Simplicities defence against seven-headed policy. Or, innocency vindicated, being unjustly accused, and sorely censured by that seven-headed church-government united in New-England: or, that servant so imperious in his masters absence revived, and now thus re-acting in Nevv-England. Or, the combate of the united colonies, not onely against some of the natives and subjects but against the authority also of the kingdom of England, ... Wherein is declared an act of a great people and country of the Indians in those parts, ... in their voluntary submission and subjection unto the protection and government of Old England ... Imprimatur, Aug. 3d. 1646. Diligently perused, approved, and licensed to the presse, according to order by publike authority.

Innocencies Defence, against a seven-headed CHVRCH-GOVERNMENT United in NEW-ENGLAND.

THe moderation of New Englands Justice, desired to be known to all men * 1.1, and what is the principall things pretended in the Execution thereof; namely, To suppresse Hereticks, and to confirm that to be truth which the Unity of the most Colonies hold; plainly declaring and setting forth to the view of all, What is the proper bent and drift of that spi∣rit that diggs so deep to hide its sin in secret, which so affecteth to assume titles unto it self, & also to give at their pleasure unto others; to make themselves appear, in the eyes of men, more holy and honourable in the things of God, then others of their Brethren; commonly crying out, against that power exer∣cised amongst others, for no other end but to assume it unto themselves, to cloth the dictates of that spirit therewith, whereby themselves are led, and so to exercise it with all zeal and wrath in the life, spirit, and substance of it, only with another face or countenance set upon it to deceive and beguile

the simple; Not being able to indure the aire, where Cap, Tip∣pit, or upper Shirt appeareth: but can bath themselves in blood and feed themselves fat, by devouring the good name, estates, and lives of their brethren, who neither do, nor think harme unto them, nor reside within the compasse of any of their Ju∣risdictions, evidently proved by a late assault given (by the men of the Massachusets and other Colonies united for such a purpose) upon others of their Countrymen, Inhabitants of a tract of land called Shaw-omet, situate in the Nanhyganset Bay in New-England: The truth whereof this Treatise wit∣nesseth, and the substance of all is to be seen under their own hand writing; as also in the writings of others, who were eye and ear-witnesses in the Cause, and have testified under their hands the truth of it.

Here followeth a Narration of the men of Shaw-omet, con∣cerning the ground of transplanting of themselves and fa∣milies, and of their first entrance into that part of America now called New-England.

WHereas we removed our selves and families out of our native Country, about ten or twelve years ago by the leave of this State, only to injoy the liberty of our consciences, in respect of our faith towards God, and for no other end, not scrupling any Civill Ordinance, for the education, ordering, or government of any Civil State.

Landing by the providence of God at Boston in the Massa∣chusets Bay, we found our Countrymen at great varianee in point of Religion, prosecuting it very hotly in their publique Courts unto fines and banishments, occasioning men thereby much to vent and bring forth themselves; and we understan∣ding that they had formerly banished one Master Roger Willi∣ams, a man of good report both for life and doctrine (even a∣mongst themselves) for dissenting from them in some points about their Church Government, and that in the extremity of winter, forcing him to betake himselfe into the vast wilderness to sit down amongst the Indians, in a place by their own con∣fessions,

out of all their Jurisdictions: And at that time of our arrivall at Boston, they were proceeding against one Master John Wheelwright, a man of like life and conversation, whom they also banished for differing with them in point of Doctrine, the summ whereof consisted in this, That sanctification is not the first evidence unto a Christian of his salvation; and many others manifesting their thoughts about such points then con∣troverted amongst them, were also imprisoned, fined, banish∣ed, disarmed, and cast out from amongst them.

And we plainly perceiving that the scope of their doctrine was bent onely to maintain that outward forme of worship which they had erected to themselves, tending only to the out∣ward carriage of one man toward another, leaving those prin∣ciples of Divinity, wherein we had been instructed in our na∣tive Country, tending to faith towards God in Christ: and we finding no ground nor warrant for such an order in the Church (to bind mens consciences unto) as they had establish∣ed amongst them; our consciences could not close with them in such their practices, which they perceiving, denyed us the common benefit of the Country, even so much as a place to reside in, and plant upon, for the maintenance and preservati∣on of our selves, our wives and little ones; as also proceeded against us, as they had done to others; yea with more severity, unto confinements, imprisonments, chains, fines, whippings, and banishment out of all their Jurisdictions, to wander in the wildernesse in extremity of winter, yea when the snow was up to the knee, and rivers to wade through up unto the midle, and not so much as one of the Indians to be found in that ex∣tremity of weather to afford us either fire, or any harbor, such as themselves had; being removed into swamps and thickets, where they were not to be found; in which condition, in the continuation of the weather, we lay diverse nights together, having no victuals, but what we took on our backs, and our drink as the snow afforded unto us, whereupon we were con∣strained with the hazard of our lives to betake our selves into a part of the Country called the Nanhyganset Bay, buying se∣verall parcels of Land of the Indians there inhabiting; and sat

down in, and neer the place where Master Roger Williams was where we built houses, and bestowed our labors to raise up means to maintain our wives and little ones (which our Coun∣trymen out of their zeal had deprived us of, and taken away from us) quietly possessing them for the space of seven or eight years (some of us) no man interrupting us, but both the Massa∣thusets, and also Plymouth confessed us to be out of the con∣fines of their Patents; but when they perceived those parts to be a refuge for such as were oppressed and grieved amongst themselves, who repaired unto us for shelter, then they went about to bring those parts to be under their Jurisdictions, by all possible pretences, and stretching their line for that pur∣pose, thinking to get some colour for their proceedings; yet fell they short of our Plantations fourteen or fifteen miles, as did evidently appear, and was by themselves acknowledged, and when they saw they could not accomplish their ends by that project, they then insinuated themselves into the minds of three il-affected persons amongst us, that they should ac∣knowledge themselves to be subjects unto them, and to de∣pend upon them for protection and government, whom they had formerly cast out from amongst them, both out of their Churches, and censured them also in their Civil Courts for grosse and scandalous offences, as one Robert Cole whom they had censured to were a D upon his back for a whole year, to proclaim unto all men his guiltinesse of the sin of drunkenesse, and had also cast him out of their Church, and delivered him unto Sathan severall times, who before and in the times of this his submission usually conversed with, and was conversant amongst the Indians on the Sabboth dayes, professing the In∣dians Religion to be the same with that which the Massachu∣sets professed and practiced * 2.1; There was also one William Ar∣nald and his son Benedick who subjected themselves unto the Massachusets, which Arnald was a great professor of Religi∣on in the West of Old England; but in the time of this his subjection was known constantly to imploy himselfe in ser∣vile work upon the Sabboth day, and professed it to be his ex∣cellency above that which his neighbour had attained unto;

his son Benedick constantly trading with the Indians on the Sabboth day, being a factor for them of the Massachusets, being supplyed with commodity from them, having toleration to sell powder to the Indians, but denyed to be sold unto us, unlesse we would subject our selves as they had done; these pretended subjects of the Massachusets, thus far fetcht, had learned this devise, that whereas some of us had small parcels of land laid out to build houses upon and plant corn, and all the rest lay common undivided, as the custome of the Coun∣try for the most part is, they would not permit us any more land to build upon or to feed our cattell, unlesse we would keep upon that which they would confesse to be our proper right, and they would admit of no division, but by the foot or by the inch, and then we could neither have roome to set a house, but part of it would stand on their land, nor put a cow to grasse, but immediately her bounds were broken, and then presently must the one be pull'd down, and the other put into the pound, to make satisfaction, or till satisfaction were made for both. So that by this unreasonable and palpable slight of these pre∣tended subjects, together with the power of this so irregular a Government, we plainly perceive•• a snare was laid to intangle us again; not only to hinder us to provide for our families, but to bereave us again of what God, through our labour and in∣dustry, had raised up unto us as means to maintain our fami∣lies with.

Now when the Massachusets had gained these men to be instruments in this manner to effect their end, then did they institute them as officers to execute their warrants amongst us in those parts, upon any complaint these above named subjects should make unto them upon the grounds above mentioned, who presently sent a Warrant unto us, to command our ap∣pearance at their Courts, under the hand of the Governor and divers of the assistants in the Massachusets, threatning to use violence against us in case we obeyed not.

A true Copy of the first Warrant that was sent unto us from the Governor and Assistants of the Massachusets, into the Nanhyganset Bay, before we planted upon that tract of land called Shaw-omet, situate upon the same Bay: The War∣rant is here set down verbatim, and is stil extant.

Massachusets,

To our Neighbours of Providence.

WHereas William Arnald of Pautuxet * 3.1, and Robert Cole, and others, have lately put themselves and their families, lands and estates, under the protection and govern∣ment of this Jurisdiction, and have since complained to us, that you have since (upon pretence of a late purchase from the Indians) gone about to deprive them of their lawfull in∣terest confirmed by four years possession, and otherwise to molest them: We thought good therefore to write to you on their behalfe, to give you notice, that they and their lands, &c. being under our Jurisdiction, we are to maintain them in their lawfull rights. If therefore you have any just title to any thing they possesse, you may proceed against them in our Court, where you shall have equall justice: But if you shall proceed to any violence, you must not blame us, if we shall take a like course to right them.

The 28^o. of the 8^o. 1642.

• Jo. Winthrop, Governor.
• Tho. Dudley.
• Ri. Bellingham.
• Incr. Nowell.

This Warrant being delivered unto us by their new made officer William Arnald, in the name of the Massachusets, we took into serious consideration, having former experience abun∣dantly of their unkind and inhumane dealing with us, yea to∣wards our wives and children, when our selves were sometimes in banishments, and sometimes in prison, and irons (by them) before. We thought it meet (for the preservation of our peace, together with that Compassion we had of our wives and little ones) to leave our houses, and the rest of our labors, lying neer

unto those their pretended subjects (whom we saw malici∣ously bent) and to remove our selves and families further off, from the Massachusets, and such their coadjutours, being then amongst us: For we saw that they did not only endeavor to take away our livelyhood, but intended to take away our lives also, in case they could find a way to satisfie the Country in doing of such an act and execution: For we had never accu∣sation brought in against us, but what rose from the Magistrates and the Ministers; for we walked so, as to do no man wrong, only justified the cause of our Religion, as we had learned and received the principles thereof before we went amongst them; as also the laws and government of this Kingdome of England unto which we ever willingly acknowledged our selves to be loyall subjects, and therefore could not suffer our selves to be intrenched upon by our fellow subjects, further then the laws of our King and State doth allow.

Now that they sought the lives of some of us, at this time is evident; For Iohn Warner Citizen and Freeman of London a man well known, who afterwards was one of those against whom they now prosecuted, having formerly had some busi∣nesse with Master Winthrop the Governor of the Massachusets, he asked the said Warner (living then in the Nanhyganset Bay) whether he knew one Samuel Gorton, (a man also against whom they now prosecuted) who lived also in the said Bay, but at that time Iohn Warner had not seen him, living a mat∣ter of twenty miles one from the other: The Governor told him he was a man not fit to live upon the face of the earth; al∣so one of the Elders of the Church of Boston told a Minister* 3.2 (who reported it in the place where Gorton lived) That if they had Gorton at Boston in the Massachusets, he would hardly see his own house any more; yea one Master Collins, a man of excellent parts of learning, and of an unblameable life amongst men, being Minister of one of the Western Islands, from that report he heard of Religion, came to New-England, who married one of Mistresse Huchinsons daughters, and being Fran∣cis Huchinson his brother in law, was a member of the Church at Boston, who seriously considering and laying to heart the

wayes of their Church and the carriage of his brethren con∣sulting with the Minister, the two yong men could not have rest in their spirits till they went down to advise or debate the matter with the Church, though they were come out from them and lived on Road Island in the Nanhyganset Bay, and when they came to Boston, and the Brethren were gathered together either to give or receive satisfaction, when they saw the arguments produced by the Minister and his brother to weigh somewhat heavy, then the strongest of their Church members of Boston (namely the Governor and Assistants) cast them in prison to regulate their opinion that differed from them, and there kept them in durance for many Moneths; but at the last, setting them at liberty, yet giving out some threatning words afterwards, as though they would fetch them again; the yong men could have no rest in their spirits day nor night, till they were gone out further from the Massa∣chusets then that Island was, yea under some forreign govern∣ment where the Massachusets could not pretend to have any thing to do; for they had heard that the Massachusets inten∣ded to take in all the Nanhyganset Bay under their Govern∣ment and Jurisdiction: Whereupon Master Collins came where the aforesaid Gorton and his Family were, namely at Providence; and seriously advised him to go along to the Dutch Plantation or else to the Sweads; for, upon his knowledge, the Massachusets intended, in short time, to take away his life, if he aboad in any of the English Plantations; for he had received certain information thereof, whil'st he was amongst them, shewing great affection to move him thereunto: Gor∣ton thanked him kindly for his love, being but a stranger to him, but told him he could not go under a forreign Prince for pro∣tection, till he saw further then yet he did; knowing he had neither been false to his King nor Country, nor to his consci∣ence, in point of Religion, so far as God had informed him. But Master Collins and his Brother, together with their Mo∣ther and whole Family, for fear, removed to the Dutch Plan∣tation, with divers other friends and families; who were mise∣rably massacred by those barbarous Indians (both men, women

and children) being then at war with the Dutch, who took some of the English children (out of families of good note) as Captives, and keep and train them up amongst themselves unto this day, having most barbarously and cruelly slain their Parents, who had been not a little carefull to train them up in their life time, both in faith and manners. But we removing ourselves, as abovesaid, into another part of the Nanhyganset Bay, further from the Massachusets, and where none of the English, nor other Nations had any thing to do, but only Indi∣ans, the true natives, of whom we bought a parcell of land called Shaw-omet (as is abovesaid) not only of Myantonomy, chiefe Sachim, or prince of those parts of the Country; but also with the free consent of the Inhabitants of the place.

Now we plainly perceiving that the drift of the Massachu∣sets, and those joyned with them, was not only to take the whole Country of the English Plantations into their Jurisdi∣ctions; but also to establish what way of Religion themselves thought fit, to the the taking away (not only of goods) but lives also of such as were otherwise minded: We made an∣swer unto the Writing▪ they had sent unto us, on this wise; which Answer was made upon our removall from Moo∣shawset (otherwise called PROVIDENCE) to Shaw∣omet.

A true Copy of our Answer to the Warrant or Writing which the men of the Massachusets sent unto us, as is above noted; wherein we only take up their own expressions, to shew unto them the spirit and power of their Religion, which they go about by these means to preserve, inlarge, and shew the glory of it to the world: The Answer is verbatim ex∣amined by the originall Copy; only marginall Notes added to help the Reader to understand our true meaning.

Mooshawset, November the 20. 1642.

To our Neighbours of the MASSACHUSETS.

WHereas we lately received an irregular note a 4.1 profes∣sing its forme from the Massachusets, with four mens

Names subscribed thereunto (as principall authors of it) of the chiefe amongst you, we could not easily give credit unto the truth thereof; Not only because the conveyers of it unto us are known to be men whose constant and professed acts are worse then the counterfeitings of mens hands; but also, because we thought that men of your parts and profession would never have prostrated their wisdome to such an act: But consider∣ing that causlesse emnity you have against us, the proof where∣of every occasion brings forth, we cannot but conclude, That no act so ill, which that ancient Mother will not bring forth her seed unto; b 4.2 For we know very well that it is the name of Christ called upon us c 4.3 which you strive against, whence it is that you stand on tiptoe to stretch your selves beyond your bounds, to seek occasion against us (so) as you might hide your sin with Adam d 4.4 bearing the world in hand it is not your desire to contend with us, but some civill breach in our course which you seek to redresse; whereas neither you nor any in way of truth can find wherewith to bring us under the censure of a disorderly course of walking amongst them. And as for the way of that ancient spirit of accusation of the bre∣thren e 4.5 we weight it not, knowing him to be a lyar (or in the abstract a lye) from the beginning f 4.6, yea and the father of it also; which thing you cannot know though it were told unto you: whereas you say Robert Cole, William Arnald, with others, have put themselves under the government and pro∣tection of your Jurisdiction, which is the occasion you have now got to contend; we wish your words were verified, that they were not elsewhere to be found g 4.7, being nothing but the shame of Religion, disquiet and disturbance of the places where they are; for we know neither the one nor the other, with all their associates and confederates, have power to inlarge the bounds, by King CHARLES, limited unto you. Behold therefore, in this your act, a Map of your spiritual estate (to use your own phrase); for we know that the spirituality of your Churches, is the civility of your Commonwealth, and the civi∣lity of your Cōmonwealth is the spirituality of your Churches; the wisdom of man being the whole accomplesense of them

both, of which tree you delight dayly to eat h 4.8 finding it fair and beautifull, to gain conformity with your maker; in these your dissembling subjects grosly profane amongst us, but full of the spirit of your purity: i 4.9 when they are with you, you may remember the brand your selves have set on some of them, the cause whereof was never yet removed, k 4.10 though it abide not upon their backs l 4.11, nor yet the cause of your commit∣ment of them unto Sathan (according to your Law) for if that were removed you should do them wrong in not resuming your vomit into its former concoction again: m 4.12 Nor are we ignorant of those disgracefull termes they use and give out a∣gainst you behind your backs; Their submission therefore can∣not be to any other end, but to satisfie their own lusts, not only conceived, but in violent motion against their Neighbours, who never offered the least wrong unto them; only the propo∣sition of amity, is object sufficient for these mens emnity. E∣ven so the passions of sin, which are by the law, having force in your members, n 4.13 you going about with great labour and industry to satisfie them by your submission unto the Word of God, in your fasting, and feasting, in contributing, and trea∣suring, in retirednesse for study, and bowing of the backs of the poor, going forth in labour to maintain it, and in the spirit of that hireling o 4.14 raising up your whole structure and edifice; in all which you bring forth nothing but fruit unto death: Some laboring for a price to give for the keeping of their souls in peace, and safe estate and condition: p 4.15 some to have your bodies furnished with riches honor and ease q 4.16; and further then the Lord Jesus agrees with these, you mind him not; nay you renounce and reject him, and with these (according to your acceptation and practice) he holds no correspondency at all; being the consultation and operation of that his only adversa∣ry r 4.17; Man being that which you depend upon, and not the Lord, crying out in the way of elevation, and lauding his Mi∣nisters, when in the mean time you know not what, nor who, they are; professing them under a mediate call of Christ,

though formerly they have been called immediately by him. Hereby shewing your selves to be those which destroy the sa∣cred ordinance of God; for if you make Christ to be that to day, in stating of his Ministers, which he was not s 4.18 yester∣day, and that in the time of the Gospel also (to speak according to your law) to be found in them both; you therein affirme, he hath been that to his Ministers, which now he is not; and to make the son of God to have been that which now he is not, is to make a nullity of him; Not to be at all: For he is the Lord that changeth not t 4.19 no not a shadow thereof is found in him: So that you plainly crucifie to your selves the Lord of glory, and put him to an open shame u 4.20 so that as you know not how Christ conversing with his Father in heaven is found on the earth amongst the true worshippers, no more do you know how in his conversing with Nicodemus on the earth he concludes himselfe to be in heaven w 4.21 with his Father; on this foundation hangeth the whole building of your doctrine, concerning the sufferings of Christ, you annihilate the Crosse, then the which the Saints have no other consolation x 4.22 and prepare no better a place then purgatory for the honourable Fathers of our Lord y 4.23; for ye conclude that Christ dyed in the decree and purpose of God in the time of the law, but actually only when he hanged on the Cross in the dayes of He∣rod and Pontius Pilate, that he was crucified in the types and shadows of the law: But in the truth and substance when he appeared born of the Virgine Mary; so must ye also conclude that the fathers under the law were only saved in purpose, and decree, in types and shadows, but actually and substantially only at the coming of Christ in the flesh: Therefore deal plain∣ly with those that depend upon you for instruction, as your an∣cestors in the Papacy have done, and proclame a place of pur∣gatory provided for them in the mean; without which your doctrine hath no foundation: for if you raise up a shadow with∣out a substance, and the substance of him that dwelleth in light z 4.24 without a shadow, you play the part of wizards, or Ne∣cromancers, not the part of true naturalists in the things of the Kingdome of God: So that as far as your men are a 4.25 from

being honourable and loyall subjects, so far are you from being voluntaries, in the day of Gods power b 4.26 and from yeelding subjection to the beauties of holinesse; such also is your prefer∣ment rule and government in the things that concern the King∣dome of our God, they are infinitely beyond and out of the reach of that spirit that is gone out amongst you, the capacity whereof can no wayes comprehend the bredth of the land of Emanuel c 4.27 nor entreth it within the vaile: d 4.28 Therefore it cannot know those Cherubims of glory e 4.29, neither can it hear the voice of that lively oracle, speaking only from off the covering mercy seat, f 4.30 and not elsewhere to be heard; we speak not but what we know, these things are not of its Ju∣risdiction; therefore dumm in telling Justice; neither speaks it any of that righteousnesse and glory comprised in another circuit then you were yet made lords of: Therefore long may you boast of your Jurisdiction before you attain to Juris pru∣dentia in these things, in that you tell us we offer wrong by a pretended purchase, you are as much mistaken in the purchase as in the wrong; for it is right that we are about to do, neither is our purchase a pretence, but presidentiall, not only in this civill respect, but may also admonish all men to take ••eed how they depend upon false and self-seeking interpreters, when both themselves, and they that have the vision are ignorant of the contract and covenant of God g 4.31: Thence it is that you teach, that the Spouse of Christ, upon contract with her Lord, may conceive the seed of immortality and bring forth fruit unto the Lord, when as yet the day of marriage, that great festivity and solemnization of the consolations of God, is not yet come; witnesse your prorogation thereof, if not to the descention of Christ from heaven to the earth, to raign certain years, yet to the calling of the Jews, (whom ye your selves are, according to the flesh) and to the destruction of that man of sin, whom you so stoutly maintain: What is this but to proclame to all the world that audacious spirit of whoredome h 4.32 professing conception, and bringing forth before the Nuptiall day, in

that you conclude your clients right to arise out of four years possession, we have no such order, if you mean the right of conquest only held in that tenure, the true owners were never yet subdued; for that is the right they expect to injoy by you. For some of them committed part of their supposed right unto us, professing it was that they might have help to injoy the rest i 4.33: But when they saw we would not be abettors unto them without, much lesse contrary unto covenant, then they fly unto you for help, k 4.34 their possession being a meer intrusi∣on, as all the Natives know, and ever exclaimed against them for the same; and so may our Countrymen also, whose eyes are not dazled with envy, and ears open unto lyes, as we know yours are, else you had heard both sides speak before you had judged; but we professe right held in no such interest, but according to the ground of covenant, only known in its nature in the parties twixt whom it is plight, in the possessor and the possessed, with the nature of all fruit arising from their accord and concurrency, together with their distinct, harmo∣nicall, reciprocall, and joynt properties and operations of them both; such is the tenure that we hold, and maintain it before men and angels, and oppose it against men and devils; not in taking up unto our selves certain offices and officers, which we can teach children to be and to performe, and from thence pre∣sently to conclude the possession of the Kingdome, crying out our peace-offerings are upon us, this day we have payd our vows: l 4.35 But that dark cloud that descended on the Taber∣nacle m 4.36 becomes the light and glory of all Israel, there being nothing acknowledged amongst them, but what ariseth out thence; then, and then only, are the orders; as also the men of Israel derived from their true fountain, n 4.37 which no tongue can confesse but is salvation o 4.38, and then not else is the he∣ritage of our Lord in possession p 4.39 yea even the waylesse wil∣dernesse knows how to afford them an habitation, which had its being before the hills and mountains were borne q 4.40 which men begin to fly unto for refuge to hide themselves from the

presence of the Lamb r 4.41: This is a possession which no man can intrude himselfe into, it is onely covenanted with him through an inlightned eye and boared ear s 4.42 which man per∣formeth not, neither can it be received from him t 4.43: for we know that cloud of thick darknesse, that hides and covers the whole frame and fabrick of the work of God u 4.44▪ to be the clearing and evidencing of every point and particular thereof, yea to us it is even that cloud of witnesse w 4.45 which testifies to us the like work to appear, when ever the world hath occasion to make use of us: Never doth it shine but in the night, never is it dark to Israel but in the day x 4.46 but in the one, and the o∣ther, the only glory and safety of all the tribes; but how, you know not, neither can you, with all your librariers, give the interpretation thereof, but have lost it in the wildernesse, and accordingly have made the whole way and will of our Lord, the oldnesse of the letter y 4.47 both to your selves and all that have an ear to listen unto you; thence it is, that the day of the Lord is a day of darknesse and gloominesse unto you z 4.48 but of joy and gladnesse unto us; yea it lifts up our head only, a 4.49 and then is our salvation near, for we know the Worthies of David doubled about the bed of Solomon, which expell all fear in the night b 4.50 handling the sword with successe, making the ad∣versaries nothing but meat to feed upon c 4.51, so that the time of your fear is the time of our courage and conquest; for when ye fear Error, Schism, Rents, and Confusions in Church and State, then do we know the messenger of the Covenant, the Lord whom we seek, is speeding his passage into his holy Temple; d 4.52 For who (under the terrors of your spirit) may abide his coming, he being like a refiners fire and fullers sope?

In that you invite us unto your Courts, to fetch your equall ballanced Justice, upon this ground, that you are become one with our adversaries, and that both in what they have and what they are, and we know them to be such as professe the day of the Lord an unhallowed thing e 4.53. Now if we have our Oppo∣nent to prefer his action against us, and no•• so only, but to be

our Counsell, our Jury, and our Judge; for so it must be, if you are one with them, as you affirme, we know beforehand how our cause will be ended, and see the scale of your equall Justice turned already, before we have laid our cause therein; and cannot but admire to see you carryed so contrary to your own received principles; for ye know not how to find Christ as a ruling and teaching Elder both in one person, therefore he is not compleat among you (by your own law) except in se∣veral persons; and you may thank tradition, else you know no more how to find a King and a Priest in him; and yet in your way of making tender of your Justice unto us, you know how to become one with our adversaries, so, as if we deal with them, we deal with you; and if we have todo with you, we have to do with them also: yea further we know that the chief amongst you have professed we are not worthy to live; and if some of us were amongst you we should hardly see the place of our aboad any more.

Now they that have brooded upon their law to take away life, they must much more bring it forth in taking away all means of life, witnesse your prohibition that no powder should be sold unto us for our money, and that in a time when you could not think your selves safe in all your own selfe-provision and worldly furniture, except you disarmed a company of poor Indians, whom Aaron your Leviticall Sacrificer hath made naked f 4.54 as he doth all those which triumph in a Calfe, though the most costly and beautifull that the Jewels and Ear∣••ings of learning (either in language or art) can possibly bring forth g 4.55; your own amazements upon meer rumours may te∣stifie the truth thereof: so then we are judged by your law before our cause be heard or our selves brought forth under the liberties of it, which thing is well pleasing to us to have our condition conformed to Moses the man of God, who was dead in Pharaos account before he was brought forth h 4.56; and so it was with Christ our Lord (in the dayes of Herod also) who is our life i 4.57 at which you strike and makes all things,

yea death it selfe lively, and advantageous unto us k 4.58: we cannot but wonder that you should read the Scriptures and not find them fulfilled in and amongst your selves, when as they appear so apparently, that he that runs may read them; what think you of Herod, when the Lord had delivered Peter out of prison, and released him of those bonds, and brought him from that thraldome which he had so cruelly imposed upon him (to gain the favor of the Jews) and that by a power su∣pereminent transcending the bounds of his authority l 4.59 and by a wisdome surpassing the depth of his counsell and policy to find out, together with the souldiers and champions, he presently goes down to Caesarea, and Herod is angry with them of Tyrus and Sydon (Thumomathon] A heavy friend, or hath a secret grudge or perturbation of mind manifested in an out-reaching and circumventing policy to subdue them unto himselfe that he might rule over them, finding himselfe fall short of power and policy to subject the Word of God in the messenger of it, to satisfie his own lust in his lordship over it, he pursues with all eagernesse to make himself a God by raign∣ing over the bodies and estates of men, yea though they be but such as Tyrus and Sydon can afford unto him to make subjects of, and when they come to him with one accord to make offer of themselves in yeelding to his affectionate and politicall project, he sitting on the Judgement seat in his royall apparel, making his Oration of what power he hath to protect them, what wisdome and counsell to minister justice and righteous∣nesse unto them (which office belongs only unto the Lord); the people with a shout crying out, the voice of God, and not of man, the truth and substance of which cry, is, This is the Ordinance of God and not of man, immediately the the An∣gel of the Lord smites him; and he that ever acknowledged himself to be a worm, and no man upon the earth m 4.60 consumes and eats up all his pomp and glory even as those whom you ac∣count the shame and contempt of the people shal through that Angel of the covenant waste, and bring to naught all those Rhetoricall (though earthly) Orations that are made amongst you by your so learned, studious, and experienced Clerks;

Take for illustration of your estate (as above) the speech of your Alderman, Oliver, in case of committing Francis Huchin∣son to prison, one of your Church members wondring that Brother Winthrop would do it, before the Church had deals with him (Brother saith he] why, he is thy God, man. Lend your eye yet further to paralell your practice personated in Pilate n 4.61 and the people, when Pilate offers Jesus to the people to be judged, they professe they have such a law that puts no man to death, they are all for mercy and forgivenesse when they are out of the Judgement hall; but let Pilate enter in thither, then nothing but crucifie him, crucifie him, be their accusation and witnesses never so false; even so in your deal∣ings with men, in way of your Jewish brotherhood, your law is all for mercy, to redresse, to reforme, and for the preservati∣on both of soul and body; do but enter into the common hal, then as Pilate asked, am I a Jew? so do yee: do I sit on speak here as a brother? I trow not; I am now in a higher sphere then that [though they be acknowledged Coheirs with Christ] can attain unto; therefore if witnesse be brought in and oath taken, though never so untrue, your consciences are purged by law, and your power must have tribute paid unto it; so far, as mens names to be branded with infamy (estates) depriving women and children of things necessary, and the precious lives of men can extend themselves to contribute any thing there∣unto, so that they professed mercy and clemency of your law to exercise censures only for amendment of life, and recovery comes unto this issue to send both soul and body down unto S••••••ll for ever, without redresse and all hope of recovery. But your hour, and the power of darknesse, is known what it is, either to have mens persons in admiration, because of advan∣tage o 4.62 or else to seek all occasions against them to brand them with all manner of reproach and ignominy; but for the truth taught dayly in the Temple, you know not how to stretch out your hand or exercise your ministery against it, least it be∣come leprous, and you take it back again with losse, when it appears dryed and withered and wherefore reason ye amongst your selves, saying we exercise the power of our ministrations

against none but such as are Delinquents, whereby we clear the innocent, and establish peace in our borders; (we demand) what think you of those two witnesses prophesying in sack∣cloth a thousand two hundred and three••••ore dayes, p 4.63 those two Olive trees and Candlesticks standing before the God of the earth? are these guilty and vile persons out of whose hands by the power of your ministery, you are delivering and relea∣sing the world? then indeed are your wayes justifiable: But if these be the just, chosen, and peculiar friends of God, yea, such as without which his truth and righteousnesse are not ju∣stified, his wisdome and holynesse maintained and upheld in the world, in point of salvation by Christ; then are your ways wicked and to be abhorred; for in your professed course, you are they by whom they are slain and put to death, and all your glory is to keep their Corps unburied in your streets, and yet you know not what you are doing, no more then you know what these witnesses are whom you are altogether ignorant of; for your ••••••••••ries never ••••w them (and you see not but by their eyes) q 4.64 for these are two, and never more, nor yet lesse, yea ever the same, they are Olive tree••, else no witnesses, and also Candlesticks, else both the former fail, yea, are not at all: we must tell you what these are, else we cannot declare how ye kill them: for it is not our intent to open unto you the house of the creatures, the silver and the gold, the spices and the pre∣cious ointment, no•• the house of our armor r 4.65 because ye take all as execrable, and put all to a prophane use, that cometh from us: But these two witnesses are the life and death of our Lord Jesus Christ s 4.66 or (in the true language of heaven also) the strength and the weaknesse of Christ: for he was crucified through weaknesse, but liveth by the power of God t 4.67, This is the Word of the Lord in Zorob••bel, not by an army, nor by power (and so deprives him of all strength) but by a spirit that the greatest mountain o•• loftiest hill in the world cannot stand before, but becomes a plain, which with facility and ease he passeth upon: thence it is that he doth not only ••ay the top, or the head stone of all, but also the lowest in the foundation, and

then onely is the voice of shouting heard, Grace, grace, in the house for ever: and then doth the day of smal things become the day of joy and triumph, yea of parting the rich spoils and prey of all the world: for then he that doth but turn and lift up his eyes, he cannot look besides that great flying book of the Curse that is gone forth over the whole earth u 4.68 without these two witnesses joyntly uttering themselves in every par∣ticular Scripture undertaken to be divulged by any, no evidence nor testimony of God is given or brought in at all, but a meer refuge of lyes, for the souls of men to betake themselves unto w 4.69 without these two pipes of the Olive trees, emptying into the bowl of the Candlesticks, no unction nor oyl at all is found in them, and that being wanting the light of the sanctuary is gone out, so that the light appearing amongst you is onely the light of Baalam whose eye was open, which you may read either Shethum, or Sethum x 4.70, for that opening is nothing else but the shutting up of the holy things of God, so that in seeing ye see not, y 4.71 but communicate only in the light of that beast who puts the witnesses to death z 4.72 as Baalam did in the sight of that dumm beast of his, whose eyes were so opened as to see the Angell before him a 4.73: So that while you think it is our wisdome to stoop unto you for light we never come amongst you, but see our selves in a regiment of gross and palpable dark∣nesse, and discern you very plainly how you scrable upon the wall to find the door of L••ts house and cannot b 4.74, as also how you toil your selves to climb up into the sheepfold another way yea so many other wayes, and have no sight nor discerning of the door at all, by the which whosoever entreth becomes a true feeder of the flock, yea none entreth in thereat but the true shepherd himselfe. c 4.75 Most impious it is to put to death two such noble witnesses that have power to shut heaven that it rain not in the dayes of their prophesying, to turn waters into blood, and to smite the earth with all manner of plagues as oft as they wil d 4.76, whom that spirit that is amongst you kils on this wise. The life and power of the Son of God as above e 4.77, which is infinite, not admitting of circumscription or conte∣nent,

for the heaven of heavens cannot contain him; f 4.78 yet have ye not dared to grasp and inviron that power in the hea∣vens, and therefore have resolved and concluded, that hee only rules upon the earth in these dayes, by his Deputies, Lieu∣tenants, and Visegerents▪ whereby you limit, g 4.79 and so de∣stroy the holy one of Israel, for, give him, that in one time or place, which afterwards, or else where yee deny unto him, and you make a nullitie of him unto your selves, and in so do∣ing, you kill the other witnesse, namely the death or weak∣nesse of the Lord Jesus, h 4.80 for you must have man to be ho∣nourable, learned, wise, experienced, and of good report, else they may not rule amongst you; yea, and these things are of man, and by man, as, Peeres in that they only officiate so, as man may disanull and take it away againe, witnesse your change of officers, constantly speaking for us herein; thus have you slaine also, the Death, or the weaknesse of Christ, who professeth himselfe to be a worme and no man, i 4.81 the shame and contempt of the people, and these faithfull and true witnesses thus slaine, you must of necessitie deny bu∣riall, and keepe them both in your streets, k 4.82 in open view, otherwise all your pompe and glory fals to the dust l 4.83 whence it came, and on which it feeds, m 4.84 nor can you send your presents one to an other, of your acts of Justice, power to protect; wealth, honour, and friends, wherewith you grati∣fie one another: And where these are thus slaine, and their corps lye in open view, none of the Gentiles, peoples, tongues, and kindreds, suffering their corps to be put in grave, n 4.85 there is that great Citie which spiritually is called Sodom, and E∣gypt, where our Lord is crucified: But after three dayes and an halfe the spirit of life, from God, shall enter into them, and they shall stand up, upon their feet, to the terrour of you all: Nor doe you thinke, that wee only inveigh against the great ones of the world, for thus doing; for wee know, that the greatest of the Princes of this world, hath the very same spi∣rit, wherewith the basest Peasant, hath laid himselfe open in the view of all the world, and the basest Peasant, hath the

same spirit, with the greatest of the Princes of this world, o 4.86 These wee say, are the two witnesses, if you can receive it p 4.87 and what dishonour is it to trade so much by meanes of witnesses, and yet know not what a true witnesse is, which if you did, you durst not attempt the things yee doe, whereby you cast reproach upon all the world, in that you professe your selves a choice people pickt out of it, and yet you goe on with such practises as you doe, maintaining them as your only glory. Our Lord gives you in charge, not to sweare at all, q 4.88 but it is your dignity to bring men to your seats of Justice, with nothing but oaths in their mouths; why doe you not ballance the Scriptures in this point? It hath beene said of old, thou shalt not commit Adultery, but I say unto you, hee that looketh on a Woman to lust after her, hath com∣mitted Adultery with her in his heart already. r 4.89 So also, it hath beene said of old, thou shalt not forsweare thy selfe, but I say unto you, sweare not at all: So that if it bee Adultery to looke to lust, it is also forswearing of a mans selfe, to sweare at all; if one be Adulterie, the other is Perjury; if one be admitted in some cases, the other also; so that in preaching the Toleration, nay the duty of an oath, you preach the tole∣ration, yea, the dutie of adulterie it selfe: So that our Lord plainely evinceth unto all mens consciences, not only the guilt, but the folly and madnesse of the oath of man, to sh••w how farre it is from investing into place, or demonstrating causes. So that hee that concludeth upon honour and power, received from the oath of man, or upon knowledge, and holdnesse to judge, in a cause from that Testimonie, without the which hee could not have it, is as vaine in his thoughts, as if hee should hereupon conclude, I have now altered the frame of Heaven, which is no lesse stable then the Throne of the great God, or demolished the earth, which is as firme as his Foot-stoole for ever, or made a fraction in the orders of Ierusalem, that choice and peculiar Citie of the great King, whose institutions no mortall breath can intrench upon, or to professe his authority and skill to be such, whereby hee can make a ••••ire of his head black or white, viz. cause his age to wax old as a garment, or re∣new

it with the Eagle at his pleasure, s 4.90 hereby doth man in this point of swearing, professe his folly to be such, that he is become not onely vaine in his imaginations, but to that pride and usurpation therein, as to intrude himselfe into the Prero∣gative Royall of his Maker, so tha•• howsoever ye boast of the Ordinances of God, yet hee t••ls you, there is no more then yea yea, and nay nay in them; for that which is once nay is ever nay, in the ordination of Christ; and what is once yea, is ever yea with him, and according to his account (how∣soever man reckoneth, whose accounts shall be called over a∣gaine) what is once the curse, is ever the curse, and that which is once the Principality and power of Christ, is ever the prin∣cipalitie and power of Christ; as that which is once the prin∣cipalitie and power of darkenesse is e••er the same, what hands soever it commeth into: for manifestation, measure your Kingdome whether it be eternall, and your jurisdiction whe∣ther it be illimited, for hee hath given him the Heathen for his inheritance, and the utmost parts of the earth for his possession, t 4.91 and a Kingdome of lesse extent hee professeth not, nor can he approve or acknowledge any that do; no more then light can approve of darkenesse, or the Lord I••hovah of the lord Baal. Be wise therefore and bethinke your selves, while it is called to day, harden not your hearts, u 4.92 as though you would make your selves Meribba, nothing but strife and contention against the Lord; rather kisse the So••ne, if it be possible, lest his wrath kindle, and you perish from the way for ever: Oh blessed onely they that hope in him, w 4.93 so that hee which professeth on this wise, it is yea, I am a Pastor, but it was nay; at such a time I was none at all; hee renounceth that spi∣rit of the true Pastor, yea, the only Feeder of Israel, but pro∣fesseth that spirit only that pusheth the weake with the horne, and pudleth with his feet the waters where the flocke of God should drink. x 4.94 He with whom it is yea, I am a Ruler, but it was nay, when I was none, renounceth that spirit of him that rules in Righteousnesse, y 4.95 professing the spirit of him that rules according to the god of this world, that Prince of the power of the ayre, who is now working so effectually in the

children of disobedience; z 4.96 so also, he with whom it is yea, I am a Captain or chiefe slaughter-man: a 4.97 but it was nay, time was, I was none at all, renounceth that victory, and slaugh∣ter made by the Captaine, and High Priest of our profession, b 4.98 who as he is a Lambe slain from the beginning, c 4.99 his vi∣ctory and slaughter, must be of the same antiquity, professing himselfe to be a chiefe slaughter-man, or superfluous Giant, made in the Hoast of the Philistims, standing in readinesse to come out, to defie the Hoasts of the ever living God, d 4.100 yea, it is evident, whatsoever is more then yea yea, and nay nay, not setting each upon his base, whereon it standeth for ever without controule: but can remove, create, or make void of∣fices▪ and officers, at their pleasure, is of that evill one, e 4.101 not of Jesus the Salvation of his people, f 4.102 but of Shedim, g 4.103 that Waster and Destroyer of man-kind for ever: * 4.104 Know there∣fore, that it is the oath of God, which confirmes, and makes good his Covenant and promise to a thousand generations, h 4.105 and it is the oath of man, that is, the bond and obligation of that league and agreement made with hell and death for ever: Be ye assured, it is not the Tabernacle of witnesse, i 4.106 which you have amongst you, brought in by Jesus into the possession of the Gentiles, k 4.107 but it is Siccuth your King, or the Tabernacle of Molech, the Star of your God Remphan, figures that you have made to your selves, l 4.108 which you have taken up, and are bearing so stoutly upon your shoulders. Now▪ to tell you what an oath, according to God is, that the Scriptures are delivered upon no other ground or termes of certaintie, where ever they are divulged, is a thing out of your jurisdiction, you cannot discerne or judge of it; therefore ac∣cording

to our Word above, wee leave it as a Parable to you, as all the holy Word of our God ••••, as your conversation in all points, as in this, daily declareth; in a word when wee have to doe in your jurisdiction, wee know what it is to submit to the wise dispensations of our God; when you have to doe a∣mongst us, in the liberties he hath given to us, wee doubt not but you shall find him Judge amongst us, beyond and above a∣ny cause, or thing you can propose unto us; and let that suffice you, and know, that you cannot maintaine a jurisdiction, but you must reject all inroads upon other mens priviledges, and so doe wee; in the meane time we•• shall as wee thinke good be calling over, againe some matters you have had up, and had the handling of amongst you, to see what justice or equity we find hath beene exercised in them, and redresse them accordingly, for wee professe right unto all me••, and doe no violence at all, as you in your prescript threaten to doe to us, for we have lear∣ned how to discipline our children or servants without offering violence unto them; even so doe wee know how to deale with our deboist, rude, yea, inhumane neighbours (or if you will Nabals) without doing violence; but rather rendring unto them that which is their ••••e: Nor shall we deprive a witnesse of his modest testimony, for the out-cryes and cla∣mours of such a one, as ill-br••d apostatized Arnald, that fellonious Hogge-Killer, being the partie to be testified against, or for the oath of any interested in the cause, m 4.109 nor shall we be forward to come so farre to find you work n 4.110 upon your request, till we know you to beare another mind, then others of your Neighbours doe, with whom we have had to doe in this Countrey, whose pretended and devised Lawes, we have stooped under to the robbing and spoyling of our goods, the lively-hood of our wives and children, thinking they had laboured, though groaping in great darknesse, to bring forth the truth in the rights and equitie of things: But finding them to be a company of grosse and dissembling hypocrites, that

under the pretence of Law, and Religion, have done nothing else but gone about to establish themselves in wayes to main∣taine their owne vicious lusts, we renounce their diabolicall practice, being such as have denied in their publicke Courts, that the Lawes of our native Countrey should bee named a∣mongst them; yea, those ancient Statute Lawes, casting us into most base, ••asty, and insufferable places of imprisonment, for speaking according to the language of them, in the meane while breaking open our houses in a violent way of Hostility, abusing our wives, and our little ones, to take from us the volumes wherin they are preserved, thinking thereby to keep us ignorant of the courses they are resolved to runne, that so the visiosity of their owne wils might be a Law unto them; yea, they have indeavoured, and that in publicke expressions; that a man being accused by them, should not have liberty to an∣swer for himselfe in open Court: dealings of like nature wee find, in the place whereof you stile us your Neighbours, on whose unbridled malice, we find a higher then you putting a •••• be, and yet in your account and reckoning we are the par∣ties that are still doing the wrong, and must beare the guilt in your most mature sentence, in whomsoever the spot ariseth, and abideth; but the God of vengeance, unto whom our cause is referred, never having our Protector, and Judge to seeke, will shew himselfe in our deliverance out of the hands of you all; yea, all the house of that Ishbosheth, o 4.111 and Merib-bosheth, p 4.112 nor vvill he fayle us to utter and make knovvne his strength vvherein vve stand, to serve in our age, and to minister in our course, today and tomorrow, and on the third day can none deprive us of perfection, q 4.113 for hee hath taught us to know what it is to walke today, and tomor∣row, and the day following also, when a perishing estate cannot rise out of Ierusalem, though she be the only one, yea none but she, that kils the Prophets, and stones them that are sent unto her: Behold ye that are looking after, and fore∣telling so much of the comming of Christ, driving the day be∣fore you still for certaine years; which some, you say, shall attaine unto, and unto the day of death for the rest, ye blind

Guids, as your Fathers have ever done, so doe ye: Behold, we say, when he appeareth, your house which you so glory in, shall be left unto you de••o••••••e, it shall be turned into no∣thing but desolation, and confusion, for Babel is its name, r 4.114 nor shall you see him to your comfort, in the glory of his Kingdome, untill you can say (blessed is he that commeth in the name of the Lord) s 4.115 when the authority and power of man, appeareth to be the building of Babel unto you, and the name and authority of God only to be that wherein the blessing consists, and that in such wise also, as is nothing but a way of reproach in the eyes of all the world; that a King should ride into his chiefe Citie •• so strangly furnished upon an Asse, borrowed, her furniture ••id over-worne Garments, and accompanied with none but poore, meane, excommunicate persons, such as your Elders, ••••cribes, Pharisees, Lawyers, and all your credible persons among you make full account they are not only accursed, by, but also destitute and void of all Law, when you can find Hosanna in the highest, arising out of such contempt, and shame, then, and then only shall you sing unto him with comfort; in the meane time acknowledge your portion, which is to ••ru•••• and stay your selves on the name of man, and in his beauty to delight and glory, which shall fade as a Leafe, and like the grasse, shall wither when it is fitting it selfe for the Over; t 4.116 such is man whose breath is in his Nostrils, u 4.117 and the sonne of sorry man, in whom you have deligh•• to trust, his power and policie brings forth nothing else, but as you shall see and heart, in the Countrey from whence we are brought; we are not ignorant of those shamefull lies, and falsities gone out against us, and the daily wresting of our words, to cast contempt upon us, w 4.118 thinking to bow downe our backs under ignominy, and reproach, neither of the straits, and difficulties, they have cast us upon in the things that concernes this present life, to the taking away of the lives of many, if our God had not been seene beyond and above what their thoughts could reach un∣to, (as their owne confession hath witnessed) doing it in such a way, of painted hypocrisie, and false glosse, unto the eye

of the world, that we might seem unto it, selfe executioners; we resolve therefore to follow our imployments, & to carry and be∣have our selves as formerly we have done, and no otherwise; for we have wronged no man, unlesse with hard labour, to provide for our families, and suffering of grosse, idle, and Idoll drones, to take our labours out of the mouths, and from off the backs of our little ones, to lord••ne it over us: so that if any shall got about to disturb, or annoy us, hence-forth in our imploy∣ments, and liberties, which God hath, or shal put into our hands, that can claim no interest in us but by these courses, x 4.119 what their busines is, we know by proof sufficient, to be nothing else but that ancient errand of Nimrod, that rebellious Hunter after the precious life, y 4.120 which errand of his shall be no more deli∣vered unto us, in that covert cruelty, and dissembling way of hypocrisie; but in direct and open termes of tyrannie, we will not be dealt with as before (we speake in the name of our God) we will not▪ for if any shall disturbe us, as above, se∣cret Hypocrites shall become open Tyrants, and their Laws appeare to be nothing else but meet lusts in the eyes of all the world: And wherefore doe you murmure among your selves at this saying, thinking it is not a Christian expression? it is be∣cause you are ignorant of the Grosse of our Lord Jesus, not knowing what it is; therefore it is, while you inveigh against such as set up a Statue of wood and stone to bow downe unto it, and are so vaine as to crosse the ayre (to use your owne ex∣pression) upon the faces of Infants, when they sprinkle them with water, to as great purpose, and in the meane time you preach, and set up Seighnirim, for your Crosse, whom you fall downe unto so willingly, and lest you let the word passe without expression of it unto all, it signifies Horrour and Feare, which is the Crosse you hold and teach, and by and through which you thinke to be saved, which name is gi∣ven by our Lord to the Devill himselfe, (as our English tran∣slate it, and the Lord never gives a name as an empty title, but according to the nature of the thing named, so that if hee speake, I have said ye are gods, z 4.121 of any besides himselfe it is to declare, that they have not only the name, but the

very nature of the god of this world, and therefore he saith, they shall dye even as Adam, which aspired and usurped the place of God, and fall also as one of the Princes, even as one of those Princes of Midian, whose cark••sses became dung for the earth, a 4.122 and he that given that title unto any but the true God, that made heaven and earth, in any other sense, but as it declareth a flat opposition against God, is Reacting that ancient spirit of the Serpent; if you eat you shall be as gods, b 4.123 to judge of good and evill, for which all men are set up in that kind; even so while you tell the people, that by sor∣row, compunction, and anxietie of spirit, and trouble of mind, they communicate in the sufferings of Christ; out of which condition their comfort into flow, it is nothing else but to conclude, the Sonne of God to be Belial; yea to af∣firme him to be Seighnirim himselfe; this doth he receive at your hands in your Ministries, for all your fawning upon him with a kisse, c 4.124 so that if you will know how farre you are from communicating in the death of Christ, take it in this Parable, verily as farre as the weaknesse of God is stronger then man d 4.125; countrey men, for wee cannot but call you so, though we find your carriage to be so farre worse then these Indians, we advise you to take things together, and what God hath joyned, let none dare to put asunder, e 4.126 so that if you be ashamed of the Crosse in Baptisme, be ashamed of the Baptisme also, for such as the Crosse is, such is the Baptisme: Therefore your Ancestors goe beyond you, in that they joyne crossing of the ayre, and sprinkling with the Element of wa∣ter together: But wherever Baptisme according to the word of Christ is, there is the Crosse of Christ also, f 4.127 they can no more be separated then his Scepter and Kingdom can, for where the one is, there is the other also; for as they are coin∣cident, so are the coaparant: So that if ever you see the Bap∣tisme of Christ, truly in use, and exercised upon any, you doe as truly see that party partaking in, and communicating with the Crosse and Sufferings of the Lord Jesus Christ, and to see persons in such estate, and conclude afterward they are worthy of sensure, yea possibly to an Athema, Maranatha,

is nothing else but to conclude a ••o••all and finall falling away from the grace of God, as you Fathers have done before you, for no grace greater then the Crosse of our Lord Jesus; Behold therfore you Despiserst••e vanity and abomination of all your Baptismes, how prejudiciall they are to the Cross of Christ, be ashamed, and return in time, or he shal be a swift witness against you for ever, when your Repentance shal come too late; but you think the Crosse of Christ is not but in bowing the back under every burden, and c••inging, and crouching to the lust of every man otherwise his Shebet; g 4.128 is not fit, nor suteth it with your Regiment at all, unlesse so servile, that every one may serve their lusts of him, to Wealth and Honour, Friends and Allies, by setting bounds and limits to the holy Word of God; some in the way of one devise, some in the way of an∣other, and he that will not walke as a dumbe beast, worse then Balams Asse, and say nothing, or else give a sense of the holy Writings to maintaine that devised Plat-forme, if mercy must be used, not to hang and burne, yet banishment is ready wayting for them: Therefore shall you know, by the Rod of his power that comes out of Sion, h 4.129 that he will be Ruler even in the midst of his Enemies.

By us whom you stile your Neighbours of Pro∣vidence, you have said it, Providence is our hold, the Neighbour-hood of the Samaritan we pro∣fesse, and for the lookings on, and turnings aside of your Priests and Levites, without either Uncti∣on, or Compassion, all your slaine and woun∣ded in soule finding no remedy, doe plainely testifie the nature of your travels, and Neighbour∣hood what it is; your speech to us in generall, not using our names, when as we know, it is parti∣culars you ayme at, gives us plainely to see the word Aelem, i 4.130 Revived and Living in

you, as it stands with its Coherence, in Psalme 58. Verse the first, &c.

• Iohn Wickes.
• Randall Houlden.
• Iohn Warner.
• Robert Potter.
• Richard Waterman.
• * 4.131 William Waddle.
• Samuel Gorto••.
• Richard Carder.
• Iohn Greene.
• Nicholas Powar.
• Francis Weston.
• Sampson Shat••on.

This Writing sent to the Massachusets we have related ver∣batim; only what is in the margent is added for explanation, and more ease to the Reader to understand our meaning which we sent at the time when their general Court sat; desiring that all the Country might take notice of it, doubting they were not well informed how the Magistrates and Ministers had carryed themselves towards us, nor upon what ground they had, or did proceed against us: But the chief of them taking the mat∣ter into consideration▪ thought good to call an Assembly of Magistrates and Ministers to consult, in way of a Synod, what course to take uniting themselves together that what was done by any of them might be the act of them all: and they perusing of our writings, framed out of them 26 particulars, or there a∣bouts, which they said were blasphemous, changing of phrases, altering of words and sense, not in any one of them taking the true intent of our writings; but if they spake our own words, it was to such purpose as this; as though a man would write the words of the Psalme, and affirm (there is no God) such words he may find written therein; but if he leave out this, That the fool hath said in his heart so, he spoils the sense,

and in such manner did they deal with our writings, and those things they were free to divulge and make known amongst the people: These things concluded to be heresies and blasphemies before ever they heard a word of what interpretation we could give of our meaning therein: The Ministers did zealously preach unto the people the great danger of such things, and the guilt such lay under that held them, stirring the people up to labour to find such persons out and to execute death upon them, making persons so execrable in the eyes of the people, whom they intimated should hold such things, yea some of them na∣ming some of us in their Pulpits k 4.132, that the people that had not seen us thought us to be worse by far in any respect then those barbarous Indians are in the Country, which some of the Ministers have rendred unto the people as Hittites, Cana∣nites, and P••resites, urging it as a duty unto the English to put them to death; whereupon we heard a rumor that the Mas∣sachusets was sending out an Army of men to cut us off: but when they perceived we were removed further into the Countrey, and had left our Lands, Houses, and Labours, where their pretended subjects, by meanes of whom they sought for some temporall occasions against us, lived, they thought it not safe to come out against us, having show of no∣thing against us, but only our Religion; therefore seeing themselvs disappointed in that designe, wherein their Coadju∣tors, had wrought to bring them in, to make an inr••ad upon us, they then wrought by these their Agents, who traded for them with the Indians, to insinuate themselves into two, or three Indians amongst us, to become subjects to the govern∣ment of the Massachusets, hereby with-drawing them from their lawfull and naturall Prince, Myantonomy; and the name of these his subjects, who now became subjects to the Mas∣sachusets, were Pumhom, and Soccononocco; and when this was accomplished, then they againe sent forth their war∣rants unto us, as formerly to command our appearance at their Courts, in the Massachusets, and that without any con∣sideration or delay, at the first time of their sending unto us after our removall, the Court being then siting at Boston in the Massachusets.

Here followeth a true Copie of the first Warrant sent unto us, by the Generall Court assembled at Boston, in the Massachusets, after our remove all unto, and planting upon our Land at Shaw-omet, verbatim, the Warrant under their hand being still extant.

To our Neighbours, Master Samuel Gorton, Iohn Wickes, Ran∣dall Houlden, Robert Potter▪ Francis Weston, Richard Carder, Iohn Warner, and William Waddle.

WHereas we have received upon good ground, into our Jurisdiction, and Protection, two Indian Sachims, whose names are Pumham, and Soccononoco, who have lately complained unto us of some injurious and unjust dealing, to∣wards them by your selves; and because we desire to doe e∣quall right and justice to all, and that all parties might be heard, we have therefore thought good to write unto you, to give you notice hereof▪ that so you might make present answer in the Generall Court now assembled at Boston to their complaints, who are now here with us, to attend your comming: And because some of you have been denyed the liberty of com∣ming amongst us, and it may be, others are not willing in other respects, personally to appeare, l 5.1 we doe therefore here∣by give and grant safe conduct for your free egresse & regresse unto us, whereby there may be no just excuse, for with-holding you to give satisfaction in this particular.

Dated the 12^th. 7^th. M^o. 1643.

Per cur. general. Incr. Nowell Secret.

This Warrant being delivered unto us, by some of their fore∣named Agents, the English, we presently returned them this answer by word of mouth, by their Messenger, telling them, that we being so far out of their jurisdictions, could not, neither would we acknowledge subjection unto any in the place where we were; but only the state and government of old England,

who only had right unto us, and from whom we doubted not but in due season we should receive direction, for the well ordering of us in all civill respects; and in the meane time we lived peaceably together, desiring and indevouring to doe wrong to no man, neither English nor Indian, ending all our differences in a neighbourly and loving way of Arbitra∣tors, mutually chosen amongst us: They receiving our answer, tooke it disdainfully, as their intent was to take any we sent, without our personall appearance, being resolved what course to runne concerning us; whereupon they sent us another Writing immediatly from the Court, to informe us, that they were resolved to come downe amongst us, to exercise Justice there.

Here followeth a true Copie of the Writing which they sent unto us, verbatim, being still extant.

To Samuel Gorton, Iohn Wickes, Iohn Warner, Iohn Green, Randall Houlden, Francis Weston, Robert Potter, Ri∣chard Waterman, Richard Carder, Sampson Shotton, Ni∣cholas Power, and William Waddle.

WHereas upon occasion of divers injuries, offered by you to us, and the people under our jurisdiction, both English and Indians, we have sent to you to come to our Court, and there make answer to the particulars charged upon you, and safe conduct to that end: To which you have retur∣ned us no other but contemptuous and disdainfull answers; and now at the last, that if we vvould send to your selves, that the cause might be examined, and heard among your owne Neighbours, we should then have justice and satisfaction: We have therefore, that our moderation and justice may ap∣peare to all men, agreed to condescend herein to your owne desire; and therefore intend shortly to send Commissioners into your parts to lay open the charges against you, and to heare your Reasons and Allegations, and thereupon to receive such satisfaction from you, as shall appeare in justice to be due. We give you also to understand, that vve shall send a sufficient

Guard, with our Commissioners, for their safety against any violence, or injury; for seeing you will not trust your selves with us, upon our safe conduct, we have no reason to trust ours with you, upon your bare courtesie: But this you may rest assured of, that if you will make good your owne offer to us, of doing us right, our people shall returne, and leave you in peace; otherwise we must right our selves, and our people, by force of Armes.

Dated the 19th. of the 7^th. M. 1643.

Per cur. Increase Nowell, Secret.

The next newes wee had, immediatly upon the receipt of this Writing, (being about our necessary imployments, in pro∣vision for our families) was thi••; that one Captaine George Cooke, with a company of armed souldiers, accompanied with many Indians, having Commission from the Massachu∣sets, either to bring us away by force of Armes, or else to put us to the sword; which when we heard, we partly beleeved, in regard they had given order by publicke Court, long before, that no Gun-powder should be sold into those parts where we lived, but only to such as would become subjects to them, whereby the place was not only hindred of means of defence from a forraine Enemy, but also to furnish their families with such provisions as the countrey ••ffords: we hearing of their approach, immediatly sent a Letter to those which we heard they stiled Commissioners, which proved to be the Captaine, together with his officers, desiring to know their intent, and what their Commission was to doe in those parts, signifying, that if they came to visit us in way of neighbour-hood, and friendship, to cleare any matter or cause, they should be wel∣come to us▪ but if otherwise, we wished them not to set a foot upon our Lands, in any hostile way.

A true Copie of our Letter verbatim, sent to the Commis∣sioners, as they were upon the way comming from the Massachusets towards Shaw-omet.

Shaw-omet the 28th. of September, 1643.

To certaine men stiled Commissioners, sent from the Massa∣chusets, now upon the way towards Shaw-omet, whose names we know not.

WHereas you are sent by the government of the Mas∣sachusets, under pretence of having things ordered amongst us, in way of justice, and equity, to be distributed unto themselves, (consisting as they say) of English and In∣dians, m 7.1 and that upon this ground, that we have given them an invitation to that purpose; Know therefore our whole intent, and meaning therein, which may not beare any other interpretation in a rationall mind; that as they invited us unto them, as Clients to have our causes tryed by them, and not as Warriors to fight with them, so did we, and no otherwise invite them: Mistake us not therefore, neither deceive your selves through their or your owne pretences; for if you come to treate with us, in ways of equity and peace (together therewith, shaking a Rod over our heads, in a Band of soul∣diers:) Be you assured, we have passed our Child-hood and non∣nage in that point, and are under Commission of the great God, not to be children in understanding, neither in courage▪ but to quit our selves as men; we straitly charge you therefore, hereby, that you set not a foot upon our Land in any hostile way, but upon your perill; and that if any blood be shed, upon your owne heads shall it be; and know, that if you set an Ar∣my of men upon any part of our Land, contrary to our just prohibition herein, we are under command, and have our Commission sealed already, to resist you unto death; for this is the Law of our God, by whom we stand, written in all mens hearts, that if you spread a table before us as friends, we sit not as men invective, envious, or male-content, not touch∣ing a morsell, nor looking for you to point us unto our dish, but we eat with you, by vertue of the unfained Law of relations, not only to satisfie our stomacks, but to increase friendship

and love, the end of feasting: So also if you visit us, as ••om∣batants, or Warriors, by the same Law of relations, we as freely and chearfully answer you unto death; not to kill, and take away the lives of men▪ but to increase wrath and horrour, the end of warre, in the soules of all men that seeke after it, where the peace of our God appeares not; and they that worke otherwise, and answer not unto this Law, they are not men of truth, but base dissembling Hypocrites; sha∣dowes, and abominable Idols, set up in the forme of men.

By us owners, and Inhabitants of Shaw-omet.

This Letter being sent unto these Commissioners so stiled by them, though as yet unknowne unto us, by the hand of one Iohn Peise, who lived amongst them in the Massachu∣sets, who having a Father in Law amongst us, was willing to come and declare unto his Father, out of his tender∣nesse towards him, of the n••••rnesse of the souldiers ap∣proach, and as neare as he could, the end of their comming, to perswade his said Father to escape for his life.

And when the Captaine, and the rest of the Commissioners had read our Letter, they returned us this answer (by the same Messenger) namely that they desired to speake with us, to see if they could convert us to be of their minds, (bringing a Minister with them, to accomplish their ends in such designs) which if they could not, then they would account of us, as men ••itted for the slaughter, and with all convenient speed, would addresse themselves for our dispatch in the ruine of us, and of our families.

Here followeth a true Copie of the answer made by the Com∣missioners, unto our Letter, verbatim, under their hands▪ which is still extant.

To our friend John Peise. Having considered of the Writing you brought to us the last night, our thoughts concerning it, are as followeth.

FIrst it is our great desire, that we might speake with them, concerning the particulars, which we were sent to them

about; n 8.1 certainly perswading our selves, that we shall be able through the Lords helpe to convince some of them, at least of the evill of their way, and cause them to divert their course, that so doing they may preserve their lives and liberties, which otherwise must necessarily leade to eternall ruine of them and theirs; for however, through an evill spirit, that hath possessed some one, or two of them, others are drawne into such desperate evils, as is monstrous to thinke of; yet ha∣ving better counsell, we hope they will be brought to see their weaknesse, and repent of it, that so we might returne, and leave them and theirs in peace, which is our great desire, and the contrary most grievous; but if there be no way of tur∣ning them, we then shall looke upon them, as men prepared for slaughter, and accordingly shall addresse our selves, with all convenient speed, not doubting of the Lords presence with us, being cleare in the way we are in: This being our minds, we intreate you to acquaint them with it speedily; and if they shall, who have set their names to their book, doe come to us, and speake with us, we shall give them leave to returne without hurt.

Your Friends and Commissioners sent by the government of the Massachusets-Bay into these parts.

• George Cooke.
• Edward Iohnson.
• Humfrey Athart••n.

The returne of this answer from the Commissioners, as a∣bove, affrighted our wives & children, forcing them to betake

themselves, some into the Woods among the Indians, suffe∣ring such hard-ship, as occasioned the death of divers of them, o 8.2 and others going to take water, to depart to other plan∣tations for succour, the souldiers approached before they could take boat, who presented their Muskets at women great with child, forcing them and their children to runne deep into the water, to get into the boat for feare of them p 8.3; we beta∣king our selves to one of our houses, for our defence, they presently appeared in sight; S. Gorton being out of the house to convey his Wife (who was great with child) towards the water-side for her escape, espied them about Musket-shot from the house, the way which they came being full of wood; they were not sooner discerned but he called unto them, to keepe without the distance of Musket-shot, calling to his friends in the house also to stand to their Armes, for a band of souldiers consisting of English and Indians were in sight; so committing his Wife to some of Providence, which came along with them to convey her to the boat, betooke himselfe to the house with the rest. These our loving neighbours, inha∣biting neere unto us in that Towne where Master Williams sate downe, being deeply affected with the proceedings of the Massachusets, comming downe unto us along with them, to be eye and eare witnesses how things were carried at our meeting; who instantly urged the Captaine, and officers for a parley, who denyed to yeeld o•• grant any such thing, but professed they would fall upon us presently, unlesse it might be private betwixt themselves and us, and none else to heare it, professing to make dispatch of us in one quarter of an hours worke, q 8.4 which we understanding refused to enter into

parley, unlesse our said neighbours of Providence might be pre∣sent to witnesse the passages of it; but at the last after much affectionate urging, they yeelded to a parley; and foure of Providence men to be chosen out as witnesses, which we freely consented unto the mutuall choyce of them, and accordingly we met together; and we demanding of them the end of their comming, they pretended we had done some wrong unto certaine of their subjects, as also that we held blasphemous errours, which we must either repent of, or goe downe to the Massachusets to be tryed at their Courts, or else they had Com∣mission to put us to the sword, and to pay themselves out of our goods, for their charges in comming thither; to which we made answer, we could not yeeld thereunto, that they that were our professed adversaries should be our Judges, we being so farre out of all their jurisdictions; but freely tendred our appeale to the honourable State of England, in any thing that could be objected against us, which they peremptorily refused: We then offered to put our case to arbitration, by in∣different men, mutually chosen in the countrey, ingaging our goods, our lands, & our persons, to make full satisfaction for any thing that could be brought in, or appeare against us; which Propositions seemed so reasonable, not only in the eyes of the witnesses, but also to the Captain and the rest, that there was a truce agreed upon, untill such time as a Messenger being dispatcht into the Massachusets, might returne with the an∣swer of the Governour, and Assistants, during the time of which truce, they broke open our houses, and our desks, ta∣king away our Writings, killed our Cattle for themselves and the Indians, whom they brought with them, to live upon

taking the bedding, with other necessaries in our houses, for the souldiers to lie upon, and make use of, not only at that time, but afterwards in their trenches, during the time of their league, assaulting some of our friends, both men, women, and children, who only came to see us, in that sad time of extre∣mitie, hearing there was a truce concluded for a season, indea∣vouring to cut them off, upon the water, (being in a small ves∣sell) by shooting halfe a score or a dozin Muskets at them, be∣fore they could get out of their reach, which they very narrow∣ly escaped; during the time of this truce, the men of Providence (unknowne unto us) sent a Letter to the Government of the Massachusets, to informe them how things had been carried at our meeting, whereof they were eye and eare witnesses.

A true Copie of the Letter se•••• by the men of Providence, chosen to be witnesses▪ of all passages in way of our parley, to the Governour of the Massachusets, in way of mediati∣on for peace, to prevent Countrey-men from spilling one an others blood, it is here set downe verbatim, according to the originall Copie still extant.

Providence the 2. of the 8t. M ^o. 1643. so called.

WOrthy Sir, let it not seeme absurd, that we whose names are here under written, present you with these insuing lines; we lately hearing read a Copie of your writing, directed to Samuel Gorton, and that company, as also some of us being requested by our neighbour Cole (your subject) and (all requested by Samuel Gorton, and his company, to heare and see) the truth of proceedings on both sides, our conscien∣ces perswading us, that these desires were reasonable, and for ought we know, might be a meanes (if God so wrought) to prevent the shedding of blood; these things we say conside∣red, may (as before) cause our boldnesse. We therefore being filled with griefe at such a spectacle, that the English should shed English blood, doe desire to acquaint you with what we did observe, during that respite, that was condescended to, for

a treatie; therefore to proceed, after your Commission read, S. G. his company did desire to know in what particulars, you did demand satisfaction; the propositions being declared were foure.

Frst to get them off the Indians ground, which your Com∣missioners said, they had but intruded.

Secondly, for satisfaction about a Booke, wherein your Commissioners said, were grosse things penned.

Thirdly, for satisfaction for wrong done, both to English and Indians, under your subjection.

Fourthly, for charges, which your Commissioners said, they had caused by forcing this Army.

Vnto the first they answered, that the ground was theirs, and they were the true owners, and that by the same right that you did clayme it, it being long before subjected to the Nan∣hyganset Sachim, and purchased by them of Myantonomy, and (to take away all colour of claime) of Pumham also, and they having quiet possession of the same▪ untill this trouble; and therefore did conceive you had wronged them, by bringing an Army, to force them from their ground; your Commissioners pleaded, it was your right, by the Indians subjecting to you, and thereupon were very resolute to take them off by force; which they questioned not but immediatly to performe; the other as resolute, considering, they said they had bought it, and vowed to stand upon their lawfull defence, though to the last drop of their blood, the resolution on both sides being so hot, that we thought immediatly the Battle would have began; they did then appeale to the highest Court in old England, for the tryall of their right, which when your Commissioners refused, they did againe offer to put it to the tryall of indiffe∣rent Judges in this Countrey, which were parties of neither side, and counted it unreasonable, that force should be offered before the cause were tryed, which they judged you could not doe, being parties in the cause, and promised to stand to the determination of those Judges, to the utmost of their estates and persons.

Secondly, being demanded by your Commissioners, satisfa∣ctioin

for the Book, wherein they declared grosse things were penned, they answered, that they would put it, as the former, to be judged by indifferent Judges, both the terms, & satisfaction.

To the third, for satisfaction for wrong done, both to In∣dians and English; they answered, they would give full sa∣tisfaction.

Concerning the fourth, wherein was great expence and charges required; they answered likewise, as in the former, that they would pay and give to the utmost satisfaction, if the Arbitrators judged, that they were the cause of raysing it, and would as fully and freely submit▪ as to eat and drinke: These being in short the heads, we leave the more ample relation to your Commissioners; Sir so faire Propositions offered, we hope will worke your affections to the utmost end, of preven∣ting blood-spilling: Nay, we hope, if it be but upon the point of honour, rather that you will be losers, then take the utmost; the case we cannot but ••e sadly affected with, know∣ing it will be dishonourable to the Lord, if those who pro∣fesse themselves Christians, should not take the best means for peace; we hope you will not in the least measure take it un∣kindly for any hint unto you; neither that you will despise Abigals counsell, for Nabals churlishnesse; let the Lord smite them, and his hand be upon them, if they sinne against him; If one man sinne against another, the Iudge shall judge him, but if a man sinne against the Lord, who shall intreat for him? 1 Sam. 2. 25. Now their Proposition is for man to judge, as that first part of the alleadged Scripture doth declare; some of their wives and children (if •• mornfull Spectacle might move you) doe begge for a serious consideration of their hus∣bands, and fathers Propositions; which if not hearkned unto, were like in mans eye to be left miserable; we would they were able to write their owne griefe, which now in pitie we have respect unto: Oh, how grievous would it be (we hope to you) if one man should be slaine▪ considering the greatest Monarch in the world cannot make a man; especially grievous, seeing they offer termes of peace: Sir, vve knovv not hovv to end, nor vvhat to say, vve must abruptly leave desiring your

wisdoms to cover on•• defects with love, and answer for us, if any shall challenge us, 2 Tim. 2. 7.

• Chad. Browne.
• Thomas Olney.
• William Field,
• William Wickenden.

Here followeth a true Copie of a Letter written by the Go∣vernour of the Massachusets, in answer to the men of Providence, of their Letter written unto him, in way of mediation for peace, which is here set downe verbatim, the Letter being extant under his owne hand.

Neighbours of Providence,

I Have received a Letter subscribed by four of you, whom I hear are not of the confederacie with Gorton, Holden, and the rest of that company, wherin as Mediators you intercede be∣tween them & us, in the differences now between us; the return of the Messenger is so hasty, that I cannot make a full answer to every thing you have mentioned in your Letter; only you may rest satisfied with this, that the Commission, and instru∣ctions given to the Commissioners now at Providence, was not rashly and inconsiderately drawn up; but by the mature ad∣vise of the wisest and godliest amongst us▪ assembled in a ge∣nerall Court, which I have not power to reverse or alter; and for the justnesse of the Courts proceedings therein, you may doe well to take further notice, that besides the Title of Land, between the Indians, and the English there, there are twelve of the English, that have subscribed their names, to horrible and detestable blasphemies, against God, and all Ma∣gistracie, who are rather to be judged as Blasphemers▪ (especi∣ally if they persist therein) rather then that they should delude us, by winning time, under the pretence of Arbitration; I doubtnot, but you well know, that we have often sent to them, to plead their title to the Land, and to make answer for their Blasphemies, and that we lately sent them safe Conducts for their comming, and returning, r 10.1 for all which we have received from them, nothing but scorns, con∣tempt, and revilings in the worst expressions they could

cast them into; so that the promise of protection made by us, to Pumham, &c. the vindication of Gods honour, and many reasons concerning our safety, have necessarily put us upon this course with them; notwithstanding which, if any of them will in peaceable manner, repaire unto us, under the conduct of our Commissioners, no violence shall be offered to them, by our souldiers there▪ and our justice here; but if they refuse, and offer violence▪ let the hurt they receive be upon their owne heads; further (which I had forgotten) where you say their offer of arbitration is faire, you may doe well to be better informed, and to know that the botome of it is easily sounded, which is to win time, to discourage the Indians, s 10.2 under our subjection, and to give them time, and oppor∣tunity, to stir up (as much as in them lieth) the other In∣dians against t 10.3 us; for to whom would they referre their matters? to your selves whom we know not, but have just cause to feare, in respect of your vicinitie unto them, and your now mediation for them; and to those of Road-Iland, divers of whom we know too well, to referre any matters unto; u 10.4 the best office you can performe unto them, is to perswade them to attend their owne safety, by yeelding to the lawfull demand of our Commissioners, from which as I said before I cannot vary. So I rest

Your loving Neighbour, Io: Winthrope.

Boston 8. 3, 1643.

Now after the enterchange of these Letters, between the men of Providence, and the Governour of the Massachusets, which

we at the present were ignorant of, when certaine dayes were expired, the Messengers sent by the Commissioners into the Massachusets to acquaint them with our Propositions, returned, which we perceived by their shooting off of Guns at his com∣ming: And the first thing we discerned in them, they sent out and gathered all our Cattle together, and tooke them into their owne custody, sending two souldiers unto us to give us no∣tice, that the time of truce was expired, and that our Propo∣sitions could in no cause be accepted or imbraced by the Mas∣sachusets▪ we then desiring to speake with the Captain and the officers, they utterly denyed to have any speech with us; but immediatly intrenched themselves, and the same day gave fire upon us; whereupon to shew our allegeance to the State of old England, we hung out the English colours, which they perceiving shot the more violently against us▪ shooting the co∣lours many times, through and through: Now when the Messenger from the Massachusets returned, comming through the Towne of Providence▪ two of the men of Providence came along to Shaw-omet, to see how things were carried, and what the newes was at his returne; and however the Commis∣sioners would not speake with us; yet the men of Providence went unto them, & had speech with them▪ whom they warned to come no more unto us, upon their perill, for they were re∣solved of their course; therefore who ever came neer unto us, they would take them for their enemies: For when the Go∣vernour and Assistants of the Massachusets perceived that the Commissioners had declared their errand unto us in plainer termes then, then they intended it should have beene; they thought to make the house we were in our grave, was the best vvay to vindicate the moderation of their equall Justice to∣vvards us, as plainly appeared by their practise, and course held concerning us.

Here followeth a true Copy of the testimony of the two men of PROVIDENCE who came to SHAVV-OMET at the return of the Messenger out of the MASSACHU∣SETS verbatim, extant under their own hands.

WE testifie that upon the return of the Answer, from the Bay, the Captain refused the former offer of appeale to England, or Arbitration in the Country, with the said Samuel Gorton and his company, but immediately dissolved the truce, and the same day proceeded to give fire upon them.

• Richard Scot
• William Harrisse.

And so continued for divers days together in their fierce assalt, the Sabbath approaching, we imagining they would not have continued their assalt upon that day, and were very con∣fident that they would go about no such work upon the night before the Sabbath; being we knew well that they held the Sabbath begins in the evening going before, and that they had no lesse ground for it then Master Cottons judgment; as also that it was one of their laws that the breach of the Sabbath is to be punished with death. Now what they may judge the killing of their Countrymen causlesly upon that day is, whe∣ther to keep or break the Sabbath, we leave to all men to judge.

But contrary to our expectation, early in the morning, having prepared their fire-works, they attempted to burn the house wherein we were, seconding their fire with the discharge of above four hundred shot against us, according to the Souldiers account, who afterwards told us how many shots they had made that morning, according to the emptying of their band••∣l••ers; all which time they told us Captain Cook stood behind such a great white oaktree, whom we heard incouraging his souldiers to come on with courage, thinking himself in safety, and so he was, for we discharged not a Gun that morning, nor

of al the time of their siege, but onlytwo in the nighttime at ran∣dom, to scar them from working their trenches neer unto us; for we had concluded to take away the lives of none of our Countrymen, unlesse they offered to enter violently upon us, which we only ••itted our selves to prevent such assalt, or else that we were forced out upon them by the firing of our house; only we perceived our words to be shot good enough to keep them aloof. For we called cheerfully upon the Captain to come on and bring up his men; for he should find vs very cheerfull spirits to deal with, and that we would make him as good a Sabbath days breakfast as ever he had in his life; our care was only to quench the fire which they had laid to the wall before we were aware; But we saw the wind took the flame so from the wal that it kindled not upon the house▪ vvhen the day began to break Captain Cook called to the souldiers to go on with a fresh assalt; but we heard some of his Souldiers deny to come on again, being the fire took not; and the day beginning to be light they thought we might shoot from the house at some certainty; we called on the Captain to animate his soldiers, for we understood (we told him) his charret wheels began to drive very heavy, and were in danger to fall off, and that was all the violence we offered to our Countrymen in this their so eager an assalt, though we heard the Captain in the beginning of it, give strict charge to the souldiers that they should not let one escape alive, but to put all to the sword, thinking the fire would have taken, and so we have been a prey for them: But however we discharged not a peece against them, being loth to spill the blood of our Countrymen, though to the hazard of our own lives, yet were we well provided and could easily have done them much hurt; only stood upon our defence so, as they durst not make entry upon us: afterwhich assalt they sent back into the Massachusets for more ayd: But in the mean time another parley was procured wherein we consented to go down into the Massachusets upon Composition to prevent the spilling of blood, which we could no longer refrain in the defence of our selves, they having approached so neer unto us; The condition whereof was this, that we

should goe along with them, as free men, and neighbours, as though such passages had never been betwixt us, which the Captain and his Company consenting unto, beat up the Drum, and gathered his souldiers together, seeming joyfull that things were so concluded; whereupon the Captaine desired to see our house, which request we lovingly imbraced, think∣ing he intended to refresh him selfe and his souldiers with such provisions as we had, before we set upon our journey towards the Massachusets; but no sooner was he come into the house, but contrary to the Articles of out agreement, he seized upon our Armes, using us as captives, and presently carried us a∣way, not suffering us to dispose of any of our goods, that were in or about our houses, having not so much as a servant left behind, and so left them all as pillage to the Indians, x 11.1 the Captain giving charge unto the souldiers, that if any of us spake a word in our journey, to give any of them dis∣content, that they should presently knock us downe, and if they saw any of us step aside, out of the place designed unto us, that they should run us through, and he would beare them out, in that their action: And withall they drove away our cattle into the Massachusets, dividing and disposing of them amongst themselves; only some of them they had disposed of to such of their subjects, as lived near unto us, who had been instruments and assistants unto them, to bring about and ef∣fect this worke. The number of ••attle which they took from us was foure-score head, or thereabouts, besides Swine and Goats, which they, and the Indians, lived upon during the time of their siege, also breaking violently into our houses, taking away our corne with other provisions provided for our Families to live upon.

Here followeth an other Testimony, of divers of the men of Providence, given under their hands, set downe here ver∣batim, for the clearing of these matters, which writing is extant.

Providence this present Ianuary the 30. ^th. 1644.

We whose names are here under written, Inhabitants of the town of Providence in the Nanhyganset- Bay in New-England, being requested by Samuel Gorton, Randal Houlden▪ John Wickes, and John Warner, with divers others of our coun∣trey men, to testifie what we know concerning their late suffe∣rings, from the Bay of the Massachusets, we take our selves bound in conscience, to answer their request, and in a word of truth, impartially to witnesse.

FIrst, that our▪ Countrey-men aforesaid, were peaceably possessed of a Plantation, at Shaw-omet, amongst the Na∣tives, some ten or a dozen miles beyond this Towne of Pro∣vidence.

Secondly, that the Bay of Massachusets, sent up through this Towne of Providence, one Captain Cooke, and his company, in warlike manner, who actually assaulted, and besieged our foresaid Countrey-men, who stood upon their own defence.

Thirdly, that the wives and children, of our fore-said Coun∣trey-men upon these hostile courses were affrighted and scatte∣red in great extremities, and divers since are dead.

Fourthly, the said Captaine Cooke and his company, carried captive our fore-said Countrey-men through this Towne of Providence, to the Bay of Massachusets.

Fifthly, Their goods, cattle, houses, and plantations were seized upon, by the fore-said Captain, and his company; their cattle were part killed by the souldiers, and the rest by Agents

from the Bay disposed of, and driven away to the said Bay of Massachusets.

• Richard Scot.
• William Harris.
• William Field.
• Stutley Wastcote.
• Hugh Bewit.
• Thomas Harris.
• William Barrowes.
• Ioshua Winssor.
• Iohn Field.
• Thomas Angel.
• William Reighnalds.
• Adam Goodwin.

Now as we passed along on the way to the Massachusets, which was about three-score, or three-score and ten miles, in the common account of men, from our Plantation at Shaw∣omet, after they were come into the Townes within their own jurisdictions, in some Townes their Minister which the soul∣diers brought along with them against us, gathered the people together, in the open street went to prayers, that the people might take notice, what they had done, was done in a holy manner, and in the name of the Lord; and when they came to Dorchester, there being many people gathered together, with divers of their Ministers, as Master Cotton, and Master Ma∣ther, &c. there they placed us at their pleasure, as they thought fit to have us stand; and made vollies of shot over our heads in signe of victory, [z] and when we were come to Boston,* 12.1 and brought before the Governours doore, the souldiers pla∣cing themselves and us, as they thought fit, and orderly; the Governour comming forth, walking throughout, all the company of souldiers blessed them; the word which he used as he still passed along was this, God blesse you, and prosper you: God blesse and prosper you; y 12.2 when this was done, we were brought into the Governors Hall, before the Governor, Mr. Iohn Winthrope, unto whom we complained, how the Captain had

used us, contrary to our Articles; but he told us, what ever the Captain might expresse unto us, his intent was to have us as captives, and their captives now we were; and unto the common Goale we must goe, without either Baile or Main∣prize, where we continued untill the Court sate, and the Countrey comming in on every side, to understand the cause, why they had so proceeded against us; and they labouring to give the countrey satisfaction, rehearsed in the ears of the people, divers grosse opinions, which they had compiled to∣gether, out of our writing, which we abhorred: As that we should deny the humane nature of Christ, which they gathe∣red from this, that we professed his death to be effectuall to the Fathers, before the time of his incarnation in the wombe of the Virgin; also that we denyed all the Churches of Jesus Christ, because we could not joyne with them in that way of Church order which they had established amongst them; Againe, that we denyed all the holy Ordinances of Christ, because we could not joyn with them in their way of admi∣nistration; as also, that we denyed all civill Magistracie, be∣cause we could not yeeld to their authority, to be exercised in those parts where we lived, (that place being above foure and twenty miles out of their bounds) which we should not once have questioned, if we had beene within the compasse of their jurisdictions, as it well appeared by our carriage, all the time we were amongst them, as also by our sundry appeals unto this state, which have been denyed unto us; yea, and since that great favour granted, and given unto that people of Provi∣dence plantations, in a late Charter of civill government, from this State, our humble respects unto al such authority, hath been made manifest to all men: not only in our unanimous and joy∣full imbracing of it, but also some of us by the generall vote of the whole Colonie, have been chosen into the place of Judi∣cature, for the orderly execution of the authority of the Char∣ter; yea, some of us that are now here present, at the publi∣cation hereof: Now when we desired liberty to speak in the Court, to answer to such things as were alleaged, and read in the ears of the people, such as is above, with divers more to the

number of about six and twenty, all drawn from our writing formerly mentioned in this Treatise, we denyed that we either held, or had writ any such thing▪ and desired our writing might be read in open Court, that it might appear what was in it, which was denyed unto us; only their charges must ap∣peare, by the affirmation of the Bench; for no other man nor woman appeared to testifie a word against us; and when wee continued to deny the constructions they had given of our wri∣tings, and abstracted from them, denying them to be ours, we were commanded silence; Master Thomas Dudley, one of the Bench, standing up, charging us to be silent, and told us if we were not, they would lay irons upon our legs, and upon our hands, and also upon our necks; whereupon the Court for that time was dissolved, no man objecting against us in the least, in any wrong or injury betwixt man and man; neither at that time, nor in any time of all our tryall amongst them. After which they brought us forth divers times before their Court, which then sate more privately in a Chamber, the door being kept very carefully, that none should enter, but only whom they thought fit to permit, their Court then consisting of about a dozin Magistrates, and about fortie Deputies cho∣sen out of severall Towns, as were thought fit, and many of their Ministers usually present with them to assist in the worke; they then questioned, and examined us apart▪ to the uttermost they could, to get some matter against us from our owne mouths, and also usually sending their Agents as Elders, z 12.3 and Members of their Churches, a 12.4 unto us in prison,

frequently putting questions unto us to get occasion against us; thus continuing for the space of two or three weeks together, during which time Master Wilson ordinarily in his Sermons, pressed the Magistrates and the people to take away our lives, from that text of the King of Israel letting Benhadad goe, ap∣plying it unto them; that if they let us escape with life, their life should then goe for our life, and their people for our peo∣ple, urging them from that of Samuel and Agag, to hew and cut us in peeces; Master Cotton also in his Sermons, incouraged the people in the lawfulnesse of their dealings with us, from that in the Revelations, where it is said, the Kingdoms of this world are the Kingdoms of the Lord, and his Christs, whence he observed, that they being the Kingdom of Christ, they were bound to goe out against all people, to subdue all such unto themselves as are weaker then they; otherwise they might stay at home within themselves, and serve God with all their hearts; but they could not serve him with all their might, unlesse they went out to subdue others, and so would be guil∣ty of the breach of that command, viz. Thou shalt serve the Lord thy God with all thy strength. Now after our many con∣sultations, and debating of matters with the Magistrates and Ministers, not only in the Court, sometimes one of us answe∣ring and declaring of his mind, only in matters of Religion a whole day together, yea part by Candle-light, besides all their more private conferences in the prison, and at other hou∣ses, where we vvere put apart, in custody one from an ano∣ther in the time of our examination: at the last the Court sent for S. Gorton, out of prison, to appeare before them; and when he came before them, the Governour told him, he heard there was exception taken, that there should be a rumour, that it was for some civill things they had so proceeded against us, and yet no man appeared to object the least against us, in any civill re∣spect; unto which the Governour himselfe gave ansvver (not expecting an ansvver from Gorton) that they had set their subjects the Indians in their own Land, and that was all they looked after in that respect, but they never questioned in pub∣licke, whether it was right or wrong, to take it from us, only

had privately called one of us, which was one of the Inter∣preters, at the buying of it, and the Indians their subjects to∣gether, to see what could be said in it, and found the Indians by their own confession, to make things so clear on our behalfe, that they thought it not fit to bring it into publick scanning of the matter.

The Governour then told Gorton, he was now to answer some things that should be propounded unto him upon his life, for it was upon his life that now he was to answer; unto which Gorton made answer, that he was to shew unto them all dutifull subjection that might be, being under the govern∣ment of their jurisdiction, as he had done since his comming amongst them, to give them their due honour and respect to the utmost, which he could not doe but as he looked upon them with relation unto the State of old England; by vertue of which power, they sate there, as executioners of justice, un∣lesse he looked at them, and carried himselfe towards them, as they had respect unto that State, (from whom what power they had was derived) else he could not give them their due ho∣nour and respect; for it could no way appeare to be such, but as it was derived from that noble State of old England; and therefore, however he had according to what they had deman∣ded, for the clearing of any thing, been free to answer unto them: So now if it was his life that they would now put him upon, he did as freely, and in the presence of them all, appeale to the State of old England for his tryall in that point, by vertue of which State only he conceived they sate there as Ministers of justice; and therefore might not deny unto him his just appeale (understanding that the deniall of an appeale, must either presuppose a superiority in them that deny it, or an equality at the least, with the ••tate appealed unto) unto which the Governour made answer▪ as also Master Iohn Indi∣cote, deputy Governour, and bad Gorton never dream, or think of any such thing, for no appeale should be granted unto him.

Now the Ministers and Magistrates, having weighed better our Writings, our Examinations in Court, answers to questions

more privately, with any thing, spoken in the prison amongst our selves, which daily ear was lent unto, or our carriage and demeanure in any respect; they had now summed up, and drawn all into four questions, which were now to be answe∣red in case of life and death.

The Questions were these that here follow, not a word vary∣ing in any one of them.

• 1. Q. Whether the Fathers, who dyed before Christ was born of the Virgin Mary, were justified and saved only by the blood which he shed, and the death which he suffered after his incarnation.
• 2. Q. Whether the only price of our Redemption, were not the death of Christ upon the Crosse, with the rest of his sufferings, and obediences in the time of his life here after he was borne of the Virgin Mary.
• 3. Q. Who is that God whom he thinks we serve.
• 4. Q. What he means, when he saith, We worship the Star of our God Remphan, Chion, Molech.

To these four questions the Court told Gorton he must an∣swer speedily upon life and death, and that under his hand writing; he told them he was not willing to answer in any thing but as before he had done; they told him he must give in speedy answer under his hand writing; he asked what time he must have for the answer of them; they told him a quarter of an houre; he told them he could answer them in so short a time, but he knew not whether it could give them satisfaction; for it was as much as for a man to describe Iesus Christ what he is, and the way of Autichrist also, which might be done in few words; but not to be clear to every man; for a man may describe the whole world in these words; in the beginning God created heaven and earth, and the earth was without forme and void, and darkenesse was upon the face of the deep, and the spi∣rit of God moved upon the face of the waters; all the whole worke of creation is in this masse or heape; but to set out the

glory and beauty that comes out of this, needs many Phrases to expresse it; even so it is in the description of the Son of God, Iesus Christ, borne of the Virgin, it may be done in few words; but to lay out the nature, benefit, and glory of it, no smalspeech, or time can serve to expresse: and therefore desired in word (as before he had manifested his mind unto them) so he might give that present answer which God gave unto him in this point also; but they told him it must be done in writing, and so commanded the Go••ler to convey him to an other room to dispatch the same; but as he was going out from them, they called unto him, and told him he should have the liberty of halfe an hours time to performe i•• in; when he was come into an other room, pen, inke and paper being brought unto him, as he was going to write, word was sent from the Court, that if it was brought in, on the second day in the morning, it should suffice, for the Court considering of it, that many of them had farre home, and it being the day of Preparation for the Sabbath (for it was now Saturday in the afternoon) and they thought not fit to sit any longer; so Gorton was conveyed a∣gaine into the Prison to the rest of his friends; who continued cheerfully together, all the Sabbath day, as they had done be∣fore in the Prison; only some part of those dayes, they brought us forth unto their Congregations, to hear their Sermons, of occido and occidio, which was ment not to be digested, but only by the heart or stomacke of an Ostrich: But upon the Mun∣day morning, Gorton tooke pen and inke, and writ in answer to every one of the four questions given unto him, as here followeth.

This is a true Copie of answers, given to the Court of the Massachusets to the four questions, which they required to be answered in writing upon life, and death, in case of Blasphemy, which we were charged with, and sentence so farre passed, as to take away our lives by the sword, in case of not disclayming of our Religion, or erroneous opinions, as they were pleased to call them; the answers are truly set down, verbatim.

TO the first question we answer affirmatively (only assu∣ming the l••berty of our explanation) namely, The Fathers who dyed before Christ was borne of the Virgin Mary, were ju∣stified and saved, only by the blood which he shed, and the death which he suffered, b 13.1 in and after his Incarnation (that is

on this wise; that the guilt and stain of man is not, but with respect unto the holy word of God, the disobedience where∣of, by eating the forbidden fruit, breeds an infinit distance, be∣tween God and his owne worke, without the least defect or blame to be found or imputed unto the Word of God, but the sole de∣fect and blame is in the creature, even in man himselfe, yet could he in no case be so miserable, but with respect unto the holy Word; even so the justification and salvation of the Fathers, was by the holy word of God, not but with respect and relation unto the seed of Abraham, and the Son of David, (conceived and borne of the Virgin Mary) in whom they were justified and saved, and yet no vertue nor power, arising out of any thing that is humane; m••n therefore is a sinner of in∣finit guilt, with respect unto that word, which was be∣fore all time, and no fault to be found in the Word at all; the word of God is a Saviour of infinit value, with respect unto the seed of the Virgin Mary, borne, suffering, dying, and rising againe in the fulnesse of time, and yet no vertue in that seed at all, unto whom all the Prophets bear witnesse, having an eye unto him in all their holy Writings, and the faith of the Fathers comprehending Christ, both in the one, and in the other respect, were justified and saved by him alone, his death being reall and actuall unto faith, God having the same coexistance

with the creature in all ages, though the creature cannot have the same with him but in time.

To the second Question depending upon, or rather involved in the former we answer.

Mans rejection of the Word of God, being his sinne and separation from God, is the only forfeiture of himselfe, which could not be, but with respect unto the word of eternity; even so Gods Righteousnesse revealed by taking man into unitie with himselfe, is the only price of our Redemption, with respect un∣to the death of Christ upon the Crosse, with the rest of his sufferings, and obedience, from the time of his Incarnation, in the womb of the Virgin Mary, to his ascention into Heaven, without which there is no price of our Redemption.

To the third Question, who we thinke that God is, that men serve, that are not of the faith above said: we answer that all mens hearts are awed (by the true God) to bow in wor∣ship: therefore when the Apostle looking upon the inscripti∣on upon the Altar at Athens, it is said, he beheld their devo∣tion (or as the word is) the God which they worshipped, though ignorantly, yet it was he only that he declared unto them: So the Apostle Iames, thou beleevest, that there is one God, thou doest well, the Devils also beleeve and tremble.

The fourth Question therfore is the explanation of the third, namely what we mean by Molech, and the Star of that God Remphan: to which we answer, that the Scripture alluded unto, * makes difference between those Gain-sayers of the* 13.2 Fathers which fell in the Wildernesse, and those of the true seed, that gave faithfull Testimony unto the Oracle of God; the Rebels of the sons of Levy, would not take up, nor beare the Arke of God, as their duty was, nor give the light and lustre of a Star in the Tabernacle, when it was pitched (for the seven Stars are the seven Angels:) But as they had the power of a worldly Ruler, or Governour to defend them in their worke, and to subdue all that were not of their mind under them: therefore they tooke up the Tabernacle of Mo∣lech, or bore the Booth of the King, and gave the light of Rem∣phan (alluding unto Rapha, who in Davids dayes had four sonnes, were mighty Gyants, warring only by the strength of

the Arme of flesh) so that they would not give Testimony un∣to the holy way of God; but as they had a King set over them, besides Moses, to defend them, when as a greater then Moses was there: And in this they turned backe in their hearts, unto Aegypt, looking unto the way of Pharaoh, that would sub∣due all that were not of his own way, and be a defence unto his wise men in what ever they wrought; but the faithfull seed of Abraham, had the Tabernacle of witnesse, or witnessed unto the Tabernacle, even in the Wildernesse, where there was no worldly Governour to defend them, but all came out against them, Ammon and Amaleck, Balack, Ogg, and Sihon, and the rest; in the which condition Stephen perceived himselfe, when he witnessed unto the word of truth, in alleadging that place of the Prophet *.* 13.3

Samuel Gorton.

Upon the finishing of these answers on the Munday morning, the Court sent for S. Gorton to come before them; and when he was come, the Governor asked him, whether he had brought in his ansvver to the questions propounded unto him (at their last sitting) in writing, he answered he had brought them; then the Governor asked him, whether he had put his hand unto them, he answered he had not, not thinking it would be required, else he had done it; the Governour called for pen and inke, and caused him to put his hand unto them, and then deman∣ded them of him, Gorton desired he might have liberty▪ to read them first in the Court, that he might pronounce the Phrases and words according to the true meaning, and intent, having had experience of wrong done, in reading (in way of pro∣nunciation of things not plainly) before, to the giving of true intelligence to the hearers, when the answers were read in the audience of the Court, the Court paused, and no man said any thing unto them, only bade Gorton with-draw, which being done, they hade some consulta••ion among themselvs, and shortly after called for Gorton to be brought in again: Master Saltingstone found fault, that it was written in the answer, what is the Star of (that) God Remphan, whereas it was in the writing (your, God Remphan) Gorton answered, the Phrase was only changed for modesty; for indeed (saith he) it is the

phrase of the Apostle, your God Remphan, and so it rested to clear that scruple. The Governour told Gorton, that they were one with him, in those answers; for they held as he did; Gorton answered he was very glad of it, for he loved not differences and divisions amongst men: the Governour then asked him whether he would retract the writing that was formerly written unto them; Gorton answered, that no∣thing was written before, but would suit and agree, with these answers; so that if there was cause to retract one, there was cause to retract all; the Governour said, no these answers they could agree with him in; but not in the former writing; whereupon Master Dudley stood up, seeming to be much mo∣ved, and said he would never consent to it whilst he lived, that they were one with him in those answers; the Gover∣nour then asked Gorton what Faith was: to which he answe∣red, that was nothing that concerned what they had for∣merly written, and that he and the rest had only underta∣ken to answer to any thing that was in their writing: the Go∣vernour told him, he was bound, and ought to be ready to give an answer to any that should aske him a question of the hope that is in him; Gorton made answer, that the difinition which the Apostle gives of faith, was sufficient, as he thought to give any man satisfaction; he asked him what that was, he told him it was this; that faith is the hypostasis or subsistance of things that are hoped for, and the evidence (or argument demonstrative) of things that are not seen, nor demonstrated at all; the Gover∣nour told him that was true, but he could say more of faith then so; Gorton told him, it gave him satisfaction, and be∣ing an other point then they had had to deale about, since their comming amongst them, and being no question produ∣ced from former writings, desired to be spared from any fur∣ther answer then the plain words of the Apostle; whereup∣on Master Broadstreet made answer, that he thought it was not fit to put him upon any new questions, unlesse he were free to speake unto them, and so they dismissed him from the Court to the Prison againe.

Shortly after this, there was a day appointed, wherein wee

were to receive our sentence from the Court, which was to be given in the afternoon, and in the forenoon Master Cotton preached, having gathered up the minds of the people, in what they had observed, and perceiving the people took notice, that in what we dissented from them, was out of tendernesse of conscience, and were ready to render a reason and ground for what we held and practised, & divers such like things; to which he answered, that if we had done i•• out of ignorance, then there had been hopes of regaining us▪ but if out of tendern••sse of conscience, and able to render reason for what wee did (and other things of like nature) then were we ripened for death, urging them to agree together, and consent in one thing, that so it might be, else would not the Angels carry their soules to heaven; for he was then speaking of the office of the Angels in that point; and when by all their examinations in Court, Inturgatories put upon us in Prison, and publicke preaching, they could find nothing against us, for the trans∣gressing of any of their Lawes, they then proceeded to cast a lot for our lives, putting it to the major vote of the Court, whether we should live or die, which was so ordered by the providence of God, that the number of two votes carried it on our side; and whereas both by Law, Equitie, and act of Providence, they ought to have set us forthwith at liberty, yet notwithstanding they proceeded further to censure; namely, confined us to severall Towns, and to wear bolts and irons, and to worke for our livings, though it was i•• the extremity of winter, and not to speak of any of those things which they had dealt with us about, and all this during the pleasure of the Court, and that upon pain of death.

Here followeth a true Copie of the censure, and of the charg as it was given unto us in writing by the Court, being extant, and here set down verbatim, as it was given to Samuel Gorton, the rest being the same, but onely the change of the names.

For Samuel Gorton.

IT is ordered that Samuel Gorton shal be confined to Charls∣towne, there to be set on worke, and to wear such bolts or irons, as may hinder his escape, and so to continue during the pleasure of the Court; provided, that if he shall break his said confinement, or shall in the meane time, either by speech or writing, publish, declare, or maintaine any of the blasphe∣mous or abominable heresies, wherewith he hath been char∣ged by the generall Court, contained in either of the two c 14.1 books sent unto us by him, or by Randall Houlden: or shall reproach, or reprove the Churches of our Lord Jesus Christ in these united Colonies, or the civill government, or the publicke Ordinances of God therein (unlesse it be by an∣swer to some question propounded to him, or conference with any Elder, or with any other licensed to speak with him privately, under the hand of one of the Assistants) that imme∣diatly upon accusation of any such writing, or speech, he shall by such Assistant, to whom such accusation shall be brought, be committed to prison, till the next Court of Assi∣stants, then and there to be tryed by a Jury, whether ••e ••••th so spoken or written, and upon his conviction thereof, shall be condemned to death, and executed.

Dated the 3^o. of the 9^o. Moneth, 1643.

Per. cur. Increase Nowell, Secret.

A Copie of the Charge.

SAmuel Gorton, being convict as a blasphemous enemy to the true Religion of our Lord ••esus Christ, and all his holy Ordinances, and also to all civill authority among the people of God, and particularly in this ••••risdiction, as appeareth by writings and speeches.

This charge being laid upon us▪ ••t the Ba•••••• before we heard of the censure (though they came as above in writing to us:) the Governour asked us, whether we bowed under it, and whe∣ther we would retract; we answered and told them (as in the presence of God) that the charge neither bowed nor touched us at all, for we were free, and fa••••e from being guilty of any such things, and for our r••tracti••n, we told them we came not there to deny our Religion, in any ••oint of it, but to testifie and bear witnesse unto it; then did they reade our censure, for our confinement, as i•• above said▪ and when the bolts and chains were made ready, they put them upon us, in the prison at Boston, that so we might travell in them to the severall Towns to which we w••re confined, some of us having fif∣teen miles, and some thirty to goe from Boston; only we were to stay till Master Cotten his Lecture day, and then were all brought to the Congregation in th••t our iron furniture, for the credit of the Sanctuary, which had set the sword on work to such good purpose, and after that were with all speed sent a∣way; yea, some of us among the people that went from the Lecture, that so we might be a spectacle unto them.

In which condition we continued a whole winter season; in which time their Ministers stirred up the people in their pub∣lick Sermons to famish us to death, out of that place of the Prophet Zephany, ••. 10. 11. This shall they have for their pride, because they have reproached, and magnified themselves against the people of the Lord of Hosts; the Lord will be terri∣ble unto them, for he will famish all the Gods of the earth, and men shall worship him, every one from his place, even all the Isles of the Heathen. Samuel Gorton having intelligence, from

Boston, to Charles-Town, to which he was confined▪ that Ma∣ster Cotton preached from that text in the prophecie of Zepha∣ny, and how he applyed the doctrine from it to have all ne∣cessaries with-held from him, telling some eminent members of the Church, that i•• they either went unto us, to visit us, or sent unto us, to minister to our wants, the curse of God would abide both on them and their posterity, for so doing; the said Gorton hearing of these things, writ a Letter to the ruling El∣der in Charles-Towne, d 15.1 a Copie whereof (verbatim) here followeth, which was consulted upon, by the Ministers im∣mediatly, together with the Governour, as intelligence was brought unto him, but never answer given unto it, neither by word nor writing.

Charles-towne, Ianuary the 12. 1643.

Mr. Green

FOr as much as we know that the Ruler of the Congregati∣on hath power to give utterance, and to authorise speech unto edification, e 16.1 and that none ought to hinder, where ever or whomsoever he permits or giveth Lycense unto, f 16.2 and in as much as we also professe, that there is one thing that is needfull, and whosoever shall make choise of that, it shall never be taken away from him g 16.3, which is to hear the words of Christ. Neither are we ignorant, that none are truly sensible, o•• know the necessity, use, and benefit of hearing the word of Christ, but only such as are sensible, and see the necessitie; (yea, and that in the same subject) of speaking and delivering the words of Christ h 16.4, for the heart of every Saint is equally ballan∣ced with these two; the same necessitie he finds to speak, he also finds to heare; the same necessity he finds to heare, he finds to speake also the word of God, for faith is in hearing, and hearing is in speaking the word of God i 16.5;] if we deny either of these unto a Christian, we deny him the power of ••aith, which doth consist in them both; nay, if he want a tongue to speake, or an eare to heare (and that equally, the one as the other) we de∣ny him to be compleat in Christ k 16.6,] who as he had an ear open to the voice of the Father in all things l 16.7,] so had he a tongue

to divulge and declare them unto th•• world; m 16.8 even so with the heart man beleeves unto righteousnesse, n 16.9 that is, gives credit to that which he hears, to be in another, and with the mouth confession is made to salvation, o 16.10 that is, preacheth, or professeth that which God hat•• made him to be by faith, p 16.11 therefore if thou shalt confesse with thy mo••th the Lord Je∣sus, and beleeve in thine heart that God raised him up from the dead, thou shalt be saved q 16.12,] nor a•• I ignorant of the minds of the people, (amongst whom I now so journe, and am a stranger as all my Fathers have bee••••) r 16.13 Hovv earnest they are I should get my bread vvith ••••••••ile vvorke, or else to have hunger and famine to cleave unto my bonds, vvhich they pro∣fesse themselves to be very clearly instructed in, though in times past it hath been thought sufficient work for a man to be exercised in (at one time) to lie in ••etters and irons amongst strangers, though wife and children were not deprived of all ne∣cessaries at home. Nor doe I doub••, but they may find a time to alter their judgement (it may ••e before they are aware) especially if the Bride-groom be at the door s 16.14,] and it is well known, that I have not been acc••••••omed to any servile worke in any part of my life till now of l••••e in New-England, where through the kindnesse of my countrey men, in taking from my family the things of this life, (which God had bestowed on us) I have been necessitated thereunto▪ which I am so upbraided with in this place.

But it is not grievous unto me, whilest they cannot but see in it (if God have not blinded th••ir eyes) the vanity of those Idol shepherds of the Church of Rome * 16.15, who cannot speak unto the people, but in a way of so much study and ease; nor had I ever desire, to be set up in the world, through gatherings and contributions of the people▪ Therefore have these hands ministred to my necessities t 16.16. But however I have been exerci∣sed about the bread that perisheth u 16.17▪ yet hath it not been but with respect unto that which endureth unto everlasting life w 16.18, which I have endeavoured to bre•••• x 16.19, and faithfully to impart unto my wife, children, and servants, and to any that had an ear open to listen unto that whol••some word of life y 16.20, which

hath made all other travells or losses, whatever, to be light and easie unto me (as at this day) z 16.21, which I professe to be the only errant I have to do in this world: and however we do preach the Gospel, yet have we nothing to rejoyce in a 16.22 or to glory and praise our selves for, to lift up our selves above our Brethren: for ne∣cessity is laid upon me b 16.23; That is, I am in want, and stand in need of all things; and woe is me if I preach not the Gospel: That is, if I receive not this grace from Christ, as wel as any other: for the same necessity I have of any other grace, I have of this grace also: For of his fulnesse we all receive, and grace for grace c 16.24, for the graces of God are a bundle of life in Christ Iesus d 16.25: So as, that if I reject, or neglect, or put off any one of them to another, as no priviledge or prerogative of mine, I do the like to all: For his seamlesse coat may not be divided, but all goeth by lot or portion the same way e 16.26: And in like man∣ner I am destitute of this, I am destitute of all other grace, that proceeds from him: For if I preach the Gospel willingly, I have a reward f 16.27: That is, if I do it out of any ability, skil, or wi•• of my own, gotten and acquired by any pains or indu∣stry, as men attain to arts, and trades, wherein they are to be preferred before, and above others, then I have a reward: that is, something is to be attributed and contributed to me for the same, then go I about to deprive my Lord of his right, shewing my self an unfaithful steward g 16.28▪ for where an hundreth is due to him, I bid write fifty, that I may take the rest my self to live upon h 16.29; for even as I propound my own deserts, demerits, and eminency unto a people▪ so do I propound the undeserving estate and condition of my Lord; proclaming his basenesse whil'st I set forth my pains and good-wil in so doing, but if I do it against my wil i 16.30: That is, if it be contrary to the mind and wil of all men, to undergo the crosse of Christ, to preach the Gospel in necessities, reproaches, hard labors, and persecuti∣ons k 16.31, then is the dispensation committed unto me l 16.32: that is, the right of all administrations (wrapped up in that fountain of dispensing, the Gospel) do of right solely belong unto him, and not unto me in any case, yea, it is the wil and power of another m 16.33 and not my own, unto whom the praise and glory of right be∣longeth and wholy appertaineth n 16.34, and not unto the wil, abi∣lity,

or skil of any man whatsoever o 16.35: and hence it is that the Crosse is easie unto us p 16.36, because we know that he, as truly, and totally taketh our reproaches and ••ardships upon himselfe q 16.37, which are only due unto us: as he committeth the dispensation of his grace and glory unto us: that is none of ours, but only due and belongs unto himself, so t••at we remember him that suffered such gainsayings of sinners, ••ast we should be weary and faint in our mind r 16.38: yea further, there is a necessity of preaching the Gospel upon every soul: for as there is not any that can be∣leeve, for another, unto righteousnesse s 16.39, the party being desti∣tute of that grace himself, so there i•• not any that can preach or confesse for another unto salvation t 16.40, the party himself being de∣stitute of that grace of confession or preaching: Indeed the Saints communicate in these graces one with an other, as all of them being heirs and inheritors of the same grace i•• Christ u 16.41, but one cannot perform any office for another▪ ••s for such as are destitute of the same grace and office themselve▪ w 16.42: for that were instead of a girdle arent x 16.43: Therefore the preaching of the Gospel is the discovering of what men are in Christ Iesus, and not only what they may or shal be y 16.44, also what men are under▪ the wrath of God that abides upon them, being out of Christ z 16.45 and not only what they shal be: So that every Christian having received this (as an ingrafted word a 16.46 growing up together with it) that is, that I may be mutually edified and comforted by the communica∣cation of your faith & mine b 16.47, he grows up in this also, namely, that I may be mutually edified and comforted by the communica∣tion of your preaching and mine, for i•• the day of the Lord which is the day of salvation, and behold no•• the accepted time, behold now the day of salvation c 16.48 wherein we give no offence, or lay not any stumbling block before our brethren d 16.49; we villifie not that sacrifice once offered up for all e 16.50. That our ministery may not be reprehended f 16.51. Or that our ministery be not blemished, for so ••he word is (momo••) that is we can acknowledge no sacrifice, but onely that which is without ••ither superfluity or de∣fect; and in that day the feeblest i•• Ierusalem, is as Davi•• g 16.52; A King h 16.53, a leader i 16.54, a valiant warri••r, k 16.55 a sweet finger in Isra∣el l 16.56, and the house of David as God, ••r as the mighties (for the word is plurall) yea as the angel of th•• Lord before them; m 16.57 every

one is as the angel or messenger of the Lord, before the rest of the congregation, or as the angel of the Lord before (him) as the word will also beare, that is to say, as the messenger of the Lord, like unto his servant Iohn, to prepare or make ready his way before him l 16.58 forthe messenger of the Lord, and he onely knows how to bring down the highest mountain, and how to lift up the lowest valley, and that only is a high way for the Royalty of our King to passe upon m 16.59 in the wildernesse. And this is a glory that the world cannot receive, neither can it give it n 16.60: and it is our rejoycing that we borrow nothing from the world, nor stand in need of any thing it hath, to make the Gospel of God glorious, for it were better for us to die, then that any man should make our rejoycing vain, or emptie o 16.61. For it were not full in Christ, if we borrowed any thing of the world, which were death to us to think of; what is our rejoycing then, or our reward, when as the whole world affordeth nothing at all unto us? ve∣rily this that when we preach the Gospel, we make it free, p 16.62 which could not be, if it laid claim to any thing the world hath in the publication of it self; for then by the Law of relations, the world might lay claim unto, and challenge something from (it) which were to bring the Gospel into bondage, But as the Lord Je∣sus wrought that great work of reconcilia••ion freely, so as the world could challenge nothing of it at his hands at all, so is that word of reconciliation, to whomsoever it is committed q 16.63, published freely, so as the world can challenge nothing of them at all r 16.64; So that the servant of the Lord is free from all men, though he makes himself servant unto all, that he might gain the more. s Thence it is that he abuseth not his authority in the Gospel but keeps his power unspotted t 16.65, when the world can require no∣thing at his hands; hereby shewing also the transcendencie of that kingdome, wherein his authority is exercised, beyond the kingdoms of this world which must borrow one of an∣other, else cannot any be glorious in the height of glory concern∣ing the things of this life; therefore had Solomon himself Gold, Silver, Ivory, apes, and peacocks, brought from other nations to augment his glory u 16.66, But he that is greater then Solomon x 16.67 beau∣tifieth himself with none of the things of this life y 16.68, though he had

right to them all, z 16.69 that so he might make it manifest that his Kingdome is not of this world; a 16.70 therefore gives charge unto his disciples, that as they had freely received, so they should freely give: b 16.71 for by how much we injoyn people to contribute unto us for preaching the Gospell, by so ••••ch we proclaim, that we have given unto God for what we have received of him, c 16.72 and teach others: so to do▪ d 16.73 namely to bring some preparations, ope∣ration, or fitnesse to receive his grace▪ which is as far from man to attain unto, as it was to prepare and fit himself for his creation at the first, e 16.74 so that the benevolence of the Saints in commu∣nicating of the things of this life, is ••o part of the glory or beau∣tifying of the house of God; for then a wicked man might adde somewhat thereunto, no•• shall the glory in the least measure be diminished, when these things s••all have an end. But it is a declaration of their vilification of the things of this present life, as things of no account or reckoning, when they come into competition with the well being of the Saints; and as these things are consumed, and turned into ••shes, upon that golden altar, f 16.75 so doth there ascend up a perfumatory sacrifice of sweet savour unto the Lord, g 16.76 for according to our vilification of the things of this life, so is our valuation of the Lord Iesus, who is either all or none at all in our estimation and account, and if he be all h 16.77, then he that gathereth much of the things according unto man hath nothing over, i 16.78 or above him that hath the least, and he that gathereth little hath no la••k k 16.79 or falls short of him that hath the most, for the one, and the other consume them in the act of the present supply of their necessity, knowing that if they keep them, in making any accoun•• o•• reckoning of them, for the time to come, they presently putrifie and corrupt l 16.80. Learn this parable therefore, that there is ••hat in the heavenly Manna that the rebells may eat in the wilderness and die eternally m 16.81, as wel as that which whosoever ••a••eth sha•• never die, but live for ever n 16.82, yea there is a seed to be sown in giving away to another, as well as food to receive for the nourishing of our selves; and he that sows sparingly in that shall reap sparingly o 16.83, yea he that knows not how to minister carnall things, cannot have Spirituall things ministred unto him p 16.84, no m•••••• ••h••n •• man can keep his

sinne, and have the righteousnesse of Christ also. q 16.85 Those onely therefore that in giving and receiving know how to per∣form all in the same act▪ as the woman in casting her two mites into the treasury, r 16.86 and out of deep povertie can see the abound∣ing of the riches of liberality s 16.87; Such can perform an acceptable service to the Lord; but such as onely exercise themselves in piece mealing of the things of God, and the things of man, to serve at times and turns, for advantage, and reserve the rest, this is as the cutting off of a dogs head, or the offering of swines blood in the house of God t 16.88 how ever else where they may be done without any such abomination, the Saints therefore depend not upon neither desire the worlds benevolence, knowing wel what their mercies are in the winding up, u 16.89 nor can they expect from them ought else, but bonds, imprisonments, x 16.90 and spoyling of their goods y 16.91(which through the secret supplies their master makes unto them) they suffer joyfully, z 16.92 not looking for so much as a shoe latchet from the King of Sodom to enrich themselves with all a 16.93 knowing that the blessing of the Lord upon their inde∣vours b 16.94 shall yield sufficient to convey them through this valley of Bac•• c 16.95 which indevours, God directeth unto times and seasons to use according to strength, and constitution, without any to lay tasks upon them, d 16.96 even as he teacheth the husbandman when to throw in the cummin, and the fitches e 16.97, though they know (not∣withstanding) what it is to have power, not to work, and to lead about a wife, that is a sister as well as others. f 16.98 But I am longer in my introduction, then I did intend, my Question therefore in short is this, namely whether I may have liberty to speak and expresse the word of the Lord in the publick congregation freely without interruption, either on the Lords day, or the or∣dinary Lecture, now whilst I am kept from my family, and friends, with whom I have been formerly exercised: for seeing our dayes as a shadow decline, g 16.99 and we are presently withered as grasse, h 16.100 when in a moment we go hence, and are no more i 16.101: We are earnest therefore to expresse the word of life that fadeth not, nor waxeth old as doth a garment, k 16.102 that Gods memoriall may abide with our posterity l 16.103 when we are gone the way of all the earth, m 16.104 and that you shall not need to feare my touching upon

any of those things which it seems are to lie sealed as in the grave for the present, n 16.105 I shall tell you vvhat Scripture urgeth my heart for the present to impart, of God lead not into another, o 16.106 before the opportunity be attained, for we cannot treasure up to bring forth at our pleasure unto profit, no more then vve can fetch down at our pleasure for our supply, but onely as our God performeth, both the one and the other, p 16.107 for vve depend not upon Baal O both as Saul did, q 16.108 but upon the Lord Iehovah as David did.r 16.109 The Scripture intended is the founding of the fifth trumpet, Revel. 9, out of vvhich I ••esire (as God shall assist) to open and declare these points follovving.

1 What the sound of the trumpet is, •• who the angel is, 3 why the* 16.110 fifth.

1 What that starre is that falls from heaven to the earth, 2* 16.111 what the fall of it is, 3 how it falls from heaven unto the earth.

1 What the key of the bottomlesse pit is. 2 To whom it is given* 16.112 3 The manner how it is given. 4 How the pit is opened. 5 How it can be said to be bottomlesse, seeing nothing can be without banks and bottome but the Lord himself.

1 what the smoke of the bottomlesse pit is. 2 The cause and* 16.113 manner of its rise, even as the smoke of a great furnace.

1 What the Sunne and the aire are▪ 2 How they are darkened by the smoke of the pit.* 16.114

1 What those locusts are that come ou•• of the smoke. 2 The nature of their power, as the scorpions of the earth have power, 3 how this* 16.115 power is given unto them, seeing that all power is of God.

1 What the injunctions are, that are laid upon the locusts.* 16.116 2 The rise of those injunctions: 3 The exercise of them: 4 The extent of them.

1 What the nature and property of the locusts are, declared by* 16.117 the severall formes ascribed unto them, furniture, ornaments, and their carriage in them.

What their King is, as he is described, •• by his office assigned,* 16.118 2 by his titles given unto him. 3 How ••e is a King, seeing the lo∣custs are said to have no King over them▪

1 What that woe is, that i•• said to ••e past, and how it can be* 16.119

said to ••e past, seeing there is ever wo to the wicked. 2 What the two woes are, which are to come, and how they can be said to come hereafter, seeng the wrath of God abides upon him already, that believes not.

Thus you have my question, both with its introduction and Sequel, and I attend your answer, which I hope will not one∣ly be speedy in respect of time, but speeches also in regard of matter, to the satisfying and fulfilling of my desi••es,

Per me Samuel Gorton.

Now during the time of our confinement, being dispersed abroad into severall towns in the countrey, the people came to be informed of the truth of proceedings, whereupon they were much unsatisfied with what they had done against us, which be∣ing perceived, they called a generall Court, and without any appearance, or questioning any of us, concluded upon our re∣lease sending us a writing of it, together with a further banish∣ment, not onely out of all their own jurisdictions, but also that we should not come in, nor near Providence, nor our own plantations at Shawomet, with other parts thereto adjoyning, out of all which places we were to depart within the space of fourteen dayes, and that upon pain of death, which were places out of all their jurisdictions, as Master Iohn Indicote (at that time deputy Governor) confessed, standing up in pub∣lick Court, and professed that God had stirred them up to go out of their own Iurisdictions, to fetch us from our own places un∣to them.

Here followeth a true Copie of our release and banishment, sent to us from the Generall Court, set down verbatim, and is extant under their hands.

At a Generall Court at Boston the 7^th of the first moneth 1643 or 1644.

IT is ordered that Samuel Gorton and the rest of that com∣pany, who now stand confined, shall be set at liberty, provi∣ded that if they or any of them, shall after fourteen dayes after such inlargement, come within any part of our Jurisdiction,

either in the Massachusets, or in, or near Providence, or any of the Lands of Pumhom, or Soccononocco* or elsewhere, within* 17.1 our Jurisdiction, then such person, or persons, sh••ll be appre∣hended wheresoever they may be taken, and shall suffer death by course of Law; provided al••o thus during all their contiu∣ance in our bounds inhabiting for the said time of fourteene dayes, they shall be still bound, to the rest of the Articles o•• their former confinement, upon the penalty therein expressed

Per C••••. Increase Nowel Secret.

When this order of the Court wa•• presented to Samuel Gor∣ton, by the Constable of Charles town, bringing a Smith with him, to file off his bolts, he told the Constable he was not wil∣ling to part with his irons on these termes, but expected other news in fairer termes of release, then were therein expressed, desiring him to go to Master Nowel who lived in that town, and declare so much unto him. In short time, the Constable returned, bringing divers of the chief men in the town with him, and commanded the Smith to fall to work to file off his bolts, who did accordingly, and so took them from him, lea∣ving the said Gorton either to walk abroad, on such conditions, or else to stay at his perill.

Now two or three dayes after our release, Some of us being returned to Boston, desiring to stay for the rest of our friends, that we might return together, accompanying each other in our journey, the people shewing themselves joyfull to see us at liberty, and entertaining us kindly into their houses, which the Governor perceiving presently sent out his warrant, with strict charge to depart from the town, within the space of two hours, (it being about ten of the clock in the forenoon when the war∣rant came unto us) otherwise further penalty should be laid upon us.

This is a true copie of the Governors warrant extant still un∣der his hand, word for word.

To the Marshall or his deputie,

I Am informed that Samuel Gorton, and his company are now abiding in the town, and go to divers houses, giving of∣fence thereby, and cause of suspicion, of attempting to seduce some of our people; you are therefore to command them to de∣part ou•• of the town, b••fore noon this day, upon pain of being apprehended and futher proceeded with, according to their deservings.

(i) 10.—43.

Iohn Winthrop▪ Governour.

Now although by the Generall Court, we had fourteen dayes allowed u••••o us to inhabit within their Jurisdictions, not limit∣ed to any place, nor excluded from any place for the space of so long time yet notwithstanding upon notice given unto us by this warrant we presently departed the town* though upon a sudden* 18.1 when we were unprovided for victuals & other provisions for our journy, & being there was no place inhabited by the English near the place where our wives and children were scattered, out of which they had not expelled us, but onely a little Island, cal∣led Road Island, situate in the Nanhyganset Bay, upon which we arrived, within the time limited unto us, but the night before we came to Road Island we lodged at Shawomet in our own houses there, and considering of the act of their court in our expelling and banishment out of those parts, we observed that they had not expressed our land at Shawomet, but onely named the lands of Pumhom▪ and Soccononocco, (the Indians whom they claimed as Subjects) we thought good therefore to write unto them for a further explanation of the Courts act▪ that so we might understand their true intent being very unwilling

to discover their dealings towards us in seeking redresse, if we could but see a way, that through our hard labours, our wives and little ones might find a way to subsist▪

Here followeth a true Copie of the Letter sent unto the Go∣vernour of the Massachusets, verbatim, as it is still ex∣tant under the hands of the witnesse••, which were taken, lest they should put us off, and not make answer to our letter.

Shawomet, March the 26. 1644.

THe order of your Court last held, made concerning us, being darke and obscure, which beseems not a mat∣ter of that concernment, which you h••ve now entred upon, and made some short progresse therein; the issues whereof are pressing on unto perfection, whose arri••all is waited for, with that hope that never makes ashamed, we may not therefore for∣beare To require an explanation of what you intend, by the Lands of Pumhom and Soccononocco, for we know none they have, or ever had within your jurisdiction; if you should there∣fore, so farre forget your selfe, as to intend thereby our Land lawfully bought, and now in our possession, and inhabited by us, called Shaw-omet, together with other parts near adjoyning: Give us your minds, and meaning in plaine terms, under your hands: And whereas you conclude, for such our lawfull a∣boad, and residence, to prosecute against us by course of Law unto death; we resolve upon your answer, with all expedi∣tion, to wage Law with you, and try to the uttermost, What right or interest you can shew to lay claime, either to our Lands or our Lives; and shall take it as your own Act, urging us and constraining us thereunto, to look•• after our right, in the havock and spoyls, you have already made among us, which otherwise God hath taught us, to suffer joyfully the robbing and spoyling of our goods, if you did not necessitate us to look af∣ter recompence from you: We expect your answer by this Bearer, and in case you returne it not speedily, we conclude your order of Court to intend no such thing, as to drive us

from our lawfull possessions, as above-said, but that you used such te••mes, as scar-crows, imagining you had children to deale with, or as a starting hole to evade part of that danger that may insue: nor can you put us off for answer, till the Court sit againe, being a generall Act, and you but one; now to answer, for we know you may better open unto us the in••••nt of the Court for our satisfaction, then you could expell us out of any part of your jurisdiction, before the time set by the Court, contrary to the liberty it had given unto us.

By the order or government of Shaw-omet,

John Warner, Secretary.

Sufficient witnesse be∣ing taken of our plaine and man-like dea∣ling with you herein. A true Copie of a Letter sent to the Government, and Gover∣nour of the Massachusets, the day and year above said: In witnesse of, or in presence of

• Ralph Earle.
• John Anthony.

Here Followeth a true Copie of the Governours answer to our Letter above-said, set downe here verbatim, and is extant under his own hand.

To Samuel Gorton, John Warner, and the rest of that company.

FOr satisfaction of what you require, by your writing of March, 26, 1644. This is to let you know, that the ex∣pression and intent of the order of our last generall Court, con∣cerning your comming within any part of our jurisdiction, doth comprehend all the Lands of Pumhom, and Soccononocco, and in the same are included the Lands which you pretended to have purchased, upon part whereof you had built some houses, (be the place called Shaw-omet or otherwise) so as you are not to come there upon perill of your lives. This I testifie to you▪

Boston 2. (i) 1644

Iohn Winthrope.

You must know withall, that the C••urt did not intend their order should be a scar-crow (as you ••••••i••••) for you will find it reall, and effectuall, if you shall tr••••sgress•• it▪

Thus far the Governors Letter, written with his own hand.

Now upon our comming to Road-Iland, the Indians of that great Countrey of the Nanhyganset ••earing of our return without the losse of our lives, they won••red, having obser∣ved the causelesse cruelty they had offe••••d unto us, some of them being within the hearing of the sho•• of the Guns, whilst they lay intrenched against us, as also ••ow we were used in the Massachusets, and the constant report, whilst we lay a∣mongst them, that some of our lives should be taken away, or else kept as slaves so long as we lived; considering these and the like things they marvelled much at our deliverance and release, from amongst them: Now our countrey men having given out formerly, amongst the Indians, that •••• were not English men, to encourage them against us (b••••ause the awe of the English, hath been much upon them) ••nd being they could not father the name of any Sectary, or Sect upon us, but we could clearly demonstrate, we were no such opi••ionated persons, they then called us Gortoneans, and told the Indians we were such kind of men, not English: now the Indians calling the Eng∣lish in their language Watta••onoges, they now called us Gor∣tonoges, and being they had heard a rumour of great war to be in Old-England, and that it was a land s•• furnished with mul∣titudes of people, they presently framed unto themselves a cause of our deliveranc••, im••gining that there were two kinds of people in Old-England, the one calle•• by the name of Eng∣lish men, and the other Gortonoges; and concluded that the Gortonoges were a mightier people ••he•• the English, whom they call Wattaconoges; and therefore the Massachusets thought it not safe to take away our liv••s, b••cause how ever there were but a few of us in New-England, in comparison of those that came out against us, yet that g••••at people, that were in Old-England would come over, and p••t them to death, that

should take away our lives from us, without a just cause.

Whereupon the Sachims of the Nanbyganset cons••lting to∣gether, presently sent Messengers unto us, to come and speake with them, and being they were those of whom wee had bought our Land (which now the Massachusets had taken away from us,) as all that inhabite upon that Bay have done) they being very importunate to have us to come over to speak with them, we not knowing what the occasion was, yeelded unto their request, a matter of halfe a dozin, or seven of us took boat to goe over the Bay to them, they seeing the vessell come▪ newes was brought to the Sachim, who sent aband of lusty well armed men, who met us, as soon as we were come to Land, to conduct us to old Sachim Conaunicus his house, mul∣titudes of Indians, as we passed along, coming forth, and seem∣ed joyfull, which we taking notice of, (neither the one nor the other being usuall amongst them) some of us began to be a little jealous▪ that the Agents of the Mssachusets, who li∣ved near unto us, had gone about to betray us into their hands, upon some false suggestion concerning the death of their Sa∣chim Myantonomy, who lost his life immediatly before the Massachusets came against us; and however he was suddenly sl••ine by an Indian coming behind him, as he marched upon the way, yet there were English present at the doing of the act, which we were a little jealous, the above-said Agents might have suggested, that we might be consenting thereunto, which all the Indians tooke for a most injurious act, not onely because he was so famous a Prince amongst them, but also how ever he was taken in a stratagem of warre by the Indians, yet a great ransome was paid for his Redemption, and his life ta∣ken away also, and they are very consciencious, to recompense the shedding of blood, (especially of such personages) with blood againe: But when wee were come to the old Sachims house, we were courteously entertained, and from thence con∣ducted to the house of Sachim Pessecus, Brother, and succes∣sor in government to the late Myantonomy, when we were there, divers Sachims, and their chiefe Counsellors, took us a∣side to consult with us, and asked what we intended to doe,

or how we could live, seeing the Massachusets had not onely taken our estates from us in goods and ••hattels, but also our houses, lands and labours, where we should raise more, for the preservation of our Families, and with••ll, told us that their condition, might (in great measure) he paraleld with ours, else they would willingly have done any thing for our helpe, in regard that our Land was bought of the••, and we had faith∣fully paid them for it, according to our co••tract: But they told us, they had not only lost their Sachim, so beloved amongst them, and such an instrument of their publick good; but had also utterly impoverished themselves, by paying such a ran∣some for his life, (as they then made u•• an account of) not∣withstanding, his life taken away, and that detaine also; we made answer unto them, that for our p••••ts, we were not dis∣couraged, in any thing that had b••faln•• us, for we were sub∣jects to such a noble State in Old-England, that however we were farre off from our King and Stat••, yet we doubted not but in due time, we should have redresse▪ and in the mean time we were resolved, to undergoe it with patience, and in what way we could, labor with our hands, for the preservation of our wives and children: the answer that they made unto us was this, That they thought we belonged to a better Master then the Massachusets did: whereupon, desiring our stay, they called a generall Assembly, to make known th••ir minds, and to see the minds of their people, and with j••y••t and unanimous con∣sent, concluded to become subjects to the State and Govern∣ment of Old-England, in case they might be accepted of; we told them, we could promise them nothing, nor take any in∣gagements upon us, not knowing the minds of that Honou∣rable State; but if they would volunt••rily make tender of themselves, as they themselves thought▪ meet, we would en∣deavour to convey it safely (in case we went over about our own occasions) and bring them word what was the pleasure of the State therein; whereupon they chose four of us, as Commissioners in trust for the safe custody, and conveyance of their Act and Deed unto the State of Old-England.

The Act and Deed of the voluntary and free submission of the chiefe Sachim, and the rest of the Princes, with the whole people of the N••n••ygansets, unto the government and protection of that Honourable State of Old-England, se•• down here verbatim, the Deed it selfe being extant.

KNOW ALL MEN, Colonies, Peoples and Nations, unto whom the fame hereof shall come; that we the chiefe Sachims, Princes or Governours of the Nanhyganset (in that part of America, now called New-England) together with the joynt and unanimous consent of all our people and subjects, inhabitants thereof, do upon serious consideration, mature and deliberate advise and Counsell, great and weighty grounds and reasons moving us thereunto, vvhereof one most effectuall unto us, is, That noble fame vve have heard of THAT GREAT AND MIGHTY PRINCE, CHARLES, KING OF GREAT BRITAIN, in that honorable and Princely care he hath of all his servants, and true and loyall subjects; the consideration vvhereof moveth & bendeth our hearts vvith one consent, freely, voluntarily, and most humbly, to sub∣mit, subject, and give over our selves, Peoples, Lands, Rights, Inheritances, and Possessions whatsoever, in our selves and our heires, succ••ssively for ever, unto the protection, care, and government of that WORTHY AND ROYALL PRINCE, CHARLES▪ KING OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, his Heirs and Suc∣cessors for ever, to be ruled and governed according to those ancient and honourable Lawes, and customs established in that so renovvned Realme and Kingdome of Old-England; vve doe therefore by these Presents confesse, and most vvillingly, and submissively acknovvledge our selves to be the humble, loving, and obedient servants, and subjects of His Majesty to be ru∣led,

ordered, and disposed of, in our sel••es and ours, accor∣ding to his Princely vvisdom, counsel, a••d l••vves of ••hat ho∣nourable State of Old-England, UPON CONDITION OF HIS MAIESTIE•• ROY••••E PROTEC∣TION, and righting of us in what wrong is, or may be done unto us, according to his honourable Lavves and customs, exercised amongst his subjects, in their preservation and safety, and in the defeating, and overthrow of h••••, and their enemies; not that we find our selves necessitated hereunto, in respect of our relation, or occasion we have or may have with any of the natives in these parts, knowing our selves sufficient de∣fence, and able to judge in any matter o•• cause in that respect, but have just cause of jealousie and suspicion, of some of His Majesties pretended subjects: Therefore our desire is to have our matters and causes heard, and tried according to his just and equal Laws in that way, and order His Highnes••e shal please to appoint; NOR CAN WE Y••••••D OVER OUR SELVES UNTO ANY, THAT ARE SUB∣IECTS THEMSELVES IN ANY CASE, having ourselvs bin the chiefe Sachims, or Princes successively, of the countrey, time out of mind, and for our present, & lawful enact∣ing hereof, being so farre remote from His Majestie, we have by joynt consent made choyse of four of his loyall and loving Subjects, our trusty and well beloved friends, Samuel Gorton, Iohn Wickes, Randall Ho••lden, and Ioh•• Warner, whom we have deputed, and made our lawfull A••••••rnies, or Commissio∣ners, not only for the acting and performing of this our Deed, in the behalfe of His Highnesse: but also for the safe custody, carefull conveyance, and declar••tion ••••ereof unto his grace, being done upon the Lands of the Nanhyganset, ••t a Court or Generall Assembly called and assemble•• together of purpose, for the publick enacting, and manifest••••ion hereof: And for the further confirmation, and establishing of this our Act and Deed, we the above-said Sachims, or Princes, have accor∣ding to that commendable custome of English-men, subscri∣bed our names, and set our Seales hereunto, as so many Te∣stimonies of our faith and truth, our love and loyaltie to that

our dread Soveraigne, and that according to the English mens account.

Dated the nineteenth day of Aprill, One thousand six hundred forty foure.

• Pessicus his Marke, Chiefe Sachim and Successor of that late deceased My∣antonomy.
  [illustration]
• The Marke of that Ancient Conaunicus, Protector of that late deceased Myanto∣nomy, during the time of his nonage.
  [illustration]
• The Marke of Mixan, son and heir of that above-said Conaunicus.
  [illustration]

Indians

• Witnessed by two of the chiefe Counsellors to Sachim Pessicus.
• A••washo••sse his Mark
  [illustration]
• Tomanick his Mark
  [illustration]

Sealed and delivered in the presence of these persons

English

• Christopher Helme.
• Robert Potter.
• Richard C••rder.

Here followeth a Copie of a Letter sent to the Massachusets▪ by the Sachi••ns of the Nanhygansets (shortly after their subjection to the State and Government of Old-England) they being sent unto by the Massachusets, to make their appearance at their Generall Cour••, th••n approaching.

We understand your desire is, that we should come downe into the Massachusets, at the time of your Court now approa∣ching; our occasions at this time are v••••y great, and the more, because of the losse (in that m••nner) of our late deceased bro∣ther, upon which occasion, if we should not stirre our selves, to give Testimony of our faithfulnesse unto the cause, of that our so unjust deprivation of such an instrument, as he was amongst us, for our common good, we should feare his blood would lie upon our selves; so that we desire of you, being wee take you for a wise people, to let us know your reasons why you seeme to advise us as you doe, not to g••e out against our so in∣humane, and cruell adversary, who too••e so great a ransome to release him▪ and his life also, when that was done. Our Bro∣ther was willing to stirre much abroad to converse with men; and wee see a sad event at the last the••eupon: Take it not ill therefore, though we resolve to keepe at home (unlesse some great necessitie call us out) and so at t••is time doe not repaire unto you, according to your request: And the rather because we have subjected our selves, our Land•• and Possessions, with all the right and inheritances of us and our people, either by conquest▪ voluntary subjection, or otherwise, unto that fa∣mous and honourable government, of that Royall King Charles, and that State of Old-England, to be ordered and go∣verned according to the Laws and Customs thereof; not doubting of the continuance of tha•• former love that hath been betwixt you and us, but rather to have it increased here∣by, being subjects now, (and that with joynt and voluntary consent) unto the same King and State your selves are: So that if any small thing of difference should fall out betwixt

us, only the sending of a Messenger may bring it to right a∣gaine; but if any great matter should fall (which we hope and desire will not, nor may not) then neither your selves nor we are to be Judges, but both of us are to have recourse, and re∣paire unto that honourable and just Government; and for the passage of u•• or our men, to and againe amongst you, about ours or their own occasions, to have comerse with you, we desire and hope they shall have no worse dealing or entertain∣ment then formerly we have had amongst you, and do resolve accordingly to give no worse respect to you or yours, then for∣merly you have found amongst us, according to the condition and manner of our countrey.

Nanhyganset this present, May the 24. 1644.

• PESSICVS his Marke.
  [illustration]
• CONAVNICVS his Marke.
  [illustration]

Now before the assembling of the next generall Court, in regard the Indians had expressed themselves as above we heard, there were feares and jealousies raised up in the minds of the people, of the Massachusets, and other of their united Colo∣nies, as though there was some danger of the Nanhygansets comming against them to doe some hurt unto them: So that when we heard their Court was assembled, we writ unto them, a•• follows.

A true Copie of a Letter sent to the M••ss••chus••ts, at a gene∣rall Court held shortly after the submission of the peo∣ple of the Nanhygansets, unto the State of Old-Eng∣land, by the Commissioners put in trust, for the further publication of their solemne Act.

THese are to let you understand, tha•• since you expelled us out of your Coasts, the Sachims of the Nanhyganset have sent for certaine men of the Kings Majesties subjects, and upon advised Counsell amongst themselves (a generall Assembly be∣ing called of purpose for that end) they have joyntly volunta∣rily, and with unanimous consent, submitted and subjected themselves, with their Lands and Possessions inherited by line∣all discent, voluntary subjection, right of Conquest, purchase or otherwise, what ever lands or priviledges appertain and be∣long unto them, unto that honourab••e and famous Prince Charles, King of Great Britain, and Ireland, in that renow∣ned State and Government of Old-England, to be ruled and ordered, according to those honourable Laws and Customs, in themselves and their Successors for eve••, which is performed and done, in that solemn, durable, and commendable custome of Record, under divers and severall han•••• and seals, witnessed sufficiently, both by the Natives and English, solemnly delive∣red and received on His Majesties behalfe▪ holding corresponden∣cie with the Laws and Customs of th•••• honourable State of Old-England in all points: We thought good therefore to give notice hereof, at your generall Court now assembled, that it may serve to informe your selves, and all your united Colonies, of the performance of this Act done, without any further pains or trouble, that so not our selves only, that are eye and ear wit∣nesses hereof (but you also) may follow our occasions and im∣ployments, without any extraordinar▪ care, or feare of the people above-said, to offer to make a••y in-road, or give any assault upon us: But with that indigni••y offered and done unto

their Soveraign, which cannot be borne, nor put up, without a sharpe and Princely revenge; nor may we upon the like pe∣nalty, offer to disturbe them in their bounds and territories, in their ordinary and accustomed imployments among them∣selves, or with any of their neighbouring Natives, whose grounds of proceed causes and occasions are better known unto themselves, then we can be able to judge of. But if either you or we find any thing amongst them too grievous to be borne; they not making any violent assault upon us▪ we know whi∣ther, and to whom we are to repaire, and have recourse for re∣dresse, as we tender our allegeance and subjection unto our King and State, unto which they are become fellow subjects with our selves; and therefore of necessity his Majesties Princely care must reach unto them. Furthermore, that it may appeare, that our dealings towards you, and all men, have been, and shall prove just, and true, whatever your dealings may, or have manifested themselves to be towards us: Know therefore, that being abroad of late about our occasions, we fell to be where one of the Sachims of that great people of the Maukquogges was, with some of his men, whom we perceive are the most fierce and warlike people in the countrey, or continent where we are, furnished with 3700. guns, men expert in the use of them, plenty of powder and shot, with furniture for their bo∣dies in time of warre, for their safety, which other Natives have not; we understand that of late they have slain a hundred French, with many Indians, which were in league with the French, putting many of them to cruell tortures, and have but lost two of their own men; these being as we understand deeply affected with the Nanhygansets▪ in the losse of their late Sachim, unjust detaining also of so great a ransome, gi∣ven and received for his life▪ and else, are resolved (that if any people offer to assault them in their accustomed courses a∣mongst the Natives, or seeking after their ancient rights and priviledges, not offering wrong to any of His Majesties sub∣jects, nor violating their subjection to that Noble State, which they seem to respect, and much to adore) to wage warre with them unto the uttermost, which it seems is the very spirit of

that people to be exercised that way, which as we desire to make use of it our selves, so doe we hereby give no••ice to you also, to make the best use of it unto your selves in all your Co∣lonies united.

June the 20^th, 1644.

By •••• the true and lawfull owners of Shaw-omet.

John Warner Secret.

These things being done, we residin•• upon Aquethneck▪ alias, Road-Iland, hiring houses and grounds to plan•• upon, for the preservation of our Families: The Governour of the Massachusets perceiving that we still aboad among the Eng∣lish, and were not gone to the Dutch as others formerly did, he then writ a Letter privately to some in the Iland, whom he thought they had interest in, being he continued a Member of their Church, however removed from them, telling him, that if he and others (who were in like relation unto them) could worke the people of the Iland to deliver ••s ••p into their hands again (at least some of us) it would not only be acceptable unto the Court then sitting, but unto most of the people in generall; the people of the Iland having notice of this Letter, did alto∣gether dislike and detest any such course to be held with us, knowing very well what they had already done, and how causelesly; So that we abode still upon ••he Iland, and follow∣ed our imployments, untill such time as there appeared a∣mongst us a ••harter of civill government, granted by the State of Old England, for the orderly▪ quiet, and peaceable go∣vernment of the people inhabiting in those parts of the coun∣trey, called Providence Plantations, in the Nanhyganset Bay, which Charter being joyfully imbraced▪ and with all expedi∣tion, an orderly and joynt course was h••••d for the investing of the people into the power and liberties thereof unanimously, for the exercise of the authority, in the execution of Lawes, for the good and quiet of the people, which thing gave great incouragement unto the Planters, to goe on in their imploy∣ments, hoping to enjoy their lawfull ••••ghts and priviledges without disturbance, which the Massac••usets, together with

Plymouth understanding, they go about by all means to dis∣courage the people, by their endeavouring to weaken, and in∣valid the authority of the Charter, in the eyes of the coun∣trey, intrenching upon those places, to frustrate and make void the Charter, as by maintaining their Co••djutors, as aforesaid in opposing of us, giving them order to set up writs upon our houses, where formerly we lived, prohibiting all men for en∣termedling with those Houses, Lands, Peoples, either English or Indians (which they call their own people) without their consent and approbation in those parts, which all plainly fall within the confines of the fore-named Charter, and far out of all their jurisdictions.

Here followeth a true Copie of a Warrant set upon our hou∣ses at Shaw-omet verbatim, being extant, which was done after the Charter appeared amongst us.

WHereas we understand that some of our countrey men about Providence, or those parts, doe intend to sit down upon our Lands at Show-omet, or those parts: This is therefore to give notice to any such, that they forbear, without license from us, to attempt the same, or to meddle with any of our people there, either English or Indians; for let them be assu∣red, that we resolve to maintain our just rights.

Given at the Court at Boston, the 16th. of the 8th. M^o, Ann. 1644.

By me Increase Nowell, Secret.

After this they ceased not to send out their Warrants amongst us, after the Charter was established amongst us, sending di∣vers, and serving them upon the men of Providence, expresly commanding their appearance at their Courts in the Massa∣chusets▪

A Copie of one of their Warrants to the men of Providence here followeth•• word for word, and is extant under their hand.

To the Executors of Franci•• Weston.

YOu are required to take notice of an Attachment against the Lands of Francis Weston, so as to bind you to be re∣sponsall, at the next Court at Beston, to answer the complaint* 25.1 of William Arnald, * for withholding a debt of thirty shil∣lings due to him, and hereof not to faile at your perill.

Dated the 5. (4) 1645.

Per cur. William Aspinwall.

And as they thus goe beyond their bounds, not only to in∣trench upon the liberties and labours of their countrey men, (but also upon that authority transferred upon that people by the State of Old-England, for the quiet and peaceable ordering and government of themselves) not only in ••rovidence and Shaw∣omet, but like wise upon Road-Iland, both in Portsmouth, and Newport, specified in the Charter; the Colonie of Plimouth joyned in league with the Massachusets, to such ends and pur∣poses, sent their Messengers to Road-Iland, as namely, one Ma∣ster John Brown, an Assistant in government amongst them there, who went from house to house (b••th in Portsmouth and Newport) discouraging the people for yeelding any obedience unto the authority of the Charter, giving them warning (as from the Court of Plimouth) not to su••mit unto any govern∣ment that was established by vertue of a late pretended Charter, (as he very presumptuously called it) nor unto any other autho∣ritie, or government, but only such as was allowed and approved of by them, although formerly they have many times confessed and acknowledged both by Word and Writing, that it was out of their Jurisdictions▪ without which ac∣knowledgement, the people would never have adventured to lay out their estates, and to have planted themselves and fami∣lies in those parts, some of them having too great and costly experience of Plimouths dealings with their countrey men, to be

such as may be fitly▪ paraleld with the dealings of the Massachu∣sets, and their practise springing from the same spirit, hath brought them into league and band, when they were clearly ma∣nifested each to other, who before at the time of their first Neighbour-hood there, they were at a distance, and stood aloof, one from the other, as each thinking I am holier then thou, the men of Plimouth, comming thither from Amsterdam, and the other out of hot persecutions of the Bishops in Old England.

Now that these men doe not onely intrench causelesly upon their countrey-men, but also upon the poore Indians, inhabiting in those parts, it is very plaine by their pro∣ceedings against that people of the Nanhyganset▪ whose countrey fals within the confines of the Charter, which people only going about to right themselves upon such Indi∣ans as they conceive have mightily wronged them in taking away the life of their Prince, after so great a ransome given, and received for his rescue; this they make their occasion to go out against them to cut them off, and so to take their countrey into their own jurisdiction; whereas the Indians, of our know∣ledge hold themselves bound, to revenge the blood of their Prince, it being so unlawfully (in their eyes) taken away; nay, they are not quiet in themselves, unlesse they doe revenge it, or else spill their own, in their endeavours thereafter; in the mean time they are in a continued act of mourning, as we know, for the space of one whole year, and an halfe, they mourned con∣tinually, not only by blacking their faces, in token thereof; but every day their mourning women, morning and evening upon their knees, with lamentations, and many tears along time toge∣ther, as our selves have been eye-witnesses, when we have had occasions amongst them, and in houses that were more publick, where the wife and children of the diseased Prince were, there did a man continue a speech (during the time of the womens praying, sighing and lamenting with abundance of tears) declaring what their losse was in being deprived of such a Sachim, and how wrongfully it was done by the ene∣my, as also how they were all of them ingaged to revenge his blood, else would it so lie upon their own heads, as to bring more

miseries, and evils upon them: Now for this their proceed∣ing against their adversary the Indian, that thus deprived them of their Sachim, and so wrongfully (as they conceive) the Mas∣sachusets, and Plimouth have offered to goe out against the people of the Nanhyganset, to cut them off by the sword, sending word to Providence Plantations, that if they should stand as Neuters, and not goe out with them in th•••• worke, they would make plunder of them: So Captain Stan••ish sent word in the name of Plymouth (now since we cam•• out of those parts) unto the men of Providence, as wee are credibly informed by Letters from divers hands, as also by word of mouth from persons of good note, who were in the countrey there pre∣sent amongst them, when these things were done, informing us of many passages, of the proceedings of the Massachusets, and Plymouth, both towards the people of Providence Plan∣tations, as also the Indians of that countrey of the Nanhygan∣sets; only one Letter that concernes the I••dians, wee desire to set down, ••o give further intelligence t•• the Reader of these mens dealings, who seemed so meelt, and so mild in their native countrey, Old▪ England, in the time of their aboad there, as though they could not heave a h••nd, or wag a tongue against any thing but a Bishops Ceremony, that being onely of∣fensive unto them.

Here followeth a true copie of a letter s••nt unto us since our coming from those parts of America called New England.

WE are all in health at this present and chearfull, (the greatest want is your company) though men generally more invective then ever, the Bay had provided an Army to go against the Nanhygansets, had they not been prevented in the very interim thus, Captain Harding informed the Court of the difficulty of the enterprise upon which the Court employed him, & Mr. Wylbour, to go to Nanhyganset and take Benedick * 26.1 to interpret; when they came to Benedick he refused to go without a hundred men in arms, onely to possesse them with danger, to effect his bloody plot, upon whi••h Mr. Williams being sent for to Nanhyganset, and also my ••ell, to inquire of us, what

the minds of these mad people were to kill men for nothing; upon which I went to Providence ^a, thinking to go with Master Wil∣liams, but, when I came there, he was gon, with the Captai•• & Master Wylbour, upon Benedicks refusall; I stayed their return, and their agreement was to have Pessecus a 26.2 go into the Bay, and Master Williams was necessitated to put himself Hostage till his return; this news coming into the Bay did so vex the Ministers, that Master Cotton preached upon it, that it being so wicked an act to take Master Williams with them, being one cast out of the Church, It was all one as to ask counsell of a witch, and that those that did it, were worthy to die; upon which Master Wylbour was ready to die, for feare he should be hanged; so then the Indians went down, ••nd they compelled them to cease warres with Unkas b 26.3 and to pay them five hundred pounds for charges of Court, and provision for Souldiers c 26.4, and to leave foure of the chief Sachims children, till the money be paid, and to leave foure of his chief men till the chil∣dren came, and •••• promise them not to sell any land▪ without their consent: d 26.5 this being done they came home again, and sent a man ••o ••ell me what was done, telling me that if the Lords in England help them not, they are like to suffer at pre∣sent, ou•• still they say they are not afraid of them, but onely giv•• them their demands, rather then to war, before the Lords hear of i••, that all may see they mean no hurt to English, but will submit to the Lawes of England, concluding it is but ••ent▪ it will come home with advantage both to their wis∣dome and profit. Pessecus hath been often with me to desire me to inform you of these things with great desire to see you again. Thus in haste I rest.

Your ever loving friend J. W.

This 20^th of November 1645.

Thus have we given a true report▪ and made a faithfull re∣lation, as briefly as we could, of what passages have fallen out betwixt the people of Providence plantations, and the rest of our countreymen inhabiting about them, which we have sen∣sibly fel••, and our families are now pressed under, laying it unto

heart, and seriously taking it into con••••deration, hath not onely occasioned, but necessitated some of u•• to be here at this present with the consent of many others, according to our bou••den duty, and allegeance, to present the truth hereof to this State.

LONDON the 14th of Ia••••ary 1645.

Notes

• * 1.1

  As you may see in the fol∣lowing Trea∣tise.
• * 2.1

  This speech of Robert Cole was uttered before many who can wit∣nesse it.
• * 3.1

  Pautuxet is a placeneer Pro∣vidence, where one or two of these their subjects had built houses & at their plea∣sure were both in Providence and also in Pautuxet, ha∣ving houses & land in both.
• * 3.2

  Old M. Oliver
• a 4.1

  Irregular becaus it went beyond their bounds and jurisdictions limited unto them.
• b 4.2

  That is the wisdom of the flesh conver∣••ant about the thing•• of God brings forth unto cruelty all them in whom it is found so exer∣cised.
• c 4.3

  Jer. 14. 9.
• d 4.4

  By d••ssem∣bling the caus of their pro∣ceeding a∣gainst us to be another th••ng then indeed it was, even as Adam laid the fault upon the woman, wher∣as indeed she came out of his own side & was confessed to be flesh of his flesh and bone of his bone.
• e 4.5

  Rev. 12. 10.
• f 4.6

  Joh. 8. 44.
• g 4.7

  But only among them∣selves, within the bounds of their own Ju∣risdictions, as they affirme them to be though with∣out any ground or rule of true go∣vernment.
• h 4.8

  The tree of the know∣ledg of good & evil paralell'd with the wis∣dom of man exercising it selfe in the things of God.
• i 4.9

  That is, the spirit of pain∣ted hypocrisie.
• k 4.10

  The sin being stil con∣tinued in.
• l 4.11

  That is, the mark which was worn to proclame it to all.
• m 4.12

  That is, in not receiving them into the operations of that boyling Church-fel∣lowship again, wherein they stil walked.
• n 4.13

  Rom. 7. 5.
• o 4.14

  Joh. 10. 12, 13.
• p 4.15

  That is, carefully la∣bor to pay wa∣ges to the Mi∣nister for that end either in way of contri∣bution or else.
• q 4.16

  That is the Ministers and Magi∣strates study, teach, and execute to attain such ends.
• r 4.17

  That is the wisdom of the flesh exercised in the things of God.
• s 4.18

  Heb. 13. 8.
• t 4.19

  Malach. 3. 6. James 1. 17.
• u 4.20

  Heb. 6. 6.
• w 4.21

  Job. 423. Ioh. 3. 13.
• x 4.22

  Gal. 6. 14.
• y 4.23

  Psa. 22. 4.
• z 4.24

  1 Tim. 6. 16.
• a 4.25

  That is their subjects so far fetcht who li∣ved among us.
• b 4.26

  Psa. 10. 3.
• c 4.27

  Isai. 8. 8.
• d 4.28

  2 Cor. 3. 15.
• e 4.29

  Heb. 9. 5:
• f 4.30

  Num. 7. 8, 9.
• g 4.31

  Arnalds son Benedick being inter∣preter between the Indians a∣bout us, & the Massachusets, seeking to get some advan∣tage against us by the In∣dians to blind the Country, as though they had a just quarrel, we seeing and knowing the falsity thereof, do apply the thing to their spiritual course they walk in.
• h 4.32

  Hosea 4. 12. & 5. 4.
• i 4.33

  As Robert Cole did, their subject now since that time so made.
• k 4.34

  The Indi∣ans denying at that time a perfect & full purchase of that place where these their subjects had built hou∣ses, called Pautuxet.
• l 4.35

  Alluding to the harlot spo∣ken of in the Proverbs whose practise is such in spiritual things, as wel as there is a literal sence of it. Prov. 7. 13. to 23.
• m 4.36

  Exod. 33. 9, 10. Nehem. 9. 12.
• n 4.37

  Psa. 68. 26.
• o 4.38

  Rom. ••0. 10.
• p 4.39

  Ps. 47. 4.
• q 4.40

  Psa. 90. 1, 2.
• r 4.41

  Rev. 6. 16. For there was nothing done to these men that seemed to shelter them∣selves under the Massachu∣sets, but only opening the Word of God amongst them, which is the revelation of the face or presence of the Lamb of God Jesus Christ.
• s 4.42

  Pro 20. 12.
• t 4.43

  Psa. 40. 6. Gal. 1. 11, 12.
• u 4.44

  Alluding to the Taber∣nacle which it covered, and so applyed spi∣ritually in the way of Christ.
• w 4.45

  Heb. 12. 1.
• x 4.46

  Ps. 78. 14.
• y 4.47

  Rom. 7. 6.
• z 4.48

  Zeph. 1. 14, 15.
• a 4.49

  Meaning Christ, & not our selves, to set up flesh. Luk. 21. 28.
• b 4.50

  Cant. 3. 7, 8.
• c 4.51

  That is, all kind of incom∣brances they meet with in this life, Isaiah 41. 2.
• d 4.52

  Malachi 3. 1, 2.
• e 4.53

  Heb. 10. 29.
• f 4.54

  By allu∣ding to that bodily naked∣ness of the In∣dians, whom they disarmed, shewing that spiritual na∣kedness which the works of the law or le∣vitical Priest∣hood brings men under, who ever they be that are exercised in such wayes.
• g 4.55

  Exod. 32.
• h 4.56

  For in Phara∣ohs edict and Herods also they were slain before they were born.
• i 4.57

  Collos. 3. 4.
• k 4.58

  Phil. 1. 20, 21 Rom. 8. 28.
• l 4.59

  That is, the authority of that wicked Herod. Act. 12. Chap. throughout.
• m 4.60

  Psa. 22: 6, 7.
• n 4.61

  Ioh. 18. 28. •••• 40.
• o 4.62

  Jude 16. v••
• p 4.63

  Revel. ••••: Zach: 4.
• q 4.64

  That is, by what light they find in other mens works.
• r 4.65

  Jsai. 30▪ ••••
• s 4.66

  Which com∣prehend his Kingdom and Priesthood set forth unto us in Joshua the high Priest & Z••••••••••bel in their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of Babylon to re-edifie the Temple; as in Zechary the third and fourth chapters.
• t 4.67

  2 Cor. 13. 4••
• u 4.68

  Zech. 5. 1, 2, 3
• w 4.69

  Isa. 28▪ 15.
• x 4.70

  Which sig∣nifies either opened or shut, as in Numb. 24. 3, 4.
• y 4.71

  Isa. 6. 9, 10.
• z 4.72

  Revel. 11. 7.
• a 4.73

  Num. 22. 25. 27. That is be∣fore Balam, so that the beast and Balam have the same light & look.
• b 4.74

  Ge••. 19. 11.
• c 4.75

  Joh. 10. 1, 2, 3
• d 4.76

  Revel. 11. 6.
• e 4.77

  Being one of the two wit∣nesses before noted, or his power and kingly authority.
• f 4.78

  1 Kings 8. 27 2 Chron. 2. 6.
• g 4.79

  Psal. 78, 41.
• h 4.80

  which is his Priesthood, wherein he deprives him∣selfe of all power of man, or strength of the aime of flesh:
• i 4.81

  Psalme 22, 6
• k 4.82

  Revel. 11. 8, 9, 10
• l 4.83

  That is, if the power of God, and the weaknesse & frailty of man should not be so slaine, as to be stil kept as dead in sight of all, then could not the power and glory of the creature, (as Visegerent, unto the power and glory of God in his ab∣sence) be seen set up, and made known.
• m 4.84

  Gen 3, 14
• n 4.85

  Revel. 11. 8, 9, 10, 11.
• o 4.86

  Ephes. 2, 1, 2, 3. Rom. 3. 9. to 19.
• p 4.87

  Matt. 11. 14.
• q 4.88

  Matt. 5. 34. to 38.
• r 4.89

  M••••. 5. 27, 28.
• s 4.90

  Psal. 103. 5
• t 4.91

  Psal. 2. 8.
• u 4.92

  Hebr. 3. 15
• w 4.93

  Psal. 2: 12.
• x 4.94

  Ezekiel 34. 19, 10, 21.
• y 4.95

  Isaiah 32. 1.
• z 4.96

  Ephes. 2. 2.
• a 4.97

  As the word signifies.
• b 4.98

  Heb. 2. 10.
• c 4.99

  Revel. 13. 8.
• d 4.100

  1 Sam. 17. 10.
• e 4.101

  1 John 3. 12.
• f 4.102

  Matt. 1. 21
• g 4.103

  As the word signifies, given in the Chal∣dean tongue for Devil.
• * 4.104

  Understand these things according to the true in∣tent, that is, a∣ny officer that layes claime to the things of the Kingdom of God, by vertue of that, his office in that sence the truth of these things stand firme and good, and doth not deny or disallow any humane ordinance of man in this world, so it be kept in its bounds and proper place, for he that is a Captaine of the Temple, that is, exerciseth force of armes, for the helpe of the house of God, wil ever with the Priests and souldiers, lay hands on Peter and John, to put them in hold, at the least if they preach Christ. But Cornelius is no Captain of that kind or kindred, for he is a Gentile of Caesarea, and of the band called the Italian Band.
• h 4.105

  Psal. 105 9. 10
• i 4.106

  Isay 15. 18
• k 4.107

  Acts 7. 44, 45
• l 4.108

  Acts 7. 43
• m 4.109

  As they in the Massachu∣sets had lately done, to con∣demne the in∣nocent, and justifie such who otherwise had been pro∣ved guilty of felonious acts, even these their new made subjects, whose shame they would not permit to appeare, but rather deprive sufficient witnesse of their testimony, at the guilty pers••ns request.
• n 4.110

  That is to their Courts in the Massachusets, to imploy them about any matters of ours living peaceably together so farre remote from them, out of all their Jurisdictions.
• o 4.111

  That is, man of shame.
• p 4.112

  Mouth of shame.
• q 4.113

  Luke 13. 31, 32, 33, 34.
• r 4.114

  That is, as the word sig∣nifies Confu∣sion.
• s 4.115

  Mat. 21. 5. to 10. Matt. 23. 37. 38, 39.
• t 4.116

  Isay 40. 7. 8. & ••. 30. Psal. 90. 5, 6.
• u 4.117

  Isay 2. 22.
• w 4.118

  Psal. 56. 5
• x 4.119

  Knowing our selves to be free sub∣iects to the Laws and government of our native countrey, and not unto any government extended out of its bounds and jurisdi∣ction.
• y 4.120

  Ge•••• 10, 8, 9. Jer. 16. 16.
• z 4.121

  Psal. 8 ••••, 7.
• a 4.122

  Psal. 83. 9, 10, 11.
• b 4.123

  Genesis 3. 5. For he that assumeth a title unto himselfe, without re∣spect unto Christ, in whom the whole glory therof consists such mind and disposition prosecuted & followed to its height, accor∣ding to the rise thereof, sets it selfe in direct terme of opposition against Christ and hath the spirit of the god of this world.
• c 4.124

  Mat. 26. 4 9
• d 4.125

  1 Co••. 1 25
• e 4.126

  Marke 10.
• f 4.127

  Matt. 20. 2•• 23. Luke 12. 50.
• g 4.128

  That is, his Scepter, Rod▪ Staffe, or tribe
• h 4.129

  Psal. 110. 2.
• i 4.130

  the word Aelein signifies dumbnesse, so that the Phrase is, doe ye indeed, do dumb Justice, o Congregation? and so describes such persons what they are that speake not a word of Righteousnesse in their acts and executions, which Psalme shewed unto us the spirit, practise and successe of our Adversaries.
• * 4.131

  These be∣ing the Pur∣chasers of Shawo met the Sachim, Myan∣tonomy, as he sold it to 12. men, so his price was that every man should pay 12. Fatham of Wamppum peage, that is, 144. Fatham, as our deed, which he made unt: us being extant, witnesseth to be paid unto him.
• k 4.132

  As Mr Cobbe•• who cryed out against Gorton that arch he∣retick, who (saith he) would have al men to be preachers. But if he had turned his speech against Moses, who wished that al the Lords people were prophets, he had far more plainly ex∣pressed the bent of his spirit, & what manner of zeal he had.
• l 5.1

  They having banished some of us five or six years be∣fore, and threatning, that if some of us were amongst them we should hardly see the place of our aboad any more.
• m 7.1

  That is, their united body which they so much delight, and glory in, con∣sists by their owne confes∣sion of such mixture of Members, as that part are Heathens by their owne report.
• n 8.1

  This Letter doth plainly declare, the proper intent of the Massa∣chusets in sen∣ding out this band of soul∣diers against us, namely in the falsifying of our faith to God, to sub∣ject our selves unto them, (who never named the least word un∣to us, as though they came against us in the name of the King, and State of old England, but in the name of the government of the Massachusets) or else to pay the tribute of our Lives unto them, in the utter ruine of our wives and children, which these men having recei∣ved in Commission, together with instru∣ction how to accomplish and effect the same, from those that sent them, count it their glory to reveal, and make manifest the same, which the Massachusets had so long gone about to hide, under the colour of some civil miscarriage in our course of walking towards men, in regard themselves had professed, to remove into those parts meerly for the liberty of conscience, which now they so zealously deny unto their neighbours.
• o 8.2

  As the wife of Jo. Green, as also the wife of Robert Potter, other women miscarrying to the losse of their children. So also Francis Weston, through cold and hardship in prison, fell into a con∣sumption, and in short time after dyed of it.
• p 8.3

  The wife of S. Gorton, and some of her children, she being ready to lie downe in child bed, was so dealt with by the souldi∣ers, the boat hasting off for feare, if one of her sonnes could not have swimmed, had been left be∣hind her, so was glad to betake himselfe to the water, though young to recover the Boat.
• q 8.4

  They had so animated, and incouraged the souldiers, yea, so incensed them against us, that they were loth to entertaine speech or parley, though they say in their last wri∣ting they came to examine cases of right and wrong which could not appeare with∣out parley, nay some of their souldiers, picked out to be at the parley, professed to some of us, when they came to visit us as we lay in bolts and irons amongst them, comming in the night, not daring to see us in the day, professed in these words; When we came first to the ground we were ma•••• to ••ight, and to fal upon you without speech or parley, but after we saw you, and heard you speake, many of us had rather have been on your side, then for the cause we came, and the Captaine seeing some of us discouraged to fight, would not permit us to discourse with any of Providence men, ••est they should speake on your behalfe; and this we know, that some that did signifie unto them any small thing concerning the equity of our cause the Cap∣taine seized on them for prisoners, and kept them in bonds, during the time of their aboad there, and much adoe to release them, that they had not taken them downe into the Massachusets, to undergoe further punishments.
• r 10.1

  Which was only words expressed in their paper formerly sent unto us▪
• s 10.2

  Fearing lest the true and naturall Prince of these their In∣dian subjects should shew them their folly in this their subje∣ction, and to win them a∣gain unto himselfe, and thereby leave them without this colour and pretence to worke out their own ends upon us.
• t 10.3

  Behold here their guilt, in that they had unjustly drawn by insinuation the Indians from their lawfull Prince, as also that subtill wrong they did to us, suggesting secretly unto the people, as though there were feare of some combination between the Indians and us, to stir up souldiers by that means to come out against us.
• u 10.4

  Behold how these men can evade all faire Propositions to prose∣cute, and bring forth their own spirit; yea, even to the death of their countrey men, if it be but by casting aspersions upon those that hold not just length and breadth in religion with them.
• x 11.1

  Which they had promised to do as they came on the way to∣wards us to incourage the Indians to come with them against us, in the hea∣ring of some of our friends▪
• * 12.1

  x A great tri∣umph for a whole coun∣trey, to carry away eleven men (and that upon faire composition also, if they had kept touch with us; for one of us, that is Sampson Shotton, was dead before by hardship, which some of their spirit had put him upon) and but ten of us that handled arms.
• y 12.2

  We thought he did it to imitate Melchisedeck, comming out to blesse Abraham, when he came from the slaughter of the Kings, in the rescue of Lot, he did it so gravelyand solemnly, only the Captain wanted the spirit of Abraham for all his good successe, yet we thought he was not uncapable to communicate, in that prayer or blessing of the Governour; for his errand to us was, to utter and exerciss the spirit of the government in his Commission made manifest▪
• z 12.3

  Old M. Ward once Lectu∣rer at S. Micha∣el in Corne-hill, London, came to the prison window, and called to him one of our society, name∣ly Richard Carder who had once lived near together in Essex, Mr▪ Ward seemed to be much affected, being a man knows how to put himselfe into passion, desi∣red the said Richard, that if he had done or said any thing that he could with good conscience renounce, he desired him to recant it, and he hoped the Cour would be very mercifull▪ and saith he, it shal be no disparagement unto you, for here is our Reverend Elder, Mr. Cotton who ordinarily preacheth that publickly one year, that the next year he publickly repent▪ of, and shews himselfe very sorrowful for it to the Congrega∣tion, so that (saith he) it wil be no disgrace for you to recant in such a case.
• a 12.4

  Vsually comming to us into the prison, many of them together; As also, when we were put apart in the time of our examination, one of the Members of the Church of Boston, telling some of us in his own house, that he was perswaded, that we did not worship the true God; for, saith he then, he would not have permitted you to be brought down from your own Plantation amongst us; for (saith he) I am perswaded, that our Churches shal not be over-come by any people that should come out against them; his wife standing by, being an ingenuous wo∣man, made answer to our content, before we could speak; Husband (saith she) pray doe not b••ast before the victory be known, it may be the Battle is not yet ended.
• b 13.1

  Note, that in this answer there is a word added to their question, which was done of purpose (knowing how they looked) to regulate them, it if were possible, as it was declared unto them, in the first reading of the answer, how they fell short in it, which they yeelded unto; they say, the death which he suffered (after) his incarnation, the answer saith (In) and after his in∣carnation. For to speake of the sufferings of Christ, after his incarnation, without respect unto that which was before, we may as well spe••ke of his sufferings before his incarnation, without respect to that which is after; for the Crosse of Christ is not, but with respect, both to humane nature and divine, and we cannot know the two natures in Christ, what they are distinctly in themselves, to give each its proper due, and what they are joyntly united in one, no otherwise, but as they are considered in the very act of Incarnation, in which appears the Sufferer, and that which is suffered, the Sufferer is the Son of God made man, the creator becoms a creature; the thing suffered, is to be made a curse, that is to be made such a thing as is in it selfe, by nature accursed, and so Christ▪ was made a curse▪ the sufferings of Christ then, and the shedding of his blood (as he is known after the spirit) are properly in that one act of his incarnation, which is the pro∣per act of the humiliation of the Son of God, so that to spe••k of his sufferings after ••is incarnation, you may as well speake of his sufferings before his incarnation, for it is no suffering of Christ, but with respect, both to the one, and the other, and only in the act of incarnation they are made one; and to speake of the sufferings of Christ visibly, in his humane nature, in the dayes of Herod, to be the proper sufferings of the Son of God, any further, but as a true doctrine (as in all other holy Writ) to teach what that suffering is, in the act of his incarnation, you may as well speak of sufferings of Christ invisibly, before that act of his incarnation, for the Crosse of Christ is not, but with respect, both to divine and humane nature; nor can it be said to be in time, no more then it may be said to be before al time; for the humiliation of the Son of God, ad∣mits not of any bounds or limi••s, for then were it not of infinit value; and if not of infi∣nit value and vertue, then not the humiliation of the Son of God, nor could it be said to be the blood of God, as the Apostle cals it; so that as he himselfe is not, but as the first and the last become one, even so his sufferings are not, but in that one act, of the curse and blessing, being made one. This being premised which▪ was signified unto them by word of mouth, the answer runs clear, to understand Christ according to the spirit, other∣wise a man may carnalize the answer unto himselfe as he knows Christ after the flesh, as the world doth the whole word of God, so also the seed of Abraham, is to be understood as Abraham himselfe is; Abraham is the Father of Christ, as in the Genealogy it ap∣pears; so saith David in the person of Christ, our Fathers trusted in thee, meaning Abra∣ham for one, and Christ also is the Father of Abraham, therefore hee is called the e∣verlasting father; and Christ himselfe saith, before Abraham was I am, such also is the seed of Abraham, it produceth and brings forth the Son of God, and the Son of God produceth and brings forth it; so is it with the Virgin, she is the mother that gives form, and being to Jesus Christ, he also gives form and being unto her; therefore she cals him her Lord and Saviour; the woman brings forth the man, a Virgin conceives and bears a Son; the man brings forth the woman, made of a rib, out of his innocent side; so that the man is not without the woman, nor the woman without the man in the Lord; these two being separated, the Contract is broken, the Devorce is made, and not being rightly uni∣ted, the word is adulterated, we are in our sin. The mysterie of this answer then lies in this, (which Pharasies understand not, if Christ be the Virgin Maries Son, conceived in her womb, and born of her, how doth the Virgin Mary in▪ spirit call him her Lord God, and Saviour?
• * 13.2

  Act. 7. 43.
• * 13.3

  Amos 5. 26.
• c 14.1

  Whereas they name two books written unto them, there was an other writing sent unto them by us, but it was no ground of any of their proceedings against us, therefore we thought it not ••it to bring it into this trea∣tise; for they had concluded upon, what they would doe unto us, and were gone out for execution before that writing came un∣to them for it onely met the souldiers on the way towards us, with Commission to put us to the sword; we shall desire to publish it by it selfe; for we are willing to have it known, and we made answer to any thing in it, they could seem to object, when wee were amongst them. The Massachusets promised the people, that however they might not hear our writings read then among them, yet they should see them shortly in print, but they put us to the labour and cost of it; else they cannot be content to have them lie buried, but render them, and their dealings with us, in all places wher they come, to be other things then indeed they are.
• d 15.1

  We had li∣berty to speak or write to El∣ders, or such as the Magi∣strates lycen∣sed to speake with us, in way of que∣stion, whom they tho••ght were fi••test to insn••••e us, so that this wri∣ting is but a question, only it hath a large preface.
• e 16.1

  Psal. 6. ii. Mat. 28. ••, 19. 20.
• f 16.2

  Act. 4. 18 19. 20:
• g 16.3

  Luk. 10. 41. 42
• h 16.4

  1 Cor. 9. 16.
• i 16.5

  Rom. 10. ••7.
• k 16.6

  2. Cor. 4. 13. Collos. 2. 10.
• l 16.7

  Psal. 40. 6.
• m 16.8

  Ioh. 17. 6. 26
• n 16.9

  Rom. 10. 10.
• o 16.10

  Rom. 10, 9 10.
• p 16.11

  Psal. 116. 10.
• q 16.12

  Rom, 10. 9
• r 16.13

  Psal, 39. 12.
• s 16.14

  Mat. 25. 6 10.
• * 16.15

  Wheresoever the doctrine, spirit, & pow∣er of it doth appear.
• t 16.16

  Cor. 4. 11, 12. Acts 20. 34.
• u 16.17

  Joh. 6. 27.
• w 16.18

  Joh. 6. 33. 36. 5••.
• x 16.19

  Acts 20. 7.
• y 16.20

  Joh. 6▪ 63, 68
• z 16.21

  Mat. 11. 28 ••9, 30.
• a 16.22

  1 Cor. 9 16
• b 16.23

  Ibid.
• c 16.24

  John 1. 16.
• d 16.25

  1 Sam 25. 29 Cant. 1. 13.
• e 16.26

  Math▪ 27. 35
• f 16.27

  1 Cor. 9. 17.
• g 16.28

  Luke ••6. 1.
• h 16.29

  Luke 16. 4, 5, 6, 7.
• i 16.30

  1 Cor. ••▪ 17▪
• k 16.31

  2 Cor, ••3, to 28.
• l 16.32

  1 Cor. 9. 17
• m 16.33

  Rom. 1. 16.
• n 16.34

  Psa. 105. 1.
• o 16.35

  Iames 1. 18. Iohn 1. 13.
• p 16.36

  Math. 11. 28 29.
• q 16.37

  Math. 8. 17
• r 16.38

  Heb. 12. 3.
• s 16.39

  Rom. 10. 10.
• t 16.40

  Ibid.
• u 16.41

  Rom 8. 17.
• w 16.42

  1 Cor. 12. 2
• x 16.43

  Isa. 3. 24.
• y 16.44

  1 Iohn 4. 17
• z 16.45

  Iohn 3. 36.
• a 16.46

  Iames 1. 21
• b 16.47

  ••om. 1. 11 12.
• c 16.48

  2 Cor. 6. 2.
• d 16.49

  2 Cor. 6. 3
• e 16.50

  Heb. 9. 26. 27.
• f 16.51

  2 Cor. 6. 3.
• g 16.52

  Zech. 12. 8
• h 16.53

  Psal. 2. 6.
• i 16.54

  Psal. 78. 70. 72▪ 73.
• k 16.55

  2 Sam. 18. 3. 1 Sam. 18. 7
• l 16.56

  Sam. 23. 1.
• m 16.57

  Zech. 12. 8
• l 16.58

  Mal. 3. 1. Mat. 11. 10.
• m 16.59

  Luk. 1. 17. Luk. 3. 5. 6.
• n 16.60

  Iohn 14. 17. 27. Iohn 16. 22.
• o 16.61

  1 Cor. 9. 15.
• p 16.62

  1 Cor. 9. 18.
• q 16.63

  2 Cor. 5. 18. 2 Cor. 11. 7. 8 9.
• r 16.64

  Mat. 10. 8. 1 Cor. 9. 1. 1 Cor. 7. 23. 1 Cor. 9 19
• t 16.65

  1 Cor. 9. 18.
• u 16.66

  1 Kin. 10. 22. 2 Chr. 9. 21▪
• x 16.67

  Mat. 12. 22.
• y 16.68

  Mat. 8. 20 Isa. 52. 14.
• z 16.69

  Rom. 4. 13 14. Gal. 4. 7.
• a 16.70

  Iohn 18. 36
• b 16.71

  Mat. 10. 8
• c 16.72

  Iob. 35. 7. 8
• d 16.73

  Mat. 5. 19.
• e 16.74

  Gen. 2. 7.
• f 16.75

  Levit. 9. 24.
• g 16.76

  Phil. 4. 18
• h 16.77

  Col. 3. 11. Ephes. 1. 23.
• i 16.78

  2 Cor. 8. 15.
• k 16.79

  2 Cor. 8. 15.
• l 16.80

  Exod. 16. 19. 20.
• m 16.81

  John 6. 5. 8
• n 16.82

  John 6. 58.
• o 16.83

  2 Cor. 9. 56
• p 16.84

  Rom. 15. 27.
• q 16.85

  2 Cor. 14. 15. 16.
• r 16.86

  Luk 21. 2. 3 4.
• s 16.87

  2. Cor. 8. 2.
• t 16.88

  Isa. ••6. 3.
• u 16.89

  Prov. 12 10.
• x 16.90

  Acts 20. 22. 23.
• y 16.91

  Heb. 10. 34.
• z 16.92

  Isa. 43. 2.
• a 16.93

  Gen. 14. 21. 22. 23.
• b 16.94

  Prov. 10. 22.
• c 16.95

  Psal 8••. 5. 6.
• d 16.96

  Exod. 5. 6. to 14.
• e 16.97

  Isa. 28. 23. 24. 25. 26.
• f 16.98

  1 Cor. 9. 3. 4. 5. 6.
• g 16.99

  Psal. 102. 11.
• h 16.100

  Psal. 102. 4.
• i 16.101

  Psal. 39. 5. 13:
• k 16.102

  Psal▪ 1••2 25. 26 27.
• l 16.103

  Psal. 102. 12
• m 16.104

  1 Kings 2. 1. 2.
• n 16.105

  Mat. 27. 65. 66.
• o 16.106

  Dan. 6. 16. 17.
• p 16.107

  Iohn 14. 26.
• q 16.108

  1 Sam 28. 7.
• r 16.109

  Psal. 36. 9.
• * 16.110

  Point. 1.
• * 16.111

  P. 2.
• * 16.112

  P. 3.
• * 16.113

  P. 4.
• * 16.114

  P. 5.
• * 16.115

  P. 6.
• * 16.116

  P. 7.
• * 16.117

  P. 8.
• * 16.118

  P. 9.
• * 16.119

  P. 10.
• * 17.1

  These were there two In∣dian subjects lately enti••ed to renounce their own Prince, there▪ by to finde a way to sub∣ject us unto their own wills, or else to execute death upon.
• * 18.1

  As we passed along the way a matter of three▪ or foure miles from Boston, we cam•• to some▪ Indian wig. wammes, the Sachim being the prime Sa∣chim, that lives neare them, and fa∣miliar among them, we came into his wig∣wam acciden∣tally, and he having taken notice of us amongst them how we had been dealt with, as soon as we came in, called some of us by our names) his name being C••shanakin, we a••ked him whether Captain Cook were a good Captain, he answered I cannot tell, but Indians account of those as good Captains, when a few dare stand out against many.
• * 25.1

  One of their now coyned subjects amongst us.
• * 26.1

  One of their aforesaid sub∣ects or agents dwelling in Providence.
• a 26.2

  Chief Sa∣chimof the Nanhyganset
• b 26.3

  That is, the the Indian who slew their Sachim My∣antonomy, when he had received a ransom for his life.
• c 26.4

  The Court called to consult how to cut them off, and Souldiers they had rai∣sed up for that purpose.
• d 26.5

  Thus to get interest in their land, ei∣ther to people it with whom they please, or else to get oc∣casion to go out against them again.