shall be said, in spight of all Ignorance, and to the despaire of the Au∣thours of these calumnities,

—Et molliter ossa quiescent Semper, & in summo mens aurea vivet Olympo.

* 1.538 Had we the Book, which John Dee, Cittizen of London a very great Philosopher and Mathematiti∣an saies he had written in defence of Roger Bacon, where he shews that whatever was said of his miraculous operations is rather to be attributed to the knowledg of nature, & the Mathematicks than to any commerce or conversation he ever had with Daemons; I should have as litle to say of him as of Apuleius who clear'd himself from the like accusation in two Apologies. But since that Book (at least that I know of) never yet came abroad, I must imitate the grassehopper in Aeli∣an, and supply the want of this broken string, with what is to be had, so to rescue the reputa∣tion of this English Franciscan, who was a doctor of Divinity, and the greatest Chymist, Astrologer and Mathematician of his time, from being con∣demn'd

and buried among the multitude of Con∣jurers and Magicians. For, so far was he from making one of their number, that a man can no way better justify and defend him, then by pro∣ducing his own declamations against Magick, un∣lawfull Books, Characters and spells, as you have them in the three first Chapters of an Epistle he * 1.539 writ of the Powor of Art and Nature. Adde to this that Delrio is content to observe only that there were some superstitious propositions in his Workes, such as haply was that which Franciscus * 1.540 Picus saies he had read in his Book Of the six Sci∣ences, where he affirmes that a man may become a Prophet and ••oretel things to come by the meanes of the Classe Almuchefi, compos'd according to the rules of Perspective, provided he made use of it under a good constellation, and had before hand * 1.541 made his body very even, and put it into a good temper by Chymistry. Nor▪ indeed am I at all satisfy'd, why Wierus and divers others Daemono∣graphers should so readily charge this Philoso∣pher with the exercise of Geotick or prohibited Magick, when he, whom they all so much ac∣knowledge, Johannes Picus of Mirandula, main∣taines, that he studied only the Naturall. Where∣to may be added the testimonies of three famous English Authors, a 1.542 Lelandus b 1.543 Selden and Bayly; as also that of Dr. c 1.544 Pits, who laughs at their foolish credulity who give any credit to this popular Errour, especially since, as Selden af∣firmes, there's no English Historian ever made mention of his Magicall operations or any brasen * 1.545 Head, which the populace believe he made. Upon occasion whereof Majerus observes that he is brought in as a great Magician in all Comedies

and that the common report is, that he and his Fellow-Frier Thomas Bungey were seven years a∣bout that Head, meerly to know of it whether there were not some meanes to compasse England with a wall or Rampart, whereto it gave an an∣swer which yet they could not understand, for, not expecting to receive it so soon, they were ta∣ken up with something else than hearkening to that Oracle.

A very fine relation certainly and suitable to the false witnesse from whom we have it, if ever there were any false, that is, the multitude, as having alwayes been accounted such by all good Authors, especially a 1.546 Seneca and b 1.547 Lactantius. The former affirmes, you must never appeall to it in any thing of Consequence, Quaerendum non quod vulgo placet, pessimo veritatitis interpreti: and the other had reason to admonish us, that Vulgus indoctum pompis inanibus gaudet animis{que} puerilibus spectat omnia, oblectatur frivolis, nec ponderare se∣cum unamquam{que} rem potest. This were enough to stifle that vulgar story, should I say nothing of all the impertinences that accompany it, since they so evidently discover themselves. I take it therefore to be enough for my purpose to note that the structure and composition of this head was a thing absolutely impossible for the reasons I shall give for it in the next Chapter, and with∣all that Roger Bacon never minded the making of it, the whole fable having no other ground then common and popular reports. For it being or∣dinary old wives talk that Pope Sylvester, William of Paris, Robert of Lincolne, and Albertus Magnus had made such discoursing Statues, it might ve∣ry well be added that Rober Bacon had in like

manner made one, since that, being a great Ma∣thematician, as may be seen both by the Treatises and instruments of his invention he sent to Pope Clement the fourth and his two Books, printed within these fifteen years, of Perspective and Glasses, it is not unlikely he did many extraordina∣ry things by the help of that Science; whereof the cause being not known to the vulgar, (which was much more rough-hewn, and barbarous than it is now) it could do no lesse then attribute them to Magick. But for that he hath for compurgators all learned men, and particularly the Jesuits, who put into their Mathematicall Theses defended at Pont •• Mousson in the year 1622. on the day of the Cannonization of Ignatius, and Xavier, That it was * 1.548 possible for a man well vers'd in Opticks and Cat∣optricks (such as undoubtedly Bacon was) dato quolibet objecto, quodlibet representare per specula, montem ex atomo, suillum aut asininum caput ex hu∣mano, Elephantem à capillo.

What hath been said of Bacon, may be also ap∣ply'd to Thomas Bungey, who, meerly because he was his Colleague in studies lying under the same misprision, must be included in the same defence. And for this there is so much the more reason, in that Delrio sayes not any thing of the Book he * 1.549 writ of Naturall Magick but that it containes certain superstitious propositions. Besides had he been in the least thought guilty of this crime, they would have been more carefull then to make him Provinciall of the Order of St. Francis in En∣gland, as Dr. Pits affirms he was; and withall that whatever is said concerning his Magick, proceeds only from his being an excellent Philosopher and Mathematician.

The like solution may serve to justifie Michael the Scot, who was no Ignorant person as those imagine who never saw his name but in the books of Daemonographers, a people that would have nothing to say of him, were it not to rank him among the Magicians, in imitation haply of the Poet Merlin Coccaius, who took a pleasure to dis∣cribe his enchantments, and Dante the Florentine, who speakes thus of him, at the end of the twen∣tieth Canto of his Hell.

Quell' altro, che ne' fianchi é cosi poco, Michele Schotto fu, che veramente▪ Delle Magiche frode seppe il gioco.

—See you that trifling fellow there? 'Twas Michael the Scott, who knew his part▪ In all the roguing cheats of Magick Art.

For, besides that he is cited as a great divine by the most learned of the Carmelites, and Prince of the * 1.550 Averroists, Johannes Bacco, it is easily judg'd, as well by the two Books we have of his, Of Phy∣siognomy, and Questions upon the Sphear of Sacro∣bosco, as by his History of Animals and the testi∣mony of Pits, that he was one of the most excel∣lent Philosophers, Mathematicians, and Astrolo∣gers of his time; and upon that account much favour'd by the Emperour Frederic II. to whom he dedicated all his Books, and foretold him that he should die in a castle called Fiorenzo∣la, having also foreseen that himself should end his dayes in a Church. And indeed it came to pass, as de Granger in his Commentary upon Dante affirmes, when being on a certain day adoring the

body and blood of Jesus Christ, kneeling near the place, where a bell was then tolling, the rope drew down with it a stone, which falling on his barehead, killed him in the place, where after∣wards he was buried.

This lay'd down, I leave men to judge whether they who calumniate him without any proof, and that rather out of custome then any knowledge * 1.551 they had of him, are to be credited rather then the Authority of Pits, a divine and moderne Author, who speaking of him, saies expresly, that though he was look'd on as a Magician by the Vulgar, prudentium tamen et cordatorum hominum longè ali∣ud fuit judicium qui potius perspicax ejus in scrutan∣dis rebus abditis admirabantur ingenium, laudabant industriam, quàm reprehendendam judicabant curi∣ositatem, inspiciebant{que} hominis scientiam, non sus∣picabantur culpam. And for the formall autho∣rity of Dante and Coccaius, it cannot conclude any thing to our prejudice, since these two Poets might well derive such a narration from the vulgar, meerly to sweeten and embellish their Poems, and that Cicero justly laughs at those who take the Poets for good security for any thing they say, when there is so great a difference between the conditions of a Poem and that of a History, quippe * 1.552 cùm in illa ad veritatem referantur omnia, in hoc ad delectationem plera{que}.

Since then it is easily discover'd by what we have already said, that the ordinary judgment falling on learned men is to be charg'd with Ma∣gick I conceive few will wonder, if he who was called by a 1.553 Scaliger, Monstrum sine vitio, and by b 1.554 Politian (with the suffrages of the publick voice) the Phoenix of all the great Witts, Picus of

Mirandula, could not give Hermolaus Barbarus so slender an account of his expence of Six whole years in the reading of Scholasticall Au∣thours, but that the lustre of his great learn∣ing must needs so dazzle those who measur'd it with the fewnesse of his years when he began to break forth, that some, as a 1.555 Zara, look'd on it as a miracle, and others, in b 1.556 Tarquin Gallutius, are so injurious to him, as not to be∣lieve he could arive to that wisdome and capa∣city but by the meanes of Magick. Upon which if I may give my opinion, I conceive I may truly say, that those who are so much prejudic'd against the Learning of this great man, were persons certainly as ignorant as that Divine, who, as the same Picus affirmes in his Apologie, being ask'd what the word Cabala signify'd, answer'd, it was the name of a wicked man and an abomi∣nable Heretick, who had written divers things against Jesus Christ, and that all his followers were called Cabalists. For though it may be said, haply more truely of him than any other,

—Primordia tantae Vix pauci meruere senes—

and that his Learning is to be admir'd as well in respect of his age as the time he liv'd in, where∣in Letters did but as it were bud out of the thorns of Barbarism; yet is it too great a mi∣strust and limitation of nature and her forces to think she could not raise this man to such a su∣preme degree of perfection, as might be a marke for all those that would be like him. Mankind is a large field wherein Nature exercises her self severall wayes, sometimes sporting her self with

an Amphistides, who could not tell as far as four, a Thersites, a Meletides or a Cecilian; and some∣times priding it in an Alexander, a Caesar, a St. Augustine, or a Picus of Mirandula; using, ac∣cording to the opinion of Trismegistus, gold, sil∣ver, and lead in their Composition. It was a saying of Neocles in commendation of his Brother Epicurus, that Nature, in his generation, had assembled together all the Atomes of prudence in∣to his Mother's Belly. And why may we not, with the same flourish, affirm that she may have uni∣ted all the externall causes of Aire, climate, Stars, diet, towards the composition of a body, so to produce a Mind that should be the paragon of others, and as it were the mold by which o∣thers might be made. In this was cast that of Paulus de la Scale, who, in the year 1553. main∣tained, at Boulougne 1543 Conclusions upon seve∣rall subjects of all kinds, and that before he was 22. years of age. That of the young man * 1.557 mention'd by Cardinall Bembus, who propos'd 4500. at Rome. That of Postellus who mode∣rated in the Schooles at 13. years of age. That of Gesner and Erasmus, who were more learned at twenty, then others ordinarily are at fifty. That of Agrippa, who at twenty two interpreted the Pymander of Trismegistus, and the Book De ver∣bo mirifico. That of Maldonat, who was ad∣mir'd for his reading of Divinity at twenty seven. And lastly that of Edward du Monim, who may be said to have been made up all of fire and spi∣rit, since that, ere he was ariv'd to the twenty sixth year of his age, wherein he was kill'd, he was so great a Master of the Italian, Spanish, La∣tine, Greek and Hebrew Tongues, as also of

Philosophy, Physick, Mathematicks and The∣ology, and had withall so fluent a vein of poesy in all those Languages, that he translated into Latine verse, and that in lesse then fifty dayes, Du Bartas's work of the Creation, and saw printed before his death, five or six large Volumes of his Poetry highly celebrated by the greatest witts of the last age, Fumaeus, du Perron, Goulu, Daurat, Morel, Baif, and du Bartas. Since therefore Pliny tells us, that Naturae rerum vis at{que} majestas in omnibus fide caret, si quis modo partes ejus ac non totum animo complectatur, and that we can exem∣plify in so many that came so near this Picus of Mirandula, were it not more rationall to admire the extraordinary effects of Nature by judging of the one by the other, then basely to subject it to Spirits and Daemons, especially in things wherein there is not ought beyond the reach of her power and performance?

Lastly, for the Abbot Trithemius, who is call'd by Thevet in his life, a subtle Philosopher, an in∣genious Mathematician, a famous Poet, an accom∣plish'd Historian, a very eloquent Orator, and emi∣nent divine; I find that those who would make him a Magician, may in the first place, ground their so doing on a little Book of three or four sheets printed under his name in the year 1612. intituled, Veterum Sophorum Sigilla & imagines Magicae, sive Sculpturae Lapidum aut Gemmarum ex nomine Tetragrammaton cum signatura planeta∣rum, Authoribus Zoroastre, Salomone, Raphaele, Chaele, Hermete, Thelete, ex Joan Trithemii ma∣nuscripto erutae. Another ground may be his own speaking so pertinently of Magick, and his giving himself the title of Magician in some of his Epi∣stles.

And a third and last, his writing the Book of Steganography, a treatise stuff'd with the names of Devils, and full of invocations, and, as very pernicious, condemn'd chiefly by Charles Boville a learned and eminent Divine, who makes it worse * 1.558 then that of Agrippa or any other Authour, in the Epistle he sent to Germain Ganay Counsellor to the King, and since Bishop of Orleans, four years after he had seen and read it in the very study and Abbey of the said Trithemius. This was Au∣thority enough for a 1.559 Wierus, b 1.560 Thevet, c 1.561 Del∣rir, d 1.562 Godelman and most of the Daemonogra∣phers to be of the same opinion.

But for my part, I am of another, as concei∣ving that those, who would judge with more truth than passion as well of this last as the two former proofs, will beware how they blast with eternall infamy the memory of any man especially an Ecclesiastick, upon such poor grounds as these light▪ conjectures, which are absolutely vaine, false, and forg'd. For besides the reasons layd down in our 6. Chap. that Pamphlet of making images and Characters upon Stones under certain Constellations is a pure imposture and cheat of Booksellers, who thought fit to print it as newly retriv'd out of Trithemius's study, whereas, above 120. years before Camillus Lienard made it the third Book of his Mirrour of precious Stones, be∣sides that it was publish'd by Ludovicus Dulcis in a treatise on the same subject, as also by Rodulphus Goclinus in above four or five severall impressions * 1.563 of his Book De Unguento Armario; so true is that axiome of Aristotle, that, Ad pauca respicientes de facili enuntiant. But be it suppos'd that that little treatise had been transcrib'd out of Trithe∣mius's,

who would thence inferre that a Book of superstitious Astrologie were a sufficient testimo∣ny to condemne those of Magick who have it in their possession, especially since there cannot the least indicium be drawn from five or six Epistles printed at the end of Trithemius's Polygraphy, to confirme that opinion to his prejudice, nay they rather justifie him, as may appear by the reading thereof and by a 1.564 Gerard Dorne and b 1.565 James Go∣hory, who shew from their enigmaticall sense that they cannot be interpreted of any thing but Chy∣mistry. So that it may be truely said that all the suspicion there is of his being a Magician, as he himself confesseth, proceeds only from the publi∣cation of a Letter he se••t to a Carmelite of Gaunt named Arnoldus Bostius, wherein he specifi'd many miraculous and extraordinary effects, whereof yet he discover'd the wayes of perfor∣mance in his treatise of Steganographie. For the judgment thereof of Charles Boville being pub∣lish'd about the same time, people were present∣ly perswaded that such things could not be taught in any but a Magick Book, and that Trithemius must needs be excellently well vers'd in Conju∣ring and Invocations.

Now the first that oppos'd this calumny, after he, who was most concern'd in it, had clear'd himself, as well by the key to that book, and diverse passages of his Works, was a 1.566 James Gohory, who writt a short vindication of this Ste∣ganography, against the calumnies of Wierus Bovil∣le and Cardan. In which designe he was second∣ed by b 1.567 Vigenere, c 1.568 Boissardus and d 1.569 Duretus, who have shewn that Trithemius had no other de∣signe in that book then to discover a new, and

much surer way then that of his Polygraphie, to write and communicate freely one to another whatever were more secret, by the meanes of an invention which could never be suspected to have any other then the right sense, nor dis-cypher'd by any but him that had the key of it. This is fur∣ther confirm'd by one Sigismond an Abbot of the order of St. Benedict, who writt a Book, called, Trithemius sui ipsius vindex; and by the divine Adam Tamerus, in an Oration printed by him on that subject at Ingolstadt. But more remarkably then any, and so as to silence all difficulty, is it done by Gustavus Selenus who hath lately given us an explication of this Steganography in the third book of nine, that he hath publish'd con∣cerning Cryptographie. For he first shews why Trithemius would make it so difficult; why he would make use of that maske of spirits and invocations; and then he explaines them and gives such overtures, as whence we may easily judge how far they disparage their own judgment, who with so little consideration blame things they understand not, and withall, that ordinary saying is true▪ that the most learned are not alwayes the most discreet.

CHAP. XVIII.

Of Robert of Lincolne, and Albertus Magnus.

IF it be true that the Authority of a many makes errour the lesse censurable, and that the num∣ber of those that erre with us makes our faults seem the more excusable, gives our opinions some ground, and hides the defects of our per∣swasion; I doubt not but those may easily make such an excuse their sanctuary, who seem to write out of no other design than to revive, in their workes, all those calumnies which have been hi∣therto maintain'd by vulgar ignorance to the pre∣judice of the happy memory of Albertus Magnus, since that according to the Satyrist,

—Faciu••t hi plura, sed illos Defendit numerus, junctae{que} umbone phalanges.

But if the number of these Authors were not yet less considerable than the prooss they bring, I should ingenuously confess, that it were in me no lesse temerity to take a course contrary to them, than it was anciently in Travellers not to cast a stone at those Pillars and Mercuries in the high∣waies, to give others notice of them. And since it is not always, according to the saying of Pythago∣ras▪ the surest way to follow the most beaten track, & that the most common opinions are ordinarily the most false, as being such as are rather applau∣ded than examined; I shall stand upon the same liberty, which I have taken from the first Chapter of this Apology, to passe from the vindication of

Religious men to that of Bishops, and shew, that if ever great Learning and the ignorance of a bar∣barous age prejudic'd any man, Robert Great-head, Bishop of Lincolne, or, as others, of Lancaster; and Albertus Magnus Bishop of Ratisbonne have just cause to complain.

As to the first, if we only except certain Demo∣nographers, * 1.570 who, upon the account of a Brazen Head that spoke, which John Gower an English Poet, said he had endeavoured to make, to serve him instead of an Oracle, rank him among the * 1.571 Magicians; all Authors agree with Pits, that he was one of the most learned men of his time, a subtile Philosopher, an excellent Divine, a man equally acquainted with the seven liberal Scien∣ces, and the Latine, Greek, and Hebrew Tongues, one that writ a great number of Books, whereof there are some remaining in Philosophy. Be∣sides all which, he was of ••o holy and exemplary a life, that (not to prove it by the Fable, so well * 1.572 refuted by Delrio, concerning his death, and that of Pope Innocent fourth) Matthew Paris writes in his Chronicles, that he was in so much reputation among the English, that they called him, the holy Prelate, the King's faithful Counsellour, the Refor∣mer of the Monks, the Director of Priests, the In∣structor of the Clergy, the Nursing-father of Schol∣lars and Students, the Preacher of the People, and the Scourge of Vices.

* 1.573 And for Albertus, I am very much oblig'd to Paulus Jovius, that he had not honour'd him with his Elogy, but upon the Title of Great, which was * 1.574 given him even while he liv'd by the universal consent of all Schools. For if we consider with Botero, on what persons, and upon what occasions

that title hath been bestow'd, I believe there will be some miracle in it, to see a simple Fryar of the Order of St. Dominick have an Epithet given him, not so ordinary with Popes, Emperours, and Sove∣raign Princes, had not his works discover'd his desert to be so great, and his Learning so extraor∣dinary, that such a recompence might seem in∣considerable, if Trismegistus had not so reservd the title of thrice great to himself, that it hath not been since communicated to any. Nor shall I * 1.575 need to say with Trithemius, that Non surrexit post eum vir similis ei qui in omnibus literis, scientiis et rebus tam doctus, eruditus, et expertus fuerit. Nor yet with Thevet, that he was so curious in the dis∣quisition * 1.576 of the Secrets of Nature, that it might be said, one part of his soul was transported into the Heavens, another into the aire, the third un∣der the earth, and a fourth upon the waters, and that he had by some extraordinary course, so uni∣ted and contracted together his whole soul, that nothing that this world comprehends could escape it. For all those Elogies, added to what is commonly said of him,

Inclytus Albertus doctissimus at{que} disertus, Quadrivium docuit, ac totum scibile scivit,

cannot so well help us to judge of his Learning as the reading of his own works which would make almost as many volums as those of his Disciple Aquinas, if they were as well reprinted. It is not therefore to be admir'd, if so many things may be said of him upon the account of his know∣ledge, which being so great and extraordinary, some may very well be extreamly doubtful,

others, absolutely false and fictious. To confirm this we have John Matthew de Luna, who living * 1.577 about 120 years since, held, though contrary to the opinion of Polydor Virgil, Magius, Mayerus, Pancirollus, Florence, Rivault, Zezoldus, and all Au∣thors that writ of the invention of Fire-workes, that Albertus Magnus first found out the use of Canon, Arquebuse and Pistol; For I could never find in these Authors any thing that came near this opinion save that such inventions were put in practise in his time, and that by a Germane Monk call'd Berthold Schwartz, or by a certain Chymist, who, as Cornazanus, an Author ancient enough, conceives, liv'd in the City of Cullen, where it is certain that Albertus Magnus liv'd, ever after he had taken the habit of a Dominican.

And this makes me not a litle wonder that the Alchymists should never bethink them of holding this opinion, since they might have done it with much more reason, than attribute to him the knowledge of the Philosophers stone, as hath late∣ly done their great favourer and a better Majerus, who is not asham'd, in his Symbols upon the golden table of the 12 Nations, to affirm, that St. Domi∣nick had it first, and that those to whom he had left it, communicated it to Albertus Magnus, who by the advantages he made of it, discharg'd in lesse then three years, all the debts of his Bi∣shoprick of Ratisbonne, and afterwards taught it St. Thomas Aquinas, while he was his disciple. To give this the greater Authority, he highly ce∣lebrates three Books of Chymistry, which he at∣tributes to him, whereof since there is not any of them either among the collection of his works, or specified in the Catalogue made of them by

Trithemius, we are only to take notice of that * 1.578 which Fran. Picus saies he writ, Of Quintessence, to shew by the forgery of that, what account should be made of the others, it being certain that Albertus Magnus never contributed a thought towards it. This may be prov'd, not only from his laughing at the Alchymists and their preten∣ded Transmutations in his third Book of a 1.579 Mi∣nerals, as b 1.580 Velcurion, and c 1.581 Guybert endea∣vour to shew, since he there maintains a quite contrary opinion; but because the Author of that Book calls himself therein, a Friar of the Order of St. Francis, and saies he writ it in prison. These two circumstances, which must infallibly relate to John de Rupescissâ, easily evince, that some Impostor made it his businesse to play the Plagiary, and steal it out of a Book he had written on that subject, to divulge and gain it reputati∣on under the name of Albertus Magnus, accor∣ding to the ordinary cheat of all Alchymists, who make this their common sleight to inveigle peo∣ple into a belief of their promises, and by that means,

Noctem peccatis, et fraudibus addere nubem.

To come then to what is most essential in this Chapter, and to what lies in our power to de∣liver this eminent person out of the Quagmire of the Magicians, as we have already drawn him out of that of the Alchymists. This were soon done if we would but appeal to the judgement of An∣thony de Sienes, and Father Justinian, who writ his Life, or to take witnesses disengag'd from all in∣terest or passion, a 1.582 Trithemius, and b 1.583 J. Picus of Mirandula, who absolutely clear him from

this calumny. Adding withal, that when it is said that Albertus Magnus was addicted to Ma∣gick, it must be understood of the Natural, for fear lest the false opinion of the contrary, might give many occasion to imagine that it were un∣lawful for us to do what he hath done.

But since all these Authorities conclude no∣thing if some answer be not made to the proofs ordinarily produc'd to blast his innocence (not to mention that even from his youth, he had such a particular devotion to the B. Virgin, that she wrought such an alteration in his mind, that of an unrefin'd and unpolish'd one, she made it ca∣pable of comprehending all things) we are to * 1.584 consider, that these proofs have no other ground than that of two Books falsly publish'd under his name, and that Androides, which hath given occasion to thousands of Fables and impertinen∣cies frequent in Authors.

For the two Books Franciscus a 1.585 Picus, and b 1.586 Delrio agree in this, that it were an extraordi∣nary injury to think this holy person Author of that de Mirabilibus, and in these words clear him of it, Alberto Magno tributus Liber de Mirabi∣libus, vanitate et superstitione repertus est, sed mag∣no Doctori partus supposititius. To which F. Picus addes, that it is falsly attributed to him, as many others were, as, among the rest, that de secretis Mulierum, since Albertus is not so much as nam'd at the beginning of it, as he who hath writ a Comment upon it would perswade us; besides that it is easily perceav'd, that the Author of it, who ever he was, liv'd some time after him, be∣cause he often cites his Authority. So that all the quarrel now lies against that intituled, the

Mirrour of Astrology, where is treated of the approved and forbidden Authors that have writ∣ten of that Art. This is condemn'd by Gerson and Agrippa as extreamly superstitious, and by F. Picus and divers others, because the Author of it maintains a very erroneous opinion in favour of Magical Books, which, with submission to better advice, he holds, should be carefully preserv'd, because the time then drew near, that, for cer∣tain reasons, not specify'd, men would have occa∣sion to read and make use of them.

To clear Albertus from all suspicion of Magick upon the account of this Book, I can produce no better testimony than that of J. Picus, a person more fit to judge of this difficulty than any other, who in his first Book against Astrologers main∣tains that the Treatise De Libris licitis et illicitis, was infallibly writ by R. Bacon, whose custome it was to cite and produce such Authors in all his Books, which cannot be observ'd in Albertus Magnus. Besides the said R. Bacon was so strange∣ly addicted to judicial Astrology, that Henry d'Assia, William of Paris, and Nicholas Oresmus, all very eminent Doctors, thought themselves ob∣lig'd to inveigh against his works, and all the va∣nities of Astrologers. But be it imagin'd this Book was writ by Albertus, I see not why his affirming that Magical Books should be preserv'd by Inquisitors, and persons of like Authority should make so much noise, since that about 100 years since, it was the advice of Revelin not to burn those of the Jewes. a 1.587 Trithemins is of the same opinion, & b 1.588 Vasquez saies peremptorily, that Magical Books are necessary, and Magicians permitted by God for the greater conviction of

Libertines and Athiests, who by this means might be drawn to acknowledge there are other sub∣stances than what we judge of by the finger and the eye: Quo admisso, saies he, facilius in eam sen∣tentiam adducantur ut numen aliquod fateantur▪ et magis ab Atheismo deterreantur, quo avidiùs Ma∣gicis artibus student, quod nisi inter Haereticos De∣us permisisset, poenè omnes in Atheismo versarentur. To which concurs also Lactantius, when he saies, that Democritus, Epicurus, ct Dicaearchus would not have so confidently deny'd the immortality of the Soul, Mago aliquo praesente, qui sciret certis car∣minibus cieri ab inferis animas, et adesse, et praebere se humanis oculis videndas, et loqui et futur•• pr••∣dicere.

If after all this Albertus be charg'd with any thing of Magick, it must be on some other pre∣tence then that of these two books; s••nce it is clear from what hath been said, that he never had any hand in them. All therefore we have now to do, is to refute their errour who are perswaded that bra∣sen heads made under certain Constellations may give answers, and be as it were guides and Coun∣sellors, upon all occasions, to those that had them in their possession. Among these is one a 1.589 Ye••es, who affirms that Henry de Villeine made such a one at Madrid, broken to pieces afterward by the order of John 2. King of Castile. The same thing is affirm'd by b 1.590 Bartholomew Sibillus, and the Author of the Image of the world, of Virgil; by c 1.591 William of Malmsbury, of Sylvester; by d 1.592 John Gower, of Robert of Lincoln; by the common people of England▪ of Roger Bacon; and by e 1.593 Tostatus Bishop of Avilla f 1.594 George of Venice, g 1.595 Delrio, Sibillus, h 1.596 Ragu••eus, i 1.597 Delancre

and others, too many to mention, of Albertus Magnus; who, as the most expert, had made an entire man of the same metal, and had spent 30 years without any interruption in forming him under several Aspects and Constellations. For example; he made the eyes, according to the said Tostatus, in his Commentaries upon Exodus, when the Sun was in a Sign of the Zodiack corre∣spondent to that part, casting them out of diverse Metals mixt together, and mark'd with the Cha∣racters of the same Signs and Planets, and their several and necessary Aspects. The same method he observ'd in the Head, Neck, Shoulders, Thighs and Leggs, all which were fashioned at several times, and being put and fastened together in the form of a Man, had the faculty to reveale to the said Albertus the solutions of all his princi∣pal difficulties. To which they add (that nothing be lost of the story of the Statue) that it was bat∣ter'd to pieces by St. Thomas, meerely because he could not endure its excesse of prating.

But to give a more rational account of this Androides of Albertus, as also of all these mira∣culous heads, I conceive the original of this Fable may well be deduc'd from the Teraph of the He∣brews, by which as Mr. a 1.598 Selden affirms, many are of opinion, that we must understand what is said in b 1.599 Genesis concerning Laba••'s Gods, and in the first book of c 1.600 Kings concerning the Image which Michol put into the bed in David's place. For R. Eleazar holds that it was made of the head of a male child, the first born, and that dead-born, under whose tongue they apply∣ed a Lamen of Gold, whereon were engrav'd the Characters and Inscriptions of certain Planets,

which the Jews superstitiously wandred up and down with, instead of the Urim and Thummim, or the Ephod of the high Priest. And that this Ori∣ginal is true and well deduc'd, there is a manifest * 1.601 indicium, in that Henry d' Assia and Bartholomaeus Sibillus affirm, that the Androides of Albertus, and the Head made by Virgil, were compos'd of flesh and bone, yet not by Nature but by Art. But this being judged impossible by modern Au∣thors, and the vertue of Images, Annulets, and Planetary Sigills being in great reputation, men have thought ever since (taking their opinion from Trismegistus affirming in his Asclepion, that, of the Gods, some were made by the Soveraign God, and others by men, who, by some Art, had * 1.602 the power to unite the invisible Spirits to things visible and corporeal, as he is explain'd at large by by St. Augustine) that such Figures were made of Copper or some other Mettal, whereon men had wrought under some favourable Aspects of Heaven and the Planets. Which opinion, since it is the more common, it is fit we earnest∣ly buckle with, and shew that it was not without reason refuted by St. Thomas, William of Paris & Niphus, as false, absurd, and erronious. To prove this the more easily we are to presuppose, that speech is the action of some thing that is li∣ving, and is not perform'd but by the voice which is defin'd by St. Thomas, after Aristotle, Sonus ab ore animalis prolatus. For it must needs be granted, that, if these Heads spoke, it was ei∣ther because they were living and animate, or that the Daemons spake in them. If the former, the Soul whereby they did it, must be vegetative, sensitive, or rational. It could not be vegeta∣tive,

because, according to the faculties of the said Soul; such bodies should be ranked among Plants, be nourish'd, increase and produce their like. It could not be sensitive, for that, besides the faculties of the vegetative Soul, it presuppo∣ses two more, which are particular to it, and ne∣ver granted to those Statues. Much lesse then can it be rational, unlesse we grant withal, that they could apprehend the Species of things, dis∣course, remember them, and, in a word, be like us.

Moreover, if these Heads and Statues were re∣ally such, that is, living and animate, it was ei∣ther by an accidental form or a substantiall; not the first, at least according to the opinion of all Philosophers, who will never grant, that to discourse, to speak, to teach, to foresee what is to come; and such effects can depend on an ac∣cident, and not on a Substance. The latter is lesse possible, because such Statues could not re∣ceive that substantial form till they had been de∣vested of what they had before; which there is no colour to imagine they should have done by a simple transmutation of figure, since the form of the copper and of their matter was still such as it was wont to be. Further, I would gladly know, where was their motion, the first indicium of life; where their senses, the sluces of all knowledge; and, in a word, (not to ravel our selves into thousands of difficulties, arising from the original and operation of that Soul) where were the Parts and Organs necessary for their discourse and ratiocination.

Nor does it availe any thing, to grant that the Daemons have spoken in them; for it must be done either as the Soul does in our Body, by the assistance of its Organs, or as one should do that answers in a Chest, or some broken pot. The former way is impossible such Statues being not furnish'd with Muscles, Lungs, an Epiglottis, and what is requisite to a perfect articulation of the Voice. The latter is as ridiculous, for, if it be true, why should those men take such pains to make a Man rather than a Trumpet, or a Head ra∣ther than a Bottle, since the Devil might as well answer by the one as the other, and that if he hath heretofore uttered his Oracles in Statues, it was to engage men to adore them, to the con∣tempt of their Creator, whereas there is not the least mention of any Idolatry, in the Stories of this Androides, and these fine Heads. So that we may well conclude with the Royal Prophet, The Idols of the Gentiles are Silver and Gold, they have mouths and speak not, nor is there any breath in their nostrils; all we have to do (the reasons of * 1.603 Trismegistus being fully refuted by Niphus) be∣ing to satisfy the Authority of Tostatus, one of the most ancient and most authentick Patrons of Al∣bertus's Androides, that so we may at length give a final sentence against the vanity of all these Fa∣bles and pernicious falsities.

I must indeed confesse, that Tostatus was the most learned, nay the miracle, if I may so expresse my self, of the learned men of his age; since that, being Counsellour to the King, great Referendary of Spain, and Professour, in Salamanca, of Philo∣sophy, Divinity, Civil and Canon Law, and all at the same time, he hath neverthelesse written

such large and laborious Commentaries, that were we not certain he dy'd at forty, they were enough to perswade us he had liv'd an entire age. But when I find him affirming therein many things justly accounted fabulous by the World, as for instance, what is said concerning the birth of the Prophet Merlin, the Magick of Virgil, a bra∣sen head that discover'd the Jewes in Spain, a cer∣tain earth in Hebron that was good to eat, the Androides of Albertus Magnus, and abundance of the like, I cannot but look on them as so ma∣ny black patches of his humanity; nay, if we ap∣peal to Scaliger, we must ingenuously acknow∣ledge, * 1.604 that hoc ostentationis vitium fuit magnis viris, ut globatim congererent omnia, non ut nihil reli∣quisse▪ sed ut nihil nescivisse viderentur: To re-inforce which Argument, if any shall with Aristotle insist, * 1.605 that common report cannot be absolutely false, and consequently, that so many Authors would not have spoken of the Androides of Albertus, if something had not been in the wind, I shall final∣ly answer, That my design is only to shew that he could not by the help of superstitious Magick, make a Statue that should give him answers in an intelligible and articulate voice, upon all the doubts and difficulties he propos'd thereto, as well of things present as to come; and not abso∣lutely to deny that he might compose some Head or Statue of man, like that of Memnon, from which proceeded a small sound, and pleasant noise, when the rising Sun came, by his heat, to rarify and force out, by certain small Condu∣its, the aire which in the cold of the night was condens'd within it. Or haply they might be like those Statues of Boetius, whereof Cassiodorus

* 1.606 speaking said, Metalla mugiunt, Diomedis in are grues buccinant, aeneus anguis insibilat, aves simu∣latae fritinniunt, et quae propriam vocem nesciunt, ab aere dulcedinem probantur emittere cantilenae; for such I doubt not but may be made by the help of that part of Natural Magick which depends on the Mathematicks. It were therefore much more rational thus to interpret whatever hath been said of this Androides, than to prostitute the re∣putation of Albertus Magnus, Robert of Lincoln, and so many other persons of considerable quali∣ty to the judgment of certain Authors, who are so easily carryed away with the slender assurance of a common opinion,

Ovid. Met. 6. —Quae veris addere falsa Gaudet, et è minimo sua per mendacia crescit.

CHAP. XIX.

Of the Popes, Sylvester II. and Gregory VII.

AS it was not lawful for every one in the old Testament to lend a shoulder to uphold the Ark of the Covenant, even though it were ready to fall, so there are a many that think it were not convenient, that all kinds of Writers undertook the defence of him whom Christ Jesus hath left as Head and Vicegerent of his militant Church. The reason is, that being persecuted by the ene∣my of mankind, who hath taken into his service all the modern Hereticks, the better to oppose him, and so to strike at the foundation of spiritual Monarchy, He should employ no other than such Christian and Catholick Hercules's, as were Bellarmine, Baronius, and the ornament of Gasco∣ny Florimundus Remundus, to whom it properly belongs to vindicate the injuries done to the Suc∣cessors of St. Peter, to purge their Annals of er∣rours, and to heal their blindnesse who are im∣prudently carryed away with the forgeries & ca∣lumnies of Hereticks. And yet since, as Tertulli∣an saies, every one may be a Soldier in what con∣cerns the defence of Religion; and that God was pleas'd to make use of the sling of a poor Shepherd to abate the pride of the Philistins, we may presume (yet without searching into the se∣crets of his will to find out the cause of Uzzah's death, for endeavouring to uphold the Arke) that, as he permits the Devil to set upon the Church by the means of the most inconsiderable Heretick, so is he not displeas'd that any one

should defend her. And this I think it my duty to do, as to what concerns the crime of Magick, wherewith the simplicity of some ancient Au∣thors and the malice of modern Hereticks, would blast the reputation of those who have sat at the helm thereof in the quality of Popes. Not that I am so unadvised as to think their innocence stands in any need of my pen, since it is strong enough to rescue it self, with the assistance of the holy Spirit who never forsakes it, from such an accusation, and to overcome all the tempestu∣ous hurricans of such calumnies,

Illisos fluct us rupes ut vast a retundit, Et varias secum latrantes dissipat undas Mole suâ.—

But being both by the relation of a Catholick, & the title of this Apology oblig'd to this duty, I might well be laugh'd at, if presuming to vindi∣cate all the eminent persons, I should forget my self so far, as not to say some thing of those, who, by reason of their dignity, are the most highly considerable. And this the rather, since I withal pretend to draw from this Chapter the strongest Argument that may be, to justifie all the others mentioned in this Book, whom no man will here∣after wonder to find charg'd with Magick, when even those who command us as Livetenants of God, and whom we respect as the high Priests & Prelates of our Religion could not avoid that reproach. Yet as God never permits errour so to insinuate into any thing of importance, but there is light enough to discover it, if a man will look but narrowly thereto; so in this case, so ma∣ny justifying circumstances offer themselves, and there are so many proofs to undermine the

very ground-work of these accusations that men must needs be either strangely passionate or igno∣rant, if, having ever so little reason or judgment they do not perceive, that all those things which concern the Magick of the Popes, are nothing but Dreames, Castles in the Aire, Chimaera's & Fables.

For to begin with those that are lesse suspected, and by consequence may the most easily be vindi∣cated, I conceive the first charg'd though but slightly, with this crime, was Leo the III. to whom is attributed a little Book called, Enchi∣ridion Leonis Papae, contra omnia mundi pericula, containing abundance of Crosses, a many names of God, and the Cabala, abundance of mysti∣call and unintelligible words. Whence it haply comes, that a 1.607 Le Loyer and b 1.608 Delrio do, with rea∣son, laugh at those who think that Book was sent by this Pope to the Emperour Charlemagne, since it containes only a certaine Theurgy very flat and ill manag'd which yet some have since endea∣vour'd to disguise in Italy under the name of St. Ubald Bishop and Confessour. But as for that sending, theres no more likelihood in it then in what is related by Emanuel De Moura, who sayes, * 1.609 that there being a certain Scholler in the Citty of Conimbra, who heal'd wounds by vertue of cer∣taine words and prayers, the common report was, that they had been first sent by Pope Sixtus V. to John of Austria, then in war against the Turk, to be us'd in order to the curing of his wounded men. For as the said de Moura affirms, the Scholler gave him another reason of the ver∣tue of those prayers, such as had no coherence with that of the Common opinion.

Next to Leo III. may be put that Monster,

or rather Chimera, John the eighth, otherwise called Pope Joan, a very knowing person and one that had writt a Book in Magick, as Balaeus and the Centuriators affirme, if that Achilles of the holy see, and the Patrone of Papall honour, Florimundus Remnndus, had not undeceived us as to that fable, discovering the popular Errour which had kept it in vogue, and snatching it out of the Trophey which Hereticks had rais'd thereby a∣gainst the Popes, so to turn it to their own shame and confusion, there being not now any among them so unadvised as to presume to revive it in his books, unlesse he expects to be immediately declar'd a malicious person in the superlative de∣gree, or one very eminent for his ignorance and want of Judgment. Having not therefore any thing to adde to what that learned Counsellour of the City of Bourdeaux hath said of him, I shall passe to Martin II. whom I shall not acknowledg justly charg'd with magick though Platinus said of him, that malis artibus Pontificatum adeptus est. For we are to consider it meerly as a reproach of his enemies, and that that manner of expression, frequent in Platinus, even in the lives of divers other Popes who were not Magicians, must be understood of the favour, violence, corruption, Simony, and a many other unjustifiable wayes, whereby such as endeavour the satisfaction of their ambition more than the tranquillity of their Conscience and the well fare of the universall Church, may happly attain, though not without abundance of trouble, that supreme dignity of Ecclesiasticall Monarchy.

* 1.610 To that Catalogue, if we credit Wierus, we

must adde all those inclusively who had the Chaire from Sylvester II. to Gregory VII. that is about fifteene or sixteene. But since Benno, a schismaticall Cardinall, who made a Catalogue of the Popes that we••e Magicians, reckons but four or five, that really were such, viz. Sylvester II. Benedict IX. John XX. and XXII. and Gre∣gory VII. three whereof had never been sus∣pected but by occasion of the other two, I think I need do no more then shew what this Benno was, and endeavour the particular vindication of Syl∣vester and Gregory so to clear them all together of that calumny, and discover how little reason men have had to be corrupted so long by the Leaven of this erroneous opinion. For when I reflect on the first and most ancient Authors from whom this kind of injurie hath been deriv'd against the successors of St. Peter, I cannot but say with Apu∣leius, perinjurium est ei fidem in pejoribus habere, cui in melioribus non haberes, and consequently, fall into a double admiration; First, at the sim∣plicity of a many of our Demonographers and mo∣derne Historians, who fill their Books with such triviall stories and fables taken out of those Au∣thours without any discretion. Secondly, at the inveterate malice of Hereticks who, to satisfie the envy and hatred they bare the holy See, (whose ruine they have as much conspir'd as ever Hannibal did that of Rome) make it still their bu∣sinesse to seek out those calumnies and reproaches which good Authours cannot furnish them with, in the sepulchers and common shores of Schisma∣ticks, and, as the Civilian Michael Riccius hath * 1.611 well observ'd, Antiquos & manuscriptos libros in latebrosis lucis laborios eevolvunt et ex foetido pulvere

autores quosvis excitant, quos licentiosé in ipsos Pon∣tifices scripsisse deprehendunt. Whether this be so, I appeal to that Collection which Matthias Flac∣cius Illyricus hath made in that great Volume entituled, Catalogus testium veritatis, which I cannot more fitly compare to any thing then to that Poneropolis of Philip of Macedon. For as that City was inhabited only by Exiles, Rogues, Cutpurses, pillory'd persons, and all the dregges and offalls of the Country; So may it be truely said, that (the depraved passages out of the Fa∣thers and Councels only excepted) all that so vast Catalogue is only a heap of their shreds and frag∣ments who had before either kick'd against the Church; or been cutt off from it as rotten and gangren'd Members, such as, among a million of others, was the pretended Cardinall Benno, who made it his busines to give us the representation of a bad Pope in Gregory VII. as Xenophon did that of a Vertuous and accomplish'd Prince under the person of Cyrus. For I can hardly believe that a man could say such strange things of the wickedest per∣son in the world, as what this Author saies of such a Pope, and upon his account of Sylvester II. John XX. XXI. and Benedict IX. who, if we may believe him, did by his Magick, force women to run after him through Woods and over Moun∣taines, and gave infallible predictions of things to come. And yet these fables are nothing in comparison of what he addes concerning the Arch∣bish Laurence, who perfectly understood the singing of Birds, and Gregory VII. who cast the holy Host into the fire, conspir'd the Emperours death, poison'd six Popes, by the help of his

friend and Confident Gerard Brazutus, and had so well Learn'd Magick of Theophylact and Laurence Sylvester's disciples, that he scatter'd fire when he shook his armes, and sent out thunder-cracks out of his sleeve. But this Authour speakes too li∣berally to be believ'd, and since it was his designe to traduce the Popes, he should have done it with more modesty and judgment, and so not have given a 1.612 Delrio and b 1.613 Florimundus Remun∣dus occasion to Imagine his Book supposititious and forg'd, at the eruption of Lutheranisme, or rather that he might have avoided the distaste of the more reserv'd and conscientious among those of the Reformation, and particularly c 1.614 Vigner, who hath these words of him, Cardinall Benno speakes after a strange manner of the Popes of these times, as also of the meanes whereby they ar∣riv'd to that height, I know not whether he be an Authour that may be credited, or no. Adde to that the Censure given of him by * 1.615 Papyrius Masson, in the History he hath written with too much liberty of Conscience of the Bishops that have govern'd the Church of Rome; for speaking of Sylvester and the injury done him by accounting him a Magi∣cian, he sayes, Atque hujus fabulae inventorem sus∣picor Bennonem presbyterum Cardinalem: is enim odio Hildebrandi multa quoque de praedecessoribus ejus fingit, quos ob mathematicas disciplinas velut Ma∣leficos damnat, et hanc de Sylvestro narrat fabulam. Whence may easily be inferr'd that Bibliander * 1.616 hath a mind maliciously to deceive us, when he affirmes, in his Chronicle, that this Benno was created Cardinall by Hildebrand, with whom he was in great friendship, whereas it is evident that that dignity was conferr'd on him by the Anti-Pope

Clement III. and that he ever follow'd the party of the Emperour Henry IV. a Schismatick and excommunicated person. To which may be added, for confirmation, his Letter found at the Councell conven'd by the Cardinalls who sided with Henry and his Antipope, against Urban II. and those whom they call'd favourers and fol∣lowers of the Heresies invented by Pope Hilde∣brand; to disgrace whom, Ultramus Bishop of Noremberg and all the Partisans of the Emperour scatter'd abroad abundance of Challenges and Li∣bells, as it is ordinary with Princes to be ever well furnish'd with such Advocates and defenders of their Causes, be they good or bad.

But as this pretended Cardinall Benno, a person equally discarded both by Protestants and Catho∣licks, seems to have done all he did out of a set designe and purpose, to calumniate Gregory VII. so must it be acknowledg'd, that Platinus, an eminent writer of the lives of Popes, hath too credulously embraced what was said before him by Martin de Citeaux and Godefrey of Mon∣mouth, in his Additions upon Sigebert, concer∣ning Pope Sylvester, to represent him to us as a famous Conjurer and Magician. It were much better to search the truth of this story to the bot∣tome, and not to trust either this Martin, who had been already deceiv'd in the life of Pope Joan, or Godefrey, who entertaines us with the fine Ro∣mance of Arthur and his Prophet Merlin. For had he persu'd his designe, with as much integrity as he was oblig'd to have done, those ridiculous fables, so frequent in his Writings, would not give us at this day occasion to think him not well affected towards the Popes, because of Paul II.

who devested him of all honours and dignities af∣ter * 1.617 he had put him to the Torture. Or haply he made his advantage of whatever came to his hands taking all for current mony, so by those fegaries, to humour the Readers, and shew he was not ig∣norant of what others had said before him, than not that he gave them any credit himself.

The same judgment may we passe upon Marti∣nus Polonus who publish'd such another story of Sylvester in the year 1320. for it is clear that he hath translated all he sayes of him, in his Chrono∣logicall Supputations, out of this Godefrey who liv'd about the year 1150. and one Gervase an Orator of the City of Arles and Chancellour to the Em∣perour Ottho III. but withall the most confi∣dent forger of Fables and the most egregious Ly∣er that ever took pen in hand. To prove which, there needs no more than the reading of his own Book, De ociis Imperatoris, where all he sayes is so extravagant, and at such a distance with reason and both ordinary and extraordi∣nary possibility, that the Fables of Aesop, and the stories of Amadis are a hundred times more credible. Besides, not to make any diffi∣culty about the diversity of Coppies, and the Additions made to this Martinus Polonus, it were more prudence to conclude, that this authority cannot any way prejudice Sylvester, not only for the foregoing reason, but also because he tires us with such abundance of fabulous things in his Supputations, that it were no lesse lightnesse of perswasion than want of judgement to credit any thing he sayes of Sylvester. I produce for testi∣mony the tales he hath stollen out of the Book

de Infantia Salvatoris, and those he makes upon the history of Pilate, of the Greeks, who would steal the bodies of St. Peter and St. Paul; of Syl∣vester's Dragon, which destroy'd every day six thousand persons, and that of another that was of such vast bulk that eight yoke of Oxen were not able to draw him to the place where he was to be burnt. To which may be added those of Ar∣thur of Britain, of the Prophet Merlin, of Pope Joan, of the Golden Letters of a hundred pound weight a peice, which Charlemaigne bestow'd on twenty three Monasteries he had founded, & abun∣dance of the same stuffe good fornothing but, with the help of a cradle, to rock little Children asleep.

And lastly, for Vincent d' Beauvais, and An∣tonine de Florence who may have let fall somewhat of the Magick of these Popes, I shall▪ with Mel∣chior * 1.618 Canus, and Florimundus Remundus, confi∣dently affirme, that though they were creditable persons, yet in regard they have not been at the paines to consider well the places whence they have taken their Stories, nor weigh'd the things they have left behind them, they are of little or no Authority among such as cannot brook it, to see the Noble name of History upon the Portalls of these monstrous Edifices built of Materialls so confus'd and different, so far from being solid and well cemented. I have been the more large in answering these ancient Authors, because, these foundations once undermi'd, there's nothing so easy as to pull down the superstructure; such as are, the Authorities of Nauclerus, Funccius, Goldast, Gualterus, du Plessis, Balaeus, the Centu∣riators, and a whole Ant-hill of Lutherans▪ and Calvinists who have with much curiosity, not

only transcrib'd out of those Ancients, but made on small aditions to these plausible relations. Not that they were so simple & stupid as to take them for true, but because they imagin'd all makes for them that hurts their adversaries, and thought this kind of battery would prove very effectual, by the delinquency of 2. or 3. Popes, to make a Breach in the veneration due to all the rest, and to reproach the whole body with the imperfection of some one of its members; Est enim, as Sidonius saith, haec quaedam vis malis moribus, ut innocentiam multitu∣dinis * 1.619 devenustent scelera paucorum.

To levell, therefore, this Tower of confusion, which, in some of our Historians & Demonogra∣phers, want of judgment; in Hereticks, envy hatred and malice, have engag'd them to build up to the dishonour of the Monarch of the Church, upon the too simple and easy credulity of those ancient Authors, we must begin with this Ger∣bert, or Sylvester II. He, they say, was Master in Magick to four or five of his successors, where∣as there is more ground to acknowledge that he was the most vertuous person, and greatest Light as to all manner of Sciences, of the age he liv'd in, it being much more easy for us to give an ac∣count of his learning then the place of his ex∣traction and manner of life, till he arriv'd to the Archbishoprick of Rheims. For some, accord∣ing to the common opinion, affirme, that he was first a Religious man at Fleury, or St. Bennet's upon the Loire. Others there are that hold the contrary, grounding their opinion upon what he saith himself in one of his Epistles to the Emperour Otho III. wherein he openly tells him, that he had, from his Childhood, serv'd

his Father and Grandfather Otho the Great, be∣fore he was entertain'd into the service of Adal∣bero Archbishop of Rheims. But the true story is, that being chosen by Hugh Capet, to be Tutor to his Son Robert▪ he conferr'd on him that Arch∣bishoprick, whereof being devested by John XVII. he retir'd into Germany, to Otho II. who committed to this charge Otho III. and gave him, by way of recompence the Archbishoprick of Ravenna, which he peaceably enjoy'd, till that, his Disciple coming to the Empire, he was by him ordained Pope and maintained against the Romans in the dignity of supreame Bishop.

These things well consider'd, I see not upon what ground Martinus Polonus and Platinus mis∣represent him as a Magician. For I pray, what likelihood is there he should quit his Frier's frock to go and learne Magick at Toledo, Salamanca, or Sevill, the Metropolis of Andaluzia in Spain, when he never stirr'd out of the Abbey of Fleury, till he was taken thence by Hugh Capet, or as he saith himself, spent his youth in the service of Otho I. and II? And is it not more probable he should arrive to all these Ecclesiasticall Dig∣nities by the favour of two Kings of France and three Emperours, to whom he had done great and considerable services, rather then by any assistance or industry of the Devill, who never yet was so good a Master as to bestow a half-peny on all the Magicians, notwithstanding their most remark∣able beggery, as a 1.620 Delrio, b 1.621 Bodin, c 1.622 Majole, Remy, and all Authours knowledge? And this they say proceeds from the speciall providence of God, who hath reserv'd in his own hands the power to enrich men and to distribute his favours

and rewards according to the Psalr••ist, The earth is the Lords and the fulnesse thereof; he openeth his hand, and filleth every living thing with blessing, he giveth unto every one, and upbraideth not; in his left hand are riches and glory.

Nor is there any more marrow in what is added, that, having been answer'd by the Devil, that he should not dy till such time as he had said Mass in Hierusalem, he was extreamly surpriz'd upon war∣ning given him that he was near his death, when, not minding any thing he said it in the Church of the Holy Crosse in Hierusalem, which is in Rome. As if he should be ignorant there was a Temple in the place of his constant residence called by that name, or should not have reflected on the ambiguity of Oracles, and would have celebrated Masse in a place unknown to him. But what is said of his end is much more flat and ridiculous, at least, if we could but be perswaded, that, as Martinus Polonus and Platinus affirm, he made a publick acknowledgment of his fault, and that after he had given assured expressions of a sincere and perfect repentance, he committed a thing extreamly superstitious, ordering that his body should, after his death, be put in a Chariot to be drawn by Oxen, without any body to guide them, that it might be buried in the place where they should stop. That happened before the Church of St. John Lateran, where the foresaid Authors with divers others, affirm that his Sepulchre gives a certain presage of the death of Popes both by a shock and crashing of the bones that are within, and by a great sweat and moistnesse of the stone without, as is observable, according to Pla∣tinus in the Epitaph set upon it.

But this is all pure cheat and imposture, not only as to experience, never any such thing ha∣ving been observ'd by any one to this day; but also as to the Inscription of this Sepulchre com∣pos'd by Sergius IV. which is so far from making any mention of all these fables and extravagances, that, on the contrary, it is one of the most consi∣derable testimonies we can have of the good life and integrity of this Sylvester. And indeed it is no small shame, that many Catholicks should so much countenance this calumny, when Maria∣nus Scotus, Glaber, Ditmare, Hilgaudus, Lambert, and Herman Contract, who were his Contempo∣raries, make not the least mention of it. Not to urge, that it is refuted evenby some dis-passionate Hereticks, as Vigner in his Bibliotheca, and Papy∣rius Masson in his History of the Bishops of Rome, where speaking of Sylvester, he saies, Plurimùm miramur confictam de eo fabulam mortalium aures ita penetrâsse, ut nunc quo{que} evelli ex plurimorum mentibus non possit; and so concludes that all this Tragedy came from Cardinal Benno's invention. Of which opinion is also Baronius, who speaking of him, saies, Is fuit primus fingendae fabulae archi∣tectus, cujus authorem nominâsse solùm, sit refu∣tâsse. But it is withal Vigner's judgment, that it may be very likely the Romans, haply not satis∣fy'd with Sylvester, as well for that he was a stranger, as because the Emperour had made him Pope without their Election, and that he express'd more earnestness and affection for his service than their inconstancy would permit, added some∣what to the suspicion, in that, he being well vers'd and excellent in the Mathematicks, they out of their ignorance therein, look'd on them

as disallow'd and damnable Sciences. And this indeed I am the more enclin'd with a 1.623 Ciaconus, b 1.624 Genebrard, c 1.625 Florimundus Remundus, and d 1.626 Delrio, to assign for the true cause of this suspi∣cion, in that we are certain of two things which may confirm us very much. One is, that he flou∣rish'd in the 9th age after Christ, which was incredibly rude, barbarous, and ignorant. The other, that he was certainly the most eminent, or one of the most eminent persons of his time, as well for matters of State, as for Learning and the knowledge of things divine, humane, and liberal. Of this we have pregnant proofs in his own Epi∣stles, and the Decads of Blondus; besides his in∣timate * 1.627 acquaintance with the Mathematicks, which was such that he could discover and discern better than any other as Apuleius sayes, tempo∣rum * 1.628 ambitus, ventorum flatus, et Stellarum meatus, tonitruum sonora miracula, syderum obliqua curri∣cula, Solis annua reverticula, and with the help of the Mechanicks, make many rare and subtil in∣struments. Of that kind were those Hydraulick Machines which William of Malmsbury sayes, he * 1.629 made with such industry at Rheims, that by force of the water they made a sweet harmony; or that Clock, which as Ditmare relates, he made in such manner, that it discover'd the Pole-Star; and that Brasen head, which was done with such ingenious artifice, that the said William of Malmesbury was * 1.630 himself deceiv'd in it, when he attributed it to Magick. Adde to this what Onuphrius saies, viz. that he had seen in the Library of the Farneses, a learned Book of Geometry written by this Ger∣bert. And for my part (not to meddle with the opinion of Erfordi••nsis, and some others who

make him Author of Clocks and the Arithmetick now among us) I think these proofs sufficient to evince, that those, who never had heard of Cubes, Parallelograms, Dodecaedra's, Almicanthara's, Valsagora's, Almagripa's, Cathalsem's, and other terms, frequent among Mathematicians, might well imagine they were certain spirits that he in∣vocated, and that so many extraordinary things could not proceed but from a man that had some∣thing in him extraordinary, and consequently, that he was a Magician.

Having been so large in the vindication of this Gerbert, or Sylvester II. 'tis fit something be said for his Schollers and particularly the Archbishop Laurence, who is traduc'd by the said Benno, as ha∣ving learnt Magick of Sylvester, and taught it Hildebrand or Gregory VII. This he does with∣out alledging any other proof than that he was very intimately acquainted with both, and un∣derstood very well, and could interpret the sing∣ing of Birds, as, for experience sake, he one day did at Rome, before certain Prelates upon an accidental meeting with a Sparrow, that by his chirping acquainted his companions of a Cart full of Wheat overturn'd at the Gate called Major, and that it was much for their advantage. But the question is whether be the more censurable, Benno, who forg'd the story upon such another * 1.631 done by Apollonius in Philostratus, or du Plessy Mornay, who was so blinded by passion as to quote it as true and Authentick with all the fore∣mentioned of Gregory VII. lest he should leave out any thing that might swell up his Mystery of Iniquity. And yet this pretended Cardinal is forc'd to acknowledge in the same place, that

Pope Benedict IV. (whom he hath as little favour for, as any of the rest) and this Arch∣bishop Laurence were very well skill'd in the Mathematicks. And Baronius shews, by the rela∣tion * 1.632 of Petrus Damianus, that this Archbishop was so far from having any hand in Magick, that, on the contrary, he was a man of a very holy life, and, upon the account of his good works, after his death, put into the number of the Blessed Saints. Which thing, were there nought else, were enough to answer that scandalous Libel, di∣vulg'd by Benno or the Lutherans to blast the me∣mory and reputation of Pope Hildebrand, who could expect no lesse then to be bespatter'd with the detractions of that mercenary Author, when he had before felt the indignation of his Persecu∣tor the Emperour Henry IV. For this implaca∣ble enemy of his in two several Assemblies of Bi∣shops in Germany held at Majance and B••exina, because Hildebrand had twice excommunicated him as a Schismatick, and devested him of all his Lands and Dignities, caus'd him to be declar'd a perjur'd man, a Murtherer, a Necromancer and a Heretick, setting up against him, as Anti-Pope, Clement III. sometime Bishop of Ravenna, not omitting any thing he imagined would be preju∣dicial to him. This proceeding of the Emperour was that encourag'd the modern Hereticks to be so outragious against this Pope, as may appear by the writings and bitter Satyres of Goldast, Gaultier, Balaeus, du Plessis, and the Centuriators, who call him Sorcerer, Adulterer, Sodomite, and by a simple clinch, Brand-of-Hell, and all, because he was one of the greatest pillars that ever were of the Church, and, to speak of him sincerely and

without passion, he it was that first put her into possession of her priviledges, and rescu'd the Pa∣pacy from the slavery it was in, to the Emperors. Not to note that he is so highly celebrated in * 1.633 Genebrard, by a great number of Authors, that, since Marianus Scotus and St. Anselme, who were his contemporaries, say nothing of his Magick, no more than Martinus Polonus, Otho Frisingensis, Hugh of Cluny, Lanfranc, Bernard of Marseille, Platinus, Nauclerus, Masson, and many more, who would not have been silent had they disco∣ver'd any such thing, it were absolute barbarisme, in us to credit what this Benno saies of him in par∣ticular. Upon his text have the Lutherans and Calvinists written their Comments never speak∣ing of this man, but in the burning feaver of in∣dignation, and ever dipping the pen wherewith they draw him, in the gall of their own passions, purposely to make him, the most filthy and hor∣rid monster that ever was clad with humane na∣ture, never considering that their attempts are dash'd to pieces against that Corner-stone on which J. Christ is pleas'd to build his Church, and that they gain nothing by all these calumnies, but shame and confusion to themselves, since that, as Tertullian saith, Telum aliquod in Petram constantissimae duritiei libratum, repercusso in eum qui emisit reciproco impetu saevit.

CHAP. XX.

Of Joseph, Salomon, and the Wise men.

VVEre we to judg of a many Authors with a rigour sutable to the liberty they take to condemn even the most eminent men; or be so severe as to accuse & convict them of their im∣pudence by the testimonies of their own forg'd calumnies: I conceive we might well rely on what Plato sayes in his Lawes, that it is a temera∣rious liberty to pronounce of what is known and unknown with a like confidence, whereof he who hath once exceeded the limits, will never afterwards be confined thereby. For if we reflect on the precedent chapters of this Apology, it is easily observable, how that divers Historians and Demonographers have taken such a strange free∣dom to charge all sorts of men with Magick, that, not content to have impeach'd Philosophers, Phy∣sicians, Astrologers and others, they have pass'd to Monkes, Bishops, and Popes, nay spare not those for whose good life and integrity we have the securi∣ty of the Scripture, never considering the dange∣rous consequences of such an impeachment, as well in regard of the disorder and scandal it would occasion to such as are devout and truly Christian, as of the ill example which persons of loose lives might thence take, according to the saying of Sarisberiensis, Fortiùs et ••itiùs nos corrumpunt ex∣empla * 1.634 magnis cùm subeunt animos Authoribus. But since I have not hitherto charg'd them with im∣pudence, I shall forbear also in this Chapter,

where they are the more excusable, for that what they say of the Magick of Joseph, Salomon, and the Wise men, seems to be deriv'd from the authority of certain Catholick Authors and Doctors, whom yet we should not too rigorously tax with the lit∣tle reason they had to teach any such thing, by reason of their candor, and the sincerity of their doctrine otherwise.

Not to determine therefore these three Questi∣ons but with a modesty suitable thereto, I think, that if the collection I have been forc'd to make of so many fooleries and evident extravagancies, hath bred some little choller in me, the best way were to discharge it on the ordinary madness and impiety of our Alembick-Idolaters and Alchy∣mists. These are a sort of people so strangely be∣sotted with the Philosopher's stone, that, having found out the secret Mysteries thereof under the Metamorphoses, the Aeneid, the Odissey, the love of Theagenes & Chariclea, Epitaphs, Pictures, Sculpture, Antick, and Fantastick representations, and there being nothing but the Scriptures to make any fur∣ther search in, they have been so prophane as to take the sacrifice of the Masse, and the miracle of * 1.635 the Incarnation for Emblems and figures of what they found to be literally express'd in Genesis, the last chapters of the Prophet Esdras, the Canticles, & the Apocalypse, concerning that Soveraign trans∣mutation. That, they say, was a thing infallibly known to the good man, Job, who by the assi∣stance of it multiply'd his wealth sevenfold; to Abraham, who wag'd wars against 4 Kings; to Joseph who of a sudden became so powerful; to Moses who turned the molten Calf into ashes, to Gideon▪ who represented it under a fleece, though

not a golden one as that of the Argonauts; to Sa∣lomon, who made no more account of Gold than of peble-stones; to St. John, of whom it is said in his Hymne,

Inexhaustum fert thesaurum, Qui de virgis fecit aurum, Gemmas de Lapidibus:

and lastly to St. Dominick, who taught it two of the most learned men of his Order, Albertus Magnus, and St. Thomas. All which extrava∣gancies consider'd, it may well be said,

Ovid. Met. 6. Proh superi, quantum mortalia ••ectora caecae Noctis habent!—

and admir'd, how such impertinencies and blas∣phemies should be harbour'd in the hollow brains of these melancholy persons, who, for re∣compence of their rashness or ignorance, deserve no lesse than to forfeit the name of men, since they have lost that which denominates him such, judgement and reason.

This premis'd, we come to explicate that pas∣sage of Genesis, which hath given divers occasion * 1.636 to imagine, that Joseph, son of Jacob, and one highly commended by David as the Image and * 1.637 mystical representation of Christ, was addicted to all kinds of superstitious divinations, then in vogue among the Aegyptians. For, from what he caus'd his Steward to say to his Brethren who were come to buy corn in Aegypt, speaking of the * 1.638 Cup, Is not this it in which my Lord drinketh? and what he says himself when they were brought

* 1.639 before him, Wot ye not that such a man as I am can certainly divine? Some have imagin'd that he pro∣fess'd Divination, which he perform'd by a certain kind of Hydromancy, doing it either simply by the cup, as is ordinarily done by some Chrystal vessel, looking-glasse or any thing that is clear and smooth, or by the means of the water that was in it, as Julian the Apostate did, and those who at this day (though it be ill and superstiti∣ously done by them) discover the thief & things lost, in a Viol or Bottle. Or lastly, he did it by the inspection of certain precious stones which were fastned within it. But certainly it were no hard matter to deliver this great Favorite of God from so dangerous a suspicion, if we will but fol∣low the common opinion of all the Doctors of the Church, who, in Pererius would only finde out a way whereby he might be excus'd from ha∣ving addicted himself to the practise of that Di∣vination, whereto he indeed had not so much as contributed a thought. Nor need we search for any other explication than that of Petrus Burgen∣sis, if it be true, as he affirms, that instead of what we have in the vulgar translation, An ignoratis quod non sit similis meî in augurandi scientia? The Hebrew Text will bear this, Know you not that it is easy for great Lords and Princes, such as I am, to consult Southsayers and Diviners? wherewith Aegypt was at that time well furnish'd. But since this explication hath not been yet acknowledg'd, and that the vulgar version, authorized by the Councel of Trent, admits the words before reci∣ted, we may, in the first place with a 1.640 Theodoret, St. b 1.641 Augustine, St. c 1.642 Thomas, d 1.643 Tostatus and e 1.644 Torreblanca, affirm, That Joseph spoke

this ironically, alluding to the common opinion then current over all Aegypt, nay even in strange Countries, that he had been advanc'd to that dignity by the happy events of his Predictions; or to daunt his Brethren and make them the more guilty, as having taken away that bowle or cup, whereon depended the continuance as well as the original of his great fortune, and that he foretold things that should certainly come to passe by the means thereof.

This explication may be thought the more probable, in that when he commanded his Stew∣ard to put that vessel into the sack of the young∣est, he only said to him, Put my cup, the silver cup, * 1.645 in the sack's mouth of the youngest, and his Corn∣money, not mentioning it to be that whereby he was wont to presage and divine. Whereas when he commands him to pursue them and to bring them back, he gave him strict instructions what he should do and say, Up, follow after the men, and having overtaken them, say unto them, Wherefore have ye rewarded evil for good? Is not this the Cup in which my Lord drinketh, and whereby indeed he divineth; ye have done evil in so doing. Whence it is clear, that the addition of the••e words, and whereby indeed he divineth, et in quo augurari solet, was only put in the, more to frighten them, as that one of them should take that vessel, whereby Joseph had attain'd so high a fortune beyond the ordinary sort of people. But if, notwithstanding this reason, the words of Joseph and his servant are to be understood without any ambages or fiction, we must consider what Rupertus saies of it, who observes that the word augurari is not * 1.646 in that place taken precisely to signifie or guesse

at something, whether by the observation of birds or some other superstitious way, but in its general acception to foresee or foretell things to come by any way whatsoever. Thus did Pliny * 1.647 the younger, use it writing, to Tacitus, Auguror (nec fallit augurium) Historias tuas immortales fu∣turas; * 1.648 in which sense Rupertus and Pererius affirm, that the speech of Joseph may be taken, without quitting the litteral, in that by reason of the gift he had of Prophecy, he might make use of the word augurari, and know future events. Which that he did, there needs no further proof than that of the interpretation of the dreams of Pha∣raoh and his Officers. To which may be added his detention of his Brethren for three daies in Aegypt, and then causing them to be pursued by his ••ervants at their departure, which might be to intimate that the Israelites should sojourn there for the space of three Generations, and that when they were to leave it, they should be pur∣su'd by all that multitude which was afterwards overwhelmed in the Red Sea.

Whence I leave men to judge of the probabi∣lity there may be that he should have written the Book entituled Speculum Joseph, mentioned by a 1.649 Trithemius, or that we may believe b 1.650 Ju∣stine, who speaking of the Jewes, saies that Jo∣seph envy'd by his Brethren, was sold by them to certain Marchants who carry'd him into Aegypt, where in a short time he learnt the magical Arts, and grew the best of any for the interpretation of dreams and prodigies, being not ignorant of any thing that could be known, in so much that he foretold the great dearth which happened in that Countrey, and, for that reason was much fa∣vour'd

by Pharaoh. From which story all that may be drawn, is, that he, Tacitus, and others ei∣ther speak at random, or give a passionate account of that people, and that God, who is pleas'd to give us a true history of them by his faithful Secre∣tary Moses, would not have us to stand in need of the Authority of those prophane Authors, as to any thing they might say consonant to what he hath left in his admirable Books of the Penta∣teuch,

I••, from what is said of Joseph in the 44. chap. of Genesis, he hath been reproach'd with Magick, I think there is much more ground to imagine the same thing of King Solomon, because of his great and prodigious Idolatry, considering the Wisdom he was master of before. For as there is nothing so certain as that he never practis'd any thing that were superstitious, while he con∣tinued in the grace of God, and a right admini∣stration of the favours he had received of him; So we must needs acknowledge (to avoid Lactantius's * 1.651 censure, who saies, that, eadem caecitas est, et de vero falsitatis, et mendacio nomen veritatis impo∣••ere) that possibly, forsaken of God for his lux∣ury and Idolatry, he might fell himself over to all manner of vices and abhominations, and par∣ticularly as a 1.652 Delrio, b 1.653 George of Venice, and c 1.654 Pineda affirm, to that of Magick, there being thousands of examples whence may be drawn this conclusion to his prejudice, that Luxury, Idolatry, and the vanity of Divinati∣ons,

Et bene conveniunt, & in una sede morantur.

* 1.655 For which we have the testimony of St. Paul, and what is said of King Manasses, in the Old Testa∣ment, that he reared up Altars for Baal, and a * 1.656 little after, he observed times and used inchant∣ments and dealt with familiar spirits and Wizzards. And since women are more adicted to Magick then men, as is learnedly shewn by the Civilian Tiraqueau in his Conjugall Lawes by the authori∣ties of Cicero, Livy, Quintilian, Diodorus, and * 1.657 diverse other good Authors, I make no question, with Pineda, but the 700. wives and the 300. Concubines which Salomon had might easily en∣snare him in a Labyrinth of Charmes, divinations, drinks, and other superstitious practises, which, if we credit Lucan, (disprov'd indeed by Ovid) have a greater influence on that passion then any other, since that he sayes,

—Quas non concordia mixti Allig at ulla thori, blandae{que} potentia form••, Traxerunt torti Magicâ vertigine fili.

But though we should allow this might hap∣pen to Salomon that we have said, yet are we to beware how we exceed much further, and too easily be perswaded, that he should steal so much time from his pleasures and enjoyments, as it would require to write so great a number of Magicall Books as there are at this day publish'd under his name. This indeed is so great, that to prove they are false attributed to him, we need no more then ma ••e a Catalogue of such only as

have been seen and cited by divers Authors. For though a 1.658 Genebrard make mention but of three, and b 1.659 Pineda but of 4. or 5. yet is it easily shewn that there are a many more; for Albertus Magnus in his Book of the Mirrour of Astrology quotes five: the first dated Liber Almadal, the se∣cond, Liber 4▪ Annulorum, the third Liber de novem candariis; the fourth, de tribus figuris Spi∣rituum, and the fifth de Sigillis ad Daemoniacos. To these we may adde four mentioned by Trithe∣mius, * 1.660 intituled, the first, Clavicula Salomonis ad filium Roboam, the second Liber Lamene, the third Liber Pentaculorum, and the fourth de Officiis spiri∣tuum. Whereto if we adde these three, viz. that of Raziel cited by a 1.661 Reuclin, de umbris Idaearum, mentioned by Chicus upon the Sphere of Sacrobosco; de Hydromantia ad filium Roboam, which b 1.662 Gretserus saith, he saw in▪Greek in the Duke of Bavaria's Library. And lastly that Testamentum Salomonis, out of which M. c 1.663 Gaumin cites, many passages written in the same Language, we finde that without comprising that called by d 1.664 Nicetas, Liber Salomonius, here are thirteen different ones, and yet withall Au∣thentick. Which number, might well engage us to make the same judgment of them, as did sometime Roger Bacon, whose reflection there∣upon I shall the rather quote, because it makes something for all those for whom I make this * 1.665 Apology. Quicun{que}, saith he, asserunt quód Sa∣lomon composuit hoc vel illud, aut alii sapientes▪ ne∣gandum est; quia non recipiuntur ejusmodi libri auctoritate Ecclesiae, nec à sapientibus sed à seductori∣bus qui mundum decipiunt; etiam & ipsi novos libros componunt, & novas adinventiones multiplicant, sicut

scimus per experientiam, & ut vehementius homi∣nes alliciant, titulos praeponunt famosos suis operi∣bus; & ea magnis authoribus impudenter ascribunt.

This granted takes away all the difficulty may arise about the Books of Salomon, unlesse it be * 1.666 about that of Exorcisms, which Pineda affirmes, either not to have been written by Salomon, or that he did it in the time of his Idolatry. And yet me thinks it were more rationall, with Jan∣senius, Salmeron, Genebrard and Delrio, to grant, that, during the time that by his wisdome he knew all things, and was fill'd with good affecti∣on by reason of his sanctity, he might prescribe certain forms to chase away Devills, and to ex∣ercise people posses'd by them; such as were those * 1.667 practised by the Jews, in St. Luke, St. Mathew, and the Acts. Such were also those, as Josephus affirmes, practis'd since by Eleazar, who cast a Devill out of the body of a possess'd person, in the presence of the Emperour Vespasian, not by the vertue of a root, which could naturally have no power over Daemons and Creatures purely spi∣rituall, but by the force of his exorcisms, which only had that power, as Delrio, x 1.668 Cas∣mannus and divers others explaine it.

From these two passages of the Old Testament, we come now to that of the new, which is in the second of Math. where mention is made of the wise men who came from the East to adore Jesus Christ. I have no designe to repeat in this place a number of Fables, such as Vipertus, a Dr. of Divinity and the Canon-Law hath taken such paines to gather together, in the History he hath written▪ of them, it being enough to my purpose to take out of the writings of a 1.669 Baronius b 1.670 Ca∣saubon

c 1.671 Maldonat, d 1.672 Bullenger & many other, who have written at large on this subject, what is fit not to be omitted in this Chapter, and in few words, to discover what these wise men or Magi were, and by what means they had notice to come and adore Jesus Christ in Bethleem. For the first, the difficulty lyes in the signification of the word Magi, being either ambiguous and equivocall, that is, such as many be understood of enchanters & socerers; such as signify'd a certain people among the Medes; who are so called in a 1.673 Herodotus, b 1.674 Strabo, and c 1.675 Epiphanius; and lastly might be said of the Sages of Persia. These three severall in∣terpretations have all had their patrons and fa∣vourers; d 1.676 Tertullian understanding that passage of the first, Epiphanus and Panigarolus of the se∣cond, and Maldonat with Casaubon, of the last, that is for Mages, that is, the most vertuous and most venerable persons among the Persians, such as were in the same reputation in their Country, as the Brachamans were among the Indians, and the Druids among the Gaules. Which last opini∣on seems to be the more rationall, in that the word Magi is Persian, that it is the custome of the Persians not to accost Kings without Presents, that the Evangelist speaks of them as persons of great quality and reputation; in a word, the Scrip∣ture it self lights as it were to the truth, when it sayes, that these wise men came from the East, there being no Author that ever held there were any other Magi that way than those of Persia. Yet is there no necessity to have any recourse to the sottish imagination of Paracelsus, who would have * 1.677 them ride post upon enchanted Horses, so to bring them in lesse then thirteen dayes out of so re∣mote

a Country, since there's nothing to con∣vince us they might not spend more time in their * 1.678 journey, as St. Chrysostome would have it, or were not of the nearest parts of that Country; be∣sides that History affords us many instances of greater expedition and diligence, and that these wise men rid on Camells, which go with ease after the rate of at least 100. miles a day.

This difficulty taken away, we are now only to find out the meanes whereby the wise men might be advertised of the Nativity of Jesus Christ. In which search, we shall not with the Priscillianists, affirme they it knew naturally by the meer inspection of the Star, lest we incurre, with them▪ the censure of St. Augustine and Chry∣sostome. And there being as little ground with a 1.679 Origene and St. b 1.680 Hierome to think it was revealed to them by Daemons, as it had been to the Shepherds by Angels▪ because this were to make them Magicians, contrary to the truth before maintained, our safest course is to conclude with * 1.681 Maldonat, that they had learn'd it from the pro∣phecy of Balaam, that a new Star should appear at the birth of the Saviour of the world, accor∣ding to what is said, Orietur stella ex Jacob, and in effect, they shewed no lesse when they peremp∣torily said, Where is he that is born King of the Jews? for we have seen his Star, speaking of that Starr, as a thing they thought well known among the Jews since it was so much among the Gentiles and Idolaters. But the subject of this Chapter is not so much my businesse as that of Divines, yet have I a confidence they will not take it ill that I have done what I have, and there∣in follow'd the doctrine and resolutions of the

most eminent among them, so the better to clear up the difficulties arising out of this Chapter▪

CHAP. XXI.

Of the Poet Virgil.

WHen I seriously reflect on the Condition of those learned men, who flourish'd four or five ages before the restauration of Sciences and disciplines in Europe, nothing seemes more miraculous to me then that the most learned and best grounded among our Au∣thors have appear'd amidst that Barbarism like Roses among thorns, or Diamonds on the de∣sert Mountaines. And this so much the rather, in that at this day when we are encompass'd with so great light as should make us judge of things with more caution, those who should make great∣est use thereof are so dazzl'd therewith that they revive many opinions whose first Authors we daily declame against, either for their want of judgment or ignorance. Whereof though the precedent Chapters of this Apology afford suffi∣cient instances, yet have I reserv'd for this that which we have upon the authority of a 1.682 Bodin and de b 1.683 Lancre concerning the Magick of Vir∣gil, as one of the most pregnant proofs may be given of it, if we in the first place consider the re∣putation of these two persons, (the former being one of the most esteem'd men of his age) and then, the litle ground they had to draw that errour, out of the workes of certaine Authors, that are but che dirt and dreggs of the most Barbarous Wri∣ters, and who by the impertinences of their rela∣tions

teach us that the great Chancellour of England, Verulam, had reason to tell us, that * 1.684 hoc habet ingenium humanum, ut cum ad solida non suffecerit in supervacaneis & futilibus se atterat. For can there be any thing imagind that were more fantastick, and disconsonant to common sense and reason, then to see the Phoenix of Latine Poesy impeach'd not of that Poeticall Magick, and fury, which, by the perfection of his workes, hath charm'd the greatest wits into an imitation of him, such as Statius, Sylvius, and the Floren∣tine Poet; and gain'd him the Title of most ex∣cellent Orator with Quintilian, St. Hierome, and Seneca; Father of Eloquence with St. Augustine, and to be the only man worthy the name of Poet, with J. C. Scaliger; but of the Geotick, superstitious, and unlawfull. Which certainly had never been layd to the charge of this Ornament of Parnassus, had it not been for a sort of wretched Fabulists who by the excre∣scencies of their pittifull writings have traduc'd him, which yet I know not, whether I ought rather to quarrell with, than these two moderne Authors and some others, quos fama obscura re∣condit who are so light of belief, as to take such impostors for lawfull proofs of a calumny that turnes much more to their prejudice than that of Virgil. For his life is so well known, and whatever he did that were any thing remark∣able, so faithfully preserv'd by a many Authors, that we may well be astonish'd at those, who, at this day, would make use of the forgeries and fabu∣lous inventions of 7. or 8. Barbarian slaves, and the opinions of the populace, to augment the Ca∣talogue of Magicians with the name of this Poet,

and to entertain us with thousands of little stories and fooleries, which, were they true, could do no lesse then make him be reputed one of the most expert that ever was in the Art. But since, on the contrary, they are false and ridiculous, they destroy themselves, there needing no more for their refutation, then to draw them up all to∣gether to find, (it being presupposed that they are all equally to be credited) that Dr. Faustus, Zede∣chias, Trois-eschelles and the most famous Conju∣rers that ever were, have not done any thing com∣parable to what they say Virgil hath, and conse∣quently that they are not to be believ'd unlesse by such as will also grant, that

Omnia jam fient, fieri quae posse negantur, Et nihil est de quo non sit habenda fides.

But having said in the first Chapter of this Apo∣logy that we are endebted to the Monk Helinan∣dus for all these fables, as finding (according to Gesnar, who makes him flourish in the year 1069.) no Author more ancient then he that made any mention thereof, and meeting since with the Col∣lection of the Lives of the White Friers, whose Authour cites Vincent de Beauvais affirming in his mirrour of Hictory that the said Monk liv'd about the year 1209. I am forc'd ingenuously to con∣fesse I was mistaken, and that the first Author of all these extravagances, is, in my judgment no other than that Gervase, who, Theodoric à Niem sayes, was Chancellour to the Emperour Otho III. to whom he presented his Book entituled Ocia Imperatoris. This is a piece fraught with * 1.685 things so absur'd, fabulous & impossible, as I have already observed that▪ I can hardly believe the

man was in his wits when he writt it; and that I wrong him not, I appeal to the Reader. He saies then (not to meldle with any thing but what is to our present purpose) that the wise Virgi set up a Brasen Fly on one of the gates of Naples, which, for the space of 8. years, that it remain'd there, permitted not a fly to enter the said City, That in the same place he caus'd a Shambles to be made, wherein meat never smelt or was the least tainted; that he placed on one of the gates of the same City two great images of Stone, one whereof was said to be handsome and merry, the other sad and de∣formed, having this power, that if any one came in on the side of the former all his affairs prosper∣ed according to his own desires, as he who came on the other, was unfortunate and disappointed in all things; that he set up, on a high mountain near Nap'es, a brazen Statue, having in its mouth a Trumpet which sounded so loud when the North wind blew, that the fire and smoke issuing out of those forges of Vulcan, which are at this day seen near the City of Poussola, were forc'd back towards the Sea, without doing any hurt or injury to the Inhabitants. That it was he made the baths of Calatura di petra bagno & adju∣to di l' homo, with fair inscriptions in Letters of Gold, defac'd since by the Physitians of Salerna who were ttoubled that men should thereby know what diseases every bath could cure. That the same Virgil took such a course that no man could be hurt in that miraculous Vault cut through the mountaine of Pausilippo, to go to Naples; and lastly that he made a publick fire, whereat every one might freely warme himself, near which he had place'd a brasen Archer with his

••••rrow drawne out, and such an inscription, If any one strike me, I will shoot off my arrow. Which a•• length happened, when a certaine foole striking the said Archer, he immediatly shot him with his arrow, and sent him into the fire, which was pre∣sently extinguished.

These impertinences were first transcribed out of this Author by Helinandus the Monk into his Universall Chronicle, and then by an English man * 1.686 one Alexander Neckam a Benedictine Monk, who relates ••ome of the precedent in his book Of the Nature and property of things. To which he addes, that Naples being troubled with an infinite num∣ber of infectious Leaches, it was deliver'd, assoon as Virgil had caus'd a golden one to be cast into a well: that he compass'd his dwelling house and garden (where it never rain'd) with an im∣moveable streame of aire, which was instead of a Wall, and had built in it a brasen bridge, by meanes whereof he went whither he pleas'd. That he had made also a Steeple with such miraculous ar∣tifice, that the Tower wherein it was though, of stone, mov'd in the same manner as a certain bell, that was in it, did, and that both had the same shaking and motion. Besides all which, he had made those Statues call'd the Preservers of Rome, which were watch'd night and day by Priests, for that assoon as any Nation entertain'd any thought of revolting and taking armes against the Romane Empire, immediately the Statue representing that Nation, and adored by it, moved; a bell, it had about the neck rung, and with its finger it pointed at that rebellious nation, in so much that the name of it might it be perceiv'd in wri∣ting, which the Priest carrying to the Emperour,

he immediately rais'd an Army to reduce and qui∣et it.

* 1.687 Nor could this be miss'd by a certaine Anony∣mous Author, who, about 120. years since, un∣dertook to make a collection of the lives of Phi∣losophers and Poets. For coming to speak of Vir∣gil, he confidently sayes, Hic Philosophiâ natu∣rali praeditus etiam Necromanticus fuit & mira quadam arte haec fecisse narratur. Which premis'd, he brings in the forementioned stories, which have been since coppy'd out verbaim out of the Latine Book of that Anonymus, by Symphorianus * 1.688 Champier, and Albertus de Elib, who hath been so indiscreet and simple, as to put them into the second part of his Poeticall Margarite, under the Title of Sentences and Authorities taken out of La∣ertius. Nay not content with that, he hath add∣ed thereto the story of a Roman Curtezan, who having hang'd up Virgil in a basket, half way down a great Tower, he, to be reveng'd of her, put out of all the fire that was in Rome, making it withall impossible to light it again unlesse they took it out of the privy parts of that abusive wo∣man, which yet so taken could not be communi∣cated one to another, so that the whole City was oblig'd to come and visit her. Add yet this like∣ly story was no sooner abroad but one Gratian du Pont thought it worth the inserting into his Con∣troversies of the two Sexes male and female, printed at Thoulouse 1534. as a demonstration of the malice and wickednesse of women.

These fables I thought fit to faggot up together, and that according to the order of those that have maintain'd them, to shew what credit we shold give the great number of Authors affirming the same

thing, without examining the sufficiency and in∣tegrity of him that first advainc'd it. But it would take up abundance of time to search narrowly into the businesse of the Fly and Leach; and it were as much vaine glory as importunity to rake together all that may be said upon Astrologicall stamps and Sculptures, which the Greeks called Stoecheiodes and the Arabians Talismanicks. Such as were those of Constantinople and diverse other such gra∣ven Stones, on which a 1.689 Casaubon, b 1.690 Scaliger, and c 1.691 Camerarius have already made many ex∣cellent and curious observations, either to exa∣mine and refute, as well according to the rules of Polymathy, as Physick and Metaphysick, all the above-recited Stories, which need no other solu∣tion then a good confident Negative. And that the rather, for that Aristotle sayes very well, de fabulosè sophisticantibus non est dignum cum studio * 1.692 intendere; and in the first of his Ethicks, A man should not spend his time so trivially as to refute all sorts of opinions, but only such as have some probability and appearance of reason. Since therefore the relations of these Authors are fitter to entertaine Old wives, Thracians, and Abderties, then to satisfy those who can judge and distin∣guish quid solidum crepet, we will dismisse this crue of Barbarians, such as are rather to be pitti∣ed than censur'd, to satisfie the Authorities of cer∣taine writers of greater reason, and consequent∣ly such as ought to be treated with more respect then the precedent.

Those who read the life of this Poet, thought to be written by Tiberius Donatus, Master to St. Hierome, might haply be somewhat surprised, and be guilty of some litle inclination to believe this

suspicion may be true, in that speaking of Virgil's father, he sayes, Hunc quidam opificem figulum, plures Magi cujusdam viatoris initio mercenarium, mox ob industriam generum tradiderunt. But it * 1.693 were more safe to follow the judgment of Delrio agreeing with that of Lacerda, who will not al∣low that Life, such as we have it now, to have been written by that ancient Donatus. For since he gives not any reason of that criticall censure, I think, were there no other, this very line e∣nough to make us account the whole piece coun∣terfeit and that Donatus would never have com∣mitted * 1.694 an errour, which Crinitus, and others treating of the same subject have avoided. Nor can I imagine that Johannes Sarisberiensis would have mention'd this brasen fly that forc'd away all others from Naples, had it not been, from this story, though fabulous, to draw an excellent morall inscription, and to teach us by the exam∣ple of Augustus, which he hath in the four Chap∣••er of his Book de nugis curialium, that the pub∣lick benefit is to be preferr'd before any private man's advantage and satisfaction. Besides, we are not more oblig'd to believe what he sayes by the way and under the caution of a hearsay, concerning this fly, than what divers Authors have said of so many other places, whence these litle insects were banish'd, that their number might well make us doubt whether they ever were from any. For if we credit the Rabbins, there was not one to be seen in the Slaughter-house where the Beasts were kill'd and prepar'd for sacrifice, though the place was perpetually full of blood and raw hides. If Caelius Rhodiginus, there was not one in the place where the Olympick games were celebra∣ted;

nor yet in the City of Leucade in Acarnania. If Pliny, the Oxe-market at Rome; if Solinus, Hercules's, Temple; if Cardan, a certain house at Venice; if Dr. Gervais, the Refectory of the Abbey of Maillerais in Poictou, were never troubled with any. And lastly, if we credit Fusil, there is but one to be seen all the year long in the Shambles of Toledo in Spaine. And for my part, I think Scaliger did very well to laugh at one of * 1.695 these Fly-drivers who having made a little plate grav'd with diverse figures and Characters, and that under a certain constellation, had no soon∣er plac'd it on a window to try the experience, but one fly more confident than the rest, came and hansell'd it with her ordure.

* 1.696 The third whose authority is somewhat consi∣derable is Tostatus Bishop of Avila, who rankes Virgil among those that practis'd Necromancy, and that because, as he sayes himself, he had read in the 16. Book of Helinandus's Chronolo∣gie, concerning the Fly and Shambles he had made at Naples. To which, not to discourse of the severall wayes there are to preserve diverse things for a long time, and somewhat to excuse this great person, who should have examin'd these two stories before he had believ'd them, I should rather affirme, that all the blame is to be laid on this Helinandus, who hath so faithfully tran∣scrib'd and stollen all these falsities, lyes, and Impostures out of Dr. Gervase into his Chronicle, that he hath made it very much like Euolio's house in Plautus, quae inaniis oppleta est at{que} ara∣neis. Nay I can▪ without passion, affirme, that I never found him cited by any Author, but upon the account of some ridiculous fables; of which citations I could easily produce such a number,

as would more then justifie the truth of what I say, were it as easy to lay them down in few words as it were requisite it should be done.

But since the Authors who have made menti∣on of the Magick of Virgil are so many that they cannot be examin'd one after another without losse of much time and abundance of repetitions, we must imitate the Civilians, who take Autho∣rities per saturam, and so digesting all that re∣maine into one Article, shew, That, a 1.697 Le Loy∣er mades mention of his Eccho, b 1.698 Paracelsus of his Magicall images and figures, c 1.699 Helmoldus of his representation of the City of Naples shut up in a glasse bottle, d 1.700 Sibyllus, and the Authour of the Book entituled the Image of the World, of the head he made to know things to come by; e 1.701 Petrarch, and f 1.702 Theodoric à Niem, of the Vault he made at Naples, at the request of Augustus; g 1.703 Vigenere, of his Alphabet; h 1.704 Trithemius of his Book of Tables and Calculations whereby to find out the Genius's of all persons; and lastly of those who have seen the Cabinet of the Duke of Florence, of an extraordinary great Looking∣glasse which they affirme to be that in which this Poet exercis'd Catoptromancy. To all which there needs no other answer, than that all these Au∣thorities are too young, absur'd, and ill ground∣ed, and consequently too light to outweigh the Generall silence of all Authors that flourish'd during the space of ten Ages, and who certain∣ly were extreamly to blame not to have left us the least observation of all these miracles, if there had been any such thing, since they have given us a faithfull account of a ma∣ny other particularities of lesse consequence.

For what ground is there to imagine that the Emperour Caligula, who did all that lay in his power to suppresse the works of this Latine Ho∣mer, and so many other Zoilus's who have found something to quarrel at, even in the most inconsi∣derable actions of his life, would not have laid hold on a businesse which might have afforded so much fuell to their detraction? Or that the Emperour Augustus, who caus'd all Magicall Books to be burnt, should so far forget and con∣tradict himself as to receive him, being a Magici∣an and Necromancer, into the number of his most intimate friends and favorites? There were certainly as much reason to believe that all Sodo∣mitts * 1.705 tha•• were in the world dy'd the night of our Saviours birth, and that as the famous Civilian Salicetus affirms, Virgil was one of that number.

And yet for what concerns the precedent Au∣thorities, it is not to be imagin'd that Pe∣trarch, Theodoric à Niem, Vigenere, and Trithemi∣us have been so indiscreet as thus basely to pro∣stitute their reputation to the censures and satyrs of those who are not so easily laid asleep with these Fables. For it is certain that whatever they say thereof, hath been only to refute them, and to let us know that they were not so credu∣lous as those others who have furnish'd us with the rest of those Authorities, as such as can no way expiate the fault they have committed in be∣ing so miserably ensnar'd in the cobwebs of Hear∣saies, vagrant reports, and the common opini∣on of the inhabitants of Naples and places ad∣jacent; who have alwaies attributed to the con∣jurations of Virgil whatever seem'd to them ever so little extraordinary & miraculous, and where∣of

they could find out no other beginning. This may be exemplify'd in that admirable cave or grott made in the mountain of Pausilippo near the City of Naples, whereof though Strabo (who liv'd in the time of Scipio, and the taking of Car∣thage, according to Athenaeus, or of Augustus and Tiberius, according to Patricius) make mention as of a thing very ancient; yet the Countrey peo∣ple thereabouts will not be perswaded but that it was made by Virgil, at the importunity of the Emperour Augustus, because the top of the mountrin under which it is cut was so pestred with Serpents and Dragons, that there was not any man so confident as would presume to travel over it. So that the main stress of the business con∣sists now in knowing what gave the first occasion of this suspicion, which certainly can be nothing else but the knowledge of the Mathematicks, wherein Virgil was so excellent, according to the relation of Macrobius, Donatus, Lacerda, and the common consent of all Authors, that, besides his being an eminent Philosopher and well experi∣enc'd in Medicine, it may neverthelesse be affir∣m'd, that the chiefest of his perfections, next to Poesy, was his acquaintance with Astronomy, and other parts of the Mathematicks. And these, having ever been more subject to be charg'd with Magick than any of the other Sciences, have given some occasion to these unsettled minds to be con∣firm'd in that erroneous opinion they had before entertain'd of him, by reason of his Pharmaceu∣tria, or eighth Eclogue where he hath so learned∣ly represented▪ as Apuleius affirms, vittas molles, et verbenas pingues, et thura mascula et ••icia disco∣lora, and whatever relates to Magick, that it

would have been very much if he had avoided the suspicion of the practise thereof, especially from those, whom ignorance and the barbarism of the Ages they liv'd in, would not suffer to know that he had translated it word for word out of Theocritus. To which number we may adde some others who are so stupid as not to know what advantages a great Wit can make of these fictions and embelishments, which certain∣ly should no more prejudice Virgil, than the sor∣ceries of Circe have done Homer; of Medea, Se∣neca; of Canidia, Horace; of Ericthon, Lucan; of Tiresias, Statius; of the Thessalian women, Lucian, and Apuleius; of the old Witch, Heliodo∣rus; of Maeffalina, Coccaius; of Angelica, Ariosto; of Armida, Tasso; or lastly Mandraca, the Au∣thor of Astrea. Whence it is evident to any one, that, from this Chapter, may be drawn a most favourable conclusion for all those great per∣sons for whom we have made this Apology; and that if so many fables, frivolous suspicions and sleight perswasions have found entertainment in the stragling imaginations of those who will needs quarrel with common sense and the opini∣on of all the world, to make Virgil a Magician, what I have produc'd before, as also all that hath been said against Zoroastes, Pythagoras, Numa Pompilius, Democritus, Albertus Magnus, and the rest that have been brought upon the stage and vindicated, should no way derogate from their reputation, nor give any other impression of their learning and deportment than such as we ought to have of such as have been

Magnanimi Heroes, nati melioribus annis,

and indeed so innocent as to these superstitions and fooleries, that their memory ought to be freed from the least suspicion of their ever having any hand therein.

CHAP. XXII.

By what means all these erroneous opinions are main∣tain'd, and what may be expected from them, if not suppress'd.

HAving through all the precedent Chapters, both by general and particular reasons, shewn how it might come to passe that so emi∣nent and extraordinary persons have been charg'd with Magick, and consequently deduc'd all I thought requisite for their vindication; I think there cannot any thing be now expected from me, save that, by way of conclusion to this Apo∣logy, I should specifie the true causes and several occasions whereby these calumnies are enter∣tain'd and gain reputation daily, and what preju∣dice and inconvenience (if some course be not taken) they will do as well the Authors, who maintain them, as what is to be truly believ'd concerning Magicians, and what order is to be taken for the punishment of those whom their sorceries and misdeeds discover and declare to be such. For the former, me thinks the several cau∣ses of such a suspicion may be reduc'd principally to three. The first is, that all the world is perswa∣ded, and satisfy'd, that the strongest proof and

greatest assurance that can be had of Truth, de∣pends on a general consent and universal appro∣bation, which, as Aristotle in the seventh of his Ethicks, affirms, cannot be absolutely false and fained; besides that it is a thing very plausible, & hath a great shew of goodness & justice to follow the track that's approved by all. Hence it comes to passe, that the ••ast that come to the businesse of writing and books, as well other Authors, as Daemonographers, grounding what they do on this Maxime, never mind the examination of what they find believ'd, and allow'd for true by their Predecessors, and those who have written before them upon the same subject. So that what was false in them, spreads by this contagious ap∣probation and applause, though not proceeding from judgement and the knowledge of the cause, but meerly to second him that first led the dance, without ever considering that he who would be a wise and discreet Judge, ought very much to suspect what ever the people, that pessimus veri∣tatis interpres, is most taken with, and is appro∣ved * 1.706 by the greatest number, taking good heed that he be not carried away with the current of common & popular opinions. Nay▪ he is to be the more circumspect in this point, because the great∣est part is commonly the worst, the number of Fools infinite, infection most dangerous, and most to be fear'd in a throng, the most beaten way the most easily deceives a man, that the wise man saies, qui cit•• credit levis est corde; and that * 1.707 it is most certain, that when we are sway'd by ex∣ample and custome, without consulting reason, desert, and truth, we slip and fall one upon ano∣ther,

forfeit our reputation, run into precipices, and, in a word alienis perimus exemplis.

The second general Cause is, that the greatest part of those who employ themselves in the com∣position and evulgation of some piece, such as they are able to work out, do commonly flatter themselves into a perswasion of such things, that they may do their business with greatest ease. And as they write not so much for any benefit to the publick, to oblige it by an exact anatomy of Truth, as out of some motive of vanity or ambi∣tion or to comply with that necessity which for∣ces them to satisfie famem non famam, as Thuanus saies; so is it their custome to go to work as slightly and as cheap as possibly they can, not troubling themselves with a long and difficult evolution of the first Authors, or searching into the occasions they had to scatter all these fables & calumnies; nor racking their judgement with the consideration of those circumstances which should oblige them to ruminate, recollect, and re∣flect on things, so as to bring them to the grand Test of Reason, and thence draw solid and certain resolutions. And here certainly they much dis∣cover their weaknesse, and, because the advanta∣ges they derive from Nature are very slender, shew, how they are led away by example, groping after things by hear-saies and conjectures, with∣out ever sifting or examining them as they ought, especially in this Age, which is more fit to refine and sharpen mens judgements, then all the pre∣cedent put together were, by reason of the great revolutions that now happen, through the disco∣very of a new world, the disturbances occasion'd

by Religion, the restauration of Letters, the de∣clination of Sects and ancient opinions and so many strange inventions and artifices; insomuch that Salomon might now, more truly than ever, say, Doth not wisdom cry? and understanding * 1.708 put forth her voice? She standeth on the top of high places, by the way in the places of the paths. She cryeth at the Gates, at the entring of the City, at the com∣ming in at the Doors. Whence it may be inferrd, that there never was a more favourable conjun∣cture than that of the present, to raise mens minds out of the Lethargy they are in, and enli∣ven them to a retractation, and so to a contempt of abundance of false and absurd opinions; were they not, for the reasons before mentioned, in∣different as to the eternizing their memories by the quality of their writings, out of a conceit that they gain reputation enough by the quantity, thereof, which they can swell up as they please, without much trouble or difficulty, with the assistance of a Method, devoutly observ'd of tran∣scribing word for word▪ whatever hath been said a hundred and a hundred times over by others.

And to do this, they are much oblig'd to the third and last cause of the propagation of all these falsities, which is a Custome lately introduc'd, of making ostentation of Polymathy or great rea∣ding, speaking on any sub••ect of all things, and upon any occasion of all subjects, as if there were no other design in writing than to collect and faggot together all, that may be said, and with all what hath ever been said on the subject then to be treated of; it being not the question who hits

the mark, but who makes most shots. So that it is not to be admir'd if those who exactly observe such a method, are, like Marchants that take up all, burthen'd with many things of no value, and such as only corrupt and disparage others, which would be much more in request and reputation, were they cull'd out of the Chaos and confusion of those great Volums. It is certainly a strange thing, that Delrio, Le Loyer, Bodin, de Lancre, Go∣delman, who have been, nay yet are, persons of credit and desert should write so passionately up∣on the subject of Daemons, Sorcerers and Magici∣ans, as never to reject any Story, though ever so fabulous and ridiculous, of all those false and ab∣surd ones, which they have without any discre∣tion shufled in among the true and legitimate. Nay had they no more than what we have refu∣ted, it were enough to prejudice and discredit the truth of the rest, since that, as St. Augustine * 1.709 well observes Solent res gestae aspersione mendaci∣orum in fabulas verti, and as St Hierome, Lyers are not believ'd when they speak truth: witnesse Aesops herd-boy, who had so often call'd for help against the Wolf when there was no need, that he was neither believ'd nor assisted by any when afterwards he playd the Tyrant in his Flock.

So that if we obey the precept of Cassiodorus * 1.710 who saies, that instructus redditur animus in futu∣ris, quando▪ praeteritorum commovetur exemplis, we may, to resolve the second point propos'd, ve∣ry probably inferr that all the ridiculous stories, fables and manifest untruths, which these Au∣thors suffer so easily to slip into their writings, will infallibly turn to their prejudice, and, which

is worse, to a mistrust of the truth of the subject they treat of, whenever some more free and un∣confin'd wit, shall be pleas'd to examine things with much more diligence and circumspection than the Demonographers do. Thus have those of the Reformation within the last Century, made use of the Catholicks armes against themselves, by bringing upon the stage the stories of the Gol∣den Legend, the Apparitions of Tyndal, the Sermons of Maillart, Menot, & Barlette, & such other pieces written with no lesse superstition than simplicity, to confirm themselves in the opinion they hold of the nullity and falsity of their Miracles. Thus hath the learned and judicious Ludovicus a 1.711 Vives, and after him Ramus, and the moderne Philosophers, took no other course to ruine and level that Labyrinth of frivolous difficulties, comprehended under the title of Parva Logica∣lia, than to make a full discovery of the imperti∣nencies, flatness, and extravagance of all those fooleries of Suppositions, Ampliations, Restricti∣ons, Sophisms, Obligations, Appellations, and other subtilties much more trivial and ridicu∣lous. And yet these were in such reputation for the space of 400 years, that they found work enough for those who were accounted the great∣est Sophists and Philosophers in the world, such as, in comparison of whom, Cassiodorus and St. Augustine understood nothing, as many are per∣swaded, of Dialectick, because they have not, in the precepts they have left us thereof, made any mention of the Chimaera, Antichrist, Sortes, Buridan's Asse, Nullus et Nemo. But these, toge∣ther with all those frivolous rubricks and sophi∣stications

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have been so fortunately levell'd with the ground, by the foresaid Vives, that they are banish'd both out of the Schools and the memo∣ry of men, with as much confusion and contempt, as they had bin introduc'd & maintain'd with ap-Spain, who the time of Lombard, and Peter of plause, from were the two first Authors and Pro∣moters of this excellent kind of Dialectick.

The result of all this, then, will be, that those who can make better advantages of what they read and learn than the slaves of Pedantism do, and who are so industrious as to judge of things to come, by a consideration of what are past, may by these examples easily fore-see, That the writings of Demonographers, hydropical∣ly blown up with so many fables as almost stiflle the truth, are threatned with the accomplish∣ment in them▪ of Paterculus's saying, Naturali••er quod procedere non potest, recidit; and will prove like that great Colossus of Rhodes, which was ru∣in'd only by its own vast and prodigious height, or those great Edifices, which make the very found••tions crack by the weight of their super∣structures. And indeed experience teaches us that there is nothing more dangerous than to shuffle old wives tales, and relations that are doubtful, if not apparently false, among things of consequence: for the more circumspect part of mankind not able to credit, nay not to admit them, it often happens, that the vulgar, who hath not the ability to judge of things by them∣selves, is lead away by the opinion of those whom it esteems the most prudent, and, is perswaded, understand them much better. So that being by

their example once arriv'd to so much confi∣dence as to sleight and carp at any one of those stories and opinions it had sometimes held for true, it presently jumps into an equall uncer∣tainty and contempt of all those others for which it had not greater authority and better grounds than they had for those that were dis∣carded,

Nam ••upidè conculcatur nimis ant•• metutum.

It were therefore much to be wish'd, as well for the reputation of our Demonographers, as the maintenance & explanation of the truth of the Subject they treat of, that they would be hence forward more cautious than to advance any Histo∣ry or Authority before they have diligently exa∣mined all circumstances, and would afford all things their true worth and weight. So doing shall they not be led into a disadvantageous opi∣nion of any one but upon good ground, nor with∣out reason advance these frivolous accusations, fraught with nought but wind and forgery, since that when they come to be narrowly examin'd, and the truth thereof discuss'd, it commonly happens that they prove meer Calumnies, weakly-grounded suspicions, and indeed but vaine, light and inconsiderate words▪ which the Devill doth insensibly im∣pose on the good names of the innocent, to the end they may one day prove occasions that

that men shall not be able to discern and punish the guilty.

Lucret. l. 1. Verùm animo satis haec vestigia parva sagaci Sunt▪ per quae possis cognoscere caetera tutè.

FINIS.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Lib. 5. de tradendis •• disciplinis.
• b 1.2

  Virg. Geor. 4.
• c 1.3

  Nao∣georgus, Sat. 1.
• d 1.4

  Flor▪ de Remond. c. 13. of Pope Joan.
• e 1.5

  Prudent. in Symach.
• e 1.6

  Ae••••as Sylvius.
• a 1.7

  Alciat Embl. 187.
• b 1.8

  Epist. 29.
• c 1.9

  Ovid. Met. 1.
• * 1.10

  Lib. 30. cap. 1.
• d 1.11

  In 13. Ezech.
• e 1.12

  Exercit. 327. nu. 3.
• * 1.13

  Agrip. de vanit▪ c. 45
• * 1.14

  Apul. in Apolog.
• * 1.15

  Exo. 20. 5.
• * 1.16

  Scalig. Exer. 327. num. 3.
• i 1.17

  De Relig. Christ. c. 30.
• k 1.18

  Cont. Gent. l. 1.
• * 1.19

  in Alcib▪ ct in Car∣mide.
• * 1.20

  De sing. cert l. 29. fol. 517.
• * 1.21

  See. Ep ist 33.
• * 1.22

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.23

  De Divis. Scien.
• * 1.24

  Montaigne.
• * 1.25

  Heracl. in frag. de po∣liticis.
• * 1.26

  Cassiodor. lib. 4. var. Epist. 22.
• * 1.27

  5. Rer. ju∣dic.
• * 1.28

  Libr. 4. Dec. 1.
• * 1.29

  Nouveau C••née pag. 102.
• * 1.30

  De Sapient. Lib. 5.
• * 1.31

  Lib. 1. Dis. ••3.
• * 1.32

  Tertul. in Apol. cap. ••5.
• * 1.33

  Alan. de Insulis.
• * 1.34

  Reuclin. de Art caba∣list.
• * 1.35

  ••. Tim▪ c. 3.
• * 1.36

  Liv. 6.
• * 1.37

  Lege. 7. Cod. de malef et Mathem.
• * 1.38

  Apolog. 1.
• * 1.39

  Cap. 17. de ratione cu∣randi per sang. missi∣onem.
• * 1.40

  Ad cap. 2. Daniel.
• * 1.41

  Apul. Apo∣log. 1.
• * 1.42

  In vita Ni∣ci••.
• * 1.43

  in Epist.
• * 1.44

  Plat. lib. de Daemone Socrat:
• * 1.45

  Lib. 3. de fals•• sapi∣entia, c. 23.
• * 1.46

  Aventinus, lib. 3. An∣nal. Boio••.
• * 1.47

  Initio Dialect.
• * 1.48

  1. De Con∣sol. Philo∣soph. pros••▪ 4.
• * 1.49

  Plaut. in T••uc.
• * 1.50

  Lib. 3. in∣staur. mag.
• * 1.51

  De vita beata.
• e 1.52

  Eph. 45. l. 1. var. Metal. c. 24. in Encom. Art. liberal▪
• * 1.53

  De Mag. l. 1. cap. 9▪
• * 1.54

  Epist. 45. lib. 1. var.
• * 1.55

  Du Bartas. 1. Week. 6. day.
• * 1.56

  Cassiod l. •• var. Ep ••5
• * 1.57

  l. ult. c. ult. adv. Astro∣log.
• * 1.58

  Metam. lib. 2.
• * 1.59

  lib. de Ido∣lolat.
• * 1.60

  lib. 1▪ c. 9▪
• * 1.61

  Origen. hom. 3. Hierom▪
• * 1.62

  Steph. For∣cat▪ in Prometheo▪
• * 1.63

  Cap. 2. Phi∣lobiblii.
• * 1.64

  Sarisber. Polycrat. l. 1. c. 18.
• * 1.65

  Vulpian▪
• * 1.66

  Disquis. de magicis a••tionib.
• * 1.67

  De Vanit. Scient. cap. 45.
• * 1.68

  De praest. Lib. 2. Cap. 5.
• * 1.69

  l. 1. adv. Astrolog.
• * 1.70

  Cic. de di∣vin. l. 1.
• * 1.71

  C. 4. Com∣ment. in Sphaeram. cap. 17▪ lib. 2. Polycrat.
• * 1.72

  ••dve••. Astrolog. lib. 1.
• * 1.73

  Francis c. lib. 5. cap. 6. Antip. l. 1.
• * 1.74

  Lib. 4. Ex∣amin. va∣nit. doctri∣nae gent.
• * 1.75

  I. 4. c. 6. De rectâ rat. Philo∣soph.
• * 1.76

  Discuss. Peripat. Tom. 1. l. 3.
• * 1.77

  Comment. in lib. Hipp. de ••at. huma∣na.
• * 1.78

  Discuss. peripat. Tom. 1. l. 3.
• * 1.79

  Lips. de co••••taa.
• * 1.80

  De pr••scrip. Cap. 43.
• * 1.81

  De anima, cap. 57.
• * 1.82

  Disquisit. mag. in p••o∣log.
• * 1.83

  lib. de Dae∣mon.
• * 1.84

  Life of Charle∣maigne.
• * 1.85

  Pitheus in Galfred•• Mon.
• * 1.86

  In Philo-Pseude.
• * 1.87

  Metalog. l. 2. c. 7.
• l 1.88

  in cata•••• go. in B••••li∣oth. Theo∣log.
• m 1.89

  Fo••mica∣rii. lib. 5. c. 3
• * 1.90

  K. James. In lib. de strigib.
• * 1.91

  In judicio librorum ••••dini.
• * 1.92

  Ammiam. Mar••ellin▪
• * 1.93

  Ci••. de nat. deor. l. 1.
• c 1.94

  Collat. 8. c. 21. Lib. 2. divin. In∣stit.

  De idolor. Vanit.
• * 1.95

  Praep. Evang. l. 5. c. 7.
• * 1.96

  Lib. 30. c. 1, 2.
• * 1.97

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.98

  Praep. E∣vang.
• * 1.99

  De Mag. l. 1. c. 13.
• * 1.100

  Hister. l. 2. Serm. 2.
• * 1.101

  Li••. de ge∣nit. animae, è Timaeo.
• * 1.102

  1. Stro∣••iat.
• * 1.103

  Bulenger Ecl••••. ad Arnob. c. 5.
• * 1.104

  Lib. 18. c. 19.
• * 1.105

  Lib. de o∣rigine ani∣mae, è Ti∣maeo.
• * 1.106

  In Gallicis.
• * 1.107

  In Magia Philosophi∣ca.
• * 1.108

  Lib. 3.
• * 1.109

  Fol. 76.
• * 1.110

  In Magia Philosoph.
• * 1.111

  De Mag. c. 13.
• * 1.112

  H••res. 55.
• a 1.113

  Lib. 1. Polit.
• b 1.114

  Lib. 5. de tradend. discipl.
• c 1.115

  Lib. 18. c. 1. de Ci∣vit.
• d 1.116

  Qu. 5. de repar. temp. Hieros.
• e 1.117

  Syntag. 4. de Diis Gentium.
• f 1.118

  Lib, inte∣gro, Romae Ed••t. 1560
• g 1.119

  Lib. 2. de lo••. Tb••ol.
• h 1.120

  Lib. de o∣rigin••••. he••r. sol. 20 & 222.
• * 1.121

  Lib. 3. c. 1.
• † 1.122

  Daemon. l. 2. cap. 2.
• * 1.123

  Disq. Ma∣gic. l. 1. c. 3.
• * 1.124

  In divinar. Instit. l. 5. c. 3.
• n 1.125

  Pererius in Genes. l. 14. c. 1. vers. 17. & Genebrar. l. 1. Chro∣nolog.
• o 1.126

  In forta∣litio fidei, l. 3. p. 204.
• p 1.127

  Ibidem.
• * 1.128

  In epist. ad Marsil. Ficin.
• * 1.129

  In Alcibia∣de.
• s 1.130

  De Reg. Pers••r. l. 2.
• t 1.131

  Eclog. ad Arnob. cap. 5▪ 6.
• u 1.132

  Convi∣vior. l. 2.
• x 1.133

  Philo soph. Bar∣varicae. l. 1.
• * 1.134

  Lib. de Sep∣timestri. partu.
• * 1.135

  Eclog. 4.
• * 1.136

  Aphoris. ••3. Sect. 1.
• * 1.137

  Lib. 7. c. 1••.
• * 1.138

  Isagogicae tractat. Sect. 2. c. 2.
• * 1.139

  Cap. 57.
• b 1.140

  2. Florid.
• c 1.141

  Ad c. 2. Dan.
• d 1.142

  Homil. 3. in Hi••∣rem.
• e 1.143

  Lib. 2. eleg. 5.
• f 1.144

  De Divi∣nat.
• g 1.145

  In Con∣viv.
• h 1.146

  In Ma∣gia Philo∣soph.
• i 1.147

  Gen. 12▪
• k 1.148

  In Epino∣mide▪
• * 1.149

  Lib. 2. c. 6.
• m 1.150

  Civit. d••i. Lib. 18. c. 14.
• n 1.151

  Aeneid. 6
• o 1.152

  Praep. Evang. Lib. 2. c. 2.
• p 1.153

  Orat ex∣hortat. ad ventes.
• q 1.154

  Apolog. pro Christi∣an▪
• * 1.155

  Sympos. l. 2. qu. 3.
• s 1.156

  Lib. cont Faustum Manch.
• t 1.157

  Praep. Evan. l. 13.
• u 1.158

  Lib. de animi im∣mortalitate.
• x 1.159

  in apolog. et in con∣clus.
• y 1.160

  Comment. in Quintil. Lib. 1.
• z 1.161

  H••b. do∣mad. l. 7.
• a 1.162

  Lib. 10. de perenni Philosoph. c. 7. lic. 2.
• * 1.163

  In Post. El••∣acis.
• * 1.164

  Lib. 4. c. 3.
• * 1.165

  Daemonom. l. 1. c. 5.
• * 1.166

  De Spectris l. 4. c. 3.
• * 1.167

  In Orat. de corona.
• h 1.168

  De Syra Dea.
• i 1.169

  Lib. 1.
• k 1.170

  Praep. Evang. Lib. 2. c. 1.
• * 1.171

  Tit. Liv. Dec. 4. l. 9.
• * 1.172

  Phlegon. lib. de mi∣rabilibus. Plin. l. 7. c. 52. Bern. Serm. 2. de Virg.
• * 1.173

  ••siodor. ••ar. Epist. ••. ep. 31.
• o 1.174

  Orat. de Homero.
• p 1.175

  De Gene∣al. Deorum.
• q 1.176

  Lib. 2. ep. 41.
• r 1.177

  Lib. 3 in somn. Scip. c. 3.
• s 1.178

  Lib. 1. c. 10.
• t 1.179

  Hebde∣madum, l. 4. c. 6.
• * 1.180

  Apolog. 2.
• * 1.181

  Lib. de Spectris.
• * 1.182

  Lib. de Deo Socratis.
• * 1.183

  Praefat. in Apolog.
• * 1.184

  Geogr. l. 10
• * 1.185

  Nat. quaest. cap. 14.
• * 1.186

  Lib. 22. c. 2.
• * 1.187

  Lib. 2. vari∣ar▪ ep. 40.
• * 1.188

  Lib. 30, c. 1.
• * 1.189

  Lib. de au∣diendo.
• * 1.190

  Apud. Florid. 2.
• * 1.191

  Lib. 1. c. 9.
• * 1.192

  Lib. 2. Florid.
• e 1.193

  Lib. 9.
• f 1.194

  2. Florid.
• * 1.195

  In Lueullo.
• h 1.196

  Lib. de Iside & Osiride.
• i 1.197

  Epist. lib. 5.
• k 1.198

  Aristox∣enus apud Diogen.

  Pol▪ Virgil. ex Diog. l. 1. c. 19.
• * 1.199

  Apollodor. Supputator apud Dio∣gen.
• m 1.200

  In som∣no Scip. lib. 2. Cap. 1.
• n 1.201

  Musicae l. 1. c. 10.
• o 1.202

  In com∣pendio Ti∣m••i.
• p 1.203

  Musicae l. 1. c. 8.
• q 1.204

  Epistol. l. 5. s. ••0.
• r 1.205

  Lib. 14. Dcipnosoph. Serm. 21.
• s 1.206

  Au Dia∣long. 2. du solitaire.
• * 1.207

  Lib. 20.
• * 1.208

  Nat. hist. l. 2.
• * 1.209

  Plac. ••hil. l. 1.
• * 1.210

  De nat deor. 1.
• * 1.211

  In the trea∣tise, of Phi∣losophers conversing▪ with Prin∣ces▪
• * 1.212

  Cic. Tuse. qu. 4.
• * 1.213

  Epist. 65.
• c 1.214

  Cap. 13, 16, 28.
• d 1.215

  Lib. 24. c. 17. & 30
• e 1.216

  Lib. de Anim. c. 1.
• f 1.217

  Adv. Cel∣sum.
• g 1.218

  De civit. Dei, lib. 7. c. 35.
• h 1.219

  Lib. 21. Histor.
• i 1.220

  Lib. 3. Metalog. c. 1.
• * 1.221

  De art. Ca∣bal••. 2.
• * 1.222

  Rhodigin. l. 19▪ c. 7.
• * 1.223

  Cap. 2. & 8.
• * 1.224

  Lib. 6. de simp. med. facul.
• * 1.225

  C. 19. fol. 323.
• * 1.226

  Hist. nat. l. 24. c. 17.
• r 1.227

  Lib. de bituminib.
• s 1.228

  Lib. de Subterra∣neis.
• * 1.229

  Cap. 19.
• u 1.230

  Lib. 4. de sensu.
• x 1.231

  Occult. Phil. l. 1. c. 6.
• y 1.232

  Mythol. l. 3. c. 1, 7.
• * 1.233

  Vit. Numa.
• * 1.234

  Lib. 3. epist. f. 41.
• * 1.235

  Lib. 1. c. 5. quaest. 1. sect. 1.
• c 1.236

  Var. hist. l. 2.
• d 1.237

  Cont. Celsum, l. 6
• * 1.238

  Cap. 5. & 7.
• * 1.239

  In vit. Py∣thag.
• * 1.240

  Vit Numa▪
• * 1.241

  Ammian Marcell.
• * 1.242

  Gen. 1.
• * 1.243

  Discuss. pe∣ripat.

  Lib 1. l. 3. Vit. Numae.
• * 1.244

  Lib. 19. c. 7.
• n 1.245

  De En∣salmis▪ Sect. 1. c. 1. art. 14. & Sect. 2. c. 2. art 13.
• o 1.246

  In Hie∣roglyph. tit. bono∣rum obse∣quium.
• p 1.247

  Lib. 2. contradict. tract. 2. contrad. 7.
• q 1.248

  Tom. 1. tract. 2. part. 1.
• r 1.249

  Lib. 1. & 8. Micro∣cos. at the end of his Geomancy.
• s 1.250

  Antipali. Malef. l. 1. c. 3.
• t 1.251

  Lib. 2. Epis. Ma∣thema.
• * 1.252

  Epist. 4.
• * 1.253

  Montaigne l. 2. c. 2.
• * 1.254

  Metam. 15.
• * 1.255

  Lib. 1.
• d 1.256

  Antiq. Rom. lib. ••.
• e 1.257

  Vit. Nu∣ma.
• f 1.258

  Lib. 19. c. 8. antiq. ••ect.
• g 1.259

  De prin∣cipiis rer. natur. in Pythag.
• d 1.260

  Lib. 2.
• e 1.261

  Lib. 2. Antiq. Ro∣man.▪
• f 1.262

  In vit. Numae.
• g 1.263

  Dec. 1. l. 1.
• h 1.264

  De orig. Etrur. f. 139.
• * 1.265

  Initio, l. 5.
• * 1.266

  De Civit. D••i, l. 3. c. 35.
• * 1.267

  Divinar. Instit. l. 1. c. 22.
• m 1.268

  Lib. 2. c. 5.
• * 1.269

  Vit. Numae.
• * 1.270

  Antiq. Ro∣man. l▪ 2.
• * 1.271

  Lib. ••
• * 1.272

  Lib. 21▪
• * 1.273

  De trad. disciplinis, l. 5. f. 38.
• s 1.274

  De spectr. l. 2. c. 5.
• t 1.275

  Disquisit. Magic. l. 2. qu. 9.
• * 1.276

  Antiq. Roman. l. 2.
• * 1.277

  In com∣mentar. ad 3. Plinii capita de papyro memb.
• y 1.278

  Vit Nu∣mae.
• z 1.279

  Dec. 4. l. ult.
• a 1.280

  Apud Plin. l. 13. c. 13.
• b 1.281

  Ibidem.
• c 1.282

  Divinar. instit. c. 22.
• d 1.283

  Apud▪ D. August. de civit. Dei. l. 7. c. 34.
• e 1.284

  Apud Plin citato in vit. Nu∣ma.
• * 1.285

  Petron. in fragm.
• * 1.286

  Lib. 1. c. 11.
• h 1.287

  Lib. 17. c. 21.
• i 1.288

  Dec. 4. l. Vlt.
• * 1.289

  Hor. de art. poet.
• a 1.290

  Quintil. Declam. 18. in Libanii. mania.
• b 1.291

  Alchymiae expugnatae, l. 2. c. ••6.
• c 1.292

  De con∣sensu. l. c. 3.
• d 1.293

  Variar. lect. l. 4. c. 9.
• * 1.294

  Exercit. ad Annal Bar. Diatr. 10.
• f 1.295

  In Bibi∣otheca.
• g 1.296

  Discuss. perip. Tom. 1. l. 24.
• h 1.297

  In Philo∣soph Poe∣turâ.
• i 1.298

  Apolog. c. 46.
• k 1.299

  Lib. 10. c. 17.
• l 1.300

  Lib. de curiositia••.
• * 1.301

  In proble∣mat. Gelli∣an. prob. 72.
• * 1.302

  Divinar. instit. l. 3. ••. 8.
• * 1.303

  Plin. in Epist.
• * 1.304

  Lib. 30. c. ••
• * 1.305

  Lib. 2. c. 1••.
• * 1.306

  Lib. 24. c. 17.
• * 1.307

  Lib. 28.
• * 1.308

  Lib. 30. c. 1.
• * 1.309

  Lib 2. qu. 9. & 11.
• * 1.310

  Lib. 10.
• * 1.311

  c. 12. 17.
• * 1.312

  Lib▪ de vita Apollon. c. 2.
• * 1.313

  Lib. 30. c. 1.
• * 1.314

  Lib. 10. c. 12.
• f 1.315

  Observat. l. 10. c 19.
• h 1.316

  Adver∣sar. l. 9. c. 3.
• i 1.317

  Cap. 9.
• * 1.318

  Delictor Magic. l. 2. c. 2. art. 2.
• * 1.319

  Lucian. in Philops••ud
• * 1.320

  Imperat.

  Julian. in Epist.
• * 1.321

  Glycas An∣nal. p. 4. f. 415.
• * 1.322

  Rer. recon∣d tar. l. 2. c. 1, & 2.
• * 1.323

  Lib. 6. de loois affe∣ctis, c. 5. in voce 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.324

  Antrop. l. 13 c. 3. lib. de Di∣vinat.
• * 1.325

  Lib. 8. e∣pist. 3.
• * 1.326

  Ep. 103.
• * 1.327

  Qu. 24.
• * 1.328

  Quaest. in S. Script. 23.
• * 1.329

  In D. Au∣reliano, e∣pist. 3. l. 8.
• * 1.330

  Euseb. in Hieroclem.
• * 1.331

  Lib. 1. c. 3. l. 2. c. 2.
• * 1.332

  In Divo Aureliano.
• * 1.333

  In notis ad Vopiscum.
• * 1.334

  Lib. 1. c. 3, 4, 7, 9, 19. l. 2. c. 2. l. 4. c. 1, 6, 16. l. 8. c. 5.
• * 1.335

  De rerum praenot. l. 7. c. 10.
• * 1.336

  Adversus Hieroclem.
• * 1.337

  Ci••. in Pa∣radox••s.
• * 1.338

  De apparit▪ Spirit. c. 14. num. 346.
• * 1.339

  Quadrip. l. 4. c. 13. textu. 18.
• * 1.340

  Lib. de Deo Socrat.
• d 1.341

  Lib. de Myster.

  Aegypt.
• e 1.342

  Comment in Phaedo••▪
• * 1.343

  Lib. de an∣imâ et Dae∣mone.
• * 1.344

  De Deo So∣crat.
• * 1.345

  De sact. & dict. Socrat. in Theage.
• * 1.346

  Passerat. in Poemat. de nihilo.
• * 1.347

  Lib▪ 14. c. 3.
• * 1.348

  Lib. de deo Socratis.
• o 1.349

  Ibidem.
• p 1.350

  Divinar Lib. 2. c. 14.
• q 1.351

  In Apo∣log.
• r 1.352

  In Theage
• s 1.353

  De Deo. Socr.
• t 1.354

  S••rmonib. 26. 27.
• u 1.355

  De in∣cantationi∣bus, c. 11.
• x 1.356

  Essayes. l. 1. Chap. 11.
• y 1.357

  Apul. de deo Socr.
• z 1.358

  A••oc. 19. 20.
• a 1.359

  Gen▪ 18▪ 2.
• * 1.360

  Lib. 13. de immort.
• * 1.361

  In Biblioth. lib. de Scrip torib▪ Ecclesiast.
• * 1.362

  De art. Poel.
• e 1.363

  De subti∣lit. l. 19.
• f 1.364

  Quodli∣bet. 3. quaest. 8. ex ejus com∣ment. in lih. Meteor.
• g 1.365

  Quaest. de Daemonib. art. 1.
• h 1.366

  Parte. 2. partis de universo spiritu.
• i 1.367

  De incan∣tation. c. 10
• k 1.368

  Lib. 19. de subtil. et l. 6. de variet c. 93.
• l 1.369

  In Aca∣demic. con∣templ.
• m 1.370

  Comment in Fernel. l. 1. de abdi∣tis. c. 11.
• n 1.371

  Lib. de Daemon. c. 3
• o 1.372

  Lib. 29. de singul. certam. p. 519.
• p 1.373

  Comment▪ on that place.
• q 1.374

  In cap. 13. Alcinoi digress. 4. pag. 338.
• * 1.375

  Cap. 7. lib. de investig. Daemon.
• s 1.376

  1. Secundae quaest. 109. ••rt. 1.
• s 1.377

  In proaem. de vit. Philosoph.
• t 1.378

  11. Part. de universo spirit.

  Cap. 92. 153. & 2. part. c. 6.
• * 1.379

  Lib. de En∣sal. Sect. 2. c. 3. n. 19.
• * 1.380

  Sect. 2. c. 2▪ num. 20.
• y 1.381

  Tom. 2. tract. 25 sect. 3.
• z 1.382

  Lib. 2. de comparat. Aristot. & Platonis.
• a 1.383

  Apud Si∣byllam 1. Decad. Pe∣regr. quaest. cap. 8. qu. 1. quaestiun∣cula 4.
• * 1.384

  In addit. 2. ad Trithe∣mium.
• * 1.385

  Virgil. Aeneid. 2.
• * 1.386

  In notis ad Psellum de Daemo∣nib.
• * 1.387

  Lib. de le∣gib. c. 28▪
• * 1.388

  Antipali malef. l. 1▪ c. 3.
• * 1.389

  Lib. 3. c. 15. adversus Calumniat. Platon.
• * 1.390

  1 Part. qu. 32. art. 1.
• * 1.391

  1 Part, 2. c. 20.
• k 1.392

  Lib. de Incantat.
• l 1.393

  Contra∣dict. 6. tract. 2. lib. 2. con∣tradict.
• m 1.394

  Lib. 29. de singul. certamine.
• n 1.395

  Lib. 3. de curat. Grae∣canic. af∣fect.
• o 1.396

  Praep. Evang. l. 5. c. 6.
• * 1.397

  Timo 3. in Valent.
• * 1.398

  Histor. lib. 26.
• * 1.399

  Lib. de vi∣tis Sophi∣star. in Iamblico.
• * 1.400

  De Subtili∣•• at. l. 19.
• * 1.401

  Disquisit. l. 1. c. 3.
• * 1.402

  Lib. 2. c. 30.
• * 1.403

  In his Dae∣mon••ma∣niae
• y 1.404

  Comment∣in disput. 3. destruct. quaest. An Necroman∣tia sit vera▪
• * 1.405

  Lib. 3. cap. 26.
• * 1.406

  Lib. 16. c. 93.
• * 1.407

  Lib. 30. c. 1.
• * 1.408

  Ecclus. c. 38
• c 1.409

  Lib. 2. de spectr. c. 6.
• d 1.410

  De divi∣na. c. 1.
• e 1.411

  Disquis. Mag. l. 1. c. 3.
• f 1.412

  De prae∣stig. l. 2. Lib. 3.
• * 1.413

  Quodlibet. 9.
• * 1.414

  De subtil. l. 16.
• * 1.415

  Disquis. l. 1. c. 3.
• * 1.416

  Lib. de po∣testate ar∣tis & na∣turae, c. 3.
• * 1.417

  Variar. l. 19. Epist. 5.
• * 1.418

  Antipal. l. 1. c. 3.
• * 1.419

  In his Cy∣phers. fol. 118.
• a 1.420

  Descrip. of Africa. Bibliothec. part. 2.
• b 1.421

  Prolog. Mathemat.
• a 1.422

  De Me∣tall. 2.
• b 1.423

  Par. 4. advers. Paracels.
• * 1.424

  De vera. Sapient. c▪ 29.
• a 1.425

  Lib. suae Philoso∣phiae.
• b 1.426

  Lib. 2. de praenot. c. 6.
• * 1.427

  Animad. in cap. 38. Scholae Sa∣ler••it.
• * 1.428

  De rer. va∣riet. l. 16.
• * 1.429

  Comment. in c. 7. l. 1. Paracles. de vita long••.
• * 1.430

  In prole∣gom.

  Mathemat.
• * 1.431

  De Instit. c. 6.
• * 1.432

  Intipal. l. 1. c. 3.
• * 1.433

  On c. 14. l. 3. of Pbi lostratus.
• a 1.434

  In Ana∣stas. Phy∣siolog.
• b 1.435

  Lib. 2. de praestig. c. 3.
• c 1.436

  Lib. 1. cap. 3. quaest. 4.
• * 1.437

  Apud Ema∣nuel de Moura, prooem. opusc. de Ensalmis.
• * 1.438

  De unius ••egis veri∣tate, l. 5. c. 53.
• * 1.439

  In vita R. Lullii.
• * 1.440

  In his Ec∣clesiast. Hi∣story, ann. 1285.
• * 1.441

  Comment. 36. in 2. partem Di∣rectorii Ey∣merici q. 11
• a 1.442

  Lib. de Alcoran. & Cenevange∣listar. con∣cordia, f. 27
• b 1.443

  Lib. 14. Rer. Hispa∣nicar. c. 9.
• c 1.444

  Lib. 1. c. 5. qu. 1. sect. 4
• * 1.445

  Lib. 5. cont. Astrolog. c. 1.
• * 1.446

  In the year 1308.
• * 1.447

  3. Parte lib▪ tribrat.
• * 1.448

  De praenot. l. 7. c. 7.
• a 1.449

  Lib. 1. de patientia, c. 3.
• b 1.450

  Angelogr. part. 2. c. 21
• c 1.451

  De Spectr. qu. 2. l. 4. c. 3.
• * 1.452

  Daemono∣magiae. qu. 16.
• * 1.453

  Differentia 156.
• * 1.454

  Lib. 4. adv. Astrolog. c. 8.
• * 1.455

  Antipal. Lib. cap. 3.
• * 1.456

  Tract 4. Lib. de claris Me∣dicinae Scriptori∣bus.
• * 1.457

  In Epistol•• scrip. Pa∣racelso.
• * 1.458

  Comment. in l. 4. Paracelsi, de vita lon∣ga.
• * 1.459

  Apud Era∣stum. part. 1
• * 1.460

  Lib. 1. c. 4.
• * 1.461

  Epist. ad Joan. Vir∣dumguin.
• * 1.462

  Instit. l. 5. c. 1.
• z 1.463

  Agripp. l. 6. ep. 18. Lib 7. epist. 21. Thevet in his life.

  Agrippa 2. tom. p. 596. Idem l. 3. & 4. epist. Idem l. 6. & 7. Idem 13. primis e∣pist. l. 1. Idem in Expostul. Catilin. fol. 510, 511. Id. epist. 47. l. 7. Id. in de∣fens. propo∣sit. sol. 596. Idem ep. 38. lib. 1. Idem 76. & 79. l. 3. Idem 84. l. 5. Idem passim n epist.
• a 1.464

  In Elogiis lib. de My∣ster. nota∣rum, Quaest. 16.
• b 1.465

  Daemono∣mag. p. 209.
• c 1.466

  Lib. de praestig. pass.
• d 1.467

  Lib. de vit. Medic. in e jus vita.
• * 1.468

  From cap. 41. to cap. 48.
• * 1.469

  Pag. 555.
• * 1.470

  Depraestig. Lib. 2. c. 5.
• * 1.471

  Lih. 4. Ep. 56. Lib. 5. ep. 14.
• a 1.472

  Lib. de myst not.
• b 1.473

  Comment. in Paracels. de vita lon∣ga. f. 61.
• c 1.474

  In his Cyphers f. 16. 27.
• a 1.475

  Lib. 7. Epist.
• b 1.476

  Epist. de∣dicat.
• c 1.477

  De occ. Phil. l. 2▪
• a 1.478

  Lib. 4. E••. 56. l. 5. E••. 14. Dedic. l. 3. Philosoph.
• * 1.479

  In the lives of il∣lustrious men.
• * 1.480

  Disquisit. l. 2. qu. 12.
• * 1.481

  Lib. 2. quest. 39.
• * 1.482

  2 Tomi. sol. 251. Epist. dedi∣cat. Apol. in buerel•• advers. Scholast. p▪ 447. In defensi∣on. prop. De Mono∣gam. p. 584. & Epist. 15▪ 27. lib. 6.
• a 1.483

  Tom. 2. f. 596 l. 3. ep. 58. & 60. l. 7. ep. 1. 21. 44. 26. and elsewhere.
• b 1.484

  De prae∣stig. l. 2. c. 5
• c 1.485

  In vitis illustr. me∣di••or.
• n 1.486

  Lib. 2. ep. 72. 74. 76. 77.
• o 1.487

  De prae∣stig. l. 2▪ c. 5.
• * 1.488

  De ira. lib. 3.
• * 1.489

  Senec.
• * 1.490

  Lib. 2. cont. Gent.
• z 1.491

  Lib. 4. de origine & gestis Bri∣tannor.
• a 1.492

  Lib. 2. de praestig c. 33. & se∣quent.
• b 1.493

  Decad. 3. c. 2. qu. 2. p. reg. qu.
• c 1.494

  De variet. c. 8.
• d 1.495

  Angelogr. part. 2. c. 21. qu. 6.
• e 1.496

  Lib. de Phythonis∣sis.
• f 1.497

  Disc. of the prin∣ciple of Generation.
• g 1.498

  De peren∣ni philo∣sop. l. 6. c. 23.
• h 1.499

  Daemono∣log. l. 1. c. 6.
• * 1.500

  In Scripto∣rib. Angliae.
• * 1.501

  In centu∣riis.
• a 1.502

  In prooem. libror. 5. de reb. Anglic.
• b 1.503

  Lib. 1. hi∣storiae An∣glicanae.
• * 1.504

  2. Part of his Library, an. 536.
• * 1.505

  In Centur▪ Script. An∣glic.
• * 1.506

  De divi∣nat. 2.
• * 1.507

  Galf. de orig. & gest. Britann. l. 4. c. ult. Adamus, initio com∣mentar. f. 8.
• * 1.508

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.509

  Lib. 6. c. 2.
• a 1.510

  Lib. 2. de Sckismate. c. 19.
• b 1.511

  Lib. de oriis impe∣ratoriis.
• c 1.512

  Iu Gene∣thliaco Ed∣vard. prin∣cip. Cam∣briae, in To∣pograph.

  Hiberniae.
• * 1.513

  In Epist ad Lectorem.
• g 1.514

  In Peplo illust viror Italiae
• a 1.515

  In elogiis. in part 3. of his histor. Library, anno, 1598.
• b 1.516

  In his Apolog. against Lessiuis & Cotten. c. 52.
• c 1.517

  In his my∣stery of Ini∣quity.
• d 1.518

  In epist. Philosoph.

  Savanorolae praefixa.
• * 1.519

  Fran. Pic. in ••••us vi∣ta.
• * 1.520

  Comines. l. 8. c. 19.
• * 1.521

  In elogiis▪
• * 1.522

  Poetie. l. 6. c. 6.
• * 1.523

  Lib. 4. of his Com∣menlaris.
• * 1.524

  Cap. 7. l. q. Metaph.
• * 1.525

  Apud▪ Plut.
• a 1.526

  De divi∣nat l. 2.
• b 1.527

  De Sacra Philosoph. c. 30.
• * 1.528

  Comines. l. 2. c. 3.
• * 1.529

  Noct. Attic. t. 14. c. 1.
• * 1.530

  Lib. 1. Po∣licrat. c. 27.
• a 1.531

  Lib. 1. advers. Astrolog.
• * 1.532

  Franc. Pi∣cus l. 5. de praen. c. 6.
• a 1.533

  Io. Picus l. 1. advers. Astrolog. Idem. in Heptaplo in Ecclesi∣••ste, & in lib. de The∣alog. studio.
• b 1.534

  De trad. Discipl l. 5.
• * 1.535

  Distinct. 7. quaest. 3. art. 1. ad 5.
• * 1.536

  De essent. essentiar. tr. 4. c. 2.
• * 1.537

  S cund. Secund. quest. 69. art. 2. quest. 12. art 14.
• * 1.538

  In epist. de dicat. lib. propaedeu∣mat. Apho∣risticor. de Naturae vi∣ribus.
• * 1.539

  Disquisit. l. 31. c. 3. quest. 1.
• * 1.540

  Lib. 2. de praenotione c. 1. & l. 7. c. 7.
• * 1.541

  Lib. 2. de Praestig. c. 2.
• a 1.542

  In praefa. Apolog. lib. de Script.

  Anglicis.
• b 1.543

  Lib. de Diis Syris Syntag. 1.
• c 1.544

  2. In posteriori ed••tione Cantab. c Lib. 1. de ••ebus An∣glicis.
• * 1.545

  Lib. 10. Symbolor. aureae men∣ae pag. 453.
• a 1.546

  Lib. de vita beata.
• b 1.547

  Divinar. instit. l. 2. c. 3.
• * 1.548

  Proposit. 12. op••ic.
• * 1.549

  Disquisit. l. 1▪ c. 3 qu. 1.
• * 1.550

  Part. sen∣tent. di∣stinct. 33.
• * 1.551

  De reb. An∣glicis.
• * 1.552

  Lib. de Leg.
• a 1.553

  In Cen∣tur. miscel. proemi••.
• b 1.554

  Epist. Polit. l. 9. ••p. 4.
• a 1.555

  Lib. de anatom. ingenior.
• b 1.556

  Oratione de Encyclo∣paed. vol. 1.
• * 1.557

  Lib. de Virg. Culice et Terentii fabulis
• * 1.558

  Lib. de in∣tellectu sensu. &c. p. 73.
• a 1.559

  Lib. 2. de praestig. c. 6.
• b 1.560

  In the lives of il∣lustrious men.
• c 1.561

  Disquis. l. 2. q. 1.
• d 1.562

  Lib. de Magis & venefic.
• * 1.563

  De gener. & corrupt.
• a 1.564

  In clavi philosoph. Chymicae, sub finem.
• b 1.565

  Lib. de mysteriis ••otar & l. 1. Comment. in Paracel•• de vita lon ga in Epist ad Joan∣nem Westen burg.
• a 1.566

  Praefat. Comment. in Paracel. de vita lon∣ga.
• b 1.567

  Pag. 12. of his Cy∣phers.
• c 1.568

  De divi∣nat. cap. 5.
• d 1.569

  History of Tongues. c. 14. fol. 152. 159.
• * 1.570

  In confessi∣one Aman∣tis apud Selden.
• * 1.571

  Vol. 1. de r••b Angli∣cis.
• * 1.572

  Disquis. l. c. 4. qu. 4. Sect. 1.
• * 1.573

  In elogiis ••••ror doc∣torum.
• * 1.574

  Livre du gouverne∣ment d••e∣••••at.
• * 1.575

  In catalog. Script. Ec∣clesiast.
• * 1.576

  Vit. vir. illustr.
• * 1.577

  L. de Rer. inventor. c. 12.
• * 1.578

  L. 3. de auro.
• a 1.579

  Tract. 1. c. 9.
• b 1.580

  ••. 3. Physic. c. 13.
• c 1.581

  Al••hym. impugnalae▪ l 2. c. 7.
• a 1.582

  In Cato∣log. Script. Ecclesiast. et Antipal. l. 1. c 3.
• b 1.583

  Apolog. art. 5.
• * 1.584

  Bzovius de sign. Eccles. tom. 1. l. 9. c. 11. sig. 36.
• a 1.585

  De prae∣not. l. 7. c. 7.
• b 1.586

  Disquis. l. 1. c. 3.
• a 1.587

  Antipal. l. 1. c. 2.
• b 1.588

  1. part. q. 2. art. ••. disp. 20. ••. 4.
• a 1.589

  Apud E∣man. de M••••ra, Sect. 2. c. 17. a••t. 6.
• b 1.590

  3. Decad. Per••gr. quest. c. 2 qu 3.
• c 1.591

  De g••stis R g. An∣glor. l. 2. c. 10.
• d 1.592

  Apud. S••ld a. de D••••s Syris Syntag. 1. c. 2.
• e 1.593

  In Exod.
• f 1.594

  H••••me••. C••n••. 3. ••om. 4.
• g 1.595

  Disquis. l. 1. c. 4▪
• h 1.596

  Lib. 2. Epist. ••p. 6.
• i 1.597

  De incon. stant l. 2. c. 2.
• a 1.598

  De diis Syris, Synt. 1. c. 2.
• b 1.599

  c. 31.
• c 1.600

  c. 19.
• * 1.601

  Pergr. qu. ••••cad. 3. c. 2. q. 3.
• * 1.602

  De civit. dei. l. 8. c▪ 23.
• * 1.603

  L. 2. de Daemonibus c. 12. 13.
• * 1.604

  L. 1. de Plantis ••n Theoph.
• * 1.605

  Ethic. l. 7▪
• * 1.606

  L. 1. Vari∣ar. epist. 45.
• a 1.607

  De spectr. l. 4. c. 4.
• b 1.608

  Disquis. l. 2. quaest. 21.
• * 1.609

  Lib. de E••∣salsect. 1. c. 3. art. 1. & 2.
• * 1.610

  De praestig. 〈…〉〈…〉 c. 2.
• * 1.611

  Apolog. 2. Lib. de fide Gallica.
• a 1.612

  Disquis. l. 2. qu. 9.
• b 1.613

  Of Anti∣christ cap. 17.
• c 1.614

  Biblioth. Histor. part. 2. p. 650. where he speakes of the death of Sylvester at the end of the year 1003.
• * 1.615

  Lib. 4.
• * 1.616

  Tabula 13.
• * 1.617

  Paul. Jov. in Elogiis.
• * 1.618

  Chap. 22. of his Popular Errours.
• * 1.619

  Lib. 9. Epist. 9.
• a 1.620

  Disquis. l. 2. qu. 12.
• b 1.621

  Daemo∣nom. l 3. c. 3
• c 1.622

  Lib. 1. de∣monolat. c. 4.
• a 1.623

  In vitis Poncific.
• b 1.624

  Lib. Chro∣log. ad ann. 1002.
• c 1.625

  In his book of An∣tichrist.
• d 1.626

  Disquis. l. 2. quaest. 19.
• * 1.627

  Decad. 2. l. 3.
• * 1.628

  Lib. 4. Flo∣ridorum.
• * 1.629

  L. 2. de gestis Reg. Aug. c. 10.
• * 1.630

  In his ad∣ditions up∣on Plati∣nus.
• * 1.631

  L. 4. c. 1. de vita Apollonii.
• * 1.632

  Annal. To▪ 2.
• * 1.633

  L. 3. Chro∣nol. ad an Christi 1075.
• * 1.634

  L. 1. de m••∣gis curial. c. 5.
• * 1.635

  Vid. Maje∣rus, Sandi∣v••••ius, Conrad & other Al∣chymists.
• * 1.636

  Chap. 44.
• * 1.637

  Psal. 104.
• * 1.638

  Gen. c. 44. v. 5.
• * 1.639

  v. 15.
• a 1.640

  Quaest. 104. in Ge∣••esin.
• b 1.641

  Quaest. 5••. in Gen. 2. 2.
• c 1.642

  Quaest. ••5. art. 7. in resp. ad 1.
• d 1.643

  In 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••cum.
• e 1.644

  L. 1. de Magia di∣•• intatr. 20.
• * 1.645

  Gen. 44. v. 2.
• * 1.646

  L. 9. in Genes.
• * 1.647

  Epistol. l. 4.
• * 1.648

  Quaest. 2. in c. 44. Gen.
• a 1.649

  Antipal. l. 1. c. 3.
• b 1.650

  Lib. 36. histor.
• * 1.651

  Instit. l. 5. c. 5.
• a 1.652

  Lib. Dis. quisit. c. 5.
• b 1.653

  To. 1. Sect. 9. probl. 487. et tom. 5. Sect. 1. prob. 81.
• c 1.654

  L. 7. de reb. Salom. c. 13.
• * 1.655

  Galat. 5. 2 Kings 21. 3.
• * 1.656

  Verse 6.
• * 1.657

  Lib. de reb. Salom. c. 13.
• a 1.658

  Lib. 1. Choronolog. ad annum diluvii. 1460▪
• b 1.659

  Lib. 3. de reb. Salo∣mon. c. 29.
• * 1.660

  Lib. 1. An∣tipal. c. 3.
• a 1.661

  Lib. 10. de arte ca∣balisticâ.
• b 1.662

  Li••. 1. de more prohi∣bendi malos libros. c. 10.
• c 1.663

  In notis ad Psellum.
• d 1.664

  In fine 4 Annal.
• * 1.665

  Cap. 2. de secretis operibus ar∣tis & natu∣rae▪
• * 1.666

  De reb. Sa∣lom. l. 3. c. 29.
• * 1.667

  Luk. 11. Math. 12. Acts▪ 19. Antiq. Ju∣daic. l. 8. c. 2.
• x 1.668

  Angelo∣graph. part. 2. c. 17.
• a 1.669

  ad ann. 1. Christi.
• b 1.670

  Exercitat 2. num. 19.
• c 1.671

  In cap. 2. Math.
• d 1.672

  Eclogae ad Arnob. c. 6.
• a 1.673

  Hist. l. 3.
• b 1.674

  Geogr. l. 5.
• c 1.675

  In Epitom. fidei Catho∣licae.
• d 1.676

  Lib. de Idololatria.
• * 1.677

  Lib. de vita longâ. Cap. 9.
• * 1.678

  Homil. 7. in Math.
• a 1.679

  Lib. 1. cont. Cel∣sum.
• b 1.680

  In cap. 19 Isaiae.
• * 1.681

  In cap. 2. Math.
• a 1.682

  Daem••∣nom. l. 2. c▪ 2
• b 1.683

  Traitè de la mescre∣ance dis sor∣tilege co••∣vainc••. pag. 281.
• * 1.684

  De aug∣ment. Sci∣ent.
• * 1.685

  Lib. 2. de schismate c. 19. & 20
• * 1.686

  Lib. 16.
• * 1.687

  Cap. 103.
• * 1.688

  Lib. de cla∣ris Medi∣cinae Scrip∣tor. tract. 2.
• a 1.689

  In notis ad Vopis∣cum.
• b 1.690

  In a letter he writ to Mr. Vazet.
• c 1.691

  Tom. 1. des Medit. Historic. l. 3. c. 20.
• * 1.692

  Metaphy. 3.
• * 1.693

  Comment. vol. 1. traict•• des eloges.
• * 1.694

  Lib. 3. de poet. Lat. c. 37.
• * 1.695

  Exercit. 246. nu. 3▪
• * 1.696

  Comment in Epist. D. Hieron. ad Paulinum.
• a 1.697

  De spectr. l. 1. c. 6.
• b 1.698

  1. Tom. oper. tract. de imagini∣bus c. 11.
• c 1.699

  Lib. 4. Histor. Sla∣vor. c. 19.
• d 1.700

  Peregr. quaest. de cad. 3. c. 2. quaestione. 3.
• e 1.701

  In Itine∣rario.
• f 1.702

  Lib. 3. de schismal. c. 19.
• g 1.703

  Cap. 19. pag. 330▪ of his Cyphers.
• h 1.704

  Antipal. l. 4. c. 3.
• * 1.705

  Apud Em. de Moura l. de Ensal. Sect. 3. c. 4. num. 12.
• * 1.706

  Sen. de vi∣ta beata.
• * 1.707

  Chap. 19.
• * 1.708

  Pro. 8.
• * 1.709

  De Civ. dei. l. 7. cap. 35.
• * 1.710

  Epist. 44. l. 6. vari∣ar.
• a 1.711

  Lib. 2. de tradend. discipl. et lib. adver∣sus Pseudo-Dialecticos.