The prerogative of popular government. A politicall discourse in two books. The former containing the first præliminary of Oceana, inlarged, interpreted, and vindicated from all such mistakes or slanders as have been alledged against it under the notion of objections. The second concerning ordination, against Dr. H. Hamond, Dr. L. Seaman, and the authors they follow. In which two books is contained the whole commonwealth of the Hebrews, or of Israel, senate, people, and magistracy, both as it stood in the institution by Moses, and as it came to be formed after the captivity. As also the different policies introduced into the Church of Christ, during the time of the Apostles. By James Harrington.

Antient and Modern Prudence. CHAP. I. Whether Prudence be well distinguished into Antient and Modern.

THe Considerer, where by Antient Prudence I understand the Policy of a Common-wealth, and by Modern Prudence that of King, Lords and Commons, which introduced by the Goths & Vandals upon the ruine of the Roman Empire, hath since reigned in these Western Countreys, till by the predominating of some one of the three parts, it be now almost universally extingui∣shed; thinks it enough for the confutation of this distin∣ction, to shew out of Thucidides that of Monarchy to be a more Antient policy than that of a Commonwealth. Upon which occasion, I must begin here to discover that which the farther I go will be the more manifest; Namely that there is difference between quoting Authors, and say∣ing some part of them without book: this may be done by their words, but the former no otherwise then by keeping unto their sense. Now the sense of Thucidides as he is tran∣slated by Mr. Hobbs, in the place alleaged is thus: The manner (saith he) of living in the most Antient times of Greece was Thieving, the stronger going abroad under the* 1.1 conduct of their most puissant Men, both to enrich themselves, and fetch home maintenance for the weak; for there was neither traffick, propriety of Lands, nor constant Abode, till Minos built a Navy, and expelling the Malefactors out of the Islands, planted Colonies of his own, by which means they who inhabited the Sea coasts, becomming more addicted to riches, grew more constant to their dwellings; of whom some

grown now rich, compassed their Towns about with walls. For out of desire of gain the meaner sort underwent servitude with the Mighty; and the Mighty (thus overballancing at home) with their wealth, brought the lesser Cities (abroad) into sub∣jection. Thus Pelops, though he were a stranger, obtained such power in Peloponesus that the Countrey was called after his Name; Thus Atreus obtained the Kingdome of Mycenae, and thus Kingdomes with honours limitted came to be heredi∣tary; and rising to power proceeded afterwards to the war against Troy. After the war with Troy, though with much adoe, and in a long time Greece had constant rest (and land without doubt came to propriety) for shifting their seats no longer, at length they sent Colonies abroad; The Athenians into Ionia with the Islands, the Peloponesians into Italy, Si∣cily, and other parts. The power of Greece thus improved, and the desire of money with all, their Revenues (in what? not in money, if yet there were no usury: therefore ex∣cept a Man can shew that there was usury in Land) being enlarged, in most of the Cities there more erected Tyrannies. Let us lay this place unto the former, when out of desire of gain the meaner sort underwent servitude with the Mighty, it caused hereditary Kingdomes with honours limitted, as hap∣pen'd also with us since the time of the Goths and Vandals. But when the people came to Propriety in Land, and their Revenues were enlarged, such as assumed power over them, not according unto the Nature of their Propriety or Bal∣lance, were Tyrants; well, and what remedy? why, then it was (saies the Considerer) that the Grecians out of an extreme aversion to that which was the cause of their present sufferings slipt into Popular Government, not that upon calm* 1.2 and mature debates they found it best, but that they might put themselves at the greatest distance (which spirit usually ac∣companies all Reformations) from that with which they were grown into dislike. Whereby he agrees exactly with his Author in making out the true force and Nature of the ballance, working even without deliberation, and whether Men will or no. For the Government that is Natural and easie being in no other direction than that of the respective ballance, is not of choice but of necessity. The Policy of King, Lords and Commons was not so much from the pru∣dence

of our Ancestors, as from their Necessity. If Three hundred Men held at this day the like overballance unto the whole People, it were not in the power of Prudence to institute any other then the same kind of Government, through the same Necessity. Thus the meaner sort with Thucidides submitting unto the Mighty, it came to King∣domes with hereditary honours; but the People comming to be wealthy, called their Kings though they knew not why, Tyrants, nay and using them accordingly found out means with as little deliberation it may be as a Bull takes to tosse a Dog, or a Hern to split an Hawk; that is, rather (as at the long run they will ever doe in the like case) by instinct than prudence or debate, to throw down that, which by the meer information of sense they could no longer bear, and which being thrown down they found themselves eased. But the question yet remains, and that is (forsooth) whether of these is to be called Antient Prudence. To this end, never Man made a more unlucky choice then the Considerer hath done for himself of this Author, who in the very beginning of his book speaking of the Pelopenesian war, or that between the Commonwealths of Athens and Lacedemon, saies, that the Actions which preceded this, and those again that were more antient, though the truth of them through length of time cannot by any means be clearly disco∣vered, yet for any argument that (looking into times far past) he had yet light on to perswade him, he does not think they have been very great either for matter of war, or otherwise; that is for matter of Peace or Government; And lest this should not be plain enough, he calls the Prudence of the* 1.3 three Periods (observ'd by Mr. Hobbs) that from the be∣ginning of the Grecian memory to the Trojan war, That of the Trojan war it self, and that from thence to the present* 1.4 Commonwealths and Wars, whereof he treateth, The Im∣becility of antient times. Wherefore certainly this Prevarica∣tor (to give him his own fees) hath lesse discretion then a Common Attorney, who will be sure to examine onely those* 1.5 witnesses that seem to make for the cause in which he is en∣tertained. Seeing that which he affirmeth to be Antient Prudence is deposed by his own witness to have been the imbecility of antient times, for which I could have so many

more then I have leisure to examine, that (to take onely of the most Authentick) as you have heard one Greek, I shall add no more then one Roman, and that is Florus in his Prologue where computing the ages of the Romans, (in the same manner Thucidides did those of the Greeks) he affirmeth the time while they lived under their Kings, to have been their infancy, that from the Consuls until they conquer'd Italy, their youth; that from hence unto their Emperors, their Manly age, and the rest (with a Complement or Salvo unto Trajan his present Lord) their dotage.

These things, though originally all Government among the Greeks and the Romans were Regall; are no more then they who have not yet passed their Novitiate in story might have known. Yet says the Considerer, It seems to be a de∣fect* 1.6 of experience to think that the Greek and the Roman actions are only considerable in antiquity. But is it such a defect of experience to think them only considerable, as not to think them chiefly considerable in antiquity, or that the name of ancient Prudence doth not belong unto that prudence which was chief in Antiquity? True saith he, it is very frequent with such as have been conversant with Greek and Roman Authors to be led by them into a belief that the rest of the world was a rude inconsiderable people, and which is a term they very much delight in, altogether Bar∣barous. This should be some fine Gentleman that would have Universities pulld down; for the Office of an Uni∣versity is no more then to preserve so much of Antiquity as may keep a Nation from stinking or being barbarous, which falt grew not in Monarchies but in Commonwealths; or whence hath the Christian world that Religion and those Laws which are now common, but from the He∣brews and Romans, or from whence have we Arts but from these or the Greeks? That we have a Doctor of Divinity or a Master of Art we may thank Popular government, or with what languages with what things are Schollars conversant that are otherwise descended? will they so plead their own cause as to tell us it is possible there should be a Nation at this day in the world without Universities, or Universities without Hebrew, Greek and Latine, and not be barbarous, that is to say, rude, unlearned, and in∣considerable?

Yes, this humour even among the Greeks and Romans themselves was a servile addiction unto narrow Prin∣ciples, and a piece of very pedantical pride. What man! the Greeks and the Romans that of all other would not serve, servile! their Principles, their Learning, with whose scraps we set up for Bachelours, Masters and Doctors of fine things, narrow! their inimitable eloquence a piece of very Pedantical pride! The world can never make sense of this any otherwise then that since Heads and Fellows of Col∣ledges became the only Greeks and Romans; the Greeks and Romans are become servily addicted, of narrow Principles, very Pedants, and prouder of those things they do not understand, then the other were of those they did; For say they, in this question, the examples of the Babyloni∣ans, Persians, and Egyptians (not to omit the antient and like modern discoveries of the Queen of the Amazons, and of the King of China) cannot without grosse partiality be neglected. This is pretty; they who say nothing at all to the policy of these governments, accuse me, who have fully opened it, of negligence. The Babylonian, Persian, and (for ought appears to the contrary) the Chinesse Po∣licy, is summed up, and far exceld by that at this day of Turky; and in opening this, I have opn'd them all, so far from neglect, that I everywhere give the Turk his due, whose policy I assert to be the best of this kind, though not of the best kind. But they will bear me down and but with one Argument (which I beseech you mark) that it is absolutely of the best kind; for say they, it is of a more absolute form (hath more of the Man and less of the Law in it) then is to be met with in any Kingdome of Europe.

I am amazed! This is that kind of government which to hold Barbarous, was in the Greeks and Romans Pedan∣tical pride, but would be in us who have not the same tempta∣tion of Interest, downright folly. The Interest of a people is not their guide but their temptation! we that hold our land divided among us, have not the same temptation of in∣terest that had the servile Hebrews, Greeks and Romans, but the same that had the free people of Babylon, Persia and Egypt, where not the people but the Prince was sole Land∣lord! O the Arts in which these men are Masters! To fol∣low

the Pedantical pride of Moses, Lycurgus, Solon, Ro∣mulus, were with us downright folly; but to follow humble and learned Mahomet or Ottonian, in whose only Model the perfection of the Babylonian, Persian, Egyptian policy is consummated, is antient Prudence! Exquisite Polititians! egregious Divines for the leading of a people into Egypt or Babylon! These things considered, whether antient pru∣dence as I have stated it be downright folly, or as they have stated it, be not downright knavery, I appeal unto any Court of Claims in the world, where the Judges (I mean) have not more in their Caps then in their heads, and in their Sleeves then the scarlet. And whereas men love compen∣dious works, if I gain my cause, the Reader, for an answer unto the Oxford book need look no farther then this Chap∣ter. For if Riches and Freedome be the end of Govern∣ment; and these men propose nothing but slavery, beg∣gary and Turcisme, what need more words?

Notes

• * 1.1

  Thu. B. 1. P. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.
• * 1.2

  Consid. p. 4.
• * 1.3

  Mr. Hobbs in the Magire.
• * 1.4

  Thu. B. 1. p. 3.
• * 1.5

  Cousid. p. 34.
• * 1.6

  Consid. p. 2. 3.