Purchas his pilgrimes. part 2 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

PEREGRINATIONS, [ 10] AND. DISCOVERIES BY LAND OF ASSYRIA, ARMENIA, PERSIA, INDIA, ARABIA, AND OTHER IN-LAND COVNTRIES OF ASIA, BY Englishmen and Others; Moderne and Ancient. [ 20] (Book 9)

THE NINTH BOOKE. (Book 9)

CHAP. I.

A briefe Compendium of the Historie of Sir ANTHONY SHER∣LEYS Trauels into Persia: And employed thence Ambassadour to [ 30] the Christian Princes; * 1.1 penned by himselfe, and recommen∣ded to his Brother Sir ROBERT SHERLEY, since that sent on like Ambassage by the King of Persia.

§. I.

The Causes of his going to Persia, and strange Accidents [ 40] in the way.

IN my first yeares, my friends bestowed on me those Learnings which were fit for a Gentlemans ornament, without directing them to an Occupation, and when they were fit for agible things, they bestowed them and me on my Princes Seruice, in which I ran many courses, of diuers Fortunes, according to the condition of the Warres, in which, as I was most exerci∣sed, so was I most subiect to accidents: With what opinion I [ 50] carryed my selfe (since the causes of good or ill must be in my selfe, and that a thing without my selfe) I leaue it to them to speake; my places yet in authoritie, in those occasions were euer of the best; in which, if I committed errour it was contra∣rie to my will, and a weaknesse in my iudgement; which, not∣withstanding, I euer industriated my selfe to make perfect, correcting my owne ouer-sights by the most vertuous Examples I could make choice of: Amongst which, as there was not a Subiect of more worthinesse and vertue, for such Examples to grow from, then the euer-liuing in honour and condigne estimation, the Earle of Essex: as my reuerence and regard to his rare * 1.2 Qualities was exceeding; so I desired (as much as my humilitie might answere, with such an e∣minencie) [ 60] to make him the patterne of my ciuill life, and from him to draw a worthy modell of all my actions. And as my true loue to him, did transforme mee from my many imperfecti∣ons, to be, as it were, an imitator of his vertues; so his affection was such to mee, that hee was not onely contented, I should doe so; but in the true Noblenesse of his minde gaue mee liberally

the best Treasure of his mind in counselling me; his fortune to helpe me forward, and his verie care to beare me vp in all those courses, which might giue honour to my selfe, and inworthy the name of his friend: in so much, that after many actions, into which (peraduenture) he prouoked my owne slacknesse. The Duke of Ferrara dying, and leauing Don Caesare d'Este Inheritor of * 1.3 that Principalitie, who by his birth could indeed challenge nothing iustly being a Bastard; not∣withstanding, in the worlds opinion, hee was most likely to haue beene established in that suc∣cession, through the long continuance of the gouernment in that name. The Earle holding opi∣nion, that the Dukes greatest necessitie at the first must be of incouragement, and Captaines sent me presently (though the least amongst many) accompanied with diuers Souldiers of approued valour, and procured the Count Maurice, Generall of the States Army, to write him Letters [ 10] of as much comfort, as could be giuen from so braue a Prince, and so famous an Estate: and though my iourney was vnder-taken in the dead of Winter, and I left no paines vntaken to accelerate it; yet before I could arriue in Italy, I found the Duke giuen ouer to quieter resolutions, and Ferrara yeelded to the Pope; himselfe satisfying himselfe with Modena & Rhegium, of which he now bea∣reth the Title. Which when I had aduertised the Earle of, as he who neuer had his own thoughts limited, within any bounds of honorable and iust ambition. So he also desired, that those whom he had chosen into a neerenesse of affection, should also answere both his owne conceit of them, and satisfie the world in his election of them: wherefore, not willing I should returne, and turne such a voyce as was raised of my going to nothing; as vnwilling that I should by a vaine expence of Time, Money and Hope, be made a scorne to his, and (through him) to my enemies: He pro∣posed vnto me (after a small relation, which I made vnto him from Uenice) the Voyage of Per∣sia. [ 20] Hauing with these Aduertisements receiued strength to my owne mind, large meanes, and Letters of fauour and credit to the Company of Merchants at Aleppo.

[illustration]

HONDIVS his Map of Candie.

[illustration] map of Corfu

Corfu

[illustration] map of Zakynthos

ZANTE

[illustration] map of Milos

MILO

[illustration] map of Naxos

NICSIA

[illustration] map of Scarpanto

SCARPANTO

[illustration] map of Crete

CANDIA

I imbarked my selfe at Venice for Aleppo, in a Venetian ship, called the Morizell, the foure and twentieth of May, 1599. Fiue and twentie daies the ship was sayling betweene Malmocko the Port of Venice, and Zant; in which space one of the worst in the Ship, a Passenger to Cyprus, vsed most scandalous speeches of her Maiestie, which being brought vnto me, not onely moued with the dutifull zeale which a Subiect oweth to his Prince; but euen with that respect which euery Gentleman oweth to a Lady, I commanded one of my people to giue him a fit reward for so vile an abuse: which was no sooner done, but the Ship was all in an vprore. And though the cause of the act was iust, and so vnderstood by diuers principall Merchants, which went to Zant, and that the punishment was nothing proportionable to the sceleratnesse of the fact; yet through the instigation of one Hugo de Potso, a Portugall Factor, which was going to Ormus, (though they shewed all to be satisfied, because they durst doe no other, yet) when we were to [ 10] haue departed in the Ship from Zant, they would no more receiue vs, so that we were forced to hire a Carramosall to carrie vs to Candy, where we receiued most honorable entertainment, (the * 1.4 comming of Strangers thither being a thing so vnusuall, that the Duke desired to shew the Mag∣nificence of the great Signiorie to vs that came first, and peraduenture should bee the last for a long time.

From thence in the same Carramosall we departed to Cyprus and Paphos, where wee found * 1.5 nothing to answere the famous Relations giuen by ancient Histories of the excellency of that Iland, but the name onely, (the borbarousnesse of the Turke, and Time, hauing defaced all the Monuments of Antiquitie) no shew of splendor, no habitation of men in a fashion, nor posses∣sors of the ground in a Principalitie; but rather Slaues to cruell Masters, or Prisoners shut vp in [ 20] diuers prisons: so grieuous is the burthen of that miserable people, and so deformed is the state of that Noble Realme. Notwithstanding, the Redemption of that place and people were most facile (being but foure thousand Turkes in the whole Iland.)

From Paphos we went to the Salines in a little hired Barke, where we found the Morizell, in * 1.6 which wee came to Zant. The Portugall and his Complices presently went on shoare to the Subbassa of the place, (for so is called the Gouernor there) and told him diuers Pirats who had lost their ships, were come into the Harbour in a small Boat, amongst whom were some Boyes and Youths, worth much Money; besides, I know not what Iewels and Treasure we had amongst vs, with the which he would giue him a good preuent also, if he would send some of his Soul∣diers and take vs. At this Oration of his, were present certaine Armenian Passengers, who had [ 30] knowne vs in the ship, which moued with the enormitie of so vile an act (that Christians should sell and betray Christians to Turkes, and that vpon no cause of offence, which they were wit∣nesses of, we should be persecuted with such a kind of inhumane crueltie) with all speed possible hired a Boat themselues for Alexandretta, came with it vnto vs, prouided in it victuals for vs, and the Masters themselues to lose no time; and beseeching vs, with teares in their eyes, to flie 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 with all speed possible, relating vnto vs the scelerat Treason conspired against vs, and out imminent perill. Wherefore we instantly changed into that Boat, and perceiuing a Fri∣gat a farre off, rowing towards vs for haste, left most of our things behind vs, and yet could not make so much speed, but that the Ianizaries which were in the Frigat, and chased vs, bestow∣ed some shot vpon vs, and had peraduenture ouertaken vs, if the night had not ended their cha∣sing [ 40] vs, and our dangers.

This Boat in which we were, was an ordinary Passenger betweene Cyprus and Alexandretta, * 1.7 a small way off, onely a night and a halfe sayling, and halfe a daies sayling: So that by reason the Master was vnlike to mistake his way, much lesse so iust contrary as hee did, towards two 〈…〉〈…〉res in the night, we met another passage-Boate, put off from Famagusta, holding the course which we intended. The night was faire, with the shining of the Moone and Star-light; yet, by reason of the difference in sayling, wee first lost sight of that Boate, then by our different ••••urse, the Master of ours, in stead of Alexandretta, going for Tripoly, which certainely was a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 worke of God to preserue vs. The other Boat, at breake of the day, being taken at the [ 50] ••••trance of the Port of Alexandretta, by certaine Turkish Pirats, who put all to the sword that were in it, and hearing of vs, we had rowed so farre into the Riuer Orontes, before they could re∣couer vs, that they durst no further prosecute that prey. There we found a goodly Countrey, re∣pleat euen naturally with all the blessings the earth can giue to man, for the most part vncultiua∣ted here and there (as it were) sprinkled with miserable Inhabitors, which in their fashion shew∣ed the necessitie they had to liue, rather then any pleasure in their liuing.

From thence we sent our Interpreter to Antiochia, to prouide vs Horses to bring vs thither, which he returned within two daies after, and with them wee proceeded thither, full of great 〈◊〉〈◊〉 how we should escape from thence. The Turke hauing giuen certaine scales to trade in, out of which, as it was vnlawfull for any to conuerse; so it must needs be an vneuitable peril for so great [ 60] a company, when the same great Prouidence, which at first defended vs from the former hazards, gaue vs the good hap to meete with two Ianizaries, Hungarish-runnagates, who vnderstanding that we were Christians, compelled against our dispositions into that place, our intention to be a visitation of Ierusalem, and withall, our feare of some great preiudice by our being arriued out

of the distinguished places for all Christians; hauing told vs first, that they themselues had beene Christians, and though they had, for reasons best knowne to themselues, altered that condition; yet they wished well to those which still were so, and especially, to all of those parts: and after∣wards cheerefully comforting vs, inuited vs to lodge in their house, securing vs, by a number of protestations, from al dangers; which as they courteously offered, so (if I may giue so faire a terme, to such a people) they honorably performed: For being by the Cady of Antiochia required to present vs vnto him, they did not onely deny vs, as bound vnto it by the lawes of hospitalitie, in respect of their promise, as they themselues said; but called fiftie other Ianizaries of Damasco, their friends to defend vs, if the Cady should haue offered violence.

Those Ianizaries of Damasco, amongst other Garrisons, were appointed as those of Cairo a∣gainst [ 10] the inuasions of the Arabs, who are through all those Prouinces, a people dispersed, liuing in Tents, without a cercaine place of abode, remouing their habitations according to the sea∣sons, and their owne Commodities: part of which, who are remooued on that side of Euphra∣tes, which is of Mesopotamia, now called Diarbech, are peaceable to the Turke, and not much infestious to Trauellers. Their King being a Saniack•• of the Turkes, and by that Title holding Ana and Der, two Townes vpon the Riuer, which pay him his stipend. The other, vpon the o∣ther side towards Aegypt, through all Arabia Petra, and Deserta, and spreading as farre as the limits of Arabia Felix; being in multitudes, and not possible bee brought to a quiet and well∣formed manner of liuing, are dangerous to Strangers, and continuall spoylers of those parts of the Turkes Dominions, which euery way border vpon them: for the safetie of which (as I said) [ 20] those two Garrisons of Cairo and Damasco were instituted; the first, of twelue thousand, the other of fifteene hundred Ianizaries. Those Ianizaries (which were appointed for the safetie * 1.8 of the Prouinces, and had their first priuiledges, not onely for a reward to their vertues; but to binde them by such rewards, to answere the Princes confidence in them) now obey no authori∣tie which calleth them to other Warres: but by combining themselues in a strength together, tyrannize the Countries commitied to their charges: in such a sort, that they are not onely Prin∣ces (as it were) ouer the people, but doe also terrifie the greater Ministers, (a great weaknesse in the very Basis of so huge an estate) want of necessary prouision for the warres in all those parts; not speaking of those for peace, sithence the ruine of the Prouinces, for the most part, and the misery of those poore flocke of people, which doe liue in the parts inhabited, are onely [ 30] the meanes to giue him peace. Yet the negligence of the Princes Christian, will not make vse of these extreame defects of his to amplifie their Dominions, to eternize their Honours; and (that which is the greatest) to glorifie God, which hath made them Princes, onely to execute his iudgements. I will leaue them, and speake of my Ianizaries rare disposition vnto me, who did not onely performe their promise in defending me in Antiochia, but deliuered me safely from them into our English Consuls hands in Aleppo: from whom, and from all the Merchants there * 1.9 abiding, I receiued such an entertainment, with so carefull, so kind, and so honourable a respect, as I must needs say, they were the onely Gentlemen, or the most benigne Gentlemen that euer I met withall. For my company being so great, that it was no light burthen vnto them; be∣sides, gaue an occasion to the Turkes condition of getting to make quarrels for that end: so that [ 40] they were not onely at expence by defraying me and mine, but at more by preseruing vs from oppression amongst them. I had not beene fully one moneth expecting a commoditie of passage by Carauan into Persia: but that the Morizell arriued, who presently had the aduice of my be∣ing at Aleppo: And though that Hugo de Potso threatned as much as an ill mind, and great purse could make him hope to preuaile against me by; and questionlesse had raised some great trouble * 1.10 against me, if he had come safe to Aleppo. Yet euer the first prouidence which saued me before, determined so well also for me then, that foure miles from Aleppo he dyed: by which meanes I was preserued from perill, and those honest Merchants (my friends) from great trouble.

After sixe weekes staying in Aleppo (a wearisome time to my selfe, being drawne from thence continually by the instigation of my desire, which longed for the accomplishment of the [ 50] end, that I proposed to my selfe, and as chargeable a time for my friends, which would needs make me a burthensome guest vnto them) the Tafterdall, which is the Treasurer, and the great Cady, which is (as it were) the Lord Chiefe Iustice of Babylon, arriued at Aleppo, from thence to goe by the Riuer of Euphrates to the place of their Regiment. With those, as diuers others went, so did I also, for the more securitie of my Voyage (their company being euer defended, besides with the respect of their persons, with a good company of Ianizaries) to Birr, which is the place of imbarkment. Diuers of our Merchants brought me, and left me not vntill I was boa∣ted. Thirtie daies we were going vpon the Riuer to Babylon, resting euery night by the shoare side: In all which way we found few Townes; onely Racha, Ana, Derrit, and otherwise as lit∣tle habitation, except heere and there a small Village: and one of better reputation, which is [ 60] the landing place, thirtie miles from Babylon, called Phalugium. To tell wonders of things I saw, strange to vs, that are borne in these parts, is for a Traueller of another profession then I am, who had my end to see, and make vse of the best things; not to feed my selfe and the world with such trifles, as either by their strangenesse might haue a suspition of vntruth: or by their light∣nesse

adde to the rest of my imperfections, the vanitie or smalnesse of my iudgement. But be∣cause I was desirous to certifie my selfe truly of the estate of the Turke, in those parts through which I passed, vnderstanding where we lodged one night, that the Campe of Aborisci, King * 1.11 of those Arabs, which inhabite the Desart of Messopotamia, was a mile off; I hazarded my selfe in that curiositie to goe into it, and saw a poore King with tenne or twelue thousand beggerly Subiects, liuing in Tents of blacke Haire-cloath: yet so well gouerned, that though our cloathes were much better then theirs, & their want might haue made them apt enough to haue borrow∣ed them of vs; we passed notwithstanding through them all in such peace, as we could not haue done, being Strangers, amongst ciuiller bred people. That day, as it hapned, was the day of Iustice * 1.12 amongst them, which was pretty and warlike. Certaine chiefe Officers of the Kings, mounting on horse-backe, armed after their manner, with their Staues, Targets, Bowes and Arrowes; and [ 10] so giuing iudgement of all Cases, which the people brought before them. The King gaue vs good words, without any kind of barbarous wondring, or other distastfull fashion. But when we returned to our Boat, we found the Master of his house, Master of our Boat, with a sort of his Arabs: and in conclusion, we were forced to send his Master three Vestes of cloath of Gold, for beholding his person. This is that King of the Arabs, which I said before, was a Sa∣niacke of the Turkes; and for that place held of the Turke, Ana and Dirr, two Townes vpon the Riuer.

As soone as we came to Babylon, hauing put the stocke which I had all into Iewels and Mer∣chandize, to carry the fashion of a Merchant; at the Dogana, which is the Custome-house, all (whatsoeuer) was stayed for the Bassa: and (as I perceiued) not so much for any great vse which [ 20] he meant to speake of those things; as for the suspition which hee had of me, and mine extra∣ordinary company bearing much cause thereof with it; and because I gaue out I had more goods comming with the Caranan by Land, to binde me not to start from thence. In the meane time, by very necessitie, hauing left me nothing in the world; what extreame affliction I was in, by that meanes, for the present: and in what iust cause of feare for the future, euery man may easi∣ly iudge. I had my Brother with me, a young Gentleman, whose affection to me, had onely led * 1.13 him to that disaster, and the working of his owne vertue: desiring in the beginning of his best yeares, to inable himselfe to those things, which his good mind raised his thoughts vnto. I had also fiue and twentie other Gentlemen, for the most part: the rest, such as had serued me long, [ 30] onely carried with their loues to mee, into the course of my fortune. I had no meanes to giue them sustenance to liue, and lesse hope to vnwrap them from the horrible snare, into which I had brought them, being farre from all friends, and further from counsell, not vnderstanding the language of the people, into whose hands I was falne, much lesse their proceedings: onely thus much I knew, they were Turkes, inhumane in their natures, and addicted to get by all meanes iust and vniust.

But I will leaue my selfe a little in that great straight, and speake of Babylon; not to the in∣tent * 1.14 to tell stories, either of the huge ruines of the first Towne, or the splendor of this second: but because nothing doth impresse any thing in mans nature more, then example, to shew the truth of Gods Word, whose vengeance, threatned by his Prophets, are truely succeeded in all * 1.15 [ 40] those parts. Niniue (that which God himselfe calleth, That great Citie) hath not one stone standing, which may giue memorie of the being of a Towne: one English mile from it, is a place called Mosul, a small thing; rather to bee a witnesse of the others mightinesse, and Gods iudgement, then of any fashion of Magnificencie in it selfe. All the ground on which Babylon was spred, is left now desolate, nothing standing in that Peninsula, betweene the Euphrates and the Tigris, but onely part, and that a small part of the great Tower. The Towne, which is now called Bagdat, and is on the other side of Tigris, towards Persia (onely a small Suburbe in the * 1.16 Peninsula) but remoued from any stirpe of the first; to which men passe ordinarily by a Bridge of Boats, which euery night is dissolued, for feare either of the Arabs, or some storme vpon the Riuer, which might carrie away the Boats, when there were no helpe readie. The buildings are after the Morisco fashion, low, without stories; and the Castle, where the Bassa is resident, [ 50] is a great vast place, without beautie or strength, either by Art, or Nature; the people somewhat more abstinent from offending Christians, then in other parts, through the necessitie of the Trade of Ormus: vpon which standeth both the particular and publike wealth of the State. Victuals are most abundant, and excellent good of all sorts, and very cheape; which was a migh∣tie blessing for mee, which had nothing but a generall Wardrobe of clothes, not in our Coffers, * 1.17 but vpon our backes; which we were forced to make money of by piece-meale, according to the falling of the Lot, and our necessitie; and with that liued: and if feeding-well had beene all, which we had cause to care for, we also liued well.

But after one moneth was past, and time fastned euery mans eyes more firmely vpon vs: One * 1.18 day a Florentine Merchant (whom I had onely knowne in the way betweene Aleppo and Baby∣lon, [ 60] by a riding acquaintance) came vnto mee, and after a little other discourse, told mee, that there was a great muttering amongst diuers great men there, what I was, and what my designes might bee; that he found me to be dangerously spied after: and wished mee to haue regard, (if

not to my selfe) yet to so many, which he did imagine were impawned in that misfortune by my meanes. And though it were true, that hee came vpon the motion of an honest, pious, and charitable heart; yet I was so fearefull of an Italian Merchant, that I did rather imagine him to be the spie, then lightly to haue beene an instrument of his preuention. Therefore agreeing with him in the complement onely, I answered determinately in the rest; that I knew no iust cause of perill, therefore I feared none; and if there were any curious eyes vpon me, because of the number of my companie, the Carauan comming, they should see good vse made of them all: and vntill that time I would haue patience with their looking and speaking. Him I thanked for his kindnesse, and offered my selfe largely vnto him, as though I had least suspected him; though in truth I did most: and most vniustly. For, two dayes after he returned to me againe, and as a [ 10] man moued in his very soule with anguish, told me, that within ten dayes the Carauan of A∣leppo would arriue; in the meane time, beseeched me not to couer my selfe longer from him, who did so truely wish me well, not so much for my person (which he could know little) but because his conceit was, that I would not haue hazarded my selfe in such a iourney, but for some great end, which he did beleeue well of; and besides, in charitie to a Christian, and so many Chri∣stians with me: saying, that there was a Carauan of Persian Pilgrims, arriued two dayes since * 1.19 from Mecca without the Towne, who were forced to take that way (though the longest) by reason of the Plague, which raigned very exceedingly in those places, by which they should haue passed. Hee was not ignorant of my wants, for which hee also had prouided; and taking * 1.20 me by the hand, beseeched me againe to beleeue him, and to goe presently with him to the Ca∣rauan: [ 20] which I did, not being able to answere, through admiration of so generous a part in him, and an amazement, with a thousand diuers thoughts spred vpon mee. When I came there, hee brought me to a Vittorin, of whom hee had alreadie hired Horses, Camels, and Mules for mee; and I found a Tent pitched by his seruants: and then opening his Gowne, hee deliuered mee a bag of Chequins, with these very words: The God of Heauen blesse you, and your whole com∣panie, and your enterprise, which I will no further desire to know, then in my hope, which perswadeth me that it is good; My selfe am going to China, whence if I returne, I shall little need the repayment of this courtesie, which I haue done you with a most free heart; if I die by the way, I shall lesse need it: but if it please God so to direct both our safeties with good prouidence, that we may meet againe, I assure my selfe, that you will remember mee to be your [ 30] friend; which is enough, for all that I can say to a man of your sort. And almost, without gi∣uing me leasure to yeeld him condigne thankes (if any thankes could bee condigne) for so great and so noble a benefit, he departed from mee. And as I heard afterward from him by Letters from Ormus, he receiued much trouble after my departure, through his honourable desire to per∣fect the kindnesse which he had begun. For, imagining that by the continuall spies, which claue to my house, that my flight could not be secret: hee had no sooner left mee in the Carauan, but that he changed his lodging to mine, saying that I had done the like to his; and went to the Cady, telling him that I was sicke, desiring his Physician to visite mee, knowing well enough that the Cady had none, but onely to giue colour to my not appearing in the Towne. The Cady answered, he was sorrie for my sicknesse, and would send to the Bassa for his Physician, which [ 40] Signior Victorio Speciera (for so was this honourable Florentine called) would by no meanes; ho∣ping, as hee said, that my sicknesse would not bee so great, as would require the trouble of his Highnesse. By this meanes fiue dayes passed before I was missed; and when I was once disco∣uered to be gone, fiftie Ianizaries were sent after mee, to bring mee backe againe: the Carauan hauing diuided it selfe by the way, whereof one part went a visitation of a Santon in the De∣sarts * 1.21 of Samarone; and the other passed the right way for Persia by the Mountaines, gouerned by a Prince of the Courdines, called Cobatbeague. The Ianizaries hearing of them to be past, and thinking that all had beene so, they returned: and that noble-minded Florentine was for∣ced * 1.22 to pay fiue hundred Crownes, to make his peace with the Bassa.

My frailtie gaue mee a continuall terrour, during those thirtie dayes, in which wee wandred [ 50] with that companie of blinde Pilgrims through the Desarts; not knowing what God had wrought for my securitie, and those which were with mee, by that good man, Signior Victorio. At the end of which wee arriued in the King of Persia's Dominions, hauing first passed a great tract of good and ill Countries, the Desart places of which being onely sand, gaue no meanes for Inhabitants to liue: the fruifuller parts were vsed by certaine people, called Courdines, li∣uing in Tents, knowing no other fruit of the earth, but what belonged to the sustenance of their Cattell, vpon the Milke, Butter, and Flesh, of which they liue, ruled by certaine particular Princes of their owne, which giue partly an obedience to the Turke, and part to the Persian, as they are neerest the Confines of the one or the other. Yet in that simplicitie of liuing (not be∣ing without that contagion of all Mankind, of all Prouinces, and of all States, ambition of get∣ting [ 60] superioritie, and larger Dominion) some Warres daily grow in amongst them, euen to the extirpation of a whole Nation: as we found freshly, when we passed by one of those Princes, called Hiderbeague, all whose people were deuoured by the sword, or carried away captine by Cobatbeague; and himselfe remayned onely with some twentie soules, in certaine poore Holds in a Rocke.

The precise summe, which I receiued of the Florentine, I set not downe, to preuent the scan∣dales of diuers, who measuring euery mans mind by the straightnesse of theirs, will beleeue no act, which doth not symbolize with themselues: but so much it was, that being thirtie dayes vpon the way to the Confines; then fifteene from the Confines to Casbine, where wee attended one moneth the Kings arriuall; it was not onely sufficient to giue vs aboundant meanes for that time, but to clothe vs all in rich apparell, fit to present our selues before the presence of any Prince, and to send extraordinarily in gifts, by which wee insinuated farre into the fauour of those, which had the authoritie of that Prouince, during our abode, and expectation of the Kings comming: in which time we were well vsed, more by the opinion, which they had, that the King would take satisfaction by vs, then by their owne humours; being an ill people [ 10] in themselues: and onely good by the example of their King, and their exceeding obedience vnto him. The Gouernour visited mee once; Marganabeague, Master of the Kings house, (whom I had won vnto me by Presents) came oftentimes to see mee: besides (as it seemed) being more inwardly acquainted with the Kings inclination, fitted himselfe more to that, then others did, which knew it lesse.

§. II.

Of ABAS King of Persia, his Person, Vertues, Perils, Escapes, Aduancement, [ 20] Gouernment, and Conquests.

ANd now that I am in Persia, and speake of the Kings absence; since hee is both one of the mightiest Princes that are, and one of the excellentest, for the true vertues of a Prince, that is, or hath beene; and hauing come to this greatnesse, though by right; yet through the circumstances of the time, and the occasions, which then were, sole∣ly his owne worthinesse, and vertue, made way to his right: besides, the fashion of his gouern∣ment differing so much from that which wee call barbarousnesse, that it may iustly serue for as great an Idea for a Principalitie, as Platoes Commonwealth did for a Gouernment, of that sort. I hold it not amisse, to speake amply first of his Person, the nature of his People, the distribu∣tion of his Gouernment, the administration of his Iustice, the condition of the bordering Prin∣ces, [ 30] and the causes of those Warres, in which hee was then occupied; that by the true expres∣sion of those, this discourse may passe with a more liuely, and a more sensible feeling.

His Person then is such, as well-vnderstanding Nature would fit for the end proposed for his being, excellently well shaped, of a most well proportioned stature, strong, and actiue; his co∣lour somewhat inclined to a man-like blacknesse, is also more blacke by the Sunnes burning: his furniture of his mind infinitely royall, wise, valiant, liberall, temperate, mercifull, and an ex∣ceeding louer of Iustice, embracing royally others vertues, as farre from pride and vanitie, as from all vnprincely signes, or acts; knowing his power iustly what it is; and the like acknow∣ledgement will also haue from others, without any gentilitious adoration; but with those re∣spects, [ 40] which are fit for the maiestie of a Prince; which foundeth it selfe vpon the power of his State, generall loue, and awfull terrour. His fortunes determining to make proofe of his ver∣tue, draue him (in his first yeeres) into many dangerous extremities; which hee ouercomming by his vertue, hath made great vse of, both in the excellent encrease of his particular vnder∣standing, and generall tranquillitie, strength of his Countrey, and propagation of his Empire. For the Lawes, and Customes, or both, of that Kingdome, being such, that though the King haue a large encrease of Issue, the first-borne onely ruleth; and to auoide all kind of cause of ciuill dissention, the rest are not inhumanely murthered, according to the vse of the Turkish gouernment, but made blind with burning Basons: and haue otherwise all sort of content∣ment and regard fit for Princes children. Xa-Tamas King of Persia dying without Issue, Xa-Codabent, his brother was called blind to the Kingdome; who had Issue, Sultan Hamzire Mirza [ 50] the eldest, who succeeded him, and this present King called Abas.

The eldest Sonne of the King remayned at the Court of his Father, administring all that, which his Fathers defect of light vnabled him to doe. Abas the second Sonne, twelue yeares of age vnder the gouernment of Tutors, held the Prouince of Yasde; and (as Courts are full of Rumours, and suspition neuer wanteth in Princes, especially which haue such imperfections, as they are compelled to take knowledge of) the vertues of Abas, by which hee bound to him the hearts of his Prouincials, spred themselues further, and so to the Court; where they were increa∣sed to such a condition, as altered the Father, and Brothers reioycing in them, to an opinion that his winning of the affections of the people, proceeded not from any other worthinesse, but artifice; which had the intent of it stretching to the Crowne: which tooke such hold in the Fa∣thers [ 60] minde, worne with age and griefe, and sore with his late misfortunes, that hee resolued secretly his death: The newes of which being brought to Abas, speedily by the meanes of se∣cret friends; not onely to himselfe, but to his Gouernours (which as they were the greatest of

the state, so they were not vnfriended in the Court) being so farre from any such designe, that he had no sort of prouision at hand to defend himselfe; hee fled to the King of Corasan, a Countrey of the Tartars, limiting vpon the East of Persia, euer infestuous to that State, not more in their * 1.23 owne disposition (being a people giuen to spoyle, vnquiet, and which cannot liue in rest) then through their dependance vpon the Turke, whose Religion they professe (which the Persians do not, but much altered) and whose Pensionaries they were, by which they were bound in all sea∣sons, when the Turke was tyed to the Christians wars, to diuert the Persian from looking to the commoditie of such a time; besides, on occasions, the Turke vsed to transport great forces of them ouer the Caspian Sea into Siruana; and from thence passed them into Hungarie; eyther the longer way by Land, or the shorter by Sea, ouer Negropont. To this King Abas was exceeding [ 10] welcome, and cherished, and honoured like his owne Sonne. Shortly after the flight, the Father dyed, and Sultan Hamzire Mirza, his Sonne, succeeded him, who renewed the Truce with the Turke, through the necessitie which hee had to vse the most, which his strength and power could yeeld him, to suppresse a great Rebellion of the Turcomans: whom, at the last, he so brake with diuers Battels, and all other sort of afflictions, that they deliuered him vp their Princes, and then themselues. Their Princes he beheaded, and of them, slue twentie thousand of the a∣blest for the warres, assuring his peace with them by their extremest ruine; and as he was, by all reports, a most braue, and warlike Prince, hauing pacified his owne State, and desirous to reco∣uer, not onely what was freshly lost; but all which was formerly taken from the Sophies King∣dome, by the power of the Ottomans; vnited all his thoughts, and all his Councels to that one [ 20] great end; which all finished with his life, ending it selfe by Treason of his Princes (not with∣out perswasion of the Turke) when hee had fit yeares, minde, and courage; and meanes ioyned with occasion, to haue made himselfe the greatest Prince of many Ages: all which though they, made his death miserable, yet the manner was more miserable, beeing vilely slaine by his Barber retyring halfe drunke from a Banquet, to which hee was prouoked by the Conspirators, which presently parted the State betweene them; euery man making himselfe absolute Prince of those Prouinces, which they had in gouernment; and parting the Royall Treasure amongst them for * 1.24 their reciprocall mayntenance, disposed themselues vnitely to resist the comming in of Abas; whom notwithstanding they did not much feare, hauing promise of the Turke, that hee should be detayned in Corassan where he was refuged: and knowing that he had neither Men nor Mo∣ney, [ 30] nor yeares to giue him any incouragement to attempt against them, who had soone confir∣med themselues, both with giuing good satisfaction to the people, and with liberalitie to the Souldioury; and their entrance into the State being without opposition, and so, without offence, made the foundation both more sure and more facile.

Abas in the meane time, whose iust Title made him King, assured himselfe that both the mur∣der of his Brother, and this parting of the State, had the Turkes counsell concurring with those Princes Impietie: and not doubting but the King of Corassan was also perswaded to detayne him resolued notwithstanding by his necessitie, began to deale boldly with him for his assistance against his Rebels, the King of Corassan, though pre-occupyed by the Turke, yet desirous to bee his Friend afarre off, and also doubting the successe of Abas, neither hauing yeares, nor experi∣ence, [ 40] nor Friends; In fine, being destitute of all reasonable hope, not to mooue the Turkes dis∣pleasure vpon such a disaduantagious condition, was notwithstanding contented to see whe∣ther some thing might be mooued by such a helpe as should not appeare to be giuen by him, but rather voluntarie followers of Abas his fortune: he gaue him three thousand Horse onely to put him in possession of that State, which by his vertue, and fortune, is growne now so great, that it hath deuoured all the States of the Tartars, extended it selfe so farre as Cabull to the East; the Arabian gulfe downe to Balsaracke on the South; within three dayes Iourney of Babylon on the * 1.25 West; and to Tauris on the North; embracing the whole Circumference of the Caspian Sea vn∣to Astracan, which is the vttermost of the Moscouites Dominion, and Seruane of the Turkes, which lyeth vpon that Sea: an Empire so great, so populous, and so abundant; that as it may [ 50] compare with most of the greatest that euer were, so is it terrible to the Turkes which is the grea∣test that now is; though I doe thinke verily, That in Asia the Persian hath as great an extent of Territories, as the Turke, and better inhabited, better gouerned, and in better obedience and affection, I am sure he hath. With this small troupe, the King of Persia, guided by his infinite Royall cou∣rage, entred Persia. But as those which are wicked, are euer so well instructed in the Art of their pofession, that they neuer want Instruments in themselues to deuise, and in others to act those counsels which must euer be waking, to maintayne what they haue gotten by their sceleratenesse. So their Spyes hastened, with such diligence, to giue those Rebels notice, of their Kings being on foot, that the next of them to him, had time to arme great forces, and encountred him in a Prouince, called Sistane: and though his inuincible spirit, without any sparke of feare, made him aduenture to [ 60] * 1.26 fight vpon so vnequall termes, as was three thousand against twentie thousand: he found by his experience, that Maiestie and right, is nothing without power to beare them vp: and that no exquisite vigour of the minde, can resist the violence of sinister fortune, nor oppression of many hands. Yet did Fortune so much care (for so great vertue) that she gaue him way to escape to the Mountaynes,

all the rest of the small troupe beeing cut in pieces. This victory assured the Rebels (as they thought) from all further danger; the King of Persia, whose owne minde euer comforted him, with a stedfast assurance of his greatnesse, to which hee is now growne, hauing recouered the Mountaynes, liued amongst the Heardes-men for three monethes vnknowne, changing conti∣nually from place to place, without any certaine abode, accompanied onely with ten or twelue followers, which were of his first Gouernours, and other young Gentlemen brought vp with him from his child-hood. But being now no longer able to temporize with his great desire, re∣soluing to proue the last, and the vttermost of his fortune, and remembring how much loue and affection those of Yasd had shewed towards him in the time of his gouerning them, and how much he had truly deserued of them, determined to shew himselfe in that Prouince; and prooue what effect the Maiestie of his person, the iustice of his cause, and former obligation would [ 10] worke in them: which, though it were a foundation prooued euer false, almost by all experien∣ces, The peoples affections euer raising mens hopes, and ruining their persons: Yet it prooued other∣wise with this King; who was no•• sooner certainly knowne in those parts, but numbers of peo∣ple came flocking to him, armed and appointed for the warres: in such sort, that before any prouision could be made against him (this being an accident so farre remoued from all sort of sus∣pition) he had a power together, too strong to bee easily suppressed; which was no sooner heard by Ferrat Can, a great Prince, and discontented with the alteration of the gouernment (to whose * 1.27 share none of that partition had falne, his fortune being such, that at the time of the other Kings death, he had none of the Prouinces to administer, and they were parted onely betweene them, which held them) hee I say, with his Brother, and a company of some ten thousand, came and [ 20] ioyned themselues to the forces of the King. Neither were the men so welcome, as that Ferrat Can (being a wise Prince, and a great Souldier) grew a partie, and such as the King also stood in need of: Neither did the King lose any sort of opportunitie, but hearing of the Assembly which certaine of the Princes were making in the neerest Prouinces vnto him, with all speed fell vpon them, and ouerthrowing them followed them as farre as Casbin.

In the meane time, those of Shyras, Asphaan, Cassan assisted by the Kings of Gheylan, and Ma∣zandran, gather mightie forces; the Turkes armed at Tauris, and the Prince of Hamadan, hauing called in a strength of the Courdines, to his assistance, was marching also towards Casbin: So that the King was likely to bee so inclosed with all these Armies, that his first victory would rather haue proued a snare to his intrapment; then important, as he hoped, to the summe of his affaires: [ 30] Whence he resolued to helpe, with Art, that which hee was much too weake to accomplish by strength. Wherefore he leaueth Ferrat Can in Casbin with some fiue thousand men, accompanied with Zulpher his Brother; and himselfe, with the rest of his power marched towards the Can of Hamadane. Ferrat Can, according to the deliberation taken betweene the King and him, shewed * 1.28 himselfe altered from the Kings part, writeth to the Rebels, which were all, in a grosse, aduan∣ced as farre as the mid-way betweene Cassan and Casbin, and offereth not onely to ioyne that strength which he had with them, but to mutinie the Kings Armie, which was lodged in the Mountaynes towards Hamadane, in a shew to keepe those straights, to giue impeachment to the passage of that other Army; but indeed to protract time onely, and to expect the euent of his o∣ther counsels. The other Cans rebelled easily, and desirously imbraced Ferrat Cans proposition, [ 40] hasted the Army towards Casbin, which they entred without difficultie, both by the nature of the place, which is not of any strength, and conueyance of Ferrat. There were many dayes spent in Counsell, and at last it was concluded, since the suppression of the King was certaine, being abandoned by him which was his onely Captaine and Counsellour; by so great a part of his strength; and vpon the confidence which Ferrat gaue them to mutine the rest; that it would prooue too dangerous to call in those forces of the Turkes, which were in readinesse for their suc∣cour. Not knowing whether they should so easily free themselues of them againe, if they were once entred: They reared the Turkes purposes, and as much feared to know them; therefore to auoid the danger of being compelled to experience them, they determined to write to the Bassa of Tauris, that the warre was so certaine to bee finished by themselues, that they would reserue [ 50] fauour till a more vrgent opportunitie: and with that deliberation a principall man was dispat∣ched with a Present for the Bassa. Of this, the King had present aduice, by a confident Messen∣ger, and also that few nights after, the principals of the Army were to meete together at Ferrats house, inuited to a great Banquet; which being vnderstood by him, electing fiue thousand of his best men, and best horsing, with great and close Iourneyes, hee came to Casbin; where hauing secretly disposed his people in the Mountayne, couered with the quarter of Ferrats Troupe, he expected the signe which was to be giuen him. The Prince (as it was appointed) failed not of comming, nor he of his signe to the King, nor the King to accomplish his resolution. For Fer∣rat hauing protracted the Banquet the most part of the night, when the whole companie was [ 60] heauie with Wine and sleepe, the King was receiued into the house with three hundred men, where without any vproare, hee slue all those which were inuited, to the number of threescore and ten; the Seruants and Pages being so suddenly taken hold of, and with such dexteritie, that without any mouing of other Rumours, the same fashion of Feast of Singing and of Dancing,

continued all the night; and in that space all the rest of those people, which the King had with him, were appointed, in the breaking of the day, to make the greatest shew, and the greatest noyse that they could vnder the foote, of the Mountayne, as though all the Army had beene there, marching to the Towne. When the Alarme beganne to bee hot in the Towne, and euery man fell to his Armes, and repaired to Ferrats Lodging, where they supposed their Princes to haue beene; the King hauing disposed his three hundred men which were shut fitly in the house, and Zulpher hauing his fiue thousand all in a troope, in the great place, the threescore and ten Cans heads were shewed, all laced vpon a string, and hung out of a Tarras; vpon which the King presently shewed himselfe, accompanied with Ferrat Can; whereas the Maiestie of the King, the terrour of the sight represented before them, the feare of the Armie, [ 10] which they saw (as they thought) at hand, Zulpher and Ferrat Cans power amongst them, which they perceiued turned against them; their being destitute of Commanders, and the guiltinesse of their owne consciences, for their rebellion, strooke them into so dead an amazement, that they stood readie, rather to receiue all mischiefe, then that they had either courage, or minds, or counsell to auoide it.

But vpon offer of pardon, they cryed out, Let the King liue, let the King liue; we are all King Abas his slaues, and will not suffer to liue any of his Enemies: and there was more trouble to defend the poore people of Casbin from sacking by them (their Towne euer hauing beene a well dispo∣sed Harbour for the Rebels) then to turne their hearts and armes to the Kings part. Besides, the succours which the Gheylan and Mazandran had sent the Rebels, were with great difficultie sa∣ued, [ 20] , and returned to their Countries by the King of Persia, with commandement to tell their Masters, that as the poore men were not culpable, which obeyed their Princes authoritie, by whom they were sent against him, and for that innocencie, hee had giuen them their liues; so that he would not be long from seeking his reuenge vpon their Masters, which had more iustly deserued it, by his neuer prouoking them to any offence. And when hee came with his Armie thither, he would proue, by those mens acknowledgement vnto him, whether they could dis∣cerne by the benefits they had already receiued of him in the gift of their liues, which they had forfeited vnto him, by bearing Armes with Rebels against him, what better hopes they might conceiue of him, if they would dispose themselues to deserue good of him. In this meane time, the fame of this great successe, flew to both the Armies about the Mountaynes of Hamadan: [ 30] which, as it comforted the Kings with exceeding ioyfulnesse; so it entred into the others with such a terrour, that they presently vanished, euery man retyring to his best knowne safe-guard, that part of the Warre ending with the blast onely of the fortune of the other, with little ex∣pence of time, labour and bloud: which beeing vnderstood by the King, hee raised Oliuer-Di∣beague to the title of a Can, and sent him, with those forces which he had to Hamadan, to set∣tle the Countrey in a good forme of gouernment, and to ease it from the oppression of the other dispersed Troupes. Zulpher he also called Can, and sent him to Ardouile, which frontireth vpon Tauris, with an Army consisting of foure and twentie thousand men, in shew to quiet the Coun∣trey, but indeed, to preuent any mouing of the Turkes. And because hee knew, that as his State stood then weake, raysed (as it were) freshly from a deadly sicknesse, it was not fit for him (at [ 40] that time) to bind himselfe to wrastle with such an Enemie, by taking knowledge of his ill dis∣position towards him; he dispatched Embassadours to Constantinople, to Tauris, and to the Bassa of Babylon, to congratulate with them, as with his friends, for the felicitie of his fortune; and to strengthen himselfe, by Alliance, also the more firmely, against the proceeding of any thing which the Turk might designe against him, either then or in future time; he required the Daugh∣ter of Simon Can, one of the Princes of the Georgians, to wife, which was, with as readie an affection performed, as demanded.

Whiles that Lady was comming from her Father, the King vnderstanding that the Cans Son of Hisphaan held yet strong the Castle, and whether he gaue it out to amaze his Armie, which now began to looke for satisfaction, for the great trauels and dangers which they had passed, or [ 50] whether he had heard so indeed; true it is, that he gaue out, that the most part of the Treasure of the former Kings of Persia, was by the consent of the Rebels, for securitie, kept together in that Castle: to receiue the which, and to chastise that Rebell, the King marched thither with a part onely of his Armie, leauing the rest at Casbin, which was Frontier to Gheylan against which his purpose carryed him. Without much trouble hee expugned the Fort at Hisphaan, beeing a large Circumference onely of Mud-wals, somewhat thicke, with Towers, and certaine ill Bat∣tlements, and suppressed that Rebell; but Treasure he found none, for the indignation whereof, he made the World beleeue, dismantled the Castle. His owne necessitie to content the Army, and his Armies necessitie to aske contentment, drew him suddenly backe from thence to Casbin, where hee had not stayed many dayes (for daily satisfaction with hope hauing no reall meanes) [ 60] but that the Queene arriued, honourably accompanied with two thousand Horse, and Byraicke Myrza her Brother. The Marriage was soone dispatched, those Countries vsing few Ceremo∣nies in such cases: and God blessed them both so happily, that within the tearme of lesse then one yeare, she brought him a gallant yong Prince who is now liuing, called Sophir Mirza.

The King vnwilling to oppresse his Countrey, and desiring to reuenge himselfe vpon the Kings of Gheylan, and Mazamdran, to enlarge his Empire, and to content his Souldiers; hauing * 1.29 a flourishing Armie, both in men, and the reputation of his present victory; resolued all vnder one, to increase his State, honour himselfe, ease his Countrey, and satisfie his Souldiers with the Enemies spoyles. Gheylan is a Countrey cut off from Persia, with great Mountaynes hard to passe, full of Woods (which Persia wanteth, being here and there onely sprinkled with Hils, and very penurious of fuell, onely their Gardens giue them Wood to burne, and those Hils, which are some Faggots of Pistachios, of which they are well replenished) betweene those Hils there are certaine breaches, rather then Valleyes; which in the Spring, when the Snow dissolueth, and the great abundance of Raine falleth, are full of Torrents; the Caspian Sea in∣cludeth this Countrey on the East: betweene which and the Hils, is a continuing Valley, so * 1.30 [ 10] abounding in Silke, in Rice, and in Corne, and so infinitely peopled, that Nature seemeth to contend with the peoples industry; the one in sowing of men, the other in cultiuating the Land; in which you shall see no piece of ground which is not fitted to one vse or other 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their Hils also (which are Rockes towards Casbin) are so fruitfull of Herbage, shadowed by the Trees, as they s••ew, turned towards the Sea, that they are euer full of Cattell, which yeeldeth Commoditie to the Countrey, by furnishing diuers other parts. In this then lay the difficultie most of the Kings Enterprize, how to enter the Countrey.

Yet before the King would enter into this Action, hee called vnto him to Casbin, all Go∣uernours, and all Administratours of Iustice, whosoeuer had occupyed those Functions, du∣ring the vsurped Rule of the Cans, through all his Prouinces; with the Kinsmen, Friends * 1.31 [ 20] and Children of the said Cans: besides, that all men of power, as Mirzaes, Cans, Sultans, and Beagues, which are principall Titles of Dukes, Princes, and Lords, should repayre thither, without excuse of Age, Sicknesse, or any other pretence whatsoeuer: which beeing done, hee appointed new Gouernours and Officers of all sorts; hee cleered all his Prouinces for three yeares, for paying any Tribute-Custome, or any other ordinary or extraordinary Exaction whatsoeuer. His Chiefe Vizier he made one Haldenbeague a Wise man, excellently seene in all Affaires, of great Experience; but such a one as was onely his Creature, without Friends or Power: him hee commanded to passe through all his Prouinces, accompa∣nied with the Xa-Hammadaga, who is, as it were, Knight Marshall, to cleere them from Vagabonds, Robbers, and seditious Persons. Ologonlie, which had followed him in all his [ 30] Aduersitie (a man of great Worthinesse) hee made Bearer of his Great Seale, which is an Of∣fice there, liker the Lord Priuie Seale, then Chancellour. (The place of the Vizier compre∣hending in it, the Office of Chancellour, and High Treasurer) him hee also aduanced to the dignitie of a Can. Bastana, an Ancient approoued man, both for Fidelitie and other Wor∣thinesse, hee made principall Aga of his House; which is as great Chamberlaine. Cur••chi∣basschie Captaine of his Guard, which is a General-ship of twelue thousand shot, who attend at the Port by turnes, two hundred and fiftie euery quarter, except when the King goeth to the Warres, that they are all bound to be present. Ferrat Can he made his Generall.

Thus hauing wisely and prouidently placed through all his Estates, those who must be most assured to him, their Fortunes depending onely vpon him, hauing no more strength, nor autho∣ritie [ 40] in themselues, then they receiued from him: and hauing all the great ones in his Armie with him, or such of them as could not bee able to follow him, eyther by their few, or many yeares, or sicknesse, so securely left at Casbin, that they could not by themselues, or any other, moue any Innouation. And moreouer, hauing dispatched all those, and keeping their persons with him which had any Obligation to the former Cans, secured by that meanes (as much as the counsell of any man could secure him) from perill at home: hauing called Oliuer di Can from Hamadan, and appointed him a Successor for that Gouernment with ten thousand new men; he set himselfe forward to his Enterprize, with his old Troupes, and great part of his rebelled Ar∣my, with no greater courage and counsell then Fortune: for those men which were remitted by him to Gheylan, and Mazandran, (as those which had bin some-what exercised in the wars) [ 50] hauing, with some more, adioyned vnto them the guard of the Streights, from which the mayne Armie of the Kings was some foure leagues remoued (remembring the benefit of the King, bet∣ter then their faith to their Princes) at the very sight of the first Troupes, retyred themselues from the places left to their confidence in charge; which aduantage beeing followed by Ferrat; with the Alarme giuen, fell so iustly vpon that Army, that what with the vnexpected terrour of the Streights abandoning, and their being surprized in disorder, the Army was facily broken, with the death of two of the Kings, and an infinite slaughter of people, which had beene much greater if the Woods had not couered them from the furie of their Enemies. The greatest of those Kings hauing escaped with much difficultie (accompanied euer with the terrour of the perill from which hee had escaped) neuer ended his flight, vntill hee came into Seruane; and [ 60] from thence went to Constantinople, to desire succour from the Turke, where hee yet liueth. The other which remayned, beeing but one, without any great difficultie or alteration of Fortune; was suppressed.

The Countrey beeing first spoyled, and ransomed at a great rate, which they might well beare, by reason of their great Riches, which they had gathered together through a long peace, and the Kings Armie excellently well satisfied; hee dispatched instantly Embassadors to the Turke, the Georgians, and his old Friend, the King of Corassan, to giue them an account of this new victorie: not doubting, but as it would bee exceeding pleasant to some; so it would be as bitter to others: and leauing Ferrat Can to gouerne the Countrey, and Oliuer Dibeague, as his assistant, but to be commanded by him, hee returned himselfe full of glorie, and great vi∣ctorie into Persia, disposing himselfe to reduce his State to that excellent forme of gouernment which now it hath.

First then, after his arriuall in Casbin, hauing heard by his Vizier, and the Relation of Xa-Hammadaga, [ 10] who had not onely spoyled the Subiects in their substances; but also of all Or∣ders, and iust forme of gouernment, which it now hath; and giuen them, by that meanes, more matter of dis-vnion, then vnion; insomuch, that they were full of Theeues, of Vaga∣bonds, of Factions, and such like Insolencies: hee iudged it fit, to reduce it to the more peaceable and obedient, to giue it in those cases, a good condition of gouernment: Where∣vpon, hee presently dispatched that Xa-Hammadaga, a terrible, and resolute person, with full power and authoritie, for the Reformation of those Disorders; who in short time, though with more terrible Examples, reduced all the Prouinces to a vnite Tranquilitie, with mightie reputation.

Whilest hee was busied in that Administration; the King, to shew that it was necessitie, that counselled to giue him that excessiue authoritie, and to preserue it from beeing odious to [ 20] himsefe, appointed in the chiefe Citie of euerie Prouince, a Gouernour elected of those of most valour: to him he ioyned two Iudges of Criminall and Ciuill Causes, a Treasurer, two Secretaries, with an excellent President, and two Aduocates generall, for the causes both particular and generall of the whole Prouince; Besides the particular Aduocate of euery Citie, which should bee resident in that Metropolis. These determined all Causes within themselues of those Prouinces in which they had the Administration; and because they should neither bee burthen some to the Prouinces, nor corrupted in paritializing; the King paid them their stipend, enioyning them vpon paine of life to take no other sort of reward. And because such things, and Causes might fall out, as by reason of the importance of them, or appellations of the par∣ties [ 30] might bee brought before himselfe, because hee would euer know what hee did, and bee continually informed, not onely of the generall State of the Prouinces, but of their particular Administration; he ordayned Posts once euery Weeke from all parts, to bring all sort of Relati∣ons to the Court; for which cause also he willed that one of the two generall Aduocates should euer bee Resident there, who receiuing those Relations presenteth them to the Vizier, and hee to the King. The Uizier, sitteth euery morning in counsell about the generall State of all the Kings Prouinces, accompanied with the Kings Councell, Aduocates Resident, and the Secretaries of State; there are all Matters heard, and the Opinions of the Councell written by the Secretaries of State; then after Dinner, the Councell, or such a part of them as the King will admit, present those Papers, of which the King pricketh those hee will haue proceed; the [ 40] rest are cancelled; which being done: the Councell retyre them againe to the Viziers, and then determine of the particular businesse of the Kings House. The King himselfe euery Wednesday, sitteth in the Councell publikely, accompanied with all those of his Councell, and the foresaid Aduocates: thither come a floud of all sorts of people, rich and poore, and of all Nations with∣out distinction, and speake freely to the King in their owne Cases, and deliuer euery one his owne seuerall Bill, which the King receiueth; pricketh some, and reiecteth other, to bee bet∣ter informed of. The Secretaries of State presently record in the Kings Booke those which hee hath pricked, with all other Acts, then by him enacted; the which Booke is carryed by a Gen∣tleman of the Chamber, into his Chamber, where it euer remayneth: and woe be to his Vizier, if after the King hath pricked, Bill, or Supplication, it be againe brought the second time. [ 50]

When hee goeth abroad to take the Ayre, or to passe the time in any exercise, the poo∣rest creature in the World may giue him his Supplication: which hee receiueth, readeth, and causeth to bee registred; and one request, or complaint, is not ordinarily brought him twice: and though these bee great wayes, wise wayes, and iust wayes, to tye vnto him the hearts of any people; yet the nature of those is so vile in themselues, that they are no more, nor longer good, then they are by a strong and wisely tempered hand made so: The Countrey not beeing inhabited by those nobly disposed Persians, of which there are but a few, * 1.32 and those few are as they euer were: But being mightily wasted by the Inundation of Tamber∣laine, and Ismael afterward making himselfe the head of a Faction, against the Ottomans, and by that reason, forced to re-people his Countrey to giue himselfe strength of men against so potent [ 60] an Aduersary, calling in Tartars, Turcomans, Courdines, and of all scumme of Nations; which though they now liue in a better Countrey, yet haue not changed their bad natures: though as I said, so carefull and true Princely a regard of the King for the establishment of good and iust Orders, for the gouernment of this Countrey, in equitie, generall securitie, and tranquilitie;

had beene of sufficient abilitie to haue bound the hearts of people vnto him: Yet knowing what his were, and to leaue no meanes vnacted which might both assure them more, and himselfe with them; because he knew, that their owne dispositions, which were euill, would neuer rightly iudge of the Cause of many rigorous Examples that had passed: which by that fault in them, had ingendred him hatred amongst them; to purge their mindes from that sicknesse, and gaine them the more confidently, hee determined to shew, that if there were any cruell Act brought forth, it did not grow from himselfe, but from necessitie, wherefore he displaced, by lit∣tle, finding particular occasions daily against some or other, all the whole Tymarri of his Estate; as though from them had growne all such Disorders, as had corrupted the whole gouernment, sending new ones, and a great part of them Gheylaners to their Possessions, with more limited * 1.33 [ 10] authoritie, and more fauourable to the people; the old ones part he cashiered, part he distribu∣ted in Gheylan and Mazandran, which hee had new conquered, so that by that Arte, the peo∣ple beganne to rest exceeding well satisfied, and himselfe the more secured; those which suc∣ceeded them beeing bound to his Fortune; and those which were remooued also, beeing disposed in the new conquered Prouinces, which they were bound to maintayne in secu∣ritie, for their owne Fortunes, which depended onely vpon their preseruing them for the King.

When all these things were done, and the King beganne to thinke himselfe throughly esta∣blished, for a long time, both from intrinsicke and extrinsicke dangers. The Turkes forces being so occupyed in the Warres of Hungarie, that hee had no leisure to looke to his increasing the [ 20] Tartars of Corrasan his Friends, by the old Hospitality which he had receiued from their King: and if not his Friends, yet cold Enemies, such as would be long resoluing, before they would attempt any thing to his preiudice. There fell out a new occasion to trouble both the peace of his minde and Countrey, if it had not beene preuented with great dexteritie, celeritie, and for∣tune. For Ferrat Can, not regarding his benefits downe to the King, knowing too well his owne worthinesse, and attributing vnto that, the successes of all the Kings Fortunes, and for so great causes, not being able to limit his mind within any compasse of satisfaction, not resting conten∣ted with the place of Generall, nor gouernment of Gheylan, nor with the honour to be called the Kings Father, but despising that Haldenbeague should be Vizier, and not himselfe all, which had giuen the King all; began to take counsell to innouate, and alter the things with the Bassa of Ser∣uan, [ 30] and Tauris. So dangerous are too great benefits from a Subiect to a Prince, both for themselues and the Prince, when they haue their minds only capable of merit, and nothing of dutie.

These practises of his were most dangerous, for which hee did more assure himselfe, to haue laid a strong foundation for the discontentment of those Timari, which the King had sent into his gouernment, and so had they beene, questionlesse, if Oliuer di-Can, through his true zeale to his Masters seruice; and, perhaps, a little enuy at the others greatnesse, had not made him so watchfully diligent, that hauing gathered his intentions by very momentall circumstances, hee gaue the King from time to time notice of them, which at the first were negligently receiued, and rather taken as matter of emulation, then truth. But when those very same aduertisements euer continued, and Oliuer di-Can, was not at all terrified from sending of them; neither by the [ 40] Kings neglecting them, nor rebuke, and that Mahomet Shefia was also secretly arriued in the Court, with more particular and certaine aduice, that the Bassa of Seruan had sent a great summe of money to Ferrat, which was receiued on a certayne day, and in a certaine place. The King hereupon presently sent Xa-Tamascoolibeague, his chiefe Fauourite, to will Ferrat Can, for very important affaires, for the determining of which his presence was requisite, to repaire to the Court; which he excused, through his indisposition, which he said to be such, that he could not possibly trauell: so that per••sting in that deniall, when Xa-Tamas Coolibeague perceiued that he would not be perswaded, he returned with all expedition to the King; who assuring himselfe the more by the deniall, of the former related accusations, instantly commanded his guard of twelue thousand Courtchies to be in a readinesse; with which, and a thousand of the Xa-Hamma∣gaes [ 50] he vsed such celeritie, that he preuented the newes of his comming, and was sooner arriued at Ferrats house then he had almost opinion that his Messenger had beene returned▪ yet, although amazed with his owne guiltinesse, and the Kings sudden comming, he made shift to make great shew of the indisposition which he had so long counterfeited.

The King, as soone as he came vnto him, said; That he had taken a great iourney to visite him in his sicknesse, and to bring him the Cure thereof; and hauing commanded all out of the Cham∣ber, but themselues onely alone (as the King himselfe told me) he vsed such like speeches vnto him: Father, I doe acknowledge, that first from God, then from you, these Fortunes which now * 1.34 I haue, haue receiued their being. And I know, that as a man, I may both erre in my merit to God, and in my well deseruing of your seruice. But my intention (I can assure you) is most [ 60] perfect in both: the time of my establishment in my estate, hath beene so small, that I could scarce v••e it sufficiently to performe my generall dutie towards my people, ouer whom (by Gods permission) I am appointed: much lesse to prouide for euery particular satisfaction, as I mind and will doe; which you principally, as a Father to me, both in your yeares, and my election

should haue borne withall. But since some ill spirit hath had power to misleade your wisedome so farre, as to make you forget your great vertue; you shall once receiue wholesome counsell from me, as I haue done often from you, &c. Ferrat neither excused nor confessed, but indiffe∣rently answered the King, as sory to haue giuen cause of offence, and infinitely reioycing (as he seemed) that the King had so royally pacified himselfe with him: and not daring to refuse to goe with the King, desiring him to vse some few daies in the visiting of the Country: in which time he hoped that God, and the comfort of his presence, would raise him from his infirmitie. The King hauing staid some eight or ten daies in the Countrey, was sooner hastned thence then he thought, by the newes of the Queenes death, who was deceased by a sudden and violent sick∣nesse after his departure: so that with great speed taking Ferrat with him, and leauing Lieute∣nant [ 10] in the Countrey, for Ferrat, Mahomet Shefia, he returned to Hisphaan, where after some dayes spent in sorrow, (for his great losse) he sent to Alexander, the other Can of the Goorgi∣ans, to demand his Daughter, by that meanes to binde againe that league, which might haue beene dissolued by the death of the other Queen: In that Embassage went Xa-Tamas Coolibeague, who returned with the Lady within few moneths.

In the meane time, the Brother to that King of Corasan, who had so royally and carefully brought vp the King of Persia, when he fled from the wrath of his Father, rebelled against his Brother, slue him, and all his Children, but onely one; whose Tutors fled with him into the Mountaines, and so escaped the present danger, and persecution of that Tyrant. Diuers other also, as they had beene in estimation or fauour with the old King, fearing for that the violence [ 20] of the present authoritie, and others onely discontented with the alteration, and the wicked meanes of it, fled into Persia, by whom the King hauing largely and perfectly vnderstood the state of things, hauing so faire a way both to shew an infinite royall point of gratitude, to that one poore posteritie of the murdered King, for great obligations to the Father; and withall, to assure himselfe in future times and occasions, from that certaine enemy, which had euer hung like a dangerous Cloud ouer his State, vsually breaking into terrible Tempests, as it was, or should be carried against him by the breath of the Turke: though he knew those Tartars so ob∣stinate enemies to his Gouernment and Religion, that if they had the most odious reasons of disvnion amongst themselues, yet that they would combine against him, without reposing him∣selfe vpon any hope to bee holpen by those partialities, which the refuged vnto him seemed to [ 30] promise: but confident onely in the Iustice of the Cause which he intended, in his owne force, vertue, wisedome and fortune; he resolued to gather his Armie, and to goe for those parts, to which he was, besides his owne disposition mightily instigated by Ferrat Can, whose feare and ambition being without meanes of end, gaue him assurance by place of Generall which he held, to haue some faire opportunitie giuen him to end them, with the Kings ruine, and without his owne danger.

Thirtie thousand men the King tooke with him for that warre, twelue thousand Harquebu∣siers which bare long pieces, halfe a foote longer then our Muskets, sleightly made: the Bullet of the height of Caliuer, which they vse well and certainely: and eighteene thousand Horse, which may seeme a small troope in these places, where the warres are carried with innumerable [ 40] multitudes. But the King of Persiaes iudgement agreeth with that of the best experienced Cap∣taines, that multitudes are confusers of Orders, and deuourers of Time, and of those meanes which nou∣rish the Warres; and are good for no other vse, but to make a warre soone breake off, and to consume the world. This Army being chosen out from all his Forces, of elected good men, hee carried into Corasan with wonderfull expedition, and had taken it vtterly vnprouided, if Ferrat Cans ad∣uertisement had not preuented his celeritie, who had not onely giuen notice to them, but to the Bassa of Tauris of the Kings purpose, and his owne resolution, promising them a certaine victo∣rie, and the deliuery of the Kings owne person. A daies iourney the King passed peaceably into the Countrey, without the sight onely of an enemy: himselfe with fiue thousand of the best men, accompanied with diuers of the principallest, was a kind of Vaunt-guard to the rest, [ 50] which followed with Ferrat Can, Zulphir Can, and Oliuer di Can, which marched softly. The King by that meanes was farre aduanced; and being almost assured in himselfe, that through the celeritie of his comming, he should find yet no enemy sufficiently able to resist him, and more confidently by the perswasion of Ferrat Can: some sixe hundred Horse vnder the leading of Vseph-Aga (which were sent to discouer before the Kings troope) fell vpon fiftie thousand of the enemy; vpon which sight he would faine haue retired: but being so farre ingaged that hee could not, and vnable to resist so great a force, with the losse of almost all his company, hee was beaten backe to the Kings Grosse: who by the dust rising a farre off, and the great noyse follow∣ing, imagining what it was indeed, with a great and ready courage prouided himselfe ready to fight, and dispatched Messenger vpon Messenger, to command Ferrat Can to aduance vnto him. [ 60] To the first Ferrat answered, that it was but a troope of some few Rascals, and desired the King * 1.35 to march on, any not trouble himselfe nor his Army, and to diuers the like. At the last, when young Hassan-Can came from the King, and told him the Kings danger, and that certainely the whole Force of the enemy had charged him; hee began to shew feare, and to call a Councell of

the Commanders, then to know what they were best to resolue of for the sauing of the Army, since the King had so rashly lost himselfe. Which when Oliuer di-Can heard, vpbraiding him of Treason, called vpon all those which loued the King to follow him; and putting Spurs to his Horse, being followed by Courtchibassa, and most of the Kings Guard, and many other, with all possible haste speeded to the King, who by this time was forced to sustaine and retire as well as he could, without disorder or shew of feare. But when this Troope of Oliuer di-Can was seene, his men receiued new courage; and the enemy which dependeth more vpon Ferrats trea∣son, then their owne valour, beganne to be exceeding amazed, doubting that it had beene the whole Army, and that Ferrat had exchanged his Treason from his Master to them: Wherefore slacking their first fury, and rather standing at a gaze then fighting, the King commanded Vseph-Aga to charge them throughly afresh, and not to giue them time to take new courage: which he [ 10] did with so good fortune, that lighting vpon the Vsurper of Corazan and his Sonne, he sl••e them * 1.36 both with his owne hands; from which grew the first maine flight of the enemy, and the be∣ginning of the victorie for the King. The chase was desperatly followed, so that in that battell and the chase, were slaine thirtie thousand men, with the Vsurper King and his Sonne; and di∣uers of the principall of the Countrey taken. That night the King pitched his Tents in the place of the battell, and being informed by Oliuer di-Can and the whole Army, which cryed out with open mouth of Ferrats Treason, tempered the outward shew of his indignation with a compassionate feeling of mans errors and frailtie; excused the constraint and necessitie, of the Iustice which he was forced to doe: protesting, that though for his States and owne preseruati∣on, he was at last compelled to giue his Iustice place, aboue the power of his loue and Obligati∣on: [ 20] yet what the Father had rent from himselfe by the violence of his owne misdeeds, his Sonne should find ripened for him, who should be heire of what his Father had well merited by his former seruices, as he hoped he would be of his vertue; praying God, that his Fathers vices onely might dye with himselfe. Which when he had said, he gaue Oliuer di-Can the General∣ship of his Army, and appointed him to doe execution vpon Ferrat, who being resolued of that iudgement which his double offence had brought vpon him, attended ready in his Tent with∣out feare to dye, or desire to liue, and there receiued that punishment, which was vnworthy of his excellent parts, if he had made that true vse of them which he should.

Zulpher Can his Brother fled to the Port of the Kings Tent, and there prostrated himselfe on the ground, and obtained pardon. Next day, the King marched farther into the Countrey, [ 30] and so daily aduanced on without obstacle, the Keyes of all their Townes meeting him by the way; and at the last, an Embassage from the whole State, with a generall submission: which when he had receiued, hauing spent some time in the setling of such a Gouernment as was secu∣rest for himselfe, and hauing receiued the young Prince, Sonne to the first King, and diuers others of the principall of the Countrey hauing left order with Xa-Endibeague, whom hee left there with the best part of his Army, which he increased afterwards to thirtie thousand men, to ex∣tirpate all those which were likeliest, either through their Obligation to the Vsurper, or through their owne particular interest, to make innouation, hee returned with that young Prince, and those Prisoners into Persia. [ 40]

§. III.

The Kings triumphant entry into Casbin, entertainment of the Authour and his Company. Other remarkable obseruations of the Kings Iustice, Bountie, treatie of Warre, and Mustaphas Embassage.

THE most part of this time I was at Casbin, courteously vsed by Marganobeague, the * 1.37 Master of the Kings house, any not amisse by any. When the King was come with∣in sixe miles of Casbin, hee stayed there some three daies, to the intent to make his [ 50] entry with such an estimation of his victorie, as was fit for so great and happy a successe of Fortune: and in truth, I thinke that hee did it most to declare the greatnesse of it to vs that were Strangers, by such a strange demonstration. The night before hee entred, there were thirtie thousand men sent out of the Towne on foote with Horse-mens staues, vpon which were fastned Vizards of so many heads: All those in the morning, when we were com∣manded to meete him, (the Gouernour hauing prouided vs Horses) wee found marching in bat∣tell array towards the Towne; and before the two heads of the King and his Sonne, foure Offi∣cers of Armes, such as they vse, bearing in their hands great Axes of shining Steele, with long helues; after those Battalions, followed the Xa-Hammadagaes Horse-men; after those, a num∣ber [ 60] of Gentlemen of the Kings Court; after those, one hundred Spare-horses, with as many of the Kings Pages; after those the Prisoners, accompanied with Bastan-Aga, then a great ranke of his chiefe Princes: amongst whom were all the Embassadors, which vsed to be resident in his Court; then followed the young Prince of Corazan, accompanied with Xa-Tamas-Coolibeague,

the Kings principall Fauorite, and then the King himselfe alone; and after him, some fiue hun∣dred Courtiers of his Guard. Marganobeague was with vs, and making vs large passage through all those Troops.

When we came to the King wee alighted, and kissed his Stirrop: my speech was short vnto him, the time being fit for no other: That the fame of his Royall vertues had brought me from a far * 1.38 Countrey, to be a present spectator of them, as I had beene a wonderer at the report of them a farre off: if there were any thing of worth in me, I presented it with my selfe to his Maiesties seruice. Of what I was, I submitted the consideration to his Maiesties iudgement, which he should make vpon the length, the danger, and the expence of my Voyage onely to see him, of whom I had receiued such magnificent and glorious Relations. [ 10]

The Kings answere vnto me was infinite affable: That his Countrey whilst I should stay there, should be freely commanded by me, as a Gentleman, that I had done him infinite honour, to make such a * 1.39 iourney for his sake, onely bid me beware that I were not deceiued by rumours, which had peraduenture, made him other then I should finde him: It was true, that God had giuen him both power and mind to answere to the largest reports which might be made good of him; which if he erred in the vse of, hee would aske counsell of me, who must needs haue much vertue in my selfe that could moue me to vndergoe so much, and so many perils to know that of another. And that he spake smiling, willing me to get on horse-backe: which when I had done, he called Haldenbeague, his Viseire, and Oliuer di-Can his Generall, and commanded them to take my Brother and me betwixt them, and my compa∣ny was disposed by Marganobeague, amongst the rest of the Kings Gentlemen of his Court: and [ 20] in that order, the King entred Casbin, and passing to the great place, he alighted with the chie∣fest of his Princes and Officers, whom he caused to bring vs with them, and went into a kind of banquetting house, in which there were staires to ascend by into a Tarras, where the King sate downe, and the greatest of those Princes, and wee among them. This Tarras looked vpon the place, where after we had beene a little, and beheld some of the Court exercising themselues at Giuoco-di-canna, that great troope was suddenly vanished, so without all sort of rumour, that it bred infinite wonder in me, considering how much tumult we made in these parts, in the dispo∣sing of a farre lesse company. Whilst wee sate there, the King called me againe vnto him, and when I had confirmed in more words, the very same I had before said vnto him: Then said hee, You must haue the proofe of time to shew you, either the errors or the truth of these rumours, since you [ 30] can make no iudgement of what you haue yet seene, which is but the person of a man, and this enemi∣nence which God hath giuen me, for any thing you know, may be more through my fortune then my vertue. But since your paines and trauell hath had no other aspect but to know me, we must haue a more intrin∣sicke acquaintance to perfect that knowledge; and how you will indure the fashions of my Countrey, you can iudge best you selfe which are Master of your owne humor: This I will assure your of, you shall want no respect from my people, nor honour from my selfe, and therewith bid mee fare-well for that present, committing me and my company to Bastan-Aga, to be conducted to my lodging.

Next morning I sent the King a Present, of sixe paire of Pendants of exceeding faire Eme∣ralds, and maruellous artificially cut; and two other Iewels of Topasses, excellent well cut also; * 1.40 one Cup of three pieces set together with gold inameled; the other a Salt, and a very faire Ewer [ 40] of Crystall, couered with a kind of cut-worke of siluer and gilt, the shape of a Dragon, (all which, I had of that Noble Florentine) which his Maiestie accepted very graciously, and that night I was with my brother inuited by him to a Banquet, where there was onely Byraicke Myrza, and Sultan Alye, with Xa-Tamas-Coolibeague, his chiefe Minion; there hee had diuers discourses with mee, not of our apparell, building, beautie of our women, or such vanities; but of our proceeding in our Warres, of our vsuall Armes, of the commoditie and discommoditie of Fortresses, of the vse of Artillerie, and of the orders of our gouernment: in which, though my vnskilfulnesse were such, that I knew my errours were greater then my iudgement, yet I had that felicitie of a good time, that I gaue him good satisfaction, as it seemed. For in my discourse, hauing mentioned the hauing of certaine Models of Fortification in some Bookes at [ 50] * 1.41 my Lodging, which were onely left mee in the spoyle which was made of mee at Babylon: Next day after dinner he came thither with all the principallest of the Court, where he spent, at least, three houres in perusing them, and not vnproperly speaking of the reasons of those things himselfe. Next night he sent for me againe, into a place which they call Bazar, like our * 1.42 Burse; the shops and the roofe of which were so full of lights, that it seemed all of a fire. There was a little Scaffold made where hee sate, and as euery man presented him with diuers sorts of fruits, so hee parted them some to one, some to another, and there hee continued some foure houres; in which time he tooke mee aside, with my Interpreter, and asked me very sadly, Whe∣ther I would content my selfe to stay with him; not for euer, for that were too a great wrong to my friends, who should lose me from their comfort, being diuided so farre from them; for my owne fortune he would [ 60] not speake of, but onely thus much; since I had told him I was a Subiect to a Prince, he knew, that then my fortune also must depend vpon the will and fauour of that Prince; and he assured himselfe, that he was as able, and more desirous to doe mee good then, any: therefore if I would resolue to giue him that little satisfaction; he should perswade himselfe the more confidently, that the cause of my comming was

such as I told him, the loue of his person and nothing else. I answered him, I could say no more to his Maiestie then I had alreadie done; that a report onely of his excellent vertues had brought me thither, that a better experience had bound me so fast to him and them, that as he was Master of my mind, so he should be of my person and time, which were both subiect to his command. For those things of for∣tune, they were the least things that I regarded, as His Maiestie well saw by my great expence thither, onely to satisfie my sight: but as I knew my selfe infinitely honoured by His Maiestie, vouchsafing to serue himselfe of me; so that was to mee aboue all other fortunes and satisfactions. His Maiestie see∣med wonderfully well content with my answere, and that night began to shew mee extraordi∣narie publicke fauour, and so continued all the time of his being in Casbin, daily encreasing by some or other great demonstration. [ 10]

Sixe weekes he stayed there, giuing his accustomed audience to the people: In which time I saw the notablest example of true vnpartiall royall Iustice, that I thinke any Prince in the world could produce. The Gouernour of Casbin was appointed to that administration, in the * 1.43 maine seruice of the Kings State when the Rebels were first suppressed; a man exceedingly and particularly fauoured of the King: he taking the aduantage of the time, which being troubled, gaue him liuely colour, to make great profit vpon the people, and confident in the Kings fauour, abused both the one and the other by extreme extortions; his iudgement was, That all his goods, and lands, should be sold, for the satisfaction of those men whom he had spoyled: and if any thing wan∣ted, * 1.44 since the King, by giuing him that authoritie, was partly the cause of those excesses, hee condemned himselfe to pay the residue out of his Treasurie. That if any thing aduanced, it should be giuen to his [ 20] Children, with a grieuous Edict, that no succour should bee ministred vnto himselfe. For that, since death was a concluder of his offence, shame, and the memorie of it, hee should not die; but goe, during his life, with a great yoke, like a Hogs-yoke, about his necke, haue his nose and eares cut off, and haue no charitable reliefe from any, but what he gayned with his hands: that he might feele in himselfe the miserie which poore men haue to get, and what a sinne it is to rent from them by violent extortion, the birth of their sweat and labour.

This Iudgement strooke a mightie amazement into all the Great men present, and gaue an infinite ioy and comfort to the people. The Turkes Embassador, which was there, after he had stood silent a great while, as a man halfe distracted, sware publikely, that he saw before his eyes, his Masters ruine: being impossible that such fortune and vertue, as the King was accompanied [ 30] with, could receiue any obstacle. That night he made Marganobeague Gouernour of Casbin, be∣ing well admonished by that great example of his dutie. Constantino, a braue young Gentle∣man, being a Christian of Georgia, he called Mirza, and gaue him the gouernement of Hisphaan; and me also he called Mirza; telling me, that he would prouide condignely for mee. And be∣cause * 1.45 he had an vrgent occasion to goe post to Cassan, I should receiue his pleasure by Margano∣beague; who brought me, the next morning, a thousand Tomanas, which is sixteene thousand Duckets of our money: fortie Horses all furnished; two with exceeding rich Saddles, pla∣ted with Gold, and set with Rubies and Turkesses, the rest either plated with Siluer, or Vel∣uet embroidered, and gilt; sixteene Mules; twelue Camels laden with Tents, and all furni∣ture, both for my House and Voyage; telling me withall, that this was but a small demonstra∣tion [ 40] of the Kings fauour, by which I might (notwithstanding) conceiue what better hopes I might gather: and that it was his Maiesties pleasure I should follow him to Cassan: in the house where I was, I should leaue a keeper, being his Maiesties pleasure to bestow it on mee: and that there were ten Courtchies which should attend mee the next morning, to serue mee in my Iourney.

All this while I moued nothing to the King of that which was the mayne purpose of my comming: I tooke time to deeme by the proceeding of other deliberations, of the way which I should take; and to make my selfe learned in the purpose of his actions, by his nature, and in∣clination; besides, not onely to get, first a kind of possession in his owne affection, but of all his Great men; especially of those whom I did imagine would be best and strongest assisters of my [ 50] purpose: the King knowing how potent a vniter of mens minds the self-same Religion is for * 1.46 tranquillitie of an Estate: and the like dis-vniter seuerall Religions are for the disturbance of the peace of an Estate, hee is exceeding curious and vigilant to suppresse, through all his Domi∣nions, that Religion of Mahomet, which followeth the interpretation of Ussen and Omar, and to make his people cleaue to that of Aly: not (as I Iudge) through any conscience which car∣rieth him more to the one then the other; but first to extirpate intrinsicke factions, then to se∣cure himselfe the more firmely against the Turke, who being head of that part which followeth Omar and Ussen, should haue too powerfull away into his Countrey, if his peoples hearts were inclined vnto him by the force of Religion. Therefore he doth not onely striue to roote it out, but to defile it, and make it odious; hauing in vse, once a yeere, with great solemnitie, to burne [ 60] publickly, as maine Heretiques, the Images of Ussen and Omar: then doth hee cause his Great men publikely (in scorne of their institution) to goe with a Flagon of Wine, carried by a Foot∣man, and at euery Village, or where they see any assemblie of people, to drinke; which him∣selfe also vseth, not for the loue of the Wine, but to scandalize so much more the contrarie Re∣ligion:

that by such a kind of profaning of it, they may weare the respect of it cut of the peo∣ples hearts: which when it fayleth with reuerence in Religion, the Pillars thereof are vtterly broken. Yet there are of the very greatest, exceeding precise Turkes, if they durst doe other for their owne fortunes sake, then couer, with all artifice, that infection.

Ten dayes I was betweene Casbin and Cassan, where arriued, I receiued more gracious demon∣strations from the King, then I could hope for, or wish: being farre beyond my present merit, and my Iudgement how to deserue it at all. Foure dayes his Maiestie stayed there, after my com∣ming; in which time there passed many Triumphs at Giuoco-di-canna in the day, and good Fire∣workes in the night: at which I was euer present with himselfe, with no lesse respect, then if I had beene his brother, as he also called me, and continued that name afterward all the time of [ 10] my being in Persia. The second day of his Iourney, from thence, towards Hisphaan, hee called me vnto him, my brother and my Interpreter; and (after some few discourses) hee began to tell vs the whole historie of those his fortunes which I haue discoursed: and ioyned that hee vnderstood, the Turke had sent him a faire sword (hee did beleeue) to cut off his head withall, if Ferrat Cans treason h••d well succceded: for after the Messenger arriued at Tauris, vnderstanding how God his great proui∣dence, had not onely mightily preserued, but giuen him that famous victorie ouer his enemies, hee had sent for new order to Constantinople, which came to no other end, but to call him backe againe. But the best was, the more the Prince hated him, the more his Subicts loued him, hauing receiued newes at Cassan, of ten thousand soules of Courdines which had abandoned their possessions vnder the Turke, and required some waste land of him to inhabit in; which he had giuen them.

And though this discourse opened somewhat largely the Kings heart vnto mee, I durst bee [ 20] no bolder, at that time, then to say, It was euer, almost impossible to preserue a quiet amitie betweene two so great Potentates, as himselfe, and the Turke, &c. at Hisphaan, said the King, * 1.47 we shall haue leasure enough both to deliberate and resolue of some good things; and with that called some other, who entertayned him with discourses of Hunting, and Hawking, in which he is much delighted, and vseth them with great magnificence: neuer going to any of those spo••••s, but that he carrieth forth aboue fiue hundred Dogs, and as many Hawkes, nothing ri∣sing before him but it is game. For Flies, he hath Sparrowes; for Birds, Hobbies and Marlins; for the greatest sort, some Hawke or other; and for Roe-deare Eagles; he hath particular Agaes for his Hawkes ane Dogs, and other Officers to them a great number.

The next day, I singled out Oliuer Di-Can, with whom, (after a few complements) I com∣municated [ 30] the Kings discourse with me, of his first troubles, and latter fortunes; extolling His Maie∣st•••• as it was fit▪ and besides, giuing the greatest honour to himselfe, without flatterie, that I could de∣uise; then I told him of my answere to the King, and on purpose I said, I feared, that it might turne to my 〈◊〉〈◊〉, being newly plauted in the Kings fauour, subiect to the enuie of the Court, and wanting a tongue to speake for my selfe: and that to intermeddle in so great and perillous matters, it could not chuse but awake some couered malice, to take occasion to worke me some damage. But my confidence was such, first in the Heroicke mind of the King himselfe, then in the generous disposition of his Excellencie, that I should be protected from perill for this fault, as I would preserue my selfe with more cautell hereafter. Hee answered mee, that the Kings affection vnto me was such, that no man durst lift vp a thought [ 40] against mee: which the Court knew well. For himselfe, as he knew not the conditions of our Courts, so I might mistake those of theirs: if enuie bare so great a sway with vs, we had lighter Princes, and men of more presumption. In this Court there was not a Gentleman but the King: the rest were shadowes which moued with his bodie. But in this which I had said to the King, if I had intended it, to moue him to warre in so fit a time against the Turke, I had done well: and assured me, that both hee, and Xa-Ta∣mas-Coolibeague, would with all their powers concurre with me to bring it to an essentiall deliberation; though, said hee, there bee three Dogs, Haldenbeague, Bastan-Aga, and Courtchy Bassa, that will mainly oppose themselues against it: yet in the conscience of my dutie, which I owe to his Maiestie, I assure myselfe, that there is no secure way, either for the preseruation of his person, or estate, but that. Therefore, since you haue begunne in so happie an houre to breake the Ice of so great and so good an en∣terprise, [ 50] follow it without feare, since God will prosper your good intention in it, and wee will second you, with all the strength and industrie which wee haue. This was all which I desired, to bee assured of some friend; especially such a one, as might haue both opinion and credit of wisedome and fa∣uour with the King.

The Kings entrance into Hisphaan was there of the same fashion that it was at Cassan; diffe∣ring * 1.48 onely in this, that for some two English miles, the wayes were couered all with Veluet, Sattin, and cloth of Gold, where his Horse should passe. After he had beene setled there four∣teene dayes, remembring what Oliuer Di-Can had said vnto mee, I determined to lose no more time. Therefore taking the opportunitie of the Kings being alone with mee, and my bro∣ther in a Garden, with my Interpreter onely and Xa-Tamas-Coolibeague, I spake vnto him to [ 60] * 1.49 this effect: That my affection, growne onely vpon the fame of his Maiestie, had guided me from a farre Countrey into his presence: by which I found his Royall vertues, so farre excceding the relation which I had heard, that as I did admire them so I had a kind of forceable mouing in my nature to desire con∣digne fortunes to accompanie them: Besides, my particular obligation to his Maiestie was so great,

that I was bound, not onely to say what I thought fit for his seruice, but to doe as much as my life might accomplish for the same. There could no deliberation be grounded vpon a greater foundation of equitie, then that which had his end onely directed to the recouery of that, which was by force and violence vsurped from his State: nor nothing more honourable for a Prince then to bee able without hazard, not onely to reuenge priuate and publike wrongs, but to recouer their members againe to his seate, by his wisedome and vertue, which haue beene separate either by the defect or fortune of his Predecessors; All this, both publike and priuate profit, followed so great an increase of State, (increasing in all points the force of his State) and his poore Subiects, which were throwne out of their possessions, either through their true deuotion to his Ma∣iestie, which could giue them no peace vnder another gouernment, or through the extreame tyranny of the Turke, should be recouered againe to their owne, with his infinite glorie and vtility. The facilitie [ 10] shewed it selfe diuers waies, principally in his owne fortune, wisedome, and vertue; against which, there was no likely resistance, especially when there was no equall obstacle, then the reputation of his late victo∣ries ioyned with the other, would finde or make a way through all difficulties; then his Militia which was fresh and vncorrupted, then the incapacitie of the Turke, his corruptions of gouernment, want of obedi∣ence, sundry rebellions, and distractions from any possibilitie, of being able to make any potent resistance against his Maiesties proceedings, by his warres ••n Hungarie, which his Maiestie might assure the con∣tinuance of, if it pleased him to inuite the Princes Christian to his amitie, which he should offer vpon that condition: by which also, he should receiue one other worthy benefite fit for such excellent parts, as hee most richly aboundant in, not to conclude the true knowledge of them in that one corner of the world: but with making these great Princes knowne vnto himselfe, he should make his owne worthinesse likewise [ 20] knowne vnto them. Neither (as I said at the first to his Maiestie) though these were great points to moue so great a spirit, intending to glory and great things, as his was, that they were so important as other were. For these might either be deferred, or not at all acted, being bound vnto them by no greater neces∣sitie then his owne will, counselled by good reason. But his case was such, that hee must resolue; both for the securitie of his estate and person, to make or endure a warre.

As I was proceeding, Haldenbeague the Vizeire, Bastan-Aga, and Oliuer di-Can came in: the King presently called them, and told them what I was propounding vnto him; vpon which the Vizier swelling against me, answered instantly. Your Maiestie may now perceiue that true, * 1.50 which some of your Seruants haue beene bold to tell you, at the first comming of these Christi∣ans, and many times since, that they were sent to disquiet your Maiesties tranquilitie of your [ 30] State, and to embarke you in dangerous enterprizes for other interresses, &c.

Oliuer di-Can answered, that there was difference betweene a proposition, which was onely mooued to be counsailed of, and a perswasion. That hee thought I counsailed nothing, (much lesse perswaded) but onely propounded that to the King, which if it were not then fit to be ex∣ecuted, for reasons that I knew not in the present condition of the Kings affaires; yet I deser∣ued not so bitter a censure, since Princes ought to heare all, and elect the best, &c. The King then commanded Bastan-Aga to speake freely also what he thought, who after a reuerence vnto him, hauing repeated the Arguments past, commended them all (as it is his fashion apparantly to offend no body: but what he doth in that q••alitie is secretly) and then as though hee meant no such matter, diuiding what he would speake into two points, the warre, and my person, he [ 40] proceeded, &c. When he had ended, I beseeched his Maiestie to vouchsafe to heare me once more, which he said was needlesse, and the day farre spent; therefore since euery man had already spo∣ken their opinion, he would also say somewhat of his owne, and referre the farther deliberation of things vntill another time. The proposition which Mirza Antonio (saith he) made vnto me, is * 1.51 questionlesse in it selfe such an one, as I must not onely thanke him for propounding it, by which it hath receiued life, but I must also prouide for the execution of it, that the life which it hath may bee vsed to good purpose. (His long answeres to their reasons are omitted) For the Tartars which I haue as subie∣cted, if I were Oliuer di-Chan, Haldenbeague, or Bastan-Aga, I could thinke of few better meanes to assure my selfe of their rebellions, then those which they haue propounded: except one addition of suffe∣ring [ 50] them to enioy their ancient Order, Lawes, and their particular course of Iustice. But as I am borne with a mind of another constitution, I can secure them better by giuing them to their owne naturall Prince, and him to them. For to whose Father I was so much bound, that through the royaltie of his dispo∣sition, I hold my life, and had the beginning of what I am, I can d••e little for the Sonne, and no gratefull act at all for the memory of the Father, if I cannot giue him a Kingdome which is the least part of what I am. To conclude as good deliberations in their many points, must be grounded vpon the example of the * 1.52 past, the experience of the present, and the iudgement of the future: and the Turke hath beene euer hea∣uy to my State in long p••ssed, and late passed times, and is now by some accidents partly proceeding from himselfe, partly from others (in all likelihood) easie to be perpetually assured: which point of time that giueth so good an occasion if it be let passe, may giue him power (for a mind he can nor will neuer want) [ 60] to be vntollerable againe hereafter; or if not vntolerable, at the least dangerous. We haue two great po∣wers of our minds, the one a wise power of vnderstanding, by which we penetrate into the knowledge of things; the other a strong power of resoluing, by which we execute things well vnderstood: and now that we haue iudged of all, we must resolue of somewhat; and of that which is probabliest best. Therefore

our necessitie, our honour, and our iustice calling vs against the Turke, and since with all these concurreth so good an opportunitie: he must be the maine end of which wee will determine: and because to prepare vs to that end amongst many other circumstances, the sending to the Princes Christian hath beene in∣timated as one of the most necessarie: wee shall doe well in the generall good vse which wee must make of this interposition of time, to doe also that. For though it bee true, that their interesses will euer make such a proposition acceptable: yet where there is a proffer of such a condition, as bea∣reth with it a kind of Obligation, as it is of more honourable fashion for vs, so it addeth grace and repu∣tation and more strength to it, or any such like purpose. For neither will I relie so much vpon my owne power, or fortune, or the present benefit which I meane to bestow vpon these of Corasan, that I will for∣get I haue offended them, and to arme my selfe with all the best aduice I can, against the sinister wor∣king [ 10] of any fortune. Neither will I so much preiudicate the opinion, which I desire the world (without vaine ostentation) should hold me, and my Ministers, as that my enterprises should not haue a way giuen them by the wisest and best weighed counsell, and perfect concurrence made betweene my fortune well iudging of my counsell, and all proper occasions. As for Mirza Antonio (for so hee euer called mee) what hee is to me you all must know, and my estimation of him: which I assure my selfe to be grounded vpon a good and true iudgement, since he hath beene the first and onely propounder of the manifest point of all other, which doth or may concerne me most. So for that matter of sending, in which there is more diuersitie of opinions about the forme of circumstance, then essentiall matter of substance, I will remit it to his fidelitie and true affection to me, to dispose as he shall in those two great workes in a noble minde, find meetest for my honour, and conuenient, and certainest for the effecting. Yet this must I tell you and [ 20] him, which hath not yet been thought of, that a great Prince, as I am, must receiue a deniall for an iniurie: and I had rather not know them at all, then with knowing them to be also offended by them, though (this I say also) that he cannot be iudged to haue authoritie to command their wills, therefore must be blame∣lesse in all, except in the lightnesse of his imagination, vpon which slender occasion hee ought not, for the credite of his owne iudgement, to haue formed a Counsell. Before I could frame one word of replie, he rose, and hauing talked a little while alone with Xa-Thamas Colibeague, he called my Interpre∣ter, and held him some quarter of an houre in a very earnest spee••h: which was, to command him (as he afterwards told mee) not to let mee know what his Vizier had said against mee, but charged him to animate mee to loue his People, and also to confirme (in all hee could) my af∣fection and well-hearted intention to his owne seruice. And wee parted with a mutuall shew [ 30] of great satisfaction. Many dayes after, when I would begin to enter into a new discourse of those deliberations, he would presently turne himselfe to speake of other matters. In this fashion more then one moneth passed, in which I had no comfort of my desire, but onely that which Xa-Thamas Colibeague and Oliuer Di-Chan gaue me, and the Kings exceeding fauour which ra∣ther encreased then decreased towards me.

In this time (as though all the strength of that ill spirit, who euer rayseth the vttermost of his skill and power to preuent all good purposes had conspired to ouerthrow the well pro∣ceeding of this good businesse.) There came newes to the Court, that Mahomet-Aga Generall of the Ianizaries of Bagdat was entred into the Kings Cofines, as Ambassadour from the Turke, with a rich Present, and maruellous honourable traine: And that those of Ormus had stayed by [ 40] force sixteene slaues which were sent by the Great Mogore to the King; with nine other which Oliuer Di-Chan had bought in those parts, and the Merchants for their more securitie had sent them with those of the kings. This raised the courages of those which opposed themselues to the mayne businesse, alienated mightily the hearts of Oliuer-Chan, & Xa-Thamas Colibeague from all, and exasperated the King himselfe so much against them, that his ordinarie speech was no other, but that he would shortly learne to haue a respect vnto him, which did so exceedingly fill my very soule with perplexitie and anxietie, that I fell into a very dangerous sicknesse, in which * 1.53 the King neuer fayled daily to visite mee himselfe; and finding that the recordation of those things did aggrauate both the griefe of my mind, and vnquiet of my bodie, he forbad that any in my presence should speake more of it, but onely comfort me with all sort of discourse of re∣creation, [ 50] with so royall and so gracious a regard, that hee shewed apparantly enough, that few accidents could dispose his mind from any reasonable contentment which hee might giue mee. In the meane time Mahomet-Aga arriued at the Court, whom the King sent his Vizier and Courtchibassa to meet, accompanied with a thousand Horse of the principall of the Court, and of the Citie. These (no question) gaue him large instructions, and as large hopes; which if he had guided also rightly, he might haue done his Master great seruice, and himselfe infinit honour: but through his owne too hastie greedinesse, assurance, and desire, he preuented himselfe whilest he striued first beyond that which was indifferently good, then beyond that which was better, and at the last beyond all reasonable (and I thinke his owne) hopes. For first being proudly con∣fident vpon the greatnesse of his Master; then vpon the difficultie of the King of Persians pre∣sent [ 60] estate, to be moued to offend so potent a Neighbour; then vpon so great and strong a faction in the Court; besides, hauing heard by them that the Kings minde was altered from those of Ormus, and that Oliuer-Chan also was then likewise alienated from his first censure through the particular wrong done vnto himselfe. Hee left the right way of mouing by degrees so great a

businesse to carrie it euen without agitation or danger: And as though with knowing the cir∣cumstances he had attayned the end, he ouerthrew his Masters intention, his owne honour, and almost lost his life, if the Kings infinite clemencie had not either despised or pittied his errour.

The day of his audience was honoured with all the Princes of the Kings Court, and my selfe being too weake through my long sicknesse, the King commanded that my brother should bee present also; where after a magnificent oration of his Masters potencie in all conditions of force, he told the King, That he was sent to admonish him to remayne constant in the truce with his Master; * 1.54 to require restitution of those Courdines which without licence had abandoned their possessions in his Masters Prouinces, and contrarie to the termes of amitie were entertayned by him. That his Master also demanded the restitution of Corassan to the former gouernment, in the alteration of which, though he [ 10] knew his Greatnesse and Maiestie violated, yet he could yeeld so much from what hee ought to doe to the King of Persias yeeres and beat of valour; that he would content himselfe with that satisfaction. Then he aduised him to force his nature, and couer this vaine glimmering of fortune with iudgement and good counsell; which euer would aduise him to maintayne and preserue his estate, rather with warie then vio∣lent counsels. This his Master demanded of him to obliterate (by the facile granting of it) all greater iniuries; wished his Maiestie to consider well of the Demand, the condition of the Demander and his owne: Denials euer to such Potentates being receiued for mayne offences; that it was euer a wise determination to yeeld to the authoritie of Time, and necessitie, and to auoide by that good iudgement, vrgent perils, and sinister conditions: nothing being a more secure repaire, then to strike sayle against insupportable tempests, it many times hapning, that the too great valour of men vsed with too great confidence is bitterly persecuted, and sometimes oppressed with an vn∣happie [ 20] course of fortune: against the current of which, when once through errour it breaketh forth, no humane force or wit can make any resistance. And because all men for the most part are blind in discerning the iudgement of good or ill counsels, from their end, celebrating them when they prosper with a false argument from the successe: His Maiestie should giue a great example of true wisedome, not to be so much ouerborne with the present delight, or future hopes, extra∣cted from those first prosperous successes, as not to bee able to lift vp his eyes to see the clouds which hee had raised by some of them: which if they were not preuented, would breake forth into extreame Tem∣pests. To conclude, he said that his Maiestie must bee so farre from thinking to weaken his Master by cunning and by artifice, and so to keepe his Armes farre from him; that hee must resolue such courses to be seruile: and to execute apparantly and presently onely, Princely, and like himselfe; so that eyther hee [ 30] must prooue himselfe a Friend, or declare himselfe an Enemy. The first would merit any priuate grace, which should be no sooner deserued then attayned; the other would giue glorie and honour to the Victor, euer deare and honest to the winner, precipitious and shamefull to the loser. And not speaking of the in∣uinciblenesse of his Master, God himselfe would iudge the first uniust Infringer of an Amitie sworne to his great Name.

The King without any thing mouing from his accustomed grauitie, tempering the Iustice of his indignation with the true magnanimitie of his minde, answered him to this effect. That as the greatnesse of riches and Treasure were often pernicious to Princes; so were abundance of men, and * 1.55 largenesse of Dominions, to such as were too weake to gouerne them: therefore that extolling the Mag∣nificencie [ 40] of his Master (which might breed wonder and terrour in those who were not capable of greatnesse, was no moouer of him to decline from any part of that which belonged to his owne great∣nesse. He had receiued the Courdines (oppressed by the tyrannie of cruell Ministers) into his protecti∣on; and as their comming to him proceeded of their owne will, so their returne from him should bee vo∣luntarie, and not through his constraint. Corassan he had iustly taken from an Vsurper, and would re∣store the lawfull Prince, who should receiue the benefit from his munifience: and not from any point of the Turkes instance. But wherefore should hee bee bound to giue a stricter account of his actions to the Turke, then became equall Princes to aske the one of the other; as though the Lawes of ruling had but one Moderator, before whose Tribunall they should be all presented? Tauris belonged to his Predecessors; so did Sieruan, so did Dierbech; and what Iustice had his King to detayne them? If none other but by the potencie of his Armes; the same point of Iustice he had also to preserue what hee had alreadie got∣ten: [ 50] and to vindicate also those vniustly detayned from him. If hee will breake the Truce made be∣tweene my Father and him, and continued by my Brother and mee, vpon so manifest vniust Causes; as the Warre was neuer prosperously prouoked against our State by his Predecessors nor himselfe, but through some strange accident, errour, or our disunion: so beleeue that it will now breake forth to his owne destru∣ction. Yet I doe not denie but that I had rather, both to preserue what I haue, and to recouer what my Ancestors haue lost, by equitie then bloud; and by force of Reason, rather then of Armes: which if I cannot, I will certainly amend by vertue what I haue erred in by cunctation. My power and glory is yet soundly whole, and more increased through the merit of Modestie, which was neuer yet despised by the greatest which haue beene among men: and is esteemed by God himselfe. Wresting of Acts could not deceiue Oaths; which as they were made to God; so the iudgement of their breaking or abusing [ 60] would euer be in God, and his memory, care and power. For Mahomet-Aga himselfe; though hee had forfeited the Priuiledges of an Ambassadour, by executing vnder that Title a contrarie Office; if I should (said hee) presently and condignely punish you, both the memory of your present Fortune (into

which pride and folly hath throwne you) and my glorie would be darkned; and the punishment would bee followed with a sudden forgetfulnesse; but if I free you (as I will) from your punishment, though I can∣not from the fault, I shall be an eternall memory to the World of Clemencie, and leaue you a great pre∣cept either of more iudgement, or lesse employment: vntill you can make your selfe fitter for such a one as this, to which you haue beene vnworthily elected.

§. IIII.

The Kings condescending to Sir ANTHONIES Motion, employing [ 10] and furnishing him in Ambassage to Christian Prin∣ces. Two Friers.

THe next morning the King came vnto me, and after some other Discourses, hee told me he had well considered of my Proposition, which though otherwise hee had no great inclination vnto, both, because of the great separation by distance, and difficult meanes of correspondencie, which could bee made betweene the Princes Christian and himselfe, besides the small necessitie he had of them (God hauing giuen him so ample, so rich, and so warlike a Dominion) and if he had, their owne dis-vnion amongst themselues gaue him [ 20] small hope of any great good effect in what he should propound vnto them: Besides the dero∣gation from his owne greatnesse to a demander of their Amitie, whose Predecessors had sought it of his by diuers meanes, and vpon great conditions. Yet to shew me how deare an estimation hee held of me, hee was contented not to see what belonged to himselfe, but onely to regard my satisfaction: which he willed me to determine of, and assured me of the effecting of it whatsoe∣uer it was.

And after I had giuen his Maiestie thankes which were conuenient for so high a fauour, I told him that I had propounded nothing but that which the future experience, and present reason of * 1.56 things would proue not onely infinitely auaileable, but also necessary for his honour, profit and securitie: to which counsell I was readie and desirous to adde my owne perill, which could by [ 30] no other meanes bring an answerable benefit to the greatnesse of it selfe, but onely in the true estimation which I made of the merit of his Maiesties vertue, and my infinite affection to his seruice. The necessitie of his State. I knew either counselled him to prouide for a Warre; or to make a Warre: Priuate cogitations hauing their progresse of such a condition, that they may take (as themselues will) either more or lesse of fortune; but those which had raised their thoughts to the subli∣mitie of Dominion are no more in their owne power: hauing no meane to step vpon betweene the highest of all, and precipitation. For his Maiestie to sleepe longer, called vpon by so mayne Reasons which did euidently demonstrate vnto him the ineuitable danger (if not ruine) of his State, and con∣trariwise, the certaine addition which his Maiestie might make to his Glorie and State, would seeme to those that did not rightly vnderstand the excellencie of his Maiesties heart, such a [ 40] weaknesse in him, as is incident to those which haue not power to temper felicitie, from glut∣ting themselues with the abundant fruits of present prosperitie; though they haue a patient for∣ced vigour to withstand aduersitie. That the Turke was to be vanquished, his owne Rebels had shewed, which haue ouercome with small forces his great power in sundry Encounters. If his Militia hath had heretofore more vigour and valour, it is now changed through pleasure, ease, and surfeitings by (their Princes Example) with great corruptions; which a more vertuous Prince may reduce to their soundnesse: his Maiesties wisdome should worke immediately vpon the present generall defect and errour. Neither should hee make a proportionable concurrence betweene his facts and wisedome, if hee did lose time in doubtfull deliberations, in such a case which did euidently shew him that if he might securely continue in peace, yet that peace was [ 50] more pernicious vnto him then Warre: leesing so many faire occasions of propagating his Em∣pire, and making his Estate eternally inuincible, & too dangerous to be attempted againe by the Turke: when there should be so equall a ballance of potencie, as would bee betweene them, but by the recouerie of his owne, if his desire and fortune, and vertue disposed no more vnto him then that which was iustly his owne, and was vniustly detayned from him. For those Rebellions of the Turkes they were likely rather to increase then diminish: such manner of people euer∣more easily consenting in vnitie in Warre, then in peace to be commanded, or yeeld obedience: And the greatest powers which are, haue beene, or may be, which vnited beare all before them, the vio∣lence of their strength, once diuided either by time, by patience, or by diuersitie of Fortune (which can∣not be at all times, and in all places alike) may be and are subuerted. The Wa••re it selfe will open [ 60] and disclose many hidden and swelling wounds, which are now onely couered by ignorance, and others detracting of their determination. And though it be true that the Princes Christian bee farre deuided; and some of them incumbred with particular Designes amongst themselues, through the passions of their priuate interests; yet the Emperour (who is the greatest in Title,

and by his Alliance of the most power) is already ingaged against the Turke: which Warre hee wil more or lesse prosecute according as he shal haue more or lesse hopes. And what greater (almost assurance of prosperous successe) can he haue then the coniunction with your Maiestie, whose power and vertues he shall know? And the mouing of both your ends being the same, can lose no propertie in their working, by the large separation or distinction of places. The Pope also (who carryeth a Supreme Authoritie among Princes, to mooue them to those things which shall best preserue, or augment the limits of his Church) animated by your Maiesties great name and offer; will assuredly vse the vttermost of the strength, of his authoritie and industrie, to recon∣cile all particular enmities, and to combine all hearts to that Generall Warre, in which euery particular is truly much interessed; if they consider their conscience to their profession, and the [ 10] danger where with they all haue beene threatned, by that great Enemies potencie: diuers Prin∣ces hauing alreadie by it suffered the vttermost of ruine.

Neither shall your Maiesty despaire, but that all may bee perswaded to so honourable and pi∣ous an action, being a propertie in mans nature to follow, that which hath beene contrarie to their disposi∣tion to begin: And if they all should not; yet the Emperour, Pope, and King of Spaine, absolutely will imbrace the Amitie, honour the name of your Maiestie, and vnite themselues in any termes of Princely Alliance: and your Maiestie shall haue an eternall glory amongst all; for inuiting them all to so Noble, Generous, and Royall an Action: and at the least, draw great Intercourse of Merchants of all those parts; which will giue an entrance to a kind of sociablenesse, and that will proceed to a common respect, And so to a mutuall friendship which will giue the communication and knowledge of many things hidden (both in the knowledge, vse and profit of them) for want of such an [ 20] Intercourse. Your Maiestie also wisely desireth to take away all reputation from the Turkish Re∣ligion, through your Dominions, both by scandalizing it publikly, and punishing it in particular persons: Sithence, Heresie in all Religion causeth Diuision, and the corrupted part becommeth a perni∣cious Enemy to the Prince who supporteth the contrarie; From it arise as from a mayne turbulent Spring, Treasons, Conspiracies, secret Conuenticles, and Seditions.

Besides, the greatest and largest way, which the Turke hath into your Dominions, is the fa∣ction of his Sect; as Ismael your Predecessor had, of that which your Maiestie professeth, to de∣uide your State from him: Hee is an absolute and Tyrannous Enemy to the Christians; Your Maiesties Religion, hath a charitable opinion of them: and if drinking of Wine, burning of [ 30] their Prophets Images, and such lesse apparances be in your Maiesties opinion effectuall things to estrange the people hearts from that Religion, by a contrary vse, with those Opprobries, to the other; a greater meanes your Maiestie may worke by: in giuing libertie of Christian Religion, so much abhorred of their part and securitie of Trade, goods and person to Christians, by which you shall bind their Princes, expresse the charitie of your Law, serue your selfe in diuers things of them which haue beene hidden vnto you, both for your vtilitie, strength and pleasure: and more inure your people to despise the other Religion, by so contrary, so apparant and so great ef∣fect. Neither can they euer be dangerous to your Maiesty, their increase being alwayes to be li∣mited by your will. This also will giue your Maiestie great fame, since by their meanes you shall recouer auaileable Instruments both to preserue and augment your Estate by: as Founders of [ 40] Ordnance, Makers of all sorts of Armes, and Munition. So that though it may seeme a strange Act in your Maiestie to bee contented to inlarge Christians, so new and so great a fauour, yet since all great Examples euer haue in them some thing of an extraordinarie qualitie, those are to bee made vse of that repaire by publike profit, those particular disgusts which priuate men may receiue of them: I know that it is for the most part a fallacious ambition which imbraceth greedily new and dange∣rous things, but to determine and execute fit and conuenient things, is the proper effect of wisdome and courage. Your Maiestie knoweth your present Estate, remembreth the courses of times past; and the excellencie of your iudgement weigheth, that which may succeed hereafter. No man recei∣ueth harme but from himselfe; nor your Maiestie can suffer none but from that which your selfe will determine of your selfe: you are inuited to no act depending vpon fortune, but such a one as shall haue his foundation vpon Counsell, Reason and Iudgement. My satisfaction shall be aboue [ 50] all other greatest if your Maiestie resolue of that which wil be most secure, honourable and com∣modious for your Person, State, and particular Subiects.

Well said the King, you would then haue mee to write to as many of the Christian Princes * 1.57 as are greatest amongst them, who if they will apply themselues to our purpose may draw all other lesser vnto it, by the example of their authoritie; or at the least (if they will not consent in that point) will command their Merchants to repaire to our Dominions: so that wee and they may haue some good friendly vse the one of the other. The Letters you shall appoint to be written to as many, and to whom you will, with priuiledge for Merchants, and the secure profession of their Religion and peaceable possession of their goods, and persons, in as ample sort [ 60] as your selfe will deuise; and not onely for them but for all Christians whatsoeuer, which for cu∣riositie to see, or loue to mee, will take paines to come hither; or for any purpose soeuer: beeing impossible their purpose can at any time be ill towards vs, which wish them in all things so wel. And because you haue bin the Mouer and Perswader of this businesse, you also shall be the Actor

of it, assuring my selfe that my Honour cannot be more securely reposed in any mans hands, then your owne: both in that I iudge of your owne disposition; and more, in that which I know of your Obligation to me; besides, There is none so proper an Executor of any Enterprize, as hee * 1.58 which is the first deuiser of it: I humbly thanked his Maiestie for his confidence; and excused my inabilitie to performe so great a charge; Many men being more fitter to propound then to execute: That requiring a particular valour and experience, which I had not. Notwithstanding, since I would not giue his Maiestie cause to suspect, that I had intimated such a thing vnto him; as eyther was so dangerous to carrie, or impossible to effect, that I durst not for those causes vndertake it: I would onely beseech of his Maiestie one of his Princes, eyther to be my Superiour or Equall in the Ambassage, or such a one as might be absolutely my Inferiour, for a Testimonie, onely of [ 10] my assured comming from his Maiestie. All which hee promised: commended my Reason and Prouidence in that point; and offering also Presents of great value, and worth to accompany his Letters, which should bee goodly Carpets, Swords and Daggers couered with Gold, and Iewels, Plumes according to their Countrey fashion, and other things worthy to bee esteemed, both for the price and rarenesse. Then he told me I must recouer my selfe, strengthen my minde and come abroad, that he might feast me before my departure.

For thirtie dayes continually, the King made that Feast in a great Garden of more then two * 1.59 miles compasse, vnder Tents pitched by certaine small courses of running water, like diuers Ri∣uers, where euery man that would come, was placed according to his degree, eyther vnder one or other Tent, prouided for abundantly with Meate, Fruit, and Wine, drinking as they would, [ 20] some largely, some moderately without compulsion. A Royaltie and Splendor which I haue not seene, nor shall see againe but by the same King: euer to bee praysed for the constant Antiquite, if not for the reason of the expence. The ioy of the Feast was much augmented by two great * 1.60 Fortunes, which gaue themselues at that time to the King; which were these: The Tartars of Bucke••awrd (which haue euer beene of greatest reputation amongst all those of the Orient, both for their valour in Armes and Wealth) moued vnto it through their owne diuisions; the Cap∣taines of which being of validitie and proper industry, to enflame the Ciuill dissentions, and vn∣fit to temper their alternate good successes, by the fame of the King of Persiaes Iustice in Go∣uernment, and the felicitie which followed all his Enterprizes, were brought to consent vnite∣ly in one to send, and deliuer themselues and their Countrey vnder his subiection. And the [ 30] Great Mogor King of Lahor mooued by the like fame, sent a great Ambassador to desire a Mar∣riage betweene his eldest Sonnes Daughter, and Cephir Micza eldest Sonne to the King of Per∣sia, * 1.61 with a mightie Present, and as mightie offers both of readie money, and to pay thirtie thousand men in any Warre, which the King of Persia should vndertake for seuen yeares.

In this time came vnto me a Portugall Frier, named Alphonso Cordero, of the Order of the Franciscans Secular, and an other Armenian Frier of Ierusalem, with a Message from an other Frier of better estimation, called Nichola Di-Meto: the effect of which was this, that hee had beene Inquisitor generall of the Indies, and his time being finished, as also, hauing receiued commandement from the Pope and King of Spaine to returne, and for some other important causes to the Christianitie of these parts, not beeing willing to attend the tedious Voyage of the [ 40] Portugall Fleet by Sea, chose rather the hazard to goe ouer Land.

But when hee came, though this insinuation of his were like a good meane; and shewed to proceed from the best condition of spirits; Yet he did much degenerate from the name of a Chri∣stian, much more of a Religious man, of a true Subiect to his Prince, and of a Pious wisher to those things which tended to the generall good of the whole Common-wealth of Chri∣stendome.

For I vsed him with all those duties and reuerences which I could possibly deuise, or any am∣bitious heart could desire: which gaue (as it fell out) but a freer passage to the iniquitie of his soule; to my great griefe, preiudice of the estimation in those parts of Religious men, and to the most infinite affliction of the other Franciscan, that can bee expressed; hee beeing certainly a [ 50] good man, and as farre as his vnderstanding guided him, zealous to perswade others to bee so, helping to expresse by a sincere and holy Example of life what he wanted in Discourse. But vbi Dei numen praetenditur sceleribus, subit animum timor, ne frandibus humanis vindicandis, diuini iuris aliquid immixtum violemus. For which reason I will say only this: that to free my selfe from the vnexpected crosses which daily rose against my businesse, I pressed the King as hotly (as ciuilly I could) for my dispatch: which hee granted mee at the thirtie dayes end: hauing ap∣pointed Assan Chan a gallant young Prince to goe with mee: when it was concluded that Assan Chan should goe, and his prouisions were all ready, my Commission and Patent (for the prin∣cipall points of my businesse) sealed; the King marryed him to an Aunt of his, much against his Princes will and more to my griefe; none other of the great Ones hauing a spirit to ap∣prehend * 1.62 [ 60] only such a Voyage, much lesse a heart to performe it.

So that beeing instantly sued to by Cuchin-Allibi a Courtchie of sixe Thomans Stipend by the Yeare, and in disgrace also, for some ill part that hee had played, I (pressed there∣unto by the Vizier and Bastan Aga) spake vnto the King that hee might goe with mee,

in the forme onely of a Testimonie, though honoured with some good words in the Letters, for the better reputation of the Businesse: which the King was exceeding backward in con∣senting vnto, desiring mee eyther to goe alone, or better accompanied.

At the last, I was vrged to take that fellow, and the King content to let him goe: But would bestow on him no more then fiftie Tomans for the whole expence: which hee called also cast a∣way. Him I left to bring the appointed Present after mee; and the Letters to the particular Princes; which were then readie at my departure not sealed, and the Present not throughly pro∣uided: my selfe desiring to free my selfe from the Court, where euery occasion was receiued by those, which were contrary to the Enterprize, to hinder it.

After I had taken my leaue of the King, the morning before my departure he came to find me * 1.63 [ 10] againe at my House: and after a little other speech he said vnto mee, That my absence from him would exceedingly grieue him, his affection to me being true, and his hopes of me many. If hee had bin furnished of any fit to haue vndergone the management of this Affaire, hee would neuer haue enioyned me to so much trauaile, and so many perils, but that I knew his Court to bee ignorant of the Language and properties of our parts, and since he was prouoked by mee to send thither, hee knew that I would bee contented with my labour to keepe him and his, from all sorts of scorne. That my Brother was young, and therefore the more to be tendered, and not euery day to be exposed to new labours; his loue to vs both made him carefull in that point, but more particularly his infinite desire of my returne; which he thought would be more assured by so deare a pawne: And by daily Relation which I should receiue of his Royall vsage, I should also be daily inuited to returne howsoeuer. If I met with such Fortunes as would bee [ 20] worthy to make me stay from him; or such accidents as had power to hinder me by their necessitie; the company of my Brother should giue him great satisfaction in my absence. And if the worst should happen vnto me, he did desire euer to haue a Subiect so neere vnto me, vpon whom he might make a de∣claration vnto the World, both of what qualitie his owne minde was; and of what condition his true and Royall affection towards me was.

Before I could answere this infinite fauourable and gracious speech of his: my Brother, whose minde, apprehending that his staying with the King, might bee of wonderfull effect, to keepe his minde constant in the resolution which he had taken: and ghessing at many occasions which might happen in my absence, answered the King presently thus. That our two soules * 1.64 were so vnitely conioyned, that our wils were diuided in nothing, our affections to his Maiesty, [ 30] and our desires to serue him were the same, ••and such as they could not bee separated from his Commandements. But because hee did desire to haue one of vs, which was himselfe, to remaine with him, he would doe it, &c.

These words of his were graciously and tenderly receiued of the King, and after some teares on all parts, the King and himselfe hauing brought mee some sixe miles, wee all parted, they for the Court, my selfe for my Iourney, hauing first left with my Brother, my heart certainly, not onely for the coniunction which Nature had made betweene vs, but also for those worthy sparkes, which I found in him likely to bee brought to great perfection by his Uertue, which cannot leaue working in any, which will giue them way, much more in him, who will make way for them. [ 40]

CHAP. II.

Sir ANTHONIE SHERLEY his Voyage ouer the Caspian Sea and thorow Russia: taken out of W. PARRY his Discourse of the whole Voyage of Sir ANTHONIE, in which he accompanied him; published [ 50] 1601.

VPon the Caspian Sea (which wee were to crosse) wee were two monethes before we landed: which time we endured with much paine, and no lesse feare, hauing (besides the naturall roughnesse of the Sea) very much foule and stormy weather: by reason whereof we had beene like to haue suffered shipwracke, which twice strooke on ground, so that we were constrayned to disburden the same of a great part of our substance. Howbeit in the end God so blessed vs, that in two mo∣neths wee came to our wished Harbour. Where beeing arriued, the Gouernour hauing Intelli∣gence of our Landing, sent a Captaine with a Guard to receiue vs, and to conduct vs to the Ca∣stle [ 60] of Haster-caune, * 1.65 where was landed but the day before, an Ambassadour that the King of Persia had sent a moneth before, onely to make our passage through the Emperour of Russia his Countrey. From which Castle to Musco Towne, we were by Riuer and by Land, ten weekes passing. All which time Sir Anthonie and his Company, with the other Ambassadours and their

Attendants, were all at the charge of the Russian Emperour (for so is the custome of that Coun∣trey, to all Trauellers of that nature, as long as they are passing through his Dominions) who eats such meate as is brought before them gratis, hauing withall, a Guard set ouer them, so that they are little better then Prisoners, as long as they are within the limits of his Territories.

From Haster-caune wee past by Boate along the mightie Riuer of Volgo, vntill wee came to a Towne named Negson, which was seuen weekes passage. In which time, we saw nothing wor∣thy * 1.66 the noting, but three or foure woodden Castles or Block-houses to guard that Riuer, which Riuer doth bring maruellous great Commodities to the Emperour, and to the whole Countrey. Diuers Tartars passing from place to place about that Riuer, liuing in little Houses made vpon Wheeles, and are carryed too and fro, hauing abundance of Cattell, liue so in subiection to the [ 10] Emperour, paying him Tribute, &c. One onely faire Citie wee saw all that while called Cas∣sane, * 1.67 wherein we were: from whence we passed to Negson aforesaid, where by the way fell out a Iarre betweene Sir Anthonie and the other Ambassadour, because Sir Anthonie presumed to repre∣hend him for diuers misdemeanors which he committed, to the dishonour of his King and Coun∣trey: Insomuch, that had we not had guard in our Company, one of vs had killed another. Lea∣uing here a while, I will turne againe to the Frier, * 1.68 who was by this time growne into mortall hatred with his fellow Frier, of whom before I spake, whose name was Alfonso, a Frier of the Order of Saint Francis. Which Frier had acquainted Sir Anthonie, that Frier Nicolao had spent his life most lewdly in the Indies, the particularities whereof he at large related. Moreouer, hee told him, that by reason of his licentious life, the King of Spaine had sent for him, because hee [ 20] did much more hurt then good in those parts, but neuer would come vntill now that he was go∣ing thither-ward. He also told Sir Anthonie, that that Present which he deliuered the King of Persia in his owne name, was sent by a Friend of the Kings from Ormus, by another, who had withall, a Letter to the King. Which Bearer, (being of his Acquaintance) hee inueigled and inticed by the gift of fiftie Crownes, and faire words, to deliuer him the Present, together with the Letter to carry to the King, who finally preuailed with him. And when he came to Persia, hee suppressed the Letter, but deliuered the Present in his owne name, as before is declared.

Vpon discouery of which villanies, Sir Anthonie tooke him Prisoner, and carryed him along with him, as one depriued of former libertie. And being come to Negson, we stayed there neere hand a moneth. Towards the end whereof the Emperour sent a great man of his Court thither, [ 30] for to accompany and conduct vs to Musco, who gaue the preheminence to the Persian Am∣bassador, in that he was Ambassadour to the Emperour from the Persian, and Sir Anthonie but a Passenger through his Countrey, as he esteemed him, and so did vse him at his pleasure, to Sir An∣thonies small contentment, vntil we came to Musco, where we were entertayned in the best sort they could, with a crue of Aquanita-bellyed Fellowes, clad in Coates of Cloth of Gold: which shew being ended, for the first encounter, those Coates were put vp againe into the Treasurie or Wardrobe, and we shut vp in Prison for ten dayes, yea all accesse of others to vs, or we to them was thereby vtterly barred. In which time wee sent to entreate, that either our English Mer∣chants might bee permitted to come to vs, or that wee might goe or send to them for necessaries, because we were not fitted with Clothes (as we thought) conuenient for the Emperors presence. [ 40] Whereupon the Lord Chancellor sent for the Merchants, enquiring of them what Sir Anthonie was, and whether they durst giue him any credit. To whom they replyed, that hee was nobly descended, and allyed euen to the best men of England: yea, and that they would giue him cre∣dit for as much as they were worth. Hereupon they had libertie to send vs such necessaries as we sent for, but no libertie to come to vs, much lesse we to them. The tenth day we were sent for to come before the Emperour after their order, which was, to lay downe in a note, how e∣uery man should be marshalled in comming (being all on Horsebacke) wherein the Persian Am∣bassadour was appointed by the Emperour to haue the first and chiefe place, the next, that Per∣sian that was sent but to accompany Sir Anthonie, and the last of the three should be Sir Antho∣nie himselfe. Which when Sir Anthonie perceiued, he vtterly refused to goe in that Order, be∣cause [ 50] that he, to whose trust and charge the whole businesse had beene committed, and by whom * 1.69 the same was solely procured: by which Persia likewise should be infinitely benefited (special∣ly hee being a Christian, and they Pagans) should bee put hindermost in the march, that was the foremost in the matter.

By the meanes of which refusall, he purchased the Emperors displeasure: and to manifest the same, first, he took the Frier from Sir Antonie, and gaue him his libertie to go whither he thought good. Next, he daily sent his great Dukes to examine Sir Anthonie vpon diuers friuolous par∣ticularities, to proue, if they thereby might grope out some matter of aduantage against him. Thus daily he was extremely vexed and molested by the Emperour, the Persian Embassadour, withall setting on the Frier vnder-hand, to deuise all the villanie hee could against him, as to [ 60] say, he knew Sir Anthonie to be but a man of meane parentage, and also, that he was come but as * 1.70 a Spie through the Countrey for purposes tending to his owne good, and not of Persia and Chri∣stendome, as he pretended. Whereupon they tooke all the Kings Letters from him, and ope∣ned them, to know the purport thereof.

Soone after, Sir Anthonie and the Frier were brought before the Commissioners to be further examined: where Sir Anthonie (being inflamed with Choler, by reason of his exceeding ill vsage, notwithstanding the goodnesse of the cause of his comming) demanded whether the Emperour did euer purpose to send any Embassadours to any other Countries; Protesting, that if euer he met with them in any parts of the world, besides their owne, he would indeuour to let them know he was not halfe so well intreated in Russia, as the cause of his comming of right deserued, and the Emperour, by the lawes Diuine and Ciuill ought to haue performed, and the rather, because he was a Christian, such as he pretends himselfe to bee, and came (as became a Christian) for the generall good of all Christendome, the Persian being stirred vp thereunto by his onely meanes. Whereupon the Frier in termes thwarted Sir Anthonie, whose bloud al∣ready [ 10] * 1.71 boyled, with the excesse of his cholers heat, which as then abounded. And being by that gracelesse and vngratefull Frier further prouoked, he (not able, though instantly hee should haue died for it) to suppresse his heat, gaue the fat Frier such a sound box on the face (his double cause of choler redoubling his might, desire of reuenge withall augmenting the same) that downe falls the Frier, as if he had beene strucke with a Thunder-bolt. Which being done, (with that courage and high resolution which well appeared in his lookes, words, and deeds) they forth∣with gaue ouer examination, because they had too farre examined Sir Anthonies patience, which well they with feare (as I thinke) saw, and the Frier (almost past feare) did farre better feele. Whereupon they went instantly to the Emperour, and informed him of all that had hapned, and how Sir Anthonie was resolued. For which (as by the euent it appeared) he was vsed the [ 20] better. For from thence forwerd we had libertie to goe to the Englishmen, of whom wee were very honourably entertayned, and royally feasted. Howbeit wee were constrayned to remayne there sixe moneths, expecting euery day (for all this) some mischiefe to be done vnto vs, or to be sent into some part of his Countrey to bee kept, where wee should not haue heard from our friends in haste, which we feared worse then death. Yet, in the end, wee were eftsoones sent for before the Priuie Councell, where Sir Anthonie had his charge to bee gone, which was no small ioy to vs all.

But the day before we left Muscouin, it was my fortune to see the King, and his Queene, in * 1.72 ceremonious and triumphant manner passing out of the Citie, with a great Image, and a huge Bell, to offer to a certaine Friery some thirtie miles off, which was performed in this sort. First, [ 30] all the morning diuers troops of Horse passed out of the Citie, to stand readie to receiue him at his comming out of the gate. About midday the King setting forwards, his Guard formost, all on horse-backe, to the number of fiue hundred, all clad in stammell Coats, riding in ranke, three and three, with Bowes and Arrowes, and Swords gift to them, as also Hatchets vnder the one thigh. After the Guard, were led by twentie men, twentie goodly Horses, with very rich and curious Saddles, and ten more for his Sonne and Heire apparant, being a child of twelue yeeres of age. After which was led in like sort, twentie beautifull white Horses, for the Queenes Cha∣riots, * 1.73 hauing onely vpon them a fine sheet, and on their-heads a crimson veluet Bridle. After them came a great number of Friers in their rich Coapes, singing, carrying many Pictures, and Lights. After them followed the greatest part of the Merchants of the Citie. Next them was [ 40] led the Kings Horse, for that day, together with his sonnes: the Kings Saddle and furniture most richly beset with Stones of great price and beautie. Then followed the Patriarch, with all the Arch-bishops, Bishops, and great Prelates singing in their Coapes, very rich and glorious, hauing huge Images borne before them, being very richly inlayed with precious Gemmes of diuers colours, and Lights about them. Then followed the King himselfe, who had in his left hand his Sonne aboue mentioned, and in his right hand his Cap. Next him came the Queene, supported on either side by two old Ladies, her face euen thickely plaistered with painting, as were the other Ladies (according to the custome of the Countrey) her bodie very grosse, her eyes hollow and farre into her head, attended with some threescore very faire women (if pain∣ting * 1.74 (which they hold a matter religious) deceiued not the iudgement of mine eye.) All whose apparell was very rich, beset with Pearle curiously wrought, hauing white Hats on their heads, [ 50] with great round Bands laden with Pearle. Wee neuer saw Hats worne by any woman in the Countrey, but by them onely. Next vnto them were drawne three huge Chariots; the first, with ten faire white Horses, two and two; the second, with eight; and the third, with sixe in like order: which Chariots were all very rich and gorgeous within and without. After which * 1.75 all the Noblemen passed in Coaches. Then was carried, in a great Chist, the forenamed Image, guarded by a Great man and State of the Countrey, with some fiue hundred vnder his com∣mand, for the guard and conuoy of that Image. And last of all came that huge Bell, being of * 1.76 twentie tunne weight, drawne by three thousand and fiue hundred men (not being possible to be drawne by Oxen or Horses) in manner following. They fastned sixe exccding long hawsers, or mightie great Cable-ropes in sixe lengths to the frame whereon the Bell was placed. In this [ 60] ranke of ropes were placed those three thousand fiue hundred men, with little cords ouer their shoulders, fastned to the great hawsers, drawing after the manner of our Westerne Barge-men here in England.

The poise of the Bell was so great, that passing along the streets of Musco (being paued with great square pieces of Timber set close one by another) the wood of the frame or carriage whereon the Bell was drawne, set the timber of the streets on fire, through both the woods chasing together, so that some were faine to follow hard after, to throw on water, as the tim∣ber began to smoke. And thus was this Bell and the Image conueyed to the Friery, as hath afore beene said.

The next day following wee tooke our iourney (that is to say, in mid May) towards Saint Nicolas, to take shipping, which was some sixe weekes passage by land and riuer. During all which time, we saw nothing in a manner, but Woods and water. But being come to the Sea side, being the place where we were to take ship, we stayed there one moneth for prouision for [ 10] our iourney. In which time we were diuers times inuited aboord English ships, where wee were royally banquetted at the Agents charges and the Merchants. To the solemnization of which Banquets wee had three hundred great shot. And as wee stayed there, one Master Megricke a Merchant came from Musco, and brought the Friers two Letters with him, reporting that the Lord Chancellour, in satisfaction of the wrong and ill vsage hee extended to Sir Anthonie, * 1.77 sent after the Frier to the borders, who tooke both his Letters and all his substance that he had deceitfully and lewdly gotten in many yeeres before in the Indiaes from him, leauing him not so much as his Friers Weede: and whether hee caused his throat to bee cut, it was vncertaine, but not vnlike.

From hence we tooke ship for Stode, being sixe weekes vpon the Sea ere wee could recouer it. [ 20] In which time wee were continually tossed and tumbled with contrarie Winds: and once had * 1.78 beene like to haue beene vtterly cast away, so that wee all were ouerwhelmed in despaire, as we were at point to be in the Sea, but that (by Gods protection and direction) we (past all expe∣ctation) fell vpon the Flie. Where, (hauing diuers Letters of Sir Anthonies to his friends in England) I parted from him (he holding his course toward the Emperour of Germanie:) from thence I came to the Tessell, then to the Firme: so to the Hage: from the Hage to Vlissing: and finally, from thence to Douer, where I landed in the midst of the moneth of September, in the three and fortieth yeere of the Queenes Maiesties Raigne, and in the yeere of our LORD GOD 1601.

CHAP. III. [ 30]

Two Voyages of Master IOHN NEWEERIE, One, into the Holy Land; The other to Balsara, Ormus, Persia, and backe thorow Turkie.

I Iohn Newberie Citizen and Merchant of London, desirous to see the World, the eighth of March, 1578. according to the computation of the Church of Eng∣land, began a Voyage from the Citie of London to Tripolie in Syria, and thence [ 40] to Ioppe and Hierusalem, and the Countrey round about adioyning, which I per∣formed in passing through France to Marceils, where I embarqued my selfe, and passing through the Leuant or Mediterrane Sea, arriued in Tripolie the thir∣teenth day of May; and within few dayes after at Ioppe, and thence at Hierusalem, and the chiefe places thereabout: And spending a moneth in visiting the Monuments of those Coun∣tries, I returned to Ioppe the tenth of Iune, 1579. And the fifteenth of the said moneth arri∣ued againe in Tripolie; from whence shortly after I visited Mount Libanus, and returning spee∣dily to the said Port of Tripolie, I embarqued my selfe in a ship of Marceils, the first of Iulie, and the three and twentieth of the said moneth, I put in at Candia; and the seuenth day of Sep∣tember, arriued safely in Marceils, and passing through France by Lions, Paris, Roan, and Diepe▪ [ 50] The tenth of Nouember of the aforesaid yeere 1579. by Gods helpe arriued safely in London.

I the said Iohn Newbery * 1.79 being incouraged by the prosperous successe of my former Voyage to Tripoly, Hierusalem, and Mount Lybanus, vndertooke a farre more long and dangerous voyage, by the Straights of Gibraltar, the Mediterranean Sea, the aforesaid Tripoly, and downe the Riuer of Euphrates, as farre as the Citie of Ormus in the Gulfe of Persia, and from thence through the Countrey of Lar, and the most Easterne parts of Persia, to Media, Armenia, Georgia, Carmania, Natolia, and so to Constantinople, and from thence by the Blacke Sea, called in old time Pontus Euxinus, into the Mouth of the Riuer Danubius by shipping, and so a great way vp the said Ri∣uer, passing by the parts of Bugdania and Valachia, at length landing, I came to Caminetz, the first Frontier Towne of Poland; and passing through that Kingdome, arriued in Prussia, and [ 60] came to Elbing, and Dantzk, and Quinsborow, where imbarquing my selfe, I passed through the Sound of Denmark, and arriued at Hull in England, and so ouer land trauelled to London, whi∣ther I came the last day of August, 1582. making my voyage in the space of two yeeres, lacking nineteene dayes. This voyage at large I performed in this manner.

The nineteenth day of September, 1580. accompanied with Master William Barret an English Merchant. I departed from London in a good ship, called the White Hinde, and the fifteenth of Nouember came to Southie in Candie. The one and twentieth we arriued at the Citie of Candia. * 1.80 The sixt day of December wee set sayle with our ship from Fraschia on our voyage: and the eight at night, we had like to haue runne vpon the Ile of the Rhodes, setting our course East from the Ile of Scarpanto. The eighteenth day we had sight of Cyprus. * 1.81

The first day of Ianuarie we arriued in Tripoli. And the third and fourth dayes, our ship cal∣led the White Hinde, discharged all her goods. The French-men brought fortie Barrels of Tinne on Shoare in their Boat. The fifth day of Ianuarie at night, there was such a storme, that in the Roade of Tripoli there were two ships cast away, and the French-mans Boat. [ 10]

The fourteenth of Ianuarie, 1580. after the account of the Church of England, Master William Barret and I departed from Tripoli, and lodged the same day at an house called a Cane; and the next day after, we passed by a Castle to the Sea-ward, called Draa. The sixteenth day, we pas∣sed * 1.82 by a strong Castle, called Ewsen. The seuenteenth, wee lay at Mowaa. The eighteenth day in the morning about nine of the clocke, wee came to Metteni: and within halfe an houre after, Master William Barret rode with our Ianizarie to Aman, which is within three leagues of Met∣teni. The nineteenth day in the morning, wee came to Sihi a Casal: and the same day about * 1.83 noone I came to Aman; and stayed there some sixe dayes. The fiue and twentieth, wee came * 1.84 from Aman, and the same night slept at a Village, called Det. The six and twentieth, at Marra. The seuen and twentieth from thence, and the same day we came to Ledeghe, where great store [ 20] of Soape is made: that night we lay at a Village, called Sarraket, neere to Syrmin: and the eight * 1.85 and twentieth day came to the Citie of Aleppo. The Castle standeth to the Southward off the Towne. The one and thirtieth of Ianuarie, wee had a great banquet made vs in the house of the French Consul. The one and twentieth of Februarie about nine of the clocke in the morning, was seene in Aleppo an extraordinarie Starre or Comet, which ascended from the North, and des∣cended toward to North-west.

The nineteenth of March in the morning, I departed from Aleppo with an hyred seruant of * 1.86 mine, called Iacomo de Francisco, to proceed on mine intended voyage to Ormuz, lying in the Mouth of the Persian Gulfe. And about two of the clocke in the afternoone I passed by Boab, where is an high Tower vpon an Hill: and the same night I came to a Village, called Halse. And [ 30] the twentieth day we departed from thence, and the same day came to Bir. The Towne of Bir standeth vpon the East side of the Riuer Frat or Euphrates: and the water commeth directly from the North, and descendeth to the South. Here is great store of Linnen cloth made, and great store of Waxe: here is also great store of Corne and Fish, and Cordouan skins, and Hony. At Bir the Merchants doe pay for euery summe or packe of all commodities, one Sehid or Madin, for Toll. After we had hyred vs a Barke and furniture for our voyage, wee set forward; and the six and twentieth day, wee passed by a Village to the East of the Riuer, called Raick; and the * 1.87 same day in the euening by a Mountaine to the West of the Water, where is one house with one Tower on the top of it. And there the Arabians offered to shoote at vs. The next day in the morning, we passed by a Castle, called Ballesse, which is ruinated, and standeth on the West side * 1.88 [ 40] of the Riuer. And about noone the same day by a Towne, called Gabbar, which standeth vpon a Mountaine to the East of the Riuer. The eight and twentieth day, we passed by an old Towne where is a Castle all ruinated, and lyeth close vpon the Water to the Eastward, which is called * 1.89 Racca: and it standeth North North-east of the Water. The thirtieth day in the morning, we pas∣sed by a Towne and a Castle all ruinate, which lyeth to the West of the Water, and is called Bal∣ladac; * 1.90 which in times past was the Christians. The same night wee came to a Towne, called Dier, which lyeth also to the West of the Riuer, and is inuironed with the Water round about. * 1.91 Here the Patron of our Barke sold his Hony, for nine Aspers the Rotila: and one Rotila of Bir maketh two Rotilas there.

The first day of April, 1581. from Dier, and the same night we lay neere vnto a Castle, cal∣led [ 50] * 1.92 Rab, which lyeth to the West of the Water. The second day in the morning, wee passed by * 1.93 Ashar, a small Towne, which lyeth to the West of the Water. The third day in the morning, we passed by Subercan, which lyeth to the East of the Water, and is all ruinate, and in times past was the Christians. The fourth day we passed by a Village, called Manalle, to the West of the * 1.94 Riuer. And the same night to Anna, which lyeth vpon both sides of the Water, but to the West is the greatest part: But the East side reacheth farther then the other, as may bee perceiued by the Date Trees and Houses. This Towne of Anna is very long, and there is about the middle of it a Castle, which is inuironed with Water, as also diuers Ilands to the number of fourteene or fifteene, which lye all to the Northward of the Castle, except two or three. Here are great store of Dates, Oranges, Pomgranats, Figs, Limons, Corne, and Muttons. The eight day we depar∣ted [ 60] from thence, and went but very little way, by reason of very great winde and stormie wea∣ther: which began the fifth, and continued vntill the eleuenth day: and the winde was most commonly at North-east. The tenth day, wee came to Addetta, and the same night to Gebbar, * 1.95 which lyeth to the East of the Water; and there we were at a wedding. The eleuenth day we

departed from Gebbar, and the same day came to Heit, where is a Castle to the West of the Ri∣uer: * 1.96 and a little from the Castle to the South-west, is a place, where Pitch boyleth out of the Ground continually; so that all the sandie ground toward the Riuers side is ouer-flowed there∣with. * 1.97 Diuers Camels haue fallen into these Springs, but none of them could be saued. All the way betweene Anna and Heit are continually on both sides the Riuer Houses, and Date Trees, with Corne and diuers Fruits. The twelfth day wee departed from Heit. The thirteenth day we came to Ambar, which is a village, and lyeth on the East side of the Riuer. The fourteenth we * 1.98 went from thence, and the same morning arriued at Feluge; where the goods are landed that come from Bir. There I was searched for money, and the Searcher found all that I had: but in consi∣deration * 1.99 that he should keepe it secret, I gaue him two Sehids, and to him that writeth vp the [ 10] goods two Sehids more; which they receiued, and yet wrote vnto Bagdet, that I had foure bags of money. So that about three or foure miles from Bagdet met with vs an Officer to accompanie vs to the Towne, because they would be sure of the money. Notwithstanding, by the meanes of one Mustafa a Turke, I gaue this Officer three and thirtie Madins, wherewithall he was con∣tent, and kept it secret. So, shortly after we came to the Market place, where I was searched, but no money could bee found. There wee remayned about two houres, and then went into•• Can. The next day in the morning wee went ouer the Water, and were no sooner out of the Boat, but we were searched, but nothing found. From thence we went into the Hammam, and so returned to our lodging. The fourteenth day about eight of the clocke at night, we went from Feluge by land, in the companie of an hundred Asses. The fifteenth day about one of the clocke in the afternoone, wee came to Bagdet. The sixteenth day of April, I did see Barley that was [ 20] * 1.100 ripe and cut downe, neere to Bagdet. Old * 1.101 Bagdet standeth to the North of Bagdet, about twentie or fiue and twentie miles. The seuenteenth day, we passed through Bagdet. One Castle standeth to the South-east of the Towne, vpon the South side of the Water, and another to the North-west of the Water vpon the North side, where the Bassa doth keepe his Court, whose name is Hassan Bassa. The twentieth day, there was a Christian which came into the Can to call vs forth: but because wee did not vnderstand him, wee remayned still in the Magasin. So, presently came foure for to search vs, and they found our money. The two and twentieth day, I wrote Letters to Master William Hareborne, and Master William Barret, by a Merchant of Alep∣po, * 1.102 and directed my Letters to Master Iohn Blanch, Consul of the French Merchants in Aleppo. The [ 30] foure and twentieth day in the euening, I went from Bagdet. The six and twentieth day at night, we passed by a Towne, called Bourac, which lyeth to the West of the Water, and is all ruinated. And a little below that standeth a Tower in the middle of the Riuer. The seuen and twentieth, we passed by a Towne, called Menil, which lyeth to the East of the Water: and there is but one * 1.103 Tower standing. The same day, by a place called Amor, which lyeth close vpon the Water to * 1.104 the Eastward, and is a small Casal. The thirtieth day in the morning, wee passed by a Towne, called Sekia, which lyeth to the East of the Water: and the same day by a very long Village, na∣med * 1.105 Kendege, to the East of the Water, and it is all ruinated. Also the same day in the euening, * 1.106 we came to Gurna, which is a Castle, and standeth vpon the Point where the Riuer of Furro and * 1.107 the Riuer of Bagdet doe meet. And vpon the South side of Furro, right ouer against this Castle [ 40] is another Castle, about the greatnesse of this. And about three miles farther in the Riuer, to∣ward Balsara, to the South of the Water, is another.

The first day of May, 1581. I arriued in Balsara. At the Waters side at Balsara, the merchan∣dise that enter within the Can, pay vpon euery Summe or Camels burden three Madins and three quarters; sixteene Vessennes of Balsara make one Kintall of Aleppo. The carriage of eue∣ry summe of goods from Bagdet to Balsara, costeth by water sixe Shehides. And for the carriage from Balsara to Bagdet, vpon euery Vessene two Madins. And the carriage of one hundred Ves∣senes from Balsara to Ormuz, costeth twentie Larins, and from Ormuz to Balsara twentie La∣rins. The Custome in Balsara is vpon euery fourteene Shehides one. And for Glasse, and such like commodities, accordingly. Clothes, Kersies, and all kinde of Silkes, pay vpon euery twen∣tie [ 50] one. And vpon euery ten Vessenes or ten Rotilas, there are three to bee allowed for Tarr or Waste: and vpon all Spicerie accordingly. The Towne of Balsara standeth to the East South∣east of the Riuer: and without the Towne are diuers Basars or Market places, and their Houses are made of Canes or great Reedes. And their Corne lyeth all on heapes without the Towne vpon the ground couered with Mats, and is sold by the weight. There are about Balsara foure Gates; and a little from the North Gate lye ten peeces of Ordnance great and small, besides two Basiliscoes, that lye vnder the wall at the entring of the Gate. Their building is of Brick, which is made of a certaine kind of stuffe, that may be cut with a knife. There is without the Towne a very high Pole set vp, which is of three pieces; and vpon the top of it a Cup of Tinne or Lead; and there they runne with their Horses, and shoote at the Cup; and he that hitteth the Cup gay∣neth [ 60] a Shaffe. At Balsara the Water doth ebbe and flow, as it doth in England, and in no other places adioyning vpon the Ocean Sea. The Turke won Balsara about the yeere 1550. The Ves∣sene of Maces is worth in Balsara thirteene Duckats, and Nut-megs fiue or sixe Duckats: Soape is worth fifteene Shehids the Vessene, and Almounds foure and twentie Shehids the Vessene: Galles are worth ten Larins the Vessene.

The thirteenth day of May, 1581. I embarked my selfe at Balsara: and the sixteenth wee valed downe about three flight shot. Halfe a dayes iourney from the Towne, to the East of the Riuer lye eight or ten Bulwarks, and beyond them all is a Castle vpon the Point of a Land. The two and twentieth day in the afternoone, wee came to an Anchor, because it was too much winde. The three and twentieth in the morning, we sayled vntill ten of the clocke, and then came to an Archor, because they were afraid to put to Sea toward night. The Mariners are all beasts. The foure and twentieth day in the morning, we put to Sea with a faire winde: and the * 1.108 same day by noone, we were at the Sea. And all that morning, wee kept our course South, and when wee were at the Sea, South or South South-east. The fiue and twentieth day in the morning, we had sight of a Mountaine of Aggemy, a day short of Abosha: and then we kept our course East South-east. And the same day, we arriued at an Iland, called Carreghe, which belon∣geth [ 10] * 1.109 to the Countrey of Haggemy, and left it to the South of vs. The sixe and twentieth day, we landed in the Iland of Carege: and there is great store of Onions, and Wells of fresh water; and in the middle of the Iland is a Casal. The Iland is about two miles broad and two miles long. And to the North-west of it lyeth a small Iland very low in the water. The seuen and twentieth day in the morning, wee set sayle from Careghe; and the same day passed by the low Land of Persia, which lyeth vnder the high Mountaines. And in diuers places are certaine Gulfs like Riuers. The same day in the euening, wee were at Abousher, which is a Castle. And from * 1.110 thence wee kept our course South South-east to goe cleere of the Land: it is very high Land. The nine and twentieth day in the morning, the Boat went on shoare for water; and I went al∣so on shoare with the Boat: and the water which we tooke did stinke, and was full of mud and [ 20] vermine. And in this order is all their water in the Countrey of Cassel-Bash. The last day of May, we passed by a very high Cliffe, and vpon it is a Rocke like vnto a Barne, which lyeth East * 1.111 and West, and to the West end of it lyeth a round Rocke, which is like an Hay-cocke, about two yards high. And this Cliffe is within three dayes sayling of Ormuz. And there the ships put off from the Land that goe for the Ile of Baharem: and there we kept our course North-east. The * 1.112 West end of this Cliffe is white like Chalke or Snow. This day, one of our Mariners being sick, another of his fellowes came with an hot Iron and burnt him in the sole of the foote. Another they would haue left in an Iland because he was sicke, who answered, That hee trusted they did not take him for a Hen.

The second day of Iune came a Boat aboard of vs, which came from Ormuz, and was bound * 1.113 [ 30] for the Ile of Baharem. The same day, wee passed by a Mountaine which is like a Castle, and vpon the top of it is a Rocke like vnto a little watch house. The fourth day of Iune we tooke in fresh water. The seuenth day, we departed from the place where wee tooke in water; and the same day we arriued at an Iland, called Shie, which is vnder the Portugals: and vpon the West * 1.114 end of it are two companies of Date Trees, and two round Knobs like two Hay-cocks, and it is a plaine Iland. The aforesaid seuenth day at night, wee came to an Anchor at Shie: and to the South of it lyeth a small Iland, where they fish for Pearles. The eight day wee went on shoare * 1.115 there. The ninth day, we departed from Shiche, and the same day we landed at Necchel, which is about foure leagues distant. I paid for carrying of my things on shoare at Necchel two Larins, and for landing of them fiue Larins. The women here weare long Mantles, which they draw af∣ter [ 40] them like a traine: and farther in the Countrey they weare their Garments with three slits, one before, and one on either side; and their sleeues are like the sleeues of Morris-dancers. And they haue round about their eares pack-threed sewed. Also they weare great Rings in their Noses; and about their Legs, Armes, and Necks, Iron hoopes.

The eleuenth day, we departed from Necchel. The twelfth day in the morning, we came to a great Casal, called Melgor, where lyeth a Captaine called Shiagh: and here we remayned three * 1.116 dayes, and were in great danger of being taken slaues, but God kept vs. This Casal lyeth be∣tweene the Mountaines. The fourteenth day in the euening, wee left this wicked place, where I paid ten Larins for my part. The women here may throw their Dugs ouer their shoulders. The eighteenth day, we came to a Casal, called Gesser, and the same day from thence. The nine∣teenth [ 50] * 1.117 day, wee lodged at Bender. The twentieth, wee departed from Bender, and the same eue∣ning came at an Iland, called Left. And right ouer against Bender, lyeth an Iland, called Bassedor; and these two Ilands are vnder the Portugals. And Gesser and Bender, which are on the mayne Land, are vnder Abrehem Can, and sometimes were vnder the King of Ormuz. The one and twentieth day, I went on Land on the Ile of Left: And here the women weare Iron hoopes, and a number of other things about their Necks, Legs, and Armes. The two and twentieth day of * 1.118 Iune, 1581. I arriued at Ormuz, and presently was carried before the Captaine, whose name was Don Gonsaluo. The same day I hyred an house for sixe Larins. The Castle of Ormuz stan∣deth to the North of the Towne, and some thing to the Eastward. Diuers both men and women [ 60] here vse to slit the lower part of their eares more then two inches, which hangeth downe to their chin. There were in my companie from Necchel to Ormuz one Turke, and one Moore of La∣bor, and one Moore of Fez in Barbarie, and fiue Persians, and twelue Moores of Aleppo, Aman, and other places, and one Nostrane, a Christian, and my man, who was a Greeke: and all

these at Melgor sware vpon a Booke that I was a Christian of Aleppo, and had wife and chil∣dren, and an house there. * 1.119

It is a great miracle to see the Mountaines of Ormus, all of Salt, and as hard as a Flint stone: and this Salt is very good for diuers diseases. All the Iland is salt, and the very ground where the Towne doth stand is salt: which is the cause of the excessiue heat that is there. From eight * 1.120 of the clocke in the morning vntill the Sunne goe downe, it is not possible for any bodie, that is not vsed to the Countrey, to passe either with shooes or bare-foot, where the Sunne doth lie, it is so extreme hot. The Swine in Ormus haue clawes of a quarter of an ell long, and some * 1.121 longer. The Portugals doe hold a Castle ouer against Ormus, in the Countrey of the King of Lar, where they keepe ten or twelue Souldiers: the name of which Castle is called, The great [ 10] Mastango. The seuenth day of Iulie, my man Iacomo, which was a Greeke, went from mee to * 1.122 one Michael Stropene a Venetian, being, as I suspect, entised thereunto by him, to vnderstand my secret purposes: and in very deed, in my last Voyage into these parts, in the yeere 1583. this Michael Stropene betrayed me and my companie to the Gouernour of Ormus.

After I had spent sixe weekes in this Citie, and informed my selfe the best I could, of the Trade and Customes of the place, I departed from Ormus the first day of August at night, and left Signior Victorio, a friend of mine, with his goods behind. The second of August about mid∣night, I arriued at Bender gomrow, where the Portugals keepe a Castle with seuen or eight Soul∣diers, within it. And this Bender gomrow, which is on the mayne land, was sometimes the Kings of Lar, and after that Abreham Cans, and so it came to the King of Ormus. The fift day at [ 20] night we departed from Bender gomrow: and the eighth day we lodged at a Casal, called Cowr∣stan. The tenth day at Ourmangel: there is a Spring of fresh water, which runneth through the middle of it. The fourteenth day in the morning we came to the Citie of Lar. Two Mauns of Ormus, make three Mauns of Lar: two hundred seuentie and two Mauns of Ormus merchan∣dise, which are eight hundred and sixteene Lerra of Bountaki, cost the carriage from Bender gom∣row to Lar, twentie Larins and an halfe. And one Asnillo will carrie one hundred Maun of Lar, which are two hundred Lerra of Bountaki. The fifteenth day, I hired one Mousa a Iew, for sixe moneths to be my seruant, for thirtie Larins the moneth. At Bender gomrow all goods that goe for Persia pay vnto the Portugals vpon euery summe or load one Sadan.

The foure and twentieth day of August, 1581. about noone I departed from Lar. And at [ 30] Lar euery summe of merchandise payeth at the passing out of the gate one Tanger, which is twelue Pull. And the fiue and twentieth day wee passed downe a very high Mountaine; and the same day passed by a Casal, called Dehaccow. And this fiue and twentieth day at night * 1.123 lodged at a Casal, called Berre. And to the South of the Towne is an old Castle vpon an high Mountaine. The sixe and twentieth day we came to a place, where I bought three Hendomies for one Tanger, and they are as sweet as Sugar. The seuen and twentieth day we lodged at Olous. The nine and twentieth, we departed from Olous: and neere vnto it is a very great Casal, cal∣led * 1.124 Gouen, which hath Angour and Corma plentie. And this night we payed at our Baite vpon euery summe fiue Pull: And at Gouen endeth the Countrey of Lar. The last day of August, I * 1.125 passed ouer the greatest Mountaine that euer I saw, and left it to the Southward of vs. [ 40]

The first of September in the morning, wee came to a Citie, called Gaarrom: and the same * 1.126 day, to a Casal, called Demonder, where standeth an high Columne alone. About Gaarrom is great store of Rice and Cotton wooll growing. And here the Sheepe haue Lambs twice euery yeere. The second day of September, we came to Mecocal, where we had stinking water: and * 1.127 the same day payed a dutie of two Tanger vpon euery Bar. The third day we came to Cawger, and the same day at night we payed a Best vpon euery Bar. The fourth day we came to a faire Can, called Chesimon moddafar: and the same day wee had raine. The fifth day wee came to * 1.128 Cowel, which is a Casal neere to Shiras: this night we payed a dutie vpon our goods. The sixth day in the morning, we came to the Citie of Shiras. Betweene Lar and Shiras is great store of Wolues, Partridges, and Pheasants. There are in Shiras fiue high Towers, and the highest is in [ 50] the middle of the Towne. To the North of the Towne is a Gate of very faire coloured stone, which is a little beyond the Horse-mart: and without this Gate are all the Sheepe and Goats sold, that serue for the Towne. The highest and furthest Tower in Shiras is neere to the Can that I lay in, and is builded with yellow, greene, white, and purple stone. The women ride here vpon Horses like men. It is a Towne that hath great store of victuals and fruits. Iron, Lead, Casder, Cochonillio, Brasill, Linnen cloth, Foutas, and all wares that come out of India, are very well sold here. Brasill is worth sixe Mamodies the Maun, and Cochonillio one hun∣dred and fiftie Mamodies. Certaine small Laton that commeth from Sindi are sold in Shiras for twelue Shehides the piece. In this Towne is made great store of Mauward and Gebib, which are carried for India. The Maun of Cloues is worth in Shiras fiftie Shehides, Nutmegs thirtie, [ 60] Pepper seuen and twentie. From Lar to Shiras we went the most part North-west and to the North, we stayed in this Towne from the sixth day till the two and twentieth. The two and twentieth of September, we departed from Shiras, and the same day came to Sargon, a Towne * 1.129 vnder a Mountaine in a pleasant Valley. The three and twentieth in the morning, wee passed

vnder a great Mountaine, and neere vnto the East of it is a small Riuer: and the same day in the forenoone, we came to a Village, called Auglamor: and neere vnto that is another, called * 1.130 Augalm. The foure and twentieth in the morning, wee passed ouer a narrow Bridge, and the * 1.131 water runneth to the South: and the same day we lodged at a Village called Moysse; where we payed vpon euery summe of goods, one Gasbi. And while wee lay here there passed through the Towne a number of Sheepe, Goats, and Camels, with poore people, and their houshold∣stuffe. The fiue and twentieth day from Moysse, and the same day came to a Village, called Ses∣mon Dermal. The sixe and twentieth in the morning, wee passed ouer a very high Mountaine, * 1.132 vpon the top whereof are two Springs of very good water, and the same day we came to Au∣gow: and to the North-east of the Village is a stony Bridge, and very good water passeth vnder it: And here we found a man hurt with Theeues. The seuen and twentieth we went from Au∣gow, [ 10] and the same day we rested at Hausapaus, which standeth vnder a Mountaine, and hath to the West of it vpon a little Hill, a small round white Castle: And here is Bread, Cheese, Hens, Raisins, and Milke. The eight and twentieth day we went from Hausapaus, and the same day * 1.133 we rested at Cuskesar, where is nothing but a round house vpon a Hill: but there is a new Can a building. The nine and twentieth day we went from Cuskesar, and the same day rested at Gerdoun. And this day we saw many Theeues vpon the Mountaines. The thirtieth day we * 1.134 departed from Gerdoun, and the same day came to Yestacas, which standeth vpon a Rocke in a deepe Valley: and here wee found Bread, Ennap, and Battegh. Here I payed twice as much Toll as in any other paid.

The first day of October we departed from Yestacas: and the second day in the morning wee * 1.135 [ 20] came to Boial, which is a Village of great store of fruit. And here wee met with the Bassa of Shiras, which had in his companie about a thousand Camels, besides Horses, and Asnillios. And here are many Villages and Houses together. The second of October at night wee left Boial, and the third day lodged at Moydar. The fourth day we departed from Moydar, and the same * 1.136 day I came to the Citie of Hispahan, where the King of Persia sometimes keepeth his Court. At the entring in of the gate of Hispahan, groweth on either side of the gate a Chest-nut tree, one to the East, and another to the West, then we passed ouer many waters: and at the entring into the principall Towne is a Castle to the South-west of the gate. And here they haue in their Hamam a certaine Ointment to anoint their bodies withall, which is called Dewa, which ta∣keth away all the haire of a mans bodie. To the East of Hispahan is a very long and great Val∣ley, [ 30] where are many Villages and Houses. The carriage of one hundred Mauns of Merchandise from Shiras to Hispahan, costeth seuentie Shehides, and from Hispahan to Cassan sixtie Shehides. Hispahan is a Citie that vseth great store of Anil, maketh the greatest store of Muskaille, and hath the best Cotton that euer I saw. The Maun of Cotton wooll is worth here twelue She∣hides; and the Maun of Rice, seuen Beste; the Maun of Dracken, two Beste; and the Maun of Ennap, two Beste; the Maun of Non, three Be••••e▪ and Laghem, soure Beste. The Cattal of Sugar is worth here foure hundred Tomaun, and Anil fortie Mamodies the Maun. The Maun of Hispahan is one and an halfe of Shiras. Also at the entring in and going out of the gates of Hispahan, euery Hemmel payeth one Gasbi. The seuenth day of October, I came out of the Can at Hispahan. [ 40]

The ninth day of the said moneth I departed from Hispahan, and the same day lodged at Sen. * 1.137 The tenth day from Sen, and the same day at Shesers Can: and also this day at night, at a great Village called Calenda, which hath great plentie of all sorts of fruits. The cleuenth day from * 1.138 thence, and the same day at Shen, also a Towne of great store of fruit. And this day in the mor∣ning, we descended downe a very high Mountaine. At Calenda euery summe of goods payeth one Gasbi. The twelfth day we went from Shen, and the same day we came to Garratcoy, and * 1.139 the same day departed from thence, and in the afternoone reached vnto the Citie of Cassan. And presently vpon the comming of any Caffell to Cassan, there is one that doth take a note of all the goods, what it is, and how much of euery sort: which note he deliuereth to the Vizier, which [ 50] is the name of the Gouernour of Cassan, which is greater then a Basha. To the South-west or West of this Towne, is all Mountaynous, and to the North of it are diuers Villages and Valleys; and to the South-east is a low Mountaine, and white, as if it were by the Sea side. The foure∣teenth day at the comming of the Caffell to Cassan, they brought newes that seuen ships of the Portugals were arriued in Ormus from Goa. The Carauan Basha had for guarding of the Caffel from Lar to Cassan, twentie Tomaun, which were in number fiue hundred Camels. The summe of an Asse, which is two Mauns of Lar, costeth the carriage from Lar to Cassan, sixtie Mamo∣dies. The seuenteenth day of October, went a Caffel from Cassan to Casbin. From Yesd, which * 1.140 is ten daies iourney to the South from Cassan, commeth great store of Cotton-wooll, and cloath made of Cotton; and the Maun of Cotton-wooll is worth in Cassan, eight Mamodies, Crems [ 60] is worth sixe Tomaun the Maun. The vse is in this Citie, when they burie their dead, that three carrie the Corps to the graue, two before and one behind. Wood is sold in Cassan for one Beste the Maun. He that writeth vp the goods that come to Cassan, taketh vpon euery Tomaun that is sold in the Towne, one Mamodie: and the like order is in Tauris. There was a Caffel of one

hundred and fiftie Camels comming from Ormus to Cassan, all carried away by two hundred Theeues; therefore men must goe strong in those theeuish parts. The Batman of Cassan maketh two and an halfe of Aleppo. Pepper is worth the Maun in this Citie, fortie Shehides, Meckhic∣kan and Bespessa seuentie Mamodies, Drachen one hundred Shehides, and Angarra sixe Mamo∣dies the piece. And eightie make fiftie Mauns of Tauris, which is foure hundred and fiftie Ler∣ras of Venice. Gingebel fortie Shehides: Silke eightie Shehides. And sixe Mauns of Silke make one Maun of all other things.

The fourth day of Nouember we departed from Cassan, and the same day lodged at a Casal, cal∣led Sensen: the Can is old, and standeth to the Eastward of the Village. And this Casal standeth * 1.141 vpon a round rotten hill like a Castle: and to the West of it, is a rew of small Trees, and two [ 10] great Trees in the rew. And neere to Sensen is a Village, called Bedra, which hath a small Ca∣stle. The fifth day from Sensen, and the same day we rested at Casmoua; which is a small Village in a great Plaine, and hath an old Castle standing to the South of the Towne. And here we paid * 1.142 vpon Barr one Gasbeke. The sixt day from Casmoua, and the same day at Coum, which is a very great Citie. And to the East South-east of the Towne, are diuers greene Towers, where∣of * 1.143 three stand together, besides sixe others very high. And to the North of the Towne is a bridge of stone. The seuenth day we departed from Coum, and the same day we came at Gaffa∣rawau, which is a new Can to the Eastward of the high-way. And here wee paid vpon euery * 1.144 summe of goods on Gasbeke. The eight day we departed from Gaffarawau, and the same day we came to a Citie, called Sowwa: and we lay all night in a great field, inclosed with a wall round about. The ninth day, we went from Sowwa, and the same day wee came to Daung, which [ 20] * 1.145 standeth to the West of the high-way. And here we paid vpon euery Barr one Gasbeke. The tenth day we departed from Daung, and the same morning passed by another Mangel, called Sang: and the same day we came to Arrassan, which is a Village that hath diuers houses built * 1.146 like Hay-cocks. And heere a Theefe would know of me of what place I was. And at Arrassan we paid vpon euery summe of goods one Gasbeke. It is alwaies very good for a man that will * 1.147 trauaile, to apparell himselfe according to the order of euery Country, wherein he shall trauaile. The eleuenth day we departed from Arrassan, and the same day we came to Kirra, which stand∣eth vpon a little round hill. The twelfth day from Kirra, and the same day at Passen, where is * 1.148 great store of Wall-nut-trees and Wine: and heere two draughts cost me one Mamodie. The [ 30] thirteenth from Passen, and the same morning passed by a Village, called A••ffar; and to the South of way are two old Towers. Also the same day we came to Dessa, which is nothing but a Can: * 1.149 And heere comming somewhat late in the euening, wee could get neither Bread nor Water. The foureteenth we departed from Dessa, and the same morning passed by a towne, called Sulta∣nas; which we left to the South-west of the way. Also the same day we came to Cauesseras of the * 1.150 Shangh, which is a Can, and new built, and the Water is farre from the Can. The eleuenth day of Nouember it began with frost, and very cold and great winds; and the foureteenth day in the euening, being at the Kings house, it began to snow. The sixteenth day, we departed from * 1.151 Cauesseras of the Shangh, and the same day we came to a Towne, called Sangas. The seuenteenth day we went from Sangas, and the same day we came at a Can, called Necpaw. The eighteenth [ 40] day we departed from Necpaw, and the same day we came to Sarcham, where we found a Sultan, and therefore lay without the Can. The nineteenth wee departed from Sarcham, and the day we came to a Towne, called Meyannan, where is great plentie of victuals. And here the Batman of Bread is sold for sixe Gasbekes, and seuen Gasbekes is one Beste. And this morning we met at the entring into the Mountaines twentie Theeues, and presently after passed ouer a bridge, and then ouer a very high Mountaine, where the high-way is paued with stone. And neere vnto this Meyannan is a very long bridge of Bricke: and heere their Bricke is much like vnto ours; and heere are Musicians like vnto ours. The twentieth wee departed from Mey∣annan, and the same day we came to a Village, called Turkeman: and at Meyannan wee met with the rest of our Caffel. The one and twentieth wee went from Turkeman, and the same [ 50] * 1.152 morning passed by two Cans, the one called Dauid Derhauer, and the other Abas. Also the same day, we came to a Village called Haggegaw, whither we came late in the night. The two * 1.153 and twentieth day we departed from Haggegaw, and the same day we came to a Village, called Auaspeng, where are many small trees. The three and twentieth wee departed from Aua∣speng, * 1.154 and the same day we came to the great Citie of Teuris or Tauris.

Neere vnto Teuris is much Medow ground. This weeke all the Armenians keepe fast. They follow the orders of the Greekes: for euery Wednesday and Friday they fast, and euery Satur∣day * 1.155 eate flesh, except it be Easter Eeue. The sixe and twentieth day of Nouember, I was at their Church in Teuris: where first they sung Psalmes, and then went to Masse: And the Priest went round about the Altar three times. The first time he censored, the second time hee carried the [ 60] Booke about, and the third time the Chalice. At the beginning of Masse, euery man doth kisse one another; and after Masse kisse the Booke, and take holy Bread: and the poore haue pottage and bread giuen them. An hundred Mauns of Merchandize of Teuris cost the carriage from Cassan to Teuris by Menel, one hundred and twentie Shehides. I paid for my selfe and eightie two

Mauns of Merchandize, eightie seuen Mamodies, and I was accounted for fiue and thirtie Bat∣mans. The Batman of Teuris maketh nine Lerra of Venice, Darchen is worth the Maun in Teu∣ris, fiftie Shehides, full full eight and twentie, gold and siluer of Bountaki thirtie Ducats the Lerra, euery dram one Best, Silke one hundred Shehides. The seuen and twentieth of Nouember, I paide in Teuris for my tribute twelue Shehides and two Bestes. Also I paide for safe conduct betweene Cassan and Teuris, ten Shehides. In Teuris I vnderstood, that a yeere before my com∣ming thither, there was one Thomas here with diuers English-men, who sold Cremes for one * 1.156 Tomaun and an halfe, and Kersies for one hundred Shehides the piece. In Teuris is a kind of silke Sattin, called Atlas, of nine or ten Gasse long euery piece, and it is sold for three Merchel and an halfe the piece, and the best for foure Croysh, which are good wares for Arsingam, and Arse∣rom in Armenia. In Teuris I sold one and twentie Mauns of Mechic, at three Mamodies the [ 10] Maun, which amount to sixe hundred ninetie three Mamodies. The Batman of Wan or Van is two and an halfe of Teuris. Neere vnto Teuris to the Northward, is a very high Mountaine, where Snow doth lie continually. The first day of December, 1581. in the Euening, wee depar∣ted * 1.157 from the Citie of Teuris, and the same night lodged at a Village called Souffion; and here is Wine that is very strong, but not pleasant. The third day from Souffion, and the same day at a Towne called Merent, where are two high old Towers, and two blunt, standing neere toge∣ther. And herevpon newes of the passing by the Towne of a Bassa, there went out fiue hundred Horse-men. The fourth day from Merent, and the same day at Iolfa: and there is a Bridge of * 1.158 wood vpon Boates, there was a stone Bridge, but it is broken. And Aras is the name of the Ri∣uer which runneth before the Towne, and the Towne standeth vnder a Mountayne. There are [ 20] in this Towne three thousand Houses, and they haue seuen Churches, and the richest pay euery house twentie Merchel a yeere, and the rest according to their abilitie. The fifth day from Iolfa, and the same day we lodged at a good Towne called Naxnan, which hath great plentie of victu∣als, * 1.159 and especially Angour, and also hath Silke. And in the middle way betweene Iolfa and this Citie, is a very high round Rocke, much like vnto a Castle. The seuenth day from Naxnan, and * 1.160 the same day at a Village called Potta. And about ten miles to the North-west of this Village, is Noahs Arke vpon a Mountayne, which is somewhat high, and hath alwayes Snow lying vpon it, and no man may goe vp it: But they say that Saint Iokemo went vp to the top, and in the Armenian tongue it is called Asse Masis. And at the foot of this Mountayne, is a Church of the Armenians. The eighth day from Potta, and the same day we came to a Village called Cambelle∣lea. [ 30] * 1.161 This eighth day I was vnder the Arke, and there are two high Mountaynes together, which I left to the West, and they are about three miles a sunder, but the highest and that to the North∣ward of the West, is that whereupon the Arke did rest. The ninth day from Cambellelea, and * 1.162 the same day at Errewan; here euery Hemel of Silke payeth fiue Chekins. At the time of the last warres in Persia, there were many Christians taken slaues in Errewan, and other places. And those of Arsingam ransomed seuen thousand. Fourteene Batman of Teuris are twelue of Erre∣wan. In Errewan are very many Christians, and yet there is a Church standing of the Christians. To the Northward of this Towne, about a mile, is a stone Bridge, and vnder it, passeth a Riuer called Sanguina, which commeth out of the Riuer Aras, or Araxis: and about foure dayes from * 1.163 Errewan or Reiuan, it meeteth with the Riuer of Aras or Arash againe. The twelfth day wee [ 40] departed from Errewan, and lodged the same day at a Casal of Christians, called Echimassen, and here are fiue old Churches, and one of them is ouerthrowne, because a brother and a sister married * 1.164 themselues together in the said Church. The thirteenth day from Echimassen, and the same mor∣ning we passed by certaine old Towers, where in times past, was a Citie called Sowmarin. And * 1.165 in Echimassen wee paide two and twentie Shehides for a bribe. And here are many Lyons, for within sixe moneths they haue carried away out of this Casal seuen and thirtie persons; and the day before we came thither, was a child carried away out of his mothers armes. Betweene Nax∣uan and Errewan is a place where they dig Salt out of the ground. The said thirteene day at night * 1.166 we lay by the Riuers side, where hath beene in times past a Casal. The fourteenth day at a Ca∣stle called Dagswan, and without the Towne is an old Church of the Christians. At this place [ 50] euery summe of goods that commeth out of Persia, payeth two Aspers, and if it goeth not to Arserom, then it payeth fiue pro cento. A Hen is worth here eight Auctshas. The fifteenth day from Dagswan, and the same day at a Casal called Seraffa, and here wee lay in a great house, * 1.167 and neere to the Casal passed ouer a Bridge. The sixteenth day from Seraffa, and the same day at a Casal called Cappannac, and neere vnto Seraffa is a Church of Saint Christopher. The seuen∣teenth * 1.168 day from Cappannac, and the same day at a Casal called Comatseur. The eighteenth day from Comatseur, and the same day at a Casal called Shew banc cupres: and neere vnto this Casal is * 1.169 a stone Bridge, which a Sheepheard did build. And here all our Merchandizes were searched, and written vp by one that came from Dagswan, and another of this Casal that did write all things. [ 60] The ninteenth day from Shew banc cupres, and the same morning passed by a Towne called Hassen * 1.170 gallawth, where is a very strong castle, with three wals. And here the houses are built of Fir trees like vnto the houses in the Alpes. Also the same day at a Casal called Bollomash. The twentie one * 1.171 day from Bollomash, & the same day at Arserom. And he that setteth prices vpon all commodities

hath vpon euery hundreth that is sold two Anil, is worth heere twentie Chekins the Batman.

Arzerum is a plentifull Towne for all kind of victuals, and hath three gates. In Arzerum one Batman of Mel or Deps, is worth two Auctshas. And in this Towne one robbed three shops, and the next morning was hanged. After eight daies abode in this place, the nine and twentieth of December I departed from Arzerum, and the same day lodged at a great Casall, named Pretton. The thirtieth day from Pretton, and the same day at a Casall, named Shennar. From Dagswan to * 1.172 Arzerum, the women goe in Gaskins like men: and vpon their heads they weare a high round trunke hanged with pieces of Siluer Money; and about that and their chin, they haue a large white cloath, which is all set round about with Buttons of Siluer: & also vpon their heads, they * 1.173 weare a piece of red Silke, which hangeth downe behind them, two or three yards vpon the [ 10] ground with a fringe: and about their neckes they weare a Coller of Siluer, and thereunto are fastned fiue or sixe pieces of Siluer made very broad, and to some more. They are the most part blacke, and haue full faces, small feet, great legs, great hands and armes, and their lips not small.

The first day of Ianuary, we departed from Shennar, and the same morning passed by a Casall, * 1.174 called Gotter. Also the same day wee came to a Crauansall, called Gebesse, and the next morning passed by another of the same name. The second day from Gebesse, and the same day at a great Casal, called Backerreg, where is great plentie of Wine: and here the Batman is sold for sixe Par∣ra. The third of Ianuary from Backerreg, and the same day at a Casall, called Bettarreg, which is * 1.175 neere vnto Arsingam. Also the same day I went vnto Arsingam, which is within foure daies iour∣ney of Trebesonda. The weight and measure of Arsingam, do both agree with Arzerum: and here [ 20] Merchel is worth fiftie foure Auctshas. The cariage of a Mule from Arzerum to Arsingam, costeth twelue Shehides; and from thence to Tockat three Duckats. To the East-ward of Arsingam, is a very strong Castle, and to the South of the Towne a stone bridge, which passeth ouer the Riuer * 1.176 of Ponnats. And in this Valley are three hundred and sixty Casals of Christians. The thirteenth day of Ianuary we departed from Arsingam, and the same day lodged at; a Crauanserras, named Serperron. The fourteenth day being Sunday, from Serperron: and the same day at a Casal, called * 1.177 Ardansegh: and this day wee passed ouer the Mountaines of Chardalor, with the greatest snow, frost and wind, that euer I was in, and were in danger to haue remained in the Mountaines all night. The 16. from Ardansegh, the same day at a Casal, called Shewbaning, which hath a small * 1.178 Church standing vpon a small round Rock. The 17. from Shewbaning, the same day at a great Ca∣sal, [ 30] called Andre; which is out of the way, and standeth vnder an hill, in a very pleasant Valley. * 1.179 The eighteenth day from Andre, and the same day at Yeoltedder, a Casal by the Riuers side: and this day wee passed by a very great Castle to the North of the water, vpon a very high Moun∣taine. The nineteenth from Yeoltedder, and the same day passed ouer a very high Mountaine: al∣so the same day we lodged at a Casal, called Longo; and here we met with the Carauan of Tocat: and at the foot of this Mountaine, we met with another Riuer. The twentieth day from Longo, * 1.180 and the same day at a Casal, called Prassa. The one and twentieth day from Prassa, and the same day being Sunday wee came to Tocat, and by the way are two Casals, the one called Namnous, and the other Manec: and Namnous is a very great Casal, and hath many Christians. And here they goe to plough with Oxen, one three yards from another. Neere to Tocat to the North-East [ 40] of the towne, runneth the Riuer of Ponnats, and ouer it is made a great stone bridge: and to the North of the towne vpon a high Rock, is a very strong Castle, and to the South of the town is a very high Mountaine, that is sufficient to beate both the Towne and the Castle: and here all their houses that are new built, are made like the building of Lions: and their Ploughs here haue no Coultors, but very long Shares. Tin is worth the Batman in Tocato, three hundred Auctshas, Pambas, sixtie two Auctshas; and fiue and twentie graines of Silke, eighty Aspers. The twentie foure and twentie fiue daies, arriued the Carauan with the Waftshe: three Batmans of Tocat make ten Rotils of Aleppo. The Iewes wiues in Tocat were vpon their heads very high tires, much like vnto Miters. There is to the Castle of Tocat but one gate, and that is to the North; and all that part of the Towne are Christians. The twenty nine, we departed from Tocat, and the same [ 50] day passed ouer a stone bridge, where is a great Casal: also the same day we came to another Ca∣sal, called Ackelcon. The thirtieth day from Ackelcon, and the same day we passed by a little Casal, * 1.181 called Burghcarre. Also the same day at a Village, called Tackia. The last day of January, from Tackia, and the same day at a Casal, called Dadow. And neere to this Dadow to the North-east, is a Towne, called Amasia: and from thence is carried much Ennebet, and Yeussen to other places.

The first day of Februarie we departed from Dadow, and the same day came to a Casal, called * 1.182 S••arradella, which is parted into two parts. The second day of Februarie, from Searradella, and the same day at a Casal, called Chagannadel, and ouer it vpon a Mountaine is a great stone. * 1.183 The third day, from Chagannadel, and the same day at a Towne, called Garom: and to the South∣east of the Towne is a Castle. And here, and in Tocat, and in Arsingam, euery Hemmel of goods [ 60] payeth two Auctshas: and here are in the Towne, three Towers. And here the women goe with their visages couered, and a white cloath about their middles, and another about their heads and shoulders, and their long pendant of frindge Silke hangeth downe behind them: and here the Batman of Pambacke is sold for sixtie two Auctshas. The fourth day from Garom, and

the same day at a Casal, called Lout: and here is great plenty of Ennap; and this day wee passed * 1.184 ouer a very high Mountaine. And in Lout the Women weare a very high attire vpon their heads like an hat, and down before them to their eies, hangeth a broad cloath much like vnto a French-hood. The fifth day from Lout, and the same day we came to a Casal, called Mourt Larsarraie. * 1.185 And this day about fiue of the clocke in the afternoone, was an Earth-quake. Also this day the Armenians began their fast for Saint George. This day we passed ouer a great Riuer, called Ca∣salmach, which runneth into the Blacke Sea, or Pontus Exinus. The sixth day from Mourt-Lar∣sarrai, * 1.186 and the same day at a Casal, called Allagour, which standeth vpon an hill: and heere we found many Theeues neere vnto the Riuers side vnder the ground. The seuenth day from Alla∣gour, and the same day at a Casal, called Ennebea. And this day the Carauan was greatly afraid [ 10] of Theeues. And for these three daies all the way is no wood: but neere vnto the Waters side, is Hay and wilde-geese plentie: and this day we left the great Riuer Casalmach. The eighth day from Ennebea, and the same day at a great Casal, called Sarracust: and heere was a Bride carried * 1.187 about the Towne on horse-backe, and diuers Women like Maskers. The tenth day from Sarra∣cust, and the same day at a little Casal, called Saddar. The eleuenth day from Saddar, and the same * 1.188 day at a Casal, called Erandrerra: and it standeth neere vnto a pleasant Valley; and to the South of this place halfe a day is a Citie, called Angria, where most of the Grograms and Chamblets are made. The twelfth day from Erandrerra, and the same day at a Towne, called Aash, which * 1.189 standeth in a Valley, and hath but one Maddenna: and from this Towne wee descended downe a very great Mountaine. The thirteenth day from Aash, and the same day at a Casal, named A∣hemet [ 20] Shalla, whither we came late in the night. And from Aash commeth a Riuer, which run∣neth to the West. The foureteenth day, from Ahemet Shalla, and the same day at a Village, cal∣led Garacham, which standeth among the Mountaines: and the Crauanseras standeth alone. The * 1.190 15. day from Garacham, and the same day at a Casal, called Gaye. And this day we passed ouer the Mountaine Chambelle: and vpon this Mountaine we met with a Carauan going for Tocat, which carried great store of Backam. The sixteenth day from Gaye, and the same day at a Casal, called Carralla: and this day we lost our way. The seuenteenth day from Carralla, and the same day at * 1.191 at a Casal, cald Sowdegan: and here is a very great Crauanserras; and in this Country the women wash with their feet: and this day we passed by a Riuer that runneth to the East. The eighteenth day from Sowdegan, and the same day at a Casal, called Couscherderrom. And at Couscherderrom [ 30] is a very faire Crouanserras new built: and for the building thereof, a Merchant of Aga•• gaue * 1.192 a Hemmel of Silke. The twentieth day from Couscherderrom, and the same day we passed through a Towne called Bouseiuc: also the same day at a Towne, called Basarich. And this day we were * 1.193 cold and wet with Snow. The one and twentieth day from Basarich, and the same day we pas∣sed downe a very great Mountaine: also the same day we lodged at a Casal, called Korshonnou. * 1.194 The two and twentieth day from Korshonnou, and the same day at a Casal, called Actsau. The three and twentieth day from Actsau, and the same day we came to Borsa. The foure and twen∣tieth * 1.195 day, three Theeues were executed in Borsa, which had robbed seuen or eight yeres between Borsa and Stambol. In Borsa all Strangers pay for custome of their Merchandize three per cento. The Kintall of Borsa is fortie Hockies: and the Kintall of Cremes, is here worth eight thousand [ 40] Anctshas. The sixe and twentieth day, I went to the Hammam, that is a mile without Borsa to the West-ward; and the same day passed through foure woodden gates. And the Spout of this water commeth in from the South. There are in all foure of these Hammams.

The first day of March at night, vntill twelue of the clocke, was to the West of the Towne, a great light like fire. The fifth day of March in the euening, wee departed from Borsa: and this day passed ouer a small Riuer, where is a stone bridge. Also this day wee lodged at a Casal of Christians, called Peage. The sixth day from Peage, and the same day passed by a Gulfe of the * 1.196 Sea, where is a Towne, called Gamlech, and also passed by a Lake of fresh water, which is called Bouchi. Also this day we passed by two Crauanserras: and by the way is great store of Bay-trees growing: Also this day we came to Samallech, which is the Skel. The eight day from Samallech, * 1.197 and the same day we landed at the Tower, where they make light for the Ships that passe in and [ 50] out of the Blacke Sea: and the same night wee came to Skell. The ninth day of March in the morning, we departed from Skell, and the same day came to Galata and Constantinople, by the Turkes corruptly called Stambol. The tenth day, we arriued in Stambol, the Carauan of Nest: And the eleuenth day it was all burned, with one hundred and twentie Cargas more, and eightie thousand crownes in Pepper; besides great store of other Merchandize. And the order is to hang him, that was the first cause of the fire. The fourteenth day, was a passage Boate with sixtie or seuentie persons lost going ouer to Samallech; some Christians, some Iewes, and some Turkes. The Mufti in Constantinople, is counted like the Pope of Rome: and he was the cause that all Christi∣ans and Iewes were forced to leaue off their turbants. Torra is a great Citie in Natolia, three daies from the Sea: from whence come Grograms, Gaules, Silkes, and Cotton Wooll. [ 60]

The fourth day of Aprill, 1582. we tooke our Voyage from Galata neere Constantinople, and * 1.198 the same day lay at a Casall, called Tarrapea: and from Galata hither came one Anthonie a Mer∣chant of Sio, in company with me. And the same day I came from Constantinople, the Grand

Signiors Sonne went out of the Towne with three or foure thousand Horses. Also the Grand Signior had another young Sonne borne of two monethes old. The sixth day of Aprill, 1582. * 1.199 wee departed from the Gulfe neere vnto Tarrapea, being imbarked in a Barke laden with Wines of Candie, which was to goe vp the Riuer of Danubius. The seuenth day in the morning, the wind came vp to the East North-east with very stormie weather: and the same day wee retur∣ned to a Towne called Sissopoli, which is a good Harbour. And heere are many Wind-mils, and great store of Wine. And to the East of the Harbour are three Ilands: and heere they are all Greekes. Also the Turke doth make here many Gallies. And in this foule weather some of our company wept, and others cryed out: & our foresaile split with the great wind; and we were in greater danger; because they could not of a long time get down their main saile. This great tempest [ 10] that we had in the Blacke Sea, began vpon Saturday morning about one of the clocke, being the seuenth day of Aprill, as I said before, and continued vntill Tuesday in the morning beeing the tenth day, with very great Snow and Cold, as if it had bin at Christmas. The twelfth day we set saile from Sissopoli, and the same night came to an anchor vnder a Cape of Land, where is a Casal called Emonna. The thirteenth day from Emonna, and this night we passed by a great Citie called * 1.200 Varna, which lyeth within a very great Gulfe, which is a very good Harbor. The fourteenth day in the morning we passed by a Castle called Caliacca, which standeth vpon the Cape of a Land, and hath to the Eastward two small Pillars, and neere vnto them a great stone much like a man. The fifteenth day in the morning, wee returned to the Castle of Caliacca: and the seuenteenth day toward night, set saile from this Castle. The nineteenth day in the morning, we entred into [ 20] a mouth of the Riuer Danubius, called Licostoma. And at the entring in of the Riuer to the South∣ward is a Beacon: and the depth is on the North-side, but there is neuer aboue eight foot water. And the Countrey on the South-side of the Riuer is called Dobis: and the North-side is called Bugdania. The two and twentieth day about noone, we entred into the Riuer, where commeth * 1.201 the mouth of Saint George; and that mouth runneth to the East South-east. And Licostomo, which we came forth off runneth to the West, and then presently againe to the North. Also this day * 1.202 we arriued at a Casal, called Dolcha, which lyeth on the South-side of the Riuer. And here lye out from the Towne certaine small Rocks into the water: And here our ship and the Merchant paid a ceraine small dutie of two or three Crownes. And here Fish, Hens, and Egges are plenty. The three and twentieth day we departed from Dolcha the same day about noone, we passed by [ 30] the Riuer of Kelle, which is very broad, and runneth to the North-east. Also this day wee passed by a small Iland, which lyeth very neere Saxe. The foure and twentieth day about noone, wee * 1.203 came to a Towne called Saxe, which lyeth vpon the South-side of the Riuer. And ouer against this Towne is an Iland: and here the Riuer is very broad. And here we were to haue paid a Cu∣stome, but paid nothing vntill our comming to Tomourra. The foure and twentieth day in the af∣ternoone from Saxe: and the fiue and twentieth day we arriued at Tomourra. And this Tomour∣ra * 1.204 lyeth vpon the North-side of the Riuer, and is in Bugdania. In Tomourra the children go much after the order of India, with small Rings of Wiar through their eares. And the women goe with great knobs of siluer hanging vpon the vpper part of their eares; and with a great Roll of Li∣nen Cloth about their heads, much like a Turkes Turbant, and vpon that a small cloth: and the [ 40] vpper bodies of their garments are set round about with great knobs of siluer like buttons. And the yong Maids weare their haire pleyted, and thereupon diuers pieces of siluer hanging: and vpon the Crowne of the head a round broad Brooch of siluer set with stones; and their sleeues great and short; and about their armes two great hoopes of siluer, and at their Girdles fiue or six paire of Kniues: and about their neckes they weare nothing. The common sort goe for the most part bare-footed. The fiue and twentieth day, we came to Tomourra, a Bark from Constantinople, which came from thence in eight dayes. The ship that I came in from Constantinople, was twentie seuen foot broad of my feet: and the poope more then thirtie foot high from the water, and could stow in hold but two Buts of heighth one vpon another, except it were in the middle. In this Town of Tomourra are sold twentie Egges for an Asper, and a good Hen for two Aspers, and Beefe, Bacon [ 50] Bread, Wine, Beere, and Mede plentie, and very good fresh fish more then of any thing else. Here are sold for one Asper two Pikes, either of them better then three spans long, & three Carpes ei∣ther of them a span & an halfe long. Also here is great store of Sturgeons & Herings in this Riuer.

The order of their making of Cauiare of their Sturgeons, is this. The Cauiare or Roe must be taken whole out of the Fish; and then slash it a little with a Knife, and so salt it wel, for three * 1.205 dayes and three nights, and put it in a Barrell or Fat, and make an hole vnderneath, that the wa∣ter or Salt that commeth from the Cauiare may void forth: and after these three dayes are past, take it and wash it very well with fresh water, vntill the Salt bee cleane gone from it: and after this put it in Barrels for the space of other three dayes, & one must tread it downe with his clean feet: also you must make an hole vnder the Barrell for the water to void away; and then lay [ 60] some great stones vpon it to presse it, and to make it hard: and after these three dayes bee past, * 1.206 take out the bottome and set in a new; and so it may be carried through out the World. And the names of the three fishes, of the Roes whereof they make it, are these: Sturgeon, and Mourroun∣na, and Merssenne. And the best times of the yeare to make it in, are Iune and Iuly. In this

Towne of Tomourra are certaine Merchants of Sio, that are Lords of the same; and in times past it hath beene a faire Towne: But the Tartars haue two or three times spoyled it, and once they carried away fiftie persons out of it, and the Countries neere adioyning. And about the yeare of our Lord 1530. the Turke subdued this Countrey and a great part of Hungarie, and all, as they say, by the Treason of the Prince of Transiluania.

The first day of May, 1582. wee landed our goods: And Signior Iocamo Alberti paid for * 1.207 fraught of euery Butte of his Wine sixtie Aspers from Constantmople to this place. This day in the Euening, we departed by Land from Tomourra, which is called Ren, in the Language of Wal∣lachia. The fourth day of May, wee passed by a Casal, where the Master of the Casall would haue taken away our fore-mans Horse: and the same day in the afternoone we passed ouer a long Bridge, and presently after a small Riuer called Prut. [ 10]

The sixth day we departed from Falchen. The eighth day in the morning, we came to a lit∣tle Towne calld Hus, which standeth vnder the Woods side. The same day at night wee passed againe ouer the Riuer of Prut; and the next morning came to a Casall, called Padwellia: and here one of our Muckeres Horses were againe taken. The tenth day we came to a Casall called Sutsourre, where we passed againe ouer the Prut. The eleuenth day in the morning, wee came to Yas, and here the Toll-master is a Greeke, and is called Nicolla Neuerredde. To the South of Yas is the Castle with a paire of Gallowes before it, and round about it is a wall of great trees of wood: and to the South-west of the Towne is a great Lake: and vpon the farther side of the Lake is a great Monasterie. The women here goe in Turkish Gownes, and great Turbants, with * 1.208 [ 20] two or three great bosses set with stones on either side of their Turbants, and their Gownes downe before with the like, and in their eares great bosses with a Chaine of small Pearle made fast to both their eares. And the Maides goe with an Attyre vpon their heads like vnto a Mitre, * 1.209 and vpon that their haire bound a crosse: and some of the Children goe sewed through their Eares with pack-thred like the Indian fashion. The custome of a Cloth in Yas is one Ducke of Gold, and of a Kersie a Doller, and of euery Carpet that costeth one hundred Aspers, twe lue Aspers; and of euery Oxe and Cow foure and twentie Aspers, except they belong to the Mer∣chants of Poland, and then they pay but twentie Aspers. And euery Butte of Wine payeth fiue Dollers and tenne Aspers: And euery Butte of Muskadell, payeth in Constantinople sixe Che∣chins, and in Eluona foure. The sixteenth day in the afternoone, wee departed from Yas: And [ 30] the seuenteenth day we lodged at Steffennes. The eighteenth day wee passed ouer the Riuer of * 1.210 Prut, which is three leagues from Chotym, and the same day at a Casall called Leues, which stan∣deth in a Vale and hath a Lake of water standing in the middle of it. The nineteenth day in the morning at Chotym, and to the North of the Towne is the Castle which lyeth neere to the Riuer of Nyester, and this Riuer parteth Bugdania and Polonia. The twentieth day about noone, we departed from Chotym, and the same day beeing Sunday, wee came to the strong Frontier Towne of Poland, called Camienitz, which standeth in a Valley: and the Castle standeth to the * 1.211 West of the Towne.

In this Towne all Merchants Strangers pay custome for their goods two and an halfe per cen∣to. The women in Camienitz goe with their Coates close bodied, and the neather bodies gathe∣red [ 40] like a Frocke: and vpon their heads a fine Cloth like a Call; and vpon that along piece of white Lawne, that hangeth downe to the ground, and vpon that a blacke Veluet Hat. Their Girdles are set with great studs of Siluer and Gold: and they are very faire women, but not very commendable for their Chastitie, for most of them will be drunke. They vse in the morning to drinke much burnt Wine, and afterward Mede. And there are very few houses in the Towne, but they sell Beere and Mede; and the Borrow-masters sell Wine. And if a Gentlewoman goe abroad, all her men goe before her, and the Gentlemen ride before, and their men behind. The * 1.212 womens Garments are very long: and in the Villages by the way, the Maides goe with their haire hanging downe behind them, and a Garland vpon their heads: and they vse to dance much like the Moores. The young Maides of Camienitz weare their haire pleyted, and bound vp a∣bout [ 50] their heads, and with a blacke band of Veluet. The three and twentieth day we tooke our Iourney from Camienitz, &c. [ 60]

CHAP. IIII.

Obseruations of Master IOHN CARTWRIGHT in his Voyage from Aleppo to Hispaan, and backe againe: published by himselfe, and here contracted.

§. I. [ 10]

Of Euphrates, Orpha, Caraemit, the Curdi, Armenians, Bithlis, Van, and Arraret.

HAuing rested in Aleppo two monethes and better, Master Iohn Mildenall and my selfe tooke our leaue of the Consull and Merchants, with a full intent and pur∣pose to trauell vnto the great Citie Labor, in the Great Mogors Countrey in the East Indies: lodging all that night on a thinne Turkish Carpet in Woods-caine, where the * 1.213 Carauan was assembled, to the end that wee might bee with the foremost: for delay in such trauell doth produce great and ineuitable danger. From [ 20] Aleppo wee spent three dayes Iourney vnto the bankes of Euphrates, passing by many Villages not worth the naming, and fertile Plaines, abounding with all sort of prouision necessary for mans life. One of those Villages is a Village of note vnto this day, called by the Countrey people Ted••••h, where the Iewes keepe a Monument in remembrance of the great Synagogue, hol∣den there in the yeare from the Creation 3498. Neere vnto this Towne is the Valley of Salt memorable for that great ouerthrow which Dauid gaue the Aramits, when hee slue of them in one battell eighteene thousand men. Here also Campson Gaur••s the Great Sultan of Egypt fought that deadly and mortall Battell with Selymus the first, the Great Turke; where hee lost his life being trodden, without regard, to death, both by his owne Sculdiers and pursuing Enemies.

Being arriued on the bankes of Euphrates, we found it as broad as the Thames at Lambith; but [ 30] in some places it is narrower, in some broader, running with a very swist streame and current, * 1.214 almost as fast as the Riuer of Trent. At this place doth this Riuer beginne to take his name, be∣ing heere all gathered into one Channell, whereas before it commeth downe from the Lake Chieldor-Giol in Armenia, in manifold armes and branches, and therefore is called by the Coun∣trey people, by a name which signifieth a thousand heads. Here it is that Merchants vse to passe downe by Barke vnto Babylon, thereby to auoid and shunne the great charge and wearisomnesse of trauell through the Desart of Arabia. Which passage they make sometimes in fifteene dayes, sometimes in twentie dayes, and sometimes in thirtie dayes, answerable to the rising and falling * 1.215 of the Riuer: and the best time to passe thither is either in Aprill or October, when the Riuer doth swell with abundance of Raine. The Boates are flat-bottomed, because the Riuer is shal∣low [ 40] in many places; so that when they trauell in the Moneths of Iuly, August, and September, they find the Riuer at so low an ebbe, that they are faine to carry with them a spare Boat or two, to lighten their owne, if they should chance to fall on the shoales. Euery night after Sun-set, they fasten these Boates to a stake, the Merchants lying aboord, and the Mariners vpon the shoare, as neere as they can vnto the same. In this passage downe the Riuer, you shall meet with diuers troupes of Arabians, who will barter their prouision of Dyet (for they care not for mo∣ney) as Hennes, Kids, Lambe, Butter, and sowre Milke, for Glasses, Combes, Corall, Amber, Kniues, Bread and Pomegranates, Pils, wherewith they vse to tanne their Goats skinnes, in which they Churne with all. All of them, as well Women, Children, and Men are very good Swimmers, who oftentimes will swimme to the Barke side with Vessels full of Milke vpon their [ 50] heads. These people are very theeuish, and therefore in your passage downe good watch must bee kept. But to returne where we left, wee were constrained by the deepnesse of the Riuer to ferrie ouer our whole Carauan, which consisted of a thousand persons, besides Camels, Horses, Mules, and Asses, by reason of which multitude we spent a whole day in transporting ouer the said Carauan. The gaines of which transportation yeelded the Ferriman a Shaughee, which is fiue pence English vpon a Beast.

Being ouer the aforesaid Riuer, wee arriued at Bir and entred into the famous Prouince of Mesopotamia; The Turkes doe call it Diarbech. This Prouince of it selfe is most fruitfull, but * 1.216 by the Turkish Wa••res much ruinated and wasted: neuerthelesse, there are some Cities of great importance. About two dayes iourney from Bir, wee came to Orpha, a Citie of great account [ 60] * 1.217 and estimation, which many suppose to haue beene the famous Citie Edessa. As yet there re∣mayned certaine Monuments of Baldwin * 1.218 in Latine letters. The aire of this Citie is very health∣full, the Countrey fruitfull, onely wood excepted, and therefore in stead thereof, they burne the dung of Camels and other beasts, dried in the Sunne. This Citie is built foure-square; the

West part standing on the side of a rockie Mountaine, and the East part trendeth into a spacious Valley, replenished with Vineyards, Orchards, and Gardens: the walls are very strong, fur∣nished with great store of Artillerie, and contayne in circuit three English miles: and for the gallantnesse of the site, it was once reckoned the Metropoliticall seat of Mesopotamia, how∣soeuer it is now translated to Caramida or Caraemit. There is in this Citie a Fountaine full of fishes, so vsed to hand, that they will receiue any substance that shall bee offered vnto them: both Iewes, Armenians, and Turkes reported vnto vs, that this Fountaine was Iacobs Well, and that here hee serued his Vncle Laban twice seuen yeeres, for faire and beautifull Rachel. * 1.219 The gates of this Citie were much battered, a little before our comming by Eliazgee the Scri∣uano, and the Rebels his followers; hee drew the Citizens to a composition of fiftie thousand [ 10] Chekins, and so departed. Memorable also is this Citie, then called Carras, for the great bat∣tell which was fought before it betweene the Romans and the Parthians, when Marcus Crassus was Generall on the one side, and Surena on the other side.

At this Citie hauing paid our Custome, which is a Doller on a summe of goods, our Carauan was licenced to depart: and at our ordinary houre, which was three of the clocke in the after∣noone, we set forward towards the ancient Citie Amida, now called Caramida or Caraemit, * 1.220 fiue dayes iourney from Orpha, trauelling sometimes ouer rough and craggie Mountaines, and sometimes through most delightfull Playnes and Valleys: amongst which there is one of note, enuironed about with a Pale of Mountaines, in such wise that there is but one entrie and pas∣sage: where * 1.221 Aladeules is said to haue had his Paradise. [ 20]

At the end of fiue dayes trauell, wee arriued at Caraemit, which is to say, The blacke Citie, either for the stone wherewith it is built, being like vnto Iet in colour, or for the fertilitie of the soyle round about it, which is of a dusky colour. This Citie is seated vpon a maruellous high Rocke, and containeth in circuit very neere sixe miles; and though it be sufficiently forti∣fied by nature, yet is it enuironed with a double wall: the outmost is somewhat decayed, but the inmost is well repaired, being fenced with great store of Artillerie. It is gouerned by a Bassa, who commandeth ouer twelue Sanzacks, and thirtie thousand Ty••••ariots: and is now become the Metropoliticall Citie of Mesopotamia. There were mustred from this Citie, when A〈…〉〈…〉at the third inuaded Persia, in the yeere 1578. twelue thousand Souldiers, the Captaine being well checked by Generall Mustapha for bringing so few. The Souldiers of this Citie for the most [ 30] part are Archers, not of any courage, but very effeminate, and accustomed to the vse of the Sci∣matarre. During our abode at this place (which was fourteene dayes) we lodged in a very faire * 1.222 Caine built of free-stone; for which lodging we payed to the Master of the Caine fiue Shaughes a piece: all which time nothing fell out worthie obseruation, but the cruell execution of a petie malefactor, who hauing but pilfered away certaine small wares, was mounted on a Ca∣mell, with his armes spread abroad, hauing two sockets-holes bored in his shoulders blades, into which were set two flaring torches, dropping continually on his skin to his greater torment, and in the end, hauing carried him in this pitifull manner through the principall streets of the Citie, they brought him to the place of execution, and there ganched him on a great Iron hooke, suffering him so to hang till he died. Passing through the South-gate of this Citie, wee [ 40] payed to the Porter of the gate a Shaughee vpon a beast, descending from the Citie into a most fertile and fruitfull Plaine, where are many Gardens and Orchards, and places of great refreshment.

Through this Plaine runneth the great Riuer Euphrates, with a very swift current; and it as * 1.223 broad here sometimes of the yeere as the Thames at London Bridge, but now was much dried vp, by reason of the heate in Summer, making thereby many Ilands and demi-Ilands, where the Citizens of Caraemit during the Summer season doe vse to pitch their Tents, to enioy the fresh∣ment of the Aire and Riuer: but in the Winter it swelleth so aboundantly ouer the said Ilands and bankes, that neither man nor beast is able to passe ouer: to auoide which inconuenience, there is, a mile distant from the Citie, a stone-bridge of twentie arches, made ouer the said Ri∣uer. This euening we pitched two miles from the Citie, and stayed all that night of purpose [ 50] for some Merchants that were behind. Here wee exchanged our Camels, and instead of them tooke Mules, a creature farre more fit to trauell ouer craggie Rockes and Mountaines then Ca∣mels: for now we were within a few dayes iourney, to passe ouer the high Mountaines of Ar∣menia, called in Scripture the Mountaines of Ararat: which trauell with Camels is not onely laborious, but very dangerous, if the ground should proue moist or slabby; for then being la∣den with great burdens, they cannot goe onwards, neither are they able to passe with their huge burdens, through the streight passages which are in those Mountaines.

Two dayes iourney from Caraemit, we rested at the foot of a great rockie Mountaine, being * 1.224 one of the Heads out of which Tygris floweth, and runneth downe with a swift current to Bal∣sara, and so dischargeth it selfe in the Persian Gulfe. Strangely doth it issue out of three Rockes [ 60] admirably hanging, that a man as he passeth vnder them, would imagine them to bee readie to fall on his head. And for the strangenesse of the site, the Turkes haue builded three Bridges in * 1.225 the midst of those Rockes, to passe from one vnto another, thereby to behold Natures wisedome

in framing them so wonderfull. Wee went to view the same, but through the huge ouer-falls, which came farre off within those Mountaines, and the steepnesse of the same, together with the hideous noise, and whistling murmuring, wee found not so great contentment aboue, as wee did beneath.

The next day we spent ouer many high Mountaines, on the top whereof grew great quanti∣tie * 1.226 of Gall-trees, which are somewhat like our Oakes, but lesser and more crooked: on the best tree in this place a man shall not gather a pound of Galls: at euening we pitched againe on the bankes of Euphrates; and in the morning passed the said Riuer, but not by Barge as before, which * 1.227 was likely to haue bred no small annoyance to our whole Carauan; for through the swiftnesse of the streame, and deepnesse of the Channell, many Beasts with their ladings had beene carri∣ed [ 10] away and drowned, if there had not beene in time a shallow Foord discouered, which had in such sort raised the depth of the Channell, making as it were a shelfe for our Commodious pas∣sage: by helpe whereof there was not so much as one man or beast that perished.

We were no sooner ouer, but forth-with we were encountred with a certaine troope of peo∣ple, called the Curdies, which some thinke to be a remnant of the ancient Parthians. This rude * 1.228 people are of a goodly stature, and well proportioned, and doe neuer goe abroad without their Armes, as Bowes and Arrowes, Scimatarre and Buckler, yea and at such time, when a man for age is ready to goe downe to his graue. They doe adore and worship the Deuill, to the end hee may not hurt them or their Cattell, and very cruell are they to all sorts of Christians; in which regard, the Countrey which they inhabite, is at this day termed Terra Diaboli, the Land of the [ 20] Diuell. They participate much of the nature of the Arabians, and are as infamous in their La∣trocinies and robberies, as the Arabians themselues. They liue vnder the commandement of the great Turke, but with much freedome and libertie. This theeuish company did sundry times ar∣rest our Carauan, affirming that their Prince had sent for a Dollar on a summe of goods, without the payment whereof (being fiue seuerall times demanded) wee should not passe through their Countrey. One Village of note is there in this Countrey, wholly inhabited by the Curdies, be∣ing * 1.229 fiue daies iourney from Caraemit, and three daies iourney from Bitclish, called by the Countrey people Manuscute. This Towne is seated in a most fertile and fruitfull Valley, be∣tweene two Mountaines, abounding with Pasture and Cattell: and about a mile from it, is an Hospitall dedicated to Saint Iohn the Baptist, which is much visited as well by Turkes as Christi∣ans, [ 30] who superstitiously affirme, that whosoeuer will bestow either a Sheepe, Kid, or some piece * 1.230 of Money to releeue the poore of that place, shall not onely prosper in his iourney, but obtaine forgiuenesse of all his sinnes. To the Gouernour of this Village, wee paied for our custome a Shaughee on a summe of goods, and so were dismissed. The next day following, we passed ouer many craggy and steepe Mountaines, and at the last rested our selues and wearied beasts on the banke of Euphrates, being the out-most bounds on this side of Mesopotamia, and so entred the day * 1.231 following on the Borders of Armenia the great, which is by some distinctly diuided into three parts; the North part whereof being but little, is called Georgia: the middle part Turcomania: and the third part by the proper name of Armenia.

It is now called Turcomania, and was the first seate of the Turkes, after their first comming out [ 40] of Scythia, who left their naturall seates, and by the Caspian Ports passing through the Georgian Countrey, then called Iberia, neere vnto the Caspian Sea; first ceased vpon this part of Arme∣nia, and that with so strong an hand, that it is by their posteritie yet holden at this day, and of them called Turcomania.

At our first entrance into this Countrey, we trauelled through a goodly, large, and spacious * 1.232 Plaine, compassed about with a rew of high Mountaines, where were many Villages, wholly inhabited by Armenians; a people very industrious in all kind of labour: their Women very skilful and actiue in shooting, & managing any sort of weapon, like the fierce Amazones in antick time: and the women at this day, which inhabit the Mountaine Xatach in Persia. Their families are very great; for, both Sons, Nephewes, and Neeces, doe dwell vnder one roofe, hauing all [ 50] their substance in common: and when the Father dyeth, the eldest Sonne doth gouerne the rest, all submitting themselues vnder his Regiment. But when the eldest Sonne dyeth, the gouern∣ment doth not passe to his Sonnes, but to the eldest Brother. And if it chance to fall out, that all the Brethren doe dye, then the gouernment doth belong to the eldest Sonne of the eldest Bro∣ther, and so from one to another. In their dyet and cloathing, they are all fed and clad alike, li∣uing in all peace and tranquilitie, grounded on true loue and honest simplicitie.

To discourse how populous this Nation is at this day, is needlesse, since they inhabit both in Armenia the greater, and Armenia the lesse; as also in Cilicia, Bithynia, Syria, Mesopotamia and * 1.233 Persia. Besides the principall Cities of the Turkish Empire, be much appopulated with them, as Brusia, Angori, Trabisonda, Alexandria, Grand-Caire, Constantinople, Caffa, Aleppo, Orpha, [ 60] Cara-emit, Uan, and Iulpha: for that they are very laborious in transporting Merchandize from one Citie to another, by which meanes, through the customes which are paid in euery Citie, the Coffers of the Grand Signior are wonderfully inriched. This people haue two Patriarchs, to * 1.234 whom they giue the name of Vniuersall: the one keepeth his seate in the Citie of Sis in Cara∣mania,

not farre from Tharsus: the other in the Monastery of Ecmeazin, neere vnto the Citie Eruan in this Countrey. Vnder these two Patriarchs are eighteene Monasteries, full fraight with Friers of their Religion; and foure and twentie Bishopricks. The maintenance allowed in times past vnto each of these two Patriarchs, was a maidin on an house; each Patriarch hauing vnder him twentie thousand housholds: but now that large beneuolence the great Turke ••ath seased into his owne hands; and therefore now they are constrained to liue on the Almes of the people, going continually in Visitation from one Citie to another, carrying their Wiues and whole family with them.

The people of this Nation haue amongst them the Christian * 1.235 Faith, but at this day it is spot∣ted with many absurdities. They hold with the Church of Rome in the vse of the Crosse, affir∣ming [ 10] it to be meritorious, if they make the same with two fingers, as the Papists vse; but idle and vaine if with one finger, as the Iacobites. They adorne their Churches in euery place with the signe of the Crosse, but for other Images they haue none, being professed enemies against the vse of them. In keeping ancient Reliques they are very superstitious, and much deuoted to the * 1.236 blessed Virgin Mary, to whom they direct their prayers. They imitate the Dioscorians in eating Whit-meats on Saturday, which to doe on Wednesday and Friday were a deadly sin: neuerthe∣lesse, they will not refraine from the eating of flesh on euery Friday, betweene the Feast of the Passouer & the Ascention. They abstain fiue Sabboths in the yeare from eating flesh, in a remem∣brance of that time which the Gentiles did sacrifice their Children vnto Idols. They celebrate the Annunciation of the Virgin Marie on the sixt of Aprill, the Natiuitie of our blessed Sauior on the [ 20] sixt of Ianuary, the Purification the fourth of February, and the Transfiguration the 14. of August. The ministration of their Liturgie or Seruice, is performed in their natiue language, that all may vnderstand: but in their Seruice of the Masse for the dead, they are most idolatrous, vsing at the * 1.237 solemnizing thereof, to sacrifice a Lambe, which they first lead round about the Church, and af∣ter they had killed it and rosted it, they spread it on a faire white Linnen cloath, the Priest gi∣uing to each of the Congregation a part and portion thereof. They are (vnlesse some few fami∣lies) so farre from yeelding obedience vnto the Sea of Rome, that they assume all Antiquitie vn∣to themselues, as hauing retained the Christian Faith from the time of the Apostles. Many Ie∣suites and Priests haue beene sent from Rome, to bring this oppressed Nation vnder her gouern∣ment, but they haue little preuailed; for neither will they yeeld obedience, nor be brought by [ 30] any perswasion to forsake their ancient and inueterate errours, to become more erronious with her.

Hauing well refreshed our selues amongst these Villages, wee proceeded in our ordinary tra∣uell, but ere we had passed two miles, certaine troopes of Curdies incountred our Carauan, with a purpose and intent to haue robbed the same, but finding themselues too weak to contend with so great company, they departed vntill the next day following, when againe they met with vs in a very narrow passage betweene two Mountaines, where they made a stay of our whole Cara∣uan, exacting a Shaughee on euery person, which to purchase our peace we willingly paied; and so arriued that euening at Bithlis an ancient Citie, but a Citie of much crueltie and oppression, where little Iustice and right is to be found to releeue distressed passengers. [ 40]

This Citie standeth in a pleasant Valley, by which runneth a little Riuer, falling out of the * 1.238 Mountaines Anti-Tauris, it was once a Towne in the Confines of the Persian Kingdome, borde∣ring vpon Mesopotamia, and had a Castle kept with a Garrison of Persian Souldiers, before such time as Solyman the Magnificent did conquer these Countries, which was in the yeare 1535. * 1.239 In which yeare there was a memorable battell fought betweene the two great Bassaes of Caire and Syria, conducted by Vlemas the Persian Traitor; and Delymenthes a right Nobleman of Per∣sia. The two Bassaes and Vlemas were commanded by Solyman (in his returne from the spoile of Tauris) to follow him with eighteene thousand good Souldiers in the rereward of his Army, to receiue and represse the sudden assaults of the Persians, if need should require. But Delymenthes with fiue thousand Persian Souldiers pursued the Turkes, and ouertooke them in the aforesaid [ 50] Valley; and being furthered in this venterous designement, both by the darknesse of the night, and the abundance of raine which fell at the same instant, as if it had beene wished for, on a sud∣den got within the Turkes Campe: where the Persian Souldiers, as Wolues amongst Sheepe, did such speedy execution amongst the sleepy Turkes, that the two great Bassaes and Vlemas had much adoe to get to horse, and saue themselues by flight. Few of all that great Army escaped the sword of the Persians. There was three great Sanzacks slaine, one taken, and the other fled, eight hundred Ianizaries seeing themselues forsaken of their Captaines, laid downe their Har∣quebusses, and other Weapons, and yeelded themselues vpon Delymenthes his word. In memo∣riall thereof they still keepe that day (which was the thirteenth of October) as one of their so∣lemne Holy-daies. In Bithlis we stayed two daies; and at our departure paied vnto the Gouer∣nor [ 60] of the said Citie, a Dollar on a summe of goods, and so set forwards towards the great Citie Uan, three daies iourney farther. In which trauell we had a very wearisome and painefull iour∣ney, ouer high Mountaines and craggy Rockes, the way being exceeding narrow, that a beast could hardly passe with his burthen, without much heauing and tumultuous shouldering. The

which narrow passages the Turkes told vs, was by the commandement of Amurat the third, * 1.240 the Great Turke, cut through by the maine industrie of labourers, for his Armie to passe, like that incredible worke, which Haniball with Vinegar wrought vpon the Alpes. In this place our trauell was very dangerous, by reason of a brackish Lake or little Sea, called, The Lake Arctamar, which was vnder the Rocke, ouer which wee passed, and wee enforced to ride shoa∣ling * 1.241 on the side of the said Rocke, that had not our Mules beene sure of footing, both they and we had perished, with an insupportable downe-fall in that Sea. Two miles from this shoare in the aforesaid Lake are two Ilands, called, The Ecmenicke Ilands, inhabited onely by Ar∣menians, * 1.242 and some Georgians, which two Ilands doe bring forth and yeeld such store of Cat∣tell, and plentie of Rice, Wheat, and Barley, the Garners and Store-houses for all the Coun∣trey [ 10] round about.

Being arriued at Van, our Carauan rested in the Suburbs of the said Citie, not daring to presume to enter the Citie, by reason that the Bassa was gone to fetch in a rebel, that was risen vp in those parts; in whose absence the Citie, vnder the sub-Bassa, was no better gouerned then it should bee. On the West side of this Citie lieth a pleasant and delightfull Plaine, wherein the Iani∣zaries twice a weeke doe exercise themselues after their manner in the feats of Warre. On the North side runneth the Lake Arctamar, called in antique time the Moore or Marish, Martiana, * 1.243 or Margiana, or Mantiana. Out of this Lake is caught yeerely an innumerable quantitie of Fish like our Herring, which being dried in the Sunne, they disperse and sell them ouer all the Countrey thereabout.

This Citie is double walled with hard quarrie stone, and is the strongest Towne in all these [ 20] * 1.244 parts, being fortified with great store of brasse Ordnance, and a strong Castle mounted on an high Rocke, to command and defend the Citie. It was once vnder the gouernement of the Per∣sian, but Solyman the Magnificent in the yeere 1549. with a puissant Armie did besiege the same, * 1.245 which after ten dayes siege was yeelded vnto him by the Persian Gouernour, vpon condition, that the Persian Souldiers there in Garrison, might with life and libertie depart with their wea∣pons, as Souldiers: which was by Solyman granted, and so the Citie was surrendred vp into his hands from the Persian King, who neuer since could get the same into his possessions. It is gouer∣ned now by a Bassa, who hath vnder him twelue thousand Timariots.

At this Citie we stayed fiue dayes, paying a Doller on a Summe of goods, and passed from thence to a Turkish Village, called Gnusher, the houses standing in two seuerall places, the one [ 30] * 1.246 rew fit for the Winter, and the other for the Summer season. Here wee began the ascent of the high Mountaines of Ararat, and about noone-tide we beheld Bruz; the very crest of the Periardi * 1.247 Mountaines, now called Cheilder Monte, the hills of Periardo. These Mountaines so called, are very famous by the rising of many notable great Riuers, which doe so fructiferate the Countrey thereabouts, that the barbarous people call it Leprus (which is to say, Fruitfull) viz. First, the Riuer Araxis, which running out of a certaine Marish, with many armes doth wonderfully enrich that Champaine and drie Countrey. This Riuer springeth out of the hill Taurus in this * 1.248 part, where Periardo is situate, on the side of the Hill Abo, and so runneth by East euen to the confines of Seruan, and windeth it selfe towards the West, and by North, where it is ioyned [ 40] with the Riuer Cirus, and then passeth to Artaxata, now called Nassiuan, a Citie of the Arme∣nians, right against Reiuan another Citie, and so watereth Armenia, and coursing along the Plaine of Araxis, dischargeth it selfe into the Caspian Sea, on the one side by South leauing Ar∣menia, and on the other side by North leauing the Countrey Seruania: whose chiefe Citie is Eris. The Riuer Cirus likewise springeth out of Taurus, and so descending into the Cham∣paines * 1.249 and Plaines of Georgia, charging it selfe, and being greatly encreased with other Riuers, it is ioyned with Araxis, and so maketh his issue also into the Caspian Sea. This Riuer the In∣habitants of the Countrey at this day call by the name of Ser, in their owne Language, but the Turkes call it Chiur. Out of these Mountaines also springeth the Riuer Canac, which maketh * 1.250 (as it were almost) an Iland, a little on this side the Citie Eris, and afterwards vnite it selfe in the Channell with Araxis, and so runneth into the Caspian Sea. [ 50]

Two other Mountaines are of great note in this place; the one is Anti-Taurus, now called * 1.251 Mons Niger, The blacke Mountaine, which runneth vp into Media; and the other Gordaeus, the tops of which Mountaines are couered continually with white and hoary Snowes. The Mountaine Gordaeus is enuironed with many other petie Mountaines, called the Gordaean Moun∣taines; * 1.252 on the tops whereof (as wee passed) wee found many ruines and huge foundations, of which no reason can be rendred.

The Turkes call the Mountaine Gordiaeus Augri-daugh, the Armenians Messis-Saur: it is so * 1.253 high, that it ouer-tops all the Mountaines thereabout. There issueth out of the foot of this Hill a thousand little Springs, whereof some doe feed the Riuer Tygris, and some other Riuers, and it hath about it three hundred Villages inhabited by Armenians and Georgians; as also an an∣cient [ 60] Monastery dedicated to Saint Gregorie, very large and spacious, able to receiue Shaugh Tamas the great King of Persia, and most of his Armie, who for the austere and strict life that he saw in those Religious men, made him to spare it, and to change his determination, hauing a full

purpose before to haue destroyed it. About this Monasterie groweth great plentie of Graine, the Graine being twice as big as ours, as also Roses and Rheubarb, which because they haue not * 1.254 the skill to drie it, that Simple is of no esteeme or value. On the top of this Mountaine did the Arke of Noah rest, as both Iewes, Turkes and Armenians affirmed. Some Friers of Saint Gre∣gories Monasterie told vs, that euen at this day some part of the Arke is yet to be seene on the top of this Mountaine, if any could ascend thither; but the way (as they say) is kept by An∣gels, * 1.255 so that whosoeuer shall presume to goe vp (as once a Brother of that Monasterie did) shall be brought downe in the night season, from the place which hee had gayned by his trauaile in the day time before.

§. II. [ 10]

Of Araxis, Chiulfal, Sumachia, Derbent, Sechieres, Aras, Tauris, Soltania, Casbin, Argouil, and Gilan.

FRom the foot of this Mountaine, we spent a dayes iourney further towards Chiulfall, which day wee trauelled through very many narrow Lanes in those Mountaines, and very deepe Valleys, wherein the Riuer Araxis with most outragious turnings and windings, and his many rushing down-falls amongst the Rockes, doth euen be∣deare * 1.256 a mans eares, and with his most violent roaming in and out, doth drowne and ouerwhelm, [ 20] whosoeuer by miserable chance falleth downe head-long from the top of those narrow passages, which are vpon the Mountaines. And vpon the crests of the said Mountaines, on the side of the said narrow passages, there grow most hideous Woods and antique Forrests, full of Beeches: Trees like Poplers carrying Mast fit for Hogs, and Pine-trees; where the horrour of darknesse, and silence which is oftentimes interrupted, onely by the whistling winds, or by the crie of some wild beasts, doe make the poore passengers most terribly afraid.

At length our Carauan ferried ouer the foresaid Riuer, and so we arriued at Chiulfal, a Towne * 1.257 situated on the frontiers betweene the Armenians and the Atropatians, and yet within Armenia, inhabited by Christians, partly Armenians, partly Georgians: a People rather giuen to the traf∣ficke of Silkes, and other sorts of wares, whereby it waxeth rich and full of money, then in∣structed [ 30] in weapons and matters of warre. This Towne consisteth of two thousand houses, and ten thousand soules, being built at the foot of a great rockie Mountayne in so barren a soyle, that they are constrained to fetch most of their prouision, onely Wine excepted, from the Citie Nassiuan, halfe a dayes iourney off, which some thinke to be Artaxata, in the confines of Media, and Armenia. The building of Chiulful are very faire, all of hard quarrie stone: and the Inha∣bitants * 1.258 very courteous and affable, great drinkers of Wine, but no brawlers in that drunken hu∣mour, and when they are most in drinke, they powre out their prayers, especially to the Virgin Mary, as the absolute commander of her Sonne Iesus Christ, and to other Saints as Intercessors. It is subiect and tributarie to the Scepter of Persia, and contrariwise, both by nature and affecti∣on [ 40] great enemies to the Turke. This Towne was much indangered in the warres betwixt A∣murat the great Turke, and Mahomet Codibanda the Persian King, ready to bee swallowed vp of both. One while the Bassa of Reiuan, on the great Turkes behalfe, made an inrode vpon them with a thousand and fiue hundred Harquebusiers, whom they were faine to pacifie with a very bountifull present, excusing themselues, that if they had beene backward in bringing vnto him their voluntarie tributes, it was done for feare, lest they should haue fallen into the displeasure of Mahomet Codibanda their King: who no doubt, if he should haue vnderstood any such matter, would haue beene ready to destroy their Countrey, and depriue them of their libertie and liues. The Bassa was no sooner departed with this answer and their present, but forthwith Aliculi-Cham was sent by the Persian King with three thousand Souldiers, and with this direction, that if the Countrie were subdued by the Turkes, he should fight against it: and if it had voluntarily [ 50] yeelded it selfe vnto them, he should not onely recouer it, but also burne it, and bring away all the chiefe men of the Countrey for prisoners and slaues. To auoide which danger, these poore Chiulfalini were glad to present the Persian Prince with great and more liberall gifts, then they did their enemie Bassa. Thus these miserable people, in the midst of Armes and Squadrons of the enemie, were constrained, what with presents, and what with lies, notably to preserue their liberties, and their liues in safetie.

Within a dayes iourney and a halfe of this Towne, is the Chalderan Plaines; memorable for * 1.259 the battell fought there, on the seuenth day of August, in the yeere 1514. betweene the two great Emperours Ismael King of Persia, and Selymus the first, Emperour of the Turkes. In which battell, Selymus lost aboue thirtie thousand men. At Chiulfal we stayed eight dayes, and passed [ 60] againe the Riuer Araxis, leauing the noble Kingdome of Armenia, called now Turcomania, because of the Turcomanes a people that came out of Scythia (as before wee noted) who liue as Sheepheards in their Tents, but the natiue people giue themselues to husbandry, and other ma∣nuall

sciences, as working of Carpets and fine Chamlets, we were no sooner ouer, but wee en∣tred into Media; which by some is diuided into Media Atropatia, and Media the Great.

The whole Countrey is very fruitfull, and watred with the Riuer Araxis, and Cyrus, and o∣ther * 1.260 Riuers that are famous, euen in antique Writers. Diuers Cities are there in this Kingdome, but my purpose is to speake onely of those which we saw in these parts, viz. Sumachia, Der∣bent, Sechi, Eres, and Aras. Sumachia is the Metropoliticall City of Siruan; and lyeth be∣tweene Derbent and Eres; where the Kings of Siruan vsed to keepe their great and sumptuous * 1.261 Courts, chiefly inhabited by Armenians and Georgians. In this City our English Merchants did trafficke much, and had an house giuen them by Obdowlocan, in the yeere 1566. (as reuerend Master Hackluit doth relate) who then raigned there vnder the Persian King. In this Citie wee [ 10] saw the ruines of a most cruell and barbarous spectacle, that is to say, a Turret erected with free * 1.262 stone and Flints, in the midst of which Flints, were placed the heads of all the Nobilitie and Gentrie of that Countrey: which fell out on this occasion. This Countrey of Siruan, in time past was of great renowne, hauing many Cities, Townes, and Castles in it; the Kings thereof being of great power, able to wage warre with the Kings of Persia, but through their diuersitie in Religion, the Persian made a conquest of them, razing downe to the ground their Cities, Townes, and Castles, that they should not rebell, and also putting to death their Nobilitie and Gentrie, and for the greater terrour of the people, placed their heads in the foresaid Turret.

About a mile distant from this Towne, is the ruines of an old Castle, once esteemed to be one of the strongest Castles in the world, and was besieged by Alexander the Great, a long time [ 20] before hee could winne it. And a little further off, was a Nunnery most sumptuously builded, wherein was buried (as they told vs) the body of Ameleke Canna, the Kings Daughter, who slew her selfe with a Knife, for that her Father would haue forced her (shee professing chastitie) to haue married with a Prince of Tartary: vpon which occasion the Virgins of this Countrey doe resort thither once a yeere to lament her death. This Citie is distant from the Caspian Sea, with Camels seuen dayes iourney, and from Derbent sixe dayes iourney; it was in the yeere 1578. yeelded vp vnto Mustaffa, the Generall of the Turkish Armie, without resistance, who presently did surprize the Citie, intreating all the Inhabitants in friendly manner, without do∣ing or suffering any outrage to bee done vpon them; but for this their Infidelitie in voluntarie yeelding themselues to follow the Religion of the Turkes, when as they were not induced there∣vnto * 1.263 by any necessitie; Emirhamz•• eldest Sonne to Mahomet Codibanda King of Persia, com∣ming [ 30] with his Armie into Seruan, did with great crueltie punish the miserable and infortunate Commons of this Citie, making their houses euen with the ground, destroying both the old and new walls thereof, and bringing the whole land to nought, that sometimes was so desired, a receit of the Turkes.

Sixe dayes iourney from this Citie, lyeth Derbent; This Citie hath sundrie names giuen vn∣to it by Writers: Sometimes it is called Derbent, because it is in figure narrow and long: and sometimes Demir-Capi, because there were the Iron Gates, that were sometimes the entrance into Scythia: and sometimes Alessandria; because it was first erected by Alexander the Great, when he warred against the Medes and Persians; at which time also he made a Wall of a won∣derfull [ 40] height and thicknesse, which extended it selfe from this Citie, to a Citie in Armenia, called Teflis, belonging to the Georgians. And though it bee now razed and decayed, yet the foundation remaineth: and it was made to this purpose, that the Inhabitants of that Countrey, newly conquered by Alexander, should not lightly flie, nor their enemies easily inuade them. This Citie is seated vpon an high Hill, and builded all of Free-stone much after our buildings, being very high and thicke: neuerthelesse, it neuer grew great nor famous, and euen in these dayes, there is no reckoning made of it: and the reason is, because of the situation, seruing for passage onely out of Tartaria into Persia, and out of Persia into Tartaria, receiuing those that trauell too and fro, not as Merchants and men of Commerce, but as passengers and trauellers; and to speake in a word, it is seated in a very necessary place, as the case standeth, by reason that [ 50] it is Ports of the Caspian Sea, but not profitable vnto it selfe: much like as it is in the passages of the Alpes, where though the French-men, Switzers, Dutch-men, and Italians, continually doe passe by them; yet was there neuer found a meane Citie, much lesse any Citie of state and importance.

About foure dayes iourney from Sumachia, is Sechi, which also at the same time as Sumachia offered themselues to Mustapha, as vassals and subiects to the Turkes, who all were gladly enter∣tained * 1.264 of him, and some of the chiefe of them apparelled in silke and gold, and honored with great magnificence, and in the end had all protection promised vnto them. Here also standeth * 1.265 the Citie Eres, most fruitfully watered with the Riuer Araxis and Cyrus, and hath yeelded in times past great store of those fine white Silkes, commonly termed by the Merchants Mamo∣daean [ 60] Silkes, whereof at this day, there is not to be found, no, not a very small quantitie, by rea∣son of the monstrous ruines and ouerthrowes, that hath happened in these Countries, partly by the Armies of the great Turke, and partly by the Armie of the Persians, which still had succee∣ded one another in their cruell incursions, and bloudie inuasions. For after the people of Sechi

and Eres had yeelded themselues voluntarily without any resistance vnto Mustapha great Amu∣rats Generall; Emirhamze the Persian Prince, came vpon them with his Armie, as vpon rebels, to inflict deserued punishment. In effecting of which his purpose, hee spared neither sexe, nor age, nor any condition, but though the persons were vnequall, yet was the punishment equall to all, carrying away with him the two hundred peeces of Artillerie, that were left in the Fort by Mustapha, and presently sent them to Casbin to his father.

There is also in this Kingdome another Citie, that bordereth vpon the Georgians, called A∣rasse, * 1.266 being the most chiefe and opulent Citie in the trade of Merchandise, partly by the aboun∣dant growth of Silke there nourished, partly by other good and necessary commodities, there growing and thither brought, as rough and smooth Galles, Cotten wooll, Allome; besides all kinds of Spices, and Drugs, and Diamonds, and Rubies, and oher Stones brought out of the East [ 10] Indies. But the principall commoditie is raw Silke of all sorts; so that from hence hath beene and is carried yeerely fiue hundred, and sometimes a thousand mules lading of Silke to Aleppo in Syria. From this towne we spent six daies trauell to Tauris, passing ouer the Riuer Araxis, leauing Media Atropatia, and entring into Media the great. The chiefe of this Country is Tauris, memo∣rable for the resiance once of the Prophet Daniel, who neere vnto the same, builded a most magni∣ficent * 1.267 Castle, which many yeeres remained a maruellous Monument; the beautie whereof was so liuely and perfect, that continuance of time did little deface it, being very fresh and flourishing in the time of Iosephus. In this Castle were all the Kings of Media, Persia, and Parthia for many yeeres together intombed. But now time hath worne it out, it faring with buildings as with [ 20] mens bodies; they wax old, and are infeebled by yeeres, and loose their beautie: neuerthelesse, Ecbatana now called Tauris remaines in great glory vnto this day. It is seated at the foot of the Hill Orontes, eight dayes iourney or there abouts from the Caspian Sea, and is subiect to Windes, * 1.268 and full of Snow; yet of a very wholesome ayre, abounding with all things necessary for the sustentation of man: wonderfull rich, as well by the perpetuall concourse of Merchandises, that are brought thither from the Countries of the East, to bee conueyed into Syria, and into the Countries of Europe; as also of those that come thither out of the Westerne parts, to be distri∣buted ouer all the East. It is very populous, so that it feedeth almost two hundred thousand persons: but now open to the fury of euery Armie without strength of wals, and without Bul∣warkes, sauing a Castle built of late by the Turkes. The buildings are of burnt Clay, and rather low then high. On the South side of this Citie, is a most beautifull and flourishing Garden, large [ 30] and spacious, replenished with sundry kinds of Trees, and sweete smelling Plants, and a thou∣sand Fountaines and Brookes, deriued from a pretie Riuer, which with his pleasant streame di∣uides the Garden from the Citie: and is of so great beautie, that for the delicacy thereof, it is by the Countrey Inhabitants, called Sechis-Genet, that is to say, The eight Paradises: and was in times past, the standing house of the Persian Kings, whilest they kept their residence in this Ci∣tie, and after they with-drew their seate from thence, by reason of the Turkish warres to Casbin, became the habitation and place of aboad for the Persian Gouernors. Sundry mutations euen of * 1.269 late yeares hath this Citie indured both by the great Turke and the Persian. For in the yeare 1514. it was yeelded to Selymus the Turkish Tyrant, who contrary to his promise, exacted a [ 40] great masse of Money from the Citizens, and carried away with him three thousand families, the best Artificers in that Citie, especially such as were skilfull in making of Armour and weapons, onely to inrich and appopulate the great Citie Constantinople. Afterwards, in the yeare 1535. it * 1.270 was againe spoyled by Solyman the Turkish Emperour, who gaue the whole Citie for a prey vnto his Souldiers, who left neither house nor corner thereof vnransacked, abusing the miserable Citi∣zens with all manner of insolency: euery common Souldier without controlement, fitting him∣selfe with whatsoeuer best pleased his greedy desire or filthy lust: besides, the most stately and royall Palace of King Tamas, together with the most sumptuous and rich houses of the Nobilitie, were by the great Turkes commandement all rased downe to the ground, and the greatest part of the best Citizens, and beautifull personages of all sorts & condition swere carried away captiues. [ 50] And in the yeare 1585. it was miserably spoyled by Osman Vizier, vnto Amurat the third, * 1.271 who commanded his Souldiers to doe the worst that possibly they could or might doe to it. Abas now King of Persia, reposing no lesse confidence in his owne good fortune, then the valour of his Souldiers marched in the yeare 1603. with his Army directly to the Citie of Tauris, and that with such expedition, that he was come before it, before any such thing was feared, much lesse prouided for. In which siege he for battery vsed the helpe of the Canon, an engine of long time by the Persian scorned, as not beseeming valiant men, vntill that by their owne harmes taught; they are content to vse it, being with the same, as also with skilfull Canoniers, furnished by the Portugals from Ormuz. So that after sixe weekes siege, this Citie was surrendred into the Persi∣ans hands, to the great reioycing of all Persia, together with the whole Country of Seruan, ex∣cept [ 60] a Fort or two which still stands out.

At this Citie we paid a Doller on a summe of goods, and fiue Shaughes to the keeper of the Caine wherein we lodged, and set forward to the wealthy Citie of Casbin, distant from Tauris ten daies iourney; passing the three first daies ouer many rough and craggy Mountaines, full of a

thousand difficulties, which were the more increased by wonderfull great snowes that were fal∣len, by meanes whereof many Passengers, Horses and Mules (if our guide had not beene good) had perished in one common destruction. Euery night we had great flashes of lightning, and huge Thunder-claps, with great store of raine and snowes, which did much annoy our whole Carauan. We had no sooner left those hard passages, but we were forth with encountred by a gallant troop of Persian horse-men, who lay vp and downe the Borders by the Kings Commandement, to murther all Turkish Merchants that should passe that way: vpon reuenge of the death of a Per∣sian Merchant, who being richly arriued at Van, (a little before our comming) was iniuriously depriued both of his goods and life. Hereupon the Gouernour of this troope, demanded of our Carauan-Bassa (who was a Chiulphalin) to deliuer vp into his hands, all the Turkie Merchants [ 10] that were in our company; to which request he durst not condescend affirming, that there was none but Iewes and Christians vnder his conduct; and withall bestowed on him a bountifull pre∣sent, of two hundred and fiftie Dollers, which was leuied amongst vs.

By this time we came to the full Borders, and out-most bounds then of the great Turkes Do∣minion, * 1.272 so farre as the Othoman Empire on this side doth extend; and so entred into the Terri∣tories of the Persian King: both which are diuided by the high Mountaine Duzim, and by a pre∣tie Riuer that runneth at the foote thereof. This night we rested at a Persian Village, called Dar∣nah, much ruinated, but seated in a very delightfull place, both for Springs of Water, and plen∣tie of all things. For heere we bought foure Hens for fiue pence, a Kid for ten pence, and thirtie Egges for two pence. From Darnah we spent three daies further to Soltania, a very ancient Ci∣tie, * 1.273 [ 20] trauelling by many Persian Villages, and finding euery man at his labour, and neighbour with neighbour going from one Towne to another, which bred much contentment, and made vs won∣der at the great peace and tranquilitie, which the Commons of Persia liue in aboue the Com∣mons of Turkie. The ruines of many faire Christian Churches we beheld, but not without pitie, built all with great Arches and high Towers, elaborate with Gold, and other rich paintings to to the beautifying of the same.

At Soltania wee safely arriued. This desolate Towne is on euery side enuironed with huge Mountaines, whose tops are to be seene a farre off, alwaies couered with deepe Snowes, called * 1.274 in ancient time Nyphates, Caspius, Coathras and Zagras, taking their beginning no doubt of Caucasus, the Father of Mountaines; which ioyning one to another, some one way, some ano∣ther, [ 30] doe diuide most large and wide Countries. Before this Towne lyeth a very great and spa∣cious plaine, memorable for that dreadfull and horrible Tempest, which fell on Solyman the * 1.275 Turkish Emperour, and his whole Armie, in the yeare 1534. For whilest hee lay incamped in these plaine fields with his Army, there fell downe such an horrible and cruell Tempest from the Mountaines, as the like whereof the Persians had neuer seene before at that time of the yeare, being in the beginning of September; and that with abundance of Raine, which froze so eagerly as it fell, that it seemed the depth of Winter, had euen then of a sodaine beene come in: for such was the rage of the blustering Winds, striuing with themselues, as if it had beene for victorie, that they swept the Snow from the top of those high Mountaines, and cast it downe into the plaines in such abundance, that the Turkes lay as men buried aliue in the deepe [ 40] Snow, most part of their Tents being ouerthrowne, and beaten downe to the ground, with the violence of the Tempest and weight of the Snow, wherein a wonderfull number of sicke Soul∣diers and others of the baser sort which followed the Campe perished, and many other were so benummed, some their hands, some their feete, that they lost the vse of them for euer: most part of their beasts which they vsed for carriage, but specially their Camels were frozen to death. Neither was there any remedy to be found for so great mischiefes, by reason of the hel∣lish darknesse of that tempestuous night, most of their fires being put out, by the extreamitie of the storme: which did not a little terrifie the superstitious Turkes, as a thing accounted of them ominous.

From Soltania we spent foure daies trauell to Casbin, passing by many Villages, where we paid [ 50] * 1.276 a Shaughee a piece to the Beg or Gouernor of the Village, not as a custome, but as a free gratui∣tie, and so entred into the Territories of Casbin, a Citie very wealthy, by reason of the Kings Palace, and the great concourse of Merchants which resort thither. It was in ancient time, cal∣led Arsacia, as in Strabo; but now tearmed Casbin, which in the Persian language, signifieth chastisement, or a place of punishment, because the Kings were wont to banish or confine such persons, as for their offences and misdemeanours, had deserued such chastisement. This Citie is seated in a goodly fertile plaine of three or foure daies iourney in length, furnished with two thousand Villages, to serue the necessary vses thereof: but euill builded, and for the most part all of Brickes, not hardned with fire, but onely dried in the Sunne; as are most parts of the buil∣dings of all Persia. It is now one of the seats of the Persian Kings Empire, which was transla∣ted [ 60] by King Tamas, (this Kings Grand-father) from Tauris, who built one goodly Seraglio for himselfe, and another for his Women, and hath beene euer since continued by his Successors, though the King that now raigneth, make most of his abode in Hispaan, fourteen daies iourny far∣ther towards the East. There are three places in the Citie most of note: viz. the Kings Palace, the

Bassars, and the At-Maidan. The gate of the Kings Palace, is built with stone of diuers colours, and very curiously enamuled with Gold: on the seeling within, is carued the warres of the Per∣sian Kings, and the sundry battels fought by them against the Turks and Tartars; the pauements of the roomes beneath, and Chambers aboue are spread with most fine Carpets, wouen and tes∣sued with Silke and Gold, all Ensignes and Monuments of the Persian greatnesse. There is like∣wise * 1.277 in this Citie sundry Bassars, where in some you may buy Shasses and Tulipants, and Indian cloath, of wonderfull finenesse: in others Silkes of all sorts, as Veluets, Damaskes, Cloath of Gold and Siluer: in others infinite Furres, as Sables and Martine out of Muscouia, and Agiam Furres brought from Corassan. In a word, euery street hath a seuerall Science or Trade, wherein is sold whatsoeuer is fit and necessary for the vse of man. [ 10]

The At-Maidan, is the high speech or chiefe Market place in this Citie; and is foure-square, containing in circuit very neere a mile; and serues as a Bursse for all sorts of Merchants to meete on, and also for all others to, sell whatsoeuer Commodities they possesse, so that in one place is selling of Horses, Mules and Camels; in another place Carpets, Garments, and Felts of all sorts; and in another, all kind of Fruits, as Muske-mellons, Anguries, Pomegranats, Pistaches, Adams Apples, Dates, Grapes, and Raisins dryed in the Sunne. In this place do sit daily twelue Sheriffes, that is, men to buy and sell Pearle, Diamonds, and other pretious stones, and to ex∣change Gold and Siluer, to turne Spanish Dollers to great aduantage into Persian Coyne; and to change the great pieces of the Persian Coyne, as Abbasses, Larines, and such like into certaine Brasse Monies for the poore. They will also lend vpon any pawne, and that with as great inte∣rest [ 20] as our diuellish Brokers and Scriueners take in London. Finally, the strength of this Citie consisteth not in walls and bulwarkes, but in the Souldiers that are continually, maintained in and about this Citie; for out of Casbin, and in the Villages belonging vnto the same, are main∣tained twenty thousand Souldiers on horsebacke, howsoeuer in this Kings Fathers time were li∣uied but twelue thousand.

Two places neere to this Citie, are very remarkable; the one is the Citie Ardouil; the other Giland. Ardouil is a Citie foure daies iourney from Casbin, and two from Soltania. A Citie of * 1.278 great importance, where Alexander the great did keepe his Court, when he inuaded Persia. It is a towne much esteemed and regarded, by reason of the Sepulchers of the Kings of Persia, which for the most part lye there intombed: and so is growne a place of their superstitious deuotion; [ 30] as also because it was the first place which receiued the Persian Sect, wherein Giuni the first Au∣thor thereof did reside and raigne.

The other place neere to Casbin, remarkable in the Country of Gilan, in the Prouince of Hir∣cania. The North part of this Kingdome is full of thicke Woods and shadowy Groues, wherein grow diuers sorts of Trees, but specially Cedars, Beeches and Oakes, a fit harbour and shelter for Tygres, Panthers, and Pardies, which wilde beasts make the passage in those places very dange∣rous: but neere to the Sea side it is full of pasture, and very delightfull, by reason of the mani∣fold sweete Springs which issue out of the Mountaine neere adioyning. Many principall Cities are there in this Countrey, as Bestan, Massandran, Pangiazer, Bachu and Gheilan, Cities of such state and condition, as deserue to haue a Gouernour of the same dignitie, that the Bassa is with [ 40] the Turkes. Concerning Bachu, it is a very ancient Hauen-towne, very commodious for Ships * 1.279 to harbour in, as also profitable to vent Commodities, by reason that Ardouill, Tauris, Eres, Su∣machia, and Derbent, lye not many daies from thence. Neere vnto this Towne, is a very strange and wonderfull Fountaine vnder ground, out of which there springeth and issueth a maruellous quantitie of blacke Oyle, which serueth all the parts of Persia to burne in their houses; and they vsually carrie it all ouer the Countrey, vpon Kine and Asses, whereof you shall oftentimes meete three or foure hundred in company. Gheilan and the rest stand likewise altogether in Trafficke: * 1.280 Gheilan being but foure easie daies trauell from Casbin, and very neere vnto the Caspian Sea.

From Casbin we set forwards to the great and populous Citie of Hispaan, lodging euery night either in a Persian Village, or in a faire Caine built of stone, where we found all kind of prouisi∣on [ 50] necessary for our selues and beasts, trauelling sixe or seuen in a company: company sufficient, by reason of the great peace and tranquilitie, which the Persians liue in aboue the Turkes; and so hauing spent sixe daies, we arriued at Com, a very ancient Citie. This Citie is called by Ptolomie, * 1.281 Guriana, and was so great in times past, that the Inhabitants affirmed vnto vs, that when it was in his flourishing estate, it was twice as big as Constantinople; but it was much ruinated by Tamer∣lane, and euer since hath lien in the dust without repaire, Cassan carrying away the Trade of Merchandize from her, which was once the Mistresseand Lady thereof. It is well seated for water, and all other necessaries, hauing a spacious Riuer running by it, with a stone bridge ouer the same: the which we no sooner passed, but we entred into the bounds of Parthia; a Kingdome once famous, but now so mingled with Persia, that the very name of Parthia, is quite extingui∣shed [ 60] among them.

§. III.

Of Cassan and Hispaan. Of the Persian King and Gouernment. Of Sir ANTHONY SHERLEY.

AFter two daies trauell from Com, wee arriued at Cassan, a principall Citie in Parthia, very famous and rich, howsoeuer Ortelius and others make no mention of it. This * 1.282 Citie is seated in a goodly Plaine, and because it hath no Mountaines neere it, but within a daies iourney, the heate is very fastidious, as great almost as it is in Ormuz: [ 10] the Spring and Haruest is sooner in this Climate, then in any other parts of the Persian Domi∣nions. It wanteth neither Fountaines, Springs, nor Gardens, but aboundeth with all necessaries whatsoeuer: consisting altogether in Merchandize, and the best Trade of all the Land is there, being greatly frequented with all sorts of Merchants, especially out of India. The people are ve∣ry industrious and curious in all sciences, but especially in weauing Girdles and Shashes, in ma∣king Veluets, Sattins, Damaskes, very good Ormuzenes, and Persian Carpets of a wonderfull finenesse; in a word, it is the very Magazeen and Ware-house of all the Persian Cities for these stuffes. Here may you buy all manner of Drugs and Spices, and Turkasses, with store of Pearle, Diamonds, and Rubies; as also all sorts of Silkes, as well wrought as raw. I am perswaded, that in one yeare there is more Silke brought into Cassan, then is of Broad-cloath brought into the [ 20] Citie of London. This Citie is much to be commended for the ciuill and good gouernment, which * 1.283 is there vsed. An idle person is not permitted to liue among them: the childe that is but sixe yeare old is set to labour: no ill rule, disorder, or riot, is there suffered. For they haue a Law a∣mong them, (resembling the Aegyptian Law which Diodorus mentioneth) whereby euery per∣son is compelled to giue his name to the Magistrates, therewith declaring what kind of life hee liketh, how he liueth, and what art hee exerciseth. And if any doe tell vntruly, is either well beaten on the feete, or imployed in publike slauery. The greatest annoyance that this Citie is * 1.284 infested withall, is the aboundance and multitude of blacke Scorpions, of an exceeding great∣nesse, which many times doe much harm, if a speciall care be not had of them. At this citie Master Iohn Mildenall and my selfe parted company; he trauelling to Lahor in the East Indies; and my [ 30] selfe setting forwards to the great Citie of Hispaan, three daies trauell distant from Cassan.

This Citie in times past, was called Ecatompolis, the Citie of a hundred gates: and well it may keepe that name still, since the huge wals of the same containe in circuit an easie daies iour∣ney on horsebacke, and is become the greatest Citie in all the Persian Dominions: which is so much the more magnified and made populous, by reason of the Kings resiance therein. Very strong is this Citie by situation, compassed about with a very great wall, and watered with deep Channels of running Springs, conueighed into it, from a part of the Coronian Mountaines, which * 1.285 are as a wall inaccessible about it. On the North side is erected a strong Fort or Castle, being compassed about with a wall of a thousand and seuen hundred yards, and in the midst thereof is built a Tower, or rather a strong keepe, sundry Chambers and lodgings therein, but stored with [ 40] little Ordnance. On the West side of this Citie standeth two Seraglios, the one for the King, the * 1.286 other for his Women; Palaces of great state and magnificence, far exceeding all other proud buil∣dings of this Citie: the wals glister with red Marble, and pargeting of diuers colours, yea all the Palace is paued with Checker and Tesseled worke, and on the same is spread Carpets wrought with Silke and Gold: the windowes of Alabaster, white Marble, and much other spotted Mar∣ble; the Poasts and Wickets of massie Iuory, chekered with glistering blacke Ebony, so curi∣ously wrought in winding knots, as may easier stay, then satisfie the eyes of the wondring be∣holder. Neere vnto this Palace, is a Garden very spacious and large, all flourishing and beauti∣full, * 1.287 replenished with a thousand sundry kinds of grafts, trees, and sweet smelling Plants, among which the Lilly, the Hyacinth, the Gilly-flower, the Rose, the Violet, the Flower-gentle, and [ 50] a thousand other odoriferous flowers, doe yeeld a most pleasant and delightfull sight to all be∣holders. There are a thousand Fountaines, and a thousand Brookes; among them all, as the father of them all, a pretie Riuer, which with his milde course and delightsome noyse, doth diuide the Garden from the Kings Palace; neither is this Garden so straitly lookt vnto, but that both the Kings Souldiers and Citizens, may and doe at their pleasures oftentimes on horse-backe, repaire thither to recreate themselues in the shadowes and walkes of those greenes.

And as a Guard for the gate of this sumptuous Palace, the King keepeth certine orders of * 1.288 Souldiers: whereof the most Noble and the greatest in number, are called Church••, which are as it were, the Kings Pensioners, being eight thousand in number, all of them diuided vnder seuerall Captaines: which Captaines do yeeld obedience to the generall Captaine, called Churchi-Bassa, [ 60] a man alwaies of great authoritie. Next vnto this order is another, called Esahul, to the number of a thousand, distinguished also vnder particular Captaines, and the chiefe Captaine is called Esahul-Bassa. All these are maintained by certaine Townes and Villages, which are Feudataries to the Crowne of Persia; and they receiue at certaine times of the King, armor, horses, apparell,

and Tents, euery one as hee is in place and degree: with this strong Garrison is the King daily attended vpon, and maintayneth the Maiestie of his Court, especially when hee rideth in progresse.

And for the gouernment of this Citie, there is besides the King and the Prince twelue Sul∣tanes, * 1.289 but three especially are appointed by the King, for the generall gouernment of the whole Empire, hauing their seuerall distinct charges. One hath the care of all Martiall Affaires throughout the Kingdome: and the other two receiue all the Reuenues, keeping a iust account thereof, which two we may call Treasurers. Next vnto these are the Mordari, two great Chan∣cellours, whose Offie is to write all Orders, Commandements, and Letters concerning the go∣uernment of the Kingdome: one of them keepeth the Seale, and the other the Pen. Besides, [ 10] these there are two Caddi, that is, two Iudges, who make Answere and giue Sentence onely in matters of Controuersie and ciuill Quarrels; but as touching criminall Causes, they haue no fur∣ther authoritie, then to frame Examinations of Witnesses, and to make declaration thereof, which they call the Sygill, and this Sygill they deliuer vp into the hands of the Sultan, that is ey∣ther Gouernour of the Citie, or else of the Empire, and he causeth execution to bee done accor∣ding to custome. And looke as Hispaan is gouerned, so other Cities haue the selfe-same Magi∣strates, all being at the Kings disposition and appointment.

Concerning the Church gouernment, there is in this Citie, first the chiefe of the Law whom * 1.290 they call the Mustaedini, a wicked and prophane Priest: and in the other subiect Cities are cer∣taine peculiar heads, obedient to this chiefe Priest, who are not chosen and displaced at his plea∣sure, [ 20] as the Popish Bishops are by the Pope, but by the King himselfe, who is not onely a King, but a Priest, as Mahomet and Aly were. But to auoid trouble, the King granteth that fauour, and putteth ouer that burden from himselfe vnto others, to whose iudgement, he also referreth him∣selfe, whensoeuer any consultation is touching their Law or prophane Superstition. Vnder this * 1.291 great Priest are Califes, and these doe daily execute seruice in the Moschees or Temples. The chiefe of these Califes is hee that putteth the Horne vpon the Kings head, when hee is first in∣thronized. A Ceremonie once performed in Cafe neere Babylon, but since Solyman the Turkish Emperour wonne Assyria from the Persian, it hath beene sometimes performed in Casbin, and sometimes in Hispaan.

Finally, the Inhabitants of this Citie doe much resemble the ancient Parthians in diuers * 1.292 things, but specially in their continuall riding. They ride on horse-backe for the most part, on [ 30] horse-backe they fight with the E••••mie, they execute all Affaires as well publike as priuate on horse-backe, they goe from place to place on horse-backe, they buy and sell, and on horse-backe they conferre and talke with one another; and the difference betweene the Gentleman and the slaue is, that the slaue neuer rideth, nor the Gentleman neuer goeth on foote. Besides, the nature of people is arrogant seditious, deceitfull, and very vnquiet, but that the fiercenesse of their nature is much restrayned by the Kings seuere gouernment. To sensualitie they are much * 1.293 inclined, hauing three sorts of women, as they terme them, viz. honest women, halfe honest women and Courtezans; and yet they chastise no offence with like extremitie as Adulterie, and that as well in the halfe honest woman, as in the honest. Last of all they are full of craftie stra∣tagems, [ 40] * 1.294 and are breakers of their promise (a vice that is very inbred in all Barbarians.) Not con∣tent with any mans gouernment long: and louers of Nouelties.

Abas, howsoeuer by the shedding of much bloud * 1.295 he was saluted King, vpon the death of his Father, yet hath he so carryed the matter, that now he is exceedingly beloued and honoured of his Subiects, in so much that when they will confirme any thing by solemne Oathes, they will sweare by the head of Abas the King, and when they wish well to any man, they vsually say, King Abas grant thee thy desire.

This Prince is very absolute both in perfection of his bodie, and his minde (but that he is in Religion a professed Mohumetan) excellently composed in the one, and honourably disposed in the other. Of an indifferent stature, neither to high nor to low. His countenance very sterne, his eyes fierce and piercing, his colour swarffic, his Mustachees on his vpper-lip long, with his [ 50] beard cut close to his chinne, expressing his martiall disposition, and inexorable nature, that at the first a man would thinke to haue nothing in him, but mischiefe and crueltie. And yet he is of nature courteous, and affable, easie to bee seene and spoken withall: his manner is to dine o∣penly in the company of his greatest Courtiers, delighting much in hawking and hunting ac∣companied with his Nobilitie, and the Ambassadours of forraine Princes. Hee will oftentimes runne, leape, and proue masteries with his chiefe Courtiers, beeing himselfe a most excellent Horseman and cunning Archer.

Vsually euery morning he visiteth his Stables of great Horses, and according to an old cu∣stome * 1.296 of the Persian Kings, the Souldiers of his Court (before mentioned) doe receiue Horses at his hands, as he is in place and degree. And these their Horses are of singular vertue, equall with [ 60] those of the old time, which (as Strabo writeth) were accustomed to bee fed and brought vp in Armenia for the Kings vse. They are wonderfull swift in course, fierce in battell, long breathed and very docible: when they are vnsadled, they are gentle and milde, but when they are armed,

they are warlike, hardie, and manageable euen at the pleasure of the Rider. And I haue seene of them sold for a thousand, and sometimes a thousand and sixe hundred Duckets a piece.

After hee hath viewed his Horses, hee passeth into his Armoury, certaine buildings * 1.297 neere vnto his Palace, where are made very strong Curiasses, or Corselets, Head-peeces, and Targets, most of them able to keepe out the shotte of an Harquebusier, and much more to daunt the force of a Dart. Heere also the King furnisheth his Soul∣diers, not only with Curiasses, Head-peeces, and Targets; but with Bowes and Arrowes, Pouldrones, and Gauntlets, and with Launces made of good Ash, armed at both ends; with Si∣matars and shirts of Maile, most finely and soundly tempered, wherewith both themselues and their Horses are defended in time of Warre. [ 10]

By this time hauing spent most of the fore-noone, he returneth againe into his Palace, and there remaynes till three of the clocke in the after-noone, at which time he makes his entry in∣to * 1.298 the At-Maidan, which is the great Market place or high street of Hispaan: round about this place are erected certaine high Scaffolds, where the multitude doe sit to behold the warlike exercises performed by the King and his Courtiers, as their running and leaping, their shooting with Bowes and Arrowes, at a marke both aboue and beneath, their playing at Tennis, all which they performe on Horse-backe with diuers moe too long to write of. In this place also is to bee seene seuerall times in the yeare, the pleasant sight of Fire-workes, of Banquets, of Musickes, of Wrastlings, and of whatsoeuer Triumphs else is there to bee shewed, for the declaration of the ioy of this people. [ 20]

Besides, the King very often in this place, in the presence of the Princes and Peeres of the Realme, will giue iudgement in diuers causes: in the execution of Iustice hee is very seuere, as * 1.299 well to the greatest as to the meanest, not sparing (as might bee shewed) to hang vp his chiefe Caddi or Iudges, when he shall perceiue how that vpon bribes and fauour they delay the Suits of his Subiects, against the cleere and manifest truth: And I haue seene him many times alight from his Horse, onely to doe Iustice to a poore bodie. Besides, hee punisheth Theft and Man∣slaughter so seuerely, that in an Age a man shall not heare either of the one or of the other. So that since King Abas came vnto the Crowne, full twentie yeares and vpwards, the Persian Em∣pire hath flourished in sacred and redoubted Lawes, the people demeaning themselues after the best manner they can, abundance of Collections comming plentifully in, the Rents of his Cham∣ber [ 30] were increased more then euer they were in his Grandfather Tamas his time, Armes, Artes, and Sciences doe wonderfully prosper, and are very highly esteemed.

To this great Monarch, came Sir Anthonie Sherley Knight, with sixe and twentie Followers, all gallantly mounted and richly furnished; whose entertaynment was so great, that the Persians * 1.300 did admire, that the King should vouchsafe such high fauour to a meere stranger without desert or tryall of his worth. Of whose bountie the World may iudge, since within three dayes af∣ter his first arriuall, the King sent him fortie Horses furnished with Saddles, and very rich trap∣pings; foure of them fit for the proper vse of any Prince, twelue Camels for cariage, together with sixe Mules, foure and twentie Carpets, most of them rich and faire, three Tents or Paui∣lions, with all other necessaries of house; and lastly, sixe men laden with siluer. (But of this yee [ 40] haue heard himselfe.)

§. IIII.

The returne of the Author by the way of Persia, Susiana, Chaldaea, Assyria, and Arabia.

HAuing tooke my leaue of Master Robert Sherley, and the rest of my Countreymen, I left them to the mercy of the King (whose bountie and goodnesse by their returne [ 50] hath plentifully shewed it selfe) and betooke my selfe to the protection of the Al∣mightie, to bring me in safetie againe into my owne Countrey: being in my returne, accompanied with one Signior Belchior Dios d'Croce, an Armenian Portugall, or Portugall Arme∣nian, and one Christophero a Greeke, who were sent with Letters from the Gouernour of Goa, to the King of Spaine, but lost afterwards their liues and Letters by shipwracke in the Venetian Gulfe. From Hispaan we spent ten dayes trauell to Siras, by perswasion of some Persian Mer∣chants that were bound for Aleppo with vs, trauelling through the very heart of Persia it selfe, paying now and then a Shaughee a piece to certaine Villages in the way, no matter of im∣portanceworth the relating till we come to the Citie it selfe.

Siras is situated on the Bankes of Bindamir, a great and famous Riuer, which courseth through [ 60] * 1.301 Persia, and the Kingdome of Lar, and so emptieth it selfe into the Persian Gulfe, and was once the Metropoliticall seat of all the Kingdome, vntill of late yeares, Hispaan hath gained that pri∣uiledge from her. Notwithstanding it is large and spacious 〈…〉〈…〉ntayning very neere ten miles in circuit, and lyeth iust in the Road way which leades from Hispaan to Ormuz.

In and about this Towne are to be seene the ruines of many ancient Monuments: as two great gates, that are distant one from the other the space of twelue miles, which shewes the circuit of this Citie, as it was in the time of the Monarchie, to be both large and spacious. On the South∣side * 1.302 we viewed the ruines of a goodly Palace, builded, as they say, by King Cyrus; a Palace much magnified by Aelianus in his first Booke de animalibus, cap. 59. And on the North-side the ruines of an old Castle, which seemes was girt about with a three-fold wall: the first wall being foure and twentie foot high, adorned and beautified with many Turrets and Spires: the second was like vnto the first, but twice as high; and the third was foure square, being foure score and ten foot high. All fabricated of free stone. On each side were twelue Gates of Brasse, with Brazen Pales set before them very curiously wrought, all which did shew the magnificence of [ 10] the Founder. On the East-side of this ruinous Castle, some foure Acres of ground distant, is a Mountayne, on which was erected a goodly Chappell, in which most of the Persian Kings in an∣ticke times were intombed. And though this Citie hath endured sundry mutations and changes, yet is it not to bee esteemed one of the least Cities in Persia: for out of it in short time is leuied twenty thousand Horsemen well armed. Besides, it is one of the greatest and most famous Cities * 1.303 of the East, both for traffique of Merchandize; as also for most excellent Armour and Furniture, which the Armourers with wonderfull cunning doe make of Iron and Steele, and the Iuice of certayne Herbs, of much more notable temper and beautie, then are those which are made with vs in Europe; not onely Head-pieces, Curiasles, and compleate Armours, but whole Caparisons for Horses, curiously made of thinne plates of Iron and Steele. [ 20]

From Siras, hauing spent eight dayes trauell and better, we entred into the Prouince of Susia∣na, now called Cusestan, but in old time Assyria. The bounds of this Countrey, North-wards is on the South part of Armenia, East-ward on a part of Persia: West-ward on Mesopotamia: and South-ward on a part of the Persian Gulfe, which part is full of Fennes and marish Bogges, without either Port or Hauen. The Climate in that part is exceeding hot, and very much in∣fested with bituminous matter, which both spoiles the growth of Trees, and corrupt the wa∣ters, whereby it comes to passe, that the people are not long liued.

Trauelling two dayes further from the entrance into this Kingdome, we rested at Valdac, once * 1.304 the great Citie Susa, but now very ruinous. Close by this ruinous Towne swimmeth the fa∣mous Riuer Choaspes, which after many turnings and windings through the Countrey of Susia∣na, [ 30] dischargeth it selfe in the Persian Gulfe. The water of this Riuer is very delicate to the taste.

Hauing passed ouer this Riuer, we set forward towards Mosul, a very ancient Towne in this Countrey, sixe dayes iourney from Valdac; and so pitched on the bankes of the Riuer Tygris. Here in these Plaines of Assyria, and on the bankes of Tygris, and in the Region of Eden, was Niniue built by Nimrod, but finished by Ninus. It is agreed by all profane Writers, and confir∣med by the Scriptures, that this Citie exceeded all other Cities in circuit, and answerable magnificence. For it seemes by the ruinous foundation (which I throughly viewed) that it was built with foure sides, but not equall or square; for the two longer sides had each of them (as we ghesse) an hundred and fiftie furlongs; the two shorter sides, ninetie furlongs, which amounteth to foure hundred and eightie furlongs of ground, which makes three score miles, accounting [ 40] eight furlongs to an Italian mile. The walls whereof were an hundred foot vpright, and had such a breadth, as three Chariots might passe on the rampire in Front: these walls were garnished with a thousand and fiue hundred Towers, which gaue exceeding beautie to the rest, and a Strength no lesse admirable for the nature of those times. Now it is destroyed (as GOD fore∣told it should bee by the Chaldaeans) being nothing else, then a sepulture of her selfe, a little Towne of small trade, where the Patriarch of the Nestorians keepes his seat, at the deuotion of the Turkes. Sundry times had wee conference with this Patriarch: and among many other speeches which past from him, he wished vs, before we departted, to see the Iland of Eden, but twelue miles vp the Riuer, which hee affirmed, was vndoubtedly a part of Paradise.

This Iland lies in the heart of the Riuer Tygris, and is (as we could ghesse) in circuit ten English * 1.305 [ 50] miles, and was sometimes walled round about with a wall of strong defence, as appeares by the ruinous foundation of Bricke which there remayneth. And howsoeuer the beautifull Land of Eden is now forgotten in these parts, with those flourishing Countries of Mesopotamia, Assyria, Babylonia, and Chaldaea, being all swallowed vp into meere Barbarisme, yet this Iland still re∣taynes the name of the Ile of Eden.

From the Iland of Eden wee returned to Mosul, and stayed there eight dayes, and so went downe the Riuer Tygris to Bagdat, or New Babylon, being carried not on Boat, as downe the Riuer Euphrates, but vpon certaine Zatarres or Rafts, borne vpon Goats skins blowne full of wind like Bladders. Which Rafts they sell at Bagdat for fire, and carrie their skins againe home vpon Asses by Land, to make other Voyages downe the said Riuer. [ 60]

By this Riuer the Citie Bagdat is very aboundantly furnished with all kind of prouision, both of Corne, Flesh, Fowle, Fish, and Venison of all sorts; besides great store of Fruit, but espe∣cially of Dates, and that very cheape. This Citie by some is called, New Babylon, and may well be, because it did rise out of the ruines of old Babylon, not farre distant, being nothing so

[illustration]

[illustration] map of part of the Middle East

HONDIVS his Map of Paradise.

PARADISUS

great, nor so faire: for it contaynes in circuit but three English miles; and is built but of Bricke [ 40] dried in the Sunne: their houses also being flat roofed and low. They haue no raine for eight moneths together, nor almost any cloud in the Skie night nor day. Their Winter is in No∣uember, * 1.306 December, Ianuarie, and Februarie, which moneth are neuerthelesse as warme as our Summer in England. In a word, this Towne was once a place of great trade and profit, by rea∣son of the huge Carauans, which were wont to come from Persia, and Balsara: but since the Portugals, Englishmen, and Hollanders, haue by their traffique into the East Indies, cut off almost all the trade of Marchandize into the Gulfs of Arabia, and Persia, both Grand Cairo in Egypt, and Bagdat in Assyria, are not now of that benefit, as they haue beene, either to the Merchant, or Great Turke; his Tributes both in Egypt, and his Customes in this place being much hindred thereby. After it continued vnder the Tartar and Persian gouernement, vntill it was taken by * 1.307 Solyman the Turkish Emperour, for Tamas the Persian King, who (after it was yeelded vnto [ 50] him) according to an old superstitious manner, receiued at the hands of a poore Caliph, the En∣signes * 1.308 and Ornaments of the Kings of Assyria: so this Citie, with the great Countries of Assy∣ria, and Mesopotamia, sometimes famous Kingdomes of themselues, and lately part of the Per∣sian Kingdome, fell into the hands of the Great Turke, in the yeere 1534. and so haue conti∣nued euer since, Prouinces of the Turkish Empire.

Hauing stayed twentie dayes at Bagdat, wee put our selues into the companie of a Chiaus, who was bound from the Bassa of Bagdat for Constantinople, being in number sixteene persons and no more, to trauell through a great part of Chaldaea, and the Desart of Arabia. So soone as we were out of this Citie, we passed ouer the swift Riuer Tygris, on a great Bridge made with Boats, chayned together with two mightie Chaynes of Iron: and so entred into a part of Bag∣dat, [ 60] on this side of the Riuer, like London and Southwarke, where we stayed foure dayes.

Two places of great antiquitie did wee throughly view in the Countrey: the one was, the * 1.309 ruines of the old Tower of Babel, (as the Inhabitants hold vnto this day) built by Nimrod, the

Nephew of Cham, Noahs sonne. And now at this day, that which remayneth is called, the remnant of the Tower of Babel: there standing as much, as is a quarter of a mile in compasse, and as high as the stone-worke of Pauls Steeple in London. It was built of burnt Bricke cimen∣ted and ioyned with bituminous Mortar, to the end, that it should not receiue any cleft in the same. The Brickes are three quarters of a yard in length, and a quarter in thicknesse, and be∣tweene euery course of Brickes, there lieth a course of Mats made of Canes and Palme-tree leaues, so fresh, as if they had beene layd within one yeere.

The other place remarkable is, the ruines of old Babylon, because it was the first Citie, which * 1.310 was built after the Floud. Some doe thinke, that the ruines of Nimrods Tower, is but the foun∣dation of this Temple of Bell, and that therefore many Trauellers haue beene deceiued, who sup∣pose [ 10] that they haue seene a part of that Tower which Nimrod builded. But who can tell whe∣ther it be the one or the other? It may be, that confused Chaos which wee saw, was the ruines of both, the Temple of Bel being founded on that of Nimrod.

From the ruines of old Babylon wee set forwards to Aleppo; trauelling, for the most part, through the Desart Arabia. Hauing spent three dayes and better, from the ruines of old Baby∣lon, we came to a Towne, called A••t, inhabited onely with Arabians, but very ruinous. Neere vnto which Towne is a Valley of Pitch very maruellous to behold, and a thing almost incre∣dible, * 1.311 wherein are many Springs, throwing out aboundantly a kind of blacke substance like vn∣to Tarre and Pitch, which serueth all the Countries thereabouts to make staunch their Barkes and Boats; euery one of which Springs maketh a noise like a Smiths Forge, in puffing and [ 20] blowing out the matter, which neuer ceaseth night nor day, and the noyse is heard a mile off, swallowing vp all weighty things that come vpon it. The Moores call it, The mouth of Hell.

Three daies spent we on this Desart, and so arriued at Anna, a towne of three miles in length, * 1.312 but very narrow, inhabited altogether with Curdies, a most theeuish people. Here we stayed two daies, and could not be suffered to passe without a present to the Gouernor of this towne, which came to a Ducket a piece. Close by this Towne runneth the Riuer Euphrates, with a very swift current, which doth maruellously fructiferate the Countrey round about, whereby wee proui∣ded our selues of all necessaries fit for trauell through the rest of the Desart.

From this Towne we proceeded, and euery second night, through the good discretion of our Guide, we pitched on the banke of the Riuer Euphrates, which much refreshed our selues and wearied beasts, beholding euery day, great Droues of wild beasts, as wild Asses all white, Gasels, [ 30] Wolues, Leopards, Foxes, and Hares. And now to winde vp all, in passing from Babylon to A∣leppo, they ordinarily with Camels spend fortie dayes, trauelling through this sorry and barren Desart, lying vnmanured, because of the scarcitie of moysture. Howbeit, we vsed not their ser∣uice, by reason of the speed which the Chiaus made for Constantinople, so that the trauell which the Carauan is fortie dayes about, we passed in eighteene dayes in much securitie, and so in great safety, by the mercy of God, I arriued againe in Aleppo.

CHAP. V. [ 40]

The Peregrination of BENIAMIN the sonne of IONAS, a Iew, writ∣ten in Hebrew, translated into Latin by B. ARIAS MONTANVS. Discouering both the state of the Iewes, and of the world, about foure hundred and sixtie yeeres since.

AN Epitome of the Relations of Beniamin the sonne of Ionas of Tudela, of the Pro∣uince of Nauarra, or Cantabria, who earnestly vndertaking a Iourney, and trauelling [ 50] very many and the most remote Countries, hath described all those things, which ei∣ther he himselfe saw, or receiued * 1.313 from men of approued credit, and reported the same in Spaine: nor hath hee onely mentioned such things, but the greatest part also of the renowmed and principall men (Israelites) who abode in euery particular place by him diligently viewed. At length returning into the Countrey of Castella, hee declared all these things to his people, in the yeere 933. (after the Iewish account, from the Creation.) [ 60]

§. I.

Of the Iewes and their Synagogues, Schooles, or Vniuersities, and other his Obseruations in Europe.

BEniamin the sonne of Ionas, of approued memorie hath said: First, departing from the Citie Caesar Augusta, according to the direction of the Riuer Iberus, I came to Tortosa, * 1.314 and from thence I went to Tarracona, and ancient Citie built by the sonnes of Enac, and the Grecians, the like excellencie of which building is found in no other Coun∣tries of Spaine; and the Citie it selfe bordereth vpon the Sea. But two dayes iourney from [ 10] thence I entred into Barchinonia, in the which there is a sacred Synagogue frequented by a 1.315 wise * 1.316 and prudent men, and also adorned with noble men, among whom are, Master Seseth, and Seal∣thiel, and Selomoth the sonne of Abraham, the sonne of Hhazzidai of happie memorie. And it is little, but a fine Citie, seated vpon the very Sea shoare, diuers Merchants from all Countries resorting thither, being a famous Mart-towne for the Grecians, Pisanes, Genueses, Sicilians, E∣gyptians, Alexandrians, and out of the Land of Israel, and all the borders thereof. But depar∣ting from thence one dayes iourney and an halfe, I came to Gerunda, where there is a little Sy∣nagogue of the Iewes. Three dayes iourney from thence, I went to Narbona, which Citie giueth Lawes to the rest: for out of it, the Law goeth forth into all Countries; where, there are wise men, both great, and honourable, especially Kalonymos the sonne of the great and honou∣rable [ 20] Theodorus of good memorie, of the seed of Dauid b 1.317 by true descent and genealogie, who hath Inheritances and Lands from the Princes of the Countries, fearing the force or violence of no man. Abraham also, principally, is Head of the assemblie, and Machir, and Iehuda, and others like vnto these, the Disciples of Wise-men: and, there are almost three hundred Iewes therein at this day. Foure leagues from thence, I came vnto the Citie Bidrasch, in the which there is an Vniuersitie c 1.318 adorned with the Disciples of Wise-men; whose Heads are, Se∣lomoh Hhalpetha, and Ioseph the sonne of Nathanael of good memorie. But, trauelling two dayes iourney from thence, I went to Mons Tremulus, in times past, Pessulanus, now called by the Inhabitants, Mompelier; a Citie conuenient for trafficke and merchandizing, two leagues distant from the Sea, frequented by diuers Nations for the entercourse of merchandise, Idumae∣ans, [ 30] and Ismaelites of Algarba, Longobardes, and from the Kingdome of great Rome, and out of all the Land of Egypt and Israel, from all the Countrey of France, Spaine, and England, and of all the languages of the Nations are there found, by meanes of the Genueses and Pisani. The Schol∣lers also of the Wise-men are there very famous in this Age, especially Reuben the sonne of Theo∣dorus, and Nathan the sonne of Zacharias, and the chiefe of all, Semuel, and Selamias, and Mar∣dochaeus, who is now dead. Some among them are very rich, and liberall vnto the poore; who helpe all that come vnto them.

Foure leagues from thence standeth Lunel, a famous Vniuersitie of such as applie themselues to the studie of the Law of the Israelites day and night; where that great Master Messulam of happie memorie was then, with fiue wise and rich sonnes, Ioseph, Isaac, Iacob, and Aharon, and [ 40] Asser the Pharisie, who being separated from the eyes of the world, studieth day and night, fa∣sting, and perpetually abstayning from the eating of Flesh; and hee is greatly conuersant in the opinions and traditions of the ancient, and great Moses Nisus, and old Samuel, and Salomo the Priest, and Master Iudas the Physician, the sonne of Thebon a Spaniard: and there is a Syna∣gogue, there, of three hundred Iewes, almost: but it is two miles distant from the Sea. Foure leagues from thence standeth Pothiaquiers, a great Castle, in the which are fortie Iewes almost, and a great Consistorie with Abraham the sonne of Dauid of happie fame, a friendly man, and very learned, both in disciplinary, and also in the sacred bookes, vnto whom very many resort from remote places for the learning of the Law, and being most curteously entertayned in his house, are taught: and if any want abilitie to defray their charges, hee liberally bestowed his [ 50] owne money for all vses; for he is very rich. There are also other learned men there, as Ioseph the sonne of Menabhem, and Benbeneseth, and Beniamin, and Abraham, and Isaac the sonne of Moses of commendable memorie. About foure leagues from thence is Nogheres the Towne, cal∣led, The Burrough of Saint Aegidius, where there is an Vniuersitie of Iewes, consisting almost of an hundred Wise-men, the chiefe whereof are, Isaac the sonne of Iacob, and Abraham the sonne of Iudas, and Eliezer, and Isaac, and Moses, and Iacob the sonne of the great Master Leui of excellent memorie: this Towne is three miles distant from the Sea, and is situated neere vnto a great Riuer, called Rhodano, which runneth through all that Countrey, which is called, * 1.319 Prouincia: but there, is the most noble and honourable Abba the sonne of Isaac of approued me∣morie, * 1.320 made Gouernor by the principall Lord. From thence, after I had trauelled foure leagues, [ 60] I came to the Citie Arelatum, where there are almost two hundred Israelites, among whom the * 1.321 chiefe are, Moses, Tobias, and Isaias, and Selomoh, and honourable Nathan, and Master Abba Meri a famous man. But three dayes iourney from thence I was brought to Massilia, a Citie * 1.322 renowmed for excellent and wise men, famous for two Colledges of three hundred Iewes al∣most

One of the Colledges lyeth neer vnto the Sea shore below, aboue which the other standeth, as it were a certaine Tower, seated in an higher place: and there is a great Consistorie * 1.323 among them adorned with the Disciples of Wisemen, with Simon the Sonne of Antolius, and his Bro∣ther Iacob and Lebaarus, who are accounted the chiefe in the higher Colledge: but in the lower, rich Iacob Pirpsienus, and Abraham, and Mair, and his Son-in-law Isaac, and another Mair. And this Citie, for Trade of Merchandize, is very famous on the Sea shoare, from whence taking ship, in foure dayes sayling you come to Genua, a Citie standing on the Sea-side, where there were two Iewes who were Brethren, Samuel the Sonne of Calaam, and his Brother of Sephta a Citie of Africa, good men. But the Citie is compassed with walls, subiect to no King; but gouerned by a Magistrate, who is ordayned by the will and consent of the Citizen. [ 10]

At Pisa were Moses, and Hhaijm, and Ioseph with almost twentie Iewes. The Citie it selfe is not fortified with walls; and is foure miles distant from the Sea, whereunto they goe in Vessels by the Riuer which runneth through the middest of the Countrey it selfe, and entreth into the Citie. Foure leagues from thence standeth Luca, a great Citie, where I found almost fortie * 1.324 Iewes; and the principall Masters amongst them, Dauid, Samuel, and Iacob, learned men. It is sixe dayes Iourney from thence to Rome, sometimes a very great Citie, and head of the Empire * 1.325 of the Nations. And there were almost two hundred Iewes there, honest men, paying Tribute to no mortall man; among which, some are the Seruants of Alexander the Pope, the Supreme * 1.326 Prelate of all the Christian Religion. And there were very learned men there, and especially Dauid Magnus, and Iehiel the Popes Seruant, an excellent yong man, and wise, often frequen∣ting [ 20] his house, as gouernour of the house, and all the Domesticall Affaires. And he is the Ne∣phew of Nathan, the Author of the Booke and Commentaries Aaruch: Ioab also the Sonne of Great Selomon, and Menahem are heads of the Assembly, and Iehiel dwelling beyond Tiber, and Beniamen the Sonne of Sabthi, of good memory. But the Citie of Rome it selfe is diuided into two parts, betweene which the Riuer Tiber runneth. And in the former part standeth a very great Temple, called the Romane Capitoll, at the which the house of Great Iulius Caesar stood. Moreouer, there are huge Buildings, and admirable workes, beyond other which may bee found in the whole World. But the Citie it selfe, if you ioyne the inhabited part with that which is razed, and without Inhabitant, contayneth the space of foure and twentie miles. And in it are eightie Palaces of eightie Kings, from the Reigne of Tarquinius vntill the Reigne of Pipin the [ 30] Father of that Charles who first vanquished Spaine, possessed by the Ismaelites. But the Palace of Titus is without Rome; who was not receiued by the three hundred Senators, because that in the siege of Hierusalem hee had spent three yeares, that is to say, one yeere beyond his determined time: and there is also part of a Church, to wit, of the Palace of Vespasian, of a very great and most firme building. Besides, there is the Palace of King Malgalbinus, contayning three hun∣dred and sixtie small Palaces according to the number of the dayes of the yeare, and the com∣passe thereof, as farre as we might gather by the ruines, contayneth three miles. But in times past a battaile was fought in that Palace, wherein aboue an hundred thousand men in number were slaine; whose bones gathered together on a heape, are to be seene euen vntill this day. And the Emperour hath ingrauen the resemblance of that fight on all the sides of the houses in Marble [ 40] stone, with innumerable opposite factions of men, and the representations of Horses, Armes, and warlike furniture, that he might leaue a wonderfull Monument of the ancient Warres vnto Posteritie. In the same place a rew of building is found lower then the ground of the Earth, where the Emperour and his Wife Augusta are found, orderly seated in Chaires of Estate, and almost an hundred other men Seruants of the Empire, all embalmed by the arte of the Apothe∣carie, euen vntill this day.

And in a Church, two Brazen Pillars are found, the worke of King Salomon, with that In∣scription * 1.327 ingrauen in Hebrew on either side, Salomon the Sonne of Dauid. And it was told mee by the Iewes liuing at Rome, that euery yeare the ninth day of the moneth Ab, those Pillars distill sweate like water. There is also a Vault, wherein Titus is reported to haue hidden the [ 50] Vessels of the Sanctuary brought from Hierusalem. There is the representation of an Horse made of Brasse, gilded. Besides, there are buildings and other workes, and Monuments at Rome, which no man is able to reckon.

Departing from Rome, in two dayes Iourney I came to Capua, sometimes great, built, as they * 1.328 say, by King Capis, a goodly Citie, yet to be disliked for the waters, and therefore very vnwhol∣some for children especially: wherein there were almost three hundred Iewes, and some among them very wise, and of great renowme: but, the chiefe were Lampassus and Samuel, Brethren, and famous Zaken, and Dauid a renowned man, whom some call our Prince. From thence I went to Puteoli, sometimes called Surrentum, a great Citie, which Sinan Hadar-Ghezer built, being * 1.329 put to flight through feare of King Dauid, and brought into that place: but by reason of the in∣vndation [ 60] of the Sea, his people with two parts of the Citie were ouer-whelmed and drowned: and at this day, the Towers, and seats of Iudgement are seene drowned in the waters, which sometimes, were in the middest of the Citie. And in the same place a Fountaine springeth, in

the which * 1.330 Bitumen is found, commonly called Petroleum, which beeing gathered out of the waters whereon it floateth, is preserued for the vse of Medicine. There are also naturall bathes with most medicinable waters, which are frequented by diuers sicke persons with profitable vse, especially by the Longobardes, who in the Summer time come thither to seeke remedie. Depar∣ting from thence, a way of fifteene miles in length is made vnder the Mountaynes; and it is a worke made by Romulus the first King of the Romanes, through feare * 1.331 of Dauid the King of Israel, and Ioab the chiefe Captaine of Dauids Armie. Hee made the like worke also in the Mountaynes, and vnder the Mountaynes, where Naples now standeth, a famous and most strongly fortified Citie, situated on the Sea, built by the Graecians. Fiue hundred Iewes almost dwelt there, among whom, the most renowmed, are Ezechias, and Salum, and Elias the Priest, [ 10] and Isaac of the Mountayne Hor. One dayes Iourney from thence I was brought to Salernum, a Citie famous for the Schooles of the Physicians, in the which, there were almost sixe hundred Iewes, but among these, Iudas the Sonne of Isaac, and Melchisedeck a great man of the Citie Sipontum, and Salom the Priest, and Elias the Greeke, and Abraham Narbonensis, and Thimon, were famous for their Learning. The Citie it selfe on the side of the Continent, is fortified with wals, on the other side it lyeth vpon the Sea-shoare, and hath an exceeding strong Tower vpon the top of an Hill.

Halfe a dayes Iourney from thence is Malfi, in the which were twentie Iewes almost, and the chiefe among these were Hhananeel the Phisician, and Elizeus, and honourable Abuel. All the Inhabitants of this Countrey apply themselues to negotiation and Merchandize, and negle∣cting [ 20] the care of sowing the ground, liue vpon bought Corne, because they dwell in exceeding high Mountaynes on the very tops of the Rockes: yet they abound with other Fruits, Vine∣yards, places where Oliues grow, Gardens, and Orchards, inuincible of all other men by rea∣son of the situation of the place. But Beneueutum is one dayes Iourney distant from thence, a * 1.332 great Citie, partly seated vpon the Sea-shoare, and partly vpon a Mountayne: and there is an Vniuersitie * 1.333 there, consisting almost of two hundred Iewes, and the chiefe of these, are Colo∣nymus, and Zerah, and Abraham, famous men. Two dayes Iourney from thence is Malchi, in the Countrey of Apulia, so called of Pul, that is to say, Beanes; there were almost two hundred Iewes; the chiefe whereof were Abbimaghats, and Nathan, and Saddoq. But, from thence in one dayes Iourney only I came to Asculum, where I found about fortie Iewes, and among them, the [ 30] * 1.334 principall, Contilus, and Tsemabh his Sonne-in-law, and Ioseph. From thence two dayes Iour∣ney to Tarnaa, situated vpon the Sea-shoare, in which place, they who go to Hierusalem for the * 1.335 cause of Religion, vse to assemble together, as into a Hauen most commodious for that Nauigati∣on. And there was an Vniuersitie there, consisting of two hundred Israelites or thereabouts, and the most renowmed among them, were Elias, and Nathan the Preacher, and Iacob: the Citie it selfe is great and fine. One dayes Iourney from thence standeth Miquoles deuar, which great * 1.336 Citie was destroyed by Gulielmus King of Sicilia: and it is not only without Israelites, but also destitute of the people of their owne Nation, and vtterly wasted. From thence in halfe a dayes Iourney I came to Tarentum, which is the beginning of the Iurisdiction of Calabria, inhabited * 1.337 by the Graecians; a great Citie, where are three hundred Iewes almost, and some of them learned, [ 40] especially Maali, and Nathan, and Israel. From hence, in one dayes Iourney I went to Barue∣dis, * 1.338 built vpon the Sea shoare, where are ten Iewes Dyers of Wooll. From whence Ornedo is two dayes Iourney distant, seated vpon the Sea, appertayning to the Counrey of the Graecians, and there are about fiue hundred Iewes there, the chiefe whereof were Menahem, Caleb, Mair, and Maali. Taking ship from thence, in two dayes I was brought to Ocropos, where there was one Iew only, named Ioseph; and hitherto extendeth the Kingdome of Sicilia. * 1.339

From thence, in two daies sayling I came to the Towne Lebta, which is the beginning of the Kingdome of Emanuel the Grecian; and there, I found about an hundred Iewes, whose heads are * 1.340 Scluhhias and Ercules. From thence in two daies iourney I came to Achilon, where there were a∣bout ten Iewes, the chiefe whereof is Sabthi. Halfe a daies iourney from hence standeth Nato∣licon, [ 50] seated in the entrance of the Sea. From hence, in one dayes iourney by Sea, I came to Pa∣tra the Citie of Antipater, one of the foure Kings of the Graecians, among whom the Kingdome of deceased Alexander was diuided: and there, ancient great buildings are to bee seene, in the which there were almost fiftie Iewes, and among them, the chiefe were Isaac, Iacob, and Samuel. From thence, halfe a dayes iourney by Sea, I came to Lepantum, where, about an hundred Iewes dwell neere vnto the Sea, the principall whereof are Gasarias, and Salum, and Abraham. From thence, in one dayes iourney and an halfe, I went to Cores, where, almost two hundred Iewes dwell, hauing in the Mountayne Paros possessions of their owne, which they inhabit: and a∣mong them the chiefe are Selomoh, Hhaijm, and Iedaia. From thence in three dayes iourney, I came to Corinth, and found three hundred Iewes, the principall whereof are Leo, Iacob, and Eze∣kias. [ 60] Three dayes iourney from thence, I came to Thebes that great Citie, where, there are two thousand Iewes, the most excellent workemen of Purple and Scarlet, in the Countries of Graecia, among whom there are most learned men, and very skilfull in the repetitions, and disciplines,

the chiefe of this age; among whom, were that great Master Aaron Cutaeus, and his brother Moses, and Hhaiah, and Elias Thurthinus, and Iectan, with whom, none in all Graecia are compa∣rable, * 1.341 but onely at Constantinople. From thence in one dayes iourney to Argiropum, seated vpon the Sea, a great Citie, and frequented by a great number of Merchants from all Countries, and there are about an hundred Iewes there, and the chiefe among them are Elias, Passeterius, and Emanuel, and Caleb. From hence to Iabusterisa, is one dayes iourney, and this Citie standeth vpon the Sea coast, in the which there are almost an hundred Iewes, Ioseph, Samuel, and Netha∣nia, being the principall. Robinca is one dayes iourney onely distant from thence, where were an hundred Iewes almost, ouer whom Ioseph, Eliezer, and Isaac had the command.

From thence, in one dayes iourney to Sinon Patamon, where are almost fiftie Iewes, the chiefe [ 10] whereof are Salomo, and Iacob. And it is the beginning of Balachia, whose Inhabitants dwell in the Mountaynes called Balachi, comparable with Deare in swiftnesse, who descending from the Mountaynes, driue away booties, and carrie away spoyles from the Graecians, hetherto van∣quished by none, by reason of the inaccessible rooghnesse of the places and Mountaynes in which they inhabit, easie to bee passed, and knowne onely vnto themselues. Nor are they Christians nor Iewes, although many among them are called by Iewish names; and boast that they were sometimes Iewes, and call the Iewes their Brethren, whom when they finde, they vse surely to spoyle them, but kill them not, as they doe the Graecians: Lastly, I obserued no forme of Religion among them. From thence, in two dayes iourney I went to Gardeghi a defaced and wasted Ci∣tie, retayning a few Inhabitants Graecians and Iewes. From hence to Armilon is two dayes iour∣ney, [ 20] a great Citie seated vpon the Sea, a common Mart Towne for the Venetians, Pisanes, Genue∣ses, and other Nations, with large and spacious Fields; where I found about foure hundred Iewes, and the chiefe of them Siloh, and Ioseph the Gouernour, and Salomon the principall. From this Citie to Bissina, is one whole dayes iourney, where are an hundred Iewes almost, and great Sabthi, and Selomoh, and Iaacob haue the chiefe authoritie among them. From hence in two dayes by Sea, I arriued at Seleuca, built by Seleucus, one of those foure Kings who arose after Alexander: the Citie it selfe is very great, in the which there are about fiue hundred Iewes, and the chiefe of these is Semuel made Gouernour * 1.342 ouer his Nation, by the King of the Citie; together with his sonnes the Disciples of wise men, and Sabthai his sonne in Law, and Elias, and Michael: and those Iewes apply themselues to Handy-crafts whereon they liue. From thence, in [ 30] two dayes I came to Mitrici, where were almost twentie Iewes, among whom, the principall were Isaias, Machir, and Eliab. From thence, wee made two dayes iourney to Darma, in the which there are about an hundred and fortie Iewes, and the chiefe of them Michael and Ioseph. Canisthol is one dayes iourney onely distant from this Citie, where are almost twentie Iewes.

From thence we trauelled three dayes iourney to Aabidon, seated vpon the sea shoare: and tra∣uelling fiue dayes iourney among the Mountaines, I came to Constantina, an exceeding great Ci∣tie, and the head of the Kingdome of Iauan, whom they call Greekes, the principall seate of the Emperour Emanuel, whose command twelue Kings obey: for euery one whereof there are seue∣rall Palaces at Constantinople, and Towers, and Countries; and vnto these the whole land is subiect. The principall and chiefest is called the great Aphrippos; the second, Miga Demaftocos; [ 40] the third, Rominos; the fourth, Makdacos; the fifth, Alchasom Magli: the rest haue names like vnto these. The compasse of the Citie of Constantinople containeth eighteene miles, the halfe part whereof standeth vpon the Sea, but the other halfe on the Continent: and it is seated vpon two armes of the Sea, or exceeding great mouthes of Riuers, * 1.343 into one of the which, the waters flow from out of Russia, but into the other from Spaine. And it is frequented by ma∣ny Factors, from the Prouinces and Countries of Babylon, Senaar, Media, Persia, and all the Kingdomes of the Land of Aegypt, and Canaan, and the Kingdomes of Russia, Vngaria, and Psi∣anki, Buria, Longobardia, and Spaine. The Citie it selfe is common ^d and without difference, vnto the which Merchants resort out of all Countries, trauelling both by Sea and Land: it hath none equall with it in the World, except Bagdat, that mightie Citie of the Ismaelites. Heere is [ 50] the most famous Temple of Saint Sophia: and the Patriarch of the Graecians dwelleth heere: nor doe they agree with the Doctrine of the Pope of Rome. There are other Temples also, as ma∣ny in number, as the dayes of the yeare. But it hath that exceeding great Treasure, almost be∣yond all estimation, by the Offerings and Riches yeerely brought from diuers Countries, Ilands, Castles, Forts, and places, so that no Temple of the whole World may bee compared with the Riches thereof. And in the middest of the Temple there are Pillars of Gold, and Siluer; huge Candlestickes, Lanthornes, Lampes, and other Ornaments of Gold and Siluer, more then any man is able to reckon.

Next adioyning to the walls of the Temple, there is a place built for Princely Pastimes, cal∣led Hippodromus, where, yeerely vpon the birth day of Iesus of Nazareth, great Spectacles are * 1.344 [ 60] publikely presented; and there, all sorts of men with all manner of Habits of the whole World, are shewed before the King and Queene. Lions also, and Beares, Leopards, and wild Asses are brought forth into the place where these Spectacles are to bee seene, that they might fight toge∣ther: and Birds also after the same manner: and I suppose that in no Countrey of the World

such Princely Sports are to be seene. But surely King Emanuel, besides that Palace left him by his Ancestors, hath built him another vpon the Sea shoare, which they call Bilbernae: the Pillars, and walls whereof, he hath ouer-layed with beaten Gold and Siluer; whereon hee hath ingra∣uen * 1.345 all the Warres made by him and his Ancestors. And hee hath prepared a Throne there for himselfe, of Gold and Precious Stones: and hath adorned it with a Golden Crowne hanging on high by Golden Chaines; the compasse whereof is equall with the Throne it selfe, beset with Precious Stones and Pearles, the price whereof no man is able to value, of so great a lustre, that putting no Torch vnto them, they shine and may be seene in the night. Moreouer, there are other innumerable things in the same place, and incredible to bee told; and Tributes are yeerely brought into that Palace, wherewith the Towers are filled with Scarlet and Purple Garments [ 10] and Gold; so that the like example of building and riches, can no where else bee found in the World. And it is affirmed that the Reuenue only of the Citie it selfe, gathered of the Markets, * 1.346 Hauen, and Tribute of Merchants, amounteth to twentie thousand Crownes a day. Further∣more, the Grecians themselues, Inhabitants of the Countrey, are exceeding rich in Gold and Pre∣cious Stones, and are attyred with most sumptuous Apparell, their Garments beeing made of Crimson, intermingled with Gold, or embroydered with Needle-worke, and are all carryed vpon Horses much like vnto the Children of Kings. The Countrey it selfe being very large, a∣boundeth with all sorts of Fruits, and hath also great plentie of Corne, Flesh, and Wine; nor the like Riches in the whole World are to be found. They are also learned, and skilfull in the Discipline of the Gr••cians, and giuing themselues wholly to pleasure, they eate and drinke euery * 1.347 one vnder their Vine, and vnder their Figge-tree: and of all Tongues of the Nations, which [ 20] they call Barbarians, they hyre Souldiers to fight with the Soldan King of the Children of Tho∣garma, who are commonly called Turkes, because they themselues through idlenesse, and de∣lights * 1.348 are made vnapt and vnmanly for the Warres, and seemed vnto mee very like vnto women through a certaine impotencie of delights.

But no Iewes dwell within the Citie, for they are excluded from them by an arme of waters, * 1.349 and being inclosed betweene that and another arme of the Sea of S••phia, they are not so much as permitted to come into the Citie but by Boate, and that for the cause of Traffique and Com∣merce. And there are about two thousand Iewes, who are assembled with the Masters, that is, * 1.350 the Disciples of Wisemen, among whom, Abtalion the Great, and Abdias, and Aaron Cuspus, and Ioseph Sarginus, and Eliakim the Gouernour, haue the chiefe authoritie: certaine of them are [ 30] Artificers of Silken Garments, but very many are Merchants, and they very rich. No Iew is there permitted to bee carryed on Horse-backe, except Salomon the Egyptian, the Kings Physi∣cian, through whose seruice the Iewes are comforted, and ease their captiuitie, which they feele to be grieuous.

For all the Iewes are very much hated of the Graecians, without any difference of the good and euill; by reason of the Tanners, who while they dresse skinnes, powre out the filthy water * 1.351 into the Streets before their owne doores: and therefore they are all oppressed together with a grieuous yoke, and are beaten in the Streets, and violently compelled to serue. But the Iewes themselues are rich, as I haue said, and good men, and mercifull, and obseruers of the Comman∣dements, [ 40] who patiently endure the misery of Captiuitie. The place wherein they dwell is called Pera. * 1.352

§. II.

The Estate of the Iewes, and Relations of the World in the higher parts of Asia, Syria, Palaestina, Damascus, and the parts adioyning.

TWo dayes sailing from thence, I came to Doroston, where there is an Vniuersity of about [ 50] foure hundred Israelites, the chiefe whereof are Moses, Abias, and Iacob. From thence * 1.353 in two dayes iourney to Galipolis, where are almost two hundred Iewes, and the prin∣cipall of these, are Elias Caphid, and Sabthai-Zutra, and Isaac Migas: But Migas signi∣fieth * 1.354 a Tower in that Language, which is now the Graecians Mother Tongue. Calas is two dayes * 1.355 iourney distant from hence, where were almost fiftie Iewes, and the chiefe Masters among them were Iudas, and Iacob, and Semaias. Two dayes iourney from thence being brought to Mityle, one of the Ilands of the Sea, I found Vniuersities of Israelites in tenne places. Trauelling three * 1.356 dayes iourney from thence I came to Hicha, where were almost foure hundred Iewes, whose heads are Elias, and Thiman, and Sabthai: and there are the Plants from which Masticke * 1.357 is gathered. But, from hence, after two dayes iourney standeth Ismos, in the which al∣most, [ 60] three hundred Iewes dwell: among whome Semarias, Ghobadias, and Ioel, haue the * 1.358 preeminence: and very many Assemblies of the Israelites meete together there. From thence in three dayes sayling I arriued at Rhodus, where I found almost foure hundred Iewes: * 1.359

and the principall of these Aba, Hananeel and Eliam Masters. Foure daies iourney from thence is Dophros distant, where there is an assembly of Iewes, together with Masters. Moreouer, there * 1.360 are certaine hereticall Iewes there, * 1.361 Cyprians, and Epicurians, whom the Israelites euery where abhorre. But these, profane the euening of the Sabbath, and obserue the euening of the first day.

Corkos is two dayes iourney distant from thence, which is the beginning of the Land of Edom, of that which is called Armenia. And it is the beginning of the Dominion of Turus, Lord of the Mountaines of t〈…〉〈…〉 King of Armenia, whose iurisdiction appertaineth to the Metro∣politan Citie Hhadochia; and extendeth euen vnto the Countrey of the Children of Thogarma, whom they call Turkes. Malmistras is two daies iourney distant from thence, which was sometimes called Tharsis, seated vpon the Sea. And hitherto reacheth the Kingdome of the [ 10] children of Iauan, who are called Grecians. Two daies iourney from thence, standeth great An∣tiochia, nigh vnto the Riuer Pir, seated in the Valley Iabo{que} which Riuer runneth downe from the Mountaine Libanus, in the Countrey of Emath. King Antiochus built this Citie, nigh vnto the which standeth a very high Mountaine, inclosed also with the wall of the Citie. And in the top of the Mountaine there is a Fountaine, whereof a certain man hath the charge, who through hollow Trunkes of Timber, distributeth the water by pipes vnder ground, conueighed into the Citie houses of the Nobilitie. But on the other side, right ouer against the Mountaine, the Citie is compassed with the Channell of the Riuer. And it is a most strong and well fortified Citie, pertaining to the Dominion of them that differ from our Faith. [ 20]

But there are certaine Israelites there Artificers in Glasse, the chiefe whereof are Mardochae∣us and Hhaim, and Ismael, Masters. Two daies iourney from hence, I went to Liga, in times past called Laodicea, where are almost two hundred Iewes, and the chiefe of all are Hhaia and Ioseph. * 1.362 Two daies iourney from thence to Gebal, the same is Baghalgad, vnder the Mountaine Libanus: and it lyeth next vnto that Nation which they cal Hhassissin, who follow not the doctrine of the Ismaelites, but of a certaine man whom they suppose to be a Prophet: whose word they all obey, whether vnto death, or vnto life. And they call him Hheich al Hhassissin: and he is their Sena∣tor, at whose command all the men of the Mountaines come in and goe forth. His seat is in the * 1.363 Citie, called Karmos, which was the beginning of the Countrey, called in former times Sehon: and they haue a Religion among them, according to the doctrine of their old man. And in euery [ 30] place they are a terrour vnto all; because they kill euen Kings themselues, by putting them vnder the sawe: and their Dominion extendeth eight dayes iourney. They make warre with the Chri∣stians, those that are commonly called Frankes, and with the King of Tripolis, which selfe-same * 1.364 is Trabelos of the Countrey of Saam. But, it happened not long time since, that the Countrey of Tripolis being shaken with an Earth-quake, many, both of the Gentiles, and also of the Iewes were ouer-whelmed, and buried in the ruines of walls and houses: and at the same time also, a∣boue twentie thousand men perished in all the Land of Israel. From hence Gebal is one dayes iourney distant, that other, which was the bound of the children of Amon; where there are al∣most * 1.365 an hundred and twentie Iewes. And it is belonging to the Iurisdiction of the Ginotines, * 1.366 whose Prince is called Gilianus Enbirena: and the place of the ancient Temple of the children of [ 40] Amon, is found there, and in it the Idoll of the children of Amon, sitting vpon a seate, called a Throne, and the Image is of stone, ouer-layed with Gold; but on either side two Images of wo∣men, also sitting and before it standeth an Altar, on the which, Sacrifices and Perfumes were made. But the chiefe and principall men of the Iewes, who dwell here, are Mair, Iaacob, and Sencha. And the Citie standeth nigh vnto the Sea shoare, which is in the Countrey of the Is∣raelites. From thence, in two dayes iourney I came to Beritus, sometimes called Beeroth, where * 1.367 were almost fiftie Iewes, Salomon, and Ghobadia, and Ioseph beeing the chiefe. Trauelling one dayes iourney from hence to Sijada, called Sidon in former times, a great Citie, where were twen∣tie * 1.368 Iewes: distant from whence there is a certaine Nation which maketh warre with the Sidonians, the name of that Nation, in their owne Language, is Dogzijn, called Pagans by others, * 1.369 being of no Religion or Sect: they dwell in the Mountaynes, in the Caues and Holes of the [ 50] Rockes, being subiect to no King or Prince; but lead their liues wildly, liuing among the highest Mountaynes and steepest Rockes; their Countrey extending the length of three dayes iourney, euen vnto the Mountayne Hermon. And they are infamous through their Incests; for the Fathers * 1.370 marry with the Daughters. But at a yearely Festiuall day which they solemnely hold, aswell the men as the women, all meete together at the common Banquet, and there change Wiues each with other: and they say, that the soule, as soone as it happeneth to depart out of the bodie of a good man, goeth into the bodie of an Infant borne the very sal••e-same houre: but departing out of the bodie of an euill man, that it goeth into the bodie of a Dogge, or into another beast. * 1.371 And so they vnderstand, to wit, as they liue. But there are no Iewes among them, yet some∣times Artificers and Dyers of clothes come vnto them, to exercise their Art and Merchandize, [ 60] and depart againe: and the Iewes are courteously and louingly entertayned by them. Moreouer, this Nation is very swift, and most apt to runne thorow the Mountaynes and hils, inuincible of other mortall men. But one dayes iourney distant from Sidon, is new Tyrus, a very fine Citie, * 1.372

furnished with a most commodious Hauen, which it contayneth within it selfe, and receiueth in ships, betweene two Towers built on both sides: so that a Brazen Chaine beeing extended from one Tower vnto the other by the Publicans, * 1.373 seruing for the gathering of the Custome, all entrance and going out of ships by night, may be entred, and no man can possibly conuay any thing taken out of the ships. Nor doe I thinke, any Hauen in the World, to bee found like vnto this. The Citie it selfe, as I haue said, is goodly, and in it there are about foure hundred Iewes, among whom some are very skilfull in Disciplinary * 1.374 Readings, and especially Ephraim the E∣gyptian Iudge, and Mair, and Carchasona; and Abraham the head of the Vniuersitie. Some of the Iewes liuing there haue ships at Sea for the cause of gaine. There are artificiall Workemen in Glasse there, who make Glasse, called Tyrian Glasse, the most excellent, and of the greatest [ 10] * 1.375 estimation in all Countries. The best and most approoued Sugar also is found there. Ascending the walls of new Tyrus, old Tyrus is seene ouer-whelmed, in time past and couered with the Sea, distant a stones cast out of a Sling, from the new: but if any please to take Sea in a Skiffe or Boate, hee seeth the Tower, Market places, Streetes, and Palaces in the bottome. But new Tyrus is famous for publike Traffique, whereto they resort from all places.

In one dayes iourney from thence I came to Akadi, which was sometimes Ghaco, the bound of the Tribe of Asser, and the beginning of the Land of Israel, seated vpon the great Sea, fa∣mous * 1.376 for the Hauen, where all Christians going by ship to Hierusalem are receiued into the which the Riuer running through the Citie it selfe, floweth a ••iuer called Cadumin. And there are almost two hundred Iewes there, and the Chiefe among them, are Sadok, and Iapheth, and Iona. From thence three leagues to Niphas, which selfe-same Citie is hidden Gad, bordering vpon the Sea [ 20] shoare, nigh vnto which on the one side standeth Carmel the Mountayne, and at the foot of the Mountayne are the Sepulchers of very many Israelites, and in the Mountayne it selfe the Caue of the Prophet Elias is to be seene, neere vnto which the Christians haue built a Chappell, cal∣led Saint Elias. But on the top of the ridge of the Mountayne there remayneth the signe of the * 1.377 Altar broken downe and burned in the dayes of Achab, whereof notable mention is made in the Historie of Elias. And the place of that Altar is Circular, beeing almost foure Cubits ouer, in the Diameter; vnder the Mountayne it selfe, on the side thereof, the Riuer Chison descendeth. Caphar-Nahhum is foure leagues distant from thence, retayning the ancient name, a very high * 1.378 place which exceedeth Carmel in prospect.

But hauing passed sixe leagues from thence, I came to Caesarea, which the Inhabitants call Si∣seria, [ 30] the ancient name thereof was Gad of the Palaestines, in the which there were tenne Iewes, and two hundred Cuthai, that is to say, Samarite Iewes, whome they commonly call Samari∣tanes. And it is a very faire and goodly Citie seated on the Sea, re-edified and amplified by the Emperour Caesar, and called by his name, Caesarea. From whence, departing in halfe a dayes iourney I came to Cacos, which sometimes was Ceila, or Keghila, in the which there are no Iewes.

Againe from hence, in halfe a dayes iourney I went to Sargoreg, which by the Ancient was called Luz, where there is one Iew only, and he a Dyer of Woolles. Trauelling one dayes iourney from thence, I came to Sebaste, which selfe-same Citie is Samaria, wherein the Palace of Achab [ 40] the King of Israel is yet discerned. But it hath beene a very strong and well fortified Citie, seated on a Mountayne, delightfull through the Fountaynes, and Riuers of Water, Gardens, Orchards, Vineyards, and places where Oliues grow: and hath no Iew inhabiting. Two leagues distant from hence is Nebilas, in time past called Sichem, in the Mountayne of Ephraim; where * 1.379 no Iewes are: and the Citie lyeth in a deepe Valley betweene the Mountaynes Gerezim and E∣bal, or Hebal, in which there are about an hundred Cuthaei, Obseruers only of the Law of Mo∣ses alone (these, as I said, they call Samaritanes.) But they haue Priests, of the Posteritie of Aaron, the Priest resting in peace, who intermarry with none other, but with the women or men of their owne Family, that they may preserue their Race and Kindred without mixture: and there they are commonly called Aharonites: notwithstanding they are Ministers and Priests * 1.380 of the Law of those Samaritanes. But they offer Sacrifices, and burne burnt Offerings in the Sy∣nagogue [ 50] which they haue in the Mountayne Garizim, alleaging that which is written in the Law. And thou shalt giue a blessing vpon Mount Garizim. But they say, that it is the very house of the Sanctuary: and they lay the burnt Offering in the Feast of Easter, and other Festi∣uall dayes vpon the Altar, built in the Mountayne Garizim, of the stones taken out of Iordan by the Children of Israel, and they vaunt that they are of the Tribe of Ephraim. Among them is the Sepulcher of Ioseph the Iust, the Sonne of Iacob our Father, resting in peace, as hath beene * 1.381 said. And the bones of Ioseph carryed out of Egypt by the Children of ••srael, are buried in Sichem. But they want three Letters 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. HE, of the name of Abraham, Hheth, of the name of Iishhac, and Ghain, of the name of Iaghacob, in stead whereof they put Aleph, that is, [ 60] spiritus tenui••. By this manifest token they are conuicted not to be of the Posteritie and Seed of Israel, seeing they acknowledge the Law of Moses, excepting these three Letters, which they know not. But they keepe themselues from the defiling of the dead, and of bones, and also of the slaine, and of the Graue.

They haue also this custome, to put off the garments which they daily weare, when they are to goe into the Synagogue, and to wash their bodies with water, and put on other garments proui∣ded onely for this vse. And this is their daily custome. But, the Mountaine Garizam is plea∣sant * 1.382 with Fountaines, and Gardens: and contrarily, Ghebal is drie, full of Rockes and Stones, and betweene both, as wee haue said, the Citie Sichem it selfe is seated. Foure leagues from thence is Mount Gilboagh, which the Christians call Mount Gilboe, consisting of a most barren and dry soyle. From whence, after foure leagues, you come to the Valley of Aialon, which the Christian Inhabitants of the Countrey call, Val de Luna; from whenee, hauing trauelled the length of one league, I came vnto the Mountaine Moria, to Garaan, called the Towne of Da∣uid, a Citie in time past called, Gibghon or Gabaon, where no Iewes are. Hauing passed three leagues from thence, I entred into Hierusalem, a little Citie, fortified with three walls, wherein [ 10] there are many sorts of men, Iacobites, Armenians, Grecians, and Gorgeri, or Georgij, and Franks, of all the Languages of the Gentiles. And there is an house prepared there, for the dying of Woolls and Cloaths, which the Iewes hyre euery yeere, of the Kings, vpon that condition, that they onely might exercise that Art. And there are Iewes dwelling in an angle of the Citie, vn∣der the Tower of Dauid, in which Tower, the walls of the old building are yet remayning, built by our Ancestors, to the heighth of ten cubits, almost, from the very foundation. But that which remayneth beside these, is the building of the Ismaelites. And there is no building in the whole Citie, comparable with that Tower of Dauid in strength. There are also two houses there, called Hospitals, the Inhabitants whereof being Christians are, called Hospitalers: and * 1.383 they are Horse-men; out of whose two Colledges, foure hundred men, almost, goe forth furni∣shed [ 20] to the Battell: and in those houses, all sicke persons comming thither, are receiued, and cu∣red, all plentie of necessarie things for the maintenance of life, as well to the sicke, that are li∣uing, and recouering, as to the dead, for their funerall, being abundantly and sufficiently mini∣stred. But that second house is called, The Hospitall of Salomon: for, it standeth in the place of the Palace, sometimes built by Salomon. Foure hundred of them therefore doe daily goe forth to the battell: and all these associates are sworne, and bound by an Oath, besides many other more, who assemble thither, out of the Land of the Franckes and Italians: voluntary making a Vow, which, remayning there a yeere or two, they performe. Moreouer, there is a very great Temple there, which they call, The Sepulchre, the Sepulchre of Iesus of Nazareth, for the * 1.384 visiting whereof the Pilgrims assemble. Hierusalem hath foure gates, the one is named, The [ 30] Sleepe of Abraham; the other, The gate of Dauid; the third, The gate of Sion; and the fourth, * 1.385 The gate of Iebosaphat. But this is before the holy House, which sometimes stood, in the which now, there is a Church called, The Temple of the Lord, situated in the very place of the anci∣ent * 1.386 Sanctuarie: but the very Temple of the Lord, now so called, is a certaine huge and goodly Arch, built by Ghemar Ben Alchetab, now frequented by the Christians, who haue no Image or * 1.387 Picture in that place, but onely resort thither to pray.

Right ouer against this place there is a wall built, of the walls which were in the Sanctuarie, which they now call, The gate of Mercy: and vnto this gate, the Iewes come to pray, before the wall, in the Court. There also, I meane, at Hierusalem, in the house which was Salomons, are the Stalls of Horses seene, built by Salomon, a very strong building, and consisting of very [ 40] great stones: of which manner of building the like example is not to be seene in all the Land. The Fish-poole also is yet remayning, wherein the ancient killed their Sacrifices: and euery one of the Iewes write their name there in the wall. Going out at the gate of Iebosaphat, they goe into the Desart, called The Wildernesse of the people, in the which there is the Monument of the Hand (or Pillar of Absalon, and the Sepulchre of Uzia the King, and a great Fountaine * 1.388 of the waters of Siloahh running into the Brooke Kedron: and nigh vnto the Fountaine, a great building from the dayes of our Ancestors. But little store of water is found in the Foun∣taine, and the greatest part of men liuing at Hierusalem, drinke raine-water, gathered in priuate Cisternes. But, from the Valley of Iehosaphat, vnto the Mountaine of Oliues, they continu∣ally ascend: for nothing lieth betweene the Citie and that Mountaine, but this Valley. And [ 50] from the Mountaine it selfe the Sodomiticall Sea is seene: but from that Sea vnto the heape of Salt, into the which Lots wife was turned, are two leagues. For that heape continueth still, which, being diminished by the flockes, sometimes by licking, encreaseth againe to the accusto∣med greatnesse: from the Mountaine of Oliues also, all that plaine Countrey is seene, through which the Riuer Sitim runneth euen vnto the Mountaine Neb••.

Right ouer against this new Hierusalem standeth the Mount Sion; on the which no entire and whole building is seene, except one Temple of the Christians. Before Hierusalem also, three houses, as it were, of buriall are seene, wherein the Israelites were sometimes buried, and the forme of the Graues is yet decent and conspicuous, but it is daily diminished by the Chri∣stians, who digge vp the stones for the building of their priuate houses. That space and length [ 60] of Ierusalem is compassed with great Mountaines. But, in the Mountaine Sion, are the Sepul∣chres of the Familie of Dauid, and of those Kings who arose after Dauid; but the place it selfe is commonly vnknowne. For, it hapned fifteene yeeres since, that one wall of the Temple,

which I said to be in the Mount Sion, fell downe, which when, at the commandement of the Patriarch, the Priest of the Temple determined to repaire; he appointed about twentie stones in number to be digged out of the ancient foundations of the walls of Mount Sion, for the re∣payring of the worke of the Temple. And among them, there were two men confederates, and friends; whereof the one, on a certaine day early in the morning brought the other home with him vnto a priuate Banquet, and after they had taken their breakfast together, when they came to their worke, being demanded by the Ouer-seer of the worke, why they came so late, they answered, that they would make amends for that houre with continued labour.

In the meane space, while all the rest went to dinner, and while they performed that which they had promised, hauing taken away a certaine stone, and finding the mouth of a Caue, they [ 10] said one vnto the other: Let vs enter in, to see whether any Treasure lye hidden heere. Going therefore in, they proceeded so long, vntill they came vnto a certaine Palace supported with Marble Pillars, ouer-layed with Gold and Siluer, before which, there was a Table, and there∣vpon a Scepter, and a golden Crowne: and this was the Sepulchre of Dauid the King of Israel, * 1.389 on whose left hand was the Sepulchre of Salomon, with the like gorgeous adorning, and many other, of the other Kings of Iuda of the Family of Dauid, who had beene buried there: and there were Chests locked vp, but what they contayned, is yet to men vnknowne. But, when those men determined to enter into the Palace, being strucken with the blast of a whirle-wind, they fell downe dead vpon the Earth out of the mouth of the Caue. And they lay in the same place vntill the euening: when being raised againe with another blast, they heard a voice like vnto the voice of a man, saying vnto them: Arise, and goe forth of this place. Wherevpon be∣ing [ 20] much moued and stricken with an exceeding great feare, they went forth trembling, and re∣ported the whole matter to the Patriarch, which, calling vnto Abraham sirnamed Pius, a Con∣stantinopolitan * 1.390 Pharisay liuing at Hierusalem, he caused to be declared by the same two men, who being demanded what he thought, he said, that it was the place of the Sepulchres of the house of Dauid, appointed for the Kings of Iuda. But, the next day after, both those men lying in their beds, were found grieuously sicke at home through feare, who said, that they would neuer, vpon any conditions, enter in thither againe, affirming, that it was vtterly vnlawfull for any man to desire to goe thether, where God forbade him. Wherefore, by the commandement of the Patriarch, the place was shut vp, and concealed from the eyes of men vntill this day, by [ 30] the labour of men: but Abrabam Pius, of whom I haue spoken, declared the whole matter vn∣to mee.

Bethlehem Iuda is two leagues distant from thence, next vnto which, within halfe a mile, al∣most, * 1.391 there is the Sepulchre of Rachel, in a place where two wayes meete: and the Graue is made with twelue stones, according to the number of the Sonnes of Iacob; and ouer the Tombe there is an Arch supported by foure Pillars. Moreouer, the stones of the Tombe are ingrauen w••th many diuers names of the Iewes passing by that way. But, in Bethlehem there are twelue Iewes, Dyers of Wools. The Fiel••s of the Towne haue Riuers of waters, Welles and Foun∣taynes.

Trauelling sixe leagues from hence, I came to Hebron, seated in a Plaine: for Hebron the an∣cient * 1.392 [ 40] Metropolitan Citie stood vpon an hill, but it is now desolate. But in the Valley there is a field, wherein there is a duplicitie, that is, as it were two little Valleyes, and there the Citie is placed, and there is an huge Temple there, called Saint Abraham: and that place was the Sy∣nagogue * 1.393 of the Iewes, at what time the Countrey was possessed by the Ismaclites. But, the Gen∣tiles, who afterward obtayned, and held the same, built sixe Sepulchres in the Temple by the names of Abraham, Sara, Isaac, Rebecca, Iacob, & Lia. And the Inhabitants now tel the Pilgrims, that they are the Monuments of the Patriarkes: and great summes of money are offered there. But surely to any Iew comming thither, and offering the Porters a reward, the Caue is shewed with the Iron Gate opened, which from Antiquitie, remayneth yet there. And a man goeth downe with a Lampe light into the first Caue, where nothing is found, nor also in the second, vntill he enter into the third, in the which there are the sixe Monuments of Abraham, Isaac, [ 50] and Iaacob, Sara, Rebecca, and Lia; the one right ouer against the other: and each of them are ingrauen with Characters, and distinguished by the names of euery one of them, after this man∣ner, Sepulchrum Abraham patris nostri, super quem pax sit, and so the rest, after he same example. And a Lampe perpetually burneth in the Caue, day and night, the Officers of the Temple conti∣nually ministring Oyle for the maintenance thereof. Also in the selfe-same Caue, there are tuns full of the bones of the ancient Israelites, brought thither by the Families of Israel, which euen vntill this day, remayne in that selfe-same place. But in the very field of Duplicitie, the Monu∣ments of the ancient house of our Father Abraham, are yet extant and to be seene, and a Foun∣tayn * 1.394 springeth out before it, and no man may build an house there, for the reuerence of Abraham. [ 60]

Beth-Gebarin is two leagues distant from thence, which was sometimes called Maressa, where there were only three Iewes. Fiue leagues Iourney from hence I came to Torondolos Ga∣braleris, which was sometimes called Sunam, where are three hundred Iewes. Three leagues from thence, is Saint Samuel of Silo, to wit, a Towne in time past called Siloh, two leagues di∣stant

from Hierusalem, where there is a great Temple, and therein the Sepulchre of the Prophet Samuel, translated by the Christians from Ramath, which is Rama, after that the Ismaelites were * 1.395 expelled thence, and the Towne taken, where before the bodie of Samuel was preserued, buried in the Synagogue of the Iewes. And now, as I haue said, there is a goodly and great Temple in Silo, named by them S. Samuel of Silo: and it remayneth euen vntill this day.

Departing from thence, and hauing trauelled three leagues towards the Mountayne Moria, I came to Pesipua, which is Gibgha, the Countrey of Saul, otherwise called Gibgha of Be〈…〉〈…〉amin, where are no Iewes. Beth-Nobi is three leagues distant from hence, the same beeing also called Nob, a Citie belonging to the Priests, where were two Iewes, Dyers, and in the middle of that way, are those two Rockes, famous through the memory of Ionathan, whereof the one is named [ 10] Bolsen, and the other Sina. Departing from thence, after three leagues I came to Ramas, which, in time past, was Harama; part of the walls and buildings whereof remayneth, euen from anci∣ent times, and it is confirmed by the Inscriptions of stones yet continuing, and the markes, ruines, and situation are shewed, of a very great Citie, sometimes, where now there are only three Iewes. And there is yet seene a field of the Israelites, two miles long, furnished with many Sepulchres of the Israelites. Fiue leagues from hence standeth Gapha, in time past Iapho, called * 1.396 Iope by others, seated on the Sea; where there is only one Iew, and he, a Dyer of Wooll. From hence, I trauelled th〈…〉〈…〉e leagues to Ebalin, it is the same Citie which was sometimes called Iebna, wherein the site of an ancient Schoole is yet seene, and there is no Iew there. And this is the furthest bound of the Tribe of Ephraim. From whence, hauing passed three leagues, I went to [ 20] Palmis, sometimes called Asdod or Asotus, in time past, the most famous Citie of the Palaestines, * 1.397 but now destroyed: and in it there is no Iew. From whence Ascalon is two leagues distant. This is Ascalon surnamed the new, built by Esdra the Priest, vpon the Sea shoare, which in the beginning, was called Benibera. This is foure leagues distant from the ancient Ascalon of the Palaestines, long since w••sted. But, this new one is a very great and goodly Citie frequented by many men resorting thither from all places for the cause of their Affaires, for that it is seated in part of the bounds of Egypt. And in it there are almost two hundred learned Iewes, among whom Tsa••ahh, and Aharon, and Salomo, haue the preeminence. There are also about fortie of those Students, who are called Literall, that is, conuersant in the simple meaning of the sacred Books, * 1.398 and about three hundred Cuthaei, or followers of the Doctrine of the Samaritanes. And in the [ 30] middle of the Citie there is a Well, which in the Language of the Ismaelites, the Inhabitants call Bir Abraham Alchelil, that is to say, the Well of Great Abraham, opened by Abraham in the dayes of the Palaestines. From hence I passed to Seguras, the ancient name whereof was * 1.399 Lud, from whence in one dayes Iourney and an halfe, I came to Zarezin, which is Iesreghel, where there is a certayne great Church: and there is only, one Iew there, a Dyer of Woolles. Foure leagues from hence is Sipuria, sometimes called Tsipori, where are the Sepulchres of that great Master called Hakados, and Hhaijah, who came vp out of Babylon, and of Ionas, the Sonne of Amithay the Prophet, who are buried in the Mountayne: and beside these, there are also many other ancient Sepulchers. Three leagues from hence, is Tiberia, neere vnto Iordan at the Lake, called the Sea of Kin••reth, or Genezareth, into the which Iordan floweth, and runneth out [ 40] towards the Salt Sea into the Land of the Plaine: and this place is called Asdoth-hapisga, and go∣ing forth from thence, it falleth into the Sea of Sodom, which is called the Sea of Salt. But, at Tiberia, there are almost fiftie Iewes: and the chiefe among these, are Abraham the Seer, and Muchthar, and Is••ac. And in that place there are hot waters springing out of the ground, which they call the Bathes of Tiberia; and the Synagogue of Caleb the Sonne of Iephune is there, not farre from the Bathes. There are also very many Sepulchres of the Israelites there, and the most * 1.400 famous, those especially of Iohn the Sonne of Zachai, and of Ionathan the Sonne of Leui: all these are in the lower Galiley. From hence, in two dayes Iourney I came to Timin, which in time * 1.401 past was called Tamnatha, famous for the Sepulchre of Samuel the Iust, which is yet to be seene, furnished also with other Sepulchers of the Israelites. From thence, after one whole dayes Iour∣ney, standeth Ghasth, sometimes called Gus Hhaleb, where there are about twentie Iewes. Tra∣uelling [ 50] sixe leagues from hence, I went to Maran, the ancient name whereof was Maron. In it are the Sepulchers of Hilel and Samai in a Caue, with twentie Sepulchers of both their Disci∣ples, and other Monuments also, as of Beniamin the Sonne of Iephat, and Iehuda the Sonne of Bathira. Sixe leagues from thence is Galmah famous for the great buildings of the Sepulchers of the Israelites, where there are fiftie Iewes. Kadis is halfe a dayes Iourney distant from hence, cal∣led also Kades Nephthalim, vpon the banke of Iordan, where are the Sepulchers of the Ancient, of Eliezer the Sonne of Gharoch, and Eliezer the Sonne of Azarias, and Hunus surnamed Rotun∣dus, and Rasbac, and Iose of Galiley. And the Monument of Barak the Sonne of A〈…〉〈…〉ogham, is yet remayning there. Departing from this place one whole dayes Iourney, I came to Balijuus in [ 60] time past called Dan, nigh vnto which there is a Caue whence Iordan issueth, which hauing run three miles, receiueth the waters of Arnon, comming out of the borders of Moab. Before the Caue it selfe, the markes of the Altar or Statue appeared, which one Micheas dedicated, adored by the children of Dan in those dayes; not farre also from thence, the place of the Altar is

seene, erected by Ieroboam the Sonne of Nabat, whereon that Golden Calfe was dedicated. And hitherto the bound of Israel extendeth on the side of the furthest Sea. From whence I made two dayes iourney to the Citie of Damascus, the beginning of the Kingdom of Noraldinus, King of the children of Thogarma, who are commonly called Turkes. The Citie it selfe is exceeding * 1.402 great and very faire, compassed with walls, but the whole Countrey is wonderfully beautified with Gardens and Paradises, contayning fifteene miles on euery side. There is no Citie, elsewhere, in all the fruitfull Countrey, seene like vnto this: which the two Riuers, Am∣na and Pharphar, falling downe from the Mountayne Hermon doe inrich. For the Citie stan∣deth vnder the M••untayne Hermon. The Riuer Amna runneth into the Citie it selfe the waters whereof are conueyed through Pipes, into all the houses of the Nobilitie, and also [ 10] into the Market places and streets. And the Countrey it selfe is much frequented through the Affaires of all Countries. But Pharphar running by the Citie it selfe, doth water all the Gar∣dens and pleasant places. And there is a Synagogue of the Ismaelites in the Citie, which they call Gumagh Dumes{que} that is, the * 1.403 Mosche of Damascus, the like building whereof is no where seene in the World: and the Inhabitents say, that it was the Princely Palace of Ben-Hadad. And there is a wall of Glasse built by the workmanship of the Magicians, distinguished with holes equall in number with the dayes of the Sun, so that euery day the Sun entring in at euery hole goeth thorow the twelue degrees fitted to the houres of the day, and so sheweth the time of the yeare and day. But within the Palace it selfe there are houses or little Bathes made of Gold and Siluer, wherein there is a Throne of the same matter, like vnto a great Vessell, so that [ 20] it may receiue three men bathing together. Within the Palace I saw the rib of a man hanging, of one of the Enakims, which was nine Spanish handfuls long, and two handfuls broad: and it is re∣ported, * 1.404 that he descended from the most ancient Kings of Enak, named Abchamaz, as by the ingrauen stone of his Sepulchre is declared; whereon it is also written that he raigned ouer the whole World. But at Damascus there are about three thousand Israelites, among whom there are the Disciples of wisemen, and such as are rich. And the Head m 1.405 of the Assembly of the Land of Israel dwelleth there, whose name is Esdra, and his Brother Sar Salom the chiefe Iudge, and Ioseph the fift of the Assembly, and Ma••sliahh the head of the order of the Readers, and Mair the Crowne and glory of the wise men, and Sadik the Physician. There are also, almost, two hundred of the Literall Expositors, but of the Cuthaei, almost foure hundred: among all whom [ 30] there is great concord and peace, yet notwithstanding, these diuers Factions inter-marrie not each with other.

Departing from Damascus, in one whole dayes iourney I went to Galgad, which was some∣times called, Gilead, a large Countrey, flowing with Riuers and Fountaines of water, repleni∣shed with Gardens and Orchards, in the which there are about threescore Israelites. Halfe a dayes iourney from hence standeth Salcatha, which Citie was sometime called, Saleca. From whence the other Baghal-Beik is halfe a dayes iourney distant, the ancient name whereof was Baghala, seated in the Valley vnder Libanus, built by Salomon, for the sake and vse of Pharaos Daughter. And part of the building of the Palace yet remayneth, the stones whereof are iust twentie Spanish handfuls in length, and twelue in bredth, among which there is not one at [ 40] all, that is not worne: and it is commonly reported, that that building was not made by the hand of man, but of * 1.406 Asmodey. And in the very entrance of the Citie, a great Fountaine bur∣steth forth, and runneth through the middest of the Citie. There is also Thadmur seated in the Desart, built likewise by the commandement of Salomon, after the same manner of building and greatnesse of the stones: and it is compassed with a wall, solitary, as I said, and remoued from other Habitation, and some dayes iourney distant from Baghala. But, in this Citie Thadmur, there are foure thousand Iewes, valiant, and ready and prepared for the battel: who make warre with the Children of Edom, and with the Children of Garab, or the Arabians, commonly cal∣led, subiect vnto the Kingdome of Noraldinus: and they helpe the bordering Ismaelites. Among these, Isaac, surnamed Graecus, and Nathan, and Uziel, haue the pre-eminence. Halfe a dayes [ 50] * 1.407 iourney from thence I came to Kiriathin, called Kiriathaim in time past, in the which there are no Iewes, except one Dyer of woolls. From whence departing one whole dayes iourney, I en∣tred into Hamath, retayning the ancient name, seated vnder the Mountaine Libanus, nigh vnto the Riuer Iabok. But, in those dayes it hapned, that the Citie being shaken with a great Earth∣quake, aboue fifteene thousand men perished in one day: and no more then seuentie men were remayning aliue, the chiefe is, Ghola the Priest, and old Father Galeb, and Muchtar. Siha is halfe a dayes iourney distant from hence, sometimes called, Hhatsor: from the which, Lamdin is no further remoued then three leagues. In two dayes iourney from thence I went to Hhaleb, the ancient name of which Citie and Countrey was Aram Tsoba: and it is the Princely seat of King Noraldinus, within the which there is a very great Palace, compassed with a wall, and [ 60] there is no Fountaine, Well, or Riuer in the whole Citie: but they drinke raine-water gathe∣red in Cisternes, which in the Ismaelitish Language they call, Algub. There are about one thou∣sand fiue hundred Israelites here, whose Heads are, Moses the Constantinopolitan, and Israel, and Seth. But trauelling two dayes iourney from hence, I came to Baalits, in time past Pethoran, and

nigh vnto the Riuer Euphrates, where euen vntill this day, the Tower of Balaam the sonne of Beghor, remayneth (let the name of the wicked be abolished) built according to the number * 1.408 of the houres of the day: and in that Citie there are few Iewes. From thence, it is halfe a dayes iourney to Kelagh Geber, which the Ancients called, Selagh Midbera, the Latines, Petra Deserti. * 1.409 The Arabians onely retayned this, after they fled into the Desarts, being violently expulsed by the Turkes, from their habitations and Cities. But here there are almost two thousand Iewes, and the chiefe of these, Sedekias, Hhaija, and Salomo.

§. III. [ 10]

Of Mesopotamia, Mosul, Bagdat; the Calipha; the numbers, Synagogues, and Priuiledges of the Iewes in it, and the places adioyning.

ONe dayes iourney distant from hence is Dakia, which was sometime called Chalne, * 1.410 the beginning of the Land of Senaar (which is Mesopotamia) it lieth out in length betweene the Kingdome of the Turkes, and the Countrey Sangasar. And there are almost seuentie Iewes there, ouer whom, Zachai, and Nedib, otherwise called c 1.411 Sagi Nehor, and Ioseph, haue the pre-eminence. And in this place standeth the Synagogue built by [ 20] Esdra, returning from Babylon to Hierusalem. Two dayes iourney from thence is ancient Hha∣ran, in the which there is also a Synagogue of the like building, made by the commandement of the same Esdra: but that place, where the house of our Father Abraham was, contayneth no building; yet is it religiously respected by the Ismaelites, and frequented by them for the offe∣ring * 1.412 vp of their supplications. Departing from thence, we trauelled two dayes iourney to the place where a Riuer issueth forth, called by the Inhabitants Alchabor, the same also in time past being called, Hhabor, which runneth forth into the Prouince Madai or Media, and falleth into the Mountaine Gozen. And there are about two thousand Iewes there. From hence, after two dayes iourney, is Netsibin or Nisibis, a great Citie, abounding with Riuers of water, where are, almost, a thousand Iewes. From whence, trauelling two dayes iourney, we came to Gezir Ben-Ghamar, [ 30] which Citie is contayned within the bankes of the Riuer Hidekel, which the people of the West call Tygris, at the foot of the Mountaines Ararat or Taurus, foure miles, almost, distant from the place where the Arke of Noe rested: but Ghamar-Ben-Alehetab hauing taken that Arke from the ridge of the Mountaine, being remoued, fitted it for the vse of the Ismae∣lites Mosche, neere vnto which, standeth the Synagogue of Esdra, euen vnto this day, where∣unto, the Iewes going out of the Citie, assemble on festiuall dayes, to pray. And in that Metro∣politan Citie of Gezira Gamar Ben-Alchetab, there are, almost, foure thousand Iewes, Mubhhar, and Ioseph, and Hhaija, being the chiefe.

Two dayes iourney distant from thence is Al-Mutsal, the name whereof was sometime, Great Assur, where are seuen thousand Iewes: the principall whereof are, Zachai ha d 1.413 Nassi, [ 40] of the posteritie of King Dauid; and Ioseph, surnamed e 1.414 Barhan al pelech, Counsellor of King Zinaldin, Brother of Noraldinus the King of Damascus. And this Citie is the beginning of the Kingdome of Persia, and retayneth that ancient largenesse and greatnesse, seated vpon the Riuer Hhidekel, betweene which and the ancient Niniue, there is onely a Bridge: but Niniue is vt∣terly destroyed: yet there are〈…〉〈…〉 t••eets, and many Castles within the space of the ancient circuit, from which vnto the Citie Adbael, is one leagues distance. But Niniue was built vpon the banke of Hhidekel. And in the Citie Assur there are now three Synagogues of three Prophets, of Abdia, of Ionas the sonne of Amithai, and Nahhum the Sonne of Eleusseus. Departing from thence, and trauelling three dayes iourney, I came to Rahaba, by the Antient, called Rehhoboth, seated nigh vnto the Riuer Euphrates, in the which, there are almost two thousand Iewes, where∣of Ezechias, Ahud, and Isaac, are accounted the chiefe. And it is a very great and goodly Citie, [ 50] compassed about with walls, and very well fortified, and furnished with goodly Suburbs of Gar∣dens, and places of delight. Vpon the banke of the same Riuer standeth Karkesia, sometime called Charchamis, one dayes iourney onely, distant from Rahaba; in the which, there dwell about fiue hundred Iewes, Isaac, and Elhana being the chiefe. Two dayes iourney from hence, we went to Al-Iobar, the ancient name whereof, was Pumbeditha, seated in Nahardugha: in the which, there are about two thousand Iewes, among whom there are many Disciples of the Wise∣men, and the chiefe of these are, Great Hen, and Moses, and Eliakim. The Sepulchres of the Masters, Iuda, and Samuel, are there accounted memorable. Before each Sepulchre stand two Synagogues, built by them before their death. There also remayneth the Sepulchre of Bestenai [ 60] Hanassi, who was Head of the Transmigration, and Nathan, and Neheman the sonne of Papha. Departing from hence, I trauelled fiue dayes iourney to Hharda, in the which, there are about fifteene thousand Iewes, among whom Zachen, and Ioseph, and Nathanael, are the chiefe. From this Citie, it is two dayes iourney to Ghukbera, the chiefe Citie, built by Iechonias the King of

Iuda, in the which there are almost ten thousand Iewes, Iehosuah and Nathan being the principall.

Two dayes iourney distant from hence standeth Bagdad, a great Citie, the beginning of the Kingdome of Calipha, named * 1.415 Amir Almumanin Alghabassi, of the Progenie of him, whom the Ismaelites call their Prophet, who hath the chiefe authoritie ouer the whole Doctrine and * 1.416 Sect of the Ismaelites: and for this cause he is accounted reuerent and honorable, to all the rest of the Kings or the Ismaelites: for hee ruleth ouer them all, as a certaine high Priest of them all. And within the Citie of Bagdad it selfe he hath a Palace, built in a plat of ground of three miles, and within the Palace, there is a Wood furnished with all kinds of Trees of the whole world, not onely with fruitfull Trees, but also barren; replenished also with all sorts of Beasts, and in [ 10] the middest of the Wood, an huge standing Poole of water, conueyed from the Riuer Tigris. But the Calipha walking or supping in that Wood for recreation, his seruants exercise Hawking and Fishing, and hee goeth vnto this place accompanied with the traine of his Counsellers and Princes. And the proper name of this great King is * 1.417 Al-Ghabassi Hhaphtsi, who loueth the Israelites very well, being skilfull in the tongues, studious in reading the Law of Moses, who being expert in the Hebrew Language, both readeth, and also writeth learnedly. But hee hath made this Religious vow vnto himselfe, that he would receiue the vse neither of meate, drinke, nor apparell, but through the labour of his owne hands: for he is an artificiall maker of the most excellent fine Mats and Couerlets, which, being marked with his owne Seale, he deliuereth to * 1.418 his principall seruants, to be sold in the Market, but the Noble-men of the Countrey buy them, [ 20] and with the money of that trade, he procureth maintenance for himselfe: and hee is a man of an honest behauiour, and faithfull, and religious after his manner, and most curteously saluteth, and speaketh vnto all men. But the Ismaelites may not lawfully behold him. But the Pilgrims who goe vnto that famous house, called Meka, seated in the Countrey of Aeliman, from the most remote Countries, trauell this way through an earnest desire they haue to salute Calipha; and hauing entred into the Palace, they crie out, O our Lord, the light of the Ismaelites, and the Su〈…〉〈…〉e∣beame of our Law, shew vs the brightnesse of thy face: to whose words hee inclineth not his minde. But then, the Princes his familiar friends and seruants speake vnto him with these words: Our Lord, spread abroade thy peace vpon these men comming from remote Countries, whom an admirable de∣sire hath inforced to flye vnto the shadow of thy glory. In the selfe same houre therefore, taking vp [ 30] the wing of his garment, hee letteth it downe out of the Window, which, the Pilgrims com∣ming vnto it, religiously kisse. And hauing heard this answer from one of those familiar Prin∣ces, Goe in peace, for now our Lord, the light of the Ismaelites hath receiued, and giuen you peace: for he is supposed by them to be, as it were, he whom they call their Prophet. They therefore most ioyfully returne euery one into their Countrey, after they haue beene dismissed in this manner with such speech of the Prince, and returning home, are receiued by their brethren, kinsfolke, and familiar and inward friends, with the kissing of their garments. And euery one of those Princes who serue the Calipha, haue their seuerall Palaces within that huge Palace, yet they goe * 1.419 all bound with Iron Chaines, and ouer all their houses there are watchfull keepers set, lest any one should attempt any sudden innouation against that mightie King. For it happened once, that [ 40] his brethren conspiring against him, made a certaine other, one of their number, ruler ouer them; wherefore he established it by decree, that all the children of his whole stocke and familie, should be bound with Iron Chaines, lest they should againe enterprize the like attempt against the mightie King. But euery one liueth in a priuate Court, reuerenced with great honour, and hath Cities, Townes, and Countries, from the which he yeerely ••ceiueth tributes and reuenues, brought vnto him by the Tresurers: and they feast, and giue themselues to pleasure all their whole life. But in that Palace of the mightie King, there are buildings of an admirable great∣nesse, * 1.420 the Pillars whereof are of siluer and gold, and the inner parts of the houses are ouer-laide with these metals, and beautified with all kind of Precious stones and Pearles: out of the which Palace he goeth forth once only in the yeere, on that festiual day or Easter, which they cal Rama∣dan. * 1.421 [ 50] And on that day, great multitudes of men from diuers and remote Countries, flocke together to see his face. And he is carried vpon a Mule, attired in princely garments, intermingled with gold an siluer, hauing his head adorned with a Myter, shining with stones of incomparable price: but he weareth a blacke Handkerchiefe vpon the Myter, by carrying whereof, he openly confes∣seth the shamefac'tnesse of this world; as if he should haue said: This great Maiestie which yee behold, darkenesse will obscure in the day of death. Moreouer, all the Nobilitie of the Ismae∣lites accompanie him, attired with very goodly and costly garments, and sitting vpon Horses, the Princes of Arabia, the Princes of Media, and Persia, and the Princes of the Countrey of * 1.422 Tuboth, which is three moneths iourney distant from Arabia. But he commeth forth of his Pa∣lace to the great house (as they call it) of Prayer, built in the gate Bosra: for that is accounted [ 60] their greatest house of Prayer. Moreouer, as well the men as women, all who celebrate that day are cloathed with Purple and silken garments. You may also finde through all the wayes and streets, all kindes of Instruments, Songs, and Dances, playing when he passeth by: and Ca∣lipha himselfe the mightie King is saluted by all, in these words: Peace bee vpon thee our Lord

the King, He, I say, kisseth his owne garment, wherewith sometimes, but sometimes only with his hand stretched forth, he signifieth peace and salutation vnto them. And thus hee goeth vnto * 1.423 the Court of prayer, where ascending into a woodden Turret, he interpreteth his Law in a Ser∣mon, from an higher place. But then the wise men of the Ismaelites arising, hauing wished all * 1.424 happinesse vnto him, congratulate his greatnesse and excellent pietie, euidently knowne by ma∣ny examples, which they desire to be perpetuall. And surely, all enlarge this gratulation, answe∣ring, Amen. And afterward he blesseth them all. Then presently a Camell being brought, is kil∣led * 1.425 by him, for this is accounted their Paschall feast, of the flesh whereof he commandeth small pieces to be distributed to those Princes his seruants, who are to taste of the beast slaine by their sacred King, at which present they greatly reioyce. And these things being performed after their [ 10] manner, they depart from that house of Prayer. But the King returneth another way then hee came, by the banke of the Riuer Tigris, himselfe alone. For the rest of the Princes and seruants returne by the Riuer, being carried in Boates before him, vntill hee enter into the Palace. And that way is diligently kept all the yeere by Watchmen, lest peraduenture any one enter into that place, which is sacred, through the steps of his feete. All that whole yeere after he is con∣teyned within the Palace, neuer to goe forth to any other place. But he is of a faire behauiour, * 1.426 and according to that sect of his, iust and godly. And hee hath built a Palace beyond the Riuer, on the very banke of a certaine Arme of the Riuer Euphrates, which floweth from the other side of the Citie, in the which he hath built great houses and Market-places, and also Hospitals, fit for the curing of poore sicke men, and almost threescore Physicians Store-houses are recko∣ned there, being all abundantly furnished with all necessary kindes of Spices, Medicines, and o∣ther [ 20] fit things brought from the Kings house: whatsoeuer therefore is thought commodious for Medicine, and food, and for the whole cure, is giuen to all the sicke brought thither, at the Kings cost, vntill they happen to bee recouered. Besides, there is another Palace in the same place, which is called Dar Almarapthan, that is, the house of Mercie, for the including of all mad per∣sons found in the Countrey; euery one whereof are bound with Iron Chaines, vntill they returne to their wits: for then they are euery one permitted to depart vnto their houses, the men to whom that charge is committed, looking vnto it, and examining the same euery moneth. All these things are ordained by that King, for the bestowing of almes and benefit commonly, to all comming thither, who are either mad, or troubled with any other disease. For, as we haue said, he is of a mercifull and kind disposition, and of a good minde. [ 30]

And in the same Citie, called Bagdad, there are about a thousand Iewes, liuing in great quiet∣nesse * 1.427 and peace, and very honestly vsed vnder the dominion of that King, surnamed, the Great, among whom there are some very learned men, the chiefe of the Assemblies, greatly conuersant in the studie of the Law of Moses. But there are ten Assemblies there, the head of the greatest whereof, is Samuel the sonne of H••li: next, the heads of the other Assemblies are, Gaon Sagan the Leuite, of the second: but of the third, Daniel Sod: of the fourth, Eliezer Hahhaber: and * 1.428 Eliezer Ben Tsa••ahh, head of the Order, who is descended from the Prophet Samuel, and with his Brethren playeth cunningly vpon musicall Instruments, that is, vpon the Psalteries, with the same skill which was then vsed when the house of the Sanctuarie was yet standing; hee is head [ 40] of the fift Assembly: and of the sixt Hhasadias, the flower of his Companions: Haggaeus Ha∣nassi ruleth the seuenth Assembly: Esdras the eight: Abraham, surnamed Abutahar the ninth: the tenth and last, Zachaeus Ben Basath••ai. All these are called Uacant, because they doe no other thing but gouerne the Societie. But they exercise iudgements, and execute iustice to all the Iewes of that Countrey all the dayes of the weeke, except the second day wherein they all assemble before Great Samuel, the head of the Assembly, and honor of the Iacobides, who, together with those ten Vacants, the heads of the Assemblies, doe iustice to euery one requiring the same. Not∣withstanding the greatest of all these, is Daniel the sonne of Hhasdai, called the head of the Cap∣tiuitie, who hath a booke of his Genealogie, deriued euen from Dauid. The Iewes call him our Lord, and the head of the Captiuitie. And the Ismaelites call him Sid••a Ben Dauid, that is, our Lord, the sonne of Dauid. And he hath great authoritie ouer all the Congregations of the Israe∣lites, [ 50] vnder the hand * 1.429 of Amir Almonin, Lord of the Ismaelites: whose decree was this, ap∣pertaining euen vnto his Posteritie, adding and deliuering also a Seale of authoritie ouer all the Colledges of the Israelites, whatsoeuer contayned within the iurisdiction of his Law to whom for the cause of honor, he hath commanded all men, as well Ismaelites as Iewes, to arise vp and salute, and Nations also of whatsoeuer faction; he that shall doe otherwise, let him be punished with an hundred stripes. But when he commeth forth to visit the Great King, he is guarded with a great number of Horse-men, Iewes and Gentiles accompanying him, a Cryer going before him, proclayming these words: Prepare yee the way for the Lord the sonne of Dauid, as it is meete; and they proclaime it in their Language. B•••• he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈…〉〈…〉ed vpon an Horse, cloathed with silken and [ 60] embroydered garments, he adorneth his hea〈…〉〈…〉 w〈…〉〈…〉 a Miter, vpon the Miter he weareth a white Shash, and vpon the Shash a Chaine. And all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Colledges of the Israelites of the Countrey of Senaar, Persia, Gharsan, and Seba, which is now called Aliman, and Diarbeich, and of all the Countrey of Mesopotamia, and the Prouince R••t, whose Inhabitants dwell in the Mountaynes

of Ararat, and of the Countrey Alania, which is in••losed round about with very high Moun∣taines, * 1.430 and haue no entrance or way to goe forth except the Iron Gates placed there by Alexan∣der, where that Nation called Al••n dwelleth: besides, of the Countries of Sicria, and all the Land of Thogarmin, euen vnto the Mountaines Asna, and of the Prouince of the Gerganaei, euen * 1.431 vnto the Riuer Ghihon. But the Gerganaei are the same People that are called Gergasaei, now Christians, and vnto the Gates of the best Countries and Lands, euen vnto India, I say, the Colledges of all these Countries, through the authoritie and power of this man, Prince of the Captiuitie, chuse euery one their Head and Minister, who being chosen, come vnto him to receiue authoritie, and imposition of hands: and vnto him, Gifts and Presents are brought from all the borders of the Land. And he hath publike houses, let for aduantage, which they call [ 10] Fondaci, and hath also Orchards and Gardens in Babylon, and very many possessions receiued from his Ancestors by the right of Inheritance, but no man dare violently take or carrie away any thing from him. He hath also houses to be let, and of Merchandizing, for the vse of the Iewes. He receiueth also a certaine tribute yeerely out of the Markets, and from the Merchants of the Land, besides that which he receiueth, brought vnto him from remote Countries. There∣fore he is exceeding rich, and dil••gently conuersant and learned, as well in the sacred as in o∣ther bookes of humane knowledge: and he feedeth many of the Israelites by his daily hospi∣talitie. But, at what time any man of this Familie is made Head of the Captiuitie, a 1.432 hee brin∣geth forth great summes of money, and giueth first vnto the King himselfe, and next vnto the Princes and Magistrates. And the same day wherein the King layeth his hand vpon him, to grant [ 20] him authoritie and principalitie, the second Chariot of the King is prepared and couered for him to ascend into it, and to be brought from the Palace vnto his owne house with great pompe and singing, and with the striking vp of Drums, and sound of the Fluits. But he himselfe exer∣ciseth the imposition of ••ands towards the men of the Assemblie. And the Iewes Inhabitants of that Metropolitan Citie are the Disciples of b 1.433 Wise-men, and very rich: and eight and twentie Synagogues are numbred in the Citie of Bagdat it selfe, and in Parech, or the Suburbs which are beyond Tigris. For the Riuer runneth through the Metropolitan Citie it selfe. But that great Synagogue, which appertayneth to that man who is the Head of the Captiuitie, is built with marble stones, diuers and most excellent, of all colours, garnished with Gold and Siluer: and in the very Pillars, Verses of the Psalmes are read, ingrauen in golden letters. Moreouer, before [ 30] the Arke, the ranks of ten seats are there distinguished with marble steps; in the highest where∣of, the Head of the Captiuitie sitteth with the chiefest of the Familie of Dauid. But the Me∣tropolitan Citie it selfe is great, in the which also a Citie, like a Castle is contayned, fortified with a wall of three miles circuit about. The Countrey aboundeth with the most excellent Palme-trees, Gardens and Orchards, of all the Land of Senaar, and is frequented by the most gallant Merchants and Factors of all Countries, and maintayneth learned men and Philosophers, and Students of all the Mathematicall Artes, Diuinations and Inchantments.

Departing two dayes iourney from thence I came to Gehiaga, the ancient name whereof was Resen, sometimes a great and very famous Citie, in the which there are almost fiue thousand Is∣raelites; and they haue a great Synagogue, with a place of buriall next vnto the Synagogue: [ 40] and in the burying place a Caue, famous for the Sepulchres of certa••ne ancient learned men. One dayes iourney distant from hence, standeth that ancient Babel, contayning thirtie miles in compasse, but now vtterly destroyed, where the ruines of Nabuchodonosors Palace are yet seene, inaccessible to men, by reason of the diuers and noysome kinds of Serpents and Dragons liuing there. Not aboue twentie miles distant from these ruines, twentie thousand Israelites dwell, who powre forth their prayers in the Synagogues; the chiefe whereof is that vppermost an∣cient Floore of Daniel, built with square stones and Brickes, and the Temple and Palace of Na∣buchodonosor of the same matter, and the Fornace of burning fire, into the which, Hananias, Misael, and Azarias were cast. And all these things are seene in the Valley well knowne to all. From thence we passed fiue miles to Hhilan, where are almost ten thousand Israelites, diuided [ 50] into foure Synagogues, whereof one was the Synagogue of M Aar, who lieth buried there: next vnto whom also, are the Sepulchres of Great Zeghirus the sonne of Hama, and of Great M Aar: and the Iewes daily assemble thither to pray. From thence, are foure miles vnto the Tower which the Children of the diuision began to build, which was made of that kinde of Bricke, which in the Arabian Language is called, Lagzar. The length of the Foundation con∣teyneth almost two miles, but the bredth of the walls is two hundred and fortie cubits: and where it is broadest, it contayneth an hundred Canes. Betweene the space of ten Canes, there are wayes made out at length throughout the whole building in the forme of a wreathed rundle; ascending which from the highest place, the fields are beheld twentie miles off: for the Coun∣trey it selfe is very broad and plaine. But this building was sometimes stricken with lightning [ 60] from Heauen, and destroyed euen vnto the lowest part.

Halfe a dayes iourney from hence is Naphahh, where are almost two hundred Iewes: and the Synagogue of that Great Isaac, surnamed Naphhaeus, is there, who lieth buried right ouer a∣gainst it. Three leagues from thence is the Synagogue of Ezechiel the Prophet, nigh vnto the

Riuer Euphrates; and in the same place right ouer against the Synagogue, are threescore Towers in number, and betweene euery Tower also, there are seuerall Synagogues, and in the Court of the Synagogue there is an Arke; and behind the Synagogue, the Monument of Ezechiel the sonne of Buz the Priest, vnder a great and very goodly Vault, built by Iechonias King of Iuda, together with fiue and thirtie thousand Iewes, who followed him by Euilmerodak deliuered out of Prison. And this place is betweene the Riuer Cobar, and the Riuer Euphrates. And * 1.434 Iechonias, and they who came with him, are engrauen in the very walls; Iechonias first, but Ezechiel last. And this place is holy, euen vnto this day. And vnto that place at a certaine time, many assemble for the cause of prayer, from the beginning of the yeere vnto the feast of * 1.435 Expiations: and there they liue most pleasant dayes. And that principall man, whom they [ 10] call the Head of the Captiuitie, with the other Heads of the Assemblies, come hither also from Bagdat, and abide all in that field for two and twentie miles together, pitching their Tents in diuers places. Moreouer, the Arabian Merchants come thither, and the greatest and most fre∣quented Faires are kept there. But at this time, a great Booke, renowmed for authoritie and antiquitie, written by Ezechiel the Prophet, is brought forth, wherein they reade on the day of Expiation. And vpon the Sepulchre of Ezechiel, a Lampe continually burneth day and * 1.436 night, since it was first lighted by the same Prophet, for the which, Oyle and Thread are ordi∣narily distributed and tempered. There is also a certaine great sacred Temple there, full of bookes kept as well from the time of the first house, as of the second: and it is and was the cu∣stome, that they who had no children, should consecrate their Bookes in that place. Moreouer, [ 20] Vowes are made in that place, to be performed by the Iewes dwelling in Media, and Persia. The principall men also of the Ismaelites resort hither to pray, among whom the authoritie and reuerence of the Prophet Ezechiel is great, the name of which place in their Language is, Dar melihha, that is, The house of the Congregation: and thither all the Arabians come for cause of * 1.437 prayer. About halfe a mile distant from this place, the Sepulchres of Hananias, Misael, and Azarias, are seene, with each of their great and goodly Arches. And although warre happen in those Countries, there is no mortall man that dare violate or touch these places; neither of the Iewes nor Ismaelites, for the reuerence of the Prophet Ezechiel. From thence you trauell three miles to the Citie Alkotsonath, in the which there are almost three hundred Iewes, and there also are the Sepulchres of Great Papha, and Huna, and Master Ioseph Siuaeus, and of Ioseph [ 30] the sonne of Hhama. And right ouer against euery one of them, there are seuerall Synagogues, in the which the Iewes daily assemble for the cause of prayer. From hence to Ghein Saphta are * 1.438 three leagues, where is the Sepulchre of Nahum the sonne of Elcusaeus the Prophet. It is one dayes iourney from thence to Caphar le Paras, a famous place for the Sepulchres of Hhassidai, * 1.439 and Ghakiba, and Dusa. Capharmehamidbar is halfe a dayes iourney distant from thence, where * 1.440 Master Dauid, and Iehuda, and Kuberia, and Sehora, and Abba lie buried. One dayes iourney from thence is the Riuer Liga, where the Sepulchre of King Sedechia is, beautified with a great Arch. One dayes iourney from hence standeth the Citie Kupha, famous for the monument of King Iechonias, of great workmanship, right ouer against which, a Synagogue is built; and in this place there are almost seuen thousand Iewes. One dayes iourney and an halfe from thence [ 40] standeth Suria, which the Ancient called, Matha Mahhasia, in the which the Heads of the Captiuitie, and the chiefe of the Assemblies, were in the beginning: and great men are buried there, Sarica, and his sonne Haai, and Sandias the sonne of Pijumus, and Semuel the sonne of Hhophin the Priest, and Sephanias the sonne of Chussi the sonne of Gedolia the Prophet, and ve∣ry many other of the Heads of the Captiuitie, Princes of the Familie of Dauid, and principall men of the Assemblies, who abode there in the beginning, before the destruction thereof. You trauell two dayes iourney from hence to Sephiththib, situated in Nahardagha. But from thence to Elnachar, is one dayes iourney and an halfe, called also Pebeditha, seated vpon the banke of Euphrates, where his Synagogue is seene, who by the figure Antonomasia, is called Rab, and of Samuel, nigh vnto the which also are their Monuments.

§. IIII. [ 50]

Strange reports, if true, of the Aliman Iewes. Of Persia, and DAVID ELROI. Of the Nisbor Iewes, and some places of India.

FRom thence trauelling through the Desart, you goe vnto the Countrey Seba, which * 1.441 is now called, the Land of Aliman, bordering vpon the Countrey Senaar on the North, the length whereof contayneth one and twentie dayes iourneys to be made through the Desarts: and in this Countrey those Iewes dwell, who are called, the [ 60] Sonnes of Recab, otherwise, the men of Theima. For Theima is the beginning of their Domi∣nion, * 1.442 whom now Hanan Hanassi gouerneth. And the Citie of Theima it selfe is great, and po∣pulous. Their Countrey is extended sixteene dayes iourney, betweene the Mountaines which

are called, Northerly, beautified with great and well fortified Cities, and not subiect to the yoke of any forraine Nation: from whence the Inhabitants going forth, spoyle all the bordering and also the remote Nations, how many soeuer they be, euen vnto the Arabians, who are in league with them. But the Arabians are they who dwell in Tents, and haue moueable Habitations in the Desarts of their * 1.443 Countrey, and inuade strange Countries for prey, in all that Countrey of Aliman: and those Iewes, whom we now men∣tioned, manure grounds and pastures; possesse Heards and Cattell, hauing a very large and vast Countrey, who giue the Tenths of all their reuenues to the vse of the Disciples [ 10] of Wise-men, perpetually applying their studie to Doctrine and Sermons, and of the Pharisies, who lament Sion, and bewayle Hierusalem, continually abstayning from Flesh, and Wine, and alwaies cloathed with mourning and poore apparell, dwelling in holes or little Cottages, and fasting euery day except * 1.444 the Sabbath, with continuall prayers also beseeching the sacred Maiestie, and begging the mercy of God towards the deliuerance of the Captiuitie of Israel. All the Iewes also desire the same; to wit, the men of the Countrey of Theima, and Telimaas, in the which there are almost an hun∣dred thousand Iewes: among whom Selomoh Hanassi, that is the chiefe, and his brother Hhanan Hanassi, are of the Progenie of Dauid the King: which the Booke of the Familie from age to age deriued, plainly declareth. And all these goe with their garments rent, and fast fortie daies, [ 20] for all the Iewes sakes liuing in Captiuitie. But that Prouince hath about fortie Cities, two hundred Townes, and an hundred Castles. But the Metropolis and Head is Thenai, and the summe of the Iewes inhabiting in all those Cities, contayneth almost three hundred thousand men. Moreouer, that chiefe Citie is largely compassed with very wide and ample walls, so that it hath fields within it, and affoordeth the abilitie and commoditie of sowing and reaping Corne. For, it con••ayneth fifteene miles in length, and as many also in bredth. And the Palace of Salomon Hanassi is there: and the Citie it selfe is very faire, and furnished with most plea∣sant Gardens and Orchards. Tilmaas also is no lesse goodly and great a Citie, which about an hundred thousand Iewes inhabit, seated betweene two very high Mountaines, and very strong∣ly fenced, full of learned and wise men, of the which, many are rich. Chibar is three dayes [ 30] iourney distant from Tilmaas: and they report, that they are Reuben, and Gad, and the Tribe of Manasse, taken by Salmanasar the King of the Assyrians and sent hither, and that they built these great and well fortified Cities, and going forth of these places they made warres, and yet warre with all the bordering Kingdomes; and that no man is able to come vnto them, by reason of the vast and huge Desarts, voyd of all succour for eighteene dayes iourney together. And Chibar is also a great Citie, where fiftie thousand Israelites dwell, whereof many are learned men, and very many most valiant, who make warre with the children of Senaar, and with the Northerne Countries, and the bordering Inhabitants of Eliman. But this is Hodu, that is per∣tayning to India, from which you are to trauell fiue and twentie dayes iourney vnto the Riuer Vi••a, which runneth through the Countrey of Eliman, where three thousand Israelites dwell. [ 40] Trauelling seuen dayes iourney from hence, you come to Neasat, where are seuen thousand Is∣raelites, among whom, Nedaian is accounted a great man. But, from thence you trauell fiue dayes iourney to Bosra, seated on the Riuer Tigris, in which, there are a thousand Israelites, of the which very many are the Disciples of the Wise-men, and many are accounted rich.

Two dayes iourney distant from hence, is the Riuer Samura, the beginning of the Countrey of Persia, with à Citie of the same name, wherein a thousand and fiue hundred Iewes dwell. And that place is famous for the Sepulchre of Esdras, the Scribe & Priest, who comming Embassador from Hierusalem to Artaxerses the King, dyed there. But before his Sepulchre a great Syna∣gogue is built by the ancient Fathers, and on the other side, the Ismaelites haue built an House of Prayer, for the great affection they bare towards that man: which also is the cause, that the Is∣maelites [ 50] loue the Iewes resorting vnto that place to pray. Foure miles distant from thence stan∣deth Chuzsethan; called Elam in former time, the Countrey of the Elamites, a very great Citie, but for the most part, now destroyed, wasted, and without Inhabitants: among the ruins wherof, Susan Habira is yet to be seene, the huge Palace of K. Assuerus, built with very goodly worke∣manship, many parts and examples of Art yet remayning of that Princely and admirable buil∣ding. In this Citie there are seuen thousand Iewes, who are assembled in fourteene Synagogues; and before one of them standeth the Sepulchre of Daniel: and the Riuer Tigris runneth through the Citie it selfe, and also diuideth the habitation of the Iewes: and on the one side of the Riuer, they are all very rich whosoeuer dwell there, and they haue Market places very well furnished with Merchandizes and Trading: but on the other dwell all the meaner and poorer [ 60] sort, who haue no Markets, no Trading, nor Gardens or Orchards, so that vpon a certaine time they conceiued enuie against the other, and supposed that the riches and fertilitie happened vn∣to them, through the Neighbour-hood of Daniel the Prophet buried there: wherefore they re∣quired of them, that the Sepulchre of Daniel might bee permitted to bee translated vnto their

Quarter. Which when it was constantly denyed, they first fell to brawling, and afterward to battell and fight, with great slaughter on both sides for many dayes together, vntill at length be∣ing both weary, they agreed vpon Couenants and conditions, that euery other yeere, the Tombe stone of Daniel should be carried ouer vnto the other side: and that for some little while was * 1.445 done and renued, but in the meane space it happened, that Senigar Saa the Sonne of Saa the mightie Emperour of all the Kings of the Persians came thither, whose command fiue and forty Kingdomes obay.

He is called in the Arabian Language Sultan alporas alkabir, that is, The Great King of Persia: and his Dominion is extended from the mouth of the Riuer Samura, euen vnto the Citie Semar∣choth, and vnto the Riuer Gozen, and vnto the Countrey Ghisbor, and the Cities of Media, and the Montaynes Hhaphton, and vnto those excellent Countries, where beasts are maintayned, [ 10] from which dissolued Myrrhe commeth. And all the Dominion of this Emperour contayneth foure monethes and foure dayes iourney. When therefore hauing sometime stayed in this City; he had seene the Tombe stone of Daniel to bee carryed ouer from one quatter of the Citie vnto the other, and that very many of the Iewes and Ismaelites went with it, demanding and vnder∣standing the cause, he thought it a shamefull thing, that such irreuerence towards Daniel should bee tolerated: but hauing diligently measured the space betweene both parts, hee hung vp the Tombe stone of Daniel put into an Arke of Glasse, in that middle place, fastened to an huge Beame with Brazen Chaines, and commanded a great Temple to be built, dedicated to the vse of a Synagogue, and open for all men of the whole World, and denyed to no mortall man, whe∣ther [ 20] Iew or Aramite purposing to enter into the same to pray. And that Arke hangeth vpon the Beame euen vntill this day. Moreouer, that Emperour forbade by an expresse Edict, that no man should take fishes out of the Riuer for one mile downe the Riuer, and for another mile vp the Riuer, for the reuerence and honour of Daniel.

From hence to Robad-Bar are three dayes iourneyes, where also, almost twentie thousand * 1.446 Israelites dwell: among whom there, are very many Disciples of the Wisemen, and also rich; but these liue as Captiues vnder the power and authoritie of a strange Prince. In two dayes iourney from thence you come to the Riuer Vaanath, where are foure thousand Iewes, almost. But foure dayes iourney from that Riuer, lyeth the Countrey Molhhaath, the Inhabitants * 1.447 whereof beleeue not the Doctrine of the Ismaelites. But they dwell in very great Mountaynes [ 30] and they obey an Elder, whose seate is in the Countrey Alchesisin: and among these, there are two Colledges a 1.448 of the Israelites, and they goe forth to the warres together with them. Nor are they subiect to the Dominion of the King of Persia, who liue in very high Mountaynes, from whence descending they inuade the bordering Countries, and driue away booties; and re∣turne againe into their Mountaynes. They feare the force and violence of no man. But the Iewes who dwell among them, are the Disciples of the Wise-men, and obay the Head of the Captiuitie of Babylon. You trauell fiue dayes iourney from hence to Ghaaria, where are fiue and * 1.449 twentie thousand Israelites. And it is the beginning of the Vniuersities b 1.450 of the Inhabitants of the Mountaynes Hhaphthon, which it is certainly knowne, to be more then an hundred in num∣ber. And in these places, the Countrey of Media beginneth: And these are of the first Capti∣uitie [ 40] carryed away by King Salmanasar. But they speake the Chalday Language, and among them are the Disciples of Wise-men. And the chiefe Citie Ghamaria pertayning to the King∣dome of Persia is neere vnto them within one dayes iourney. But they are vnder the power and * 1.451 dominion of the King of Persia, to whom they pay Tribute. And the Tribute appointed in all the Kingdome of the Ismaelites, is, that all the Males aboue fifteene yeares old, should pay yeere∣ly, one Golden Amircus apiece. And the Golden piece of Money called Amircus, valueth one Spanish Morabetine piece of Gold and an halfe.

It is now twelue yeeres since a certayne man, named Dauid Elroi, arose out of the Citie Gha∣maria, who was the Disciple of Hhasdai, the Head of that Captiuitie, and of Iacob the honourable, Head of the Assembly of Leui, in the Metropolitan Citie of Baghdad, and became very learned in [ 50] the Law of Moses, and in the Bookes of Doctrine, and also in all externall wisedome, and in the Language and Writing of the Ismaelites, and in the Bookes of the Magicians and Inchanters. He therefore put on this minde, that he would rayse Armes against the King of Persia, and ga∣thering together those Iewes, who dwelt in the Mountaynes Hhaphthon, making warre with all Nations, hee would goe vnto Hierusalem to winne it by assault. And that hee might perswade the Iewes thereunto, he vsed lying and deceitfull signes, affirming, that hee was sent from God to vanquish Hierusalem, and to free them from the yoke of the Nations; so that with many of the Iewes, he procured credit vnto himselfe, and obtayned the name of their Messias. The King of the Persians hearing the fame of this matter, sent for him to talke with him, vnto whom hee went without any feare at all; and being demanded whether he were the King of the Iewes, hee [ 60] boldly answered, that it was so; and forth-with he was commanded to be apprehended, and cast in Prison: in the which who so are included by the Kings sentence, are kept there all their life. But that Prison is in the Citie Dabasthan, nigh adioyning to the great Riuer Gozen: Now after three dayes, a Councell of the Princes and Ministers being gathered together by the King, in the * 1.452

which they determined to consult and treate concerning this attempt of Innouation begunne by the Iewes, suddenly that Dauid was present there, loosed out of Prison of his owne accord, no man knowing thereof; whom when the King saw, wondring he demanded: who hath brought thee hither, or deliuered thee out of Prison? to whom hee answering: Mine owne wisdome, saith he, and my industry. For I am nothing afraid of thee, or of thy seruants. Then the King crying out, Apprehend him, saith he. To whom the Princes and seruants answered, that surely, his voice was heard of all, but that his shape was seene of no man. Wherefore the King vehe∣mently wondering at his wisedome, was astonished. But, hee saith against the King: Behold, I make my way, and he beganne to goe before, the King following him: but all the Nobilitie and Seruants followed the King. And when they came to the banke of the Riuer; Dauid spreading [ 10] abroad the Napkin which he carried vpon the waters, leaping in, passed ouer; and at that time he was seene of all, wondring at the Spectacle of his passing ouer, whom to pursue and take with little Boates, they attempted in vaine, and all proclaimed, that no Inchanter in the World might be compared vnto him: but hauing trauelled the same day ten dayes iourney, comming to Elghamaraia, through the vertue of an vninterpretable name, hee declared vnto the Iewes * 1.453 what had hapned vnto him, they wondring at the wisdome of the man. But the King of the Persians sending Messengers vnto Bagdad, certified Almirus Almunadinus the great Calipha of the Ismaelites, of this matter, & requested that he would cause Dauid Elroi to be with-held from such * 1.454 Enterprizes by the principal head of the captiuitie, and the chief Rulers of the Assemblies; other∣wise vnlesse they took order for this matter, he threatned publike destruction to al the Iews liuing in the Kingdome of Persia. All the Vniuersities of the Countrey of Persia stricken with exceeding [ 20] great feare of the matter, sent letters vnto that principal man, who was accounted the head of the captiuitie & to the heads of all the Assemblies, whatsoeuer they were remayning in Bagdad, to this purpose: Why shall we dye in your eyes, aswell we as all the Vniuersities subiect vnto this Kingdom? restrayne this man, we beseech you, least innocent bloud be shead. Therefore the Head of the Capti∣uitie, and the Chiefe Rulers of the Assemblies wrote these or the like Letters vnto Dauid: We will giue you to vnderstand, that the time of our deliuery is not yet come, and that our signes haue not yet beene seene; for a man is not made strong through the wind. Wherefore, foretelling, wee en∣ioyne you altogether to abstayne from such determinations, enterprizes, and attempts; if otherwise, be re∣iected of all Israel. They also by Messengers aduertized Zachai Hanassi, who was in the Countrey Assur, and Ioseph surnamed the Seer, Burban Alpelech, liuing there, that Dauid Elroi might bee [ 30] repressed by Letters written from them; which was diligently regarded by them, but all in vaine: for he would not forsake that wicked way, wherein he persisted, vntill a certaine King of the Togarmim arose called Zinaldin, who is subiect vnto the King of Persia, and hee sending * 1.455 ten thousand preces of Gold vnto the Father in Law of Dauid Elroi, perswaded him to end these troubles, by killing his Sonne in Law priuily: which when hee had vndertaken to per∣forme, he thrust Dauid thorow with a Sword, lying in bed at his house; and this was the end of his determinations, and vaine subtiltie. Nor yet, he being dead, was the anger of the King of the Persians appeased towards those people of the Mountaynes, and other Iewes subiect to his Dominion: wherefore the Iewes, by Messengers, required helpe of the Head of the Captiuitie. [ 40] He therefore going vnto the King himselfe, appeased him with mild and wise speeches, and ha∣uing presented and giuen many Talents of Gold, he so confirmed him, that afterward great quiet∣nesse happened to the whole Countrey.

But from this Mountayne, which wee haue described, you trauell ten dayes iourney to great H••amda••; and the principall Citie of the Countrey of Media in the which there are about fif∣tie * 1.456 thousand Iewes: and in that Citie, right ouer against one of the Synagogues, are the Sepul∣chres of Mardochaeus, and Esther. Debarzethaan is foure dayes iourney distant from hence, * 1.457 where foure thousand Iewes dwell nigh vnto the Riuer Gozen: But from thence you trauell seuen dayes iourney to Asbahan a very great Metropolitan Citie, contayning twelue miles space, in the which there are about fifteene thousand Israelites, ouer whom Great Salom ruleth, made Go∣uernour, by the Head of the Captiuitie, ouer this Vniuersitae, and all the rest of the Israelites, who [ 50] dwell in the Castles of Persia.

Departing from hence, I trauelled foure dayes iourney to Siaphaz, the Metropolitan Citie of Persia, and also the most ancient, called Persidis, from whence the name was giuen to the whole Countrey, in the which there are almost ten thousand Iewes. From Siaphaz in seuen dayes iour∣ney you come to the Citie Ginah, seated in a very large place nigh vnto the banke of the Riuer * 1.458 Gozen, frequented with the most famous Trading of all Nations and Languages, in a Plaine and very ample soyle, where are about eight thousand Iewes. The furthest Citie of this Kingdome, great and famous Samarcheneth, standeth fiue dayes iourney from Ginah, where are fiftie thou∣sand Israelites, ouer whom Master Abdias Hanassi ruleth, and among them, there are many wise [ 60] and rich men. In foure dayes iourney from hence you come to Tubot a Metropolitan Citie, in the Woods whereof sweet swelling Moss, * 1.459 is found. Trauelling continually eight and twen∣tie dayes iourney from thence, I came vnto the Mountaynes Nisbon, which hang ouer the Riuer Gozen flowing from them, and are ascribed vnto the Kingdome of Persia, where are many Is∣raelites.

And they say, * 1.460 that in those Cities of the Mountaynes Nisbor, foure Tribes of the Israelites inhabit, carried away in the first Captiuitie by Salmanasar the King of the Assyrians, to wit, Dan, Zabulon, Asser, and Nephthali: as it is written. And he carryed them away into Lahh∣lahh and Habor, the Mountaynes Gozen. Mountaynes of Media. Their Countrey is extended twentie dayes iourney in length, with many Cities and Castles inhabited, all Mountaynous; al∣most by which the Riuer Gozen runneth on the one side. But the Inhabitants themselues are vn∣der the subiection of no Nation, but are ruled by a certaine Gouernour; whose name is now, Ioseph Amarcala a Leuite: and among them are the Disciples of Wise-men. They till grounds and make warre with the Borderers, the Children of Chus, and trauell on warfare through the Desarts. They haue amitie with Copher Althorech, worshippers of the winds, a people who * 1.461 leade their liues in the Desarts, These neither eat bread, nor drinke wine: but eat the raw flesh [ 10] of beasts, as well cleane as vncleane, and those either new killed, and yet trembling through the life bloud, or also dry, but vnboyled, and also deuoure the members taken from liuing beasts. They want a Nose, but in stead thereof they haue two holes in their faces, wherewith they breathe: They are friends to the Israelites. But, it happened fifteene yeares since, that inuading * 1.462 the Countrey of Persia with a great Armie, they vanquished the Metropolitan Citie Rai, and hauing made a mightie slaughter vtterly wasted it, and spoyling the houses and fields, carried a∣way a great bootie, returning through the Desarts, the like example whereof, for many Ages, was neuer seene or heard in Persia. Wherefore the King of the Persians being vehemently inra∣ged, determined vtterly to abolish from the E••rth, the name of that Nation, first, hatefull to [ 20] him alone, not daring to attempt any such matter in the times of his Ancestors. Leuying there∣fore an Armie for warfare, and seeking some Guide, to whom the places of that Nation were knowne, a certaine man voluntarily offered himselfe, who affirmed, that hee was of the same Nation, and knew their dwellings. But being demanded what was needfull for the performing of the Voyage, he answered, that they had need of prouision of bread and water for fifteene dayes iourney: which of necessitie should be spent in a very great Wildernesse: following whose counsell, when they had ended fifteene dayes iourney, beeing destitute of necessarie food and drinke for men and beasts, yet notwithstanding, they neither saw the place whether they in∣tended to goe, nor any tokens of habitation. The Guide therefore being called for by the King, when he was demanded, where is your word, whereby you vndertooke to shew vs the Ene∣mies; answered, that he had gone out of the way: wherefore, at the commandement of the an∣gry [ 30] King he was put to death.

And now, part of the men and beasts began to perish through famine. But by the Kings De∣cree it was publikely commanded, that whatsoeuer prouision of victuall was found with any man, should be imparted to the company, and that the beasts should also bee diuided. After this manner, therefore they wandered thirteene dayes more through the Wildernesse, and at length came vnto the Mountaynes Nisbor, in which the Iewes inhabit. The Armies therefore of the * 1.463 Persians rested themselues in the Gardens and Orchards, whereof there were very many in that place, and nigh vnto the Fountaynes: for it was the season of the yeare when fruits are ripe. They therefore eate and spoyled, and saw no man comming forth vnto them: but beheld very [ 40] many Cities and Towers in the Mountaynes afarre off.

Therefore the King sent two of his Seruants to demand, what Nation dwelled in those Mountaynes, and that they should passe ouer vnto them, going ouer the Riuer either by Boat or swimming. But they found a great Bridge, fortified with Towers furnished, and with a doore shut, but beyond the Bridge, there was a great Citie. The Spyes therefore crying out before the Bridge, a certaine man came forth, by whom being demanded, what doe you seeke, or of what Country are you, they vnderstood them not, vntil a certaine Interpreter came, who vnder∣stood the Persian Language: to whom demanding, they answered, we are the Seruants of the King of the Persians, sent to demand who you are, and whom you serue. To whom he answered, we are Iewes, and serue no King or Prince of the Gentiles, but a certaine principall man of the Iewes. And being demanded concerning the worshippers of the winds, the children of Chus of Cophar [ 50] Althorech, they answered; they are a Nation ioyned in league with vs: and whosoeuer goeth a∣bout to hurt them, wee suppose hee would harme vs. The Spyes therefore returning vnto the King, reported the whole matter vnto him; who was vehemently afraid. But the next day af∣ter, the Iewes denounced warre against the King of Persia, who said, that hee came not to make warre against them, but against his Enemies of Cophar Althorech. And if they would fight with him, he would reuenge that iniurie, by killing all the Iewes who dwelt in the Kingdome of Per∣sia: for he was very well assured, that they were stronger then hee in that place; besides, hee in∣treated that they would not assayle him with battell, but would suffer him to fight it out by dint of Sword against Cophez Althorech, and that they would sell him prouision of victuall and food conuenient for his Armie. Consulting therefore together, it pleased the Iewes to consent vnto [ 60] the King of Persia, for all the Israelites sakes dwelling in his Kingdome. The King therefore be∣ing admitted with all his Armie, spent fifteene dayes there, beeing most honourably entertay∣ned among them: but in the meane space, the Iewes declared the whole matter by Messengers

and Letters, vnto their Confederates Cophar Althorech: which being knowne, gathering their forces together, they expected the enemi•• at the passage of the Mountaynes; and in a conue∣nient place for their purpose, they gaue the Persian so mightie an ouerthrow, comming vnto them, that being vanquished and put to flight, they compelled him to return into his own Coun∣trey with a very small number. But it happened, that one Iew of this Prouince named Moses, deceitfully seduced by a certaine Persian Horseman, followed the King of Persia, and when they * 1.464 came into Persia, being brought into seruitude, hee was possessed by the same Horse-man. But, when at a certaine time, they who exercised their Bowes, sported in presence of the King, one Moses was shewed vnto him, who was most excellent in the dexteritie of shooting: who being demanded of the King by an Interpreter, openly declared the manner of his condition: and [ 10] was presently infranchised, clothed with Purple and Silken Garments, and inriched with Kingly Gifts: and was required, that he should receiue their Religion, the hope and condition of great Riches being propounded, and also the gouernment of the Kings House promised: which when he courteously denyed to doe, yet was he placed by the King, with great Salom the Prince of the Vniuersitie of Achphahan; whose Daughter also he married by consent of the Fa∣ther, and the selfe-same Moses told me all this Historie.

§. V.

Of India, Ethiopia, Egypt, his returne into Europe: Sicilia, Germanie, [ 20] Prussia, Russia, France.

ANd when I departed out of these Countries, I went into the Countrey Cheuazthaan, nigh vnto which the Riuer Tigris runneth, which falling from thence runneth downe into Hodu, that is, the Indian Sea, and compasseth the Iland Nekrokis about the mouth * 1.465 thereof, contayning the space of sixe dayes iourney, in the which there is only one Fountaine, and they drinke no other water then what is gathered from the showres; for it wan∣teth Riuers, and that Land is neither sowed, nor tilled: yet is it very famous through the Tra∣ding of the Indians, and Ilands seated in the Indian Sea, and Merchants of the Countrey of Se∣naar, [ 30] and Aeliman, and Persia, bringing thither all sorts of Silken and Purple Garments, Hempe and Cotton, Flaxe, and Indian Cloth, which they call Moch, Wheate, Barley, Millet, and Oats great plentie, also all sorts of Meates and Pulse, which they barter and sell among themselues. But the Indian Merchants bring exceeding great plentie of Spices thither. And the Ilanders execute the office of Factors and Interpreters among the rest, and by this art only they liue. But in that place there are about fiue hundred Iewes.

Taking Ship from hence, sayling with a prosperous winde, in ten dayes I was brought to Ka∣thipha, where are fiue thousand Iewes: in these places the stone called Bdellius is found, made by * 1.466 the wonderfull workemanship of Nature. For on the foure and twentieth day of the Moneth Nisan, a certaine dew falleth downe into the waters, which being gathered, the Inhabitants [ 40] wrap vp together, and being fast closed, they cast it into the Sea, that it may sinke of it owne accord into the bottome of the Sea, and in the middle of the moneth Tisri, two men being let downe into the Sea by ropes, vnto the bottome, bring vp certaine creeping * 1.467 Wormes which they haue gathered, into the open Ayre, out of the which (being broken and cleft) those stones are taken. In seuen dayes iourney from thence I came to Haaulam, which is the beginning of their Kingdome who worship the Sunne in stead of God; to wit, a Starre-gazing Nation de∣scended from the Children of Chus. They are men of a blacke colour, sincere, and of very great fidelitie both in promises and receits, and also in gifts. They haue this custome, that such as come vnto them from other remote Countries, hauing receiued them into the Hauen, they cause their names to be set downe in writing, by three Scribes, and so carry their names vnto the King; and [ 50] afterward bring the parties themselues also vnto him, whose Merchandises being receiued into his protection, the King commandeth to be left landed in the fields, without setting any watch∣man to keepe them. Moreouer, one Gouerner sitteth in a publike house, vnto whom, whatsoe∣uer any man in the whole Countrey hapneth to leese, is brought, and is easily receiued by the owner thereof, being there required, so that the certaine tokens be shewed, wherby the lost thing may be knowne. And this fidelitie and honest dealing is common and publike in all that King∣dome. All this country from Easter vnto the beginning of the yeere, through all the Spring time and Summer, burneth with outragious heate: wherefore, from the third houre of the day vntill the Euening, all men lye close shut vp in their houses. But afterward, Candles and Lampes being lighted, and orderly set throughout all the streetes and markets, they worke and exercise their [ 60] Arts and Professions all the night; for they cannot at all doe it in the day time by reason of the exceeding heate. And in this Countrey Pepper groweth vpon Trees planted by the Inhabitants in the fields of euery particular Citie. And euery one of them haue their proper Gardens, are * 1.468 assigned and knowne. The shrub it selfe is very little, and bringeth forth a white seede, which

〈…〉〈…〉g gathered by them, is put into Basons, and being steeped in hot water is set forth in the 〈…〉〈…〉ne, that it might bee dryed, and being hardned, may be preserued; and so it getteth a blacke colour. Cinamon and Ginger are found there, and very many other kindes of Spices. The In∣habitants of this Countrey burie not their dead, but being enbalmed with diuers Drugs and * 1.469 Spices, they place them in seates, and cloathe them with Nets, set in a certaine order accor∣ding to their seuerall families, but their flesh dryeth with the bones, and becommeth so stiffe that they seeme euen like vnto the liuing. And euery one of the liuing know their Ancestors from many yeeres descents. But they worship the * 1.470 Sunne, with many and great Altars euery where built, about halfe a mile without the Citie. Commonly therefore, early in the morning they run forth and goe vnto the Sunne, vnto which vpon all the Altars there are Images consecrated, made by the Magicke Arts, according to the similitude of the circle of the Sunne; and when [ 10] the Sunne ariseth, those Orbes seeme to be inflamed, and sound with a great crackling or rustling noyse. And they haue euery one their seuerall Box in their hands, as well the women as the men, and all together offer Incense to the Sunne. This way of theirs is folly vnto them. But among this Nation, in all places, the Iewes whose summe at the most amounteth to a thousand houses in all, are of no lesse blacke a colour then the Inhabitants themselues, yet are they good and honest men, and embracers of the Commandements, who obserue the Law of Moses, and are not ac∣counted altogether vnskilfull in the bookes of Doctrine and Customes.

Departing out of their Countrey, in two and twentie dayes I sayled vnto the Ilands Cheue∣rag, * 1.471 the Inhabitants whereof worship the Fire, and are called Dugbijn; but among them thirtie thousand Iewes dwell. And the Dugbijn haue their Priests in euery place, consecrated to the su∣perstition [ 20] of their Temples: But these Priests are the most skilful Sorcerers and Inchanters of the whole world, in euery kinde of this vanitie. And before euery Temple there is a great and large * 1.472 field, in the which a mightie fire burneth euery day, which they call Elhotha, and they vse to make their Children passe through this fire to purge them; and also cast their dead into the mid∣dest of the fire to be burned. Moreouer, there are some of the Nobilitie of the Land, who so∣lemnely bequeathe or vow themselues to the fire aliue. But when any man of these declareth such his intended deuotion to his familiars, acquaintance, and kindred, presently with the great reioycing of all, and with the common voyce, hee heareth these words: Blessed art thou, and it * 1.473 shall be well with thee. On what day therefore the vow is to bee performed, being first entertai∣ned with a great Banquet, if he be rich, he is carried on Horse-backe, but if hee be poore, hee is [ 30] brought on foote, accompanied with a multitude of his friends and others, vnto the entrance of the field, from whence beginning his race, he leapeth into the fire; but then all his familiars, cousins and kindred, reioyce with exceeding great ioy, striking vp the Drum, and dancing vntill he be wholly burned. But three dayes after, two of the chiefe Priests going vnto his house, com∣mand the whole family to prepare the house of their Father, who would be present with them the same day, and declare vnto them what they were to doe. Calling therefore vnto them cer∣taine witnesses of the Citie, behold, Satan taking vpon him his shape, is present, of whom the * 1.474 wife and children demand how it fareth with him in that other world: to whom he answering, I came, saith he, vnto my companions, by whom I am not receiued, vntill I pay those things which I owe to my familiar friends and kindred: so presently, hee destributeth his goods to the [ 40] children, and commandeth all the debts to be paid to the Creditors, and whatsoeuer is owing by the debtors, to be demanded, the witnesses receiuing and setting downe in writing all his words and commandes, of whom notwithstanding he is not seene: but then saying that he will goe his way againe, he vanisheth.

From these Ilands it is fortie dayes sayling to the Countrey of * 1.475 Sin, which is in the East, they sayle three dayes iourney to Gingala, which is performed in fifteene daies dayes by Sea, where are almost a thousand Israelites. From hence in seuen dayes sayling I came to Cholan, where none of the Israelites are. But from thence in twelue dayes I went to Zebid, in which Countrey there are few Iewes. [ 50]

From hence in eight dayes I came to the Midland Hodu, that is, Aethiopian India, which by the name of their owne Nation is called Baghdaan, the same is Gheden, which Countrey is a∣scribed to the Countrey of Thelassar, in which Countrey there are huge Mountaines and very well knowne; and in these, many of the Israelites dwell, subiect to the yoke of none of the Gentiles: and they haue Cities and Towers built on the ridges of the Mountaynes, from whence descending with armed forces, they inuade the Countrey Hamaghtam, with warre, which selfe∣same Countrey is Lubia, belonging to the dominion of Edom, the Inhabitants whereof are cal∣led Lubij, or Lybies: which being often robbed and spoyled, the Israelites returne backe againe vnto their Mountaynes, where they are not afraide, that any mortall man would make warre a∣gainst them. But of those Israelites who dwell in this Countrey of G••adan, very many trauell [ 60] into Persia, and Aegypt for the cause of trafficke. From thence vnto the Country called Azzuan, you trauell twentie dayes iourney through the Wildernesse of Seba, nigh vnto the Riuer Pisson, which descendeth from the Mountaynes of Chus, that is, Aethiopia. And these Azzuanei haue a King, who in the Ismaelitish Language is called Sultan Al••••abas. Some part of these men liue

after the manner of bruit Beasts, and feede vpon Herbes found nigh vnto the bankes of the Ri∣uer Pisson, they wander naked through the fields, so that they seeme to be voyde of the sense and minde of other men. They vse the Act of Generation without difference, and with whomsoe∣uer they meete, hauing no regard of kindred, acquaintance or familiaritie, age or qualitie of de∣gree: they inhabit an exceeding hot Countrey. When the rest of the Azzuanei assaile these to make a prey of them, setting wheaten Bread, Raysins, and dry Figs in the field, they take them running to the meate; and carrying them away, they sell them in Aegypt, and other bordering Kingdomes. And these bee those blacke Slaues very well knowne to all, of the Posteritie of Cham. From Azzuuan you trauell twelue dayes iourney vnto Hhalauan, where are three hun∣dred * 1.476 Iewes. But from thence trauelling in troopes, you goe fiftie dayes iourney through the Wil∣dernesse, [ 10] called Al Tsahhara, into the Countrey Zeuilan, which selfe same is Hhauila, to wit, that which is vpon the Coast of Geena, or Ginea. But in that Wildernesse there are many Moun∣taynes of Sand, which being sometimes mooued and scattered through the violence of the Windes, ouerwhelmeth and killeth the whole troopes of trauelling men: but such as could a∣uoide or escape such danger, returne laden with many things, as Iron, Brasse, and diuers kindes of Fruites, and Pulse, and also Salt: besides, they carrie Gold, and most precious Pearles. And this Countrey is in the Land of Chus, named Alhhabas, lying towards the West. From Hhal••an * 1.477 in thirteene dayes iourney, you come to the Metropolitan Citie Kits, which is the head of the beginning of Aegypt; in it there are about thirtie thousand Iewes. From thence to Pium, is fiue dayes iourney: this in time past was called Pithon, where there are twentie Iewes, and yet at [ 20] this day no small Monuments are seene, of the workes made by our Fathers, in the building of that Citie. From thence you trauell foure dayes iourney to Misraim, a great Citie, seated nigh vnto the bankes of Nilus, from which the name is giuen to all the Countrey, where are two thousand Iewes, diuided into two * 1.478 Synagogues; the one of the Israelites, called the Synagogue Saamijn; and the other of the Babylonians, called the Synagogue Ghirhhakijm. The one and the o∣ther obserue diuers rites and customes in the distribution of the annuall readings. For the Baby∣lonians vse euery weeke to reade one Parassa, after the same manner which is common through∣out all Spaine; and therefore euery yeere they finish the Law. But the Israelites diuide euery Pa∣rassa into three orders or degrees, and so they reade ouer the Law in three yeeres. And both these after a solemne manner, twice in the yeere powre forth their prayers together, to wit, vpon the [ 30] day of the reioycing of the Law, and on the Festiuall day of the Law giuen. Among all these Na∣thaniel hath the chiefe authoritie, being the greatest of the Nobilitie, and head of the Assembly; who ruleth all the Vniuersities of Aegypt, and appointeth Masters and Church-wardens. * 1.479 And he is among the chiefe and most familiar seruants of the great King, in the Palace and throne of the Princely seate Soan, setled in the Citie Mitsraim, which Citie is the Metropolitan Citie to the children of Ghereb, that is, to all the Arabians: but the Kings name is Amir Almumanin Eli the sonne of Abitaaleb: all the Inhabitants of which Countrey are called Moredim, that is, Rebels, who haue estranged themselues from Amir Almumanin Alghabazzi, remayning in Bag∣dad: wherefore there is great and perpetuall dissension betweene both the Kings. But he hath a Throne in the Palace Soan, dedicated vnto him. And he commeth forth twice in the yeere, once [ 40] at the time of their feast of Easter, and againe in those dayes when the Riuer Nilus ouerfloweth. And Soan it selfe is compassed, and fortified with walls, but Mitsraim hath no walls, but is enui∣roned with Nilus on the one side. And this is a very great citie, furnished with many market pla∣ces & publike houses, and hath many rich Iewes. The Country it selfe neuer saw either Raine, Ice, or Snow, but burneth with outragious heate. It is watered with Nilus, which once euery yeere vehemently swelling in the Moneth Elul, couereth and ouer-floweth all the Land for fifteene dayes iourney; the Waters continuing all Elul and Tisri, and making the earth fruitfull. And the policie and diligence of the ancient was such, that in an Iland which the Riuer maketh, a Pillar should be erected, &c. And the Fishes of that Riuer are very fat, the Trane wherof being molten, is preserued for the vse of Candles. But whosoeuer being abundantly glutted with those Fishes, [ 50] drinketh the water of the same Riuer, feeleth or suffereth no harme at all. For that water is both drinke and also, medicine against such repletions. And there hath beene a perpetuall question, and a diuers opinion among men, concerning the ouerflowing of Nilus, but the Aegyptians sup∣pose, that at the same time when this Riuer ouer-floweth, it vehemently raineth in the higher Countries, that is, in the Land of Hhabas, which we said to be named Hhauila. At what time the Riuer doth not ouer-flow, nothing is sowed in Aegypt; and hereupon sterilitie and fa∣mine follow. The fields are sowed in the Moneth * 1.480 Marhhesuan, Nilus being now receiued into his Chanell: but Barley is reaped in the Moneth a 1.481 Adar, and Wheate the next Moneth after, that is, b 1.482 Nisan, and in the same Moneth Cherries are ripe, and Almonds, and Cucumbers, Gourdes, Peasecods, and Beanes, Lentiles, Ruches and c 1.483 Spelt, and diuers kindes of Pot-hearbs, [ 60] as Purslane, Asparagus, and Lettice, Corianders, Succorie, Coleworts, and Grapes. Lastly, the

earth is most fruitfull, and replenished with euery good thing. But the Gardens and Orchards are watered from the Lakes and Trenches, and that with the Waters of the Riuer. For the Ri∣uer which is brought vnto the Citie Mitsraim, is diuided from thence into foure heads, one * 1.484 whereof runneth by Damiata, sometime called Caphtor, nigh vnto which it falleth into the Sea. The second runneth downe vnto the Citie Rasir, next vnto Alexandria, and there mingleth it selfe with the Sea. The third floweth downe by the way of Asmon, a very great Citie in the boundes of Aegypt; nigh vnto all those heads of the Riuer, many Cities, and Castles, and ma∣ny Townes are seated vpon either side, and men may trauell vnto them all, either by Boate or Land. No Countrey in the whole world may be compared with this, for the multitudes of ha∣bitations; and all the Countrey is plaine, and all most fruitfull, and well stored with good things. [ 10] Ancient Mitsraim is two leagues distant from the new Mitsraim, but it is all wasted, and deso∣late; * 1.485 yet it retayneth many tokens of the walls and houses, and sheweth not a few Monuments of the Tresuries and Store-houses of Ioseph, yet to be seene. In the same place also there is a most * 1.486 artificiall Pillar, built by the Art Magicke, like vnto which there is none seene in all the Land. But those Store-houses consist of Lime and Stones, of exceeding strong Workmanship. With∣out the compasse of the Citie standeth a Synagogue, called by the name of Moses our Teacher liuing in peace, of ancient building, which being yet remayning, a certaine old Minister main∣taineth, a Disciple of Wise-men, whom they call Alsich Abunetzer, that is, the old father of the Watch. And the Diameter of that defaced Mitsraim, containeth almost three miles, from whence to the Countrey of Gossen are eight leagues; it is called Bulzzir zzalbizz, a great Citie, * 1.487 [ 20] n the which there are about a thousand Iewes.

From hence you trauell halfe a dayes iourney to Ghizkaal le Ghein al zzemezz, which was sometimes Raghmesses, now the ruines of a destroyed Citie, in the which many works are seene, sometimes built by our fathers, and among these certaine huge buildings like vnto Towers, made of Bricke. From thence you make one whole dayes iourney to Al Bubijg, where are two hun∣dred Iewes. And from hence in halfe a dayes iourney you come to Manziphtha, where are two hundred Iewes. From which Citie, Ramira is foure leagues distant, and in it there are seuen hundred Iewes; from whence it is fiue dayes iourney to Lambhala, where are fiue hundred Israe∣lites. Two dayes iourney afterward, you come to Alexandria, a Citie so called, after the name of Alexander the Macedonian, at whose commandement wee reade that it was built, and strongly fortifyed, with great beautie of the Walls, Houses, and Palaces. Without the Citie, a great and [ 30] goodly building is to be seene, which is reported to haue beene the Colledge of Aristotl, the * 1.488 Master of Alexander, wherein there are almost twentie Schooles, frequented in former times by men of the whole world, who assembled thither to learne the Philosophie of Aristotle; and betweene euery one of them, were Marble Pillars. But the Citie it selfe is excellently built, as we haue saide, vpon the Pauement of the ground, and with Vaults and Arches vnder ground, through the hidden passages whereof, men may come into the Market places and not bee seene: of the which some are a whole mile in length, as from the Gate Resid, vnto the Gate leading vnto the Sea, in which Gate a way was made and paued, vnto the very Hauen of the Citie of Alexandria, which is extended one mile within the Sea, in which place a very high Tower was [ 40] built, which the Inhabitants call Magraah, but the Arabians, Magar Alecsandria, that is, the Pharos of Alexandria: on the top of which Tower, it is reported, that Alexander sometimes set a glittering Looking-glasse, in the which all the warlike Ships which sayled either out of Grae∣cia, or from all the West vnto Aegypt, to harme them, might bee seene fiftie dayes iourney by land, that is, aboue the space of fiue hundred leagues off.

Nigh vnto the Sea-shoare at Alexandria, there is a very ancient Sepulchre to be seene, ador∣ned * 1.489 with the shapes of all Beasts and Birds cut thereon, and engrauen with ancient letters, which no man now is able to reade, or know. But there are some, who supposing; say, that a certaine very ancient King was buried there before the time of the Floud. And the length of the Sepulchre is fifteene Spanish spans, to wit, of the hand extended from the thumbe vnto the little finger: and the bredth contayneth sixe such spans. About three thousand Israelites liue at * 1.490 [ 50] Alexandria. From Alexandria, you make two whole dayes iourneyes to Damiata, which selfe∣same Citie was called, Caphtor, where are two hundred Israelites. From thence to S〈…〉〈…〉at, is halfe a dayes iourney, the Inhabitants whereof sowe the best Flaxe, and make Nets or Cano∣pies: and this merchandise is sold throughout the whole World. From thence, in foure dayes iourney I came to Ailam, otherwise called Elim, now possessed and inhabited by the Arabians dwelling in the desert. From whence to Raphidim, is two dayes iourney, where the Arabians dwell: and none of the Israelites. But from hence, in one day you goe to the Mountaine Sinai, on the top whereof there is a Temple of Monkes, called Suriani. And at the foot of the Moun∣taine standeth a great Castle, which they call Tor Sinai, the Inhabitants hereof speake the Chal∣day Tongue, that is, the Language of Thargum. This Mountaine is little, fiue dayes iourney [ 60] distant from Sinai: and the Inhabitants of this place are subiect to the yoke of the Aegyptians. But the Erythraean, or the Red Sea, in time past called Suph, is one dayes iourney distant from

the Mountaine Sinai, and is a Bay of the Indian Ocean bending towards Damiata; in the which Bay ••ayling one dayes iourney by Sea, you come to the Iland called Tunis, and the same is other∣wise called Hhanas, where are almost fortie Israelites. And hitherto extendeth the Kingdome of Aegypt. Departing from thence, in twentie dayes iourney by Sea, I was brought to Mes∣sana, which is the beginning of the Iland of Sicilia. But Messana, or Messina, as it is now cal∣led, standeth vpon a Straight of the Sea, named Lunid, lying betweene Calabria and the Iland * 1.491 of Cicilia it selfe: and two hundred Iewes are there. The soyle of the Iland is most fruitfull, and replenished with all good things, and beautified with Gardens, and Orchards. In this place the Pilgrims assemble who determine to goe to Hierusalem; for, from hence is the best and most commodious passage into Syria. From hence I trauelled two dayes iourney to Panormus, a great [ 10] Citie, contayning two miles in bredth, and as many in length. In this Citie a princely house * 1.492 is excellently built by King Guilielmus. One thousand fiue hundred Iewes, or thereabouts, re∣mayne in that place: and very many besides of the Idumaeans, * 1.493 and Ismaelites.

All the Colledges of the Iewes of Germanie are seated nigh vnto the great Riuer Rohenus, from the Citie Colonia, which is the beginning of the Kingdome, vnto the Citie called, Kesam∣burk, in the borders of Germanie: which space is fifteene dayes iourney long. This Countrey, in time past, was called, Aschenaz. These are the Countries in Germanie, in the which the Col∣ledges of the Israelites are, who are all accounted worthie men, by the Riuer Mosella, and Kon∣phelinas, and Odranchah, and Kuna, and Kotania, and Binga, and Garmezza, and Mastheran. Therefore all the Israelites remayne dispersed throughout all Countries. But whosoeuer shall [ 20] hinder Israel that it may not be gathered together, shall neuer see the good signe, nor liue with Israel. But at what time God shall visite our Captiuitie, and exalt the Horne of his Christ, then euery one shall say: I will bring forth the Iewes, and gather them together. And in these Ci∣ties are the Colledges and Schollers of Wise-men, and they loue their brethren, and speake peace vnto all that are neere and farre remoued, and ioyfully and with reioycing receiue Guests comming vnto them, and celebrating a feast for their entertaynment, say: O our Brethren re∣ioyce, for the Diuine saluation shall come very speedily a 1.494, as it were, in the twinkling of an eye. And except, fearing, we doubted that the end was not yet come, surely, we had been alreadie ga∣thered together: but notwithstanding we cannot yet, vntill the time of the song, and the voyce of the Turtle be heard, and the Embassadors come, and say: Let God alwaies be magnified. They [ 30] vse to write Letters one vnto another, whereby they confirme each other in the Doctrine of Moses. And bewayling Sion, and lamenting Hierusalem, they aske mercy at the hands of God, and giue themselues to prayer, cloathed in mourning attire, and earnestly bent to abstinence. These Metropolitan Cities therefore which wee haue mentioned, are in Germanie, furnished with Colledges of the Israelites. Besides, there are Astranburk, and Danirasburk, Mandatrach, Pessinghes, Bamburk, Sar, and Rasenburk, which is also the end of the Kingdome; in which * 1.495 Metropolitan Cities, many of the Israelites are, Disciples of the Wise-men, and rich. From thence and beyond, is the Kingdome of Bohemia, now called Praga, and it is the beginning of the Land of Sclauonia, the Inhabitants whereof are called Cananites, by the Iewes dwelling there. These people sell their sonnes and daughters to all those Nations: and the Russes doe the like. [ 40] But that Countrey is farre extended, from the gate of Praga vnto the gate of the great Citie Pin, which standeth in the furthest end of the Kingdome. The whole Countrey is mountay∣nous, * 1.496 and very full of Woods, in the which those Beasts are found, named Veergares, and the same are called Sables. The weather is so cold in the Winter, that for that season, no man may * 1.497 safely come forth out of the house. And hitherto extendeth the Kingdome of Prussia. Retur∣ning from hence, I came into the Kingdome of France, which Countrey was called, Sarphat, by the Ancient. Trauelling sixe dayes iourney from the Citie Al-Sanad, I came to Paris, the greatest Citie of the whole Kingdome of King Lodouicus, seated nigh vnto the Riuer Sa∣ban: in which there are Disciples of Wise-men, the most learned of all those who at this day remayne in all the Countrey, who applie themselues day and night vnto the studie of the Law, [ 50] hospitall men, and curteous towards all the Brethren that passe that way, and companions of all their Brethren the Iewes. The mercifull God bee mercifull vnto them and vs, and confirme vpon vs and them, that which is written: And he shall bring backe, and gather thee together from all the Nations, among whom the Lord thy God hath dispersed thee.

Amen, Amen. [ 60]

CHAP. VI.

A Relation of a Voyage to the Easterne India. Obserued by ED∣WARD * 1.498 TERRY, Master of Arts and Student of Christ-Church in Oxford.

TO THE READER.

MAster Terry had found a fitter roome, if he had not comne late, and as in India, so here [ 10] also had attended that Honorable Embassadour, Sir T. Roe. But his tardy comming hath made vs entertayne him, not with lesse welcome in substance, but with lesse conue∣nience in Seat-ceremonie; being forced to place him as he comes, in a lower messe, but with equall cheere. Yea himselfe makes good cheere by his presence, and presents his whole messe, and all the Table and Attendants with rich Cates of Sea and Land varie∣ties farre fetched and deere bought by him, and here imparted gratis; whether wee vnderstand it of the Author, or (as I vndertake) of the Readers. How many Eare-rings and Breast-brooches giue (that which they take, the) place to Saint Georges Garter worne neere the vtmost and lowest confines of our Microcosme. Take this as a good fare-well draught of English-Indian liquor. And as contraries set neere their contraries make the best lustre, so this our Scholer-Christian-Preacher-Traueller, ha∣uing [ 20] (as Trauellers wont) lighted into companie of a Iew before; a halfe-turkised Christian, with di∣uers Turkes following immediatly after; shineth as a Gemme in the darke, and as a Precious-stone a∣mongst a heape of stones. Thus here although some of his rayes are by the Attirer taken away to pre∣uent reiterations of things deliuered in the former relations of Sir Tho. Roe, or others; Neither doth our Author come here altogether vnfitly to guide vs from Persia, (where wee haue made long stay) by the way of India and Arabia, and lastly, with a Portugall Vice-roy wee meane to ship our selues homewards, taking s••me Religious in companie for some better knowledge of Africa, and the Christia∣nitie there.

§. I. [ 30]

Things remarkable obserued in his Voyage to the Indies. Sea-fight with the Portugals.

APologies very often call Truth into question. Hauing therefore nothing for to counte∣nance these my rude Relations but the certaintie of them; I omit all vnnecessarie in∣troductions: vsing no further Preface then this, that the Reader would vndoubtedly beleeue, what the Relator doth most faithfully deliuer.

So to make an entrie vpon the first beginning of our Voyage, the third of Februarie, 1615. [ 40] our Fleete (consisting of sixe goodly ships, the Charles, Vnicorne, Iames, Globe, Swan, and Rose, all vnder the command of Captaine Beniamin Ioseph) fell downe from Grauesend into Til∣burie Hope.

The ninth of March (after a long and tyring expectation) it pleased God to send vs what we desired, a North-east wind: which day wee left that weary Road, and set sayle for East India. The wind was fauourable to vs till the sixteenth day at night, at which time a most fearefull storme ouertooke vs, we being then in the Bay of Portugall. In this storme wee lost sight both of the Globe, and Rose. The Globe came againe into our Companie, the two and twentieh fol∣lowing; but the Rose was no more heard of, till her arriue at Bantam, about sixe Moneths after. This storme continued violent till the one and twentieth. [ 50]

The eight and twentieth, we had sight of the Grand Canaries, and that Mountaine which * 1.499 threatens the Skie, in the Iland of Teneriffa, commonly called, The Peake, which by reason of its immense height, in a cleere day may be seene more then fortie leagues at Sea, (as the Mari∣ners report.) These Ilands lie in eight and twentie degrees of North latitude.

The one and thirtieth, being Easter day, we passed vnder the Tropick of Cancer; and the se∣uenth of Aprill, the Sunne was our Zenith. From that day vntill the fourteene, wee were be∣calmed induring extreme heate. The sixteenth, we met with winds which the Mariners call, The Turnadoes, so variable and vncertaine, that sometime within the space of one houre, all the * 1.500 two and thirtie seuerall winds will blow. These winds were accompanied with much thun∣der [ 60] and lightning, and with extreme rayne, so noysome that it makes mens clothes presently to stinke vpon their backes. The water likewise of these slimy vnwholsome showres, whereso∣euer it stands, will in short time bring forth many offensiue creatures. These Turnadoes met with vs when we were about twelue degrees of North latitude, and kept vs companie ere they quit∣ted

vs, till wee were two degrees South-ward of the Equinoctiall, vnder which wee passed the eight and twentieth of Aprill. The nineteenth of May being Whitsunday, wee passed the Tro∣picke of Capricorne. So that we were seuen weekes compleat vnder the Torrid Zone.

Betweene the Tropickes we saw almost euery day different kindes of fishes in greater abun∣dance then else-where. As the great Leuiethan, whom God hath made to take his pastime in the Seas. Dolphins, Boneetooes, Albicores, Flying fishes, and many others. Some Whales we saw of an exceeding greatnesse, who in calme weather often arise and shew themselues aboue the * 1.501 water, where they appeare like to great Rockes, in their rising spowting vp into the Ayre with noyse a great quantitie of water, which fals downe againe about them like a showre. The Dol∣phin * 1.502 is a fish called for his swiftnesse the arrow of the Sea, differing from many other in that hee [ 10] hath teeth vpon the top of his tongue, he is pleasing to the Eye, smell, and tast, of a changeable colour, fin'd like a Roach, couered with very small scales, hauing a fresh delightsome sent a∣boue other fishes, and in taste as good as any. These Dolphines are wont often to follow our ships, not so much (I thinke) for the loue they beare vnto man as some write) as to feed them∣selues with what they find cast ouer-board. Whence it comes to passe, that many times they feed vs, for when they swimme close to our ships, we strike them with a broad Instrument, full of Barbes, called an Harping Iron fastened to a Rope by which we hale them in. This beautifull Dolphin may bee a fit Embleme of a Race of men, who vnder sweet countenances carrie sharpe tongues. Boneetooes and Albicores are in colour, shape, and taste much like to Mackerils, but * 1.503 grow to be very large. The Flying fishes of all other liue the most miserable liues, for beeing in the water, the Dolphines, Boneetooes, and Albicores persecute them, and when they would [ 20] escape by their flight, are oftentimes taken by rauenous fowles, somewhat like our Kites which houer ouer the water. These flying fishes are like men, professing two trades, and thriue of neither.

But to proceed in our passage, the twelfth of Iune early in the morning, wee espyed our long wished for Harbour, the Bay of Soldania, about twelue leagues short of the Cape of Good Hope, wherein we came happily to an Anchor that fore-noone. Heere wee found one of the Compa∣nies ships, called the Lion, come from Surat, and bound for England, who hauing a faire gale put to Sea the fourteenth day at night.

We made our abode in this Harbour till the eight and twentieth following, on which day we * 1.504 being well watered and refreshed, departed, when the Swan our fift ship tooke her way for Ban∣tam. The nine and twentieth, we doubled the Cape of Good Hope, whose latitude is in thirtie [ 30] fiue degrees South. Off this Cape there setteth continually a most violent Current Westward, whence it comes to passe, that when a strong contrarie wind meets it, their impetuous oppositi∣on makes the Sea so to rage, that some shippes haue beene swallowed, but many endangered in those Mountaynes of water. Few ships passe that way without a storme. The two and twen∣tieth * 1.505 of Iuly, we discouered the great Iland of Madagascar, commonly called Saint Laurence, we being then betwixt it and the Mayne: we touched not at it, but proceeding in our course, the fift of August following, came neere to the little Ilands of Mohilia, Gazidia, Saint Iohn de Castro, called in generall the Ilands of Comora, lying about twelue degrees Southward of the Equator.

The sixt early in the morning, our men looking out for Land, espyed a Sayle about three or [ 40] foure leagues off, which stood in our course directly before vs. About noone, the Globe our least ship (by reason of her nimblenesse, sayling better then her fellowes) came vp with her on the broad side to wind-ward, and according to the custome of the Sea hailed her, asking whence she was; She * 1.506 answered indirectly, of the Sea, calling our men Rogues, Theeues, Heretickes, Deuils, and the conclusion of her rude complement was in loud Canon Language, discharging seuen great Peeces of Artillerie at our Globe, whereof sixe pierced her through the Hull, may∣ming some of her men, but killing none. Our Globe replyed in the same voyce, and after that fell off.

About three of the clocke in the after-noone, the Charles our Admirall came vp with her so neere, that we were within Pistoll shot. Our Commander Captaine Ioseph proceeded religious∣ly, offering Treatie before hee thought of reuenge. So we saluted her with our Trumpets, shee [ 50] vs with her wind Instruments, then we shewed our men on both sides aloft; this done, Captaine Ioseph called to them that their principall Commander might come aborad, to giue an account for the iniurie they had lately before offered vs; their answere was, they had neuer a Boat, our Com∣mander

replyed, he would send them one, and immediately caused his Barge to be manned, and sent off to them, which brought backe one of their Officers, and two other meane fellowes with this bold message from their Captaine; that he had promised not to leaue his ship, and therefore forced he might, but neuer would be commanded out of her.

Captaine Ioseph receiued the Message, and vsed them which brought it ciuilly, commanding that they should be shewed, how we were prepared for to vindicate our selues, which made the poore Portugals to shake more then an Ague, and vpon it desired our Commander to write a few words to theirs, which with their perswasion happily might make him come. Captaine Ioseph willing to preserue his honour, and to preuent bloud, consented, and forth-with caused a few words to this effect to be wrote vnto him. That, Whereas he the Commander of the Carrack, had [ 10] offered violence to our ship, they sailed peaceably by him, he willed him to come speedily, and giue reason for that wrong; or else at his perill, &c. So he discharged those Portugals, sending one of our Ma∣sters Mates backe with them, with those few words and this Message; that if hee refused to come, he would sinke by his side, but that hee would force him before hee left him. (Morientium verba sunt Prophetica, his words came to passe, for he himselfe before he stird, fell by a great shot that came not long after from the Carracke side.) The Captaine of the Carracke (notwithstanding all this) was still peremptorie in his first answere. So our men returning, Captaine Ioseph himselfe made the three first shot, which surely, did them great mischiefe, as we imagined by the loud out∣cry we heard from them, after they were discharged. This done, the Bullets began to flye on both sides. Our Captaine cheering his company, ascended the halfe Decke, where hee had not * 1.507 [ 20] beene the eight part of an houre, and a great shot from the Carrackes Quarter, depriued him of life in the twinkling of an Eye, it hit him on the brest, beating out of his bodie his heart, and other of his vitals, which lay round about him scattered in his diffused bloud. After Captaine Ioseph was slaine, the Master of our ship continued the fight about halfe an houre, then knowing that there was another to be admitted into that prime place of command, the night approching, for that time gaue ouer; putting out a Flagge of Councell to call the Captaine of the Vice-Ad∣mirall (Captaine Henry Pepwell) who was to succeed, and the other Masters aboard, for to con∣sult about the prosecution of this Encounter. The night beeing come, wee now proceeded no farther. The Carracke stood still on her course, putting forth a light at her Poope for vs to fol∣low her, and about midnight came to an Anchor vnder the Iland of Mohilia, which when wee [ 30] perceiued let fall our Anchors too.

The seuenth, early before it began to dawne, we prepared for a new assault, first commending ourselues to God by Prayer.

The morning come, we found the Carracke so close to the shoare, and the neerest of our ships at the least a league off, that we held our hands for that day, expecting when shee would weigh her Anchors and stand off to Sea (a fitter place to deale with her.) In the after-noone we che∣sted our late slaine Commander, and without any ceremonie of shot, vsuall vpon such occasions (because our Enemies should take no notice) cast him ouer-boord against the Iland of Mohilia.

A little before night the Carracke departed to Sea, wee all loosed our Anchors, opened our Sayles, and followed. The day now left vs, and our proud Enemie (vnwilling as it should seeme [ 40] to escape) put forth a light as before, for vs to follow him (as afterward we did to purpose) the night well nigh spent, we commended againe our selues and cause to God. This done, the day appeared in a red Mantle, which proued bloudie vnto many that beheld it. And now you may conceiue that our foure ships are resolued to take their turnes one after the other, that they may force this proud Portugall, either to bend or breake. Our Charles playes her part first, and ere shee had beene at defiance with her Aduersary halfe an houre, there came another shot from the Enemie, which hitting against one of our Iron Peeces, that lay on the halfe Decke, brake into shiuers, dangerously wounding our new Commander, the Master of our ship, and three other of the Mariners which stood by. Captaine Pepwels left Eye was beaten all to pieces; two other * 1.508 wounds he receiued in his head; a third in his legge, a ragged piece of this broken shot sticking [ 50] fast in the bone thereof, which seemed by his complayning to afflict him more then all the rest. The Master had a great piece of the brawne of his arme strooke off, which made him likewise vnseruiceable for a time. This was our new Commander welcommed to his authoritie, wee all thought his wounds mortall, but hee liued till about fourteene moneths after, when hee dyed peaceably on his bed, in his returne for England.

The Captaine and Master both thus disabled, deputed their authoritie to the chiefe Masters Mate, who behaued himselfe resolutely, and wisely. So we continued, alternis vicibus, shooting at our Aduersary as at a Butte; and by three of the cloke in the after-noone had beat downe her mayn-mast, her Mizen-mast, her foretop-mast; and moreouer, had made such wounds in her thick sides, that her case was so desperate, shee must either yeeld or perish. Her Captaine (called Don [ 60] Emanuel Meneses, a braue resolute man) thus distressed, stood in for the shoare, being not farre from the Iland of Gazidia. We pursued as farre as we durst without hazard of shipwracke, then we sent of our Barge with a Flagge of Truce to speake with him, hee waued vs with another, so Master Connocke (our chiefe Merchant) employed in that businesse, boldly entred his ship,

and deliuered these words to him, and his company; that he had brought them life and peace if they would accept it, with all telling Don Emanuel, hee had deserued so well by his vndaunted valour, that * 1.509 if he would put himselfe into our hands, he should be entertayned with as much honour and respect as euer any Captine was. But (Duris vt Ilex tonsa bipennibus—ducit opes animum{que} ferro) Hee as an Oke gathered strength from his wounds, contemning the miserie hee could not preuent, answering Master Connocke thus, that no infelicitie should make him alter his first resolution; how that hee would * 1.510 stand off to Sea, if possibly he could, and encounter with vs againe, and then if fire and Sword forced him, he might vnhappily be taken, but he would neuer yeeld, and if we tooke him al••••e, he hoped that he should find the respect of a Gentleman, and till then we had our Answere.

So our Messenger was discharged, and shortly after this distressed ship wanting her wings, [ 10] * 1.511 was forced by the wind and waues vpon the adiacent Iland Gazidia, where she stuck fast between two Rocks: those that were left aliue in her by their Boats gat vpon the shoare, which when they had all recouered, willing (it should seeme) to consume what they could not keepe, they set her on fire to make her a coale, rather then we should make her a Prize. The poore Portugals after they had left their ship, were most inhumanely vsed by the barbarous Ilanders, who spoyled them of all they brought ashoare for their succour; some of them beeing slaine in the opposition, and doubtlesse, had made hauocke of them all, had they not beene relieued by two small Arabi•••• ships there in Trade, which in hope (I suppose) of some great reward, tooke them in, and con∣ueyed them safely to their owne Citie Goa.

In this combate we loft out of our foure ships but fiue men (too many by that number) three [ 20] out of our Admirall, and two out of the Iames; besides we had some twentie in our whole fleet hurt, which afterward recouered. But of seuen hundred which sayled in the Carracke, there came not aboue two hundred and fiftie to Goa, as afterward we were credibly informed. In this fearefull opposition, our Charles made at her Aduersarie three hundred seuentie and fiue great shot (as our Gunners reported) to these wee had one hundred Musquetiers, that played their parts all the while. Neither was our enemie idle, for our ship receiued at the least one hundred great shot from him, and many of them dangerous ones through the Hull. Our Fore-mast was pierced through the middest; our mayne-mast hurt, our mayne-stay, and many of our mayne Shrouds cut in sunder. But I haue dwelt too long vpon a sad Discourse, I make haste to refresh my selfe vpon the pleasant Iland. * 1.512

After we saw the Carracke fired which was about mid-night, wee stood off and on till mor∣ning, [ 30] to see if we might find any thing in her ashes; of which when wee despayred, wee sought about for succour to comfort our wounded and sicke men on the shoare. The Land was very high, against which the Sea is alwayes deepe, so that it was the tenth day following ere wee could be possessed of a good Harbour; which enioyed, we found the Iland very pleasant, full of goodly Trees, couered all ouer with a greene Vesture and exceeding fruitfull, abounding in Beeues, Kids, Poultry, Sugar-canes, Rice, Plantens, Oranges, Coquer-nuts, and many other wholesome things; of all which wee had sufficient to releeue our whole company, for a small quantitie of white Paper, and few glasse Beades, and Penie Kniues. For instance wee bought * 1.513 as many good Oranges as would fill an Hat, for halfe a quarter of a sheet of white Paper, and so [ 40] in proportion all other prouision. Much of their Fruites the Ilanders brought vnto vs in their little Canoes (which are long narrow Boates cut like Troughes out of firme Trees) but their cat∣tell we bought on shoare; where I obserued the people to bee streight, well limmed, able men, their colour very tawnie, most of the men but all the women (I saw) vnclothed hauing nothing about them but to hide their shame. Such as were couered had long Garments like to the Ara∣bians, whose Language they speake, and of whose Religion they are, Mahometans, very strict as it should seeme, for they would not endure vs to come nigh their Churches. They haue good conuenient houses for their liuing, and faire Sepulchres for their dead. They seeme to liue strict∣ly vnder the obedience of a King, whose place of residence was some few miles vp in the Coun∣trey. His leaue by Messengers they first craued, before wee had libertie to buy any prouision. [ 50] Their King aduertized of our arriuall, bade our Commander welcome with a Present of Beeues, and Goats, and choice Fruits of his Countrey, and was recompensed, and well contented againe with Paper, and some other English Toyes. Wee saw some Spanish money amongst them, of which they made so little reckoning, that some of our men had Rials of Eight in exchange for a little Paper or a few Beades. What they did with our Paper, we could not ghesse.

The Coquer-nuts (of which this Iland hath abundance) of all the Trees in the Forrest (in my opinion) may haue preeminence, for meerely with it, without the least helpe from any other, a man may build, and furnish a ship to Sea; for the heart of this Tree will make Plankes, Timbers, and Masts, a Gumme that growes thereon, will serue to calke our ship. The Rind of the same Tree will make Cordage and Sailes, and the large Nut thereof beeing full of kernell, and plea∣sant [ 60] liquor, will for a need serue for those that sayle in this shippe for meate and drinke, and the store of these Nuts for Merchandize.

Now, well stored with these Nuts, and other good prouision, after sixe dayes abode there, the breaches our ship receiued in fight being repayred, and our men well refreshed, wee put a∣gaine

to Sea toward East India the sixteenth, and a prosperous winde following vs, passed happi∣ly vnder the Line without the least heate to offend vs, the foure and twentieth day ensuing. Our course was for the Iland of Succotora, neere to the mouth of the Red Sea, from whence comes our * 1.514 Aloes Succotrina, but an aduerse gale from the Arabian shoare kept vs off, that wee could by no meanes recouer it. We passed by it the first of September. The immediate yeere before our En∣glish fleet touching at this Iland, learned this Apothegme from the petie King thereof, who com∣ming to the water side, and hearing some of our winde Instruments, asked if they played Dauids Psalmes (of which being a Mahometan, he had heard.) Hee was answered by one that stood by, * 1.515 they did; He replyed thus, That it was an ill inuention of him that first mingled Musicke with Religion; for before (said he) God was worshipped in heart, but by this in sound. I insert not this relation to condemne musick in Churches, Let him that bids vs prayse the Lord with strin∣ged [ 10] Instruments and Organs, plead the Cause.

But to returne to my discourse. Missing our Port at Succotora, wee proceeded on our voyage, and the fourth of September kept a solemne funerall, in memorie of our slaine Commander, * 1.516 when after a Sermon, the small shot and great Ordnance, made a loud peale to his remem∣brance. The sixt of September at night, to our admiration and feare, the water of the Sea see∣med as white as milke, others of our Nation, since passing on that course, haue obserued the * 1.517 like, but I am yet to learne what should be the true cause thereof, it being farre from any shoare, and so deepe, that wee could fetch no ground. The twentie one, wee discouered the mayne Land of East India: and the twentie two, had sight of Diu and Damon, Cities lying in the skirts thereof, well fortified and inhabited by Portugals. The twentie fiue, we came happily to an An∣chor [ 20] in Swally Road, within the Bay of Cambaya, the harbour for our fleet while they make their stay in the Easterne India. And thus in a tedious Passage haue I brought my Reader as far as East India, let him now bee pleased for a while to repose himselfe vpon the Shoare, there to take a view of the populous Court, and the no lesse fruitful, then spacious Territories of the great Mogol.

§. II.

Description of the Mogols Empire, and the most remarkable things * 1.518 of Naiure and Art therein. [ 30]

THe large Empire of the great Mogol is bounded on the East with the Kingdome of Maug: West with Persia, and the mayne Ocean Southerly: North with the Moun∣taynes of Caucasus, and Tartaria. South with Decan and the Gulfe of Bengala. De∣can lying in the skirts of Asia, is diuided between three Mahometan Kings, and some other Indian Rhaiaes. This spacious Monarchie, called by the Inhabitants Indostan, diuiding it selfe into thirtie and seuen seuerall and large Prouinces, which anciently were particular King∣domes; whose names with their principall Cities, and Riuers, their Situation, and Borders, their extent in length and breadth. I first set downe beginning at the North-west.

First, Candahor, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyes from the heart of all his Territorie North-west; [ 40] it confines with the King of Persia, and was a Prouince belonging to him. 2. Ca∣bul, the chiefe Citie so called, the extreamest North-west part of this Emperours Dominions: it confineth with Tartaria; the Riuer Nilab hath its beginning in it, whose Current is Souther∣ly, till it discharge it selfe in Indus. 3. Multan, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyes South from Cabul, and Candahor, and to the West ioynes with Persia. 4. Haiacan, the King∣dome of the Baloches (a stout warlike people) it hath no renowned Citie. The famous Riuer In∣dus (called by the Inhabitants Skind) borders it on the East; and Lar (a Prouince belonging to Sha-Abas, the present King of Persia) meetes it on the West. 5. Buckor, the chiefe Citie called Buckor succor. The Riuer Indus makes a way through it, greatly enriching it. 6. Tat∣ta, the chiefe Citie so called. The Riuer Indus makes many Ilands in it, exceeding fruitfull [ 50] and pleasant. The chiefe Arme meetes with the Sea at Synde, a place very famous for curious handi-crafts. 7. Soret, the chiefe Citie is called Ianagar. It is a little Prouince but rich, lyes West from Guzarat, and hath the Ocean to the South. 8. Iese••meere, the chiefe Citie so called, it ioyneth with Soret, Buckor, and Tatta, lying to the West of it. 9. Attack, the chiefe Citie so called: it lyeth on the East side of Indus, which parts it from Haiacan. 10. Fe∣niab, which signifieth fiue Waters, for that it is seated among fiue Riuers, all tributaries to Indus, which somewhat South of Lahor make but one Current: it is a great Kingdome, and most fruitfull, &c. Lahor the chiefe Citie is well built, very large, populous, and rich; the chiefe Citie of Trade in all India. 11. Chishmeere, the chiefe Citie is called Siranakar, the Riuer [ 60] Phat passeth through it, and so creeping about many Ilands slides to Indus. 12. Banchish, the chiefe Citie is called Bishur: it lyeth East, Southerly from Chishmeere, from which it is diuided by the Riuer Indus. 13. Iengapor, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyeth vpon the Riuer Kaul, one of the fiue Riuers that water Pentab. 14. Ienba, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyeth East of Feniab.

15. Delli, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyeth twixt Ienba and Agra, the Riuer Iemni (which runneth through Agra, and falleth into Ganges) begins in it. Delli is an ancient great Citie, the seate of the Mogols Ancestors, where most of them lye interred. 16. Bando, the chiefe Citie so called, it confineth Agra on the West. 17. Malway, a very fruitfull Prouince, Rantipore is the chiefe Citie. 18. Chitor, an ancient and great Kingdome, the chiefe Citie so called. 19 Gu∣zarat, a goodly Kingdome, and exceeding rich, inclosing the Bay of Cambaya. The Riuer Tapte watereth Surat, it trades to the Red Sea, to Achin, and to diuers other places. 20. Chandis, the chiefe Citie called Brampoch, which is large and populous. Adioyning to this Prouince, is a pe∣tie * 1.519 Prince, called Partapsha, tributarie to the Mogol, and this is the Southermost part of all his Territories. 21. Berar, the chiefe Citie is called Shapore, the Southermost part whereof doth likewise bound this Empire. 22. Naruar, the chiefe Citie called Gehud, it is watered by a faire [ 10] Riuer, which emptieth it selfe in Ganges. 23. Gwaliar, the chiefe Citie so called, where the King hath a great treasury of Bullion. In this Citie likewise there is an exceeding strong Castle wherein the Kings prisoners are kept. 24. Agra, a principall and great Prouince, the chiefe Citie so called. From Agra to Lahor (the two choise Cities of this Empire) is about foure hun∣dred English miles, the Countrey in all that distance euen without a Hill, and the high way plan∣ted on both sides with Trees, like to a delicate walke. 25. Sanbal, the chiefe Citie so called, the Riuer Iemni parts it from Naruar, and after at the Citie Helabass falls into Ganges, called by the Inhabitants Ganga. 26. Bakar, the chiefe Citie called Bikaneer, it lyeth on the West side of Ganges. 27. Nagracutt, the chiefe Citie so called, in which there is a Chappel most richly set forth, both seeled and paued with plate of pure gold. In this place they keepe an Idoll, which [ 20] they call Matta, visited yeerly by many thousands of the Indians, who out of deuotion cut off * 1.520 part of their tongues, to make a sacrifice for it. In this Prouince there is likewise another famous Pilgrimage, to a place called Iallamakae, where out of cold Springs and hard Rocks, there are day∣ly to be seene incessant eruptions of fire, before which the Idolatrous people fall downe and wor∣ship. 28. Syba, the chiefe Citie is called Hardwair, where the famous Riuer Ganges seemed to * 1.521 begin, issuing out of a Rocke, which the superstitious Gentiles imagine to bee like a Cowes head, which of all sensible Creatures they loue best. Thither they likewise goe in troopes daily for to wash their bodies. 29. Kakares, the principall Cities are called Dankalee and Purhola, it is very large and exceeding mountaynous, diuided from Tartaria by the Mountaynes of Caucases: it is [ 30] the farthest part North, vnder the Mogols subiection. 30. Gor, the chiefe Citie so called, it is full of Mountaynes. The Riuer Persilis which dischargeth it selfe in Ganges, beginnes in it. 31. Pitan, the chiefe Citie so called; the Riuer Kanda waters it, and falls into Ganges in the Confines thereof. 32. Kanduana, the chiefe Citie is called Karbakatenka, the Riuer Sersilij parts it from Pitan; that and Gor are the North-east bounds of this great Monarchie. 33. Patua, the chiefe Citie so called; the Riuer Ganges bounds it on the West, Sersilij on the East; it is a very fertile Prouince. 34. Iesual, the chiefe Citie called Raiapore, it lyeth East of Patna. 35. Meuat, the chiefe Citie called Narnol; it is very mountaynous. 36. V••essa, the chiefe Citie called Iokanat; it is the most remote part East of all this Kingdome. 37. Bengala, a most spacious and fruitfull Kingdome, limited by the Gulfe of the same name, wherein the Riuer Gan∣ges [ 40] diuided in foure great Currents, loseth it selfe.

And here a great errour in our Geographers must not escape mee, who in their Globes and Maps, make India and China Neighbours, when many large Countries are interposed betwixt * 1.522 them, which great distance will appeare by the long trauell of the Indian Merchants, who are vsually in their iourney and returne, more then two yeeres from Agra to the walls of C〈…〉〈…〉. The length of those forenamed Prouinces is North-west to South-east, at the least one thou∣sand Courses, euery Indian Course being two English miles. North and South, the Extent there∣of, is about fourteene hundred miles, the Southermost part lying in twentie degrees; the Nor∣thermost in fortie three of North latitude. The breadth of this Empire is North-east to South∣west, about fifteene hundred miles. [ 50]

Now, to giue an exact account of all those forenamed Prouinces, were more then I am able to vnder-take, yet out of that I haue obserued in some few, I will aduenture to ghesse at all, and thinke for my particular, that the great Mogol, considering his Territories, his Wealth, and his rich Commodities, is the greatest knowne King of the East, if not of the World. To make my owne coniecture more apparent to others. This wide Monarchie is very rich and fertile, so much abounding in all necessaries for the vse of man, as that it is able to subsist and flourish of it selfe, without the least helpe from any Neighbour.

To speake first of that which Nature requires most, Foode; this Land abounds in singular good * 1.523 Wheate, Rice, Barley, and diuers other kindes of Graine to make bread (the staffe of life) their Wheate growes like ours, but the Graine of it is somewhat bigger and more white, of which [ 60] the Inhabitants make such pure well-relished bread, that I may speake that of it, which one said * 1.524 of the bread in the Bishoprick of Leige; it is, Panis, pane melior. The common people make their bread vp in Cakes, and bake it on small Iron hearths, which they carry with them * 1.525 when as they iourney, making vse of them in their Tents, it should seeme an ancient custome,

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as may appeare by that president of Sarah, when shee entertayned the Angels, Genes. 18. To their Bread they haue great abundance of other good prouision, as Butter, and Cheese, by * 1.526 reason of their great number of Kine, Sheepe, and Goats. Besides, they haue a beast very large, hauing a smooth thicke skinne without haire, called a Buffelo, which giues good Milke: the flesh of them is like Beefe, but not so wholsome. They haue no want of Venison of diuers kinds, as red Deare, fallow Deare, Elkes, and Antelops; but no where imparked: the whole Kingdome is as it were a Forrest, for a man can trauell no way but he shall see them, and (except it bee within a small distance off the King) they are euery mans Game. To these they haue great store of Hares, and further to furnish out their feasts, varietie of Fish and Fowle; it were as infinite as needlesse to relate particulars. To write of their Geese, Duckes, Pigeons, Par∣tridges, [ 10] Quailes, Peacockes, and many other singular good Fowle, all which are bought at such easie rates, as that I haue seene a good Mutton sold for the value of one shilling, foure couple of Hennes at the same price, one Hare for the value of a penie, three Partridges for as little, and so in proportion all the rest. There are no Capons amongst them but men.

The Beeues of that Countrey differ from ours, in that they haue each of them a great Bunch of griffelly flesh, which growes vpon the meeting of their shoulders. Their Sheepe exceed ours * 1.527 in great bob-tayles, which cut off are very ponderous, their wooll is generally very course, but the flesh of them both is altogether as good as ours.

Now, to season this good prouision, there is great store of Salt: and to sweeten all, abun∣dance of Sugar growing in the Countrey, which after it is well refined, may be bought for two * 1.528 [ 20] pence the pound, or vnder.

Their Fruits are very answerable to the rest, the Countrey full of Musk-melons, Water-me∣lons, Pomegranats, Pome-citrons, Limons, Oranges, Dates, Figs, Grapes, Plantans (a long * 1.529 round yellow fruit, in taste like to a Norwich Peare) Mangoes, in shape and colour like to our Apricocks, but more luscious, and (to conclude with the best of all) the Ananas or Pine which seemes to the taster to be a pleasing compound, made of Strawberries, Claret-wine, Rose∣water, and Sugar, well tempered together. In the Northermost parts of this Empire they haue varietie of Apples and Peares. Euery where good roots, as Carrets, Potatoes, and others like them as pleasant. They haue Onions and Garlicke, and choyce herbs for Salads. And in the Southermost parts, Giuger growing almost in euery place. And here I cannot choose but take * 1.530 [ 30] notice of a pleasant cleere liquor called Taddy, iss••••ng from a spongie tree that growes straight and tall, without boughts to the top, and there spreads out in branches (somewhat like to an English Colewort) where they make incisions: vnder which they hang small earthen Pots to preserue the influence. That which distills forth in the night, is as pleasing to the taste as any white Wine, if drunke betimes in the morning. But in the heat of the day the Sunne alters it so, as that it becomes heady, ill relished, and vnwholsome. It is a piercing medicinable drinke, if taken early, and moderately, as some haue found by happie experience, thereby eased from their torture inflicted by that shame of Physicians, and Tyrant of all maladies, the Stone.

At Surat, and to Agra and beyond, it neuer raines but one season of the yeere, which begins neere the time that the Sunne comes to the Northerne Tropicke, and so continues till his re∣turne [ 40] * 1.531 backe to the Line. These violent Raines are vshered in, and take their leaue with most fearefull tempests of Thunder and Lightning, more terrible then I can expresse, yet seldome doe harme. The reason in Nature may be the subtiltie of the Aire, wherein there are fewer Thun∣der-stones made, then in such Climates where the Aire is grosse, and cloudy. In those three mo∣neths it raines euery day more or lesse, sometimes one whole quarter of the Moone scarce with any intermission, which aboundance of Raine with the heat of the Sunne doth so enrich the ground; (which they neuer force) as that like Egypt by the in••ndation of Nilus, it makes it fruitfull all the yeere after. But when this time of Raine is passed ouer, the Skie is so cleere, as that scarcely one Cloud is seene in their Hemisphere, the nine moneths after.

And here the goodnesse of the soyle must not escape my Pen, most apparent in this, for when [ 50] the ground hath beene destitute of Raine nine moneths, and lookes like to barren Sands, with in * 1.532 seuen dayes after the Raine begins to fall, it puts on a greene Coate. And further to confirme this, amongst many hundred acres of Corne I haue beheld in those Parts, I neuer saw any but came vp as thicke as the Land could well beare it. They till their ground with Oxen, and foot-Ploughs. Their Seed-time is in May, and the beginning of Iune: their Haruest in Nouember, and December, the most temperate moneths in all their yeere. Their ground is not enclosed vn∣lesse it be neere Townes and Villages, which (though not expressed in the Map for want of their true names) stand very thicke. They mowe not their Grasse (as we) to make Hay, but cut it ei∣ther * 1.533 greene or withered on the ground as they haue occasion to vse it. They sowe Tobacco in abundance, but know not how to cure and make it strong, as those in the Westerne India. [ 60]

The Countrey is beautified with many Woods and great varietie of faire goodly trees, but I * 1.534 neuer saw any there of those kinds which England affoords. Their Trees in generall are sappie, which I ascribe to the fatnesse of the soyle: some of them haue Leaues as broad as Bucklers, o∣thers are parted small as Ferne, as the Tamarine trees which beare a sowre fruit that growes

somewhat like our Beanes, most wholesome for to coole and cleanse the bloud. There is one Tree amongst them of speciall obseruation, out of whose branches grow little sprigs downe∣ward till they take root, and so at length proue strong supporters vnto the Armes that yeeld * 1.535 them, whence it comes to passe that these Trees in time grow vnto a great height, and extend themselues to an incredible bredth. All the Trees in those Southerne parts of India still keepe on their greene Mantles. For their Flowres they rather delight the Eye then affect the Sense, * 1.536 in colour admirable, but few of them, vnlesse Roses, and one or two kinds more, that are any whit fragrant.

This Region is watered with many goodly Riuers, the two principall are Indus and Ganges, where this thing remarkable must not passe, that one pinte of the Water of Ganges weigheth [ 10] * 1.537 lesse by an once, then any in the whole Kingdome, and therefore the Mogol wheresoeuer hee is, hath it brought to him that he may drinke it. Besides their Riuers, they haue store of Wells fed * 1.538 with Springs, vpon which in many places they bestow great cost in stone-worke: to these they haue many Ponds, which they call Tankes, some of them more then a mile or two in compasse, made round or square, girt about with faire stone-walls, within which are steps of well-squared stone which encompasse the water, for men euery way to goe downe and take it. These Tankes are filled when that abundance of Raine falls, and keepe water to relieue the Inhabitants that dwell farre from Springs or Riuers, till that wet season come againe.

This ancient drinke of the World is the common drinke of India, it is more sweet and plea∣sant then ours, and in those hot Countries, agreeth better with mens bodies, then any other Li∣quor. [ 20] Some small quantitie of Wine, but not common is made among them, they call it Raack, distilled from Sugar and a Spicie rinde of a Tree called Iagra. It is very wholsome if taken mo∣derately. * 1.539 Many of the people who are strict in their Religion drinke no Wine at all. They vse a Liquor more healthfull then pleasant, they call Cohha; a blacke seed boyled in water, which doth little alter the taste of the water. Notwithstanding, it is very good to helpe digestion, to quicken the spirits, and to clense the bloud. There is yet another helpe to comfort the stomacke * 1.540 for such as forbeare Wine, an herbe called Beetle or Paune; it is in shape somewhat like an Iuie leafe but more tender; they chew it with an hard Nut some-what like a Nut-megge, and a lit∣tle pure white Lime among the leaues, and when they haue sucked out the Iuyce, put forth the rest. It hath many rare qualities, for it preserues the teeth, comforts the braine, strengthens the [ 30] stomacke, and cures or preuents a tainted breath.

Their buildings are generally base, except it be in their Cities, wherein I haue obserued ma∣ny faire Piles. Many of their houses are built high and flat on the toppe, from whence in the * 1.541 coole, seasons of the day they take in fresh ayre. They haue no Chimnies to their houses, for they neuer vse fire but to dresse their meate. In their vpper roomes they haue many lights and doores to let in the Ayre, but vse no Glasse. The materials of their best buildings are bricke or stone, * 1.542 well squared and composed, which I haue obserued in Amadauar (that one instance may stand for all) which is a most spacious and rich Citie, entred by twelue faire Gates, and compassed a∣bout with a firme stone wall. Both in their Villages and Cities, are vsually many faire Trees a∣mong their houses, which are a great defence against the violence of the Sunne. They common∣ly [ 40] stand so thicke that if a man behold a Citie or Towne from some conspicuous place, it will seeme a Wood rather then a Citie.

The Staple Commodities of this Kingdome are Indico and Cotton-wooll. For Cotton-wooll * 1.543 they plant seedes which grow vp into shrubs like vnto our Rose-bushes. It blowes first into a yellow blossome, which falling off, there remaynes a cod about the bignesse of a mans thumbe, in which the substance is moyst and yellow, but as it ripens, it swels bigger till it breake the co∣uering, and so in short time becomes white as Snow, and then they gather it. These shrubs beare three or foure yeares ere they supplant them. Of this Wooll they make diuers sorts of pure white cloth, some of which I haue seene as fine, if not purer then our best Lawne. Some of the courser sort of it they dye into Colours, or else stayne in it varietie of curious Figures. [ 50]

The ship that vsually goeth from Surat to Moha, is of an exceeding great burthen. Some of them I beleeue at the least fourteene or sixteene hundred tunnes, but ill built, and though they haue good Ordnance cannot well defend themselues. In these ships are yeerely abundance of Passengers: for instance in one ship returning thence, that yeere we left India, came seuenteene hundred, the most of which number goe not for profit, but out of Deuotion to visite the Sepul∣chre of Mahomet at Medina, neere Meche, about one hundred and fiftie leagues from Moha. Those which haue beene there, are euer after called Hoggeis, or holy Men. The ship bound from Surat to the Red Sea, beginnes her Voyage about the twentieth of March, and finisheth it to∣wards the end of September following, the Voyage is but short, and might easily bee made in two moneths, but in the long season of raine, and a little before, and after it, the winds are [ 60] commonly so violent, that there is no comming, but with great hazard into the Indian Sea. The ship returning, is vsually worth two hundred thousand pounds sterling, most of it in Gold and * 1.544 Siluer. Besides, for what quantitie of Monies comes out of Europe, by other meanes into In∣dia I cannot answere, this I am sure of, that many Siluer str••ames runne thither as all Riuers to

the Sea, and there stay, it being lawfull for any Nation to bring inSiluer and fetch commodities, but a Crime not lesse then Capitall, to carry any great summe thence. The Coyne or Bullion brought thither is presently melted, and refined, and then the Mogols stampe (which is his Name and Title in Persian Letters) put vpon it. This Coyne is more pure then any I know made of perfect Siluer without any allay, so that in the Spanish Riall (the purest money of Europe) there is some losse.

They call their Pieces of Money Roopees, of which there are some of diuers values; the * 1.545 meanest worth two shillings, and the best about two shillings and nine pence sterling. By these they account their Estates and Payments. There is a Coyne of inferiour value in Guzarat, cal∣led Mamoodies, about twelue pence sterling, both the former and these are made likewise in * 1.546 halfes and quarters, so that three pence is the least piece of siluer currant in the Countrey. That [ 10] which passeth vp and downe, for exchange vnder this rate is brasse money, which they call Pi∣ces, * 1.547 whereof three or thereabouts counteruaile a Peny. They are made so massie, as that the Brasse in them put to other vses, is well worth the Siluer they are rated at. Their Siluer Coyne is made either round or square, but so thicke, that it neuer breakes nor weares out.

Now farther for commodities, the Countrey yeelds good store of Silke, which they weaue * 1.548 curiously, sometimes mingled with Siluer or Gold. They make Veluets, Sattins, and Taffataes, but not so rich as those of Italy. Many Drugs and Gummes are found amongst them, especially Gum-lac, with which they make their hard Wax. The earth yeelds good Minerals of Lead, I∣ron, * 1.549 Copper, and Brasse, and they say of Siluer, which, if true, they neede not open, being so enriched by other Nations. The Spices they haue come from other place, from the Ilands of Su∣matra, [ 20] Iaua, and the Moluccoes. For places of pleasure they haue curious Gardens, planted with fruitfull Trees and delightfull Flowers, to which Nature daily lends such a supply as that they * 1.550 seeme neuer to fade. In these places they haue pleasant Fountaynes to bathe in, and other de∣lights by sundrie conueyances of water, whose silent murmure helps to lay their senses with the bonds of sleepe in the hot seasons of the day.

But lest this remote Countrey should seeme like an earthly Paradise without any discommo∣dities: * 1.551 I must needes take notice there of many Lions, Tygres, Wolues, Iackals (which seeme to be wild Dogs) and many other harmefull beasts. In their Riuers are many Crocodiles, and on the Land ouer-growne Snakes, with other venimous and pernicious Creatures. In our houses there we often meete with Scorpions, whose stinging is most sensible and deadly, if the patient [ 30] haue not presently some Oyle that is made of them, to apoint the part affected, which is a pre∣sent * 1.552 cure. The aboundance of Flyes in those parts doe likewise much annoy vs, for in the heate * 1.553 of the day their numberlesse number is such as that we can be quiet in no place for them, they are ready to couer our meate assoone as it is placed on the Table, and therefore wee haue men that stand on purpose with Napkins to fright them away when as wee are eating: in the night likewise we are much disquieted with Mosquatoes, like our Gnats, but somewhat lesse: and in their great Cities, there are such aboundance of bigge hungrie Rats, that they often bite a man as he lyeth on his bed.

The Windes in those parts, which they call the Monson, blow constantly; altering but few * 1.554 Points, sixe moneths Southerly, the other sixe Northerly. The moneths of Aprill and May, [ 40] and the beginning of Iune till the Rayne fall, are so extreme hot, as that the Winde blowing but gently receiues such heate from the parched ground, that it much offends those that receiue the breath of it. But God doth so prouide for those parts that most commonly he sends such a strong gale as well tempers the hot ayre. Sometimes the winde blowes very high in those hot and drie seasons, raysing vp thick clouds of dust and sand, which appeare like darke clouds full of Rayne, they greatly annoy the people when they fall amongst them. But there is no Countrey without some discommodities, for therefore the wise Disposer of all things hath tempered bitter things with sweet, to teach man that there is no true and perfect content to be found in any Kingdom, but that of God.

But I will returne againe (whence I digressed) and looke farther into the qualitie of the [ 50] Countrey, that affords very good Horses, which the Inhabitants know well to manage. Be∣sides * 1.555 their owne, they haue many of the Persian, Tartarian, and Arabian breede, which haue the name to be the choise ones of the world: they are about the bignesse of ours, and valued among them as deare, if not at a higher rate then we vsually esteeme ours. They are kept daintily, euery good Horse being allowed a man to dresse and feede him. Their Prouender a kind of graine, cal∣led Donna, somewhat like our Pease, which they boyle, and when it is cold giue them mingled with course Sugar; and twise or thrise in the weeke Butter to scoure their bodies. Here are like∣wise a great number of Camels, Dromedaries, Mules, Asses, and some Rhynocerots, which are large beasts as bigge as the fayrest Oxen England affords, their skins lye platted, or as it were in wrinkles vpon their backs. They haue many Elephants, the King for his owne particular being [ 60] Master of fourteene thousand, and his Nobles and all men of Qualitie in the Countrey, haue more or lesse of them, some to the number of one hundred. The Elephants, though they bee the largest of all Creatures the Earth brings forth, yet are so tractable (vnlesse at times when they

are mad) that a little Boy is able to rule the biggest of them. Some of them I haue seene thir∣teene foot high, but there are amongst them (as I haue beene often told) fifteene at the least. The colour of them all is black, their skins thick and smooth without haire, they take much de∣light to bathe themselues in water, and swim better then any beast I know; they lye downe and arise againe at pleasure, as other beasts doe. Their pace is not swift, about three mile an houre, but of all Beasts in the world are most sure of foot, for they neuer fall nor stumble to endanger their Rider. They are most docile Creatures, and of all those we account meerely sensible, come nee∣rest vnto Reason. Lipsius in his Epistles, 1. Cent. Epist. 50. out of his obseruations from others writes more of them then I can confirme, or any (I perswade my selfe) beleeue; yet many things remarkable, which seeme indeed acts of reason, rather then sence, I haue obserued in them. [ 10] For instance, an Elephant will doe any thing almost, that his Keeper commands him: as if he would haue him affright a man, he will make towards him as if hee would tread him in pieces, and when he is come at him, doe him no hurt: if he would haue him to abuse or disgrace a man, he will take dirt, or kennell water in his trunke, and dash it in his face. Their Trunks are long grisselly snouts hanging downe twixt their teeth, by some called, their Hand, which they make vse of vpon all occasions.

An English Merchant of good credit, vpon his owne knowledge reported this of a great E∣lephant in Adsmeere (the place then of the Mogols residence) who being brought often through the Bazar or Market place; a woman who safe there to sell herbs, was wont vsually to giue him a handfull, as he passed by. This Elephant afterward being mad, brake his fetters, and tooke his [ 20] way through the Market place; the people all affrighted made haste to secure themselues, a∣mongst whom was this herbe-woman, who for feare and haste, forgat her little child. The Ele∣phant come to the place where shee vsually sate, stopt, and seeing a child lie about her herbs, tooke it vp gently with his trunke, not doing it the least harme, and layed it vpon a stall vnder a house not farre off, and then proceeded in his furious course. Acosta (a trauelling Iesnite) re∣lates the like of an Elephant in Goa, from his owne experience. Some Elephants the King keeps for execution of Malefactors, who being brought to suffer death by that mightie beast, * 1.556 if his Keeper bid him dispatch the Offender speedily, will presently with his foot pash him in∣to pieces, if otherwise he would haue him tortured, this vast creature will breake his ioynts by degrees one after the other, as men are broken vpon the wheele. [ 30]

The Mogol takes much delight in those stately creatures, and therefore oft when hee sits forth in his Maiestie calls for them, especially the fairest, who are taught to bend to him as it were in reuerence, when they first come into his presence. They often fight before him, begin∣ning their combat like Rams, by running fiercely one at the other; after, as Boares with their tusks, they fight with their teeth and trunks: in this violent opposition they are each so carefull to preserue his Rider, as that very few of them at those times receiue hurt. They are gouerned with an hook of Steele, made like the Iron end of a Boat-hook with which their keepers sitting on their neckes put them backe, or pricke them forward at their pleasure.

The King traines vp many of his Elephants for the warre, who carrie each of them one Iron Gunne about sixe foot long, lying vpon a square strong frame of wood, fastned with gifts or [ 40] ropes vpon him, which like an Harquebuse is let into the timber with a loop of Iron; at the foure corners of this frame are Banners of Silke put vpon short Poles, within sits a Gunner to make his shot according to his occasion. The Peece carrieth a Bullet about the bignesse of a little Ten∣nis-ball. When the King trauels he hath many Elephants thus appointed for guard. Hee keeps many of them for State to goe before him, who are adorned with bosses of Brasse, and some of them are made of massie Siluer or Gold, hauing likewise diuers Bells about them in which they delight. They haue faire couerings either of Cloth, or Veluet, or Cloth of siluer or gold, and for greater state, Banners of Silke carried before them in which is the Ensigne of their great King (a Lion in the Sunne) imprinted. These are allowed each three or foure men at the least, to waite vpon them. Hee makes vse of others to carrie himselfe or his women, who sit in pretie [ 50] conuenient receptacles fastned on their backes, which our Painters describe like to Castles, made of slight turn'd Pillars richly couered, that will hold foure sitters. Others he employes for car∣riage of his necessaries. Onely he hath one faire Elephant which is content to be fettered, but would neuer indure man or other burthen on his backe.

These vast beasts though the Countrey be very tr••••••tfull and all prouision cheape, yet by rea∣son of their huge bulke are very chargeable in keeping, for such as are well fed, stand their Ma∣sters in foure or fiue shillings, each of them the day. They are kept without doores, whereby a sollid Chaine vpon one of their hind legges, they fasten them to a Tree or some strong post. As they stand in the Sunne the Flyes often vex them, wherefore with their feete they make dust, the ground being very dry, and with their Truncks cast it about their bodies to driue away the [ 60] Flyes. Whenas they are mad (as vsually the Males are once a yeare for their Females, when they are Iustie, but in few dayes after, come againe in temper) they are so mischieuous, that they will strike any thing but their Keeper that comes in their way, and their strength is such, as that they will beate an Horse or Camell dead with their Truncke at one blow. At these times to pre∣uent

mischiefe, they are kept apart from company, fettered with Chaines. But if by chance in their phrensie they get loose, they will make after euery thing they see stirre, in which case there is no meanes to stop them in their violent course, but by lighting of wild-fire, prepared for that purpose, whose sparkling and cracking makes them stand still and tremble. The King allowes euery one of his great Elephants foure Females, which in their Language they call Wiues, the Males Testicles lye about his fore-head, the Females Teates are betwixt her fore-legges. Shee carrieth her young one whole yeare ere she bring it forth. Thirtie yeares expire ere they come to their full growth, and they fulfill the accustomed age of man ere they dye. Notwithstanding, the great plentie of them, they are valued there at exceeding great rates, some of them prized at one thousand pounds sterling and more. [ 10]

§. III.

Of the people of Indostan, their Stature, Colour, Habit, Dyet, Women, Lan∣guage, Learning, Arts, Riding, Games, Markets, Armes, Va∣lour, Mahumetane Mesquits, Burials, Opinions, and Rites of Religion.

NOw, for the Inhabitants of Indostan, they were anciently Gentiles, or notorious Idola∣ters, [ 20] called in generall Hindoos, but euer since they were subdued by Tumberlaine, haue beene mixed with Mahometans. There are besides many Persians and Tartars, many Abissines, and Armenians, and some few almost of euery people in Asia, if not of Eu∣rope, that haue residence here. Amongst them are some Iewes, but not beloued, for their very * 1.557 name is a Prouerbe, or word of reproch. For the stature of these Easterne Indians, they are like vs, but generally very streight, for I neuer beheld any in those parts crooked. They are of a taw∣nie or Oliue colour, their haire blacke as a Rauen, but not curl'd. They loue not a man or wo∣man, that is very white or faire, because that (as they say) is the colour of Lepers common a∣mongst * 1.558 them. Most of the Mahometans, but the Moolaes (which are their Priests) or those that [ 30] are very old and retyred, keepe their chinnes bare, but suffer the haire on their vpper lip to grow as long as Nature will feed it. They vsually shaue off all the haire from their heads, reser∣uing onely a Locke on the Crowne for Mahomet, to pull them into Heauen. Both among the Mahometans and Gentiles are excellent Barbers. The people often wash their bodies, and anoint themselues with sweet Oyles.

The Habits both of the men and women are little different, made for the most part of white Cotton-cloth. For the fashion they are close, streight to the middle, hanging loose downward * 1.559 below the knee, they weare long Breeches vnderneath, made close to their bodies that reach to their ankles, ruffling like boots on the smal of their legs. Their feet are bare in their shooes, which most commonly they weare like slippers, that they may the more readily put them off when they [ 40] come into their houses, whose floores are couered with excellent Carpets (made in that Kingdom, good as any in Turkie or Persia) or somwhat else (according to the qualitie of the man) more base, vpon which they sit, when as they conferre or eate like Taylors on their shop-boards. The mens heads are couered with a long thinne wreathe of Cloth, white or coloured, which goes many times about them, they call it a Shash. They vncouer not their heads when as they doe reue∣rence * 1.560 to their Superiours, but in stead of that bow their bodies, putting their right hands to the top of their heads, after that they haue touched the Earth with them, as much as to say, the par∣tie they salute, shall if he please tread vpon them. Those that bee equals take one the other by the Chinne or Beard, as Ioab did Amasa, 2. Sam. 20: but salute in Loue, not Treacherie. They haue good words to expresse their wel-wishes, as this, Greeb-a Nemoas, that is, I wish the Pray∣ers [ 50] of the Poore, and many other like these most significant.

The Mahometan women, except they bee dishonest or poore, come not abroad. They are * 1.561 very well fauoured, though not faire, their heads couered with Veiles, their haire hangs downe behind them twisted with Silke. Those of qualitie are bedecked with many Iewels, about their neckes and wrists, round about their Eares are holes made for Pendants, and euery woman hath one of her Nostrils pierced, that there, when as shee please, shee may weare a Ring (it should seeme an ancient ornament, Es. 3. 21.)

The women in those parts haue a great happinesse aboue all I know, in their easie bring∣ing forth of Children, for it is a thing common there for women great with Childe, one day * 1.562 to ride carrying their Infants in their bodies; the next day to ride againe, carrying them in [ 60] their armes.

[illustration]

Pictures out of the Indian Copies made by the Mogols painter

For the Language of this Empire, I meane the vulgar, it is called Indostan, a smooth tongue, * 1.563 and easie to be pronounced, which they write as wee to the right hand. The Learned Tongues are Persian and Arabian, which they write backward, as the Hebrewes to the left. There is little [ 30] Learning among them, a reason whereof may be their penury of Bookes, which are but few, and they, Manuscripts: but doubtlesse, they are men of strong capacities; and were there literature among them, would be the Authors of many excellent Workes.

They haue heard of Aristotle, whom they call Aplis, and haue some of his Bookes translated * 1.564 into Arabian, Auicenna, that noble Physician was borne in Samarcandia, the Countrey of Ta∣merlaine, in whose Science they haue good skill. The common Diseases of the Countrey are bloudie Fluxes, hot Feuers and Calentures, in all which they prescribe fasting as a principall re∣medie: that filthy Disease the consequence of Incontinencie is common amongst them. The * 1.565 people in generall liue about our Ages, but they haue more old men. They delight much in Mu∣sicke, [ 40] and haue many stringed and wind Instruments, which neuer seemed in my eare to bee any thing but discord. They write many wittie Poems, and compose Stories or Annals of their owne Countrey; and professe themselues to haue good skill in Astrologie, and in men of that Profession••, the King puts so much confidence, that hee will not vndertake a Iourney, nor yet doe any thing of the least consequence, vnlesse his Wizards tell him tis a good and prosperous houre.

The Gentiles beginne their yeare the first of March. The Mahometans theirs at the very in∣stant * 1.566 (as the Astrologers ghesse) that the Sunne enters into Aries, from which time the King keepes a Feast called the Noocos, signifying nine dayes, which time it continues (like that Aba∣suerus made in the third yeare of his Raigne, Ester the first) where all his Nobles assemble in [ 50] their greatest pompe, presenting him with Gifts, hee repaying them againe with Princely Re∣wards, * 1.567 at which time being in his presence, I beheld most immense and incredible Riches to my amazement in Gold, Pearles, Precious Stones, Iewels, and many other glittering vanities.

This Feast I tooke notice of at Mandoa, where the Mogol hath a most spacious house larger then any I haue seeene, in which many excellent Arches and Vaults, speake for the exquisite skill of his Subiects in Architecture. At Agra hee hath a Palace, wherein two large Towers, the least ten foot square, are couered with plate of the purest Gold.

There are no Hangings on the walls of his houses, by reason of the heate; the wals are either * 1.568 painted or else beautified with a purer white Lime, then that we call Spanish. The floores paued with stone, or else made with Lime and Sand like our Playster of Paris, are spred with rich Car∣pets. [ 60] There lodge none in the Kings house but his women and Eunuches, and some little Boyes * 1.569 which hee keepes about him for a wicked vse. Hee alwayes eates in priuate among his women vpon great varietie of excellent Dishes, which dressed and prooued by the Taster are serued

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in priuate among his women, vpon great varietie of excellent Dishes, which dressed and proued by the Taster, are serued in Vessels of Gold (as they say) couered and sealed vp, and so by Eu∣nuchs brought to the King. He hath meate ready at all houres, and calls for it at pleasure. They feede not freely on full dishes of Beefe and Mutton (as we) but much on Rice boyled with pie∣ces * 1.570 of flesh, or dressed many other wayes. They haue not many roast or baked meats, but stew most of their flesh. Among many Dishes of this kinde, Ile take notice but of one they call Deu Pario, made of Venison cut in slices, to which they put Onions and Herbs, some Rootes with a little Spice, and Butter, the most sauorie meate I euer tasted, and doe almost thinke it that ve∣ry Dish which Iacob made ready for his Father, when he got the blessing.

In this Kingdome there are no Innes to entertaine Strangers, onely in great Townes and * 1.571 [ 10] Cities are faire houses built for their receit, which they call Sarray, not inhabited, where any Passengers may haue roome freely, but must bring with him his Bedding, his Cooke, and other necessaries wherein to dresse his meate, which are vsually carried on Camels, or else in Carts drawne with Oxen, wherein they haue Tents to pitch when they meete with no Sarr〈…〉〈…〉.

The inferiour sort of people ride on Oxen, Horses, Mules, Camels, or Dromedaries; the wo∣men * 1.572 like the men, or else in slight Coaches with two Wheeles, couered on the top, and backe, but the fore-part and sides open, vnlesse they carrie women. They will conueniently hold two persons, beside the Driuer, they are drawne by Oxen, one yoake in a Coach, suted for colour, but many of them are white, not very large: they are guided with Cords, which goe through the parting of their Nostrils, and so twixt their Hornes into the Coach-mens hand. They dresse and [ 20] keepe them clothed as their Horses. They are naturally nimble, to which vse makes them so fit∣ting to performe that labour, as that they will goe twentie miles a day, or more with good speed. The better sort ride on Elephants, or else are carried vpon mens shoulders alone, in a slight thing they call a Palankee, which is like a Couch, or standing Pallat, but couered with a Cannopie: This should seeme an ancient effeminacie sometimes vsed in Rome, Inuenal thus describing a fat Lawyer that fil'd one of them: Causidici noua cum veniat lectica Mathonis Plena ipso—

For Pastimes they delight in Hawking, hunting of Hares, Deere, or wilde Beasts: their Dogs * 1.573 for Chase are made somewhat like our Gray-hounds, but much lesse, they open not in the pur∣suite of the game. They hunt likewise with Leopards, which by leaping sease on that they pur∣sue. They haue a cunning deuice to take wild-fowle, where a fellow goes into the water with a [ 30] Fowle of that kinde he dsires to catch, whose skinne is stuffed so artificially, as that it appeares * 1.574 aliue: He keepes all his body but the face vnder water, on which he layes this Counterfeit; thus comming among them, plucks them by the legs vnder water. They shoote for pastime much in * 1.575 Bowes, which are made curiously in the Countrey of Buffeloes hornes, glewed together, to which they haue Arrowes made of little Canes, excellently headed and feathered; in these they are so skilfull, that they will kill Birds flying. Others take delight in managing their Horses on which they ride, or else are otherwise carried though they haue not one quarter of a mile to goe, the men of qualitie holding it dishonorable to goe on foote.

In their houses they play much at that most ingenious game we call Chesse, or else at Tables. * 1.576 They haue Cardes, but quite different from ours. Sometimes they make themselues merry with [ 40] cunning Iugglers, or Mountebankes, who will suffer Snakes they keepe in Baskets, to bite them and presently cure the swelling with Powders; or else they see the trickes of Apes and Monkeyes.

In the Southerne parts of Indostan, are great store of large white Apes, some I dare boldly say, as tall as our biggest Gray-hounds: They are fearefull as it should seeme to Birds that make * 1.577 their Nests in Trees, wherefore nature hath taught them this subtiltie to secure themselues, by building their little houses on the twigs of the vtmost boughs, there hanging like Purse-nets, to which the Apes cannot possibly come.

Euery great Towne or Citie of India, hath Markets twice a day, in the coole season present∣ly * 1.578 after the Sunne is risen, and a little before his setting. They sell almost euery thing by weight. In the heate of the day they keepe their houses, where the men of better fashion lying on Cou∣ches, [ 50] or sitting on their Carpets, haue seruants stand about them, who beating the Ayre with broade Fannes of stiffe Leather, or the like, make winde to coole them: And taking thus their ease, they often call their Barbers, who tenderly gripe and smite their Armes and other parts of their bodies, in stead of exercise, to stirre the bloud. It is a pleasing wantonnesse, and much vsed in those hot Climes.

I must needes commend the Mahumetans, and Gentiles, for their good and faithfull Seruice, a∣mongst * 1.579 whom a stranger may trauell alone with a great charge of money or goods, quite through the Countrey, and take them for his guard, yet neuer bee neglected or iniured by them. They follow their Masters on foote, carrying swords and Bucklers, or Bowes and Arrowes for their defence: and by reason of great plentie of Prouison in that Kingdome, a man may hire them [ 60] vpon easie conditions, for they will not desire aboue fiue shillings the Moone, paide the next day after the change, Quibus hinc toga, calceus hinc est, Et panis, fumus{que} domi.—to prouide them∣selues all necessaries, and for it doe most diligent seruice. Such is their Pietie to their parents, that

those which haue no greater meanes, will impart halfe of it, at the least, to releeue their neces∣sities, choosing rather for to famish themselues, then to see them want.

There are both among the Mahumetans and Gentiles, men of vndaunted courage, those of * 1.580 note among the Mahumetans are called Baloches, inhabiting Haiacan, adioyning to the King∣dome of Persia, or else Patans, taking their denomination from a Prouince in the Kingdome of Bengala. These will looke an enemie boldly in the face, and maintaine with their liues their re∣putation of valour. Among the many sects of Gentiles, there is but one race of Figliters called Rashbootes, a number of which liue by spoyle, who in troopes surprize poore Passengers, cruel∣ly butchering those they get vnder their power, those excepted; all the rest in the Countrey are in generall Pusilaminous, and had rather quarrell them fight, hauing such poore spirits in respect [ 10] of vs Christians, that the Mogol is pleased often to vse this Prouerbe, that one Portugal will beate three of them, and one English-man three Portugals.

Touching their Munition for the warre, they haue good Ordnance, made (for ought I could ga∣ther) * 1.581 very anciently in those parts. Iron Peeces carried vpon Elephants, before described, and lesser Gunnes made for Foot-men, who are somewhat long in taking their ayme, but come as neere the marke as any I euer saw. They fire all their Peeces with Match, as for Gun-powder they make very good. They vse Lances, and Swords, and Targets, Bowes and Arrowes. Their Swords are made crooked like a Faulchion, very sharpe, but for want of skill in those that tem∣per them, will breake rather then bend, and therefore wee often sell our Sword-blades at high prices that will bow, and become streight againe. I haue seene Horse-men there, who haue car∣ried [ 20] whole Armories about them thus appointed; at their sides good Swords, vnder them Sheues of Arrowes, on their shoulders Bucklers, and vpon their backs Guns fastned with Belts, at the left side Bowes hanging in Cases, and Lances about two yards and a halfe long, hauing ex∣cellent Steele heads, which they carrie in their hands: yet for all this Harnesse, the most of them dare not resist a man of courage, though he haue for his defence but the worst of those weapons. The Armies in those Easterne warres, oftentimes consist of incredible multitudes, they talke of some which haue exceeded that mightie Host which Zerah King of Ethiopia, brought against A∣sa, 2. Chron. 14. The musicke they haue when they goe to battell, is from Kittle-drums, and long winde Instruments. The Armies on both sides vsually beginne with most furious onsets, but in short time, for want of good Discipline, one side is routed, and the Controuersie not without [ 30] much slaughter decided.

The Mahometans haue faire Churches, which they call Mesquits, built of stone, the broade * 1.582 side towards the West is made vp close like a Wall; that towards the East is erected on Pillars, so that the length of them is North and South, which way they burie their dead: At the cor∣ners of their great Churches which stand in Cities are high Pinacles, to whose tops the Moolaas ascend certaine times of the day, and proclaime their Prophet Mahomet thus in Arabian: La Alla, illa Alla, Mahomet Resul-Alla: that is, No God but one God, and Mahomet the Ambassa∣dour of God. This in stead of Bells (which they endure not in their Temples) put the most reli∣gious in minde of their deuotion. Which words Master Coryat often hearing in Agra, vpon a * 1.583 certaine time got vp into a Turret, ouer against the Priest, and contradicted him thus in a loude [ 40] voyce: La Alla, illa Alla, Hazaret-Eesa Ebn-Alla, No God but one God, and Christ the Sonne of God; and further added, that Mahomet was an Impostor, which bold attempt in many other places of Asia, where Mahomet is more zealously professed, had forfetted his life with as much torture as Tyrannie could inuent. But here euery man hath libertie to professe his owne Religi∣on freely, and for any restriction I euer obserued, to dispute against theirs with impunitie.

Now concerning their burials: euery Mahometan of Qualitie in his life time, prouides a faire * 1.584 Sepulcher for himselfe and kindred, encompassing with a firme wall a good circuit of ground, neere some Tanke (about which they delight for to burie their dead) or else in a place nigh Springs of Water, that may make pleasant Fountaynes, neere which hee erects a Tombe round or square, vaulted vpon Pillars, or else made close, to be entred with Doores, vnder which are the [ 50] bodies of the dead interred. The rest of the ground they plant with Trees and Flowers, as if they would make Elysian fields, such as the Poets dreamed of, wherein their soules might take their repose. They burie not within their Churches. There are many goodly Monuments of this * 1.585 kinde richly adorned, built to the memorie of such as they haue esteemed Saints, of which they haue a large Kalender. In these are Lamps continually burning, whither men transported with blinde deuotion daily resort, there to contemplate the happines these Pieres (for so they call * 1.586 them) enioy. But among many faire Piles there dedicated to this vse, the most excellent is at Secandra, a Village three miles from Agra. It was beganne by Achabar-sha, this Kings Father, who there lyes buried, and finished by this present King, who meanes to lye beside him.

Their Moolaas imploy much of their time like Scriueners, to doe businesse for others, they haue [ 60] libertie to marrie as well as the people, from whom they are not distinguished in habite. Some * 1.587 liue retyred, that spend their dayes in Meditation, or else in giuing good morall Precepts vnto others, there are of high esteeme, and so are another sort called Seayds, who deriue themselues * 1.588 from Mahomet. The Priests doe neither reade nor preach in their Churches, but there is a set

forme of prayer in the Arabian tongue, not vnderstood by most of the common people, yet re∣peated * 1.589 by them as well as by the Moolaas. They likewise rehearse the Names of God and Ma∣homet certayne times euery day vpon Beads, like the misse-led Papist, who seemes to regard the * 1.590 number, rather then the weight of Prayers. Before they goe into their Churches they wash their * 1.591 feete, and entring in put off their shooes. As they beginne their deuotions they stop their Eares and fixe their Eyes, that nothing may diuert their Thoughts; then in a soft and still voyce they vtter their prayers, wherein are many words, most significantly expressing the Omnipotencie, Greatnesse, Eternitie, and other attributes of God. Many words full of humiliation, confessing with diuers submissiue gestures their owne vnworthinesse: when they pray casting themselues low vpon their faces sundrie times, and then acknowledge that they are Burthens to the Earth, and Poison to the Aire, and the like, and therefore dare not so much as looke vp to heauen, but at [ 10] last comfort themselues in the Mercies of God through the mediation of Mahomet; and many amongst them, to the shame of vs Christians, what impediment soeuer they haue either by plea∣sure or profit, pray fiue times euery day, at six, nine, twelue, three and six of the clock. But by the way, they distinguish their time in a different manner from vs, diuiding the day into foure, and the night into as many parts, which they call Pores, these are againe subdiuided each into eight parts, which they call Grees, measured according to the ancient custome by water dropping out of one little vessell into another, by which there alwayes stand seruants appointed for that * 1.592 purpose, smiting with an hammer a Concaue piece of pure metall, like the inner part of an ordi∣narie platter, hanging by the brim on a wyre, the number of Grees and Pores as they passe. For * 1.593 the temperance of many both among the Mahometans and Gentiles, it is such, as that they will [ 20] rather die, like the Mother and her seuen sonnes, 2. Mac. 7. then eate or drinke any thing their Law forbids. Such meate and drinke as their Law allowes they vse onely to satisfie Nature, not Appetite; hating Gluttonie, and esteeming Drunkennesse (as indeed it is) a second Madnesse, and therefore haue but one word in their language (Mest) for a Drunkard and a Mad-man. * 1.594

They keepe a solemne Lent, which they call the Ram-Ian, about the moneth of August, which continues one whole Moone; during which time, those that bee strict in their Religion forbeare their women, and will take neither meate nor drinke so long as the Sunne is aboue their Horizon, but after He is set, eate at pleasure. Towards the end of this Lent they consecrate a day of Mourning, to the memorie of their dead friends, when I haue beheld diuers of the mea∣ner sort make bitter lamentation. (Beside this common sadnesse, there are many foolish women [ 30] who often in the yeere, so long as they suruiue, moysten the graues of their husbands or children, with affectionate teares.) But when the Night begins to couer the Day of generall mourning, they fire an innumerable companie of Lamps and Lights, which they set on the sides and tops of their houses, and all other most conspicuous places, and when these are extinguished, take foode. The Ram-Ian fully ended, the most deuout Mahometans assemble to some famous Mis∣quit, where by a Moola, some part of the Alcoran (which they will not touch without reue∣rence) is publikely read. They keepe a Feast in Nouember, called Buccaree, signifying the Ram∣feast, when they solemnely kill a Ram, and roast him in memorie of that Ram which redeemed Ishmael (as they say) when Abraham was readie to make him a sacrifice. Many other feasts they haue in memorie of Mahomet and their Pieres. [ 40]

They haue the bookes of Moses, whom they call Moosa Carym-Alla, Moses the righteous * 1.595 of God. Ibrahim Calim-Alla, Abraham the faithfull of God. So Ishmael, the true sacrifice of God. Dahoode, Dauid the Prophet of God. Selimon, Salomon the wisedome of God, all ex∣pressed as the former in short Arabian words; to whose particular remembrances they daily sing Ditties: and moreouer, there is not a man amongst them, but those of the ruder sort, that at any time mentions the Name of our blessed Sauiour, called there Hazaret-Eesa, the Lord Christ, without reuerence and respect, saying, that he was a good man and a iust, liued without sinne, * 1.596 did greater miracles then euer any before or since him; Nay farther, they call him Rhahow-Alla, the breath of God, but how he should be the Sonne of God cannot conceiue, and therefore will [ 50] not beleeue. Notwithstanding this, the Mahometans in generall thinke vs Christians so vn∣cleane, they will not eate with vs, nor yet of any thing is dressed in our vessels.

Among the Mahometans are many called Deruises, which relinquish the World, and spend their dayes in solitude, expecting a recompence in a better life; whose sharpe and strict penan∣ces they voluntarily vnder-take, farre exceede all those the Romanists boast of. For instance, there are some that liue alone vpon the tops of Hills remote from companie, there passing their time in contemplation, and will rather famish then moue from these retyred Cells, wherefore the people that dwell neerest to them, out of deuotion releeue them. Some againe, impose long times of fasting vpon themselues til nature be almost quite decayed. There are many other among them they call religious men, who weare nothing about them but to hide their shame, and these [ 60] like the Mendicant Friars begge for all they eate. Vsually they liue in the Suburbs of great Ci∣ties or Townes, and are like the Man our blessed Sauiour mentions, about the Citie of the Ga∣darens, * 1.597 which had Deuils, and ware no clothes, neither abode in any house but in the Tombes. They make little fires in the day, sleeping at night in the warme ashes, with which they be∣smeare

their bodies. These Ashmen suffer not the Rasor at any time to come vpon their heads, and some of them let their nayles grow like Birds clawes, as it is written of Nabuchadnezzar, when hee was driuen out from the societie of men. And there are a sort among them, called * 1.598 Mendee, who like the Priests of Baal, often cut their flesh with Kniues and Launcers. Others I * 1.599 haue seene who out of deuotion put such massie Fetters of Iron vpon their Legs, as that they can scarce stirre with them, and so as fast as they are able, goe many miles in pilgrimage bare∣••oote vpon the parching ground, to visit the Sepulchres of their deluding Saints, thus taking more paines to goe to Hell (Tantum Relligio potuit suadere malorum) then any Christian I know doth to goe to Heauen. These marry not, such as doe, Mahomet allowes foure wiues, besides they take libertie to keepe as many women as they are able, only the Priests content themselues with one. [ 10]

Notwithstanding this Polygamie, the hot iealousies of the lustfull Mahometans are such, that they will scarce endure the Brothers or Fathers of their beloued Wiues or Women, to haue speech with them, except in their presence: and Time, by this restraint, hath made it odious for such Women as haue the reputation of honestie, to be seene at any time by strangers. But if they dishonour their Husbands beds, or being vnmarried are found incontinent professing chastitie, * 1.600 rather then they shall want punishment, their owne Brothers will bee their Executioners, who for such vnnaturall acts shall be commended, rather then questioned. Yet there is toleration for impudent Harlots, who are as little ashamed to entertayne, as others, openly to frequent their * 1.601 houses. The Women of better fashion haue Eunuchs in stead of men, to wait vpon them, who * 1.602 in their minoritie are depriued of all that may prouoke iealousie. [ 20]

Their Marriages are solemnized in great pompe, for after the Moola hath ioyned their hands * 1.603 with some other Ceremonie and Words of Benediction, the first watch of the night they be∣gin their jollitie, the Man on horse-backe be he poore or rich, with his friends about him, many Cresset lightly before him, with Drums and wind Instruments and other pastimes: the Woman followes with her friends in Coaches couered, and after they haue thus passed the most eminent places of the Citie or Towne they liue in, returne home and there part with a Banquet, the men and women separated. They marry for the most part at the ages of twelue or thirteene, their Mothers most commonly making the matches. [ 30]

§. IIII.

Of the Gentiles Sects, Opinious, Rites; Priests, and other obseruations of Religion and State in those parts.

NOw more particularly of the Gentiles, which are there distracted in fourscore and foure seuerall Sects, all differing mainly in opinion, which had oftentimes fild me with won∣der, * 1.604 but that I know Satan (the father of diuision) to be the Seducer of them all. Their illiterate Priests are called Bramins, who for ought I could euer gather, are so so••tish and inconstant in their grounds, that they scarce know what they hold. They haue little Chur∣ches, * 1.605 [ 40] which they call Pagodes, built round, in which are Images for worship made in monstrous shapes. Some of them dreame of Elysian fields, to which their soules must passe ouer a Styx or A∣charon, and there take new bodies. Others hold, that ere long the World shall haue a period, af∣ter which they shall liue here againe on a new Earth. Some Bramins haue told me how that they acknowledge one God, whom they describe with a thousand hands, with a thousand feete, and as many eyes, thereby expressing his power. They talke of foure books, which about six thou∣sand yeeres since were sent them from God by their Prophet Ram, whereof two were sealed vp and might not be opened; the other to be read onely by themselues. They say that there are seuen Orbes, aboue which is the Seate of God; that God knowes not petie things, or if he doe [ 50] regards them not. They circumscribe God vnto Place, saying, that he may be seene, but as in a Mist afarre off, not neere. They beleeue that there are Deuils, but so bound in chaines that they cannot hurt them. They call a man Adam, from our first father Adam, whose wife tempted with the forbidden fruit, tooke it as they say and eate it downe, but as her husband swallowed * 1.606 it, the Hand of God stopped it in his throat, whence man hath a Bunch there, which women haue not, called by them Adams Apple. As anciently among the Iewes, their Priesthood is he∣reditarie; for euery Bramins sonne is a Priest, and marries a Bramins daughter; and so among all the Gentiles, the men take the daughters of those to bee their wiues which are of their Fathers * 1.607 Tribe, Sect, and Occupation. For instance, a Merchants sonne marries a Merchants daughter. And euery mans sonne that liues by his labour, marries the daughter of him that is of his owne [ 60] profession, by which meanes they neuer aduance themselues. These Gentiles take but one wife, of which they are not so fearefull as the Mahometans of their multitude, for they suffer them to goe abroad. They are married yong, at six or seuen yeeres old (their Parents making the Con∣tracts) and about twelue come together. Their Nuptials, as those of the Mahometans, are per∣formed with much pompe and jollitie.

For their Habit it differs little from the Mahometans, but many of the women weare Rings * 1.608 vpon their Toes, and therefore goe barefoote. They haue likewise broad Rings of brasse (or better Metall according to the qualitie of the woman) about the small of the legges to take off and on, haply such as the Prophet meant by the tinkling ornaments about the feete, or the ornaments of the legs, which the Iewish women were wont to put on, Esay 3. And such as these they haue about their armes. The flaps or nether part of their eares are boared, when they are yong, which * 1.609 hole daily stretched and made wider by things kept in it for that purpose, at last becomes so large, that it will hold a Ring (I dare boldly say, as large as a little Sawcer) made hollow on the sides for the flesh to rest in. Both men and women wash their bodies euery day before they eate, * 1.610 which done, they keepe off their clothes but the couering of modestie, till they haue fed. This [ 10] outward washing appertaines, as they thinke, to their clensing from sinne, not vnlike the Pha∣risies, who would not eate with vnwashen hands, Mar. 7. Hence they ascribe a certaine Diui∣nitie to Riuers, but aboue all, to Ganges, daily flocking thither in Troopes, and there throw in pieces of gold, or siluer, according to their deuotion and abilitie, after which they wash their bo∣dies. Both men and women paint on their fore-heads or other parts of their faces red or yel∣low * 1.611 spots.

Now farther for their grosse opinions, they beleeue not the resurrection of flesh, and there∣fore burne the bodies of their dead neere some Riuer, if they may with conueniencie, wherein * 1.612 they sowe the Ashes. Their Widowes marrie not, but after the losse of their Husbands, cut their * 1.613 haire, and spend all their life following, as neglected Creatures, whence to bee free from shame. [ 20] Many yong women are ambitious to die with honor (as they esteeme it) when their fiery loue * 1.614 brings them to the flames, as they thinke, of Martyrdome, most willingly: Following their dead Husbands vnto the fire, and there imbracing are burnt with them; but this they doe vo∣luntary, not compelled. The parents and friends of those women will most ioyfully accompa∣nie them, and when the wood is fitted for this hellish Sacrifice, and begins to burne, all the peo∣ple assembled shoute and make a noyse, that the screeches of this tortured creature may not bee heard. Not much vnlike the custome of the Ammonites, who when they made their children passe through the fire to Moloch, caused certaine Tabret, or Drums to sound, that their cry might not be heard, whence the place was called Tophet, a Tabret, 2. Kings 23. 10. There is one * 1.615 sect among the Gentiles, which neither burne nor interre their dead (they are called Parcees) who [ 30] incircle pieces of ground with high stone walls, remote from houses or Roade-wayes, and there∣in lay their Carkasses wrapped in Sheetes, thus hauing no other Tombes but the gorges of ra∣uenous Fowles.

The Gentiles for the most part are very industrious: They till the ground or else spend their * 1.616 time otherwaies diligently in their vocations. There are amongst them most curious Artificers, who are the best Apes for imitation in the world, for they will make any new thing by pat∣terne. The Mahometans are generally idle, who are all for to morrow (a word common in their mouthes) they liue vpon the labours of the Gentiles. Some of which poore seduced Infidels, will eate of nothing that hath life, and these liue vpon Herbs, and Milke, and Butter, and Cheese, and Sweet-meates, of which they make diuers kindes, whereof the most wholsome is greene [ 40] Ginger, as well preserued there as in any part of the world. Others will eate Fish, and no li∣uing thing else. The Rashbootes eate Swines-flesh, most hatefull to the Mahometans. Some will eate of one kinde of flesh, some of another; but all the Gentiles abstaine from Beefe, out of the * 1.617 excellent esteeme they haue of Kine, and therefore giue the King yeerly (beside his other exa∣ctions) great summes of money as a ransome for those Creatures. Whence among other good prouision, we meete there but with little Beefe.

Those most tender hearted Idolaters are called Banians, who hold Pithagoras his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, * 1.618 as a prime Article of their Fath. They thinke that the soules of the best men and women, when their bodies let them out of Prison, take their repose in Kine, which in their opinion are the best of all Creatures. So the soules of the wicked goe into viler beasts, as the soules of Gluttons * 1.619 [ 50] and Drunkards into Swine; the soules of the voluptuous and incontinent into Monkies, and Apes; the soules of the furious, cruell, and reuengefull, into Lyons, Tygers, and Wolues; the soules of the enuious, into Serpents; and so into other Creatures according to their qualitie and disposition, successiuely from one to another of the same kinde, ad infinitum; by consequence, beleeuing the immortalitie of the world. So that there is not a silly Flie, but if they may bee credited, carries about some soules (haply they thinke of light women) and will not be perswa∣ded out of these grosse opinions, so incorrigible are their sottish errours. And therefore will not depriue the most offensiue creatures of their life, not Snakes that will kill them, saying, it is their nature to doe harme, how that they haue reason to shunne, not libertie to destroy them.

For their workes of Charitie, many rich men build Sarraas, or make Wells, or Tankes [ 60] neere to High-wayes that are much trauelled, where passengers may drinke, or else allow Pensions vnto poore men, that they may sit by the High-way sides and offer water vnto those that passe.

Their day of rest is * 1.620 Thursday, as the Mahometans Friday. Many Festiuals they haue which

they keepe solemne, and Pilgrimages whereof the most famous are specified in the briefe de∣scriptions of Negracut and Cyba, where people out of deuotion cut off part of their tongues, which (if Master Coryat who strictly obserued it, may be beleeued) in a few daies became whole againe. It were easie to enlarge, but I will not cast away Inke and Paper in a farther descripti∣on of their stupid Idolatries, the summe is, that both Mahometans and Gentiles ground their opi∣nions vpon Tradition, not Reason, and are content to perish with their Fore-fathers, out of a preposterous zeale, and louing peruersenesse neuer ruminating on that they maintayne, like to vncleane beasts which chew not the Cud.

Now both these Mahometans and Gentiles are vnder the subiection of the Great Mogoll, whose name signifieth a circumcised man, and therefore he is called the Great Mogoll, as much [ 10] to say, the Chiefe of the Circumcision. He is lineally descended by the Father from that famous Conquerour of the East, called in our Stories Tamberlaine, in theirs Temar, who towards his end by an vnhappie fall from his Horse, which made him halt to his Graue, was called Temar-lang, * 1.621 or Temar the lame. The present King is the ninth in a direct Line from that his great Ancestors.

The Emperour stiles himselfe, The King of Iustice, the light of the Law of Mahomet, the Con∣querour of the World. Himselfe moderates in all matters of consequence which happen neere his Court, for the most part iudging, secundum allegata & probata. Tryals are quicke and so are Exe∣cutions, * 1.622 hangings, beheading, impaling, killing with Dogges, by Elephants, Serpents, and other like according to the nature of the Fact. The execution is commonly done in the Market place. The Gouernours in Cities and Prouinces proceed in like forme of Iustice. I could neuer heare of Law written amongst them: the King and his Substitutes will is Law. His Vice-gerents con∣tinue [ 20] not long in a place, but to preuent popularitie receiue vsually a remooue yearely. They re∣ceiue * 1.623 his Letters with great respect: They looke for Presents from all which haue occasion to vse them; and if they be not often visited will aske for them; yea, send them backe for better ex∣change. The Cadee will imprison Debtors and Sureties, bound with hand and Seale: and men of power for payment will sell their persons, wiues, and children, which the custome of the Land will warrant.

The King shewes himselfe thrice a day; first at Sun-rising at a Bay-window toward the East, * 1.624 many being there assembled to giue him the Salam, and crying, Padsha Salament, that is, Liue, O King; At noone he sees his Elephants fight or other pastimes. A little before Sun-set, he shewes himselfe at a window to the West, and the Sunne being set, returneth in with Drums and wind [ 30] Instruments, the peoples acclamations adding to the consort. At any of these three times, any Sutor holding vp his Petition to be seene, shall be heard. Betwixt seuen and nine he sits priuate∣ly attended with his Nobles.

No Subiect in this Empire hath Land of Inheritance, nor haue other title but the Kings will, * 1.625 which makes some of the Grandes to liue at the height of their meanes; Merchants also to con∣ceale their Riches lest they should be made Spunges. Some meane meanes the King allowes the Children of those great Ones, which they exceed not, except they happily succeed in their fa∣thers fauours. His Pensions are reckoned by Horse, of which hee payeth a Million in his Em∣pire, for euery Horse allowing fiue and twentie pound yearely, raised from Lands thereunto de∣signed. [ 40] There are some twentie in his Court which haue pay of fiue thousand Horse, others of foure thousand or three thousand, and so downward. Hee which hath pay of fiue thousand, is bound to haue two thousand at command, and so in like proportion others. This absolute de∣pendance makes them dissolute Parasites. When he giueth aduancement, he addeth a new name, as Pharao did to Ioseph, and those pithily significant, as Mahobet Chan, the beloued Lord; Chan Iahaun, the Lord of my Heart; Chan Allau, the Lord of the World, &c. * 1.626

The Chiefe Officers of State are his Treasurer, the Master of his Eunuches (who is Steward * 1.627 and Comptroller of his House) his Secretarie, the Master of his Elephants, the Tent-master, and Keeper of his Wardrobe. These are subordinate Titles of Honour, as Chan, Mirza, Vmbra, or Captaine, Haddee (a Souldier or Horseman.) Gorgeous Apparell is prohibited by the Sunnes heate, the King himselfe being commonly vested with a Garment, as before described, of pure [ 50] white Calico Lawne. Blue may not be worne in his presence (the colour of Mourners) nor the * 1.628 name of death sounded in his eares; but such casually is mollified by tearmes to this purpose; Such an one bath made himselfe a Sacrifice at your Maiesties feet. That heate of the Countrey makes little sale for English cloth, most vsed there for couerings of Elephants, Horses, Coaches. Yet * 1.629 may this King be thought to exceed any other in glorious Thrones and rich Iewels. Hee hath a Throne in his Palace at Agra, ascended by degrees, on the top whereof are foure Lions made of massie Siluer, gilded, set with Precious Stones, supporting a Canopie of massie Gold. By the * 1.630 way I may mention, a tame Lion liuing in his Court while I was there, going vp and downe without hurt like a Dogge. His Iewels wherewith hee is daily adorned about his head, necke, [ 60] * 1.631 wrists, and hilts of his Sword and Dagger, are inualuable. He is on his Birth-day the first of Sep∣tember, (now sixtie times renewed) yearely weighed, and account kept thereof by his Physici∣ans, thereby ghessing at his bodily estate. Part of two Letters to his Maiestie (one you haue before) is here translated out of Persian, sent by Sir Thomas Roe, but written, one a yeare before the ot〈…〉〈…〉er.

WHen your Maiestie shall open this Letter, let your Royall heart be as fresh, as a sweet Garden; let all people make reuerence at your Gate; let your Throne be aduanced higher amongst the * 1.632 greatnesse of Kings of the Prophet Iesus; let your Maiestie be the greatest of all Monarches, who may deriue their counsell and wisedome from your brest as from a Fountayne, that the Law of the Maiestie of Iesus may reuiue and flourish vnder your protection. The Letters of Loue and Friendship which you sent me, and the Presents (tokens of your good affection toward mee) I haue receiued by the hands of your Embassadour Sir Thomas Roe, who well deserueth to be your trusted Seruant; deliuered to me in an ac∣ceptable and happie houre. Vpon which mine eyes were so fixed, that I could not easily remooue them to any other Obiect, and haue accepted them with great ioy, &c. The last Letter hath this beginning.

HOw gracious is your Maiestie, whose greatnesse God preserue? As vpon a Rose in a Garden, so [ 10] are mine eyes fixed vpon you. God maintayne your Estate, that your Monarchie may prosper and be augmented, and that you may obtayne all your desires, worthy the greatnesse of your Renowme. And as your heart is noble and vpright, so let God giue you a glorious Raigne, because you strongly defend the Maiestie of Iesus, which God yet made more flourishing, because it was confirmed by Miracles, &c.

That which followeth in both Letters, is to testifie his care and loue toward the English. These Letters being written, their Copies were sent to the Lord Embassadour, and the originals rolled * 1.633 vp and couered with cloth of Gold, and sealed vp at both ends; which is the Letter-fashion of those parts.

We trauelled two yeares with the Great Mogoll in progresse, in the temperate moneths twixt * 1.634 October and April, there being no lesse then two hundred thousand men, women, and children in [ 20] this Leskar, or Campe (I am hereof confident) besides Elephants, Horses, and other beasts that eate Corne: all which notwithstanding, wee neuer felt want of any prouision, no not in our nineteene dayes trauell from Mandoa to Amadauar, thorow a Wildernesse, the Road being cut for vs in the mayne Woods. The Tents were of diuers colours, and represented a spacious and specious Citie: The Kings Tents red, reared on poles very high, and placed in the midst of the * 1.635 Campe, couering a large compasse, incircled with Canats (made of red Calico stiffened with Canes at euery breadth, standing vpright about nine foot high) guarded round euery night with Souldiers. He remooued ten or twelue miles a day more or lesse according to the conuenience of water. His Wiues and Women of all sorts (which are one thousand at least, prouided for in his * 1.636 Tents) are carryed in Palankas, or vpon Elephants, or else in Cradles, hanging on the sides of [ 30] Dromedaries, couered close and attended by Eunuches. In wiuing, he respects fancie more then honour, not seeking affinitie with Neighbour Princes, but to please his eye at home. Noore-Ma∣hal (the name of his best Beloued) signifieth the Light of the Court: Shee hath much aduanced her friends, before meane, and in manner commands the Commander of that Empire by engros∣sing his affections. The King and his Great men maintayne their women, but little affect them after thirtie yeares of their age.

This multitude of women notwithstanding, the Mogoll hath but sixe Children, fiue Sonnes * 1.637 and a Daughter. All his Sonnes are called Sultans, or Princes, the eldest Sultan Cursero, the se∣cond, Sultan Parutis, Sultan Caroon the third, Sultan Shahar the fourth, the last is Sultan Ta••ct, which word in the Persian signifieth, A Throne: so named by the King, who the first houre of [ 40] his quiet possessing the Throne, had newes of his birth, about nineteene yeares since. The first Sonne by any of his marryed Wiues, by prerogatiue of birth inherits: the elder Brother beeing there called the Great Brother. Although the younger be not put to death, as with the Turkes, yet it is obserued, that they suruiue not long their Father, employed commonly in some dange∣rous expedition. Achabar-sha had threatned to dis-herit the present King for abuse of Anar-ka∣lee, (that is, Pomegranate kernell) his most beloued Wife, but on his death-bed repealed it. This Achabars death is thus reported. He was wont vpon displeasure to giue Pils to his Grandes, to * 1.638 purge their soules from their bodies; which intending against One, and hauing another Cordiall Pill for himselfe, whiles hee entertayned the other with faire flatteries, by a happie-vnhappie mistake hee tooke the Poyson himselfe, which with a mortall Fluxe of bloud in few dayes kil∣led [ 50] him: Neque enim lex iustior vlla est. Quàm necis artifices arte perire suâ.

This Kings disposition seemes composed of extreames, very cruell, and otherwhiles very * 1.639 milde; often ouercome with Wine, but seuerely punishing that fault in others. His Subiects know not to disobey, Nature forgetting her priuate bonds twixt Father and Sonne to fulfill that publike. He daily relieues many poore, and will in pietie helpe to carrie sometimes his Mother in a Palanka on his shoulders. He speakes respectiuely of our Sauiour, but is offended at his Crosse and pouertie, thinking them incompetible to such Maiestie, though told that his humi∣litie was to subdue the Worlds pride.

All Religions are tolerated, and their Priests in good esteeme. My selfe often receiued from the Mogoll himselfe, the appellation of Father, with other many gracious words, with place a∣mongst [ 60] * 1.640 his best Nobles. The Iesuites haue not only admittance into his presence, but incou∣ragements from him by many gifts, with libertie of conuerting to them; and to the subiect, to be without losse of fauour conuerted. He made tryall of one Conuert with many threats to de∣terre

him from his new profession, and finding him vndauntedly resolute, he assayed by flatteries and promises to re-gaine him, but therein also failing, hee bade him continue, and with a Re∣ward discharged him; hauing told him, that if he could haue frayed or brought him from his Re∣ligion, he would haue made him an example for all Wauerers. The chiefe Iesuite was Francis∣cus * 1.641 Corsi a Florentine by birth, liuing at the Mogolls Court, Agent for the Portugals, I would I were able to confirme the Reports of their Conuersions. The truth is, they haue spilt the water of Baptisme vpon some faces working on the necessities of poore men, who for want of meanes, which they giue them, are content to weare Crucifixes; but for want of instruction are only in name Christians. (I obserued that of the poore there, fiue haue begged in the name of Marie, for one in the Name of Christ) I also desired to put my hand to this holy Worke, but found it [ 10] difficult, both by Mahumetane libertie for women, and the debauched liues of some Christian∣vnchristian men amongst them, Per quorum latera patitur Euangelium. Hee which hath the Key of Dauid, open their eyes, and in his good time send Labourers into this Uineyard. Amen.

Because you haue the transcripts of Letters from the Great Mogoll, I haue added here part of a Letter from the Great Turke, to his Maiestie, that the Reader may delight himselfe with the strangenesse of the stile.

Sultan Achmet Chan, Sonne vnto the Sultan Mehemet Chan most inuincible. [ 20]

TO the most glorious of the great Lords that follow, Iesus, elected by the great and mightie of the Christian Faith: Corrector of the things of all the Nations of the Nazaritanes; endued with the brightnesse of Lordship, Honour, Maiestie, and Glorie, King Iames of the Kingdome of England, &c. whose end be with all happinesse and felicitie.

At the comming of this our Imperiall Letter to your Maiesties hands, with our Imperiall signe, you shall vnderstand of the arriuall at our Port (which Port is indeed the refuge of Iustice, and the Gate of Honourable succour, yea, the principall place of all the Kings of the World) of one of your Maiesties Honourable and acceptable Gentlemen, Thomas Glouer, with your Maiesties most friendly and most sincere Letter; the tenour whereof is, That by the good will and pleasure [ 30] of the sole Creator of the World, your Maiestie hath not only taken in possession the Kingdom of England, but also as heretofore the deceased Queene of England hath beene in sincere and mutuall Friendship and Peace with our sublime and most happie Port; so your Maiestie also consequently vouch safeth to manifest and approoue the same. Moreouer, your Maiestie hath giuen vs to vnderstand, that your will and pleasure is, that the Subiects of your Maiesties Countries, in manner as heretofore they were wont, should come and traffique in these our guarded Dominions, and so to the end accordingly at their pleasures might continue in the same. Finally, all those things that were by it certified vnto our Imperiall Greatnesse, we haue sufficiently comprehended and vnderstood. Now your Maiestie shall vn∣derstand, that it being from the time of our Father and Grand-father, of most happie Memories, alwaies [ 40] the custome and vse, and most excellent order, to hold our most high and sublime Port open, now also in conformitie thereof, especially we being by the Diuine grace and fauour seated in the Throne of Iustice, it is not any way prohibited nor forbidden to any person to enter, and to depart from the same. Especially the Queene of England of good Memorie, being in friendship, from the time of our Father and Grand-father of most happie Memorie, it hath beene alwaies the vse and custome to shew vnto her Subiects, who trade and traffique within our Musulmanicall guarded Dominions, all extraordinary fauour, grace, and aide. Now by the great fauour of the Omnipotent God, we being come and established with honour, felicitie, prosperitie and greatnesse in the Seate and Throne of happinesse, in conformitie of the aboue said fauours, before it was on your Maiesties behalfe requested for the renouation of the peace and en∣tercourse, which is betwixt vs, wee haue not only caused to renew the Capitulations for the securitie of [ 50] the traffique of the Merchants, giuing the same into the hands of your Maiesties Ambassadour, but al∣so, &c.

Written the last day of the Moone, called Giemasillenel, and of the Moones of the yeare of the trans∣migration of our Prophet, on whom the grace and peace of the highest God continue. 1013. In the Residence of our Excelse Kingdome of Constantinople guarded.

[ 60]

CHAP. VII.

The Trauels of LEWIS BARTHEMA or VERTOMAN into Egypt, Syria, Arabia, Persia, and India, heretofore published in English by R. EDEN, and here corrected according to RA∣MVSIOS Copie, and contracted.

§. I. [ 10]

His Trauell thorow the Desarts of Medina and Mecha, and their profane Holies.

DEparting from Venice with prosperous winds, in few dayes wee arriued at the Citie of Alexandria in Egypt: where the desire wee had to know things more strange and further off, would not permit vs to tarrie long. And therefore de∣parting from thence, and sayling vp the Riuer of Nilus, we came to the Citie of new Babylon, commonly called, Cayro. It seemed to mee much inferiour to the * 1.642 [ 20] report and fame that was thereof: for the greatnesse thereof seemed nothing agreeable to the bruit, and appeared no more in circuit then the citie of Rome, although much more peopled, and better inhabited. But the large fields of the Suburbs haue deceiued many, being dispersed with in manner innumerable Villages, which some haue thought to haue beene part of the Citie, which is nothing so. For those Villages and dispersed houses, are two or three miles from the Citie, and round about it on euery side.

Departing from Babylon, and returning to Alexandria, where we againe entred into our Sea, we came to Barutti, a Citie on the Sea-coast of Syria. From hence wee sayled to Tripoli. From thence we came to Aleppo. Departing from thence, we came to Damasco, in ten dayes journey. * 1.643

It is in manner incredible, and passeth all beliefe, to thinke how faire the Citie of Damasco is, and how fertile is the soyle. And therefore allured by the maruellous beautie of the Citie, I [ 30] remayned there many dayes, that learning their Language, I might know the manners of the People. The Inhabitants are Mahumetans, and Mamalukes, with many Christians, liuing after * 1.644 the manner of the Greekes. When it pleaseth the Sultan to extort a certaine summe of Gold of his Noblemen or Merchants (for they vse great robberies and murthers (for the Moores are vnder the Mamalukes, as Lambs to the Wolfe) he sends two Letters to the Captaine of the Castle. In the one is contayned, that with an Oration he inuite to the Castle such as pleaseth him. In the other is declared the minde of the Soldan, what hee demandeth of his Subiects. When the Letters bee read, with all expedition they accomplish his commandement, bee it right or wrong, without respect. This meanes the Soldan inuented to extort money. Yet some∣times [ 40] it commeth to passe, that the Noblemen are of such strength, that they will not come when they are commanded, knowing that the Tyrant will offer them violence. And therefore oftentimes when they know that the Captaine of the Castle will call them, they flee into the Dominions of the Turke. This haue we gathered as touching their manners; wee haue also ob∣serued, that the Watchmen in the Towers, doe not giue warning to the Guard with liuely voyce, but with Drummes, the one answering the other by course. But if any of the Watch∣men be so sleepie, that in a Pater noster while he answere not to the sound of the watch, hee is immediatly committed to prison for one whole yeere. In euery house are seene Fountaines of curious worke embossed and grauen. Their houses outwardly are not beautifull, but inwardly maruelously adorned with variable workes of Marble and Porphyr. Within the Towne are [ 50] many Temples or Churches, which they call, Moscheas. But that which is most beautifull of * 1.645 all other, is builded after the manner of Saint Peters Church in Rome, if you respect the great∣nesse, excepting this, that in the middle is no roofe or couerture, but is all open: but about the rest of the Temple, it is altogether vaulted. There they obserue religiously the bodie of the * 1.646 holy Prophet Zacharie. The Temple hath also foure great double gates of metall, very faire, and many goodly Fountaines within it.

The Mamalukes are that kind of men, which haue forsaken our Faith, and as slaues are bought * 1.647 by the Gouernour. They are very actiue, and brought vp both in learning and warlike disci∣pline, vntill they come to great perfection. As well the little as the great, without respect, receiue stipend of the Gouernour: which for euery moneth amounteth to six of those pieces of [ 60] Gold which they call Saraphos, beside the meat and drinke for himselfe and his seruant, and also prouision for his Horse. And the more expert they be, and of greater actiuitie, they haue the greater wages. They walke not in the Citie but by two or three together, for it is counted dis∣honour for any of them to walke without a companion. And if by the way they chance to

meet with two or three women (for they lay waite to tarrie for them about such houses whi∣ther they know the women resort) licence is granted them, as they by chance first meet with * 1.648 them, to bring them into certaine Tauernes, where they abuse them. When the Mamalukes at∣tempt to discouer their faces (for they goe with their faces couered) they striue with them, be∣cause they will not be knowne: but when the Mamalukes persist want only to discouer them, they say thus vnto them, Is it not enough for you, that you haue abused our bodies as pleaseth you, but that you will also discouer our faces? Then the Mamalukes suffer them to depart. But sometime it chanceth, that when they thinke to prostitute the daughter of some Gentlemen or Noblemen, they commit the fact with their owne wiues: which thing chanced whilest I was there. The women beautifie and garnish themselues as much as any. They vse silken apparell, * 1.649 and couer them with cloth of Gossampine, in maner as fine as Silke. They weare white Buskins, [ 10] and Shooes of red or purple colour. They garnish their heads with many Iewels and Eare-rings, and weare Rings and Bracelets. They marrie as often as them listeth: for when they are wea∣rie of their first marriage, they goe to the Cady, and make request to him to bee diuorced from their first marriage. Some thinke, that the Mahumetans haue fiue or sixe wiues together, which * 1.650 I haue not obserued: but as farre as I could perceiue, they haue but two or three. They eate openly, especially in their Marts or Faires, and there dresse they all their meates. They eate Horses, Camels, Buffels, Goats, and such other beasts. They haue great abundance of fresh Cheese. They that sell Milke, driue about with them, fortie or fiftie Goats, which they bring * 1.651 into the houses of them that will buy milke, euen vp into their chambers, although they bee three roofes high, and there milke them, to haue it fresh and new. These Goats haue their eares [ 20] a span long, many vdders or paps, and are very fruitfull. There is great abundance of Mush∣roms, for sometimes there are seene, twentie or thirtie Camels laden with Mushroms, and yet * 1.652 in the space of three dayes they are all sold. They are brought from the Mountaines of Arme∣nia, and from Asia the lesse, which is now called, Turkia or Natolia, or Anatolia. * 1.653

The Mahumetans vse long Vestures and loose, both of Silke and Cloth. The most part vse Hose of Gossampine cloth, and white Shooes. When any of the Mahumetans by chance mee∣teth with any of the Mamalukes, although the Mahumetan be the worthier person, yet giueth he place and reuerence to the Mamaluke, who otherwise would giue him the Bastonado, and beat him with a staffe. The Christians also keepe there many Ware-houses of Merchandise, where * 1.654 they haue diuers sorts of Silkes and Veluet: but the Christians are there euill entreated. [ 30]

In the yeere of our Lord 1503. the eighth day of the moneth of Aprill, the Carauan being readie to goe to Mecha, I entred familiaritie and friendship with a certaine Captaine Mama∣luke, * 1.655 of them that had forsaken our Faith, with whom being agreed of the price, hee prepared me apparell like vnto that which the Mamalukes vse to weare, and giuing me also a good Horse, accompanied me with the other Mamalukes. This (as I haue said) I obtayned with great cost, and many gifts which I gaue him. Thus entring to the iourney, after the space of three dayes, we came to a certaine place named Mezerick, where we remayned three dayes, that the Mer∣chants * 1.656 which were in our companie might prouide things necessarie, as specially Camels, and diuers other things. There is a certaine Prince whom they call Zambei, of great power in the * 1.657 Countrey of Arabia: he had three brethren, and foure children. He nourisheth fortie thousand [ 40] Horses, ten thousand Mares, and foure thousand Camels. The Countrey where he keepeth the herds of these beasts, is large, of two dayes iourney. This Prince Zambei, is of so great power, that he keepeth warre with the Soltan of Babylon, the Gouernours of Damasco, and of Ierusalem. * 1.658 In the time of Haruest & gathering of fruits, hee is giuen wholly to prey and robbing, and with great subtiltie deceiueth the Arabians: for, when they thinke him to bee a mile or two off, hee is with them suddenly betimes in the morning: and inuading their Lands, carrieth away their fruits, Wheat, and Barley, euen as hee findeth it in the sackes: and so liueth continually day and night with such incursions. When his Mares bee wearied with continuall running, hee * 1.659 resteth a while: and to refresh them, giueth them Camels Milke to drinke, to coole them [ 50] after their great labour. Those Mares are of such maruellous swiftnesse, that when I presently saw them, they seemed rather to flye then to runne. Note also, that these Arabians ride on * 1.660 Horses without Saddles, and weare none other vesture then onely an inward Coat, or Peticoat, except some chiefe men; for weapon, they vse a certaine long Dart of Reeds, of the length of ten or twelue cubits, pointed with Iron (after the manner of Iauelins) and fringed with Silke. When they attempt any incursions, they march in such order, that they seeme to goe in troups: they are of despicable and little stature, and of colour betweene yellow and blacke. They haue the voyces of women, and the haire of their head long and blacke, and laid out at large. They are of greater multitude then a man would beleeue, and are among themselues at continuall strife and warre. They inhabite the Mountaines, and haue certaine times appointed to robberie: for [ 60] this purpose they obserue especially the time, when they are certainé of the passage of the Pil∣grims, and other that iourney that way to Mecha, then like Theeues they lie in the way and robbe them. When they make these theeuish inuasions, they bring with them their * 1.661 Wiues, Children, Families, and all the goods they haue. Their Houses they put vpon the

Camels: for other Houses haue they none, but liue onely in Tents and Pauilions, as doe our Souldiers. * 1.662

Such Tabernacles are made of blacke wooll, and that rough and filthie. But to returne to our Voyage. The eleuenth day of Aprill, departed from Mezaribe the companie of Camels (which they call the Carauan) to the number of fiue and thirtie thousand, with fortie thousand men. But wee were no more then threescore Mamalukes, which had taken the charge to guide and * 1.663 guard the Carauan; which was diuided into three parts, some in the front, other in the middest of the Armie, and other in the reare. Damasco is from Mecha fortie dayes and fortie nights iour∣ney. Departing therefore from Mezaribe, we continued our iourney that day, vntill the two * 1.664 and twentieth houre of the day. Then our Captaine, after hee had giuen the watch-word and [ 10] signe, commanded that euery man should rest and remayne in the place where the signe should be giuen them. Therefore as soone as they heard the signe, by the sound of a Trumpet, they stayed, and after they had vnburdened their Camels, spent there two houres to victuall them∣selues and their beasts: then the Captaine giuing a new signe, charging their Camels againe, * 1.665 they departed speedily from thence. Euery Camell hath at one feeding fiue Barley loaues, raw and not baked, as big as a Pomgranate. Taking horse, they continued that iourney the day and night following, vntill two and twentie houres of the day, and at that houre they obserue the order which we haue spoken off here before. Euery eighth day they draw water by digging the * 1.666 ground or sand: by the way neuerthelesse somwhere are found Wells and Cisternes. After euery eighth day, they rest their Camels one or two dayes to recouer their strength. The Camels are * 1.667 [ 20] laden with incredible burdens, and double charge: that is to meane, the burden of two great Mules. They drinke but once in three dayes. They giue, them to eate fiue Barley loaues as big as a Pomgranate.

When they tarrie and rest them at the waters aforesaid, they are euer enforced to conflict with a great multitude of the Arabians: but the battell is for the most part without bloudshed: for although we haue oftentimes fought with them, yet was there onely one man slaine on our part; for these Arabians are so weake and feeble, that threescore Mamalukes, haue often put to * 1.668 the worst, fortie or fiftie thousand Arabians. For no Pagans are in strength or force of Armes to be compared to the Mamalukes, of whose actiuitie I haue seene great experience: among the which this is one. A certaine Mamaluke layed an Apple vpon the head of his seruant, and [ 30] at the distance of about twelue or fourteene paces, strooke it off from his head. I saw likewise another, who riding on a saddled Horse with full course (for they vse Saddles as we doe) tooke off the Saddle from the Horse still running, and for a space bearing it on his head, put it againe on the Horse still continuing in his full course.

Passing the iourney of twelue dayes, we came to the Valley of Sodoma and Gomorrha, where we found it to be true, that is written in holy Scripture: for there is yet to be seene, how they were destroyed by Miracle. I affirme that there are three Cities. There is yet seene, I wot not what, like Bloud, or rather like red Waxe mixt with Earth, three or foure yards deepe. It is easie to beleeue that those men were infected with most horrible vices, as testifieth the barren Region, vtterly without water. Those people were once fed with Manna: but when they * 1.669 [ 40] abused the gift of God, they were sore plagued. Departing twentie miles from these Cities, about thirtie of our companie perished of thirst, and diuers other were buried in the sand, not yet fully dead. Going somewhat further forward, wee found a little Mountaine, at the foot whereof we found water, and therefore made our abode there. The day following early in the morning, came vnto vs foure and twentie thousand Arabians, asking money for the water which wee had taken. Wee answered, that wee would pay nothing, because it was giuen vs by the goodnesse of God. Immediatly we came to hand-strokes. Wee gathering our selues together on the said Mountaine, as in the safest place, vsed our Camels in the stead of a Bulwarke, and pla∣ced the Merchants in the middest of the Armie (that is) in the middest of the Camels, while we fought manfully on euery side. The battell continued so long, that water fayled both vs and our Enemies in the space of two dayes. The Arabians compassed about the Mountaine, crying [ 50] and threatning that they would breake in among the Camels: at the length, to make an end of the conflict, our Captaine assembling the Merchants, commanded a thousand and two hundred pieces of Gold to be giuen to the Arabians: who when they had receiued the money, said, that the summe of ten thousand pieces of Gold should not satisfie them for the water which we had drawne. Whereby we perceiued that they began further to quarrell with vs, and to demand some other thing then money. Whereupon incontinent our Captaine gaue commandement, that whosoeuer in all our companie were able to beare Armes, should not mount vpon the Ca∣mels, but should with all expedition prepare themselues to fight. The day following in the morning, sending the Camels before, and enclosing our Armie, being about three hundred in number, we met with the Enemies, and gaue the onset. In this conflict, we lost onely a man [ 60] and a woman, and had none other damage: we slue of the Arabians a thousand and fiue hundred. Whereof you need not maruel, if you consider that they are vnarmed, and weare only a thin loose vesture, and are beside almost naked: their Horses also being as euill furnished, and without Saddles, or other furniture.

In the space of eight dayes, wee came to a Mountayne which containeth in circuit ten or twelue miles. This is inhabited with Iewes, to the number of fiue thousand, or thereabout. They * 1.670 are of very little stature, as of the height of fiue or six spannes, and some much lesse. They haue small voyces like women, and of blacke colour, yet some blacker then other: They feede of none other meate then Mutton. They are circumcised, and deny not themselues to be Iewes. If by chance any Mahumetan come into their hands, they flay him aliue. At the foote of the Mountayne, we found a certaine hole, wherein the Raine water was receiued. By finding this opportunitie, we laded sixteene thousand Camels, which thing greatly offended the Iewes. They wandred in that Mountayne, scattered like wilde Goates or Prickets, yet durst they not come downe, partly for feare, and partly for hatred against the Mahumetans. Beneath the Moun∣tayne are seene seuen or eight Thorne trees, very faire, and in them wee found a paire of Turtle [ 10] Doues, which seemed to vs in manner a miracle, hauing before iournied fifteen dayes and nights, and saw neither Beast nor Fowle. Then proceeding two dayes iourney, wee came to a certaine Citie named Medina Tal••abi: foure miles from the said Citie, we found a Well. And remayning * 1.671 here one day, we washed our selues, and changed our Shirts, the more freshly to enter into the Citie: it is well peopled, and contayneth about three hundred houses, the Walls are like Bul∣warkes of earth, and the houses both of stone and bricke. The soyle about the Citie is cursed of God, and is vtterly barren, except that about two stones cast from the Citie, are seene about fif∣tie or sixtie Palme trees that beare Dates. There, by a certaine Garden, runneth a course of wa∣ter, falling into a lower Plaine, where also passengers are accustomed to water their Camels. [ 20] And here opportunitie now serueth to confute the opinion of them which thinke that the Arke or Tombe of wicked Mahumet in Mecha, to hang in the Ayre, not borne vp with any thing. I * 1.672 affirme this neither to be true, nor to haue any likenesse of truth, I presently beheld these things, and saw the place where Mahumet is buried, in the said Citie of Medina Talnab••: for we tarry∣ed there three daies, to come to the true knowledge of all these things. When we were desirous to enter into their Temple, wee could not be suffered to enter, without a companion, little or great, of those Moores. They taking vs by the hand, brought vs to the place where, they say, Mahumet is buried.

His Temple is square, and is a hundred Paces in length, and fourescore in breadth; the entrie into it, is by two Gates; from the sides it is couered with three Vaults, it is borne vp with [ 30] * 1.673 foure hundred Columnes, or Pillars of white Bricke, there are seene hanging Lampes about the number of three thousand. From the other part of the Temple, in the first place of the Meschita, is seene a Tower of the circuit of fiue Paces, vaulted on euery side, and couered with a cloth of silke, and is borne vp with a grate of Copper, curiously wrought, and distant from it two Paces: and of them that goe thither, is seene, as it were, through a Lettice. Toward the left hand, is the * 1.674 way to the Tower, and when you come thither, you must enter by a narrower Gate. On euery side of those Gates or Doores, are seene many bookes, in manner of a Librarie, on the one side twentie, and on the other side fiue and twentie, which are of Mahumet and is fellowes: within the said Gate is seene a Sepulchre, that is, a graue vnder the earth, where Mahumet was buried. There are also his two sonnes in law, Halt and Othman; Hali was his brothers sonne, and tooke [ 40] to wife Fatina, the daughter of Mahumet. There are also his two fathers in law, Bubecher and Homer. These foure were chiefe Captaines of the Armie of Mahumet. Euery of these haue their proper bookes of their facts and traditions. And hereof proceedeth the great dissention and discord of Religion and manners among this kind of filthie men, while some confirme one Doctrine, and some another, by reason of their diuers sects of Patrons, Doctors, and Saints, as they call them. By this meanes are they maruellously diuided among themselues, and like beasts kill themselues, for such quarrels of diuers opinions, and all false.

For declaration of the sect of Mahumet, vnderstand that in the highest part of the Tower aforesaid, is an open round * 1.675 place. Now shall you vnderstand what craft they vsed to deceiue our Carauan. The first Euening that we came thither, our Captaine sent for the chiefe Priest of the Temple, to come to him: and bid him shew him the body of Nabi, that is, the Prophet, and [ 50] that he would giue three thousand Seraphins of gold. Also that hee had no Parents, neither Brothers, Sisters, Kinsfolke, Children, or Wiues, neither that he came thither to buy Merchandize, as Spices, or any manner of precious Iewels: but onely for very zeale of Religion, and saluation of his soule, and was therefore greatly desirous to see the bodie of the Prophet. To whom the Priest of the Temple, with proude countenance, made answer in this manner: Darest thou with those eyes with the which thou hast committed so many horrible sinnes, desire to see him by whose sight God hath created Heauen and Earth? To whom againe our Captaine answered, thus: My Lord, you haue said truly; neuerthe∣lesse I pray you that I may finde so much fauour with you, that I may see the Prophet: whom when I haue seene, I will immediately thrust out mine eyes. The Side answered: O Sir, I will open all things vnto [ 60] thee. So it is, that no man can denie but that our Prophet dyed here, who if he would, might haue dyed at Mecha: But to shew in himselfe a token of humilitie, and thereby to giue vs example to follow him, he was willing rather here then elsewhere to depart out of this world, and was incontinent of Angels borne into Heauen, and abide, in the presence of God. Then our Captaine said to him: Where is Iesus Christ * 1.676

the Sonne of Marie? To whom the Side answered: At the feet of Mahumet. Then said our Captaine againe: It sufficeth, it sufficeth, I will know no more. After this, our Captaine comming out of the Temple, and turning him to vs, said: See (I pray you) for what goodly stuffe I would haue paide three thousand Seraphs of gold? The same day at Euening, at almost three a clocke of the night, ten or twelue of the Elders of that Sect of Mahumet, entred into our Carauan, * 1.677 which remained not past a stones cast from the Gate of the Citie. These ran hither and thither crying like mad men, with these words, Mahumet the messenger of God shall rise againe. O Prophet, O God, haue mercie on vs. Our Captaine and wee all raised with this crie, tooke wea∣pon with all expedition, suspecting that the Arabains were come to rob our Carauan: We asked what was the cause of that exclamation, and what they cryed? for they cried as doe the Chri∣stians, when suddenly any maruellous thing chanceth. The Elders answered: Saw you not the [ 10] lightning which shone out of the Sepulchre of the Prophet Mahumet. Our Captaine answered, * 1.678 that he saw nothing; and we also being demanded, answered in like manner. Then said one of the old men, Are yee slaues? that is to say, bought men: meaning thereby Mamalukes. Then said our Captaine, We are indeed Mamalukes. Then againe the old man said, You my Lords, can∣not see heauenly things, as being not yet confirmed in our Religion. To this our Captaine an∣swered againe, O yee mad and insensate beasts, I had thought to haue giuen you three thousand pieces of gold, but now, O you Dogs, and progenie of Dogs, I will giue you nothing. It is there∣fore to be vnderstood, that none other shining came out of the Sepulchre, then a certaine flame which the Priests caused to come out of the open place of the Tower spoken of here before, whereby they would haue deceiued vs. And therefore our Captaine commanded that thereafter [ 20] none of vs should enter into the Temple. Of this also we haue most true experience, and most certainly assure you, that there is neither Iron or Steele, or the Magnes stone that should so make * 1.679 the Tombe of Mahumet to hang in the Ayre, as some haue falsely imagined: neither is there a∣ny Mountayne neerer then foure miles: we remayned here three dayes to refresh our companie. To this Citie victuals and all kind of Corne is brought from Arabia Foelix, and Babylon, or Al∣cayr, and also from Ethiopia, by the Red Sea, which is from this Citie but foure daies iourney.

After that we were wearied with the trumperies of the Religion of Mahumet, we determi∣ned to goe forward on our iourney: and that by guiding of a Pilot, who directed our course * 1.680 with the Mariners Box, or Compasse and Card, euen as is vsed in sayling on the Sea. And thus bending our iourney by the South, wee found a very faire Well or Fountayne, from the which [ 30] flowed abundance of water. The Inhabitants affirme that Saint Marke the Euangelist was the * 1.681 Author of this Fountaine, by a miracle of God, when that Region was in manner burned with incredible drinesse. Here wee and our Beasts were satisfied with drinke. I may not here omit to speake of the Sea of Sand, and of the dangers thereof. This was found of vs before we came to the Mountayne of the Iewes. In this Sea of Sand we trauelled the iourney of fiue daies, and fiue nights: this is a great broad Plaine, all couered with white Sand, in manner as small as Floure: If the winde had blowne from the South (as it came to vs from the North) we had beene all ouer-whelmed with Sand. And although wee had prosperous winde, yet wee could scarcely see the one the other ten Paces off. And therfore the Inhabitants trauelling this way, are inclosed in Cages of wood, borne with Camels, and liue in them, so passing the iourney, guided by Pilots [ 40] with Mariners Compasse and Card, euen as on the Sea, as we haue said. In this iourney also ma∣ny perish for thirst, and many by drinking too much, when they find such good waters. In these Sands is found Momia, which is the flesh of such men as are drowned in these Sands, and there * 1.682 dried by the heate of the Sunne: So that those bodies are preserued from putrifaction by the drinesse of the Sand: and therefore that dry flesh is esteemed medicinable. When the wind blow∣eth from the North, then the Sand riseth, and is driuen against a certaine Mountayne, which is an arme of the Mount Sinai. There we found certaine Pillars artificially wrought. On the left * 1.683 hand of the said Mountayne, in the top or ridge thereof is a Den, and the entrie into it is by an Iron Gate. Some faine that in that place: Mahumet liued in contemplation. Here wee heard a * 1.684 certaine horrible noyse and crye: for passing the said Mountayne, wee were in so great danger, [ 50] that we thought neuer to haue escaped. Departing therefore from the Fountayne, we continued our iourney for the space of ten dayes: And twice in the way fought with fiftie thousand Ara∣bians, and so at the length came to the Citie of Mecha, where all things were troubled by rea∣son of the warres betweene two brethren, contending which of them should possesse the Lordship of Mecha.

Now the time requireth to speake somewhat of the famous Citie of Mecha, or Mecca, what * 1.685 it is, how it is situate, and by whom it is gouerned. The Citie is very faire, and well inhabited, and contayneth in Compasse six thousand houses as well builded as ours, and some that cost three or foure thousand Ducats of gold: it hath no walls. About two furlongs from the Citie is a Mount, where the way is cut out, which leadeth to a Plaine beneath. It is on euery side forti∣fied [ 60] with Mountaynes in the stead of walls or Bulwarkes, and hath foure entries. The Gouer∣nour is a Sultan, and one of the foure brethren of the Progenie of Mahumet, and is subiect to * 1.686 the Sultan of Babylon, of whom we haue spoken before: his other three brethren bee at conti∣nuall

warre with him. The eighteenth day of May, we entred into the Citie by the North side: then by a declining way, we came into a Plaine. On the South side are two Mountaynes, the one very neere the other, distant onely by a little Valley, which is the way that leadeth to the Gate of Mecha. On the East side, is an open place betweene two Mountaynes, like vnto a Vally, and is the way to the Mountayne where they sacrifice to the Patriarkes A∣broham and Isaac. This Mountayne is from the Citie about eight or ten miles, and of the height of three stones cast: it is of stone as hard as Marble, yet no Marble. In the top of the Moun∣tayne, * 1.687 is a Temple or Meschita, made after their fashion, and hath three wayes to enter into it. At the foot of the Mountayne are two Cisternes, which conserue waters without corruption: of these, the one is reserued to minister water to the Camels of the Carauan of Babylon, or Al∣cayr; and the other, for them of Damasco. It is raine water, and is deriued farre off. [ 10]

But to returne to speake of the Citie: for as touching the manner of sacrifice, which they vse at the foote of the Mountayne, we will speake hereafter. Entring therefore into the Citie, we found there the Carauan of Cayro, which preuented vs eight daies, and came not the way that we came. This Carauan contained threescore and foure thousand Camels, and a hundred Mamalucks to guide them. And here ought you to consider, that by the opinion of all men, this * 1.688 Citie is greatly cursed of God, as appeareth by the great barrennesse thereof, for it is destitute of all manner of Fruits and Corne. It is scorched with drynesse for lacke of water, and there∣fore the water is there growne to such price, that you cannot for foure Quatrini buy as much water as will satisfie your thirst for one day. Now therefore, I will declare what prouision [ 20] they haue for victuals. The most part is brought them from the Citie of Cayros; There is brought by the Red Sea, from a certaine Port, named Ziden, distant from Mecha fortie miles. The rest * 1.689 of their prouisions, is brought from Arabia Foelix (that is) the happy or blessed Arabia: so named for the fruitfulnesse thereof, in respect of the other two Arabiaes, called Petrea, and Deserta, that is, Stonie and Desart. They haue also much Corne from Ethiopia. Here we found a * 1.690 maruellous number of strangers, and Peregrines or Pilgrims: Of the which, some came from Syria, some from Persia, some from Ethiopia, and other from both the East Indies, the greater and the lesser. I neuer saw in any place greater aboundance and frequentation of people, foras∣much as I could perceiue by tarrying there the space of twentie daies. These people resort thi∣ther for diuers causes, as some for Merchandize, some to obserue their vow of Pilgrimage, * 1.691 and other to haue pardon for their sinnes: as touching the which, wee will speake more [ 30] hereafter.

In the middest of the Citie is a Temple, in fashion like vnto the Colossus of Rome, the Amphi∣theatrum * 1.692 I meane, like vnto a Stage, yet not of Marble or hewed stones, but of burnt Bricks: For this Temple, like vnto an Amphitheater, hath fourescore and ten or an hundred Gates, and is vaulted. The entrance is by a discent of twelue stayres or degrees on euery part, in the Church porch are sold onely Iewels and precious stones. When you are past the entrance it is close aboue, and the gilded walls shine on euery side with incomparable splendour. In the lower part of the Temple (that is vnder the vaulted places) is seene a maruellous multitude of men: for there are fiue or six thousand men that sell none other thing then sweet Ointments, and especially a cer∣taine [ 40] odoriferous and most sweet Powder, wherewith dead bodies are enbalmed. And from hence, all manner of sweet sauours are carried in manner, into the Countries of all the Mahu∣metans. It passeth all beliefe to thinke of the exceeding sweetnesse of the sauours, farre sur∣mounting the shops of the Apothecaries. The three and twentieth day of May, the Pardons be∣gan * 1.693 to be granted in the Temple, and in what manner, we will now declare. The Temple in the middest is open, without any inclosing, and in the middest also thereof is a Turret, of the large∣nesse of six paces in circuit, and inuolued or hanged with cloth or Tapestrie of silke, and passeth not the height of a man. They enter into the Turret by a Gate of Siluer, and is on euery side be∣set with vessels full of Balme. On the day of Pentecost, licence is granted to all men to see these things. The Inhabitants affirme that Balme or Balsam, to bee part of the treasure of the Sul∣tan, [ 50] that is Lord of Mecha. At euery Vault of the Turret, are fastned grates of Iron, to let in light. The three and twentieth day of May, a great multitude of people began early in them or∣ning before day, seuen times to walke about the Turret, kissing euery corner thereof, oftentimes feeling and handling them. From this Turret about ten or twelue paces, is another Turret, like a Chappell, builded after our manner. This hath three or foure entries: in the middest thereof * 1.694 is a Well of threescore and ten Cubits deepe: the water of this Well is infected with salt Peter. Eight men are thereunto appointed to draw water for all the people: and when a multitude of people haue seuen times gone round about the first Turret, they come to this Well; and touching the mouth or brim thereof, they say thus: Be it in the honor of God, God pardon me, and forgiue me * 1.695 my sinnes. When these words are said, they that draw the water, powre three Buckets of wa∣ter [ 60] on the heads of euery one of them that stand neere about the Well, and wash them all wet from the head to the foot, although they be apparelled with silke. Then the doting fooles dreame that they are cleane from all their sinnes, and that their sinnes are forgiuen them. They say furthermore, that the first Turret, whereof we haue spoken, was the first house that euer Abra∣ham

builded: and therefore, while they are yet all wet of the said washing, they goe to the * 1.696 Mountaine, where (as we haue said before) they are accustomed to sacrifice to Abraham. And remaining there two daies, they make the said Sacrifice to Abraham at the foot of the Mountain. When they intend to sacrifice, some of them kill three sheepe, some foure, and some ten: So that the Butcherie sometime so floweth with bloud, that in one day are slaine aboue thirtie thousand sheepe. They are slaine toward the rising of the Sunne, and shortly after are distributed to the poore for Gods sake: for I saw there of poore people, to the number of thirtie or fortie thousand. These make many and long Ditches in the Fields, where they keepe fire with Camels dung, and roast or seethe the flesh that is giuen them, and eat it euen there. I beleeue that these poore people come thither rather for hunger then for deuotion: which I thinke by this coniecture, that great * 1.697 [ 10] abundance of Cucumbers are brought thither from Arabia Foelix, which they eate, casting away the parings without their Houses or Tabernacles, where a multitude of the said poore people ga∣ther them euen out of the mire and sand, and eate them, and are so greedie of these parings, that they fight who may gather most. The day following, their Cadi (which are in place with them * 1.698 as with vs the Preachers of Gods Word) ascended into a high Mountaine, to preach to the peo∣ple that remayned beneath: and preached to them in their Language the space of an houre. The summe of his Sermon was, that with teares they should bewaile their sinnes, and beate their brests, with sighes and lamentation. And the Preacher himselfe with loud voyce, spake these words, O Abraham beloued of God, O Isaac chosen of God, and his Friend, pray to God for the people of Nabi. When these words were said, suddenly were heard lamenting voices. When the Ser∣mon [ 20] * 1.699 was done, a rumour was spred that a great Armie of Arabians, to the number of twentie thousand, were comming. With which newes, they that kept the Carauans being greatly feared, with all speed, like mad men, fled into the Citie of Mecha, and we againe hearing newes of the Arabians approch, fled also into the Citie. But while wee were in the mid-way betweene the Mountaine and Mecha, we came by a despicable wall, of the breadth of foure Cubits: The peo∣ple passing by this wall, had couered the way with stones, the cause whereof, they say to be this: When Abraham was commanded to sacrifice his Sonne, he willed his Sonne Isaac to follow him to the place where he should execute the commandement of God. As Isaac went to follow his Father, there appeared to him in the way a Deuill, in likenesse of a faire and friendly person, not * 1.700 farre from the said wall, and asked him friendly whether he went. Isaac answered, that he went [ 30] to his Father who tarried for him. To this the Enemie of Mankind answered, that it was best for him to tarrie, and if that he went any further, his Father would sacrifice him. But Isaac no∣thing fearing this aduertisement of the Deuill, went forward, that his Father on him might execute the commandement of God: and with this answere (as they say) the Deuill departed. Yet as Isaac went forward, the Deuill appeared to him againe in the likenesse of another friendly person, and forbade him as before. Then Isaac taking vp a stone in that place, hurlde it at the * 1.701 Deuill, and wounded him in the fore-head: In witnesse and remembrance whereof, the people passing that way, when they come neere the wall, are accustomed to cast stones against it, and from thence goe into the Citie. As we went this way, the Aire was in manner darkened with a multitude of stocke Doues. They say that these Doues, are of the Progenie of the Doue that [ 40] spake in the eare of Mahumet, in likenesse of the Holy Ghost. These are seene euery where, as in the Villages, Houses, Tauernes, and Graniers of Corne and Rice, and are so tame, that one can scarcely driue them away. To take them or kill them, is esteemed a thing worthy death: and therefore a certaine Pension is giuen to nourish them in the Temple.

§. II.

Two Vnicornes. His passage by the Red Sea to Aden. Imprisonment and coun∣terfeiting himselfe madde. Escape and visiting other [ 50] parts of Arabia, Zeila, Cambaia.

ON the other part of the Temple are Parkes or places inclosed, where are seene two * 1.702 Vnicornes, and are there shewed to the people for a wonder. The one of them, which is much higher then the other, yet not much vnlike to a Colt of thirtie moneths of age; in the fore-head groweth only one Horne, in manner right forth, of the length of three Cubits. * 1.703 The other is much younger, and like a young Colt: of the age of one yeare; the horne of this, is of the length of foure spannes. This beast is of the colour of a Horse of Weesell colour, and hath the head like an Hart, but no long necke, a thinne mane hanging only on the one side: their legs are thinne and slender, like a Fawne or Hind: the hoofes of the fore∣feet [ 60] are diuided in two, much like the feet of a Goat, the outward part of the hinder feet is very full of haire. This beast doubtlesse seemeth wild and fierce, yet tempereth that fiercenesse with a certaine comelinesse. These Vnicornes one gaue to the Sultan of Mecha, as a most precious and rare gift. They were sent him out of Ethiopia by a King of that Countrey, who desired by that present to gratifie the Sultan of Mecha.

Whereas my Captaine gaue me charge to buy certaine things, as I was in the Market place, a certaine Mamaluke knew me to be a Christian. And therefore in his owne Language, spake vnto me these words, Inte mename: That is, whence art thou? To whom I answered that I was a Mahumetan. But he said, Thou sayest not truly. I said againe, By the head of Mahumet, I am a Mahumetan. Then he said againe, Come home to my house. I followed him willingly. When we were there, he began to speake to me in the Italian Tongue, and asked me againe from whence I was, affirming that he knew me, and that I was no Mahumetan: Also that he had bin sometime in Genua and Uenice. And that his words might be the better beleeued, rehearsed ma∣ny things which testified that he said truth. When I vnderstood this, I confessed freely that I was a Romane, but professed to the Faith of Mahumet in the Citie of Babylon, and there made one of the Mamalukes. Whereof he seemed greatly to reioyce, and therefore vsed me honou∣rably. [ 10] But because my desire was yet to goe further, I asked the Mahumetan whether that Ci∣tie of Mecha was so famous as all the World spake of it: and inquired of him where was the great abundance of Pearles, Precious Stones, Spices, and other rich Merchandise: that the bruit went of to be in that Citie. Then he began with more attentiue minde, in order to declare vnto * 1.704 me the cause why that Mart was not so greatly frequented as it had beene before, and laid the only fault thereof on the King of Portugall. When I was well instructed in all things, I spake vnto him friendly these words in the Mahumets Language, Menaha Menalhabi: That is to say, I pray you assist me. He asked me wherein. To helpe mee (said I) how I may secretly depart hence to those Kings that were most enemies to the Christians: Affirming furthermore, that I would giue place to no man in making of all manner of Gunnes and Artillerie. Then said hee, [ 20] Praysed be Mahumet who sent thee hither, to doe him and his Moores good seruice: and wil∣led me to remayne secretly in his house with his wife, and required mee earnestly to obtayne leaue of our Captaine, that vnder his name hee might leade from Mecha fifteene Camels laden with Spices, without paying any custome: for they ordinarily pay to the Sultan thirtie Saraphes of Gold, for transporting of such Merchandises for the charge of so many Camels. I put him in * 1.705 good hope of his request, although he would aske for a hundred, affirming that that might easily be obtayned by the Priuiledges of the Mamalukes and therefore desired him that I might safely remayne in his house. Then nothing doubting to obtaine his request, hee greatly reioyced, and talking with me yet more freely, gaue me further instructions, and counselled me to repaire to a certaine King of the greater India, in the Kingdome and Realme of Dechan. Therefore the day [ 30] before the Carauan departed from Mecha, he willed me to lye hid in the most secret part of his house. The day following, early in the morning, the Trumpetter of the Carauan gaue warning to all the Mamalukes to make readie their Horses, to direct their iourney toward Syria, with Proclamation of death to all that should refuse so to doe. When I heard the sound of the Trum∣pet, and was aduertized of the streight commandement, I was maruellously troubled in minde, and with heauie countenance desired the Mahumetans wife not to bewray mee, and committed my selfe to the mercie of God. On the Tuesday following, our Carauan departed from Mecha, and I remayned in the Mahumetans house with his wife, but he followed the Carauan, Yet be∣fore he departed, he gaue commandement to his wife to bring mee to the Carauan, which should [ 40] depart from Ziden the Port of Mecha, to goe into India. This Port is distant from Mecha for∣tie miles. Whilest I lay thus hid in the Mahumetans house, I cannot expresse how friendly his wife vsed mee. This also furthered my good entertainment, that there was in the house a faire young Maide, the Niece of the Mahumetan, who was greatly in loue with me. But at that time, in the middest of those troubles and feares, the fire of Venus was almost extinct in me: and there∣fore with dalliance of faire words and promises. I still kept my selfe in her fauour. Therefore the Friday following, about noon-tyde I departed, following the Caranan of India. And about mid-night, we came to a certaine Village of the Arabians, and there remayned the rest of that night, and the next day till noone.

From hence we went forward on our iourney toward Ziden, and came thither in the silence * 1.706 of the night. This Citie hath no walls, yet fane houses, some-what after the building of Italie. [ 50] Heere is great abundance of all kind of Merchandises by reason of resort in manner of all Nations thither, except Iewes and Christians, to whom it is not lawfull to come thither. Assoone as I en∣tred into the Citie, I went to their Temple, or Meschita, where I saw a great multitude of poore * 1.707 people, about the number of fiue and twentie thousand, attending a certaine Pilot who should bring them into their Countrey. Here I suffered much trouble and affliction, being enforced to hide my selfe among these poore folkes, faining my selfe very sicke, to the end that none should be inquisitiue what I was, whence I came, or whither I would. The Lord of this Citie is the Sultan of Babylon, Brother to the Sultan of Mecha, who are subiect to the great Soldan of Cai∣ro. The Inhabitants are Mahumetans. The soyle is vnfruitfull, and lacketh fresh water. The Sea beateth against the Towne. There is neuerthelesse abundance of all things: but brought [ 60] thither from other places, as from Cairo, Arabia Foelix, and diuers other places. The heate is here so great, that men are in manner dryed vp therewith. And therefore there is euer a great number of sicke folkes. This Citie contayneth about fiue hundred houses.

After fifteene dayes were past, I couenanted with a Pilot, who was ready to depart from * 1.708 thence into Persia, and agreed on the price, to goe with him. There lay at Anchor in the Hauen almost a hundred Brigantines and Foysts, with diuers Boates and Barkes of sundry sorts, both with Oares and without Oares. Therefore after three dayes, giuing wind to our sayles, we sai∣led in the Red Sea.

After sixe dayes sayling, we came to a Citie named Gezan. It hath a commodious Port, and very faire, where we found about forty fiue Brigantines and Foysts of diuers Regions. The Citie is hard by the Sea-side, and the Prince thereof, is a Mabumetan. The soyle is fruitfull, like vnto Italie: It beareth Pomegranates, Quinces, Peaches, Apples of Assyria, Pepons, Melons, Oran∣ges, Gourds, and diuers other Fruits: Also Roses, and sundry sorts of Flowers, the fairest that euer I saw: It seemeth an earthly Paradise. The most part of the Inhabitants goe naked. In o∣ther [ 10] things, they liue after the manner of the Mahumetans. There is also great abundance of Flesh, Wheate, Barley, the Graine of white Millet or Hirse (which they call Dora) whereof they make very sweet Bread. Departing from the Citie of Gezan, the space of fiue dayes, say∣ling * 1.709 toward the left hand, hauing euer the Coast of the Land in sight, wee came to the sight of certayne houses, where about fourteene of vs went a-land, hoping to haue had some victuals of the Inhabitants. But we lost our labour, for in the stead of victuals, they cast stones at vs with Slings. They were about a hundred that fought with our men for the space of an houre. Of them were slaine foure and twenty. The rest were driuen to flight, they were naked, and had none other Weapons then Slings. After their flight, we brought away with vs certayne Hennes and Calues very good. Shortly after, a great multitude of the Inhabitants shewed themselues to the [ 20] number of fiue or sixe hundred: but we departed with our prey, and returned to the ships.

The same day sayling forward, we came to an Iland named Camaran, which contayneth ten miles in circuit. In it is a Towne of two hundred houses, the Inhabitants are Mahumetans: it hath abundance of fresh water and flesh, and the fairest Salt that euer I saw. The Port is eight miles from the Continent, it is subiect to the Sultan of Arabia Foelix. After wee had remayned here two dayes, we tooke our way toward the mouth of the Red Sea in the space of two dayes sayling.

The day after our arriuing at Aden, the Mahumetans took me, and put shackles on my legs, which * 1.710 came by occasion of a certayn Idolater who cryed after me, saying, O Christian Dog, borne of Dogs. When the Mahumetans heard the name of a Christian, incontinent they layd hands on mee, [ 30] and brought me to the Lieutenant of the Sultan of that place, who assembling his Councel, asked their opinion if I should be put to death as a Spye of the Christians. The Sultan himselfe was out of the Citie, and therefore his Lieutenant, who had yet neuer adiudged any man to death, thought it not good to giue sentence against me, before the Sultan should bee aduertized hereof. And therefore I escaped this present danger, and remayned in custodie fiftie and fiue dayes, with an Iron of eighteene pound weight hanging at my feet. The second day after I was taken, ma∣ny Mahumetans in great rage resorted to him, whose Office was to make Inquisition of Treason. These a few dayes before, by swimming hardly escaped the hands of the Portugals, with the losse of their Foysts and Barkes, and therefore desired greatly to bee reuenged of the Christians: [ 40] affirming, with outragious cry, that I was a Spye of the Portugals. But God fayled not to assist me. For the Master of the Prison perceiuing the outrage of the Mahumetans, and fearing that they would offer me violence, made fast the gates of the Prison. After that fiue and fiftie dayes were past, the Sultan commanded that I should be brought before him: and so set vpon a Camell with my shackles, I came in eight dayes iourney to the place where the Sultan lay, and was brought to his presence in a Citie named Rhada: for there the Sultan had assembled an Armie of thirtie thousand men, to make warre against the Sultan of the Citie of Sana, which is three dayes iourney from Rhada, and situate partly on the declining of a Hill, and partly in a Plaine, very faire to be seene, well peopled, and hauing plentie of all things. When I came before the Sultan, he began to aske me what I was. I answered that I was a Romane, professed a Mamaluke in Babylon of Alcayr, and that of Religious minde to discharge my conscience of a Vow which [ 50] I had made, I came to the Citie of Medinathalhabi, where Nabi (or the Prophet) is buried and after to Mecca. And that in all Cities and Countries by the way, I heard honourable report of his greatnesse, wisedome, and singular vertue, and therefore ceassed not vntill I entred his Do∣minions, most desirous to see his face, yeelding thankes to God and Nabi, that it was now my chance to be presented before him: trusting that the equitie of his wisedome, would thereby consider that I was no Spye of the Christians, but a true Mahumetan, and his seruant and slaue. Then said the Sultan, Say Leila illala Mahumet resullala: which words I could neuer well pro∣nounce, eyther that it pleased not God, or that for feare and scruple of conscience, I durst not. Therefore when he saw me hold my peace, he commited me againe to Prison, commanding that I should be straightly looked vnto, where sixteene men of the Citie were appointed, euery day [ 60] foure, to watch me by course. So that for the space of three moneths, I had not the fruition of Heauen, during which miserable time, my Dyet was euery day a Loafe of Millet, so little that seuen of them would not haue satisfied my hunger for one day: But if I might haue had my fill

of water, I would haue thought my selfe happy. Within three dayes after the Sultan marched with his Armie, in which were foure thousand Horsemen, to besiege the Citie of Sana. These * 1.711 Horsemen were borne of Christian Parents, and blacke like the Ethiopians, and while they were yet very young, were bought in the Kingdome of Prester Iohn, at eight or nine yeares old. They are brought vp in Discipline of Warre. This Sultan hath them in great estimation, for they are the guard of his owne person, and are more valued then foure score thousand of the other; they couer their body with a sindon, like vnto a cloke or cape, putting out onely one arme, and are beside naked without any other apparell. In the Warres they vse round Targets made of Buffels Hydes, with certayne little barres of Iron to strengthen them. These Targets are pain∣ted very faire with sundry colours, and very commodious to resist Darts, and are in largenesse as [ 10] much as the mouth of a Barrell: the handle is made of wood, as bigge as they may well hold in their hands, and made fast with nayles. They vse Darts and short broad Swords. At other times, they vse also Vestures of Linnen cloth of sundry colours. In the Warres euery man bea∣reth with him a Sling, which he casteth, first shaking it often about his head. When they come to forty or fifty yeares of age, they make them hornes, by wreathing the haire of their heads, so bearing two hornes like young Goates. When they proceed to the Warres, fiue thousand Ca∣mels follow the Army, all laden with Ropes of Bombasine.

Hard by the Prison was a long entry in manner of a Cloyster, where sometime we were per∣mitted to walke. Yee shall further vnderstand, that in the Sultans place remayned one of his three Wiues, with twelue young Maids to waite vpon her, very faire and comely, after their [ 20] manner, and of colour inclining to blacke. The fauour that they bore me, helped me very much: * 1.712 for I with two other, being in the same Prison, agreed that one of vs should counterfeit him∣selfe to be mad, that by this deuice, one of vs might helpe an other. In fine, it was my lot to take vpon me the mad mans part, and therefore it stood me in hand to doe such follies as pertayne to madnesse. Also the opinion which they haue of mad folkes, made greatly for my purpose: for they take mad men to be holy, and therefore suffered me to runne more at large, vntill the Ere∣mites had giuen iudgement whether I were holy, or raging mad, as appeareth hereafter. But the first three dayes in which I began to shew my madnesse, wearied mee so much, that I was neuer so tyred with labour or grieued with paine, for the Boyes and Rascall people sometime to the number of fortie or fiftie, hurled stones at me almost without ceasing, while in the meane time againe I paid some of them home with like wages. The Boyes cryed euer after me, calling mee [ 30] mad man. And to shew it the more, I carryed alwayes stones with mee in my shirt, for other apparell had I none. The Queene hearing of my follies, looked oftentimes out of the windowes to see me, more for a secret loue she bore me, then for the pleasure she tooke in my follies, as af∣terward appeared.

Therefore on a time, when some of them, much madder then I, played the Knaues with me in the sight of the Queene (whose secret fauour towards mee I somewhat perceiued) that my madnesse might seeme more manifest, I cast off my shirt, and went to the place before the win∣dowes, where the Queene might see me all naked: wherein I perceiued she tooke great pleasure. For she euer found some occasion that I might not goe out of her sight: and would sometimes, [ 40] with all her Damosels wayting on her, spend almost the whole day in beholding me: and in the meane season diuers times sent me secretly much good meate by her Maidens, and when she saw the Boyes or other doe me any hurt, she bad me kill them, and spare not, reuiling them also, and calling them dogges and beasts. In the Palace was nourished a great fat sheepe: whose tayle weighed fortie pound weight. Vnder the colour of madnesse, I laid hand on this sheepe, saying, Leila illala Mahumet resullala: which words the Sultan before, when I was brought to his pre∣sence, * 1.713 willed me to say, to prooue whether I were a Mahumetan, or a professed Mamaluke. But the beast answering nothing, I asked him if he were a Mahumetan, Iew, or Christian. And wil∣ling to make him a Mahumetan, I rehearsed againe the said words, Leila illala Mahumet resulla∣la (that is to say) there is one God, and Mahumet his chiefe Prophet: which are the words [ 50] which they speake in professing their Faith. But when the beast yet answered nothing, I broke his legges with a staffe. The Queene tooke great pleasure in these my mad follies, and comman∣ded the flesh of the sheepe to bee giuen mee to eate: I neuer ate meate with more pleasure, or better appetite. Also three dayes after, I likewise killed an Asse, that was wont to bring water into the Palace, because he refused to be a Mahumetan, and to say those words. The same time also I handled a Iew so euill, that I had almost killed him, one in the meane time calling mee Christian Dogge, Doggeborne. With which words beeing very angry, I cast many stones at him: but he againe hurling at me, gaue me a stroke on the brest, and an other on the side, which grieued me very sore.

And because I could not follow him by reason of my shackles, I returned to the Prison, and [ 60] stopped the doore with a heape of stones, and there liued in great paine for the space of two dayes without meate or drinke: And therefore the Queene and other thought me to be dead, but the doore was opened by the Queenes Commandement. Then these Dogges deriding me, gaue me stones in the stead of bread, and pieces of white Marble, saying, that it was Sugar: other

gaue me clusters of Grapes full of sand. But partly, that they should not suspect that I coun∣terfeited madnesse, I ate the Grapes as they gaue me them. When the bruite was spred that I li∣ued * 1.714 two dayes and nights without meate and drinke: some beganne to suspect that I was a holy man, and some that I was starke mad. And thus beeing diuided into diuers opinions, they con∣sulted * 1.715 to send for certaine men, of whom they haue such opinion of holinesse, as wee haue of Heremites: these dwell in the Mountaynes, and lead a contemplatiue life. When they came vn∣to me, to giue their iudgement what manner of man I was, certaine Merchants asked them if I were a holy man, or a mad man. These were also of diuers opinions, some affirming one thing, and some another. While they were yet debating this matter, for the space of an houre, I pissed in my hands, and hurld it in their faces: whereby they agreed that I was no Saint, but a madde [ 10] man. The Queene seeing all this at the window, laughed well thereat among her Maidens, and said thus to them, By the goodnesse of God, and by the head of Mahumet, this is a good man. The day following, when in the morning I found him asleepe that had so sore hurt mee with stones, I tooke him by the haire of the head with both hands, and with my knee so punched him on the stomacke, and battered his face, that I left him all bloudie, and halfe dead. Which thing the Queene seeing, cryed vnto me, saying, kill the Beast, kill the Dogge: whereupon, hee ranne his way, and came no more in sight. When the President of the Citie heard that the Queene fauoured me, and tooke pleasure in my mad sport, thinking also that I was not madde, commanded that I should goe at libertie within the Palace, only wearing my shackles: Yet eue∣ry night was I put in another Prison in the lower part of the Palace, and so remayned still in [ 20] the Court for the space of twentie dayes. In the meane time, the Queene willed mee to goe a hunting with her, which I refused not, and at my returne, I fained me to be sicke for wearinesse. So continuing for the space of eight dayes, vnder the colour of sicknesse, the Queene often sent to me to know how I did. After this, finding oportunitie, I declared to the Queene that I had made a Vow to God and Mahumet, to visit a certaine holy man in the Citie of Aden, and desi∣red her to giue me leaue to goe thither. Whereunto she consented: and commanded immediately * 1.716 a Camell and twentie fiue Sarraphes of Gold to be deliuered me. Therefore the day following, I tooke my iourney, and in the space of eight dayes, came to the Citie of Aden: and shortly af∣ter my comming, visited the man of whom was so great report of holinesse, and whom the people honoured for a Saint. And this onely, because he had euer liued in great pouertie, and * 1.717 [ 30] without the company of women. When I had performed my Vow, I fained that I had recoue∣red health by miracle of that holy man, and certified the Queene thereof, desiring that I might tarrie ther a while, to visit likewise certaine other men in that Countrey, of whom was the like fame of holinesse: which excuse I deuised, because the fleet of India would not yet depart from thence for the space of a moneth. In the meane time, I secretly agreed with a certaine Captaine of that Nauie to goe with him into India, and made him many faire promises to reward him * 1.718 largely. Hee answered, that hee would not goe into India, before hee had first beene in Persia: whereunto I agreed.

The day following, mounting vpon a Camell, and making a iourney of fiue and twentie miles, I came to a certaine Citie named Lagi, situate in a great Plaine, well peopled, hauing a∣bundance [ 40] of Oliues, and flesh, with also great plentie of Corne, after our manner: but no Vines, great scarcenesse of wood. The Inhabitants are vnciuill and rusticall people of the Nation of Vagabond and field Arabians, and therefore but poore. Departing from hence one dayes iour∣ney, I came to another Citie named Aiaz, situate vpon two hils, with a great Plaine betweene them, and hath in it a notable Fountayne, and therefore diuers Nations resort thither as to a fa∣mous Mart. The Inhabitants are Mahumetans, and yet greatly differing in opinion of their Re∣ligion: insomuch that therefore they bee at great enmitie one against the other, and keepe sore * 1.719 warre. The cause whereof they say to be this: That the people of the North Mountayne, main∣tayne the Faith and Sect of Mahumet and his fellowes, of whom we haue spoken before: but the other of the South Mountayne affirme, that Faith should be giuen onely to Mahumet Haly, [ 50] saying, the other to be false Prophets.

I departed hence to Dante, from thence to Almacharan, where the Aire is maruellous tem∣perate and holesome, and the Citie second to none in all respects: the colour of the Inhabitants is rather inclining to white, then any other colour. And to speake that I haue seene, the Sultan reserueth here as much Gold as will lade a hundred Camels.

Reame is distant two dayes iourney from Almacaran. The colour of the Inhabitants is incli∣ning to blacke: and they are great Merchants. The soyle is fruitfull of all things sauing wood: it contayneth in the circuit two thousand houses: on the one side is a Mountayne hauing on it a very strong Fortresse. Here I saw a certaine kind of sheepe hauing their tailes of fortie and foure pound weight, and are without hornes, and also so maruellous fat, that they can scarcely goe for [ 60] fatnesse. There be likewise certaine Grapes without Graines, the sweetest that euer I eate, and * 1.720 all manner of such Fruits, as I haue spoken of before. It is of maruellous temperatenesse, as wit∣nesseth the long life of men, for I haue spoken with many of them that haue passed the age of a hundred fiue and twentie yeares, and yet verie lustie and well complexioned. They goe for the

most part naked, wearing only shirts, or other loose and thinne apparell, like Mantles, putting out one arme all bare. Almost all the Arabians make them hornes with wreathing of their owne haire, and that they thinke very comely.

Departing from thence three dayes iourney, I came to a Citie named Sana * 1.721, situate vpon a very high Mountayne, verie strong by Art and Nature. The Sultan besieged this, with a great Armie of fourescore thousand men for the space of three moneths, but could neuer win it. Yet it was at the last rendred by composition. The wals are of eighteene cubits height, and twentie in bredth, insomuch that eight Camels in order may well march vpon them. The Region is very fruitfull and much like vnto ours, and hath plentie of water. A Sultan is Lord of the Citie: hee hath twelue Sonnes, of the which one is named Mahumet, who by a certaine naturall tyrannie and [ 10] madnesse, delighteth to eate mans flesh, and therefore secretly killeth many to eate them. He is of large and strong bodie of foure Cubits high, and of the colour inclining to ashes. The soyle bea∣reth certayne Spices not farre from the Citie. It contayneth about foure thousand houses. The houses are of faire building, and giue no place to ours. The Citie is so large, that it contayneth within the wals, Fields, Gardens, and Medowes.

After three daies iourney, I came to a Citie named Taessa, situate vpon a Mountaine. and very * 1.722 faire to sight: it hath plentie of all delices, and especially of maruellous faire Roses, whereof they make Rose-water. It is an ancient Citie, and hath in it a Temple built after the fashion of Sancta Maria Rotunda in Rome. The houses are very faire, and shew yet the Monuments of an∣tiquitie: innumerable Merchants resort hither for the trafficke of sundrie Merchandize. In ap∣parell they are like vnto other, and of darkish Ashe colour of skinne, enclining to blacke. Three [ 20] daies iourney from thence, I came to another Citie named Zibith, very faire and good••, distant from the Red Sea onely halfe a daies iourney: there is great abundance of Merchandize, by rea∣son of the neernesse of the Sea. It aboundeth with many goodly things, and especially with most white Sugar, and sundry kindes of pleasant fruits. It is situate in a very large Plaine with∣in * 1.723 two Mountaynes: it lacketh walls, and is one of the chiefest Marts for all sorts of Spices. The Inhabitants are of the colour of them aforesaid. From hence in one daies iourney, I came to the Citie of Damar: It is a fruitfull soyle, and hath great exercise of Merchandize. The Inhabi∣tants are Mahumetans, in apparel and colour like vnto the other.

These Cities whereof we haue spoken here a little before, are subiect to a Sultan of Arabia * 1.724 Foelix, named Sechamir: Secha (by interpretation) signifieth Holy, and Amir, a Prince, named [ 30] the holy Prince, because he abhorreth shedding of mans bloud. At the time of my being there * 1.725 in Prison, hee nourished sixteene thousand poore men and Captiues in Prison condemned to death, allowing to euery of them daily for their diet, sixe of their pence of the smallest valure, and at home in his Palace entertayneth as many blacke slaues.

Departing from hence, I returned to the Citie of Aden in three dayes iourney: in the mid∣way, I found an exceeding high and large Mountaine, where is great plentie of wilde beasts, and especially of Monkeyes, which runne about the Mountaine euery where. There are also * 1.726 many Lions, very noysome to men: and therefore it is not safe to iourney that way, but when a multitude of men goe together, at the least, to the number of a hundred. I passed this way [ 40] with a great companie, and yet were we in danger of the Lions, and other wilde beasts which * 1.727 followed vs: for we were sometimes constrayned to fight with them with Darts, Slings, and Bowes, vsing also the helpe of Dogs, and yet escaped hardly. When I came to the Citie, I fay∣ned my selfe sicke: and in the day time lurked in the Temple, and went forth onely in the night to speake with the Pilot of the ship (of whom I haue made mention before) and obtayned of him a Foist or Barke to depart thence secretly.

Committing our selues to the Sea, we were by inconstant fortune and sundry tempests, de∣terred * 1.728 from that Voyage: for whereas we were now sixe dayes sayling on our way to Persia, a sudden contrary tempest droue vs out of our way, and cast vs on the coast of Ethiope. Our Barkes were laden with Rubricke (that is, a certaine red earth) which is vsed to dye Cloth: for yeerely from the Citie of Aden, depart fifteene or twentie ships laden with Rubricke, which [ 50] is brought out of Arabia Foelix. Being therefore thus tossed with stormes, we were driuen into a Port, named Zeila: where we remayned fiue dayes to see the Citie, and tarried vntill the Sea * 1.729 were more quiet.

In this Citie is great frequentation of Merchandise, as in a most famous Mart. There is mar∣uellous * 1.730 abundance of Gold and Iuorie, and an innumerable number of blacke Slaues, sold for a small price: these are taken in Warre by the Mahumetan Moores, out of Ethiopia, of the King∣dome of Presbyter Iohannes. In this Citie Iustice and good Lawes are obserued: the soyle bea∣reth Wheat, and hath abundance of Flesh, and diuers other commodious things. It hath also Oyle, not of Oliues but of some other thing, I know not what. There is also plentie of Honey [ 60] and Waxe: there are likewise certaine Sheepe, hauing their tayles of the weight of sixteene pound, and exceeding fat; the head and necke are blacke, and all the rest white. There are also Sheepe altogether white, hauing tayles of a cubit long, hanging downe like a cluster of Grapes: and haue also great laps of skin hanging from their throats, as haue Bulls and Oxen, hanging

downe almost to the ground. There are also certaine Kine with hornes like vnto Harts hornes, these are wilde: and when they be taken, are giuen to the Sultan of that Citie as a Kingly pre∣sent. * 1.731 I saw there also certaine Kine, hauing onely one horne in the middest of the forehead, a∣bout a span and halfe of length, but the horne bendeth backward: they are of bright-shining red colour. But they that haue Harts hornes, are enclining to blacke colour. Coney is there good cheape. The Citie hath an innumerable multitude of Merchants: the Walls are greatly decayed, and the Hauen rude and despicable. The King or Sultan of the Citie is a Mahume∣tan, and entertayneth in wages a great multitude of Foot-men and Horse-men. They are great∣ly giuen to warres, and weare onely one loose single vesture, as wee haue said before of other. They are of darke ashie colour, enclining to blacke. In the warres, they are vnarmed: and are [ 10] of the Sect of Mahumet.

After that the tempests were appeased, we gaue wind to our Sayles, and in short time arriued at the Iland named Barbara, the Prince whereof is a Mahumetan. The Iland is not great, but fruitfull, and well peopled: it hath abundance of flesh. The Inhabitants are of colour en∣clining to blacke. All their riches is in herds of Cattell. Wee remayned here but one day, and departing from hence, sayled into Persia: and thence to Cambaia.

The Sultan of Cambaia, at my being there, was named Macamut, and had raigned fortie yeers, after he had expulsed the King of Guzerat. They thinke it not lawfull to kill any liuing beast * 1.732 to eate, or to eate flesh. They are no Mahumetans, neither Idolaters. As touching their apparel, some of them goe naked, and other couer onely their priuities. On their heads they weare fillets [ 20] of purple colour. They themselues are of darke yellow colour, commonly called Leonell co∣lour. This Sultan maintayneth an Armie of twentie thousand Horse-men. Euery morning re∣sort * 1.733 to his Palace, fiftie men, sitting on Elephants. Their office is, with all reuerence to salute the King or Sultan, the Elephants also kneeling downe. In the morning assoone as the King waketh, is heard a great noyse of Drummes, Tambarts, Timbrels, Waits, and also Trumpets, with diuers other Musicall Instruments, in reioycing that the King liueth. The like doe they while he is at dinner: & then also the men sitting on the Elephants, make him the like reuerence as before. Wee will in due place speake of the wit, customes, and docilitie of these beasts. The Sultan of this Citie, hath his Mustachos so long that he beareth them vp with a fillet, as women doe the haire of their heads: his beard is white and long, euen vnto the nauell. He is so accu∣stomed [ 30] * 1.734 to poyson from his infancy, that he daily eateth some to keepe it in vse. And although he himselfe feele no hurt thereof by reason of custome, yet doth hee thereby so impoyson him∣selfe, that he is poyson to other: for when he is disposed to put any of his Noblemen to death, he causeth him to be brought to his presence, and to stand naked before him. Incontinent hee eateth certaine fruits (which they call Chofolos) like vnto Nutmegs: and eateth also the leaues of herbs, which they call Tambolos, adding also thereto the powder of beaten Oyster shells. And * 1.735 a while chawing all these together in his mouth, he spitteth it vpon him whom he desireth to kill, who being sparkled therewith, dieth by force of the poyson within the space of halfe an houre. He entertayneth about foure thousand Concubines: for whensoeuer he hath lyen with any of them, shee with whom hee hath lyen, is dead in the morning. And when hee changeth [ 40] his shirt or other apparell, no man dare weare it: and for this cause he hath great change of ap∣parell. My companion enquired diligently of the Merchants, by what meanes hee was of so venimous nature? They answered, that the Sultan his father brought him so vp of a child with poyson by little and little, with preseruatiues so accustoming him thereto.

But wee will follow our Author no further into India, hauing entertayned him for an Arabian guide: But for our Readers satisfaction will adde this little of Arabia, taken from an Author which liued long since, and was in those parts better trauelled: to which wee will adde Collections out of Arabike Au∣thors, for more full vnderstanding of their vnholy Holies.

CHAP. VIII. [ 50]

Collections of Asia, especially of Arabia, gathered out of an Arabike Booke of Geographie, written by a Nubian, foure hundred and seuentie yeeres agoe, and translated into Latine by GABRIEL SIONITA, and IOHANNES HESRO∣NITA, Maronites of Mount Libanus, the one Professor, and both Interpreters to the French King, of the Ara∣bike, and Syriake Tongues.

THis Author is vnknowne; by some passages of his Booke esteemed by the Translators a Nubian [ 60] and a Christian; by learned Casaubon thought to be an Egyptian and Mahometan, to which later opinion I should rather subscribe, by reason of his weaker Relations of Nubia, and the next We∣sterne parts of Africa, erring in the course of Nilus it selfe) then of others: and though he calls Christ,

Lord; and the Blessed Virgin, Ladie, yet his phrase and stile-deuotion is after the Mahumetan man∣ner, and his Georgraphie best in those parts, where was then no safe trauell for Christians, as in Ara∣bia, Spaine, &c. His method is by the Climats. This which we haue translated, is out of the first, second, and third Climate. The Mahumetans also call Christ, Lord; (Nazaret Eesa) as is obser∣ued before in Master Terry.

Praise be to God the Lord of the Creatures.

THe Aloe of Socotra exceedeth in goodnesse that which is gathered in Hadhramut of the Land of Iaman, in Seger, or any where else. This Iland is reckoned a∣mongst [ 10] the Regions of Iaman a 1.736, and belongs to it. Ouer against it are Melin∣da, and Monbasa. Alexander hauing conquered the Indians, returned by the Indian Sea to the Sea of Iaman, and ouercomming those Ilands, came to Socotra, and wrote to Aristotle his Master thereof, who aduised him to people it with Grecians. Thus (according to the Moores Tradition) were the Natiues remoued, and Greekes there planted, which is the reason (in our Authors conceit) that the then Inhabitants were for the most part Christians.

The Iles Chartan and Martan are in Giun Alhascisc (herbae Sinu, the weedy or grassy Bay) ouer against the Land of Seger, in which Frankincense groweth. In both these liue a People of Arabs, which speake a Language vnknowne to the Moderne. Of the Regions of Iaman is the [ 20] Castle Alherda, the Inhabitants whereof liue a hard life. From hence to the Castle Galafeca are foure stations b 1.737 by land. It is neere the Hauen Zabid, fiftie miles distant. That Citie c 1.738 Za∣bid is great and rich, frequented by Merchants of Hagiaz, Habascia, and Metsr (or Egypt) which passe by the ships of Giodda. The Aethiopians bring thither their Merchandises, and thence car∣rie Spices, and China Dishes. It is situate neere a small Riuer, distant one hundred thirtie two miles from the Citie Sanaa, by the way which goeth to the Land of Iaman. From Zabid to Gilan is sixe and thirtie miles; thence to Alhan, two and fortie; to Alholf, thirtie; and then to Sanaa, foure and twentie. Those are small Villages and Castles, but populous. Sanaa is rich, stored with buildings, and in all the Land of Iaman, the most ancient, large, and populous; tem∣perate * 1.739 and fertile. Thence to Dhamar a small Citie, is eight and fortie miles; to Aden from Sa∣naa is foure and twentie miles; by the way which leads to Daiar-Dahes e 1.740. Aden f 1.741 is a small [ 30] Citie, yet of note as a Port of both Seas; from whence the ships of Sinda, India, and China set forth, and thither are brought (Vasa Sinica) the China Dishes.

From Aden to Mahgem g 1.742 is eight Stations: this is a small populous Citie, the border twixt the Gouerment of Tahama and Iaman, and is from Sanaa seuen stations. From Mahen to Ha∣bran are foure stations. From Habran to Saada are eight and fortie miles. From Aden to Abin are twelue miles Eastward alongst the shoare; the Inhabitants are famous Magicians. It is distant from Laasa, a day and nights sayling. Betwixt Laasa and Sciorama (two dayes sayling by the shoare distant) is a great Towne, and therein a medicinable hot Bath. These two Ci∣ties are in the Land of Hadhramut: in it are Sciabam and Tarim, and Mareb now ruined, which was Saba h 1.743, whence was Belcqis the wife of Salomon sonne of Dauid. From Hadhramut to [ 40] Saada are two hundred and fortie miles. Hadhramut is Eastward from Aden fiue stations. In it are wide fields of Sands, called Ahcaf. In Saba dwell the People of Iaman and Oman; and there was that famous wall of the Arabians, before they were dispersed thence. From Sciora∣ma to the Citie Merbat are sixe dayes sayling. Betwixt them is Gh••bbo-Icamar. In the Hills of Merbat i 1.744 grow Trees of Frankincense, which is thence carried to the East and West. Mer∣bat is foure dayes iourney by Land from Hasec (and two by Sea) against which are Chartan and Martan.

I am loth to follow our Author, as he followeth his Climate into the Indian Sea, called Har∣chend, where he findeth the famous Iland Sarandib (which I take to be that which is now cal∣led Zeilan, foure score leagues long, and as much broad, with a high Hill, called Rahon, where [ 50] are many precious stones and Spices, and in the shoares fishing for Pearles; the King whereof hath sixteene Counsellors, foure of that Nation, foure Christians, foure Muslemans or Mahume∣tans, and foure Iewes, to which all of those professions resort for iustice. Thence to the Iland Alrami, is three daies saile, which is said to be seuen hundred leagues in length. (This seemeth Sumatra) But I will not by Moorish and now obsolete names lose my selfe in these Indian Seas, better knowne to our English Sailers, then this vnknowne Geographer. Yet in Arabia we will ascend with him more Northerly in that part of Arabia, placed in his Second Climate. He rec∣koneth on the Red Sea Adhab, whereto adioyneth the Desart, trauelled by the course of the Sunne and Starres: the Red Sea with many Ilands inhabited, and Desart; and chiefe Ports Ser∣rain, [ 60] Soquia, Giodda, Giohfa, and Algiar: the Mid-land Regions, Sanacan, and Mecca, Taief, Co∣daid, * 1.745 Medina, and Adhab. The Mount Mocatta extends from Metser by Sahra, that is, the De∣sart, to Asuan: Adhab is at the top of the Desart by the Sea, from whence they goe to Gidda. Adhab is victualled by the Gouernour vnder the King of Egypt, and by another vnder the King

of Bega, out of Habascia, which two diuide the Reuenues thereof betwixt them. In our time * 1.746 they there exact tributes of the Pilgrims Moslemans, which come from the West, of each Poll eight pence weight of gold. Nor may any passe ouer to Giodda, without this payment, or else the Ship-master which sets him ouer shall pay for him. They therefore shew to the Master this their tribute before hee admits them. This tribute goeth to Alhasemi, the Lord of Mecca. This Sea is full of Sholds and Rocks, and some Ilands thereof in winter are desolate. Neaman is the greatest in this part. Sameri is inhabited by Samaritan Iewes, whose word is Lamesas, if they haue offended any, by which they are knowne to descend of Samer, * 1.747 the author of the Calfe in the time of Moses, to whom bee peace. On the East side of this Sea is the Tower of Hali, a little Citie whence are two short stations to the Citie Sancar. Fiue daies from Hali, is Serrain on the shoare: three stations from Serrain in the Port of Socquia, and as farre from Soc∣quia [ 10] to Giodda. This is one of the Ports of Mecca, and fortie miles distant from it.

From Mecca to Medina, that is, the Citie (the name of it is Iathreb) in the right way are ten * 1.748 stations: from Mecca to Batu-Marri, a certaine Inne or Cane, in which is a Spring of water, enuironed with Palme trees sixteene miles: thence to Offan thirtie, to Codaid foure and twentie: thence to Gioffa (a station of the Pilgrims of Damasco) six and twentie: thence to Al••••ua seuen and twentie: as many thence to Socquia, thence to Rouaitham six and thirtie, to Sa••ala foure and thirtie, to Malal seuenteene, to Sogera twelue, to Medina six. Hee expresseth another way from Mecca to Medina, by the Mountaines, which I omit. Medina is compassed with Palme trees, the Dates whereof sustaine the Inhabitants, wanting both Corne and Cattell. Their drinke is out of a small Riuer which Omar brought thither from a great Spring. It is halfe as big [ 20] as Mecca. Betwixt Medina and the Sea is three daies iourney, and Algiar is the Port thereof, a Towne well inhabited: one station from Medina to Chosci••b, a second to Ghoraib, the third to Algiar. From Algiar to Giodda, is about ten daies iourney by land neere the Coast: the wayes hidden by Sands moued by the winds.

On the East of Mecca sixtie miles distant is Taief, the way by Badid-almortafe, which is popu∣lous, and there are wandring Arabians, then to Carn-almanazel, thence to Taief. This is the ha∣bitation of * 1.749 Thacqifi: and is celebrated for Raisins, and most part of the fruits of Mecca are brought thence. Taief is seated on Mount Ghazuan, the coldest Mountaine in all Hagiar, * 1.750 where water sometime freezeth in Summer. To Mecca belongs the Castles Naged-Altaief, Nageran, Carnalmanazel, Acqis, Ocadz, Lia, Tarba, Maisa, Caisa, Gioras, and Sarat; and in Tehama, [ 30] Sancan, Serain, Socqia, Ghasin, Bais, and Aac. The Castles of Medina, are Tai••a, Daumat-Algiandel, Alfere, Dhu-linoruat, Vadi-liqora, Madian, Chaibar, Fadac, Cqere-Arinae, Vahida, Sai••∣ra, Robba, Saiaia, Sabana, Rabett, Adhab, Achhal, and H••mia. The way from Mecca to Sanaa, is to Serrain Carn-almanazel, then to Sofr, Caze, Rouaitha (a great Towne) Tabala, Baisat, Iact••n, Giasda, Niab (a very great Towne frequented with people and Palmes) Singia, Cassa, Negem, Sedum, Rah. This is a great towne stored with Vineyards, whence Gioras is eight miles, a Towne as big as Nageran, and in them both are shops for dressing Skinnes: From Sadum also to Mahge∣ra is as farre; there is a deepe Well, and a very great Tree, called Talhat-almalec, the border be∣twixt the iurisdictions of Mecca and Iaman.) Thence to Adhia, then to Saada, where are dres∣sed the best Pelts, carryed to many places of Iaman and Hagian, and distant one hundred and [ 40] eightie miles from Sanaa; thence to Amasia, to the Citie Gionua, where grow huge Grapes, which are dryed, and carried to other parts farre and neere: seuentie two miles from Sanaa (to the west hereof, is the land of the Abadhites, well fortified and peopled) thence to Anafeth, to Rabda encompassed with Vineyards, Fields, and Fountaynes; the Inhabitants of which pos∣sesse Droues and Camels. This hath a deepe Well, and that strong house or Temple memorable a∣mongst writers: and is one station from Sanaa. The whole iourney is made by Carauans in twen∣tie stations. The way from Mecca to Dhi-Sohaim of the land of Chanlan, is first to Maleca, then to Ialamla, to Caina, to Darca, and Olbob, to Habascia, to Canona, to Baisat-Haran, to Ha∣li vpon the Sea, to the Riuer Sancan, to Baisat-Iartan, to Haran-Alcarin, and then to Chaulan-Dh••-sohaim. All these Regions are in the Land of Tehama (which is a portion of laman) the [ 50] limits of which are the Red Sea on the West, Mountaynes on the East which runne from the North to the South, on which East side are Saada, Haus, and Nagera: On the North Mecca, and Giodd••. In Tehama are wandring Arabs of all families. Mecca is the Centre of all Arabia, betwixt the Seas. For from Mecca to Sanaa is twentie stations, as much to Sobaid, to Iaman twentie one, to Damascus thirtie, to Baharain * 1.751 from Mecca fiue and twentie.

The Regions and Prouinces of note in the sixt part of the second Climate, are Gioras and Bai∣sa, Tabala, Ocadh, Nagera, Olu-Iahseb, Tehafar, Mareb, Seger, Soft-Iahseb, Seeba, Had••ramut, Sur, Calhat, Mascat, Sohar, Ofor, Soal, Manea, Sorooman, Bathrun, Hogera, Hadh••ama, Caria∣tain, Vagera, Varema, Maaden, Alnocra, Salamia, Barca, Assheb, Hagiar, Barman, H••bal, and [ 60] Giloffar. And on the part of the Persian Sea, the Iles Abron, Heber, Kis, Ben-Ca••an, and Dor∣dur; and two Mountaynes, Cosair, and Oüair. In this part also are of the Land of Kerman, Senaüain, and the Mountaynes Mascan. Betwixt Gioras and Hon•••• are foure stations, and sixe twixt Honüa and Nagera. Tabala is foure stations from Mecca. From Tabala to Ocadh are three:

here are Faires euery Sunday of diuers Merchandizes. Tdafar is the cheefe Citie Iahseb: from whence to Dhamar, are sixe and thirtie miles, and fortie from Dhamar to Sanaa: from Choud to Sanaa, one hundred and fortie: from Tdafar to Mareb, three stations. In this Towne is Salo∣mons Tower, the Sonne of Dauid, to whom bee peace, called Seruah, now nothing but ruines. * 1.752 In the same Mareb, is the Tower Cascib, which was the Tower of Belcqis, the Wife of Salo∣mon, to whom be health. There was also the Fortresse famous amongst all people, called Aarem. The Inhabitants of Mareb were a certaine Sect of the Hemaraite Arabians, very proud; they had a strong defence against the course of the water of admirable structure, and each Family had their Conduit pipes for their fields and houses; but God sent a great floud whiles they were a∣sleepe, which ouerthrew that building (hanging ouer the Citie as a Mountaine) and carried a∣way * 1.753 the whole Citie and Suburbe with the people. [ 10]

In Hadhramut are Teria, and Sceba foure stations from Mareb, a strong Tower on the descent of Mount Sceba, a steepe hill, whereon you shall see many habitations, fields and water-courses. Eastward is the Land of Seger, from the furthest end whereof to Aden, are three hundred miles. To the North of Seger is Oman, in which are two Cities, Tsur, and a station thence is Cqelhat, situate on the Persian Sea. Betwixt Tsur and the Promontorie Almahgiame, is fifteene daies by Land, two courses (or fortie eight houres) sayling. Neere to that Promontorie they fish for Pearles. From Cqelhat to Sahar, are two hundred miles: neere it is Dhamar. From Maschatt to Sohar, are foure hundred and fiftie miles. Sohar is the ancientest Citie of Oman, on the Persi∣an Sea, somtime the Port for the China Ships: which now is ceased, because in the midst of the [ 20] Persian Sea lyeth the Iland Kis, of square forme twelue miles ouer, two courses from Sohar, and * 1.754 on the Kerman shoare Tairuset is ouer against it. Two daies from Sohar, is Soal and Ofor, two small Cities, made Ports by the Riuer Falg. Halfe a daies iourney thence is Mang, at the foote of Mount Sciorum, from whence west-ward to Sorooman, are two stations. Falg hath on it ma∣ny Townes, and runneth into the Sea neere Gioloffar. Most of the Inhabitants of the Region Oman are Schismatickes. Betwixt Naged and Oman, are great Desarts. From Sohar to Bahrain, are about twentie stations. The way from Oman to Mecca, is very difficult, for often Desarts, and therefore they goe by Sea to Aden. Like difficulties are in the way thence to Albahrain. North-wards, for the inuasions of Arabs. North-west to Oman, confineth the Land Iamama, Cities whereof are Hagiar, (now ruined) and Barca and Salamia. The way from Iamama to [ 30] Mecca, is to * 1.755 Aardh, to Chodaia, to Thania, to Sofra, to Soda, to Cariatain, to Dama, to Tangia, to Sarfa, to Giadila, to Falcha, to Rocaiba, to Coba, to Maran, to Vagera, to Autas, to Dhat∣ero, each a station, to Benamer, and thence to Mecca another station. Maaden-alnocra is a great Towne, where the families of Basra and Cufa meete, when they goe on Pilgrimage to Mecca. The Persian Sea is annexed to the Indians, and on the shoare of Iaman hath two Mountaines, Cosair and Oüair, against which is Dordur, where the Sea is called Ghazera. Dor∣dur is a whirlepoole which swalloweth ships, on the South of the Ile Ben-Caüan, which is from Kis fiftie two miles. The length of Ben-Caüan is fiftie two miles, the breadth nine, the Inha∣bitants schismaticall Abatd••ite. Neere it is Dordur, a narrow place nigh to the Mountaines Co∣sair and Oüair, which are hidden with waters, but the waters breake on their tops. Three such [ 40] whirlepooles are found, this, another not farre from the Iland Comar, the third in the end of Sin betwixt Siraff, and the Promontorie called Mascat Saif.

But to returne to the Red Sea, and the most Northerly parts thereof. In Calzem are made the flat bottomed ships, broad and shallow, fit for great burthen and the Sholds of that Sea. From Calzem to Faran-Ahron, are fortie miles; this is in the bottome of a Bay, whence they goe to Mount Tur, trending along by the Sea. That Mountaine is high, and is ascended by steps, and hath an Oratorie on the top, with a pit of Spring-water. From Tur to Masdaf, a pleasant place where they fish for pearles: from Masdaf to Sciarm-Albait, hence to Sciarm-Albir, thence to Cape Abi-Mohammed, three Ports without water: and here beginneth the ascent of Ayla, a small Citie of Arabs. Then to Aumed a watery Port, ouer against the Ile Noman, tenne miles [ 50] from the Continent: thence to Tanna, to Atuf, to Haura, where they make Pots, transported farre and neere. Not farre thence on the South, is Mount Radhua, where grow the Whetstones hence carried East and West: thence to the faire Port and Riuer Tsafra, then to Caüaiaa, to Gi∣ar, to Giohfa, Codaid, Aasfan, Giodda. On the shoare of the Red Sea, is the Citie Madian, and the Well where Moses, to whom peace, watered the flocke of Scioaib: from Madian to Ayla, are fiue stations, from Ayla to Giar about twentie. From Madian to Tabuc by Land East∣ward, sixe stations; it is seated betwixt Hagiar and the beginning of Damascus. Hagiar is from Vadialiqora, one station: they haue houses in the Rockes. But the waies are difficult, and will leade vs backe to the hatefull Mecca and Medina, I will therefore commiserate my Reader (such as are more studious, may resort to the Author) and hauing giuen you that face of Arabia, which [ 60] no Christian (to my knowledge) doth so well, or almost at all, could to any purpose describe, we will stay and intertaine our selues with some more pleasing spectacle, the Actors being other Mahometans, produced on this stage by the Maronites our Translators.

CHAP. IX.

Collections out of diuers Mahumetan Authors in their Arabicke Bookes, by the said Maronites, GABRIEL and IOHN, touching the most remarkable things in the East, especially of the Mosleman superstitions and rites, and the places of chiefe note.

ARabia hath not her name of I know not what Arabus, sonne of Apollo and Baby∣lonia, but of the Region Araba, not farre from Medina, where Ismael Sonne of * 1.756 Abraham dwelt: and that of Iaarob, sonne of Cuhh••an or Iectan, sonne of He∣ber [ 10] (and not as Iusef Ben-Abdillatif saith, the great grand-child of Abel) who (as Mohanied Ben-Iacub Sirazita, Author of the Arabick Dictionarie, aff••rmeth) was first Inuentor of the Arabicke tongue; which Ismael after did bring to more elegance and perfection, and is therefore called, the Father of Arabicke eloquence. Some of the Arabians dwell in Cities, some in the Desarts; those better ciuillized, and fit for Arts: these which inhabite the Desarts, are called Be〈…〉〈…〉uyae, or Beduois, that is, the people of the Desart; ex∣ceed in numbers, and wander without houses, vsing Tents made of Cotton Wooll, or of Goats * 1.757 and Camels haire, alway mouing and remouing, as water and pasture moue them, carrying their Wiues, Children, and Vtensils on their Camels. Their Horses are leane, little, swift, laborious, bold; and the Horsemen actiue beyond beliefe, darting and catching with their hand, the same [ 20] Dart in the Horses swiftest race before it commeth at the ground, and auoiding a Dart throwne at them, by sleightie winding vnder the Horses sides or belly: also taking vp Weapons lying on the ground whiles the Horse is running, & in like swift race hit the smallest mark with Arrow or sling. Their armes are arrowes, Iauelings with Iron heads, Swords (which they vse not to thrusts but strokes) Daggers, Slings, and vse the same in aduerse fight, or in auerse flight. They lye in waite for Carauans, pray vpon Trauellers, liue on rapine and spoile, and often make themselues the great Turks Receiuers and Treasurers, and raise new Imposts on all such as they can enforce, whether Trauellers or Cities; obeying neither the Ottoman, nor any other Soueraigne, but being diuided in innumerable families, obey the heads of their owne Families or Tribes. These Tribes * 1.758 are distinguished by the names of their first Parents, as Abi-helal, Abi-Risce, Abi-Zaid, and [ 30] sixe hundred others, all esteemed and saluted Gentle, and equall in rights. Their food is browne * 1.759 Bread, new and sowre Milke, Cheese, Goats and Camels flesh, Pulse, Hony, Oyle and Butter. Rice is esteemed a great delicacie, by reason of their Tradition, that it came of Mahomets sweat. For, say they, when Mahomet compassed the Throne of God in Paradise, God turned and loo∣ked * 1.760 on him, which made the modest Prophet sweate, and wiping it off with his finger, sixe drops fell out of Paradise: one whereof produced the Rose; the second, Rice; the other foure, his foure Associats. They vse a certaine Hodge-podge, or Frumentie of boyled Wheat, laid after a drying in the Sun, then beaten and boyled with fat flesh, till the flesh be consumed. This they call Herise, and say that Gabriel the Angell taught it Mahomet for strengthning his reines; [ 40] whereby one night he fought against fortie men, and in another had fortie times carnall dealing with Women. These might seeme calumnies deuised by some Mahumetan aduersarie, if the former Author (both learned in, and zealous of the Law of Mohamed) had not related the same in a Chapiter of the choise of meats. Mohamed or Mahomet, commended also the eating of Gourds, and of the Melongenae, affirming, that he had seene this Plant in Paradise, and measu∣red * 1.761 the quantitie of mens wits, by their eating store hereof. When he was once in prison (saith Ben-sidi Aali) the Angell Gabriel came downe from heauen, and carried him into Gennet Elena∣am, or the Garden of pleasures, where amongst others he saw this shrub, and he asking why it grew there, the Angell answered, because it hath confessed the Vnitie of God, and that thou art a true Prophet. Their garments are base, a Cotten shirt with very wide sleeues, an vpper * 1.762 garment of Wooll, wouen with white and blacke lines of Goats or Camels haire; their feet are [ 50] bare. Their Nobler sort go better cloathed, and vse shooes, a red leather girdle, a white Tulipan of Cotton or Linnen of few folds. Their Women go almost naked, in a blew smock of Cotton, Linnen head-tire, and face vailed. They vse Eare-rings, Chaines, Brooches, and Rings of Glasse, or other base matter, and Dye or Paint with blew markes made with a needle, their cheekes, armes and lips. Thus much of the Beduines.

Baghdad (which is also called Dar-assalam, that is, The Citie of peace * 1.763) receiued that name * 1.764 of a Monke called Baghdad, who as Ben-Casen writeth, serued a Church builded in that Medow. But Abu-Giaphar Almansur the second Abassaean Chalifa, who wanne it, A. Heg. 150. named it Dar-assalam. It is the Citie Royall of Mesopotamia, now called Diarbecr, which the said Al∣mansur, [ 60] placed in a large Plaine vpon Tigris, and diuided by the Riuer into two Cities, ioyned by a Bridge of Boats. This Citie built in this place, Almansur ruled many yeeres, and after him other Chalifas till the 339. yeere of the Hegira, in which King Aadhd-eddaule and Saif-eddaule took it, who with their Successors enioyed it till Solymus the Ottoman Emperour subdued, and is

now ruled by a Bascia, with many Ianizaries. But hereof Ahmad Abi Bacr of Baghdad, in his Annuals, will shew you more. This Citie is famous for Schooles of all Sciences, both in former and the present time. Here Ahmad Assalami a famous Poet wrote his Verses. Here Alpha∣rabius the renowmed Philosopher and Physician, borne at Farab in Turcomannia, professed these studies publikely with great applause, and leauing many of his Scholers in this Citie, went to Harran of Mesopotamia, where ••inding Aristotles Booke, De Auditu, hee read it fortie times, and * 1.765 wrote vpon the Booke, that hee was willing againe to reade it. Hence hee went to Damascus, and there died, A. H. * 1.766 339. Thus Ben-Casem in his Booke, De viridario Electorum.

Bochara is an ancient Citie vpon Euphrates, in a Village belonging whereto Honain Ali Ben∣sina (whom the Latines call, Auicenna) was borne, A. H. 370. Hee gaue himselfe to Physicke very young, and was the first which became Physician to Kings and Princes, who before in that [ 10] Countrey vsed y 1.767 no Physicians. He published neere an hundred books, many of Physick, some of Philosophie, a Dictionarie of Herbs and Stones, Verses of the Soule, &c. He liued eight and fiftie yeeres, and died in Hamadan. Hee had runne thorow all Arts, at eighteene. Thus Ben-Casem. But others affirme, that a certaine Physician flourishing of great note, vpon whom no praying nor paying could fasten a Disciple, lest the secrets of his Art should bee made common: the mother of Auicenna offers her sonne to doe him seruice in decoctions, and other meaner of∣fices, which he could not doe himselfe; nor was there feare of danger from him whom nature * 1.768 had made deafe, and therefore dumbe. He made trials, and found Auicenna deafe, as he thought, and entertayned him, who watched his times, and transcribed his bookes and notes, sending [ 20] them closely to his mother, which after his mothers death he published in his owne name.

Damascus is called of the Arabians, Sciam, and Demasc, of the Syrians Darmsuc. It is luxu∣rious * 1.769 in fruits of all kinds, rich in Oliues and Iron of excellent temper by nature, and so bet∣tered by arte, that no Helme or Shield can withstand it. It is seated in a large Plaine at the roots of Libanus, there called Hermon, sixe miles in compasse, double walled, with a strong square Tower in the midst, built by a Florentine, beautified with Springs, Market places, Publike buil∣dings, Meskits, Bathes, Canes, and all sorts of silke-weauing, and in all ancient times with learning and learned men. Here flourished Saint Damascen: and here Almotannabbi excelled * 1.770 in Arts and Armes, emulous of Mahomet, but not with like successe. He was called Nabion, that is, The Prophet; this Motannabbi, that is, Prophecying: he wrote the Alcoran elegantly and eloquently; this excelled in Prose and Verse: both had Followers, but this mans Disciples af∣ter [ 30] his death were disperst, which happened, A. H. 354. Ben-Casem also relates, that Moha∣med Abi Abdillah professed Philosophie in this Citie, and to dispute with all commers, and wrote * 1.771 a huge Booke, De vnitate existendi principiorum. He died there, A. H. 638.

Aleppo is called of the Inhabitants, Haleb, the chiefe Mart of all the East, frequented by * 1.772 Persians, Indians, Armenians, and all Europaans. The Port is Scanderone, called by the Inhabi∣tants Escanderuneh. The soyle is very fertile, and nourisheth abundance of Silke-wormes. A. H. 922. Sultan Selim tooke it, and found therein infinite wealth. Sciarfeddin which wrote the * 1.773 Victories of the Othomans in two Tomes, sayth, that it had of Gold and siluer coyned 1150000. and a mightie masse vncoyned; Vests of cloth of Gold, tissued or wrought with Gold, Silke, and Scarlet aboue 300000. besides abundance of Gems and Pearles. And besides other wealth [ 40] innumerable, it had eight Armories well furnished. It now flourisheth in the next place to Constantinople and Cairo, and may be called, Queene of the East: Here are store of Gems, Am∣bar, Bengeoin, Lignum Aloes, and Muske, which is taken from a little reddish beast, beaten with * 1.774 many blowes on one place that the bloud may all come thither. Then is the skin so swolne and full of bloud bound straight that the bloud may not issue: and put into one or more bladders, is dried on a beasts backe till the bladder fall off of it selfe, and that bloud after a moneth be∣comes excellent Muske. At Aleppo was borne that great Grammarian Othoman Abu Homar, surnamed Ben-ellhhageb, which wrote Cafia and Sciafia of Grammer, and died, A. H. 672.

Libanus is called by the Arabians Lobnan, Lebnon by the Syrians, so called of the Syriake word * 1.775 Lbunto, which signifieth, Frankincense. It contayneth about sixe hundred miles compasse, rich [ 50] in Soyle, Waters, Groues, Vines (the Wine whereof is very wholsome, not windie; and here in a Village, called Sardania, they say, Noa planted a Vineyard) and hence runne Pharphar, Abana, and the Riuer of Tripolis. On this Mountaine grow Cypresses, Pines, Boxes, and other * 1.776 trees plentie: especially Cedars; the forme whereof from our owne eyes wee will here relate. It groweth on the top of the Mount, higher then the Pine, so thicke as foure or fiue men can ioyntly fadome: the boughs not eleuated vpwards, but stretched out acrosse largely disfused and striking on each other, thickly enfolded as is were by wonderfull Art, insomuch as we haue seene many both sit and lie along on the boughs. The leaues are thicke and frequent, narrow and hard, prickly and alway greene. The wood is knotty and somewhat wreathed, hard, incor∣ruptible [ 60] and sweet-smelling. The fruit like the Cones of Cypresse, gummie and maruellous fragrant. On this Mountaine dwell the Maronites, deriued from Saint Maron the holy Ab∣bot, * 1.777 and his Disciples, or as others thinke from the Land Maronia: vncertaine whether, but most certaine, from no Heretike so called, as some will haue it. These possesse all the Mountaine,

and besides other ordinary tributes, pay great summes yeerely to the Lord of the Land, that no man of other Religion be permitted to dwell with them, and that no tribute children (as a∣mongst the Greekes) be taken from them. They onely vse Bells, which are prohibited other * 1.778 Nations, because in the beginning of Mahumetisme, by the sound of a Bell, the Christians had assembled and done the Moslemans great mischiefe. The Patriarch of the Maronites (which is also of Antiochia) is much reuerenced of the people, and with his Clergie acknowledgeth the Roman Bishop. Their Liturgie is in the Syriake Tongue.

Mecca chiefe Citie of Arabia Deserta, is called also in the Alcoran, Becca, the holy Citie of the Moslemans, both for Mahomeds reuelations there had, and for the Temple especial∣ly, * 1.779 called by them Kabe, or, The square House, which they fable, was first built by Angels, [ 10] and often visited by Adam himselfe: and lest it should be destroyed by the Floud, was lifted vp to the sixth Heauen, called Dar-assalam (The habitation of peace) after the Floud Abraham built another house like to the former, by the shadow thereof sent from heauen to him. Thus writeth Iaacub Ben-Sidi Aali. This is a Chappell, not very large, of square figure, open with foure Gates, by one of which the Ministers haue accesse; the other are opened but once in the yeere. It glittereth all with Gold, and is couered with vests of Gold, and encompassed with e∣legant Iron-worke to keepe off neere commers. No man may enter it but certaine Elders, which haue long beards to their breasts, and remayne there night and day. Neere to this Chapell is a large marble Floore adorned about with eight huge Lights, and sixe and thirtie Lamps of Gold, perpetually burning. Three pathes leade thereto whereon men and women goe bare-foot to the [ 20] Chapell, which they compasse seuen times with great reuerence, mumbling their deuotions; kisse the corners, sigh and implore the ayde of Abraham and Mohamed. Round about all this space is a stately building of very elegant structure, as it were a wall; in which are numbred sixteene principall Gates to goe in and out, where hang innumerable Lamps and Lights of in∣credible greatnesse. Within this space betwixt the rowes of Pillars are shops of Sellers of Gemmes, Spices, Silkes, in incredible store from India, Arabia, Aethiopia: that it seemes ra∣ther the Mart of the World then a Temple. Here doe men kisse and embrace with great zeale a certaine stone which they call Hagiar Alasuad, or, The blacke stone, which they say, is a Mar∣garite * 1.780 of Paradise, the light whereof gaue lustre to all the Territorie of Mecca. Before this, sayth Iacub Ben-Sidi Aali, Mohamed commanded to weepe, to aske God pardon for sinnes, and to crie [ 30] with sighs and teares for ayde against their enemies. After they haue visited that Chappell and the stone, they goe to another large Chappell within the Temple, where is the Well, called Zam Zam; which is (sayth the said Author) the Well which flowed from the feet of Ismael when * 1.781 he was thirstie and wept: which Hagar first seeing, cried out Zam Zam, in the Coptite or old Egyptian Tongue; that is, Stay, stay. There are many which draw water thence and giue to the Pilgrims, who are commanded to wash therewith their bodie and head three times, to drinke thereof, and if they can, to carrie some of it with them, and to pray God for health and pardon of sinnes. To this building is added a Noble Schoole or Vniuersitie, A. H. 949. by Solyman who adorned it by his costs by maruellous structure, and endowed it with reuenues.

After these visitations, all the Pilgrims goe to a certaine Temple on a Hill, ten miles from the [ 40] Citie, and flocking in great numbers buy according to their abilitie, one or more Rammes for sa∣crifice. And because some are of opinion, that the Mohamedans haue no sacrifices, we will re∣late * 1.782 what Iacub Ben-Sidi Aali hath written of their Ceremonies. Dhahhia (so the Arabs call a Sacrifice) is a killing of beasts in the worship, and for the offering of God, and they are Lambs of sixe or seuen moneths at least; Camels of fiue yeeres, Bullockes of two yeeres. The males are to be chosen be∣fore females, and those cleane, white, infected by no naturall or violent defect, fat, corpulent, horned. E∣uery man must kill his owne Sacrifices, and rippe them with his owne hands, except in vrgent necessities, and then he may substitute others to doe it for him. For euery one before they eate any thing, are bound to eate some piece of the Sacrifices; the rest, if they can, to giue cheerfully to the poore. They which are admitted to these Oblations, let them offer one Ramme for themselues, another for the soules of the Dead, [ 50] another for Mohamed, that in the day of Iudgement he deliuer them from calamities. These Sacrifices * 1.783 are offered to God in imitation of Abraham, which would haue offered his sonne Ismael to God; who going out of the Citie with him to a certaine Hill, called Mena, where he would haue offered him to God: but when the sword could not cut his necke, a white Ramme appeared betwixt his hands, fat, and hor∣ned, which he sacrificed to God in stead of his sonne.

Whiles the Pilgrims are here busied in their sacrifices, Beduine Arabs assault the Carauans, and robbing them, flee to the Hils, and inaccessible refuges, so swift as if they did flie. And al∣though all armes are forbiden in the territorie of Mecca (which containeth on the East six miles, * 1.784 on the North twelue, on the West eighteene, on the South foure and twentie, in which respect Mecca and Medina are called Atharamain) yet they cease not to infest, and Pilgrims are here [ 60] often forced to armes. This Territorie is barren for want of water, and raine, hath very few * 1.785 Herbs and Plants, or other pleasures of Groues, Gardens, Vines, or greene obiects; but is roa∣sted with the Sunne, both land and people. And this haply is the cause that no man may breake a bough if they find any Tree. Onely the shrubs of Balsam, brought hither from Cairo thriue

well, and are now so propagated, that all the sweet liquor of Balsam is carried onely from this Citie, thorow all Regions in great plentie. Here are store of Pigeons, which because they are of the stocke of that which came to Mohameds eare (as the Moslemans fable) no man may take or scarre them. A certaine Scerif enioyeth the dominion of this Citie, and all the Land of Me∣dina by inheritance, called Alamam-Alhascemi, that is, the Captaine or chiefe Hascemeo, descen∣ded of Hascem great Grandfather of Mohamed; Who were neuer depriued of their dominion * 1.786 by the Ottoman or Soldan. Yea, the Ottoman calls not himselfe the Lord of Mecca and Medina, but the humble seruant. Yet this Scerif notwithstanding his reuenues and gifts by Pilgrims and Princes, through the Beduines spoiles, and his kindreds quarrels seeking the Soueraigntie, is alway poore. Therefore doth the Ottoman bestow the third part of the reuenues of Egypt, and to [ 10] protect the Pilgrims from the inuasions of the Arabs.

Medina is called the Citie by Antonomasia, and Medina Alnabi, that is, the Citie of the prophet: * 1.787 because Mohamed, when he was forced to forsake his Countrey Mecca, betooke himselfe to this Citie, then called Iathreb, and was made Lord thereof. It is an error that he was borne here, for * 1.788 he was borne and brought vp at Mecca; and in the fourth yeere of his age, and as Ben-Casem hath, in the nine hundred thirtie three of Alexander the Great, he began to vtter his Doctrine, first priuily, after that publikely; whereupon he was banished the Citie in the two and fiftieth of his life; or according to Abdilatif Ben-Iusof, the three and fiftieth, and fled to Iathreb, from which flight, which they call Hegeraton or Hegera, which happened, An. Dom. 622. or therea∣bouts. * 1.789 And although this yeere 1623. be to them 1032. Yet because they reckon according to the yeeres of the Moone, which they say, consist of three hundred fiftie foure daies, the Moones [ 20] * 1.790 course hath in this space exceeded that of the Sunne, some Moneths aboue one and thirtie yeers. Whereupon their Moneths are vncertaine. In this Citie by subtill hypocrisies, Mohamed became Politicall and Ecclesiasticall Prince; and began to procure the friendship of many, and to pro∣mulgate his Lawes by degrees. In the second yeere of his flight, he enacted his Lawes of fasting; in the third, forbad Wine and Swines-flesh; and so proceeded with the rest, that within eight yeeres, he brought into subiection Mecca (whence hee had beene expulsed) and Muna, and went forward with his Law and Conquest. As concerning his Wiues, Ben-Casem saith, hee had foure: he is also reported to haue many Harlots and Concubines: and in his Chapiter, Surato∣lbaqra or de vacca, he bids them marry one, two, three, or foure wiues a man, and to take as many * 1.791 Concubines as they are able to keepe. Ben-Sidi Aali saith, that he gloried that he had the power of [ 30] ten Prophets in copulation giuen him by God: Yea, he ascribed all his villanies to God, by mi∣nisterie of the Angel Gabriel. His first wife was named Codaige, by whom he had two sonnes, and foure daughters, Zainab, Fatema, (whom Aali married) Om Kalthum the third, and Rakia * 1.792 the fourth (both which Abu-becr married.) His second wife was Aisce Daughter of Abu-Becr, the first Califa, which was but six yeeres old (Ben-Casem is our author) when Mohamed tooke her to wife: the Moslemans call her the mother of the faithfull: who besides the knowledge of tongues, perused diligently the Arabike Histories, loued exceedingly and alway praised Mohamed. The third was named Mary, which brought forth to Mohamed, Ebrahim, surnamed Casem (whence Mohamed is often called Abulcasem) though Ban- Abdilatif will haue Ebrahim to be one, and Ca∣sem [ 40] another; but Ben-Casem saith, he had but three sons, of which Ebrahim Casem dyed at eigh∣teene Moneths, and Taiheb and Taher his sonnes by Codaige, dyed both in their Cradles. Mo∣hameds last wife was Zainab, whom also they call the mother of the faithfull, before the wife of Zaidi Ben-Harteh, Mohameds Master, who diuorced her, whereupon Mohamed gladly tooke her to wife.

He had foure Counsellers or Companions; the first, Abdollah, or Abu-Bacr, his sincerest and * 1.793 most in ward friend, a man very rich and releeuer of Mohameds necessities, his successor after his death. He dyed the thirteenth yeere of the Hegira, and sixtie three of his age, and was buri∣ed in the same graue with Mohamed. The second was Homar the sonne of Chattab, surna∣med Faru{que} who succeeded Abi-Bacr, and ruled ten yeeres and six moneths. He was the first which was called King of the faithfull, and writ the Annals of the Moslemans, and brought the [ 50] * 1.794 Alcoran into a Volume, and caused the Ramadam fast to be obserued. He was slaine the three and twentieth of the Hegira, and buried by Abi- Bacr. The third was Othman, who in his twelue yeeres raigne subdued Cyprus, Naisabur, Maru, Sarchas, and Maritania, and died A. H. 35. and * 1.795 was buried in the buriall place of the Citie. Aali was the fourth, who is called also Emir El∣mumenin, that is, King of the faithfull; he was slaine A. H. 40. in the three and sixtieth of his age, and was buried in the Citie Kerbelai. He was his Vncles sonne, or Cousin-german to Moha∣med and his sonne in law, and deare familiar from his youth, and receiued the Mosleman Law together with Mohamed; whereupon he was wont to say, I am the first Mosleman. And there∣fore the Persians detest the other three Chalifas, as Heretikes; burne their Writings whereso∣euer [ 60] they finde them, and persecute their Followers, because forsooth they were so impudent, to preferre themselues before Aali, and spoyled him of the right due by Testament. Hence are Warres and hostile cruelties betwixt them and the Turkes, and Arabs. Mohamed the false Pro∣phet, in the eleuenth yeere after his Hegira or flight, and the three and sixtieth of his age, dyed

at Medina and was buried there in the Graue of Anisee his wife. Heere is a stately Temple and huge, erected with elegant and munificent structure, daily increased and adorned by the * 1.796 costs of the Othomans, and gifts of other Princes. Within this building is a Chappell not per∣fectly square, couered with a goodly Roofe, vnder which is the Vine of stone, called Hagiar Monauar, sometimes belonging to Aaisce aforesaid. This is all couered with Gold and Silke, and compassed about with Iron grates gilded. Within this, which shineth with Gold and Gemmes, Mohameds carkasse was placed, and not lifted vp by force of Load-stone or other Art; but that stone-Vrne lyeth on the ground.

The Mosleman Pilgrimes after their returne from Mecca, visit this Temple, because Mo∣hamed yet liuing was wont to say, that he would for him which should visit his Tombe, aswell [ 10] as if he had visited him liuing, intercede with God for a life full of pleasures. Therefore doe they throng hither, and with great Veneration kisse and embrace the grates (for none haue accesse to the Vrne of stone) and many for loue of this place leaue their Countrey, yea, some madly put out their, eyes to see no worldly thing after, and there spend the rest of their dayes.

The compasse of Medina is two miles, and is the circuit of the wall, which Aadha Addaule King of Baghdad built, A. H. 364. The Territorie is barren scorched Sands; bringing forth no∣thing but a few Dates and Herbs.

Metsr is the name of Cairo, and all Egypt, so called of Mesraim the Sonne of Noa, as saith * 1.797 Mohamed Sarazita. This Citie is gouerned by a Bascia, and fiue and twentie thousand Spa••ies [ 20] and Ianizaries. It is rich in Cassia Trees, Sugar-canes and Corne, many Lands adioyning yeelding Haruest twice a yeare, Hay foure times, Herbs and Pulse in manner alway greene. Adde store of Salt very white, the water of Nilus inclosed in Pits and by the only heate of the Sunne in three dayes beeing turned into it. In former times it was famous for Balsam * 1.798 Plants now remooued to Mecca by command of the Othomans; and none are found in all Egypt, but seuen shrubs * 1.799 in the Bassas Garden, kept with great diligence. The leaues are like to wild Marioram, the iuyce is taken by a little incision in the trunke or branch.

Abu-Chalil-Ben-Aali writes, that from the fifteenth to the two & twentieth of Rabij Athani (Iune) there fals a dew which leaues no token thereof in the earth, yet by vulgar * 1.800 experience is found by weighing the sand or earth of Nilus bankes, and is an euident token of the increase [ 30] of Nilus. The Aire also is then made more wholsome; Plagues and Feuers cease, and those which were sicke * 1.801 of them recouer.

Touching the Easterne Customes. Bensidi Aali hath written of the structure of Mescuites. Before them is a large floore paued with Marble, in the midst is a square Lauer, where they which come to pray vse to wash themselues. After this is a great Hall without Images or Pi∣ctures, the Walls bare, not shining with Gold or Gemmes: the Pauement matted, on which the vulgar sit; the Rich vse Carpets spred for them by their Slaues. From the Roofe hang ma∣ny Lampes, which are lighted in Prayer time, and that beeing ended, are put out. These Churches are for the most part round and couered with lead; and haue adioyned high Towers which serue for Steeples with foure Windowes open to the foure winds; whereon the Priests at [ 40] set-times ascend, and with a strong voyce call men to Prayers. Which being ended, and their Legall washing being done, all of them leauing their Shooes on a rew at the threshold of the Gate or Porch, they enter with great silence. The Priest beginneth the Prayer and all follow, and whiles hee kneeleth they doe so, and rise when hee stands vp, and imitate him in the ele∣uation or depression of the voyce. None yanneth, cougheth, walketh or talketh, but in great silence after Prayers they resume their Shooes and depart. No women may come to the Mescuites at these set houres, if there bee any men, nor may haue any societie of men except the Priest, which directeth and goeth before them with his voyce in their manner of praying, as saith the said Author. * 1.802

They are permitted, not to enter the Mescuites, but to stand at the doore, and must bee gone quickly before the men haue done their Prayers. Hee addes that the womens Church [ 50] is the inner part of their owne house. Such is their dis-repect of women, notwithstanding Mo∣hameds promises in his Alcoran, that many say they enter not Paradise but may stand at the doore with Christians, and see the glorie of the men.

The Garments of the East are commonly long, some slit on the right and left hand, some whole. The vpper Garment hath wide sleeues. Their head-tire is a Tulipant but differing, of Princes white and fine, artificially wreathen, rather long then round: of their Cadies and Mu∣feis very large of fiftie or sixtie els of Calico round and wreathed; of Citizens lesse, of Serifs or Mohameds posteritie greene: of Souldiers and Seruants long and white. Christians vse not white nor round ones: the Maronite Patriarke and his Suffragan Bishops weare a huge Tulipant, round and blue, with a blacke hood vnder it: other Priests lesse and no hood. The women are [ 60] pompous, but comming abroad weare a couering made of Horse-haire before their face, that they may see and not be knowne, not if their owne Husbands meete them; neither if they did know, would they salute, it being a shame for a woman to be seene speaking with a man. Their Chaines,

Brooches and other Ornaments and Paintings of their eyes, browes, and fingers ends, I omit. Both men and women are so addicted to neatnesse, that they are very carefull lest any drop of vrine spot their clothes in making water or going to stoole, and would then thinke themselues vncleane. They therefore then sit downe (like women) and wash; or if no water may be had, * 1.803 wipe with three stones, or a three cornered stone, as Ben-Sidi Aali in his Chapiter of washing warneth. They thinke it vnlawfull to spit or pisie on a brute creature. In food they abstaine from strangled and bloud; and Moslelmans, from Swines flesh. They loue Iunckets: they breake bread and cut it not. Their Table is a round piece of Leather, to which they come with washing and Prayers promised. They vse not Forkes but Spoones of wood of diuers coulours, and where they need not them, three fingers as Ben-Sidi Aali warneth. Pewter and Porcelane is in much [ 10] vse, but other Vessels of plate or Gold, saith hee, Mohamed forbade, saying, the Deuill vsed such, the common drinke is water; the better fort adde Sugar, sometimes Amber and Muske, &c.

There are in the East eight principall Languages, the Arabi••••, Persian, Turkish, Hebrew, Chal∣dee, Syriake (which little differs from Chaldees) Greeke, and Armenian. The Arabike is most noble * 1.804 and vsuall, and is extended as farre as Mohameds name as their sacred Language, knowne to all Moslelmans of better fashion. In this is their Alcoran and their publike Prayers, and most of their Lawes. Yea, saith Zaheri, the blessed in Paradise vse it. In this also are written their Bookes of Physicke, Astrologie, Rhetorike. The Persian hath little but Poets and Historians, the Turkish almost nothing; the Chaldee and Syriake are nigh lost, as the Greeke. But Auerroes, Algazeles, Abu-Becer, Alfarabius (called of the Moslelmans the second Philosopher) Mohamed Ben-Isaac, [ 20] * 1.805 and Mohamed Ben-Abdillah adorned the Arabike: besides very many Astrologers, Mathemati∣cians, Physicians, and Historians. Ben-Sidi Aali reckons one hundred and fiftie, which haue written on their Law; Ben-Case••••, innumerable Grammarians and Rhetoricians.

Now for the Moselmans Religion, Ben-Sidi Aali expresseth it to consist herein, that they be∣leeue all the speeches made by Gabriel the Angell to our Prophet, when hee questioned him of the * 1.806 things to be beleeued and done: which are these, to beleeue in one God to whom none is equall (this a∣gainst Christians) and that the Angels are the Seruants of God, to beleeue in the Scripture sent to the Apostles, diuided in their opinion into one hundred and foure Bookes, of which ten were sent to Adam, fiftie to Set, thirtie to Enoc (called Edris) ten to Abraham, the Law to Moses, the Psalmes to Dauid, [ 30] the Gospell to Isa, or Iesus Christ; lastly, the Alcoran to Mohamed. That they hold these sent for mens good; and beleeue in the Resurrection after death, and that some are predestinate to fire, some to Paradis•• according to the will of God (for it is said in the Alcoran; there is none of you which hath not his place in Paradise, and a place determined in Hell) that they beleeue also the reward of the good and punishment of the bad; and the intercession of the Saints. Also this is of the things to bee holden, that they firmely beleeue in the Diuine Pen, which was created by the finger of God. This Pen was made of Pearles, of that lenghth and space that a swift Horse could scarcely passe in fiue hundred yeares. It performeth that office, that it writes all things past, present and to come: the Inke with which it writes is of light; the tongue by which it writes none vnderstandeth but the Archangell Seraphael. That they beleeue also the punishment of the Sepulchres; for the dead are vsed often to be punished in their Graues, as happened in [ 40] a certaine Sepulcher betwixt Mecca and Medina.

The Precepts of the Moslemans are, first Circumsion, not on the eight day as to the Iewes, but * 1.807 at the eight, ninth, tenth, eleuenth, twelfth yeare that they may know what they doe, and may professe their Faith with vnderstanding. And although most hold women free therefrom, yet in Egypt they circumcise women at thirteene, fourteene, or fifteene yeares old (many of them till then goe starke naked) and Sidi-Ben Aali saith, that it was commanded to men, but is vsed to women for honour.

The second Commandement is Prayers hourely, which in the Church, at home, or abroad, they are bound to perform, fiue times in the day and night: first at break of day; the second about noon; the third in the afternoon; the fourth after Sun-set, when the stars begin to appeare: the last in the first watch, or before mid-night (for after, it is vnlawfull saith Ben-Sidi Aali) neither may any [ 50] transgresse these houres without sinne; yea, saith hee, if one were cast into the Sea and knew the houre of Prayer, if he be able he ought to doe it; as also women in trauell must hide the Infants head as they can and doe it. Trauellers when they perceiue that houre is come, goe out of the way and wash; or if they haue no water; lightly digge the Earth and make shew of washing, and goe not thence till they haue finished their Deuotion. Thirdly Almes is also commanded; * 1.808 and they which are so poore that they cannot giue to Orphans and the poore, must helpe in Ho∣spitals, and high-wayes, by such seruice to satisfie God. Fourthly, Ramahdan Fast of thirtie dayes is commanded from morning to Sun-set and the Starres appearing: for then after euening Prayer they eate any food (except Wine) with Bacchanall cheere and tumults. Fiftly, Pil∣grimage * 1.809 once in their liues to Mecca and Medina is also commended; and sixtly, to fight against [ 60] the enemies of their Faith is no lesse commanded; not to preach by the Word and Meekenesse, as Christ, but by the Sword and Warre, to inuade and reuenge. And if by their persons and bloud they cannot, they must (saith our Author) by their purse and goods helpe the Prince herein. And

if they die in Warre, the sensuall pleasures of Paradise, Riuers of Milke and Honey, beautifull women and the like are their present purchase. Therefore doe they giue to Apostataes, which become Moslemans, an Arrow borne vp by their fore-finger; the Arrow signifying Warre, and * 1.810 that one Finger the Vnitie of the Deitie. Their last Commandement is washing with water, which is three-fold, one before Prayers, handled in three Chapiters by Ben-Sidi Aali, thus performed; * 1.811 the armes stripped naked to the elbow, they wash the right hand and arme, then the left, after the Nose, Eares, Face, Necke, Crowne, Feet to the ioynts, if they be bare, or else their shooe∣tops, lastly their Priuities; mean-while mumbling their Deuotions. These washings they thinke to wash away their Veniall and lighter sinnes; for their greater they vse Bathes, and say all the bodie must be washed to wash away Crimes. The third washing is of their secrets by themselues [ 10] or their Seruants after the Offices of Nature, deliuered by him in two Chapiters, too foolish and filthy to be related. Adde the prohibition of Images painted or carued, Thefts, Homicides, Rob∣beries, Adulteries, Swines flesh, Wine, strangled bloud, and things dying of themselues, and all vncleane Creatures.

Hee also instructs at large of their Testaments and Funerals. The Moslemans beeing sicke pre∣sently send for an Abed, Religious man or Santone to strengthen them in the Faith and propound * 1.812 heauenly things to him, reciting somewhat out of the Alcoran. And if the Disease bee very dangerous, they wash and make their Testament; and are bound to restore all ill-gotten goods, gi∣uing the Creditors a Bill of their hand. And if they know not to whom to restore, they must bequeath a summe of money to publike vses, Hospitals, Mescuits, Bathes, the poore and Religi∣ous [ 20] persons: yea, for that respect they set Captiues at libertie, as is read that Auicenna did; some giue Bookes to publike vses; some, other things. Ben-Sidi Aali saith, it is Mohameds precept that the third part of mens goods be bestowed on publike vses. And if a man die intestate, they say other dead men will chide him. When they are dead, the bodie is washed, the Nose, Eyes, Mouth, and Eares stopped with Cotton; better apparell is put on, white shirts and Tulipants. Then is the bodie carryed to the buriall place without the Citie with a great troupe; the San∣tones or Religious going before then the men promiscuously, after the Corps; followed by wo∣men howling, lamenting, shrieking, till they come to the Graue. There are those Garments ta∣ken away, and the Corps shrowded in a white sheet, and put into the Graue with the face to the South. After the couering with Earth, many Prayers are made, and much Almes is giuen to [ 30] the poore to doe the same.

The Christians in those part in like case take the Sacrament, hauing before confessed and made their wils. The Priest ceaseth not to exort them to hopes of a better life by Faith in Christ. * 1.813 Being dead Perfumes are burned in the Chamber, the Corps is wrapped in a white sheet, and on a Herse carried by foure to the buriall place, men accompanying and women following. The neerer Kindred lament, cast ashes on their head and face, rent their Garments, pull of their haire, smite their cheekes, and lift vp horrible cries to Heauen without ceasing. When they are comne to the Graue, they bury them with their faces to the East. But Priests and specially Bi∣shops are attyred in their Priestly Habits, set in a Chaire, and the mouthes of the Sepulchers closed with a stone. Then vpon the Graues they burne Frankincense and make many Prayers. [ 40] After this the women goe round about the Graue in a ranke with mournfull laments, strikes, plaints, and piteous Songs in prayse of the dead partie. Seruice is after celebrated for the dead; which ended, the Priests, many Clerkes and Lay-men by the Heires are inuited to Dinner. Whiles they are set, the neerest Kinsman often warnes them to pray for rest to the deceased, and they with a loud voice answere, God haue mercy on him, for whose sake we eate these meates. After Dinner they comfort the Heires, and praying for rest to the deceased, depart.

As concerning the Moslemans Beliefe of God and Christ, the Reader may reade the Dialogue, published by my learned Friend Master Bedwell, called Mohameds imposture, as also my Pilgrimage and the quotations there, out of the Alcoran. [ 50] [ 60]

CHAP. X.

Don DVART * 1.814 DE MENESES the Uice-roy, his tractate of the Por∣tugall Indies, containing the Lawes, Customes, Reuenues, Expenses, and other matters remarkable therein: heere abbreuiated.

§. I. [ 10]

A Register or Collection of the Vses, Lawes, and Customes of the Canarins, or Inhabitants of this Iland of Goa, and of the Townes thereunto belonging.

DOn Iohn by the Grace of God, King of Portugall and of the Algarues, of this side and beyond the Seas, Lord of Guinea, and of the Conquest, Nauigation, and Commerce or Trafficke of Aethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India, &c. To all [ 20] those that shall see this our Bill of Rites and Customes, giuen to the Gouernors, Farmers and Inhabiters of the Townes and Ilands of our Citie of Goa, gree∣ting. We let you vnderstand, that by the good ordering, diligences, and exami∣nations, which were to bee done by Iustification, and Declaration of that which the said Far∣mers were bound to pay vnto vs, and did pay vnto the Kings and Lords of the Countrey before it was ours, of their inheritances, duties, rights, and other charges: and also the rights, vses and customes which they had, and we ought to command, should be kept vnto them, and wee found by the Declaration of the said diligences, that they are bound to pay vnto vs that which is contained in this our other Bill of Customes of the said payments of duties. And also wee finde that they ought to vse these vses, rights and customes, in manner and forme following. [ 30]

It was found, that euery Towne of the said Ilands haue certaine Gouernors; some more, some lesse, according to their custome, and as the Ilands and the Townes are in bignesse, and that the said name Gançares is as much to say, as Gouernor, Ruler, or Benefactor, & it was thus ordained. In old time there went foure men to make profit of an Iland, and of another vnprofitable waste place, the which they manured and fortified in such manner, and so well, that in processe of time it came to such increase, that it became very populous. And these Beginners, for their good go∣uernment, rule and trafficke, were called Gançares; and afterward there came Lords and Con∣querors vpon them, which did make them for to pay tribute, and custome for to let them dwell quietly in their Lands or Inheritances and Customes, but I could not know the beginning of this. [ 40]

In this Iland of Tisoare, where the Citie of Goa stands situated, there are two and thirtie Townes and Villages, as followeth. Neura the great, Gancin, the old Goa, Cogin, Hella, A. Io∣sin, Carambolin, Batin, Teleigaon, Bamolin, Curq••a, Calapor, Morabrin the great, Talaulin, Gali∣mola, Neura the lesse, Corlin, Sirdaon, Dugnari, Murura, Morabrin the lesse, Chumbel, Panne∣lin, Solecer, Mandur, Murcundin, Agaçarin, Horar, Gaudalin, Renoari, Banganin, Foleiros.

The Townes or Villages of Choram, and of Iuan, and of Diuar, are these that follow: Cho∣ran, Cararin, Iuan, the Pescadores, or Fishers of Dabarin, Malar, Nauelin, Goltin, Diua.

And euery one of the said Townes, is bound to pay vnto vs certaine rent, contained and declared in the said Register. Heretofore the said Gouernors of euery Towne or Village, with the Notarie of the same, doth diuide and ceasse vpon the Farmers or persons, that within the [ 50] bounds of euery Towne hath Lands or Inheritance, and this according to the condition where∣with it is giuen them for their vses and customes: and the said are bound to leuie, gather, and pay the said rent, whither it increase or decrease, and the losse or encrease shall remaine with them of the Towne, that the persons to whom it doth appertaine by their custome, may pay the losse, or take the increase, as here vnder it shall be declared, except the losse should chance to come by warre, for then they shall be quit of that which shall be by the meanes thereof lost.

The said increase or losse of euery yeare, shall bee diuided according to euery ones substance equally, so that euery one doe pay the rent of the Lands or Rice-grounds that he doth occupie.

Some Gardens and Palme-tree Groues, and Rice-grounds, are bound to pay euery yeare cer∣taine * 1.815 Tangas: and although they doe sustaine losses, therebe in the said Ilands other Palme-tree [ 60] Groues, and Rice-grounds, which doe not pay but a certaine custome; and besides, they are bound to a contribution of the losses when there be any. And there be other Lands or Inheri∣tances which the said Gouernours may giue gratis to any person or persons, whom they shall thinke good, w••••hout custome or Obligation, to pay any thing to the contribution of the losses.

If any Towne or Village be so decayed, that they cannot pay their custome and rent that ap∣pertaineth to vs, the Gouernors and Inhabiters of it, shall giue intelligence of it to the chiefe Master of the Ports, and to the Notarie of the Iland, and they shall goe to see the said losse, and finding it for good truth that it hath such a losse; the said chiefe Master of the Ports shall com∣mand the chiefe Gouernours of the eight principall Townes aboue rehearsed, and then there may come to this other Gouernours, which soeuer they shall thinke good, although the matters of the Iland must be done by order with them of the eight principall Townes, and altogether with the said chiefe Master of the Ports, and the Notarie, the Inhabitants of the decayed towne may engage or morgage their Towne vnto the Gouernours, because they are bound vnto it: and they may also make sale of it in the presence of the said Officers, and it shall be deliuered or sur∣rendred [ 10] to him that will giue most for it, and that which is wanting of the rent and custome which it is bound to pay, in that which is giuen for the Towne, shall bee diuided and leuied of the eight principall Townes, or of all the Iland, vpon those Lands which are bound to the contribution of the losses, in such sort, that we may haue full payment of the Custome of the said Towne, and that the said Hirer or Hirers shall be bound to increase better, and profit the Towne or Village: and with this condition it shall be let or set vnto them. And the said Hirers or Farmers of the said Towne, shall haue the voyces of Gouernours during the time of their Lease or Farme.

The Gouernours of the Towne decayed, doe not lose their Offices by that which is spoken. And at all times that they shall aske, or demand, the Towne paying the whole rent or custome, [ 20] it shall be deliuered vnto them, and the said Towne shall be no more of the Farmers, hauing en∣ded their time or lease.

The Gouernours by authoritie of their Offices, and because they were Beginners, and also because the said Offices or charge doth come to them by descent, they doe not lose them (to wit, the Gouernours euery one in the Towne in person for any error he doth commit: nor the Clerke of Common Councell, which also commeth to him by inheritance or descent: and this order was made by the Gouernours themselues, onely the one and the other shall haue for the errors and hurts that they doe commit, the penaltie that they doe deserue, in their goods and bodie. Notwithstanding, such an error they may doe, that they may dye for it: or it shall be conueni∣ent that they shall not serue in their Offices, and in such case it shall remaine to their Sonnes or [ 30] Heires; and if the case be not great, the chiefe Master of the Ports shall iudge it, accounselling himselfe with some of the Gouernours. And if the facts bee greater, the said chiefe Master of the Ports shall giue knowledge of it to our Captaine Generall, and Gouernour of India, or to the Captaine of our Citie of Goa, or to the ouer-seer of our goods, if the matter bee thereunto attaining, for to prouide in it what shall bee conuenient and right. And also the Gouernours of the said Towne haue the said Offices by inheritance or descent. And if they doe commit any error, they shall be punished as these other, and so their Offices shall remaine to their Sonnes, or to their Heires.

The Gouernors may giue such fields as within euery Towne are waste or vnprofitable, to such as shall aske or demand them, for to make them profitable in Gardens, or Palme-tree Groues, or [ 40] to other good vses, with condition that they shall pay a certaine rent, or custome, as shall seeme good vnto them, and this so giuen, shall bee for the space of fiue and twentie yeeres; for, from that time forward, they shall pay according to the order and costome, which is euery Field or Plaine, of twelue Paces in length (which is the space betweene Palme-tree and Palme-tree, reckoning one hundred Palme-trees to the field) some of them to pay fiue Tangas, worth foure Barganis euery Tanga. And after this rate, the greater or lesser field so giuen shall pay. And the said Gouernours may giue the waste Fields and Plaines, for to be profited in Palme-tree Groues, * 1.816 and Gardens, for lesse then fiue Tangas, and they shall passe their Warrant for this, according to their custome, notwithstanding they may not exceed aboue.

When they shall giue Fields or Plaines, to make Rice grounds, they shall be giuen in this man∣ner, to wit, fiue Cubits in length, and fiue in breadth, which is the space betweene one rew and [ 50] another, reckoning in this manner one hundred rewes to euery Field. And any Field or Plaine * 1.817 of them, being watered with Well water, they shall giue it for foure Barganis, euery yeeres rent; and if they be watered with running water, their rent shall be six Barganis euery yeere; and after the said Gardens bee so giuen vnto them by the Gouernours, they cannot bee taken a∣way from them, for they remaine to their Sonnes, Grand-children, and Heires, and this is the generall custome. Notwithstanding, if any other custome be vsed besides this in any Towne, or Village, it shall be fulfilled.

The Clerke of the Councell must be present at all the bargaines, and agreements (which a∣mongst * 1.818 themselues they call Nemes) that shall be made by the principall Gouernours of all the [ 60] Iland with the Officers of it, the chiefe Master of the Ports, a Portugal Notarie with him, or a Bramane, and without him or the Clerke of the Councell, no bargaines nor agreements can be made, because they doe write the Cases, for to notifie and declare the debts that might arise in time to come. And in the abouesaid manner, the Scriueners of the Townes must be with the Go∣uernours

of them, in all matters that shall passe in any one of the said Townes. And the Townes of all this Iland of Tisoare, and the other Townes of Diuar, and Choran, and Iunha, are guided by their writings.

The Gouernours euery one in his owne Towne, may giue Fields, or Plaines, freely or gratis, for to profit them: or if be profitable being voide, to the Officers of the said Townes, to wit, to the * 1.819 Priest of the * 1.820 Pagode, or Church of the Idoll, and to the Scriuener; and to the Porter, and to the Rent-gatherer, and to the Magnato (which is a washer of Cloth, or a Laundresse) and to the Shoomaker, and Carpenter, and to the Smith, and to the Faras (which is a seruant to the Pagode, or Church) and to the women of the world (which are common women or Curtesans) and to the Iester. And to those persons abouenamed, the Plaines, or Fields, and Gardens, are giuen gra∣tis, [ 10] for to serue continually in the said Townes: And after they be giuen vnto them, they may not be taken away, nor other persons be set in their place, because they are giuen vnto them for their Sonnes, Grand-children, and Heires. And euery Towne may haue no more Officers then abouenamed, to whom they may giue the said Lands gratis. Neither may they giue them any more Lands without Heires, and they being willing to leaue them, they shall bee giuen to other Officers of their Facultie, and the Heires of the same Officers are bound to serue in the said Offices also.

The Gouernour of any Towne, may not giue any Field, or Garden, to any one that is not of the Towne, gratis, but paying tribute: except they haue an order for it.

When the chiefe Master of the Ports shall send for the Gouernours of all the Iland, or of one [ 20] Towne, they are bound for to come, or to make an assemblie, for to choose in euery Towne any one whom they thinke meete, for to send to the said calling; and when they make the said as∣semblie (which among them is called Gangaria, or an assemblie of Gouernours) if any Gouernour be wanting of them, which are ordained in the said Towne, there can nothing be done, except they be all together, and if there be any Heire of that Gouernour that is wanting, it is sufficient for the said Assemblie or meeting to be made with him. And if other people doe not come, they shall incurre the penaltie that among themselues they haue ordained.

If any Gouernour or any other person is willing to sell any lands in any of the said Townes, they may not doe it without license of all the Gouernours of the said Towne, and also no per∣son may buy without the said license. And if any person shall make any sale, or buy any land without the license, it shall be in it selfe of no effect, and at any time when the Gouernour will, [ 30] it shall be voide for the benefit of the duties which they are bound to pay vnto vs, and because they also that doe buy, may bee contented and acquainted with the said rights, and may haue their Letters with a declaration of these duties which they are to pay.

When any Bill of sale shall be made of any Land or Inheritance, it shall not be sufficient to be signed by the Letter, but also it must bee signed by all the Heires, and although some of the Heires be vnder age, declaration shall be made, that some other person that did appertaine vnto him, did signe for him, and if any one of the Heires remaine that hath not signed, the said sale shall at any time be of no effect, taking the quantitie that it was sold for, and if the buyer shall be at any cost or charges vpon the said Land, he shall lose it. [ 40]

If any Gouernour shall goe or runne away because he will not, or is not able to pay vs the rent that he is bound to pay, the other Gouernours of the said Towne shall meete, and call a Court about this matter, and shall prefixe a time wherein he may come, and if within the said time he doth not come, they shall require the Heires of the said Gouernour so fled, to take the said Lands, and Gouernement, so as they be bound to pay vnto vs our right, and the debts that he doth owe: and if he will not accept it, it shall remaine to the said Gouernours, for the Obli∣gation that they haue to pay the said right or custome, and they may giue them to whom they shall thinke best, paying besides our right all the debts that he doth owe.

If a Gouernour or any other person shall runne away for debt, or any other matter, no man shall take away his Lands, and his Heires shall bee demanded, if they will remaine in the said [ 50] Lands, and be bound to pay his debts, and our right, and if there be no Heires, or being any, if they will not accept it, then the said Lands shall remaine to the said Gouernours, for want of an owner, and they shall pay for it the right and debts that they doe owe vnto vs, and they shall take the ouerplus of that which is remayning, and if any thing be wanting, they shall pay that which it amounteth vnto, and as touching the moueable goods, they shall remaine vnto vs, whensoeuer the Heires shall not accept of the Inheritance or Lands.

If any person, Gouernour, or other, doth chance to die, or goeth out of the Countrey, and hath no Heires, the Lands that they haue which are not bound to any tribute or custome, shall be ours, euen as the mouables, and if the Lands doe owe any debts or legacies, or if they doe not owe any thing, after we are paid ours, of the remainder shall be done according to right. [ 60]

The Rice-lands in euery Towne shall be let euery yeere by the voice of a Crier, to them that will giue most for them, according to their custome, because they are not proper of any one man, as the other lands are, and therefore they must be giuen to such men as will giue most for them, being Inhabitants or dwellers o•• the Townes, and if any Towne hath, of, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by custome of old

time to giue the said lands, or let them to any person or persons out of the Towne, which shall giue more for them then the men of the said Towne, it shall be accomplished according to their custome.

The Gouernours of this Iland of Tisoare, and of the other Ilands of Diuar, and Choran, and Iunba, are bound to giue among the Inhabiters of the Towne certaine * 1.821 labourers, at their owne cost and charges euery yeere for to clense the wall, and the bottome of the trenches of this Citie, of the Weedes and Bushes that grow in them, or also for other needfull or hastie seruices, which sometimes doe chance as neede doth require.

If there chance to bee any demand or controuersie in any of the said Townes, touching any Lands or Tenements, they may not demand them by any witnesses, but onely by writings, or [ 10] bonds, or by the Townes Register, and if there be no writings, nor bonds, and the Register of the Towne should chance to be lost, there shall another bee taken of the demander of the said lands, that by it he shall declare that which shall seeme conuenient for to know the truth. And concerning such cases, and other of like importance, they shall sweare vpon a Pagode * 1.822 (which is an image of the Deuill) which swearing is called Vse or Custome.

If any person shall lend another money vpon a bond, and by negligence he did not demand it, or it was not paide vnto him within the time prefixed in the said bond, in such manner that when he goeth to demand the said money, the debtor doth denie it, in such a case there shall bee an oath taken of him that hath the bond or obligation, that hee tell truth of the case how it stan∣deth, and he shall sweare vpon the said Pagode (which is an image of the Deuill.) [ 20]

There may not be lent to any man aboue fiftie Tangas, without an obligation or bond, and for one person or persons to demand another or others, to the quantitie of fiftie Tangas, the de∣mander shall shew an obligation or witnesses, and aboue the summe of fiftie Tangas, one cannot demand of another without an obligation, onely the parties may come to an agreement, putting it in arbitration of two such sworne men as they shall like, the which shall sweare after they haue heard them, that which they shall find to be equitie and right.

They may giue money at interest in this manner, that for euery six Tangas, they may re∣ceiue euery moneth one Bargani, and no more, and if any person shall giue money at interest; and doth not demand the interest, and so much time doth passe without demanding it, that the interest doth amount to so much or more then the principall, although long time bee past, the [ 30] Debtor shall not be bound to pay to the Creditor but the principall with the double.

The persons that can bee witnesse are these, to wit, a youth vnder the age of sixteene yeares, nor a Drunkard, nor a Blinde man, nor a Dumbe man, nor a Moore, nor a Deafe man, nor a Russian, nor a Iourney-man, nor a Gardiner, nor a Gamster, nor the Daughter of a Whore, nor an infamous person by Record, nor a man that is in hatred with another, cannot beare witnesse against him. Notwithstanding, these may beare witnesse in matters of small importance.

If a man doe chance to dye without a Sonne, although he hath a Father, or other heires ascen∣dant, * 1.823 the Inheritance commeth to vs, except the said Father and Sonne deceased hath their In∣heritance commixt, or both in one Title or Custome: for then the Father doth inherit of the Sonne: and if any man hath foure Sonnes, or more or lesse, they may diuide the Inheritance in [ 40] his life time, except it be by his owne good will, and the Father contented with it, they shall diuide it brotherly as well in his life time, as after his death; and diuiding it in his life time, the Sonnes shall be bound to maintaine the Father with all things necessary, and any of these Bro∣thers dying without Heires descendant, the diuision of the brethren shall be viewed, either at the death, or in the life time of their Father, if it be written in the Towne-booke; and being written in the said Booke, then the inheritance of euery Brother so dying without an Heire de∣scendant commeth to vs, and if he dyeth before the said diuision was made or written, then the Inheritance commeth to the Brethren, if they haue no Father: and if the said Inheritance be not of forreine Lands, and bound to the rent of the Towne, then the Inheritance of a man so decea∣sed shall remaine vnto vs, as well as the mooueable without any contradiction. And if any of these Brethren become a Turke, a Moore, or a Iogue (which is like to the Gipsies in our King∣domes) [ 50] * 1.824 in such manner, that he doth alienate himselfe from the custome of his house, and if the goods be diuided among them, his moueable goods shall remaine vnto vs, and his Land also, ex∣cept it be forreine Lands, for then it shall be sold by Obligation to pay the custome due, and the remainder (the debts being first paid) shall remaine vnto vs, as here is contained.

At the time of the decease of such a man, whose inheritance appertaineth to vs in such man∣ner * 1.825 as is declared already, the Gouernours of the Towne shall bee bound, before they doe burie them, or burne them (according to their custome) they shall make it knowne to our Officers, for to goe thither to take notice of the goods, and to set them downe in an Inuentorie, and make sale of them by the voyce of a Cryer, the Gouernours of the Towne being present: and [ 60] they shall be giuen to the Gouernours of the Towne, or to any of their kinred that shall giue most for them, and not to any person out of the Towne, or to any of their kinred, notwithstan∣ding if the neerest Kinsman of the man deceased, or any other of his Kinsmen will haue the said Inheritance, with the customes belonging to it, which the Gouernours doe pay, it shall be giuen

him. And suppose it should happen that the Kinsmen of the deceased did not come at the sel∣ling of the said goods, and within fiue daies after they shall know of it, shall request the said In∣heritance to be giuen them for the quantitie it was sold for, it shall bee giuen vnto them for the said price. And the said fiue daies being past, they not requiring it, it shall not after bee deliue∣red vnto them; but they that most shall giue for it, shall possesse it; and the duties that doe arise of the said goods, shall be for vs, and it shall bee charged vpon our Factor, and there shall passe a Certificate in Farme vnto the Gouernours for their discharge, how it is charged vpon his ac∣count, and thence forward may they not bee constrained, or oppressed for it, and therefore the lawfull and due debts that the said deceased doth owe, shall of the said goods first be paid, and the rest that remaineth, shall be for vs, as aforesaid. [ 10]

The moueables of any one deceased hauing no heires ascendant, or descendant, (as is alreadie said) are without any difference to remaine to our vse, and they shall bee sold to them that will giue most for them, either be he Kinsman or not, of the Towne, or out of it, notwithstanding the debts shall first be paid, as already is specified.

The Inheritance is in this manner; from the Father it commeth to the Sonne, and to the Grand-child, &c. and to the Father and Grand-father: so that there bee heires ascendant and descendant, to whom the Inheritance doth appertaine, so that the said Inheritance come by the Male, and by the Female no person doth inherit, no not the Daughter, but the Brother shall possesse her goods in such manner, as is already specified.

If any Thiefe shall goe to steale any Money, or any other thing, and is taken with the said [ 20] stealth, in such case it shall be prouided according to our Ordinances and Lawes; and if the said thing so stollen hath an Owner, it shall bee giuen him, although by their vses and customes it belongeth vnto vs, and this, because so it is our pleasure, and wee thinke it good to shew them fauour, as we doe vnto them that well and faithfully doe vs seruice, as we hope they will doe.

If any treasure or goods be found or discouered, it belongeth and appertaineth to vs.

If any man be married with two Wiues, and haue foure Sonnes of the one and of the other, or more or lesse, although that they bee not in number equall, whensoeuer the said Sonnes shall diuide the said goods of the Father, they shall diuide it in the middest, and the one Sonne shall haue as much as the other foure, and the goods of the Father and of the Mother, shall not bee in∣herited in the Daughter, as is aboue rehearsed. [ 30]

The Officers placed by vs, and by our Gouernors and Captaines, and ouer-seers of our goods, shall not take any bribes, nor Lands, of, or at the hands of the Gouernours and Townes, neither may they vse any Merchandize within the compasse of their Office. And I command, that if at any time they or he shall be attainted with the same fault, that which shall be found he hath ta∣ken, or by his meanes any losse was sustained, hee shall repay it againe, and the said quantitie so paid, shall remaine vnto vs.

If the Gouernors shall lay, or exact any demands in the Townes for Cabaga, Pachorins, or * 1.826 whatsoeuer profits or commodities for themselues, or for to giue to the Captaines, or chiefe Master of the Ports, or to any other Officers, or persons whatsoeuer, euery Gouernour of a Towne so conuicted, shall pay the whole summe of that, which they haue leuied through all the [ 40] Townes; the one halfe for them that shall accuse them, and the other halfe for redemption of Captiues and the Scriueners, or Notaries of the Townes, shall be contributaries with them, if the said tribute, subsidie, or tyrannie was raised, or leuied with their consent.

He that shall conuay, or purloyne any Merchandize, of whatsoeuer sort it be, without pay∣ing to our Officers the duties belonging to vs as they are bound: they shall pay after the rate of eleuen for one, of that which he hath so conuayed and purloyned, being thereof conuicted.

At what time soeuer that the chiefe Master of the Ports, with the Clerkes or Clerke of his charge together, or euery one of himselfe, shall goe to the Iland about matters concerning out affaires, or any one whom they shall send to the said Iland, or to the Townes of the same, they shall giue them their meat according to their vse and custome. [ 50]

And also to our Factor, or Officer of that office when they shall goe thither, to prouide in a∣ny matters concerning our affaires, or the Towne of the Iland.

Whatsoeuer Foot-man shall goe with any message pertaining to our seruice, or to the reco∣uerie of our rents, they shall giue him euery day that he shall be there without dispatching, two measures of Rice for his meat, and one Leal for Betre, which is an hearb that they vse to eate. * 1.827

If any Gouernours of the Iland of Choran, or of the other Ilanders annexed to the same of Tisoare shall runne away to the Turkes out of the Land, because they would not pay the rent, as it is aforesaid alreadie, it hath beene done, the which from hence-forward wee hope they will not doe, they shall lose their mooueable goods, and they shall fall vnto vs, and their Lands and Offices shall bee giuen vnto them they doe appertaine to, and will giue most for them, being [ 60] bound to pay the rights and customes that the said Lands are bound to pay, and that which they shall giue ouer-plus for the said Lands and Gouernourship, their custome reserued, shall bee to our vse.

When they doe make any feast or assembly, wherein they are to take Betre, (which is an

Herbe) or Pachorins, the principall Gouernour of euery Towne shall take first the said Betre, Pa∣chorins, * 1.828 or Iewell, and after him the other Gouernours by degrees, according to their authorities and customes.

When any assembly or conuocation is to be made, and the names of the Gouernors to be na∣med in writing; first shall begin the name of the principall in honour, and consequently one af∣ter another in their degrees.

When in the end of any Councell that they make, there is any difference or doubt in setting downe that which they haue agreed vpon, it shall bee written by the Scriuener, or Notarie of the Towne; and hauing written it, he shall say with an high voyce, which is called Nemo, that which they haue agreed vpon, and if there be no bodie to gaine-say that which he hath said, and [ 10] declared with an high voyce, it shall remaine in full force and power.

When the Gouernours of the Iland do meete for any councell, agreement, or decree, the said decree shall be set downe by the Clerke of the Common Councell of all the Iland, and the voyce that shall be giuen at the end of the said decree, called Nemo (as aforesaid) shall bee spoken by the most principall Gouernour that will be accepted, the said Nemo shall be made by the Scriue∣ner or Notarie that writ it.

The Towne of Teleigaon hath the preheminence, for it must bee the first that beginneth to share their Rice, and the Gouernours of it must come euery yeare with a sheafe of Rice, to present it before the high Altar of the Church, and the Vicar with them must go to the Store∣house where our Factor is, and he shall haue bestowed foure Pardoas in Pachorins, and hee shall * 1.829 [ 20] cast them about the neckes of the Gouernours, ordained among them, that they may receiue ho∣nour, and from thence forward the other Townes may reape, or share their Rice as hereafter shall be declared.

In the time of Tillage, the first Rice-ground that shall be ploughed, and in the time of Har∣uest that first shall be reaped, must be the chiefe Gouernours field of euery Towne, and after him any one that will may reape his: and the same order shall be vsed in the couering, or thatch∣ing of their houses euery yeare, the which Gouernour of the Towne shall couer his house first with Palme-tree leaues, and after him all the other people of the same.

The Men or Women Dancers, that shall come to feast to a Towne, they shall goe first to feast at the house of the principall Gouernour; and when there be two in like honour, it stands in the [ 30] choyce of the Dancers, to goe to which of them they thinke best: and these Gouernours so in one degree of honour, shall rise together to the Betre, or to any other honour, when they are to * 1.830 receiue estate, with their armes a crosse, the right arme vnder the left, because that he that goeth on the right hand, doth take it for more honour, and because another Gouernour might say, that he which did take the present with the left hand had the preheminence, because it came ouer the right hand.

The Gouernours that are in Common; to wit, which is to take Betre, (which is an Herbe) or any other honour, haue no preheminence the one of the other; and they may sell the said honour of the Betre, or Pachorins, which are certaine Linnen cloaths) to any of the said Gouer∣nours of the said Towne, euery time that the said honour chanceth to bee giuen, and this for a [ 40] certaine price, and it must be diuided in the Towne: and when there is no obiection to the con∣trary, then the Scriuener of the Towne receiueth the said honour.

No man may carrie Tocha, Andor, or Sombreiro, without our liccense, or of our Gouernor, ex∣cept * 1.831 it come to him by Inheritance from his Fathers, and those to whom we or our said Gouer∣nor shall giue the said license for desert of his seruices, it shall bee giuen in two sorts; the one, that they may carrie the said Sombreiro and Andor with his Foot-men, and Tocha with the Oyle at their owne charge; and the other is, that hee doe receiue of vs the said Sombreiro with the said Foot-men, and the Oyle paid at our charges, and the said light also may bee giuen without the shadow, and the shadow without the said light or Tocha, euery thing by it selfe, or altoge∣ther in any of the manners aboue specified. Therefore also we notifie it, as well to our Captaine Generall, and Gouernour of these parts of India, which now is, or hereafter shall bee: and also [ 50] to the Captaines of this Citie, Iudges, Iustices, and Officers of the same, and to euery other person or persons, to whom this our Letter shall be shewen, and the knowledge of it doth ap∣pertaine: We command, that in all things they keepe and fulfill the same, and cause it to bee kept and fulfilled, as in it is contained, for our meaning is the same. Giuen in the Citie of Goa, the sixteenth of September, the King commanded it by Alfonso Mexia, Ouer-seer of the goods in these parts of India, and Anthonie de Campo did write it, in the yeare of 1526. Alfonso Mexia.

Don Philip by the Grace of God, King of Portugall, and of the Algarues, on this side and that side the Sea in Africa, Lord of Guinea, and of the Conquest, Nauigation and Traf∣ficke [ 60] of Aethiopia, Persia, and India, &c. Be it knowne to you, that I seeing how much the good gouernment, and preseruing of my Estates in those parts of India, doth import, and Iustice to be truly administred in them to my Subiects and Vassals, and desiring that in my time it may bee done with that integritie, libertie and breuitie that thereunto belongeth; I thought meete to

send or prouide after I had succeeded in the Crowne of those Kingdoms, Persons of conscience and learning, to the most of the Fortresses of those parts, that should administer it, to the which we gaue power and authoritie according to their gouernments or charges. And being now en∣formed that in the Citie of Goa, principall and head of the said Estates, the Kings my Prede∣cessors of glorious memory, did ordayne there should bee an house of Iustice, or place of hea∣ring, wherein some Officers by them chosen (as in a supreme Tribunall) should determine the * 1.832 Causes, giuing them for that purpose at sundry times diuers charges, the which for the varietie of matters ought to be reformed, and I being willing in dutie to continue with the same intent, and command to prouide in those Causes, which at this present were most necessarie for the good of the said House, commanded for that effect, learned men of my Counsell, and of experience [ 10] that they should determine what might be done in that case, as well in the ordering and gouer∣ning of the said House, as in the multiplying of the Ministers belonging to it, that matters of Iustice might with more ease and facilitie be prosecuted, and hauing heard their opinions, and necessary diligences being vsed, and hauing giuen mee relation of all things and account, I thought good to prouide for them in manner and forme following.

§. II.

A Copie of the order that the Vice-roy of the Estate of India shall hold in matters [ 20] of Iustice, as also of the other Magistrates, in the diuers places holden by the Portugals in India.

THe Vice-roy shall goe to the house of Iustice, the times that he thinketh good, and shal giue no voyce, nor assigne or pronounce any sentences, but he shall onely vse the of∣fices that the chiefe Iudge doth vse in the Court of Requests, and of the rest which in extraordinary matters is granted vnto him in all things whereunto his charge may bee applyed.

There shall be in the said House or Court ten Officers, to wit, one Chancellour, the which shall also serue for a Iudge of the Chancerie: one chiefe Iudge of facts and causes Criminall: [ 30] one chiefe Iudge of matters or causes Ciuill, the which notwithstanding shall serue for Iudges in matters of complaint, wherein any Iudge of our estate, goods, or reuenues hath not giuen sen∣tence, one Attorney for causes touching the Crowne goods, or reuenues: and one Prometor of * 1.833 Iustice, the which shall serue also for a Iudge of complaints, and wrongs in those cases wherein he is not Attorney: one chiefe Iudge for Wills and Testaments, the which shall serue also for a Iudge of Complaints, in such cases as he hath not giuen sentence.

Also there shall be in the said house three extraordinarie Iudges, the which shall serue in ab∣sence, and for any hindrance of the said Iudges of complaints aboue named, and for the other Offices. And this by commission of the Vice-roy, and in his absence of the Chancellor, or of the most ancient Iudge, which doth serue himselfe as Chancellor, when the Chancellor himselfe [ 40] is absent, and they shall helpe the Iudges that sit on the Bench to dispatch the causes then de∣pending, and not in any matter aforetime past, &c.

Euery day before they sit or dispatch any matters, there shall a Masse be said by a Chaplaine, which the Vice-roy shall choose for that purpose, and he shall be paid at the charges and expen∣ces of the said house, and the Masse being ended, they shall beginne to dispatch such matters as shall be brought vnto them, and they shall be foure houres at the least in dispatching matters, by an houre-glasse, which shall stand vpon the Table where the Vice-roy doth sit.

The Iudges, as well in cases Ciuill as Criminall, shall haue the same authoritie, and shall keepe the same order that is giuen vnto them, whereof the Iudges of the Court of Requests doe also vse, and of those sentences which by mine Ordinances I command account be giuen vnto mee [ 50] before they be put in execution, the said account shall be giuen to the Vice-roy, if hee haue not beene present at iudgment, or if he be not absent from the Citie of Goa: for if he be absent, the account shall be giuen vnto him that ruleth in his stead, and when there is any iudgement Cri∣minall of Importance, as is to put some person of qualitie to death, or other iudgement of im∣portance in Ciuill cases, execution shall not be made without giuing account to the Vice-roy thereof, although he be absent, or out of the Citie.

The Vice-roy and Iudges may in the house of Iustice supply the defects, and annihilating of the acts, when he shall thinke that the cause doth require it, for the performing of Iustice.

And the said Iudges, while they are in the said house executing their Offices with the Vice-roy, shall be set in plaine Chayres, and the Vice-roy shall presently command them to be coue∣red, [ 60] and not to sit bare-headed.

The said Iudges shall not enter into the said house with any weapons, neither shall they weare any garments of colour, but they shall be apparelled in long blacke garments, in such manner as it may represent the Authority they haue.

The Vice-roy shall haue a particular to command the Pensions to be payd to the said Iudges at their due times, in such manner as they may bee effectually payd euery quarter, without a∣ny delay to the contrarie, and their payment shall be giuen or payd vnto them in the said house, at the end of euery quarter.

The Bills of pardons, Bills of assurance, legitimations, and suppliances of ages, shall be gi∣uen to the Vice-roy being in the said house, and he with the said Iudges shall dispatch them, and they shall be such as he for that purpose shall choose, alwayes the Chancellor being one of them, if he be present, with the Iudge of the cause, and to the dispatches of the said Petitions, the said Iudges with the Vice-roy shall set their hands, and the Bills shall passe in my name, with the accustomed causes, and they shall be signed by the Vice-roy, and no Bill of pardon shall be ta∣ken without pardon of the party offended, and in the dispatches of the said causes they shall al∣wayes [ 10] haue a due regard and consideration.

And because of the easie granting of pardons, which the Vice-roy in those parts doth ordi∣narily grant, hath sprung that the faults are not punished, and the boldnesse to commit new hath encreased; Wee thought it meet and conuenient, that no pardons should bee granted in matters of Apostacy, Sodomie, false coyning, treacherous murder, falshood in the crime of any of the Heads, Laesae Maiestatis, wounding, or killing of any Iudge or Iustice, or of a Captaine of any Fortresse, the slaughter of a Maior, or Bayliffe, or any other Officer of Iustice, except any cause so vrgent doth concurre, that the granting of the said pardon of the said cases, doth concerne the preseruation of the estate of India: then the causes shall be communicated with the said Iudges, as is already declared, and when any of these cases so excepted shall happen, the [ 20] Vice-roy shall take the said cases particularly in memorie, and shall giue me account of them in his Letters, by the first Fleet after the pardon were granted, with the causes that moued them to pardon such a fault.

The said Vice-roy from hence forward shall not grant any Warrant, that the money of Or∣phans shall be giuen to any Gentleman, or Captaine of any Fortresse, nor to any other persons which are not Merchants, for the many inconuemences that thereof doe proceed.

The Vice-roy of India in the prouiding of publike Offices of Iustice in those parts, shall haue a great care to prouide in my seruants or any other persons, bene meritos, and apt for the said Offices, preferring alwayes my seruants, when they haue equall deserts with the other, and he shall passe no Warrant for any Captaine of a Forcresse, that he may prouide the said Offices [ 30] that are voyde, for the great inconueniences that thereof doth arise, and because it is prouided in mine Ordinances, how the Offices of the said charges must be prouided by the Iustices, and Commissioners of those Countries, in whose place being absent, the Learned men that I haue sent for Iudges of the Fortresses to those parts doe remayne.

The said Vice-roy in the Warrants of Iustice, or of goods that he passeth, shall not com∣mand in an Edict, that they may not passe by the Chancerie, for the many inconueniences that thereof doth arise, and being passed in any other forme, they shall be of no force, and the per∣sons to whom they shall be directed, shall not keepe nor conceale them, except the Warrants be of secresie, or of matters of importance, the which passing by the Chancerie would take no [ 40] effect; and if any Warrant that the Vice-roy doth grant, doe come with restraint or seizure whatsoeuer, the said restraint or seizure shall be dispatched ordinarily in the house of Iustice, or Hall aboue named, by the Iudges to whom it doth appertaine.

All the Warrants or Letters that the Vice-roy maketh, shall be written or subscribed by the Secretarie of the estate of India, to whom it pertayneth, and not to any other person except he supply the place of a Secretarie, because there is none prouided by me for that effect.

The Vice-roy shall command an * 1.834 account to bee taken of the Captaines, and of the other Officers which shall deserue in them, as soone as their time is expired, the which shall be done by the Iudges of the Hall or Court aboue named, which he shall choose for that purpose, or by any other trusty persons notwithstanding the accounts, or regidencias of Or〈…〉〈…〉, Malaqua, and Mosambique shall be taken by the Iudges themselues, because of the importance of them, and [ 50] the acts or examinations of the said accounts or regidencias shall be dispatched in the said House or Court of Relation, and the sentences which vpon them shall be giuen, with the copie of the said acts and examinations, the Vice-roy shall cause them to bee to the Realme the same yeere * 1.835 that they are taken, and they shall be deliuered to the Iudge of India, and of the Myne, that he may deliuer vnto me relation of them, and I may command them to be set in that place that I shall thinke to be most meet.

The condemnations of money that shall be made in the House or Court of Relation, shall be applied for the expences of the said House, and the Iudges of the said House or Court may not apply them to any other vse, of the which forfeitures, or condemnations there shall bee a Re∣ceiuer, and a Scriuener of the receit, and expences of them, and the said expences shall be made [ 60] by order of the Vice-roy, for the which there shall be a Booke assigned and kept, by one of the said Iudges, to whom the Vice-roy shall commit it in keeping.

And because I may haue knowledge of all causes as well Criminall as Ciuill, which shall be

dispatched in the said House or Court of Relation in euery yeere, the Vice-roy shall command a Roll or Register of all the said cases that so shall bee dispatched to bee made, and also of those which remayned to be dispatched, the which Register he shall send vnto vs euery yeere.

The Vice-roy shall nominate euery three yeeres, one Iudge of great confidence and trust, that may take the Examinations in the Citie of Goa, of the Scriueners, Aduocates, Rulers, Bay∣liffes, Tellers, Inquisitors, and of all the other Ministers of Iustice, and of the Reuenues, ex∣cepting the Iustices of the House or Court of Relation, and also besides the Examinations that the chiefe Iustice of Criminall causes, and the other Officers of Iustice in the said Citie are bound to make euery yeere according to their Offices or Authoritie, and the said Iudge shall pro∣ceed against the faulty according to Iustice, and finally, he shall dispatch them in the said Court [ 10] of relation, with the Iudges that the Vice-roy shall nominate vnto him.

And the Vice-roy not being present in the House or Court of relation, or being absent from the Citie of Goa, the Chancellor shall serue in his place, according to the order of our Decree.

The Chancellor shall peruse or ouer-see all the Bills & Sentences, that are giuen by the Iudges * 1.836 of the said Court or House of relation, and in the passing and ingrossing of them, he shall keepe the same order that the Chancellor of the Court of Requests doth keepe, by authoritie of my Ordinances and Warrants.

He shall take notice of the suspicions that are to the Iudges of the said House or Court of relation of India, and to the other Officers of the said House, the which he shall dispatch in the said House or Court of relation.

He shall take notice of the cases and errours of the Notaries and Scriueners, and other Offi∣cers, * 1.837 [ 20] whereof the Iudge of Chancerie pertayning to the Court of Requests may take Notice, and he shall passe Bills of assurance vpon the said cases being of such qualitie that it may bee done, and no other Iudge shall passe them, and he also shall take notice of the appeales of errours com∣mitted by these Officers of the estate of India, and of the wrongs past before the Tellers of the costs, vsing in all that is aboue named that authoritie, that is giuen to the Iudge of the Chan∣cerie belonging to the Court of requests.

And for so much as in the said parts there is no other Chancellor but he of the house or Court of relation, it is my will and pleasure, that all those matters that in whatsoeuer manner be dispatcht by the Vice-roy, by Letters, Bills, or Warrants, which by authoritie of my Ordinances should passe by the chiefe Chancellor, doe passe by him, and in the passing and engrossing of the said [ 30] matters, he shall vse the authoritie of the chiefe Chancellor, and the Debts that are due in the engrossing of the Warrants, which the Vice-roy shall passe, he shall determine vpon them with three of the said Iudges, which the Vice-roy shall nominate vnto him.

And hee shall also take notice of the suspicio••s layd to the Ouerseers of our Reuenues, or Exchequor, and to the Officers thereof, and hee shall dispatch them according to the authoritie of the chiefe Chancellor.

And touching the valuation of the Garrisons, and other Offices of what ought to bee payd in the Chancerie, the said Chancellor shall vse the same order contayned in the Orders of the estate of India, whereof hitherto hath beene vsed, the which he shall vse onely in this behalfe. [ 40]

The Chancellor shall keepe the Courts that the Iudge of the Chancerie is bound to doe, in the dayes ordayned for that purpose, and the Sentences that the said Chancellor doth giue, shall passe by the Chancerie, or by the ancientest Iudge of the Appeales.

And when the Chancellor chanceth to bee absent, or busie about other affaires, in such sort that thereby he cannot be present, the Seales shall remayne with the ancientest Iudge of Ap∣peales in that Office, he which shall take notice of all such matters as the said Chancellor might take notice of.

And in all the rest that in this Register is not declared, the said Chancellor shall vse the same order that is giuen to the high Chancellor, or to the Chancellor of the Court of Requests, by our Ordinances and Decrees, and this shall be vsed in such cases as they well may be applyed vnto. [ 50]

There appertayneth to the Iudges of the Appeales, to take notice of the Appeales of the * 1.838 Sentences definitiue, that the chiefe Iudge of the Ciuill cases, and the chiefe Commissioner of the deceased shall pronounce in such Ciuill cases as are not contayned in their Prerogatine or Authoritie.

There appertayneth also vnto them, the deciding of the Appeales of Ciuill cases that doth passe before the Iudge of the Citie of Goa, and before the ordinarie Iudges, and before the Iudges of Orphants, and whatsoeuer Iudges of the said Citie, and also of the Iudges of the Fortresses, or Garrisons of India, and of the Towneships thereof, and of those Captaines that haue no Iudges, the which doth not appertayne to any other Iudgement by authoritie of my Ordi∣nances or Decrees. [ 60]

All the cases which by authoritie of the same Decree doth appertaine vnto them, they shall dispatch them by a pretence, and in the dispatching of them, they shall keepe the order that I haue giuen by mine Ordinances and Decrees to the Iudges of the Complaints, and Appeales of the Court of Requests, and they shall as well in the dispatching of the Sentences definitiues, as

of the Interlocutorie, Bills of complaint, Petitions, and Examinations of Witnesses, and they shall haue the same authoritie that the Iudges of Appeales of the said House or Court of Re∣quests haue.

And the Iudges of Appeales shall take notice of the Petitions of the iniurie that is done in cases Criminall, and Ciuill, of all the Iudges that are resident in the Citie of Goa, and fiue leagues round about the same, in those cases wherein appeale or complaint may be made by Peti∣tion, and shall dispatch them according to the forme of our Ordinances and Decrees.

And notwithstanding, that according to the Decree in the Appeales, the account surmounting the summe of ten thousand Reys, three voyces agreeing are needfull to confirme or reuoke; * 1.839 it is my will and pleasure, and command that two voyces agreeing shall suffice to confirme or disanull the summe of twentie thousand Reys, and in the Appeales of greater summes, the * 1.840 [ 10] forme of the said Decree shall be kept in all points.

And in all the rest which in this Processe in not declared, the said Iudges of Appeales shall vse the same order giuen to the Iudges of Appeales of the Court of Requests, by my Ordinances and Decrees, and this in those cases wherein they may be applied according to Iustice.

To the chiefe Iudge of Criminall cases appertayneth to take notice by Ausaon noua of all the * 1.841 Crimes or Facts that shall be committed in the Citie of Goa, or fiue leagues round about it, the Vice-roy, or the Court of Relation being in the said Citie, and those cases that shall be written in processe in his Court, he shall dispatch them in the Court of Relation.

Hee shall take notice also of all the Bills of complaint, or Bills of testimonie, or witnesses: and of all Criminall cases remitted, to wit, in the cases wherein it may be remitted, which doe [ 20] come from whatsoeuer part of the State of India, the which hee shall dispatch in the Court of Hearing, or of Relation, if the Iudgement of them doth not appertaine to other Iudges espe∣cially, according to my Ordinances and Decrees.

Hee shall also take notice by Petition of all Criminall Appeales, that the Parties shall bring before the Iudges, and the Iudge of the Citie of Goa, and of fiue leagues round about the same, the which he shall command to be answered by himselfe alone, and he shall dispatch the said Ap∣peales in the Court of Relation, and the parties being willing to appeale directly to the Court of Relation by Petition, they may doe it, and the Iudges of Appeales shall giue a dispatch in the said Petitions, according to the forme of the Ordinance in that case prouided.

And likewise hee shall take notice by Ausaon noua, and shall dispatch by himselfe alone, all * 1.842 [ 30] those cases that the Corregidor of the Criminall cases of the Court may take notice, and dispatch by himselfe alone, and of the determination that in the said cases may be appealed by Petition to the Court of Relation, in such manner as they doe appeale from the Corregidor of the Court according to the Ordinance in that case prouided.

Hee shall giue Warrants or Letters of assurance in all those cases, wherein the Corregidor of the Court may passe them by the authoritie of his Office, and in passing of them he shall keepe the forme of the Ordinance in that case prouided, &c.

Hee shall haue a particular care, that as soone as any Facts be dispatched of any man condem∣ned to die, that receiueth wages or a stipend of the King, or is banished, to cause his name to be set in the Register, or Check-roll, vpon these Titles within ten dayes, whereunto he shall ioyne [ 40] a Certificat to the Fact of his condemnation.

Hee shall keepe euery weeke two Court dayes, to wit, vpon Tuesday and Friday in the afternoone.

Hee may also pleade by Petition the Criminall cases that doe passe before the Iudges of the Citie of Goa, and fiue leagues round about the same, and hee shall receiue the complaints in all those cases wherein the Corregidor of the Court may receiue them, and he shall vse in all such cases the rule or authoritie of the said Corregidor of the Court, in all manner of matters where∣vnto this may be applied.

And hee shall take notice of the Appeales of Criminall cases that shall come from any part [ 50] of the Estate of India, and shall dispatch them in the Court of Relation, the Iudgement of them not appertayning particularly to any other Iudges, according to the Ordinan∣ces and Decrees, and in the dispatching of the said Appeales, hee shall keepe that order, which I haue giuen to the Iudges of Criminall cases of the Court of Requests by mine Ordinances and Decrees.

There shall serue with him two Scriueners or Clerkes, of the foure belonging to the chiefe Iudge, according to the Warrant that I past, in the diuision that I commanded to be made of the Office of the chiefe Iudge.

To the chiefe Iudge of Ciuill cases belongeth by Ausaon noua the notice of the cases Ciuill of * 1.843 the Citie of Goa, and round about the same fiue leagues, the Court of Relation being in the said [ 60] Citie, the which shall be written in Processe in his owne Court, and he shall dispatch them by himselfe alone, giuing leaue to appeale in those matters that belong not to his Authoritie, ac∣cording to the forme of the Decree prouided in those cases.

Also there appertayneth to him to passe the Certificats, and Letters of Iustifications.

And the said Auditor shall haue authoritie by himselfe alone to iudge in matters amounting to the summe of fifteene thousand Reys, which is nine pounds seuen shillings sixe pence ster∣ling, in landed Goods; and in mouable Goods, to the summe of twentie thousand Reys, which is twelue pounds ten shillings sterling.

And of the interlocutory Sentences that the said Iudge shall giue, the parties may appeale by Petition in those cases, which by the Ordinance the Corregidores in Ciuill cases of the Court may appeale.

And he shall keepe two Courts euery weeke, to wit, vpon Monday, and vpon Thursday in the afternoones.

And in all the rest which in this Processe is not declared, the said chiefe Iudge of Ciuill cases [ 10] shall vse the order, that the Corregidores in Ciuill cases of the Court doe vse, by my Ordinances and Decrees, and this in such cases as they may be applied vnto.

There shall serue with him two Scriueners, or Clerke of the foure that serued in the chiefe Iudges office, according to the Warrant that I past in the diuision that I commanded to be made in the said Office.

To the Iudge of the Crowne Office, and of the Exchequor appertayneth to take notice of * 1.844 all matters pertayning to the Crowne, or to the Exchequor by Ausaon noua, and by Petition of Appeale in the Citie of Goa, and fiue leagues round about the same, the Court of Relation be∣ing there, and out of Goa he shall take notice from all parts of India by Appeales, or by Bill of Complaint, or by Bills of Testimonie of all the said cases, although it be betweene partie and partie. And also he shall take notice of all the other cases, whereof the Iudge of matters tou∣ching [ 20] the Crowne and the Exchequor of the Court of Request, may take notice by vertue of my Ordinances, and he shall dispatch the same cases in the Court of Relation, according to the order that I haue giuen by my Ordinances and Decrees to the Iudge, of cases touching the Crowne and Reuenues of the Court of Requests. * 1.845

And in the interlocutory Sentences that he shall giue by himselfe alone, in whatsoeuer cases, there may bee an Appeale by Petition in the Court of Relation, in such cases as by vertue of the Ordinances may be appealed of by Petition.

He shall goe at all times being necessarie to the Accounts, where hee shall proceed according to the rule that I haue giuen in cases belonging to the Exchequor of the Estate of India, [ 30]

The said Iudge of the Crowne and Exchequor shall also serue for Iudge of the Kings Reue∣nues, and he shall vse in all such matters that order that I haue giuen to the Iudge of the Reue∣nues, which is resident in the Court of Requests, and also in all other matters which otherwise I shall command hereafter.

There shall be two Scriueners or Clerkes, the which shall write by their turnes, all those ca∣ses that shall passe before the said Iudge of the Crowne Office, Exchequor, and Reuenues.

The Attorney of matters touching the Crowne and Exchequor, ought to bee very diligent and know particularly of all the cases pertayning to the Crowne and Exchequor, for to require * 1.846 in them all things belonging or appertayning to the true performing of Iustice, for the which he shall be present at all the Courts that the Iudge of the Crowne Office, and of the Exchequor [ 40] doth keepe, and also at all other Courts that shall appertayne to my Exchequor, and in all the rest hee shall accomplish the Ordinance that I haue giuen to my Attorney in matters of the Crowne and Exchequor, in mine Ordinances and Decrees.

Also in those cases wherein he is to be a Preferrer, either in the behalfe of Iustice, or of the Reuenues, he shall also vse the same order which by mine Ordinance I haue giuen to the Prefer∣rer, or Informer of the Court of Requests, and to the Attorney of the Reuenues.

There appertayneth to the chiefe Commissioner of the deceased of the Estate of India, to take * 1.847 notice by Ausaon noua, in the Citie of Goa, and fiue leagues round about the same, within the limit of which fiue leagues shall contayne the Territories of Bardes and Salcete, although some of them be without the said fiue leagues, the which shall dispatch such matters as shall be pro∣cessed [ 50] in his Court by himselfe alone, giuing in them Appeales, in such cases, as are not contay∣ned within his authoritie, and he shall vse that authoritie which by my Ordinances and Decrees I haue giuen to the Commissioners of the Orphans, and of the Citie of Lisbone, and to the Commissioners of the Borders or limits of the said Kingdome, in such matters as they may be applyed vnto, and also in all such matters as in this Ordinance are not especially prouided for.

The said chiefe Commissioner shall haue authoritie to the quantity of twentie thousand Reys in mooueable goods, and in Lands or Tenements fifteene thousand Reys without application, or appeale. And he shall appeale in cases appertayning to the Orphans, and Captiues in those * 1.848 Sentences that he shall giue, and are not contayned within the compasse of his Authoritie, al∣though that the parties doe not appeale in the said Sentences, according to the Decree in such a [ 60] case appertaying.

And because I vnderstand by Information that the Commissioners of the Orphans, and of the men deceased, which doe serue in other parts of India, doe giue euery one assurance only of two hundred thousand Reys, according to the Decree and Ordinance that hitherto they did vse, and * 1.849

some of the said Commissioners doe receiue great quantitie of money of the men so dying, the which when the parties will recouer they cannot doe it, by reason of the goods which the said Commissioners haue not, nor by the assurance which was of a very small quantitie. And I being willing to prouide in this matter. It is my wil & pleasure that the Commissioners of the Fortresse of Sofola, Mosambique, Ormus, Malaca, and Macao and in Bengala before they come to, or enter in their Offices, that euery one of them doe giue assurance of fiue thousand Cruzadoes, and the * 1.850 other Commissioners of the said Fortresses or Townes, shall giue euery one assurance of two thousand Cruzadoes.

There shall be in the Court of the chiefe Commissioner, a Chest with three Keyes, of the which the said chiefe Commissioner shall haue one, and the most ancient Scriuener or Clarke of [ 10] his Court another, and the Treasurer of the said Court shall haue the other, in the which all the money of the men deceased which in the said parts is to be had, shall be deposited, and it shall be set downe, or entred into a Booke, with the number or summe thereof, according to the order of the Decree to that Case appertayning, the which Booke shall also be layd in the same Chest, the which shall not be opened, but when any Money is to be put therein, and it shall bee entred in the said Booke, all the three Officers being present, aswell at the receit as at the expences of the said money, and the said money which in the said Chest shall be deposited, and all the rest which doth appertaine to the said Orphans or men deceased, the said chiefe Commissioner shall not consent to the taking out of the Chest, neither that it be lent to any person, but only it shall bee sent vnto this Realme, by Letters of exchange as the custome is, or hee shall command it * 1.851 [ 20] to be deliuered in India, to the parties to whom by right it doth belong or appertaine.

And because I am enformed that some persons dying, to whom there is no certaine knowne, the Vice-Royes doe giue the goods of the said men deceased to some persons, whereof there doth arise many inconueniences, and I being willing to prouide in the said case, doe thinke it meete, and doe command that from hence-forward the said Vice-Royes shall not giue the said goods to any person with assurance or without, and that they shall command them to be kept in good safeguard, according to the order of mine owne goods, sending them to the Kingdome di∣rected to the Treasurer of the Receit of the Captiues, according to the order giuen in this Case, that from his hand it may bee giuen to whom it doth appertaine, or to remayne in the House of Receit, hauing no Heires according to the Decree. [ 30]

The said chiefe Commissioner shall haue a particular care to know when the shippes of this Realme shall come to the Citie of Goa, and also of the other ships, that come to the said Citie from other parts of the Estate of India, and if there dyed in them any persons, and the order that was kept and obserued in the making of the Inuentory of their goods, causing it all to be set in good safeguard according to his authoritie, and the dutie of his Office.

And likewise in the same manner, he shall haue a particular care to send euery yeare by Let∣ter of Exchange in the said ships of this Kingdome, all the money of the said deceased men, that is in his Office directed to the Officers to whom it appertayneth to bee deliuered by vertue of my Decrees, that in this Citie it may be giuen, and deliuered to the persons to whom of right it doth appertaine. [ 40]

And also he shall haue a speciall care to make a discharge of the generall Register of India, of the wages that the said men so deceased did receiue, because that also there may bee a note set in their Toll, or Register, how they are dead, and of the day wherein they dyed, that they may receiue no more wages for them of my goods from that day, and to doe this, hee shall peruse the said Register some dayes, that he shall thinke conuenient for to doe the said diligences, because they doe import very much to my seruice••, and for this cause I command the Scriueners or Clerkes of the said generall Check-roll of India, to bee very diligent, and to make all these Dis∣charges, and to set Notes in the Check-rolls of the said men deceased, as by the order of the said Register it is commanded them.

The said chiefe Commissioner shall take no notice of the Appeales that doe come from the [ 50] Iudges of the Orphans of the Citie of Goa, and of the other Fortresses of the Estate of India, and from the other Commissioners, but they shall goe directly to the Court of Relation, to the Iudges of Appeales, where they shall be dispatched according to the order of the said Iudges of Appeales. Neither shall he take notice of the Appeales, which by Bils, or Letters of Testimo∣niall shall come from the Fortresses of India, but they shall goe directly to the Iudges of Ap∣peales, to whom the Iudgement doth appertaine, as in their Title is declared.

Of the Interlocutorie Sentences, whereof by my Ordinances may bee appealed by Petition, or by a Bill of Complaint, the parties may according to the forme of my Ordinances and De∣crees appeale to the Court of Relation, and the Appeales that doe passe before the Iudges of the Orphans of the Citie of Goa, and fiue leagues round about the same, shall goe directly to the [ 60] Court of Relation, according to the Commandement that I commanded in the new reformation of Iustice, and the said Commissioner shall euery three yeares giue and yeeld an account for the importance that belongeth to the knowing how they doe serue and proceed in their Offices, and charges according to Equitie and Iustice.

And because it is conuenient that there be a man that haue care of the Deeds, Petitions, & of the other writings, that do remain in the said house where the said Court is kept, and also of the Ta∣bles, * 1.852 and order of the said house; I think it meet, and do command that from hence-forward a man of trust, and confidence be Keeper of the said house, such as the Vice-Roy shal think meet for that purpose, the which also shal be Distributor of all Deeds, aswel Criminal as Ciuil, that shall come to the said house of Relation, according to that order which by mine Ordinances and Decrees I haue giuen to the Distributor of the Court of Requests, and he shall vse that order which I haue giuen to the Porter of the said house, and the said Keeper shall also serue for Receiuer of money for condemnations, for the expences of the said house, for the which Receit he shall giue account euery yeare, the which account shall be taken of him by one particular Iudge, whom the Vice-Roy [ 10] shall nominate for that purpose, and the Vice-Roy shall nominate the person that shall serue in this Office, that I may confirme the same, and command a Patent to be made to the said person during his life.

And it is my wil and pleasure, and I do command that all that which is contayned in this De∣cree, be fully and wholy executed, as in it is contayned, and that no other be vsed, whatsoeuer Lawes, Decrees, Warrants, Patents, Vses, and Customes to the contrarie notwithstanding, the which shall be written in a Booke, the which shall bee alwayes vpon the Table in the said house of Relation, and the same shall be put in a Chest, which shall bee in the said house in very good keeping:

The Iudge of the Citie of Goa, shall take notice in the said Citie, and within the libertie [ 20] * 1.853 thereof, by Ausaon noua, of Cases Ciuill and Criminall, which especially doth not appertaine to any other Iudgement, and he shall grant an Appeale in those Cases, that are not contayned with∣in his authoritie directly to the house or Court of Relation.

And he shall take no notice of the Appeales and Complaints that doe passe before the ordi∣nary Iudges of the said Citie, and the bounds thereof, forasmuch as I haue prouided that the said Appeales should goe directly to the house or Court of Relation.

The said Iudge shall haue authoritie in Landed goods, to the summe of eight thousand Reys, and in moueable goods, to the summe of twelue thousand Reys. * 1.854

And in all the rest, which in this prouision is not declared, hee shall vse the authoritie that the Iustices of Criminall and Ciuill Cases of the Citie of Lisbon, doe vse according to the Decree [ 30] and Law of the Reformation of Iustice.

And he shall only vse this order, and not that which is giuen to the Licentiate, George Mon∣teyro, nor of any other.

The Iudge of the Orphans of the Citie of Goa, shall be a learned man, and hee shall vse in all * 1.855 matters that order and rule, which by my Ordinances is giuen in the Title of the Iudges of the Orphans, and hee shall beare a white Rodde, as the Iudges of the Orphans of the * 1.856 King∣dome doe beare.

And of the Sentences that the said Iudge doth giue, which are not contayned within his au∣thoritie, there shall be an Appeale to the Iudges of the Court of Relation, and of the complaints which doe passe before the said Iudge of the Orphans, the parties may appeale to the Court of [ 40] Relation, according to the order of the new Law made for the reformation of Iustice.

And the said Iudge of the Orphans of the Citie of Goa, shall haue authoritie to iudge in mat∣ters touching moueable goods to the summe of tenne thousand Reys, and in landed goods sixe thousand Reys.

The said Iudges shall take notice in the places of their Iurisdiction by Ausaon noua, of all the Causes, Ciuill and Criminall, and the Ciuill Causes which are processed in their Court or Office, they shall iudge definitiuely by themselues alone, giuing Appeales in those Cases which are not contayned in their authoritie to the Court of Relation, and the Bils of complaint, or Bils of te∣stimonie that shall passe before them, of the Interlocutorie Sentences, whereof by authoritie of my Ordinances may bee appealed, shall bee past in the Court of Relation, and not before any [ 50] chiefe Iudge as hitherto it hath beene vsed.

And the said Iudges shall processe the Criminall Cases, till they doe conclude them by them∣selues alone, and when they are concluded, they shall giue knowledge to the Captaines, for to appoint a day or houre certaine, wherein they may meete in the Chamber-house of the Citie, that they may giue a dispatch in them, and in those places where there is no such Chamber, the Iudges shall meete the Captaines in the Fortresses, or Castles, and the said Captaine being agreed with the Iudge, the Sentence shall be written by the Iudge, whereunto both shall set their hands, in the which shall be vsed due execution, if it be contayned within his authoritie, and being of sundry opinions, the sentence shall not passe, and they shal take a third man vnto them, the which shall be the Ouer-seer of the Kings goods, and if hee be not in place, then the Factor of the said [ 60] Fortresse. And if it chance that the Ouer-seer of the goods, nor the Factor for some hinderance cannot be present, then shall serue in their place, the eldest ordinary Iudge that doth serue that yeare, and according to that which two persons shall agree vpon, the Sentence shall be written, whereat all three shall set their hands, that due execution shall bee vsed according to the Order aboue rehearsed.

And the Criminall Cases that are not contayned within the compasse of the authoritie of the said ordinary Iudges, they shall dispatch them by themselues alone, giuing an Appeale, according to the tenour of my Ordinances to the Court of Relation, where the chiefe Iudge of Criminall Cases shall dispatch them according to Iustice.

And the said Iudges shall take notice of the Appeales that doe passe before the ordinary Iud∣ges, of Cities and Fortresses where they are Iudges, and shall dispatch them by themselues alone, whereof they shall giue an Appeale to the Court of Relation, in such Cases as doe not contayne within their authoritie.

And the said Iudges shall take knowledge of the Appeales of the ordinary Iudges, as the Iu∣stices of the Borders may doe, and they may also plead such Cases, as the said Iustices by the au∣thoritie of their Offices may plead, and in all the rest, they shall vse the Orders that the Iustices [ 10] of the Borders doe vse, in Cases wherein they may be applyed.

Also they may passe Letters of Protection, in such cases, as the Iustices of the Borders may passe them, and the Captaines of the Fortresses may not passe or grant them, neither may they intermeddle in the same by no manner of meanes, and the said Iudges shall not grant any Letter of Protection in cases of death, nor in other cases which are reserued for the chiefe Iudge of Cri∣minall cases, which vseth the authoritie of the Corrigidor of the Court, except the Iudges of Ma∣sambique, Ormus, Malaca, Moluco, and Macao, for these may passe Schedules, or Bils of Secu∣ritie, a Protection in all cases, and in those wherein the Corrigidor of the Court doth passe, or grant them in the Court of Relation according to his authoritie, the said Iudges shall passe them [ 20] with the opinion of the Captayne, and the Ouer-seer of the Kings goods together, and if there be no Ouer-seer of the goods, they shall dispatch them with the Factor, and if it chanceth so that neither the Ouer-seer nor the Factor can be there, by some let or hinderance, then the most ancient ordinary Iudge that doth serue that yeare, shall be in their stead, and it shall be sufficient that two of them doe agree in the granting or denying the said Letters of Protection, and the Bils of Controuersie, of those persons to whom they doe passe or grant the said Letters of Pro∣tection shall passe before the said Iudges, the which thus to bee done, I thinke it meete and con∣uenient, hauing a respect to the distance, that is, from these parts, to the Citie of Goa, where the Court of Relation is, and the great vexation that the parties would receiue in going to de∣mand Iustice to places so distant and farre. [ 30]

The said Iudges shall haue authoritie in Criminall cases, to the quantitie of fortie thousand * 1.857 Reys in moueable goods, and in Landed goods to the quantitie of thirtie thousand Reys, and the Iudges of the Fortresses of Mosambique, Ormus, Malaca, Moluco, and Macao, shall haue authoritie in the said Cases to the quantitie of eightie thousand Reys in moueable goods, and Landed goods, seuentie thousand Reys, and of those cases which shall surmount the said summe, they shall appeale to the Court of Relation, because they are not contayned within their authoritie.

And the said Iudges with the Captaines shall haue that authoritie in Criminall cases, which the Captaynes of my Townes or Castles, on the other side the Sea haue, as is declared in the or∣der of the twentieth Booke tituled 27. aswell ouer the Portugals, as ouer the men of that [ 40] Countrey, and the Sentences that they shall giue in those cases which are contayned within their authoritie, according to this Decree, and the said Ordinance shall bee executed effectually according to Iustice.

And if any case contayned in the said Ordinance do happen or chance, so that by the autho∣rity of the same, the said Iudges haue commission to prosecute it vnto death, they shall not exe∣cute those Sentences, which in any of the said cases they do pronounce, if the parties so condem∣ned be Esquires, or Gentlemen•• of my houshold, or of greater qualitie: for before they doe exe∣cute the said Sentences, they shall make it knowne to the Vice-Roy, that with his opinion exe∣cution may be giuen to the said Sentences.

And the said Iudges shall not apprehend any person for any complaints of whatsoeuer quali∣tie they be of, without Information of Witnesses, according to the new Law of Reformation of [ 50] Iustice, the which Law they shall in this and in all other matters accomplish according to the tenure thereof.

They shall keepe the Court dayes that the Iustices of the Borders are bound to keepe, and this in the publike accustomed places, where the Iustices are wont to keepe them, and they shall not keepe them in their houses.

And the said Iudges shall examine all such matters, as the Iustices of the Borders are bound to examine, by the authoritie of my Ordinances, Lawes, and Decrees of these Kingdomes vnder the penalties in them declared, in such cases as they may be applyed vnto.

They may also prouide the places for the Officers belonging to the Iustices which are void, [ 60] according to the order of the Decree, vntill the Vice-Royes doe prouide them, and the Captaynes may in no wise prouide them, the which Seruices or Places shall bee prouided to my Seruants, or to other well deseruing persons, and their deserts beeing equall, my Seruants shall be preferred.

And the said Iudges shall bee bound to command euery one of the Scriueners, or Clerkes of their Court to make a Booke wherein they may write all the cases as well Ciuill as Criminall, and other Bils of Appeale or Complaint, and all other Matters whereof the said Iudges doth take notice, and euery one of them setting downe that which is committed to his charge only, as well of those things which they shall write in processe for the obseruing of Iustice, as of these Matters that are betweene partie and partie.

And euery one of the said Iudges shall haue a Booke noted and signed by them, wherein they may cause all the forfeitures of money that are applyed to the expences of Iustice, or to any o∣ther place according to the order of the Decree in that case prouided.

And the said Iudges may set penalties, and condemne in them to the quantitie of two thou∣sand [ 10] Reys, for the charges of the said Iustice, without any Appeale or Complaint of the said Sentence. The which expences shall bee made by the commandement of the said Iudges, and not of the Captaines, and in the Accounts or Residencies that the Iudges doe giue, there shall an Account bee taken of them of the said money, and of the expences of the said Forfeitures, that notice may be had, if they haue commanded the said Forfeitures to be deliuered to those places or parties whereunto they were applyed, and the expences which by their commande∣ment were made, if they were well and lawfully commanded.

And the said Iudges may not bee imprisoned nor arrested during the time of their charges, for any Matter whatsoeuer, Criminall or Ciuill, except it bee by the commandement of the Vice-Roy, or the Court of Relation. [ 20]

And because it importeth much to the keeping of good Iustice, and the Admini∣stration thereof, that the said Iudges haue the Authoritie, that belongeth to the char∣ges whereof wee haue giuen them Commission, and because that they beeing subiect to the Captaynes, did arise many inconueniences, and they were oppressed in such manner, that they could not performe their Duties with that Integritie, and libertie that belongeth to the Seruice of God, and mine; And I beeing willing to prouide in this Case, doe thinke it meete, and doe command that the said Captaynes may haue no Iurisdiction, nor any Superioritie ouer the said Iudges, and that they doe not intermeddle with any thing pertayning to their Offices or charges, any thing to the contrarie notwithstanding.

And if the said Iudges doe commit any crimes or excesses, so that it seemes to the Cap∣taynes [ 30] that they ought to aduertize the Vice-Roy thereof, they shall doe it by their Letters, the which the Vice-Roy shall command to be perused in the Court of Relation, that they may proceed against them according to Iustice.

And the said Iudges shall take such Fees for their Assignements as the Iustices of the Borders may take, by the Authoritie of their Offices, and according to my Ordinances.

And when the said Iudges shall bee absent, or hindered, so that by themselues they can∣not serue, they may nominate a person to serue in their place, and if hee chance to dye, after hee hath nominated, the person so nominated shall serue vntill the Vice-Roy doe pro∣uide another, and if hee dyeth without nominating any person to serue in his place, the Factour of the Kings Reuenues shall serue the place, the which persons shall serue the [ 40] same place, all the time that the Vice-Roy doth not nominate or prouide, as it is alrea∣die declared, and the Vice-Roy shall prouide a man of Learning and Qualitie, in whom the said charge may well bee employed, the which persons in all things shall vse the Order of this Decree.

And it is my will and pleasure that touching the Suspitions that shall bee layd to the said Iud∣ges in such Cases as by reason of their Offices they may take notice of, they shall keepe this Order following, to wit, when any Suspition shall bee intended against them by any partie of what Degree or Qualitie soeuer he be, the Iudge not yeelding himselfe guiltie of the Suspition, the Acts thereof shall be committed to the ancientest ordinary Iudge that serued the yeare be∣fore, the which Iudge shall determine of the same, according to Iustice, and the said Iudge shall [ 50] proceed alwayes in the cause wherein the said Suspition was layd against him, vntill it be finally determined, taking to himselfe for an Adiunct, one of the Iustices of that present yeare, which doe serue in the said Fortresse or Garrison where hee is Iudge, not beeing suspected, but if hee bee, hee shall take another Iustice, and beeing both suspected, hee shall take the ancientest Alderman, and the same beeing so, hee shall take the second, and if hee bee suspected, hee shall take the third, to the which no suspition can bee layd, and the Acts that they two shall make, It is my will and pleasure that they bee in force and power, as if the suspi∣tion had not beene layd vnto the said Iudge, and beeing iudged that hee is not suspectiue, hee alone shall proceed in the Case, as hee should haue done it, if the suspition had not beene in∣tended against him. And being iudged to bee suspectiue, in such a Case hee shall proceed no [ 60] further, and there shall be a Iudge set in his place, that may take notice of the said Case accor∣ding to the forme of my Ordinances.

And it is also my will and pleasure, that when a suspition is thus laid to the said Iudges, in whatsoeuer cases, as well Criminall as Ciuill; and the partie that doth lay the said suspition, is

not contented with his owne deposition, but is willing to giue other proofe; hee shall deposite foure Cruzados before any hearing be giuen to the proofe, the which he shall forfeit to the poore * 1.858 Prisoners of the Iayle of that Garrison where he serueth, if it be iudged that the said Iudge is not guiltie of the said suspition.

The said Iudges shall haue 200000. Reys ordinarie euery yeare paid, in the Factorships of the * 1.859 Garrisons where they doe serue by the Factors thereof, at euery quarter of the yeare, the which the Factors shall pay them of the first Money they receiue, in such sort, that they alwaies bee well paid, and this with a Certificate of the Scriuener or Clerke of his charge, how he hath ser∣ued the time of the quarter, and with the said Certificate, and the Acquittance of euery one of the Iudges, the Money for the said quarteredges, shall be receiued in account of the said Fa∣ctors [ 10] that shall pay it them, and the Copy of this Chapter shall be registred in the Office of the said Factors, by the Clerke of the said Office, the which Ordinarie the learned Iudges shall one∣ly receiue.

And the said Iudges shall receiue allowance of victuals for two men that doth accompany them, and doth serue with them in matters of Iustice, the which shall bee paid vnto them at their quarters, at the charges of my reuenues, as hitherto it hath beene done by a Certificate of the said Clerkes of the Factorshippes, wherein they shall declare how the said Iudges haue the said men, and how they doe serue with them in the manner aboue rehearsed. There follow like Rules for the Iudge of Macao, and the Kingdome of China, which for breui∣tie I haue omitted. [ 20]

Here followed a Collection of the Warrants made in the Uiceroyes name to the Captaines of all the se∣uerall Forts and Places of command in all the Portugall Indies, whereby they had commission to execute their charges, and to receiue their Wages, Priuiledges and Rights, in manner there by seuerall Warrants for each particular, to each Captaine expressed: but it is a pretie large Uolume, and here for the length omitted, there being no lesse then three and twentie seuerall Warrants to George Meneses, Captaine of Mosambique and Sofala, touching his charge, power, and priuiledges; and likewise for the rest.

§. III.

The Receipt of the Reuenues of the State of India: as also the [ 30] Expenses publike therein.

THis Citie of Goa yeeldeth to his Maiesties reuenues 235102. Pardoas, foure Tangas, thirteene Reys, which make 70530853. Reys, which makes in English Money fortie foure thousand and eightie one pounds, fifteene shillings seuen pence halfe peny far∣thing, two tenth parts of a penie: in this manner,

To wit, 30000000. of Reys, for 100000. Xerafins of the rent of the Custome-house, one yeare with another, which is eighteene thousand seuen hundred and fiftie pounds sterling.

3000000. Reys for 10000. Xerafins, of the rent of the prouisions and Anfiaon, which is ap∣plyed [ 40] * 1.860 to the expenses of the Hospitall, and is one thousand eight hundrend seuentie fiue pounds sterling.

1950000. Reys for 6500. Xerafins, of the rent of the * 1.861 Betre, which is one thousand two hun∣dred and eighteene pounds fifteene shillings sterling.

1920000. Reys for 6400. Xerafins, for the rent of the Spices, which is one thousand and two hundred pounds sterling.

900000. Reys, for 3000. Xerafins, of the rent of the Norasquas, which is fiue hundred sixtie * 1.862 two pounds ten shillings sterling.

1920000. Reys, for 6400. Xerafins, for the rent of the Pagades de Salcete, and Bandes, which * 1.863 is one thousand and two hundred pounds sterling. [ 50]

675000. Reys, for 2250. Xerafins, for the rent of the cloathes made of Cotton-wooll, which is foure hundred twentie one pounds seuenteene shillings sixe pence sterling.

204000. Reys, for 680. Xerafins, for the rent of the * 1.864 Catualia, which is one hundred twen∣tie seuen pounds ten shillings sterling.

153000. Reys, for 510. Xerafins, for the rent of the Oyle Mils, which is ninetie fiue pounds twelue shillings sixe pence sterling.

1860000. Reys, for 6200. Xerafins, for the rent of the Chancery, which is one thousand one hundred sixtie two pounds ten shillings sterling.

1500000. Reys, for 5000. Xerafins, for the Shops that sell Silke and Chamblet, which is nine∣tie [ 60] three pounds ten shillings sterling.

2319289. Reys, for 7730. Xerafins, foure Tangas, fortie nine Reys, for the duties of this Iland, which is one thousand foure hundred fortie nine pounds, eleuen shillings, one penie, and two twentieth parts of a penie sterling.

304500. Reys, for 1015. Xerafins, for the rent of the Silke, which is one hundred and nine∣tie pounds sixe shillings three pence sterling.

20225064. Reys, for 67416. foure Tangas, foure and twentie Reys, for the duties of Salcete Xerafins, and Bardes, which is twelue thousand sixe hundred fortie one pounds, fiue shillings, nine pence halfe penie, and two twentie parts of a penie sterling.

Here is no mention made of the Customes of Horses: for after that Biznaga was lost there come few from Ormus, and the most part of them goe to Chaul, where declaration is made of what they may yeeld, and those that doe come to Goa, now Biznaga is lost, may import 10000. Pardaos of Gold, for 36000000. Reys sterling, twentie two thousand two hundred and fiftie pounds. [ 10]

Sofala Fortresse hath no rent for his Maiestie, but some Iuory which is ransomed there, which now is verie little; and when it is ransomed, it is spent in the said Fortresse, hauing ransomed in times past much Gold and Iuorie in it, whereof the said Fortresse was prouided, and also the Fortresse of Mosambique: This Fortresse is separated, and is a gouernance by it selfe.

Mosambique Fortresse hath no rent for his Maiestie, and some ransome of Iuorie from Dio, is also spent in the said Fortresse, without any comming thereof to India for the Kings reuenue, as before it did, it was sustained with the prouision that went to it from India; the which now is not done, because these yeares past, it is separated from the gouernment of India.

Ormus Fortresse yeeldeth to the King euery yeare 170000. Pardaos de Tangas, which is 51000000. of Reys, at 300. Reys the Pardao, and is thirtie one thousand eight hundred se∣uentie [ 20] fiue pounds sterling, counting one yeare with another, which is the rent of the Custome-house that was giuen to his Maiestie, with some other duties that are paid to him, as in this Ti∣tle is declared, &c.

Dio Fortresse yeeldeth to his Maiesties reuenues 100000. Pardaos of Gold, which 36000000. of Reys, at 360. Reys the Pardao, & is twentie two thousand fiue hundred pounds sterling, with∣all the rents of Bazar, and the great Custome-house, and of Gogola, and the Store-house of Damaon, which also entreth in this summe.

Damaon Fortresse, with the Countries annexed to it, doe yeeld to the King my Master eue∣ry yeare, 42933. Pardaos of Gold, which is 15455880. Reys, and is nine thousand sixe hundred ninetie nine pounds eighteene shillings sixe pence sterling.

Baçaim Fortiesse, with the Lands annexed to it, yeeldeth to his Maiestie euery yeare [ 30] 115334. Pardaos of Gold, euery Pardao containing foure Larins, of ninetie Reys per Larin, being so currant in the Countrey, which makes 41520240. Reys, which is twentie fiue thou∣sand nine hundred and fiftie pounds three shillings sterling.

The Pragana of Manora and Aceri, yeeldeth to the King euery yeare 3898. Pardaos of * 1.865 Gold, 69. Reys, which makes 1403349. Reys, which is eight hundred seuentie seuen pounds one sh••lling ten pence farthing, and two twentie parts of a penie sterling.

Chaul Fortresse yeeldeth to his Maiestie 30629. Pardaos, one Tanga, which is 9188760. Reys, and is fiue thousand seuen hundred fortie two pounds nineteen shillings six pence sterling euery yeare. To wit, 7000. Pardaos of tribute, and 16000. Pardaos custome of Horses, one yeare [ 40] with another going to the said Fortresse, and 7629. Pardaos, and one Tanga for rents, and this besides other rent of the Catunias and Neale of Cambaya; and of some goods from Ormus, the which because it is a new thing, is is not yet knowne what it may be worth. * 1.866

Onor in the contract of peace, which the Vice-roy Don Luiz de Taide, made with the Queen of Garsopa, whose the said Fortresse was, she bound her selfe to giue to this Estate euery yeare, fiue hundred Candil of Pepper, containing three hundred and three quarters weight euery Can∣dill, which is 187500. pounds waight, at the rate of fiue and twentie Pardaos of Gold, and foure Tangas the Candill, which is 9240. Reys, and makes in all 4620000. Reys, which is, two thousand eight hundred eightie seuen pounds ten shillings sterling euery yeare, the which hereto∣fore was not paid, because of the warre that hath beene with this Estate and them. [ 50]

This Fortresse yeeldeth also twentie Fardaos of Rice, of some Lands and Vargeas, which went away or did rebell with the said duties. * 1.867

The Chatins of Barcelor doe pay to his Maiestie for tribute, fiue hundred Fardaos of Rice eue∣ry yeare, the which his Maiesties Factor doth recouer, and are worth 120000. Reys, which is seuentie fiue pounds sterling.

The Custome-house of Mangalor Fortresse, yeeldeth one yeare with others, foure hundred Pagodes, and also one hundred sixtie two Fardaos of Rice, which the King of Banguell doth pay, and are recouered of Vargeas, or Earable grounds, which were and are saued, all the which is worth 218880. Reyes, which is one hundred thirtie sixe pounds sixteene shillings sterling.

Cananor Fortresse yeeldeth nothing to his Maiestie: they gather in it a little Ginger for the [ 60] ships of the Realme, although now it is very little, because of the warres of Malauar; not∣withstanding, it is gathered for such persons, as doe send to haue it gathered.

The Custome-house of the Citie Cochin which now is erected, may yeeld to his Maiestie one yeare with another 50000. Pardaos Xerafins, which maketh 15000000. of Reys, which is nine thousand three hundred seuentie fiue pounds sterling.

The rent of the Fortresse Manar, is worth 133460. Fanoes, which are 4003800. Reys, the * 1.868 which his Maiestie hath in the said Iland, and in other Ports neighbouring there-about, and of tribute which the King of Iasanapatan, and other Lords do pay, which is 2502 l. 7 s. 6 d. sterling.

Seylan the Madune, doth pay euery yeare for tribute to his Maiestie, 300. Bares of Cyna∣mon, containing 300. weight the Bare, which is 90000. weight, at the rate of ten Pardaos the Bare, which is 900000. Reys, and it is 562 l. 10 s. sterling.

Malaca Fortresse yeeldeth to his Maiestie euery yeare, 60000. Pardaos of Gold, which is 21600000. Reys, and 13500 l. sterling: and this is vnderstood one yeare with another.

Maluco, it was shewen by the esteeme or valuation of the rent, that this Fortresse did pay * 1.869 for the thirds of all the Cloues that is brought to India; and for tribute, that it was 10000. Ol∣las, [ 10] and 500. Fardos of Sagun, which is worth 300000. Reys, which is 187 l. 10 s. sterling.

The inclosing of all the Rent of the Estate of India.

THE rent of the State of India, amounteth to 271861762. Reys, as by the receipts ap∣peareth, which is 169913 l. 12 s. 10 d. q. 1/20. of a peny, whereof is abated 24000000. of Reys, which is 15000 l. sterling, that may bee short in this account, of all the Fortresses of the State, being among Heathen people, and for whatsoeuer occasion there be, there are breaches and losses for want of resorting to the Custome-houses, and thereby the said rents are not ful∣ly recouered. [ 20]

And there remaines cleere all charges borne, 247861762. Reys, which makes in Pardaos Xe∣rafins, which is the Money that is currant in this Citie of Goa, after the rate of 300. Reys, per Xerafin 826205. Pardaos, foure Tangas, twentie two Reys, which is 154913 l. 12 s. 00 d. q 1/20. part of a penie sterling.

And besides the rent that the State doth yeeld to the King my Master, there is another rent arising of one in the hundred, and of Imposition, of prouisions of the Fortresses, which are to∣wards the North: the which applyed for the fortification of the Fortresses where it is gathe∣red, which may amount one yeare with another, to 80260. Pardaos, which 24078000. Reys, which is 15048 l. 15 s. sterling.

To wit, 18000. Pardaos for one presentment in the Custome-house of Ormus, which is 5400000. Reys, and makes 3375 l. sterling. [ 30]

Item, 9700. Pardaos, which is 2910000. Reys, arising of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the hundred of the Custome-house of Dio, which is 1818 l. 15 s. sterling.

Item, 13000. Pardaos of one in the hundred, and Imposition of the prouision of the For∣tresse of Damaon, which is 3900000. Reys, and makes 2437 l. 10 s. sterling.

Item, 1000. Pardaos, of one in the hundred, and the Imposition of the prouision of the Fortresse of Baçaim, with 3000000. and makes 187 l. 10 s. sterling.

Item, 16560. Pardaos, of one in the hundred, and of the Imposition of the prouisions of the Fortresse of Chaul, which is 4968000. Reys, and makes 3105 l.

With the 13000. Pardaos, of the one in the hundred of the Custome-house of this Citie of [ 40] Goa; which is 3900000. Reys, as it did appeare by the accounts of the Officers, and other infor∣mations thereunto belonging, which is 2437 l. 10 s. sterling.

A Copie of all the ordinarie expences that are made in the Citie of Goa, at his Maiesties charges.

THE Vice-roy of India, hath for his Ordinarie by Warrants from his Maiestie, 7339550. * 1.870 Reys, for 18348. Cruzados, 350. Reys, which is 4587 l. 4 s. 4 d. ob. at the rate of 400. Reys, per Cruzado; to wit, 8000. Cruzados, which 2000 l. of his Ordinary in ready Mony, and the 10348. Cruzados, 350. Reys, that the 600. Kintals of Pepper free, and without waste, be∣ing sold for ready Money, are worth after the rate of 40. Cruzados euery Kintall, as they do giue [ 50] for it in the Realme; and they doe amount to 12000. Cruzados, whereof there is abated 660450. * 1.871 Reys, which the said 600. Kintals of Pepper are worth, which must bee bought for his owne Money, and being abated after the rate of 1000. Reys, ¾. of a Rey the Kintall, which is the price that is set downe in the Factorship of Cochin, their remaines cleere 10348. Cruzados, 350. Reys for the said Pepper, the which do make with the said Ordinary in readie Money 18348. Cruza∣dos, 350. Reys, which doe amount to the said 7339550. Reys, otherwise hee shall haue that which by his Warrants is granted vnto him, &c.

There is also giuen to the said Vice-roy 12000. Cruzados euery yeare, towards the Table of * 1.872 Gentlemen, and Pensions of old Souldiers which haue serued, which is worth 4800000. Reys, as the Earle Don Lewis, Don Francisco Mascarennas, and the other Vice-royes and Gouernours [ 60] heretofore haue had, &c.

The Secretary of India that goeth with the Vice-roy, hath by Warrant from his Maiestie 400000. Reys Ordinarie, which is 250 l. sterling, by warrant from his Maiestie: also hee hath

300000. Reys for the dispatch of the Chests, which is 187 l. 10 s. sterling, and 30000. Reys * 1.873 for his lodgings, which is 18 l. 15 s. and is in all 456 l. 5 s. sterling a yeare.

The Ensigne Generall of the Kings Standard, which also goeth with the said Vice-roy, hath ordinary 40000. Reys, which is 25 l. sterling.

The Captain of the Guard of the said Vice-roy, hath 84000. Reys ordinary, which is 52 l. 10 s.

And also 144000. Reys for his lodging, which is 9 l. which is in all 61 l. 10 s. sterling.

The chiefe Physician which goeth with the said Vice-roy, hath 44800. Reys ordinary, which is 28 l. sterling.

The Apothecarie that goeth with the said Vice-roy, and doth serue in his Army by Sea and by Land, and is bound to make and prouide the Armies and Fortresses of things necessary for Phi∣sicke, [ 10] hath 24000. Reys, which is 15 l. sterling.

The Barber that goeth with the said Vice-roy, and serueth in the Army by Sea, and by Land, hath ordinary 19800. Reys, which is 12 l. 7 s. 6 d.

Two Chaplains that doe serue the said Vice-roy, haue each 24000. Reys, which is 30 l. be∣tweene them.

The Sergeant of the Court which goeth with the said Vice-roy, and serueth before him, hath 30000. Reys, which is 18 l. 15 s. sterling.

The Interpreter of the State, hath 50000. Reys in this manner 36000. which he had before, and 14000. which were granted him by the Earle Don Lewis, in the duties belonging to the Cu∣stome-house for an Arabian Horse, which is 31 l. 5 s. sterling. [ 20]

Also, he hath by another Warrant of the said Earle euery yeare 17280. Reys, for a Clerke that serueth him, which is 10 l. 16 s. and is in all 42 l. 1 s. sterling.

The said Vice-roy hath for to serue and accompany him in his Guard, 60. men Portugals, to the which are payed euery moneth 1200. Reys a man, which is 15 s. sterling: to wit, 60. Reys for wages, like a man of Armes, and 600. Reys for their prouision, which in all do amount vnto 864000. Reys, which is 45 l. euery moneth among them all, and makes 540 l. ster. euery yeare.

The said Vice-roy hath ten Trumpetters for to serue with him, of the which euery one is to haue for his prouision and wages 21600. Reys per Annum, to 1200. for his wages, and 600. for his prouision euery moneth, which is 13 l. 10 s. sterling; and is in all 135 l. sterling.

The said Vice-roy hath foure Musicians; to wit, one Master Portugues, and three Seruants of [ 30] his, which haue euery moneth as followeth; the Master 500. Reys wages, or whatsoeuer else, * 1.874 and 600. Reys for his prouision and his Seruants, 600. Reys euery moneth, which is in all 34800. Reys, and makes 21 l. 15 s. sterling.

There is moreouer giuen for allowance of the said men of Armes for his Guard, Trumpetters and Musicians 756820. Reys euery yeare, after the rate of 28. Reys a day to euery one, wherein is reckoned the Captaine of the Guard, at 84. Reys by the day; and the Sergeant and the Ap∣pointer at 56. Reys by the day, which is in all 473 l. 3 d. sterling, besides the Captaine Sergeant and Appointer, which amounteth to 70560. Reys, which is 44 l. 2 s. sterling.

There is also giuen euery yeare for the apparelling of the said men of the Guard, Trumpetters and Musicians, 240000. Reys, which is 150 l. sterling. [ 40]

The chiefe Ensigne-maker which now is in this State, hath by a Warrant from his Maiestie 320000. Reys ordinary euery yeare, which is 200 l. sterling.

There is giuen by Warrant from his Maiestie, to Augustin de Soto Maior, that was sent to these parts for chiefe Master of the Mynes 360000. Reys ordinarie euery yeare, which is 225 l. sterling.

There serueth in this Court at this present, by a Warrant of the Vice-roy, a Harbenger of the Court, which hath euery yeare ordinary 30000. Reys, which is 18 l. 15 s. sterling.

And hee serueth also for a Receiuer of the house of Lodgings of the said Vice-roy, for the which he hath 20000 Reys ordinary euery yeare, which is 12 l. 10 s. and in all is 31 l. 5 s. ster.

The ordinary of the Vice-roy and Officers, before rehearsed, amounteth to 16083450. Reys, [ 50] which is 10052 l. 3 s. 1 d. ob. sterling.

Officers belonging to Iustice.

THe Chancellor of India hath 300000. Reys ordinary, and 100000. that were granted him by a Warrant from his Maiestie, and 18000. Reys for his lodging, which amounteth in all to 418000. Reys, which is 261 l. 5 s. sterling.

The chiefe Iudge of Criminall Causes, hath 300000. Reys ordinary, and 100000. Reys gran∣ted him by his Maiesties Letter, and 30000 Reys for his lodging, which in all amounteth to 430000. Reys, which is 268 l. 15 s. sterling. [ 60]

The chiefe Iudge of Ciuill Causes hath 300000. Reys ordinary, and 100000. Reys that were granted him by his Maiesties warrant, and 18000. Reys for his lodging, which amounteth in all to 418000. Reys, which is 261 l. 5 s. sterling.

The Iudge of the Crowne matters, and of matters touching the Kings reuenues, hath 300000.

Reys ordinarie, and 100000. reys, that were granted him, by his Maiesties warrant, and 18000. reys for his Lodging, which is in all 418000. reys, and is 261l. 5s. ster.

The chiefe Iudge of Wills and Testaments of India; hath ordinarie euery yeere of his Maie∣sties Reuenues 150000. reys, and 100000. reys that were granted him by his Maiesties war∣rant, and also 18000. reys for his Lodgings, and the other 150000. reys that want for the 300000. reys, he is to haue them of the Goods of them that are deceased, and if it doth not a∣mount to so much, it shall be accomplished at his Maiesties charge, shewing how he is not satis∣fied, and it amounteth in all to 261li. 5s. ster.

The Kings Atturney hath 300000. reys ordinarie, and 100000. augmented by his Maiesties warrant, and 18000. for his Lodgings, which is 261l. 5s. ster.

There serueth at this present in the Court of Releases three Iudges, to wit, the Bachelor, [ 10] Andres Fernandes; the Doctor, Luiz de Gois de la çerda; and the Bachelor, Simon Pereira; to the which is giuen euery yeere 1104000. reys, after the rate of 3••8000. reys to euery one, which is 690l. sterling in all, 100000. reys augmented by his Maiesties warrant, entring in this account.

The Iudge of the Citie of Goa hath 100000. reys ordinarie, which is 62l. 10s. ster.

The Bayliffe of this Citie hath 20000. reys ordinarie, which is 12l. 10s. ster.

The Serjeant hath 20000. reys ordinarie, which is 12l. 10s. ster.

The Clerke or Notarie of the Chancerie hath 30000. reys ordinarie, which is 18l. 15s. ster.

The Kings Sollicitor hath 30000. reys ordinarie, which is 18l. 15s. ster.

The Iayler hath 19200. reys ordinarie, which is 12l. ster. [ 20]

The Porter of the Chancerie hath 10800. reys for his wages and prouision, which he recei∣ueth, as a man of Armes, and is 6l. 15s. ster.

The Porter and Keeper of the Court of Relation, and Distributer of the Bills of Appeales, hath 100000. reys ordinarie, which is 62l. ster.

The Bayliffe of the Suburbs without the Citie, hath 20000. reys, which is 12l. 10s. ster.

The wages of the Officers aboue written, amounteth 3824000. reyes, which is 2390l. ster.

Officers belonging to the Citie of Goa; her Fortresses and Pases, or Ports.

THe Captayne of this Citie hath 600000. reys ordinarie euery yeere, and also 86400. reys [ 30] for his Lodgings, and also 622260. reys, in satisfaction of the Bares, which before they had * 1.875 by Warrants of the Vice-royes and Gouernours of this Estate: and moreouer, there is giuen him 150000. reys for the Chitos, which they gaue to the Mares, strangers, which summe amounteth all to 1458660. reys by the yeere, which amounteth to 911l. 13s. 3d. sterling euery yeere.

The chiefe Baylife of this citie hath 100000. reys ordinarie euery yeer, which makes 62l. 10s.

The Master of the Ports of the Iland of Goa, hath 100000. reys ordinarie, which makes * 1.876 62l. 10s. sterling.

The Captayne of the Castle of Pangin, hath 50000. reys ordinarie, which is 31l. 5s. ster.

The Captayne of the Castle of Maroa, hath 40000. reys ordinarie, which is 25l. ster.

The Captayne of the Castle of the Paso sequo, hath 40000. reys ordinarie, which [ 40] is 25l. sterling.

The Captayne of the Castle of Benestarin, hath 60000. reys ordinarie, which is 37l. 10s. ster.

The Portugal Notarie of the Iland of this Citie, hath 18000. reys ordinarie, which is 11l. 5s. sterling.

The Constable of this Citie, and of the Powder house of the same, hath 30200. reys ordina∣rie, which is 18l. 17s. 6d. ster.

In the said Powder house there be three Constables which haue their wages paid them, which doth amount to 43200. reys, at the rate of 14400. reys to euery one, by a warrant of the Earle Don Francisco Mascarennas, which is to euery one 9l. sterling, and is in all 27l. ster. [ 50]

The Armourer which is bound to keepe shop in this Citie, and to goe in the Armie with the Vice-roy when he goeth abroad, hath his wages and prouision as a man of Armes, or a Gunner, which is 14400. reys, and it is 9l. ster.

The foure Castles of Pangin, Maroa, Paso sequo, and Benestarin, hath euery one a Constable, which shall continue, and watch in the said Castles, and they haue their wages and prouision, as the Gunners haue, and 400. reys more by the moneth to euery one after this rate, euery one hath 1600. reys euery moneth, which is 19200. reys to euery one a yeere, and is 48l. sterling in all, after the rate of 12l. sterling euery one. * 1.877

There bee in this Iland of Goa ten Tandares and Clerkes, for to keepe the passage thereof, to whom is paid the wages and prouision of a man at Armes, seruing the said Offices, and also their [ 60] dwellings, to wit, such as are allowed to haue them, the which are these that follow.

The Keeper of the pace of Pangin, and the Clerke thereof. The Keeper of the pace of Re∣bandar, and the Clerke thereof. The Keeper of the pace of Dangin, and the Clerke thereof.

The Keeper of the pace of Benestarin; and the Clerke thereof. The Keeper of the Pace

of Carambolism, and the Clerke thereof. The Keeper of the Pace of Gaçarim, and the Clerke of the same pace.

The which doth amount to 120000. reys, making account to euery one at the rate of 12000. reys by the yeere, which is in all 15l. sterling. Note that the Clerkes are contained within the said wages.

All the expences that is made with the Officers of the Citie of Goa; her Fortresses and Pa∣ces, or Ports, as are aboue set downe, amounteth to 2151260. reys, which is 1345l. 3s. 5d. sterling.

The expences laid out with the Officers * 1.878 aboue named, belonging to the Kings Rents and Reuenues, is 2530200. reys, which is in all 1581l. 7s. 6d. sterling. [ 10]

All the expences made with the Officers belonging to the Riuer aboue-rehearsed, 1436960. reys, which makes 898l. 2s. ster.

All the expences disbursed on the Officers of Accounts aboue-rehearsed, amounteth to 2581720. reys, which is 1594l. 10s. 6d. ster.

All the expences disbursed in the custome House, commeth to 970240. reys, which is 606l. 8s. sterling.

All the wages and dwellings, which are paid to the men in ordinarie to the Vice-roy, and other Officers of this Estate, with the Kinsmen of the Captayne, Commissioner of the holy b 1.879 Mercy, and one Alderman, which are Gentlemen, and in the prouision of the Secretaries and Clerkes, amount to 4127880. reys, at the rate of 60000. reys euery Gentleman, and 12000. [ 20] reys to the other Souldiers, and the prouision for the Secretaries Clerkes, at thirteene Tangas euery moneth, and to the Sobralda of the Pace of the Castle of Naroa, is giuen 7200. reys by the yeere, which enters into the said account, and is in all 2579l. 18s. 6d. ster.

Seruants allowed for the seruice of the Vice-roy of India his house, and for the other Officers of this State, amount in all to 95l. 3s. 6d. ster.

Seruants allowed to the Ouer-seer of his Maiesties goods, arise to 54540 reys, which makes 34l. 1s. 9d. sterling euery yeere.

Seruants allowed for the chiefe Commissioner of the accounts, amounteth to 54540. reys, which makes 34l. 1s. 9d. sterling euery yeere.

Seruants allowed to the Captayne of this Citie of Goa, amount to 12960. reys euery yeere, [ 30] which makes 8l. 2s. sterling, the which expences altogether amounteth to 68160. reys, which is 42l. 12s. sterling euery yeere.

Other seruants allowed to the chiefe Port, to the Factor of Goa, to the Treasurer, &c. particularly mentioned in the Booke, here for breuitie omitted, amount to 918l. and 5s. in Goa. in Bardes to the Officers 623l. 18s. 9d. in Salcette to 2016l. 16s. ster.

The Generals that are allowed in this State of India, and are paid at his Maiesties charges, which is, of the Captaynes of his Ships, Barkes, and other Officers that serue in these parts.

The Captayne of the Indian Sea hath 1200000. reys ordinarie, which makes 750l. sterling a yeere. [ 40]

The chiefe Captaine of the Sea of Malaca; when there is any prouided by the Vice-roy of this State, hath 200000. reys ordinarie, without any hindrance of the Decree, which is 125l. sterling a yeere.

The Captaines of the Caruels, and high board Ships of this burden, hath 84000. reys a yeere, which is 7000. a moneth 52l. 10s.

The Captaynes of the Galleys Royall, of twentie and fiue, and twentie Oares of a side, haue 120000. which is 75l. sterling.

The Captaynes of the Galliottes of Chase, which are from twentie, twentie two Oares vp∣ward of a side, haue 84000. reys a yeere, which is 52l. 10s. sterling.

The Captaynes of the Malauare Galliotes, bearing twentie Oares or more of a side, and [ 50] standing Decks, that beareth aforehead a Falcon or a demy Sacre, and of the other like of this burden, haue 60000. reys a yeere, which is 5000. reys a moneth, and amounts to 31l. 10s. ster.

The Captaynes of the Foysts, and Catures of his Maiestie, haue 1000. reys ordinarie euery moneth, besides his wages, and prouision, which he hath as a man of armes, which may amount in all to 24000. reys euery yeere, which makes 15l. sterling.

The Factors of the Armies which the Vice-roy commandeth to goe out in such Armies, as is necessarie to haue a Factor prouided by the said Vice-roy, hath 50000. reys ordinarie, which is 31l. 5s. sterling.

The Clerke of the said Armies, hath 30000. reys ordinarie, which is 18l. 15s. sterling a yeere.

The Masters of the Gallions of the said burden, of 100. Tun vpward, and of his Maiesties [ 60] Ships, haue 40320. reys ordinarie a yeere, which is 3360. reys a moneth, and makes 25l. 4s. sterling.

The Masters of the Caruels and Ships of this burthen, haue 34320. reys a yeere, which is 2860. reys a moneth, and makes in all 21l. 9s. 6d. ster.

The Commitres of the Galleys Royall, haue 42460. reys a yeere, which is 26l. 10s. 6d. ster.

The Commitres of the Galliotas de Aspelaçaon, and of the other Mala••are Galliotas of standing * 1.880 decks of twentie Oares of a side or vpward, and beareth a Falcon, or demy Sacre afore, haue 34380. reys euery yeere, which is 2865. reys euery moneth, and it amounts to 21l. 9s. 9d. sterling.

The Pilots of the Caruels and great Ships of the same burthen, haue 34380. reys euery yeere, which is 21••. 9s. 9d. ster.

The Clerkes of the Voyages, that goe with charge of the Factorship, of his Maiesties goods, * 1.881 as are those of Banda, Malucc••, and others of this qualitie, haue 50000. reys ordinarie euery yeere, because they serue also for Clerkes of the said Factorship, which is 31l. 5s. ster. [ 10]

The Clerkes or Pursers of the Galleons and Ships of his Maiestie, haue 18000. reys ordinarie euery one, which is 11l. 5s. ster.

The Clerkes or Pursers of the Caruels, when they are prouided of the same, haue 15000. reys ordinarie euery yeere, which is 9l. 7s. 6d. ster.

The Stewards of the Galleons, Ships and Caruels, haue 12000, reys ordinarie euery yeere, wherein is contayned the prouision that they haue.

The Boatsones of the Galleons and Ships of his Maiesties, and vnder Comitters of the Gal∣leys Royall, haue 20568, reys ordinarie euery yeere, which is 1714. reys euery moneth, which is in all 12l. 17s. 1d. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. part of a peny.

The Constables of the Galleons, Galleys, Ships, Caruels, small Ships and Galliots, haue the [ 20] wages of a Gunner, and their prouision, and 400. reys euery moneth besides, which is 19200. reys a yeere, which comes to 12l. ster.

The said Captaynes and Factors of the Armies, Pursers, Stewards and Constables, haue the said ordinaries, at such times as they doe serue at Sea, and by the warrants that they haue of their prouiding, with a Certificate of the time that they haue serued, the said Ordinaries are al∣lowed them, else not.

The chiefe Captaynes of the other Armies, which doe goe to the Straight and to the North coast, haue for their ordinarie, that which the Vice-roy doth set downe for them.

There is no summe set downe of these Offices, because they haue them not but when they are needfull, and it is a thing vncertaine. [ 30]

The Galleon of the Traffick and Voyage of Ceilaon, hath the Officers and Men as followeth.

THe Captayne of the said Voyage, hath by Warrant of his Maiestie 400000. reys, which is 250l. sterling euery yeere.

The Purser of the said Voyage, hath 50000. reys ordinarie, which is 31l. 5s. ster.

The Master hath 40300. reys, which is 25l. 3s. 9d. sterling euery yeere.

The Pilot hath 40300. reys, which is 25l. 3s. 9d. sterling euery yeere.

The Boatsone hath 20568. reys, which is 12l. 7s. 1d. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. part of a peny sterling euery yeere. [ 40]

The Steward hath 12000. reys ordinarie, which is 7l. 10s. sterling euery yeere.

The said Galleon hath foure Portugal Mariners, which haue their wages and prouision, at the rate of 12000. reys euery yeere apiece, which is 48000 reys euery yeere, and amounts to 30l. sterling in all yeerly.

One Constable which hath wages and prouision, as a Gunner, which is 14400. reys, and he hath besides 400. reys euery moneth, which is 19200. reys a yeere, which amounts to 12l. ster.

The Gunners, which haue for wages and prouision 14400. reys, which amounts to 18l. ster∣ling in all, and makes 28800. reys a yeere.

The said Galleon carrieth twentie Souldiers, for the safeguard and defence of it, which haue 1000. reys euery moneth a man, which is in all 120000. reys, which makes 75l. sterling in all [ 50] for the six moneths.

The said Galleon carrieth fortie Mariners with the * 1.882 Sarangue, to whom is paid their a 1.883 Muxa∣ras, at the rate of one Pardao of gold to euery one a moneth, and two Medidas or measures of Rice euery day, and fiftie reys a moneth for fish to euery one, which amounts to 114727. reys, and the Rice is reckoned at six Xerafins, and the fish at fiftie reys, all this for fiue moneths while the Galleon stayeth in the Voyage, and is 71l. 14s. 1d. 1/20. part of a peny sterling.

To the which 20. Souldiers and Officers is giuen their prouision of Bisquet, Rice, Conduto, and * 1.884 Butter, according to the order of the House, for all the time of the said Voyage, which amoun∣teth to 93067. reys, the Bisquet is taken at 400. reys the Maon, and the Rice at seuen Xerafins, which is 58l. 3s. 4d. 1/20. part of a peny sterling. [ 60]

All the expences of the Galleon of traffick to Ceilaon, amounteth to 986962. reys, accounting to the Captayne and Pursers their ordinaries for the Voyage, and the Officers and Souldiers, for halfe a yeere, and their allowance as is before rehearsed, which is 616l. 17s. q. 1/30. part of a pe∣ny sterling.

All the prouision * 1.885 for the Gallion of the Voyage of Maluco, amounteth to 3292998. Reys going and comming, which commeth to 2058l. 2s. 5d. ob. 1/••0. part of a peny sterling.

All the expences of the Gallion of Traffique for Mosambique, amounteth to 1022834. Reys, which is 639 l. 5 s. 5 d. 2/••0. parts of a peny sterling.

The Gallies which at this present are in this Estate, and the Officers that serue in them, the Galley Royall hath (not accounting the prouision for the Galley slaues) 339048. Reys, which a∣mount to 211 l. 18 s. 1 s. 4/••0. part of a peny sterling.

The Captayne Galley that is at Malauar, hath 315048. Reys (not accounting the prouision of the Galley slaues) which amounteth to 196 l. 18 s. 1 d. ⅕. part of a peny sterling.

Another Galley that goeth in company with the Captayn Galley to Malauar, hath 315048. [ 10] Reys, which amounteth to 196 l. 18 s. 1 d. ⅕. part of a peny, not counting the prouision of the Galley slaues in it.

Another Galley that was sent of succour to Seylaon, amounts to 315048 Reys, which is 196l. 18 s. 1 d. ⅕. of a peny sterling, not accounting the prouision of the Galley slaues in it, and all the other Gallies that are in this estate, beeing in his Maiesties seruice, haue the same Officers, with whom the said expence is made.

Ordinaries or Pensions that are giuen in this Citie of Goa, at his Maiesties charge, are as fol∣low: First, with all the Clergie, the Archbishop of this Estate Don Freyre Vincent, hauing ordi∣nary euery one a yeare 6000. Cruzados, in this manner, 1000. of Dowrie, 4000. ordinarie, and the 1000. that his Maiestie granted vnto him euery yeare, for the space of fiue yeares, which do [ 20] amount to 2400000. Reys, which is 1500 l. sterling.

The expences that the Clergie of the said Church, or Sea doth make yearely, amounteth to 4696200. Reys, which doth make, 2935 l. 2 s. 6 d. sterling.

Parishes within the Citie of Goa.

THe Parish of our Ladie of the Light of this Citie of Goa, hath euery yeare 147680. Reys, which is 92 l 6 s. sterling.

The Parish of our Ladie of the Rosarie, of the said Citie, hath also 147680. Reys, as is giuen to our Ladie of the Light, and in the same manner distributed, as is before rehearsed, which a∣mounts [ 30] in all to 92 l. 65. sterling.

Saint Peters Parish hath euery yeare 46320. Reys, which is 28l. 19 s. sterling, to wit, to the Vicar 30000. Reys euery yeare, which is 18 l. 15 s. sterling.

The Parish of Saint Lucie hath 46320. Reys, bestowed in the manner aboue rehearsed, which is 28 l. 19 s. sterling.

Saint Thomas Parish hath also 46320. Reys, bestowed in the order aboue rehearsed, which is 28 l. 19 s. sterling.

Parishes that are in this Iland of Goa.

THe Parish of our Ladie of Helpe, hath euery yeare 46320. Reys, which is 28 l. 19 s. ster. [ 40]

The Parish of our Ladie of Conception, which is Paingin hath other 46320. Reys, which is 28 l. 19 s. sterling.

The Parish of Saint Michael, which is in the Towne of Taleigaon, hath 46320. Reys, which is 28 l. 19 s. sterling.

The Parish of the holy Crosse, which is on the Towne of Calapar, hath 46320. Reys, which is 28 l. 19 s. sterling.

The Parish of Saint Barbara, which is in the Towne of Morabin, hath 46320. Reys, which is 28 l. 19 s. sterling.

Saint Mary Magdalens Parish, which is in the Towne of Sirdion, hath 46320. Reys, which [ 50] * 1.886 is 28 l. 19 s. sterling.

Saint Annes Parish, which is in the Towne of Talawlin, hath 46320. Reys, which is 28l. 19 s. sterling.

The Parish of our Lady Gaadalupe, which is in the Towne of Bati, hath 46320. Reys, which is 28 l. 19 s. sterling.

Saint Lawrence his Parish, which is the passage of Gacaim, hath 46320. Reys, which is 28 l. 19 s. sterling.

The Parish of Saint Iohn Euangelist, which is in the Towne of Neura the great, hath 46320. Reys, which is 28 l. 19 s. sterling.

Saint Matthewes Parish which is in the Towne of Aiosin, hath 46320. Reys, which is 18 l [ 60] 19 s. sterling.

The Parish of Saint Iohn Baptist, which is in the Towne of Carambolim, hath 46320. Reys, which is 18 l. 19 s. sterling.

The Parish of Saint Iames, which is in the Towne of Orar, in the passage of Saint Iames, * 1.887 hath 46320. Reys, which is 28 l. 19 s. sterling.

The Parish of Saint Blas, which is in the dry passage hath 46320. Reys, which is 28 l. 19 s. sterling.

Saint Ioseph his Parish, which is in the passage of Daugin, hath 46320. Reys, which is 28 l. 19 s. sterling.

The Parish of Saint Stephen, which is in the Iland of Iuan, hath 46320. Reys, which is 28 l. 19 s. sterling.

The Holy Ghost Parish, which is in the passage of Naroa, hath 46320. Reys, which is 28 l. 19 s. sterling.

The Parish of our Lady of Pitie, which is in the Iland of Diuar, hath 46320. Reys, which is 28 l. 19 s. sterling. [ 10]

Saint Bartholomew Parish, which is in the Iland of Choran, hath 46320. Reys, which is 28 l. 19 s. sterling.

The Parish of the Wounds, which is by the Kings Riuer, hath euery yeare 30000. Reys for * 1.888 the Vicar, expences of the Vestrie, and because they are bound to say Masse euery Sunday and Holy-day, because of the Officers, that doe serue in the said Riuer, and to administer the Sacra∣ments to his Maiesties Bragas, entring in the said account, 12000. Reys which it had before, when it was but a Chappell for the Masses, that of dutie it was bound to say gratis, which is 18 l. 11 s. sterling.

All the expences, that is made with the Churches and Parishes of this Citie and Iland of Goa, amounteth to 1390720. Reys, which makes 869 l. 4 s. sterling euery yeare.

Parishes which at this present are in the Territories of Bardes. The Parish of the three * 1.889 [ 20] Wisemen of the East, which is in the Fortresse of the said Territories of Saint Thomas. The Parish of Saint Anthonie, Trinitie Parish, the Parish of our Ladie of Remedies, the Parish of Saint Sauiour, and the Parish of our Ladie of Hope. With the Churches there is spent euery yeare, 974720. Reys, which is 609 l. 4 s. sterling.

The Parishes which at this present are in the Territories of Salcete. Our Ladie of the Snow, a Parish which is in the Fortresse of Rachol. Saint Michaels Parish, which is in the Towne of Orlin. The Parish of the Holy Ghost, which is in the Towne Margaon. The holy Crosse Parish, which is in the Towne of Vernan. Saint Andrewes Parish, which is in the Towne of Murmu∣gao. Saint Philip and Iames Parish, which is in the Towne of Cortalim. Saint Sauiours Parish, [ 30] which is in the Towne of Lotolim. Saint Iohn Baptists Parish, which is in the Towne of Colua. Saint Thomas Parish, which is in the Towne of Velsaon. The Parish which now is a making in the Fortresse of Cuculim. All the which Churches, the Iesuits doe minister, and to them their * 1.890 Vicars, and Ministers of the same, is giuen 476880. Reys, which amounts to 298 l. 1 s. ster∣ling euery yeare.

It pleased his Maiestie by his Warrant, to endue the Colledge, which the Iesuites did erect in the Territories of Salcete, with that which should seeme sufficient for the Expences of the said Colledge, and the Ministers thereof, of the Rents that were of the Pagodes, * 1.891 of the said Ter∣ritories of Bardes and Salcete, for the benefit of the which, there was ordayned for the said Ex∣pences, 400000. Reys, for 1000. Cruzados, which 250 l. sterling euery yeare, which at that [ 40] time seemed to be sufficient; there was also giuen certayne Rice grounds, which were of the said * 1.892 Pagodes, in the which there was made Masa of the Rents of three yeares, the which grounds are dismembred from the Lands and Rents of the said Pagodes, because they were giuen to the Iesuites for the said Colledge.

There is also giuen the building of the said Churches of Salcete, 100000. Reys a yeare, at the rate of 10000. Reys euery one, which amounts to 62 l. 10 s. sterling amongst them all.

There is also giuen to the Catecumenos, * 1.893 of the Territories of Salcete, 180000. Reys, for 500. Pardaos of Gold, which amounteth to 112 l. 10 s. sterling, which is deliuered to the Iesuits.

There is also giuen for the Catecumenos of this Citie of Goa, 180000. Reys, which 112 l. 10 s. sterling, and it is deliuered to him that the Archbishop doth appoint for that purpose.

There is giuen to euery one of these Churches, by the information of the Iesuites, one Inter∣pretor [ 50] for the necessitie that they haue of one, for to declare to the Neophytes, or newly conuer∣ted, the Doctrine, and that which is conuenient, for the remedie of their soules, and other things necessary, to the which is giuen one Pardao of Gold euery moneth to euery one, which amounts to 43200. Reys, euery yeare which makes 27 l. sterling in all.

There was giuen for the expences of the Hospitall of the Christians of this Countrey, which the Iesuites did administer vnto in this Citie of Goa; euery yeare by Warrant from his Maiestie 300. Pardaos, which make 90000. Reys, and is 56 l. 5 s. sterling, at his Maiesties owne char∣ges, and because in this Citie there was an Hospitall for the said poore, of the which the holy Mercie hath the care and administration, the said Iesuits did passe the said Hospitall to the Ter∣ritories of Salcete, because there was more need of the same there, for the many sicke and poore [ 60] Christians, that are there without any remedie.

There is giuen to the Iesuits of this Citie of Goa, euerie yeare 2000. Cruzados, 100. Candils of Rice, fiue Pipes of Wine for Masses, and one quarter of Oyle of the Realme of Portugall,

which in all amounteth to 1145000. Reys, which are assigned for them in certayne Townes of the Territories of Basaim, and in the Iland of Choram, of the libertie of this Citie of Goa, which were giuen to them, and disioyned, or separated from his Maiesties goods, because it was his pleasure, as appeared by the Warrants that he passed to the said Iesuites, which is 715 l. 12 s. 6 d. sterling.

Also there is giuen them 600000. for their Presents, and Sauagates which come to the Vice-Royes of this Estate, which amounts to 375 l. sterling, but the King commanded that they * 1.894 should not haue the said 600000. Reys, but the Sauagates, as they had them by Warrant.

There is giuen to the Company of Iesuits, that are resident in the Citie of Couchin, by War∣rant from his Maiestie 1500. Pardaos of Gold, for the helpe of their maintenance, the which are [ 10] assigned them in this manner, 1377. Pardaos of Gold, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. which is 309 l. 18 s. sterling, of the Rents of the Iland of Diuar, libertie of this Citie of Goa; and the 122. Pardaos, ⅔. which is 27 l. 10 s. sterling, in the duties of the Territories of Bacaim, which in all ariseth to 540000. Reys, which amounteth to 337 l. 10 s. sterling.

There is giuen to the Monastery of Saint Francis, of this Citie of Goa; euery yeare, at the comming of the ships from Portugall, 32. Pipes 〈◊〉〈◊〉. of Wine, whereof the 5. are Muskadine for * 1.895 Masses, and 42. Cantaros of Oyle of Portugall, for the prouision of the said Monasterie, and o∣thers of the said Order, Ceylaon excepted, which may amount at the price which now it is worth, to 981600. Reys, and it was receiued in account of the Factor Belchior Rois Dandrade, fol. 45. of the recouery of his account which is 613 l. 10 s. sterling. [ 20]

There is also giuen to the Friers of the said Couent euery yeare, 10. Candis of Wheate, 12. Candis of Rice, 40. Fardos of Giresall Rice, 2. Candis of Oyle of Coco-nuts. 2. Candis of * 1.896 Waxe, 10. Corias of Cotunias, 3. Fardos of Sugar, one Candill of Butter, 4. Maons of Al∣monds, and 6. Boxes of Marmelade, which things may all amount to 229800. Reys, which is 143 l. 12 s. 6 d. sterling.

To the Couent and Monastery of Saint Dominicke, of this Citie of Goa, is giuen euery yeare * 1.897 800000. Reys for the sustenance, and Expences of the Friers of the said Order, by a Letter that his Maiestie did write to the Vice-Roy Don Anthonie de Neyra, Anno 1567. if he did thinke it meet, and finding nothing to the contrary, which is 500 l. sterling.

There is giuen also to the said Monastery of the said Citie, 7. Pipes of Wine, one of Muskadine, [ 30] * 1.898 the other as they are to be found, and one quarter of Oyle of Portugall, which amounteth in all to 145500. Reys, accounting the Pipe of Muskadine at 80. Pardaos, and the other at 60. Pardaos, and the Oyle at 5. Xerafins the Cantaro, the which Expences amounteth to 90 l. 18 s. 9 d. sterling, and it was receiued in account of Belchior Rois Dandrade, Factor of Goa, by War∣rants of the Vice-Royes of this Estate, and this is besides the 800000. Reys for their prouision.

There is giuen to the Friers of Saint Augustine, which are in the Church of our Ladie of Grace, euery yeare 129000. Reys for their prouision, which were granted to them by a War∣rant * 1.899 of his Maiestie, when they came from Portugall; which summe doth amount to 80 l. 12 s. 6 d. sterling.

There is in this Citie a Father of the Christians, which hath 60000. Reys ordinary, which is [ 40] 37 l. 10 s. sterling, for to haue care to looke vnto them, and know how they liue, and to make them separate themselues from the conuersation of the Gentils, and to deale with or for them in all matters touching the good of their soules and liues, and to visit them in their Townes and Parishes, and to take their parts in all their differences, and to direct and fauour them, in such sort that they may perceiue, that they haue a Defender in their aduersities and needs.

The Father of the Christians hath also a Sollicitor, which doth sollicit their Cases, and hath 50. Pardaos ordinary, which amounts to 15000. Reys, and it is 9 l. 7 s. 6 d. sterling euery yeere.

There is giuen to the Kings Hospitall of this City, at this present euery yeare 3000000. of * 1.900 Reys, which is 10000. Xerafins, because the rent of the prouision, Anfion, Bagne, and Sope are farmed for so much, the which is seperated for the said Hospitall, that it may haue all the Rent [ 50] it yeeldeth, for the prouision of the sicke men, payment of Apothecary, Physician, Chirurgian, and the other Officers, and Seruants of the said House, and for the Clothes that euery yeare are bought for the comming of the ships from Portugall, for the releeuing of the sicke men, that come in them, and also for Wine, Oyle, and Vinegar of Portugall, all the which is deliuered to the Purueyor, and Brethren of the holy Mercie, of the same City, as administers of the said Hospi∣tall; and the expences doe runne in his Maiesties Treasury, and if it chance that the said Money doth not suffice for all the yeare, the said Purueyor, and Brethren shall request the Vice-Roy, or the ouer-seer of his Maiesties goods to command to giue them so much, as necessitie shall require, shewing the causes, whereby the said Money was not sufficient, in the which quantity entreth the wages of the Clarke, Ouer-seer, he that tends the sicke men, the Cater, and Porter of the said [ 60] Hospitall, the which summe amounteth to 1875 l. sterling euery yeare.

There is also paid to the Mercy House of the said Citie euery yeare 400000. Reys of wages, that the said House hath of Almes, that are left vnto it because his Maiesty doth command it so by his Parents, for the necessities and charitable workes of the said House, the which is abated

out of the generall Check-roll vpon their Titles, and is 250 l. sterling.

There is also giuen to the said Mercy House 16 5600. Reys euery yeare, which is 552. Par∣daos de Tangas for the reliefe, which the said house doth giue to the poore Widdowes, Orphans, and incurable people, at the rate of 11. Pardaos of Tangas, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉. euery weeke of the yeare, which amounts to 103. l. 10 s. sterling.

All the expences of the Churches of Salcete, and all the other that are here nominated from the beginning of this Title, amounteth to 11447020. Reys, which is 7154 l. 7s. 9 d. sterling.

Officers belonging to the holy * 1.901 Inquisition. * 1.902

THe Inquisitor of the Table, hath 400000. Reys, ordinary which amounts to 250 l. ster∣ling [ 10] euery yeare.

The other Inquisitor which is a Fryar of Saint Dominicke, hath also 250 l. sterling, as the other.

The Notarie of the Inquisition hath 500000. Reys, which is 31 l. 5 s. sterling euery yeare.

The Sergeant of the Prison-house of the Inquisition hath 100000. Reys, which is 62 l. 10 s. sterling.

One Keeper that doth helpe him in the said Prison, hath 30000. Reys, which is 18 l. 15 s. sterling.

The Penitentiarie Sergeant of the Inquisition, and Ouer-seer of the Prisoners, which doth giue them meate, hath 60000. Reys, which is 37 l. 10 s. sterling. [ 20]

The Sollicitor of the Inquisition hath 30000. Reys, which is 18 l. 15 s. sterling.

The Treasuror of the Inquisition hath 150000. Reys, which were allowed him by the Vice-Roy, Don Antonio de Neyra; and is 93 l. 15 s. sterling.

The Clarke of the said Treasurer hath 20000. Reys, which is 12 l. 10 s. sterling. * 1.903

The Iudge, accuser hath 50000. Reys, which is 31 l. 5 s. sterling.

The Attourney accuser hath 50000. Reys, which is 31 l. 5 s. sterling.

All the expences that the Inquisition doth make with her Officers, is 1340000. Reys, which amounteth to 837 l. 10 s. sterling euery yeare.

Expences made with the Fortresses of Sofala, Mosambique, and Sena. [ 30]

THe Captayne of the said Fortresse hath 418000 Reys ordinary, which is 261 l. 5 s. ster∣ling euery yeare.

The chiefe Bayliffe and Factor, hath 120000. Reys ordinary, which is 75 l. sterling euery yeare, and 18000. Reys for his prouision, which is 11 l. 5 s. sterling.

The Clarke of the said Office hath 82000. Reys, which is 51 l. 5 s. sterling euery yeare.

The Bayliffe and Keeper of the said Fortresse hath 29000. Reys, which also serueth for Ser∣geant, and hath a man allowed for that purpose, whose expence is declared hereafter, his ordina∣ry is 18 l. 2 s. 6 d. sterling. [ 40]

The Constable of the said Fortresse hath 38000. Reys, which is 23 l. 15 s. sterling eue∣ry yeare.

The Factor hath eight men, which haue for their wages and prouision 96000. Reys, which is 60 l. sterling a yeare.

The Clarke of the said Fortresse hath his mans wages and prouision as a man of Armes, that is 12000. Reys, which is 7 l. 10 sterling.

The Bayliffe and Keeper of the said Fortresse, which serueth for a Sergeant of the same, hath 10800. Reys for his mans wages and prouision at the rate of 900. Reys amoneth, which is 6 l. 15 s. sterling euery yeare.

There is allowed one Gunner for the said Fortresse, which hath 29000, Reys, which is 18 l. [ 50] 2 s. 6. d. sterling a yeare.

There is allowed to the said Fortresse six Inhabitants, which haue for wages and prouision 12000. Reys euery one, and amounteth to 72000. Reys euery yeare, which is 45 l. sterling in all.

There is spent in the said Fortresse, in Presents that are giuen to the Lords of the Countrey 120000. Reys, which expences shall be made by the aduice of the said Captayne, which is 75 l. sterling euery yeare, and being necessary there is more spent, according to the Captaynes direction.

To the which Officers and persons ordayned for the said Fortresse, besides the ordinary wages * 1.904 that they haue, there is allowed to euery one of them halfe a Fardo of Millet euery moneth, which makes 161208. Reys euery yeare, at 400. Reys to euery one a moneth, and the men are [ 60] 34. which 92 l. sterling.

There is spent in the repaying, and couering of the said Fortresse, and about the Chur∣ches, and in other things of the like qualitie 60000. Reys, which is 37 l. 10 s. sterling eue∣ry yeare.

The Vicar of the said Fortresse hath 34000. reys ordinary, which is 21 l. 5 s. sterling euery yeare. * 1.905

There is giuen also to the said Vicar, 20000. Reys, for the Exempts of the Vestry, Wine, Oyle, Waxe, Flowre to make Wafers of, which is that, that was accustomed to bee giuen, which amounts to 12 l. 10 s. sterling euery yeare.

There is also giuen to the said Vicar for the Masses, which he sayth for the Prince Don Henry, 2400. Reys euery yeare, which is 1 l. 10 s. sterling.

There is ordayned one Chaplain to serue with the said Vicar, which hath 27400. Reys, which is 17 l. 12 s. 6 d. sterling euery yeare.

The expences of Sofala comes to 1351800. Reys, which is 844l. 17s 6d. sterling. [ 10]

All the expences made with the Fortresse of Mosambique, the Church and the Friars, amounts to 2619661. reys, which makes 1637l. 5s. 9d. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 part of a peny.

All the expences of the Fortresse of Sena, amounteth to 611600. reys, which is 382l. 5s. ster∣ling euery yeere.

Ordinarie expences that are made in the Fortresse of Ormus.

THe Captayne of the said Fortresse of Ormus, hath 600000. reys ordinarie, which is 375l. sterling euery yeere. He hath also 1000. Cruzados for a reward of old stipends, which is 250l. sterling. He hath also 700. Xerafins, in the customes of his goods, by warrants of the Vice-Royes, [ 20] with 210000. reys, which is 131l. 5s. which is in all 1210000. reys, that is 756l. 5s. sterling: and he hath also the duties of ten Horses, free euery yeere.

These and all other expences * 1.906 of the Fortresse, Hospital and Ecclesiastikes of Ormus, amounts to 20323213. reys, which is 12702l. 1d. ob. q. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. part of a peny sterling euery yeere.

All the expences of the Fortresse of Dio, amount to 13818520. reys, which is 8636l. 11s. 6d. sterling.

All the expences that are made with the Citie of Damaon, and her Territories, with the works that are in hand, amounts to 17251868 reys, which is 10782l. 8s. 4d. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. parts of a peny sterling euery yeere. Whereof the Iesuites, be they many or few, haue 236l. 5s. reuenue, the Domini∣cans 54l. 15s. 7d. the Franciscans 18l. 15s. * 1.907 [ 30]

All the expences of Bazaim, amount to 9084960. reys, which is 5678l. 2s. sterling euery yeere: of which the Iesuites and Franciscans for themselues and the Christians of that Countrey, receiue 682l. 4s. ster.

All the expences of Aseri, to 2795600. reys, which makes 1747l. 5s. ster.

The expences of Manora, come to 47597••••. reys, or 1099l. 16s. 4d. ob. q. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. peny ster.

The expences of Chaul, are 5993240. reys, that is, 3745l. 15s. 6d. ster.

The expences of Onor, are 1411000. reys, 882l. 5s. ster.

Barcelor the Fortresse and Church expend 1119l. 17s. 6d. ster.

Mangalor 832l. 17s. 6d. Cananor 965l. 11s. 3d. ster.

Cochin hath a Bishop with 500l. reuenue, with many Church Officers, Priests, Friars, the Hospitall [ 40] which with the Secular expences added, amount to 6953204. reys, which is 4345l. 15s. ob. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. pen. ster.

Cranganor the Secular and Ecclesiastikes receiue 782l. 1s. 6d. ob. 1/10. peny ster.

Coulan receiueth annually in expences 570l. 17s. ob. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. peny sterling: whereof the Iesuites receiue 125l. ster.

Manai expences Ecclesiasticall and Secular, are 4597l. 5s. ster.

Ceylan expendeth in Church and lay Offices 7402l. 14s. 7d.

Malaca hath a Bishop 500. reuen. the Iesuites receiue 112l. 10s. besides spent on the Iesuites in Iapan 218l. 15s. yeerly. 40l. to the Iesuites in Amboina. 90l. to the Iesuites in Maluco, and for their passage to Iapan 112l. 10s. the Dominicans, the Church Officers and the Vestrie, and all the Se∣cular expences in Malacca, are 12248l. 9s. 6d. [ 50]

The expences of Maluco amount to 2200l. 14s. 6d, Of Amboyno 1535l. 4s. 6d.

The Bishop appointed for China, hath 500l. reuen. The Iesuites 67l. 10s. These with the Iudge and other Officers, receiue annually 733l. 6s.

Idalxa, I••ecamana, and Maomet Caon, and the Portugal stipendaries, in annuall rewards giuen by the Kings bountie, Cocket free for the Moguls ship (which custome comes to 7500l.) in all 10671l. 19s. ob. q. 3/20. peny ster.

All the ordinarie annuall expences of the state of India, are 214718878. reys, which is 134199l. 5s. 11d. ob. ⅕. peny ster.

Other Warrants, Interrogatories to be ministred vpon Oathes to all Officers, Contracts of peace with Neighbour Princes, &c. contayned in that Booke are here omitted. [ 60]

And now I might easily haue obtayned this Vice-royes Warrant to the Captaine of the Forts of Mosambique and Sofala, running after their manner, It is my Will and Pleasure, that &c. for my entertainment: but it is my will and pleasure rather (as like will to like) to take a Preacher and Priest along with me, that though we agree not otherwise in Doctrine, yet as Trauellers we wil

restraine our zeale, and without feare of Inquisition, march like good Fellowes together: yea, with Iesuites after, without feare of Treason. Onely first I will present vnto you a Letter of a Spanish Embassador, relating the Antiquities of Persepolis, and some things by him obserued in Persia.

CHAP. XI.

A Letter from Don GARCIA SILVA FIGVEROA Embassador from PHILIP the Third King of Spaine to the Persian, written at Spa∣han, [ 10] or Hispahan, Anno 1619. to the Marquesse of Bed∣mar, touching matters of Persia.

WEaried with trauelling both by Sea and Land, but otherwise well, I came at length from Ormuz into Persia. Which hauing wandred ouer; at the Kings appointment, I went to Hispahan: where I endure a tedious irkesome delay, being euen tyred with so vn∣pleasant a life, as I here leade. For whatsoeuer Writers report of that great and an∣cient Monarchie of the Achaemenides, this is mine opinion; That there is nothing in all this Countrey to be found so good, but that it comes short of the least commoditie in our Europe. And besides that euery thing here is so crosse to our fashions, that I am without all con∣uerse [ 20] with men; here are not so much as any bookes (the reading whereof might somewhat refresh a mans minde in so great solitarinesse) except a few Pamphlets intreating of holy Confession, and Navarr's Summes, which the Monkes of Saint Augustine vse.

Hispahan is the noblest Citie of this Kingdome: and, though it lye but in one and thirtie degrees and * 1.908 a halfe of Northerly latitude; yet, by reason of the subtile piercing ayre, the cold is sharper, then by the climate or situation one would imagine. Now, in all this Kingdome you can scarse see any print of Anti∣quitie: * 1.909 all the houses being built of vnburned bricke, or earth rammed vp betweene two boards; too slight stuffe to last many dayes, much lesse many yeeres.

Notwithstanding, there are yet remayning most of those huge wilde buildings of the Castle and Palace of Persepolis, so much celebrated in the monuments of ancient Writers. These frames doe the Arabians * 1.910 [ 30] and Persians in their owne language, call Chilminara: which is as much as if you should say in Spa∣nish, Quarenta columnas, or Alcoranes: for so they call those high narrow round steeples, which the Arabians haue in their Mesquites. This rare, yea and onely monument of the World (which farre ex∣ceedeth all the rest of the Worlds miracles, that we haue seene or heard off) sheweth it selfe to them that come to this Citie from the Towne of Xiria, and standeth about a league from the Riuer Bradamir, in times past called Araxis (not that, that parteth Media from the greater Armenia) whereof often men∣tion is made by Quintus Curtius, Diodorus and Plutarch: which Authors doe point vs out the situa∣tion of Persepolis, and doe almost leade vs vnto it by the hand. The largenesse, fairnesse, and long-la∣sting Matter of those Pillars, appeareth by the twentie which are yet left, of alike fashion; which with o∣ther [ 40] remaynders of those stately Piles, doe moue admiration in the minde of beholders, and cannot, but with much labour, and at leisure, be layed open. But since it is your Lordships hap to liue now at Venice, where you may see some resemblance of the things, which I am about to write of, I will briefly tell you, that most of the Pictures of men, that, ingrauen in marble, doe seele the front, the sides, and statelier parts of this building, are deckt with a very comely cloathing, and clad in the same fashion, which the Venetian Magnifico's goe in; that is, in Gownes downe to the heeles, with wide sleeues; with round flat caps, their haire spred to the shoulders, and notable long beards. Yee may see in these Tables some men sitting, with great maiestie, in certayne loftier chayres, such as vse to bee with vs in the Quires and Chapter-houses of Cathedrall Churches, appointed for the seates of the chiefe Prelates: the feete being supported with a little foote-stoole neatly made, about a hand high. And, which is very worthy of won∣der, in so diuers dresses of so many men; as are ingrauen in these Tables none commeth neere the fashion [ 50] which is at this day, or hath beene these many Ages past in vse through all Asia. For though out of all Antiquitie we can gather no such Arguments of the cloathing of Assyrians, Medes and Persians, as we finde many of the Greekes and Romanes: yet it appeareth sufficiently, that they vsed garments of a middle size for length, like the Punike vest, vsed by the Turkes and Persians at this day, which they call Aljuba, and these, Cauaia: and Shashes wound about their heads, distinguished yet both by fashion and colour from the Cidaris, which is the Royall Diademe. Yet verily in all this sculpture (which though it be ancient, yet shineth as neatly, as if it were but new-done) you can see no picture, that is like or in the workmanship resembleth any other, which the memorie of man could yet attayne to the know∣ledge of, from any part of the World: so that this worke may seeme to exceede all Antiquitie. Now, no∣thing [ 60] more confirmeth this, then one notable inscription cut in a Iasper-table, with Characters still so * 1.911 fresh and faire, that one would wonder, how it could scape so many Ages without touch of the least ble∣mish. The Letters themselues are neither Chaldaean, nor Hebrew, nor Greeke, nor Arabike, nor of any other Nation, which was euer found of old, or at this day, to be extant. They are all three-cornered,

but somewhat long, of the forme of a Pyramide, or such a little Obeliske, as I haue set in the margine: so that in nothing doe they differ one from another, but in their placing and situation, yet so conformed * 1.912 that they are wondrous plaine distinct and perspicuous. What kinde of building the whole was (whether Corinthian, Ionick, Dorick, or mixt) cannot bee gathered from the remaynder of these ruines: which is otherwise in the old broken walls at Rome, by which that may easily be discerned. Notwithstan∣ding the wondrous and artificiall exactnesse of the worke, the beautie a••d elegancy of it, shining out of the proportion and symmetrie, doth dazle the eyes of the beholders. But nothing amazed me more, then the hardnesse and durablenesse of these Marbles and Iaspers: for in many places there are Tables so solide, and so curiously wrought and polished, that yee may see your face in them, as in a glasse. Besides the Authors, by me alreadie commended; Arrianus and Iustine make speciall mention of this Palace: [ 10] and they report, that Alexander the Great (at the instigation of Thais, a famous Whore of Athens) did burne it downe. But most delicately of all doth Diodorus deliuer this storie.

The whole Castle was encompassed with a threefold circle of walls, the greater part whereof hath * 1.913 yeelded to the violence of time and weather. There stand also the Sepulchres of their Kings, placed on * 1.914 the side of that Hill, at the foote whereof the Castle it selfe is built: and the monuments stand iust so farre one from another, as Diodorus reporteth. In a word, all doth so agree with his discourse of it, that he that hath seene this, and read that, cannot possibly be deceiued. More then this, there remayne not a∣ny markes of so huge a Citie: but that nigh about halfe a league from the Castle, there stands vp another Pillar, as bigge as the rest: and two other shorter ones too, set a little farther off: and in them did my Seruants see some horses of Marble, large like a Colossus, and some men also of Giantly stature. To [ 20] tell you true (as neere as it was, and easily done, yet) I was loath to goe thither; both, because all that Plaine was cut full of little Brookes, Ditches, and Sluses drawne out of the Riuer Araxis: and also, because I would be held there no longer, hauing alreadie spent two dayes in beholding the things which I haue described. Now, though that Plaine be very fruitfull, and (as I said) all watered with Water∣courses; though it lye open euery way aboue ten leagues, that it might well maintayne so great a Citie, as Persepolis sometime was: yet now it is taken vp onely with one small Towne of some foure hundreth houses; compassed about with fat pastures, fruitfull Fields, and most fertile and pleasant Orchards and Closes, and furnished with all manner of foode, and such pure wholsome water to drinke, that I doe not remember that euer I tasted the like any where else. This Towne is called Margatean, and is a little * 1.915 distant from the Castle. As for the King himselfe, I had beene with him at Casbin, before I came [ 30] hither.

Casbin is a towne some three hundred leagues distant from Ormuz; and from hence one hundreth * 1.916 long ones. There had the King leuied a mightie armie of Horse and Foot to meete the Turkes forces, who, as enemies, inuaded the frontiers of the Persian Empire. There I abode therefore but fortie daies, being by the King royally entertained, with cheerefull expressions of a louing minde. But when he was to goe to Soltania (some fifteene leagues from thence) to muster his companies, which were there met; * 1.917 ••e let me plainely vnderstand, that before his departure he would dispatch mee for my returne to Ormuz. Soone after, hauing suddenly changed his mind, hee commanded mee to retire my selfe hither: whither he promised, so soone as the warre was ouer, to come himselfe, and to send me away. But when the warre was quickly ended (which I foresaw by vndoubted signes at Casbin) the King withdrew himselfe to Fa∣rabat: [ 40] which is a Towne of Hercania, by the Caspian Sea, which hee loues and delights in much. Hee * 1.918 presently sent me a messenger to signifie that he would certainly come hither in the spring, to celebrate his birth-day. This vnwelcome newes troubled mee more then all the toyle and trouble of the whole voyage. I resolued therefore to dispatch to him one of my Gentlemen, with the Abbot of Saint Augustines: who if they should perceiue that his comming were likely to be delayed long, might procure my dispatch; though at a most vnseasonable time for sailing, and at my great perill to venter vpon the heate at Ormuz, in summer insupportable.

Concerning the peace or truce agreed vpon by these Princes, after a bloudy field fought betweene Tauris and Ardeuill, it is to no purpose to report, since it is publike and divulged, though their conenants and conditions be yet kept close. If the State were at more quiet in Moscou••e, I would (goe by Astracan [ 50] and) make a iourney through that Countrey, in my returne. But it is strange, what miseries and cala∣mities afflict that Nation: which in ancient time hath so flourished and preuailed, that it scattered and put downe the Tartarians of the East, who were dreadfull to the whole world. Of which miseries and de∣structions the ground and author was that counterfeit Demetrius, who hauing by plaine cousenage vsur∣ped once the empire of the Russians, left it in a continued line to six other false tyrants of his name af∣ter him.

The conclusion of these my letters shall be the relation of two Comets, which during this time wee be∣held, * 1.919 the one, on the tenth of Nouember, began to shine two houres before Sunne-rising; whose appearing was obserued betweene East and South. The colour was like to the fume which ariseth from the flame of the finest Gunpowder. The head of it seemed to me to be in Scorpio: the bignesse, as much as would [ 60] containe a sixt part of the Zodiake: the forme (as some imagined) like a Cimiter; which sort the Grecians call Xiphias, boding * 1.920 horrible euents. This Comet (me thought) resembled rather a yeere∣old spring of Palme, which being not yet spred is a little bowed at the top: it moued toward the South.

Twelue or thirteene daies after the rising of this Comet, another appeared with hayrie rayes, of an

ordinarie fashion, coloured like the Planet Venus, and much about that bignesse, or a little bigger. It arose directly East. And though at first it were farre lesse then the former, yet increasing daily more and more, it grew almost as big as the other. By the proper motion it moued it selfe with the Primum Mo∣bile, not farre from the verticall Line. Moreouer, three or foure daies after the arising of this, that other vanished. Sure they had both of them a very short period, insomuch as the latter scarce shewed it selfe aboue tex daies. It was obserued, that toward the end, it looked more red. Howsoeuer it be, if these Comets portend mischiefe, the mischiefe (sure) cannot be long-lasting, like others, whereof wee may see * 1.921 store in the world.

CHAP. XII. [ 10]

Collections out of the Voyage and Historie of Friar IOAŌ dos SANC∣TOS his Aethiopia Orientalis, & Varia Historia, and out of other Portugals, for the better knowledge of Africa and the Christianitie therein.

§. 1. [ 20]

The Authors Voyage and Acts in those parts; Sea accidents, Moorish fooleries, English Ships: Of Sofala, the Fort; the Fruits and Plants of those parts.

THe said Friar went with a Fleet from Lisbon in Aprill 1586. Iuly the first, they * 1.922 came before the Cape of good hope, and had such faire weather, that they tooke great store of Fish, till a faire gale set them onwards for Mozambique. Being against Terra do Natal (which trends betwixt thirtie two and thirtie foure de∣grees South) they were encountred with a great storme, the Windes and Waues [ 30] bellowing and billowing (in a seeming) conspiracie to their ruine. The second night of this tempest, the ninth of Iuly, they saw on their maine tops a Corpo santo in figure of a flame * 1.923 of fire bright and shining, from thence remoouing to the Mizen-mast; and the Pilot sa∣luted it, saying, Salue Corpo santo, salue; Boa viagem, boa viagem: Haile Corpo sancto, haile, a good voyage, a good voyage. And most of the people with many teares of ioy made the same an∣swer, Boa viagem, boa viagem: the light hauing there long continued, vanished. The Mariners beleeue that this light is S. Pero Gonçalues Telmo Naturall of Palencia a Citie in Castile, a Do∣minican, vpon whom they ordinarily call being endangered in tempests, and either call it Saint Peter Gonçalues, or S. Telmo, or Corpo Santo. Many times it appeareth, and so long they hold [ 40] themselues secure, and ordinarily the stormes are moderated when it commeth, as it happened * 1.924 to vs in this voyage; and therefore they held it in much deuotion, albee it be but naturall, caused by exhalations: which the Mariners denie, saying, that somtimes in the place where that light appeares, they haue found greene Wax, like that of a Wax-candle. And in the life of that Saint * 1.925 is rehearsed, that hee sometimes appeares visible to Mariners when they call vpon him in tem∣pests, and deliuers them from Sea dangers. Whiles this light appeared, a Souldier kneeling downe in the ship before it, smote his breast, saying, with many teares. Adorovos men Sn̄or S. * 1.926 Pero Gonçaluez, vos me saluay neste perigo por vossa misericordia; repeating it many times. I adore thee my Lord Saint Peter Gonçaluez, O saue me in this danger for thy mercie. I and an other father told him, this adoration was due only to God, and that the Saints should be prayed to in another manner. He answered worse to the purpose. My God shall he be now which shall deliuer me from [ 50] this danger. We then left him, but the next day the storme being past he confessed his fault.

On the seuen and twentieth they came to Baixos da Iudia in two and twentie South, and the thirteenth of August came to Mozambique: from thence by the Vicar Generals appointment, I and another Dominican were sent for Sofala, one hundred and sixtie leagues distant, for the seruice of Christianitie in those parts in Nouember following. In the yeere 1588. the Saint Thomas hauing passed the Cape, was wracked neere Terra do Natal, and some of the companie escaping, went on thoare in Terra dos Fumos, & hapned on more humane Cafres then the most are in those parts, which had neuer seene white man before, called them Children of the Sunne, and gaue them to eate and drinke. Stephen Veyga the Captaine, and some others aduentured on a iourney thence by land (aboue eightie leagues) to Sofala, where they gaue great thankes to God and our [ 60] Ladie for their deliuerie.

Ouer against the Fortresse of Sofala, is an Iland on the other side of the Riuer called Inbanzato, of which in former times was Lord a Moore, called Muynhe Mafamede, so friendly to the Por∣tugals,

and so luke-warme in his Religion, that with them he would both eate Swines flesh and drinke Wine. Yet was hee so honoured, that after his death, the Moores of Sofala erected a Mesquit in the place of his buriall, and before the Mariners made their voyage, would make prayers to him (as a Saint) for their successe. I set this Mesquit on fire, to the discontent of those Moores. Fryar Iohn Madeira and I, remained foure yeeres in Sofala, labouring the conuer∣sion of the Moores and Gentiles, of which we baptized 1694. persons. After that time the Vi∣car * 1.927 Generall caused vs to returne to Mosambique. In the way the Cafers sent vs victuals and Mu∣sicians with their vnmusicall voices and Tabers all night, entertaining vs with a feast worse then a fast. Hauing thus passed the Lordship of an Encosse vnder the Quiteues dominion, we came in∣to the Countrey of Manamotapa, where in the night passing a desart, wee heard terrible voices, [ 10] * 1.928 like as if they had beene of men, which we supposed to be Cafar theeues, and durst not speake one to the other, left we might so betray our liues. The next Cafars told vs they were birds bigger then Cocks, which in the day time hide themselues, and in the night flie, chase and prey * 1.929 on other fowles, which terrified with their voices, leaue their roosts and so become a prey.

They came to the Riuer of Luabo after eighteene daies. In this Riuer are many great Ilands, where we lay in the nights, and sayled by day because of the Currents and Shelues. The two and twentieth of August we came to the Fort of Sena, where the two Churches of those Riuers had neuer a Priest, and therefore wee spent two and thirtie dayes in confessing, baptizing, * 1.930 massing: and thence were muited to Tete, for like cause, sixtie leagues distant. I went and bap∣tized * 1.931 there one hundred and seuenteene. Madeira at Sena baptized aboue two hundred persons: [ 20] and from the first entrie of Dominicans, they had in that Riuer Cuama baptized aboue twentie thousand. In the Port of Quilimane were foure Pangayas of the Captayne of Mozambique, then Don Iorge de Menezes, in one of which wee embarked, in which was a Chest with 100000. Cruzados of gold, of powder, and peeces, which hee had made in those Riuers with Souso Coutinho the Gouernour of India: which gold is ordinarily gathered euery six moneths by the Portugals and Captayne. In the yeere 1592. I was sent to Quirimba. There I staid two yeeres, and made six hundred nintie foure Christians, and vntill that yeere 1593. the Dominicans had baptized aboue sixteene thousand in those Iles. After which I was recalled to Sofala, and in 1595. to Mosambique. In the yeere 1597. two English ships came in sight of Mosambique; as also two others had done in the yeere 1591. The two and twentieth of August 1597. he embar∣ked * 1.932 himselfe for India, and on the twentieth of September entred the Barre of Goa. But let vs [ 30] take view of Sofala, and the parts adioyning, as he hath described them in the first part of his workes.

The Fortresse of Sofala stands in 20. 30 Southerne degrees, situate on the Coast of Ea∣sterne Ethiopia, neere the Sea, and iust by a Riuer a league in the mouth, little more or lesse, which riseth higher aboue one hundred leagues, arising in the Countrey called Mocarangua, and passing by the Citie Zimbaoe where the Quiteue resides, who is King of those parts, and of all the Riuer of Sofala. Vp that Riuer the Portugals trade to Manica, a land of much gold, seated within the land aboue sixtie leagues. Within the Fort of Sofala is a Church, to which belong six hundred Communicants. The Inhabitants vsually are Merchants, some to Manica for gold, which they barter for Stuffes and Beades, both to the Captayne and themselues; others to the [ 40] Riuer of Sabia, and the Iles das Bocicas, and other neere Riuers, for Iuorie, Gergelim-spice, Pulse, Amber, and many Salues. There is another habitation of Moores two Caliuer shot from the Castle, poore and miserable, which liue by seruing the Portugals. The women performe there the offices of Tillage and Husbandry; as also doe the Moores. They pay their Tithes to the Do∣minicans Church. The Fortresse was built An. 1505. by Pero da Nhaya, with consent of the Moorish King Zufe, a man blinde of both his eyes (in both senses, externall and internall, religious and politike) who too late repenting, thought to supplant it with trecherie, which they returned vpon himselfe and slew him. In old times they had many such petty Moorish Kings on the Coast, few of which now remaine by reason of the Portugall Captaynes succeeding in their pla∣ces, and in their amitie and commerce with the Quiteue King of those Countries. [ 50]

In those Countries of Sofala are many fruits, as Pomegranat trees which beare all the yeere, some greene, some ripe, some in flowers; they haue also Fig-trees, which yeeld blacke Figs all the yeere most excellent; Oranges, Limes, Vines which beare twice a yeere, in Ianuarie and Iuly; Ananas, Indian Figs, which yeeld great branches of Figs as great as Cucumbers, yellow when they are ripe, and sweet of sent, sometimes seuentie Figges are seene on one cluster, like a bunch of Grapes, and a man can scarcely lift them from the ground. They haue great grounds of Sugar-canes alongst the Riuer, husbanded by the Cafres, not for Sugar, but to eate (for they want Ingenios) and are a great part of their sustenance. They haue many and great Palme∣trees which yeeld infinite Cocos and Wine. They haue store of Guinnie Wheat, and Rice; ma∣ny Inhames (a very great roote yeelding broade leaues, and better in taste then Potatoes) Fitches, [ 60] and other Pulse in much varietie. In the fields and wild vntilled places grow store of Iasmins, and Mangericones (very sweet plants) and they make oyle of Gergelim, which they beate in woodden Morters, as big as will reach to a mans girdle, and then straine out the Oyles, and eate the rest with their Wheate instead of Butter. Innumerable Hens very good and cheape,

Hogs, Goats, Kine, wild Beasts, Deere, and wild Swine are there. Ten Hens are sold for two Testons (2s. 6d.) and vp in the Countrey eighteene at the price. They make Oile of Cocos which burnes cleerer then that of the Oliue. In the Realtie of Manica grow little Trees on the tops of Hills and Rocks, which the most part of the yeere are drie, without leafe and greennesse, but haue this propertie, that if one cut off a bough & put it into water, in the space of ten houres * 1.933 it springs and flourisheth with greene leaues; but draw it out of the water, as soone as it is drie, it remaynes againe as it was before. The Cafres say, that though this wood bee gathered ten yeeres, yet after all that time put into water, it wil•• flourish and continue greene. This wood being ground, and giuen to drinke in water, is good to stanch fluxes of bloud. The Cafres call it Murgodao. Another wood they call Matuni, which signifieth the Dung of a Man, hauing the * 1.934 name of that sent, so noy some that none can endure it. The same is in India, the Tree like a [ 10] Thorne tree. They say, it hath vertues against the Ayre (or Blastings) and therefore many per∣sons weare it in strings like Beades, tyed to the arme next the skin, specially children. Alongst the Riuer of Sofala in two places wilde and desart, grow Oranges and Limons, which euery one may gather that will: wherewith they lade Boats and sell them for almost nothing to the Inhabitants of the Fortresse, which fill Barrels and Pots with the juyce, and the same Limons salted, and send them for India, where they are much esteemed, and eaten with Rice. The bread * 1.935 ordinarily in Sofala is of their Wheate and Rice mixt together, whereof they make Cakes which they call Mocates: tollerable whiles they are hot, but cold, insufferable. The Portugals drinke commonly Palme-wine, the Cafres Wine of their Wheate (or Mays) which they make strong and tipsie. [ 20]

§. II.

Of QVITEVE King of that Countrey, with the strange customes obserued in those parts, in Court, Citie and Countrey.

THe King of these parts is of curled haire, a Gentile, which worships nothing, nor hath any knowledge of God; yea, rather hee carries himselfe as God of his Coun∣tries, and so is holden and reuerenced of his Vassals. Hee is called Quiteue, a title [ 30] royall and no proper name, which they exchange for this so soone as they become Kings. The Quiteue hath more then one hundred women all within doores, amongst which one or two are as his Queenes, the rest as Concubines: many of them are his owne Aunts, Cousins, Sisters and Daughters, which he no lesse vseth, saying, that his sonnes by them are true heires of the Kingdome without mixture of other bloud. When the Quitoue dyeth, his Queenes must die with him to doe him seruice in the other world, who accordingly at the instant of his death take a poyson (which they call Lucasse) and die therewith. The successor succeedeth as well to * 1.936 the women as the state. None else but the King may vpon paine of death marry his Sister or Daughter. This Successor is commonly one of the eldest Sonnes of the decessed King, and of his [ 40] great Women or Queenes; and if the eldest be not sufficient, then the next, or if none of them be fit, his Brother of whole bloud. The King commonly whiles hee liueth maketh the choise, and traines vp him to affaires of State, to whom he destines the succession. Whiles I liued there, saith Sanctos, the King had aboue thirtie Sonnes, and yet shewed more respect to his Brother a wise man, then to any of them, all honoring him as apparent heire.

The same day the King dies, he is carried to a Hill where all the Kings are interred, and early * 1.937 the next morning, hee whom the decessed had named his Successor, goeth to the Kings house where the Kings Women abide in expectation, and by their consent hee enters the house, and seates himselfe with the principall of them in a publike Hall, where the King was wont to sit to heare Causes, in a place drawne with curtens or couered with a cloth, that none may see the King nor the Women with him. And thence he sends his Officers, which goe thorow the Citie [ 50] and proclayme Festiuals to the New King, who is now quietly possessed of the Kings House, with the Women of the King decessed, and that all should goe and acknowledge him for their King: which is done by all the great Men then in Court, and the Nobles of the Citie, who goe to the Palace now solemnely guarded, and enter into the Hall by licence of the Officers, where the new King abides with his Women; entring some, and some, creeping on the ground till they come to the middle of the Hall, and thence speake to the New King, giuing him due obeysance, without see∣ing him or his Women. The King makes answere from within, and accepts their seruice: and after that drawes the Curtens, and shewes himselfe to them; whereat all of them clap their hands, and then turne behind the Curtens, and goe forth creeping on the ground as they came in; and when they are gone, others enter and doe in like sort. In this ceremonie the greatest [ 60] part of the day is spent with feasting, musick and dancing thorow the Citie. The next day, the King sends his Officers thorow the Kingdome to declare this his succession, and that all should come to the Court to see him breake the Bowe. Sometimes there are many Competitors, and then

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Hee succeeds whom the Women admit into the Kings House: for none may enter by Law with∣out their leaue, nor can bee King without peaceable entrance; forceable entrie forfeiting his * 1.938 Right and Title. By bribes therefore and other wayes; they seeke to make the Women on their side.

Neere the Kingdome of Quiteue is another of Lawes and Customes like thereto, where the Sedanda raignes: both which were sometimes but one Kingdome. Whiles I was in Sofala, the * 1.939 Sedanda being incurably sick of a leprosie, declared his Successor, and poysoned himselfe: which also is the custome there, if any King haue any deformitie in his person. The named Successor sought admittance of the Women, but they much distasting him, had secretly sent by night for another Prince whom they better liked, as more valiant and better-beloued; whom they admit∣ted, [ 10] and assembled themselues with him in the publike Hall, and caused Proclamation to bee made to the people of his succession. The other, whom they had reiected, fled for feare of his life, and being mightie assembled a great power, and by force entred the Kings House. But this was strange to all, who therefore forsooke him, and stuck to him whom the Women had chosen; whereupon the other fled, and no more lifted vp his head.

Before the New King begins to gouerne, he sends for all the chiefe in the Kingdome, to come to the Court and see him breake the Kings Bowe, which is all one with taking possession of the * 1.940 Kingdome. In those Courts is a custome then also to kill some of those Lords or great Men, say∣ing, that they are necessarie for the seruice of the decessed King: whereupon they kill those of * 1.941 whom they stand in feare or doubt, or whom they hate, in stead of whom they make and erect [ 20] new Lords. This custome causeth such as feare themselues to flee the Land. Anciently the Kings were wont to drinke poyson in any grieuous disasters, as in a contagious disease, or naturall im∣potencie, lamenesse, the losse of their fore-teeth, or other deformitie; saying, that Kings ought to haue no defect; which if it happened, it was honour for him to die, and goe to better him∣selfe in that better life, in which he should be wholly perfect. But the Quiteue which raigned whiles I was there, would not follow his predecessors herein; but hauing lost one of his fore∣teeth, sent to proclaime thorow his whole Kingdome that one of his teeth were fallen out, * 1.942 and that if (that they might not be ignorant when they saw him want it) his predecessors were such fooles, for such causes to kill themselues, he would not doe so, but awaite his naturall death, holding his life necessary to conserue his estate against his enemies, which example hee would [ 30] commend to posteritie.

If the Cafars haue a suit, and seeke to speake with the King, they creepe to the place where hee is, hauing prostrated themselues at the entrance, and looke not on him all the while they * 1.943 speake, but lying on one side clap their hands all the time (a rite of obsequiousnesse in those parts) and then hauing finished, they creepe out of the doores as they came in. For no Cafar may enter on foot to speake to the King, nor eye him in speaking, except the familiars and particu∣lar friends of the King. The Portugals enter on their feet, but vnshod, and being neere the King, prostrate themselues lying on one side almost sitting, and without looking on him speake to him, at euery fourth word clapping their hands according to the custome. Both Cafres and Portugals are entertained by him with wine of Mays, or their wheate, called Pombe, which they [ 40] must drinke, although against stomacke, not to contemne the Kings bountie; whence the Portu∣gals haue had some trouble, and are forced to stay in the Towne without leaue to returne home, with great expence of time and charges.

Euery September the Quiteue at the change of the Moone, goeth from Zimbaohe his Citie to a high Hill to performe Obits or Exequies to his predecessors there buried, with great troops * 1.944 both of the Citie and other parts of the Kingdomes called vp therefore. As soone as they are ascended, they eate and drinke their Pombe, the King beginning, till they be all drunke; conti∣nuing that eating and drinking eight dayes, one of which they call Pemberar of a kind of Til∣ting exercise then vsed. In this feast the King and his Nobles clothe themselues in their best * 1.945 Silkes and Cotten clothes, which they haue with many thrummes, like Carpet fringes, wrought [ 50] therein, hanging downe on the eyes and face as a horses foretop; they tie about the head a large Ribband; and diuided into two parts, they runne one against another on foot with Bowes and Arrowes in their hands, which they shoote vpwards that none be hurt; and thus make a thou∣sand careeres and feates till they be tyred and cannot stirre, and they which hold out longest are accounted the properest valiantest men, and are therefore rewarded with the prize propounded, Gaspar de Mello Captayne of Sofala in my time, caused to make a large Ribband with great fringes of silke and gold, and sent it with other pieces of price to the Quiteue, who most estee∣med that Ribband for this pembering purpose.

After this eight dayes festiuall, they spend two dayes or three in mourning; and then the Deuill enters into one of the company, saying, he is the soule of the deceased King, father of the [ 60] * 1.946 present, to whom those Exequies are performed; and that he comes to speake to his sonne. The Cafar thus possessed falls downe on the ground in an ill plight and is distracted, the Deuill spea∣king by his mouth all the strange tongues of all the Cafar Nations about them, many of which some of the men present vnderstand. And after this hee beginneth to behaue himselfe, and to

speake like the King pretended, by which signes the Cafars acknowledge the comming of the deceased Kings soule. The King is now made acquainted herewith, and comes with his Grandes to the place where the Demoniake is, and doe him great reuerence. Then all the rest goe aside, and the King remaynes with him alone speaking friendly as with his father departed, and en∣quireth if hee be to make warres, whether hee shall ouercome his enemies, touching dearth, or troubles in his kingdom, and whatsoeuer else he desireth to know: And the Deuil answereth his questions, and aduiseth him what to doe, not without lies altogether, as he which is the enemie of mankind, and thinks it enough to hold his credit with them, and yeerely to be consulted. Af∣ter all this the Deuill departeth from that bodie, leauing it weary, and euer after ill apayd. The King returneth home with great applause, so graced with the conference of the deceased Kings, whom they hold to be mighty in the other World, and able to grant him whatsoeuer hee desi∣reth. [ 10] Some Portugals haue beene eye-witnesses hereof. The like manner the Deuill vseth with other Gentiles in China, and the Philippinas, as some report.

I beleeue for certaine that this Caphar Nation is the most brutish and barbarous in the world, * 1.947 neither worshipping God, nor any Idoll, nor haue Image, Church, or Sacrifice, or persons dedi∣cated to Religion, and are hard to be conuerted, either to Christians or Moores. They hold the immortalitie of the soule, and haue a confused knowledge that there is a Great God, whom they call Molungo, but they pray not to him, nor doe commend themselues to him. When they suffer any necessitie or sterilitie, they haue recourse to their King, strongly beleeuing that hee is * 1.948 able to giue them all things which they desire, and that he can obtaine all things of the dead, his predecessors with whom he seemeth to haue conference. Whereupon they sue to the King for [ 20] raine, if they want it, and for seasonable haruest times: and alway when they thus petition him, they bring him great Presents, which he receiueth, and bids them returne home in a good houre; for hee will haue care of their request to satisfie the same. And though they see them∣selues often frustrated, yet continue they to spend time and costs in such petitions, till raine or other their suits happen, thinking that though he granted not at first, yet by their importunitie (as he also for gaine tells them) that he hath done it at last.

They obserue certaine festiuals, resting from labour (except dances) appointed by the King, * 1.949 they not knowing when, or why. They call such dayes Musimos, that is, Soules of Saints de∣parted, in whose honour they keepe them. On one of these dayes a Portugall in that Citie Zim∣baohe (which was passing to Manicas where the gold Mines are) caused a Cow to bee killed at [ 30] his house for food to his slaues, and the people which hee had with him; whereof the Quiteue hearing by one of his Officers (many of which are dispersed in the Citie, and thorow the King∣dome) he commanded the Portugall to suffer it to abide, and not meddle any more withall, for violating his Musimos. And the Portugall had no remedie, but must either suffer the beast to stinke and putrifie there, or pay Empofia, that is, The Fine, which was no lesse then fiftie Clothes, after he had in stead of eating, endured much stinke many dayes; which to auoide, hee would haue gone forth of his house, and haue taken another, but the Quiteue would not suffer him to enforce him to his Empofia.

These Cafars know nothing of the Creation of the World, of Man, nor of Hell for the bad, or Heauen for the good: onely they beleeue the soules immortalitie in another World, and that [ 40] they shall liue with their women a better life then this, but they cannot tell where, in some eartltly Paradises of pleasure. They confesse that there is a Deuill, which they call, Musuca; * 1.950 and that he doth much harme to men. Euery new Moone is a Festiuall day: they say the Sunne when he can, goeth to sleepe. They neither write nor reade, nor haue bookes, but all their hi∣storie is Tradition. They hold that Monkies in times past were men and women, and call them * 1.951 in their language, The old people.

The Quiteue hath two or three hundred men for his Guard, which are his Officers and Exe∣cutioners, called Inficis, and goe crying, Inhama, Inhama, that is, Flesh, Flesh. Hee hath another sort, called Marombes, Iesters, which haue their Songs and Prose in praise of the King, whom * 1.952 they call, Lord of the Sunne and Moone, King of the Land and of Riuers, Conqueror of his Enemies, [ 50] in euery thing Great, great Theefe, great Witch, great Lion; and all other names of greatnesse which they can inuent, whether they signifie good or bad, they attribute to him. When the King goeth out of doores, these Marombes goe round about him with great cries of this argu∣ment. Hee hath others which are Musicians in his Hall, and at the Court gates, with diuers In∣struments * 1.953 resounding his praises. Their best Musicall Instrument is called Ambira, much like to our Organs, made of Pompions, some bigge, some slender, for difference of sounds, with a mouth in the side nigh the bottome, which hath a hole bigger then a shilling, with a glasse in the bottome, made of certaine Cop••ebs slender and strong. On the mouthes (which are equall, * 1.954 set in a rew) is a rew of keyes of wood, slender, sustained with cords, on the tops whereof they [ 60] play with stickes like drum stickes, which haue buttons or balls as big as a nut in the points, which mouing the Keyes, make a sweet sound, which may be heard as farre as Virginals. Ano∣ther Instrument they haue, called also Ambira, all of Iron wedges, flat and narrow, a span long, tempered in the fire to differing sounds. They are but nine set in a rew, with the ends in a p••ece

of wood as in the necke if a viole, and hollow, on which they play with their thumbe nailes, which they weare long therefore, as lightly as men with vs on the Virginals, and is better Musicke then the former. They haue Cornets of a wilde beasts horne, called Paraparas, ha∣uing a terrible sound, and Drummes diuersified in sounds. When the Quiteue sends Embas∣sadours, hee sends these three sorts of men, crying, playing, dancing, which receiue, or else take their prouision by force.

They vse three kinds of Oathes in Iudgement most terrible, in accusations wanting iust eui∣dence. The first is called, Lucasse, which is a vessell full of poison, which they giue the suspe∣cted, * 1.955 with words importing his destruction, and present death if he be guilty; his escape, if in∣nocent: the terrour whereof makes the conscious confesse the crime: but the innocent drinke [ 10] it confidently without harme, and thereby are acquitted of the crime; and the plaintiffe is con∣demned to him whom he falsly had accused; his wife, children, and goods being forfeited, one moitie to the King, and the other to the defendant. The second Oath they call, Xoqua, which is made by iron heated red hot in the fire, causing the accused to lick it being so hot with his tongue, saying, that the fire shall not hurt him if hee bee innocent; otherwise it shall burne his tongue and his mouth. This is more common, and is vsed by the Cafres and the Moores in those parts; yea, (which worse is) some Christians giue the same Oath to their slaues suspected of stealth; which one in Sofala caused, on suspicion of a stollen garment, a slaue to doe three times without hurt. The third Oath they call, Calano, which is a vessell of water made bitter with certaine herbs, which they put into it, whereof they giue the accused to drinke, saying, that if he be in∣nocent, [ 20] he shall drinke it all off at one gulp without any stay, and cast it all vp againe at once without any harme: if guilty, he shall not be able to get downe one drop without gargling and choaking. There haue beene seene many experiments of all these, the guilty suffering death by the poison, or burning, &c. the innocent freed; hauing some resemblance by Deuillish apish imitation to the cursed water of iealousie mentioned in Moses. Once, they are notorious * 1.956 and well knowne in Sofala.

The Cafres are blacke as Pitch, curled, and weare their head full of hornes made of the same * 1.957 haire, which stand vp like a Distaffe, wearing slender pieces of wood within their lockes to vp∣hold them without, bending: without, they tye them with a ribband made of the barke of an herbe, which whiles it is fresh sticketh like glue, and dried is like a sticke: with this they binde [ 30] their haire in bundles from the bottome to the top; of each bundle making a horne, holding herein great pride and gallantrie; striuing to excell each others; and mocking them which want them, saying, they are like women. For, as the male wilde beasts haue hornes which the females want; so doe these sauage beasts also.

The Quiteue hath herein a fashion which none may imitate, of foure hornes, one of a spanne long on the mould of the head, like an Vnicorne, and three of halfe a spanne, one on the necke, at each eare another, all vpright to the top. For their hornes sakes they haue no hats, nor head∣couerings amongst them. The apparell of the King and chiefe men is fine Cotton, or Silke, girt to them, and hanging almost to the knees, and another greater, called Machiras, which the Ca∣fres weaue, cast ouer the shoulders like a Cloke, wherewith they goe muffled, letting it hang on [ 40] the left hand to the ground, esteeming great Grauitie and Maiestie in a long traine. The rest of the bodie is naked; they goe all bare-foot: and the vulgar goe naked both men and women without shame; the better sort of them wearing a Monkies skinne, hanging downe from the girdle like a Smiths Apron; and the women likewise. But the Cafres which trade with the Portugals weare a couering to the knees. They haue no Occupations but Smiths, which make A∣zagays, * 1.958 Spades, Hatchets, Halfe-swords: Weauers which make Cotton clothes for Machiras. The women make them, but improperly, their office being ordinarily to digge, and weed, and sowe, men more louing their lubberly ease, few helping their wiues: a Spade being as vsuall with their women, as a Rocke with our Spinsters; the men now and then hunting for wilde beasts, other whiles dancing and singing, and therefore poore. [ 50]

The Quiteue makes some Royall huntings, with three or foure thousand men, in the Desarts * 1.959 neere the Citie; encircling all the beasts in that compasse, Tigres, Lions, Ounces, Elephants, Buffals, Deere, wilde Swine, and the rest, driuing them together, and then setting on their Dogs, with cries, Arrowes, and Azagayes, pursue and kill what they can. Then may they kill the Lion, which at other times by the Quiteues prohibition is a deadly offence, because hee is entituled, great Lion. After this they eat in the same place with great iollitie; but the most they carrie home, and * 1.960 hang it for the King, and for themselues.

Their houses are round, of vnhewne timber couered with straw, like a thatched Countrey house, which they remoue at pleasure. Their goods is a Panne in which they boy••e their Wheat, two Spades to digge, one Bowe and Arrowes, a Mat whereon they lie, which they make of [ 60] Rushes, and commonly they sleepe on the ground: if it be cold, they make a fire in the midst of the house, lying all about it like Cacs. So beggarly and brutish is the life (if that be life) of the Cafres. Their food is commonly Mais, Pulse, Fruits, Sugar-canes, Fish, and all kinds of Beasts which they kill in the Desarts, as Monkies, Dogs, Cats, Rats, Snakes, Lizards, Croco∣diles,

all flesh; Rice they sowe rather to sell the Portugals then to eat, preferring their Mais. They steepe two dayes in water a pecke or thereabouts, which in that space growes forth: and then the water being put out, they let it drie two or three houres, and being well dried * 1.961 they stampe it till it settle into a masse: which they doe in a great Morter as high as a mans middle, called Cuni, by them, by the Portugals, Pilano. After this they set a great earthen ves∣sell on the fire halfe full of water, whereon when it seeths, they put in aboue halfe the pecke of Mais-meale by little and little, still stirring it, as when men make pottage: and after it seeths a little, they take the vessell off the fire, and put in the rest of the said masse, stirring them toge∣ther till their Pombe be made; which is let stand two dayes, and then they drinke it, many of them neither eating nor drinking ought else, but liuing onely hereof. If it stand foure or fiue [ 10] dayes it becomes Vinegar; and the sowrer, the more tipsie; they say that it makes them strong.

In some places grow certaine Reeds, which euery second or third yeere haue great eares like Rie, of which they gather store, and is good sustenance.

In all Casraria there growes a certaine herbe which they sowe, called Bangue, the straw and leaues whereof they cut, and being well dried, stampe them to powder. And hereof they eate a handfull, and then drinke water, and so sustaine themselues many dayes; and if they eate much, it makes them drunken, like to Wine.

All these Cafres before they goe about any businesse of import, as iourneying, merchandise, or sowing, they cast lots to diuine of the successe; a thing vsed likewise to enquire of things * 1.962 stolne or lost, and in all doubtfull cases, and there to giue credit as we doe to the Gospell. These [ 20] lots are little round stickes flat, and bored thorow the midst, lesse then Table-men, called Cha∣ratas, alway carried about them, filed on a string, to vse vpon any occasion of doubt, casting them like Dice so many times. For want of them, they diuine by strokes or lines which they draw on the ground. Some are great Witches, and consult with the Deuill; so prone to it, * 1.963 that they are prohibited by the King, that none should vse this witch-craft without his licence, in paine of death, and confiscation of wife, children, and goods, halfe to the King, and halfe to the Informer: and yet many are such secretly, and all would be if they could. The same pe∣naltie * 1.964 is to theeues and to adulterers: it being lawfull for any man to slay any of these three sorts taken in the fact: or if any list not to kill him which by witch-craft, adulterie, or robbe∣rie hath wronged him, he may sell him, or doe with him what he pleaseth as his owne chattels, [ 30] and they call the condemned, such a mans Witch, Theefe, or Adulterer. The losse of goods to the King is common for any fault amongst them.

The Cafres buy of the parents their wiues, for Kine, Clothes, or otherwise according to * 1.965 their abilitie. And therefore they which haue many daughters are rich. If any mislike his wife, hee may returne her to him that sold her, but with losse of the price payde; and the parent may sell her againe to another husband. The wife hath no libertie to forsake her hus∣band. The ceremonies of marriage are dances, and feastings of the neighbours; euery inuited guest bringing his present of Meale, Mais, Inhames, Fitches, or other victuall for that dayes expenses. Hee which is able, may haue two wiues, but few are able to maintayne them, except the great men which haue many, but one is principall, the rest as hand-maids. Some of them [ 40] liue like wilde beasts, and when they are neere time of trauell, they goe to the wildernesse or * 1.966 vntilled places, and there goe vp and downe receiuing the sauour of that wilde place, which causeth to them quicker deliuery. They after their deliuery wash themselues and their children in a Lake or Riuer, and then returne to their houses with them in their armes without swad∣ling them. Neither haue they there wherewithall to doe it, or such custome: nor haue any Bed to lie on, but a Mat, or locke of straw.

When any of them die, the kindred, friend, and neighbours assemble, and bewaile him all that day in which he dieth, and the same day lay him on a Mat, or Seat where hee died; and if * 1.967 he had any cloth or garment, bury him therein, otherwise, naked. They make a hole in the De∣sart (or wilde vntilled place) and set by him a vessell of water and a little Mais, to eate and [ 50] drinke (they say) in his iourney to the other life; and without more ceremonies couer him with earth, and lay on the hole the Mat, or the Chai e in which he was brought to buriall, where they consume without any more respect, although they be new. For they hold it ominous to touch that Mat or Seat in which one died, as boding death or some ill. The kindred and friends lament him eight dayes from morning to noone, and an houre at Sunne set: which mourning they per∣forme * 1.968 with dances and drerie songs, and speeche, all together on foot in a round circle; and now and then one of the standers by enters into the middle of the circle, and makes a turne or two, and then takes his place againe: and after the mourning finished, they all sit in a round and eate and drinke for the soule of the deceased whom they mourne for, and then returne home. The next kindred are at this cost. [ 60]

These Cafars are cruell and inhumane to one another. If any of them bee sicke, and haue no * 1.969 wife, kindred, or friends to looke to him, no other Cafar will giue him any thing, but let him starue; and die forlorne without taking on him any compassion, although he see him readie to perish with hunger; of which sicknesse most of them die, through miserable pouertie and im∣prouident

and prodigality. And when they doe the most, some friend takes the forlorne man, carries him to the wilde vncultiuated place, and layes him at some bush, or at the foot of a tree, with a little Vessell of water to drinke and a little Mais to eate if he can; and so leaues him till he dyes without more care of him: And although some Cafar passe by, and see him groane or lament, yet will hee giue him no helpe. And this brutishnesse is so naturall to them, that some, when they feele themselues deadly sicke, take order to bee so carryed to the Wildernesse, and laid at the foote of a Bush, and their dye like beasts.

In Mocaranga some Parents as blacke as Pitch, haue white Goldi-locked children like Flem∣mings. * 1.970 Whiles I was in the Countrey, the Quiteue nourished one white childe in the Court, as a strange Prodigie. The Manamotapa kept two other white Cafres with like admiration. The Cafres say such are the Children of the Deuill, begotten of blacke women by him when they are [ 10] asleepe. I saw at Goa a white Cafar Wench in Dom. Hieronimo Continho his House, giuen him by the Vice-Roy Dom. Francisco da Gama, and after (he returning Captayne Maior of the ships) at Saint Helena: and although both her Parents were Negroes, shee was so white that her Eye∣lids were also of that colour.

In the Riuer Inhaguea betwixt Sofala and Luabo, a Negro of sixtie yeares brought forth and suckled a Ch••d. Many Cafres haue two or three children at a Birth. One Peter a Christan Ca∣far at Sofala, his Wife dying after trauell of a Daughter, nourished the same with Milke of his * 1.971 owne brests a whole yeare, at the end whereof it dyed of Wormes, and then the Milke dryed vp in his brests. He told mee, that pitie of the Motherlesse crying Infant, which his pouertie could not otherwise releeue, caused him to seeke to still it with laying it to his brest, and then [ 20] gaue it somewhat to drinke, which hauing continued two or three dayes his brest began to yeeld Milke. Persons of credit in India told me the like of a poore Iew of Ormus, which nourished his Sonne with his brests, the Mother dying when it was young, in the Castle. A Cafar in the Ri∣uer Quilimane had brests great, and bearing out like a woman which giues suck, but had no Milke therein. Aft••r my returne to Portugall, I heard by eye-witnesses of a poore man in Moura, which being sixtie yeares old, had as much Milke as a woman Nurse, and gaue sucke to two * 1.972 children.

King Sebastian sent Francis Barret, with title of Gouernour and Captayne Generall of a great * 1.973 Armada, to goe to Sofala, to conquer the Golden Mines in the Kingdome of Mocaranga, and particularly those of Manica. In the Conquest whereof he made great Warres with the Qui∣teue, [ 30] who reigneth ouer the Countrey in the way from Sofala to Manica, the Mines beeing in the Neighbour Kingdome of Chicangua. In these passages by Land or Riuer, the Quiteue op∣posed himselfe with many Battels; who notwithstanding pierced the Countrey to Zimbaohe, and made the Quiteue flie to the Mountaynes, with his women and people. Hee fired the Citie and passed two dayes further without opposition. Then the Chicanga sent him prouision (where∣of * 1.974 he had great want) intimating his ioy to see him in his Kingdome; which hee requited with a Present, and came to his Citie, where he was kindly entertayned, a peace concluded with grant of free Merchandising. The Portugals had conceited themselues of so much Gold, that they thought they might fill sackes, and take as much as they listed; but when they saw the trouble, difficultie, and danger of life which the Cafres sustayned to get it forth of the earth and stones, [ 40] their minds were altered. They get it three wayes, one by making Mines (which sometime * 1.975 fall on them) and following the veines which they know, take thence the Earth, washing the same in bolls. Another, after Raines, searching the Brookes of the fields and hils where they find pieces of Gold: the third, out of certayne stones in particular Mines, which haue veines of Gold, which they breake into poulder, and wash the same in bolls, where the rest runneth a∣way with the water, the Gold remayning in the bottome. This third they call Matuca, and is the basest, the other Dahabo. * 1.976

Barret at his returne thought of reuenge vpon the Quiteue, which he preuented with courte∣sies and presents: and agreement was made betwixt them, that the Captayne of Sofala should yearely giue the Quiteue two hundred Clothes for free and secure passage thorow his Countrey [ 50] to Chicanga, which are worth at Sofala more then one hundred Cruzados, and amongst the Ca∣sres, aboue one hundred thousand Reys. For this tribute which they call Curua, the Quiteue sends foure Embassadors yearely, called Mutumes; one of which represents his Person, and he alone is holden in like respect and reuerence in that Iourney; the second is called the Kings * 1.977 Mouth, whose Office is to deliuer the Kings Message; the third they call the Kings Eye, who is appointed Ouer-seer of all hee sees done, to relate the same to him at their returne; the fourth is called the Kings Eare, and is to heare all that is spoken on both parts. They are all Lords, and sometimes the Kings Sonnes, he especially which represents his person, and are presented by the Cafres in the way; and bring aboue one hundred others with them in company to carrie the [ 60] Curua and their Gifts. When they are neere Sofala, the Captayne sends principall Moores to conduct them to the Castle. Before them goe Labourers, and Dancers in great brauery, their heads adorned with plumes of Cockes tayles: next follow Cafres, in a ranke or file, and after them the Mutumes in their order, he being last which represents the Quiteues person, and with

him the Xeque or Principall Moore. The Captayne entertaynes them in the Hall, accompanied with all the Portugals in the Towne, and after lodgeth them in the Moores houses, and furnisheth them with prouision seuen or eight dayes. The Captayne sometimes dischargeth the Ordnance of the Castle to honour them; but they desired the Quiteue, being afraid of that Thunder, to send to the Portugalls to hide their Inhuates or Gunnes, when they came to demand the Curua; * 1.978 which he did accordingly. The Cafres pay their Tribute to the Quiteue, in euery Village or Towne making one great heape of Mais for the King; and euery Inhabitant being further bound to labour in the Kings Workes certayne dayes of the yeare, in digging, sowing, &c. The Mer∣chants pay besides three of twentie of their Merchandise. The Portugals which trade to Ma∣nica pay one cloth of twentie, and so of other wares. [ 10]

The Moores of Sofala haue customes no lesse barbarous. If one of them marrie, he seekes out * 1.979 another lustie Moore which may carrie him on his backe on the Marriage day from his owne house to the Brides, albeit it bee halfe a league off, without resting by the way: for if hee rests, that day is held vnluckie, and hee must seeke a stronger to performe it without resting on another day, or else the Marriage is marred and broken off. They are also very poore, yet will haue a fine cloth to be buried in; which buriall is like that before of the Cafres, in the wild vntilled fields or woods; and in the Graue they set Rice, Mais, and Water. Vpon the Graue they set two stones one at the head, the other at the feet, which they anoynt with Sanders ground and smelling: the kindred after continuing to anoynt the stones and set Rice on the Graue. The Christians there were as scrupulous of the Mats or Chaires of their slaues de∣ceased: [ 20] but I bestowed them on the fire or water, and they besought me of Charitie to forbeare, lest some euils should befall them from the dead. Both Moores, Cafres, and Christians of Sofala are much addicted to Dreames, and giue much credit to them, notwithstanding they often find them false, and are otherwise very superstitious.

In the Riuer of Sofala, foure leagues from the Fort is the Iland Maroupe, eight leagues long and a league and halfe broad. The Quiteue gaue the better part of it to Roderigo Lobo, and also the title of his Wife, a fashion of courtesie by him vsed to the Portugals, which he loues, intima∣ting * 1.980 his respect no lesse to them then to his Wife, and the Cafres do much honour to those whom hee honoureth with that Title. That Iland hath excellent game for fishing and hunting of diuers beasts which they take diuers wayes; by digging pits three yards long; halfe that breadth at the [ 30] top and straighter at the bottome of a mans height in deepnesse couered with stickes, and on them boughes or straw: another way is with multitudes to encompasse a place like a halfe Moone; and then put in Dogges which by barking scarre the beasts to the Riuer, where they are prouided with Boats and Assagayes for that purpose: a third way is when the Riuer ouer∣floweth, and all the beasts betake them to some higher places of the Iland, where they are easily assailed with Arrowes and Assagaies in Boats. And there stand Elephants, Lions, Tygres, Eu∣nuches, Deere, wild Kine, Swine, and other wild beasts together, without hurting one another, as they did in Noahs Arke, all awed with the 〈…〉〈…〉e of the waters. It hapned that the said Lobo once with other beasts killed a Lion, which might haue endangered him the losse of the Ile, and of his life, had he beene a Cafar; neither dare or will the Cafres bee silent. Whereupon hee sent [ 40] the Quiteue a Present of twentie Clothes and the Lion, saying, that he the Kings Wife was sow∣ing for his Husband, and that Lion came and assayled him, whereupon he strucke him with the end of his Spade for his Husbands honor, and hath now sent him dead to take reuenge on him for the discourtesie done to his Wife. His Presents and present wit excused him. The Cafres most of them haue bad and broken teeth, which (they say) comes by the wet and fennie soile, and of eating parched Pulse hote. Most of them also haue Ruptures, some so much that thereby they cannot goe.

§. III. [ 50]

Of the Riuer Cuama, and the adiacent Countrey; the Beasts, Fowles, Fishes of those parts: the Hils of Lupata; of the Mongas, Rufumba, Sena, Tete, Massapa, and of the Kingdome of Manamotapa; Also of Ophir, and of the Golden Mines of Fura.

THe Riuer Cuama is by them called Zambeze; the head whereof is so farre within Land [ 60] that none of them know it, but by tradition of their Progenitors say it comes from a Lake in the midst of the Continent, which yeelds also other great Riuers, diuers wayes visiting the Sea. They call it Zambeze, of a Nation of Cafres dwelling neere that Lake, * 1.981 which are so called. It hath a strong current, and is in diuers places more then a league broad.

Twentie leagues before it enters the Sea, it diuides it selfe into two armes, each Daughter as great as the Mother, which thirtie leagues distant pay their Tribute to the Father of waters. The principall of them is called Luabo, which also diuides it selfe into two branches, one called Old Luabo, the other Old Cuama. The other lesse principall Arme is named Quil••mane, (the Ri∣uer Dos Bons Sinaes by Vasco di Gama, when hee discouered India) for the good newes which there he receiued of Mosambique, and therefore he there set vp a stone Pillar with a Crosse, and * 1.982 the Armes of Portugall, and named the Countrey Terra de sancta Raphael.) This Riuer hath also another great arme issuing from it, called the Riuer of Linde: so that Zambeze enters the Sea with fiue mouthes or Armes very great.

Luabo is sailed all the yeere long, but Quilimane only in the Winter. They saile vp this Riuer [ 10] West North-west aboue two hundred leagues, to the Kingdome of Sacumbe, where it makes a * 1.983 great Fall from Rockes, beyond which they goe vp the Riuer twentie leagues to the Kingdome of Chicoua, in which are Mines of Siluer, which cannot be sailed by reason of the strong current: * 1.984 but from Chiuoca vpwards it is Nauigable, but how farre they know not. Luabo hath its name of an Iland so called in the Barre thereof in nineteene degrees, which Iland diuides old Luabo on the South from Old Cuama, on the North: and in the East each salutes the other by entercourse of * 1.985 a streame fiue leagues long, which is the length and breadth of the Iland, peopled with Moores and Cafres. The Pangayos or great Barkes of Mosambique here discharge, being too great to passe higher, and carrie their goods in a Fleet of small Boates to the Fort of Sena, which is sixty leagues. The Land on the North-side is called Bororo, on the South Botonga. In the midst of [ 20] the Riuer are many Ilands, some very great; the biggest and best is called Chingoma; at the end whereof Zambeze diuides it selfe into Luabo and Quilimane. * 1.986

The second Ile of Note is Inhangoma, neere the Fort of Sena, tenne leagues long, and in some places a league and a halfe broad. The Portugals saile here by day, and fasten themselues to the Ilands by nights, by reason of the Currents and Shallowes. The Cafres inhabiting by the way, come with their Boats and sell them victuals, whereof the ouerflowing of the Riuer makes the Countrey plentifull. In March and Aprill the fields are ouer-flowne and other Riuers filled from hence; and yet haue they there in those Moneths no raines, nor melting of any Snowes, whereby it appeares that those Inundations come from farre Countries. In this time the Coun∣trey is sickly, and many Cafres dye of Diseases, then bred by the grosse Ayres, caused by the [ 30] waters.

In these Riuers are many Zouo or Zoo; so they call the Riuer-horses, greater then two of our Horses together, with thick and short hinder-legs, hauing fiue clawes on each fore-foot, and foure * 1.987 on the hinder-foot; the footing large as it were of an Elephant; the mouth wide and ful of teeth, foure of which are remarkable, each aboue two palmes (or spans) long, the two lower straight vp, and those aboue turned like a Bores tusks, all foure being aboue a great spanne eminent from the mouth. The head is as big as of three Oxen. I saw a Skull of one of them at a Cafres doore so great that he made his Sonne (a Boy of seuen or eight yeares of age) to sit downe in the mouth vpon the nether jaw, closing the jawes together. They liue commonly in the waters, but feed on the Land on grasse and boughes, and doe much hurt to sowed fields of Mais and Rice, both with fee∣ding [ 40] and treading. They are like to our Horses only in face, eyes, eares, and after a sort in neigh∣ing. They are jealous, and two Males goe not together; if two meete, they fight and sometimes * 1.988 kill each other: A droue or company of the Females haue but one Male, as a Cocke amongst Hens, the lesse fleeing from the greater: and when the Female hath a Male Colt, she keeps alone with her yongling, lest the Sire should kill it. They bring forth their yong on Land, and hauing licked them well, returne to the Riuer, and there nourish them with Milke of their teats like our Mares. Their Hides are much thicker then an Oxe-hide, all of one colour, ash-coloured gray, most of them with a white strake on the face all quite downe, and a starre in the fore-head, haire rough; mane little and short. They are much subiect to the falling sicknesse, in which they beate their brests with their left fore-feet very strongly bending the same back, and falling there∣on, [ 50] and in that fit are often scene and sometimes slaine by the Cafres. They are very bold in the water, and very fearefull by Land, as I haue seene by experience. The Cafres take them in pits which they digge and couer with boughes and grasse, betwixt the Riuer and the Corne-fi••••ds, whe〈…〉〈…〉 being falne they are easily killed: likewise they lay in their Corne grounds, halfe coue∣red with earth, thicke boards of a yard long full of sharpe Harping Irons; whereon the Horse treading cannot free his foot, nor goe away, nor breake the boards, and so are exposed to ••laugh∣ter. They also strike them in their Boats with Harping Irons fastned to the Boate by a C••rd, which he drawes after him, and after with Assagays and Arrowes, being tyred, they dispatch him, and share this their Venison amongst the Hunters. In my Iourney vp the Riuer Luabo, to Sena, I saw ten or twelue Boats in this Horse-chase. The Cafres report that a Lion p••rsued a [ 60] Deere to the Riuer, where he without, and a Crocodile in the water, seased on her as two Cham∣pions of the two Elements, in so equall force that neither preuayled, and at (l••st) many Cafres came, and with noyse parted the Fray first, and then the prey.

Alongst the Bankes runne many wilde Beasts, ••••ons, Ty〈…〉〈…〉, O〈…〉〈…〉, R〈…〉〈…〉es, Ele∣phants,

Buffals very fierce, wilde Kine (like to our tame) wilde Horses, in Mane and Neighing like ours, of cleere Chesnut colour, somewhat dunne, they haue smoothe streight hornes like a * 1.989 Deare without snags, and clouen hoofes like an Oxe. The Cafres call it Empophos. They haue wilde Asses of Russetish colour, with hornes and clouen feete, which they call Merus, the flesh * 1.990 as good as of Kine. They haue great varietie of Wormes, and many Zeuras made like Mules, and like them holding their heads toward their fore-legs when they runne, clouen footed, with * 1.991 strakes ouer all their body of white and blacke two fingers broad, the haire soft and smoothe. They haue many Nondos which are like Galician Hobbies, of darke Chesnut colour, the haire soft and short, the backe as if it were broken, the hinder legs shorter then the former. They haue Deeres, Hares, many Ciuet Cats; great Apes and Monkeys; the female Monkeys haue their [ 10] monethly purgation like Women. There is a kind of Dogs, called Impumpes, which goe a com∣panie * 1.992 of them together to seeke their prey, swift Runners, and sure Biters, a middle kinde of Curre which barke not, red on the backe and white bellied, running away from men. They bite on the Legs and Rumpes, plucking out each morsell, till with weaknesse and wearinesse the prey be their owne. They haue a kinde of Worme, called Inhazaras, as great as Hogs and fa∣shioned somewhat like, with thin and blacke haire, fiue fingers like the fingers of a man on each hinder foot, and foure on the fore-foot, and long nailes thereon. They liue in holes vnder the ground like Conie-berries, with two or three entrances. They liue vpon Ants, putting their tongues (two spans and a halfe long, like a wax candle) into the Ant-holes (which they scrape with their clawes) whereon the Ants running they pull it in, and so feed and fill themselues. One * 1.993 [ 20] of our Slaues killed one of them and brought it home; opened it and found no dung in the belly but winde, and some haue thought that they liued onely on Aire, and they are often found ga∣ping against the winde. The flesh of them is good to eate, tastes like Porke, especially the in∣wards; but without fat. The snout is very long and slender, long eares like a Mule, without haire, the taile thick and strait of a spanne long, fashioned at the end like a Distaffe. They haue great Lizards, of which I haue seene one dead a yard and a halfe long, as bigge as a mans thigh: they haue great and sharpe teeth, a blacke tongue, harped in the end. They bite venemously, but their poyson is not deadly. There are Snakes of eighteene or twentie spannes, as bigge as a mans legge; they kill Sheepe, Goats, Swine, Hens, and are very poysonfull. In the Kingdome of Biri neere Manica, are small Snakes, called Ruca Inhanga, so poysonfull that Trees or Herbs [ 30] which they bite, wither: and if they bite a quick thing, it swels like a Bottle, and in foure and twentie houres, the haires, hoofes, hornes and teeth fall away and it dyeth, except counter∣poyson bee applyed. Of these Snakes that King Biri makes a confection to poyson Arrowes, which drawing bloud cause the effects aforesaid: no Subiect is permitted to vse the same. A cer∣tayne Cafre bitten by one of these Snakes, got it in his hands, and bit it againe so angerly, that they both dyed the same day. Their Lions are dreadfull, of a darke gray or durtie ash-colour, not spotted. The Ounce is spotted, bigger then a Gray-hound and longer, made much like our Cats, and prey on Cats, and Dogs, and Cattell, which they therefore shut vp euery night. There are innumerable Wormes like Beetles, whose tailes shine in the night like burning coales, and are so many that they enlighten all the ayre. There are Rats whose biting is venomous, and * 1.994 [ 40] their smell very sweet of Muske. Great Bats they haue as bigge as Pigeons, which the Cafers kill, flay, and eate as sauourly as Hens. They haue in the wilde fields blacke Tortoises, as bigge as Bucklers, fleshy and fat, which they boyle and rost for dainties. They haue many Zangaons, * 1.995 Flies of a strange mixture. They make a Ball of Clay, which they fasten on the Walls or Tiles made full of holes like a Bee-hiue; in each hole they put a little Worme, such as breed in holes, some white, some blacke, some greene, or gray, of diuers kindes, whatsoeuer they finde; and then stop the mouth of the Ball or Hiue with new Clay. These inclosed Wormes beget Zan∣gaons with legs and wings, which eate thorow the Clay, and flie out and breede, so that of di∣uers kindes there is made one kinde very wonderfull. They haue diuers kindes of Birds, some of faire Colours and Notes, brought vp in Cages; Doues, some with golden wings very faire; Geese of three sorts, one greater then those of Portugal, blacke on the backe, and white on the [ 50] belly, with a red Crest on the head, hard and sharpe like a horne; many Cranes; Pelicans as bigge as Turky-cocks, whitish, with feet very thick and short, liuing in the Riuer on Fish: Ra∣uens as bigge as Peahens, and of that fashion, but the wings blackish, without feathers on the necke and head, couered there with a white ragged skin full of Dandrow; they frequent the Coast and Dung-hill for Carrion, and for mens dung. They haue one kinde of Fowles, called Curúanes, as bigge as Cranes, but more beautifull, the back like black Sattin, exceeding white on the belly and breast: the neck two spannes and a halfe long, couered with fine white feathers * 1.996 like silke, which are excellent for plumes: vpon the head it hath a Cap of blacke feathers, very faire (as our gold Finches haue red) and in the midst thereof a crest or plume almost a span long, of white, fine, strait feathers, equall on the top, and there spreading themselues into a round [ 60] forme, like a very white Mushrom with a white stalke, and resembling a Sombrero de Sol (or In∣dian Canopee to keepe off the Sunne.) The Cafars call this the King of Birds, because their Kings haue such a Sombreiro, and for the greatnesse and beautie of them.

A Portugall in Sofala told mee, that going to traffique for iuorie in the firme land of Mam∣bone, ouer against the Iles of Boçicas, hee had a Monkie in a chaine fastened to a Blocke or Clog (which weighed ten or twelue pounds) who one day being abroad, there came a bird of prey of a huge bignesse, and seising on him with his talons, carried him away together with his Clog, * 1.997 and not very farre off did eate him, the Chaine and Clog being after found. In those parts, hee said, are many of them which doe much hurt, carrying away Kids, and Pigs, and Hens. There is a kind of birds like Canarie birds, but with long tailes, which liue on wax, and search in the * 1.998 wild vntilled places for Bee-hiues, whereof there are many in holes in the ground, and in hol∣low trees, and finding any, they goe to the waies to shew it to some people which passe by (which they doe by going before them crying and beating their wings from bough to bough, till they finde the Hiue or Bee-hole) and the people knowing their fashion follow them, where the [ 10] one shares the Honie, the other the Wax, and the dead Bees therein. They call these birds Sazu. I haue seene them often enter into our Church to eate the Wax, where the boyes haue catched some of them. There is another sort which liues on the fruit of their owne labours: for they * 1.999 with their hard bills pecke holes on the tops of trees, where the armes begin to spread, and therein put a stone of a fruit which they eate, which springs within, and glues it selfe like a new graffe of that Tree (so that there are many Trees of two kindes, by reason of this foster-plant of another leafe and fruit) and of the fruit thereof the Birds sustayne themselues: they are of the bignesse and fashion of Iack-dawes, but grayish. There is a Bird, called Minga, greene and yel∣low very faire, like in forme to Pigeons, which neuer tread on the ground, their feet being so * 1.1000 short that they can scarse be discerned. They settle on Trees of the fruits whereof they liue; [ 20] and when they will flie, they fall downe with their wings closed, which they open in the ayre: when they drinke they flie on the tops of the waters; and if they fall on the ground they cannot rise; they are fat and sauorie. There are said to be of those Cinçoes there, which liue on Dew, like those in Mexico, of whose fine curious feathers they make pictures. * 1.1001

In the Riuer of Sofala is store of Fish fat and sauorie, as Mullets, Needles, Dolphins, &c. One strange fish in qualitie is common in those Riuers, which the Portugals call Tremedor, and the Cafres, Thinta, of such nature that no man can take it in his hand whiles it is aliue, for it fil∣leth the hand and arme with paine, as if euery ioynt would goe asunder; but being dead is as an∣other fish, and much esteemed for good meate. The Naturals say, that the skin of this fish is vsed to sorceries. It is medicinable against the Cholick, rosted and ground to powder and drunke in [ 30] Wine. The biggest of them is two spannes and halfe long, the skin blackish, rough and thick.

There is another fish bred in Lakes, called Macone, somewhat like a Lamprey with holes in * 1.1002 the neck and in shape, spotted like a water Snake. In Summer when the Lakes are drie, he lyes a spanne deepe in the earth with his taile in his mouth, which he sucketh for his sustenance till the raynes come, aboue three moneths. In this manner he eates most of his taile, which growes againe as before, at the returne of the waters. The Cafres hunt them, digging the earth of the Lakes for them, and there finde them in this sort. I haue often eaten of them. The Lakes in Winter are so filled, and stored from the Riuer with one kinde, called Enxauos, that the Hogs feed themselues therewith. The Memune is of so strong a sent that none can endure it, but * 1.1003 the Cafres; and they eate it, getting great store in the Winter, and smoke them for the whole [ 40] yeeres prouision.

Fiue leagues from Sofala are the Iles Boçicas towards the South, in which Sea are many Wo∣men fishes, which the people take with great hookes and lines, with chaines of Iron made for that * 1.1004 purpose; and of the flesh thereof they hang, and smoke it as it were Bacon. The flesh is good * 1.1005 and fat, of which we haue oft eaten, sodden with Cabbages and dressed with its owne sawce. From the belly to the neck it is very like a Woman; the Female nourisheth her young with her breasts which are like a Womans. From the belly downward it hath a thick and long taile with finnes like a Dolphin; the skin white on the belly, on the backe rougher then a Dolphins. It hath armes ending from the elbowes in finnes, and hath no hands. The face is plaine, round, de∣formed, bigger then a mans, without humane semblance, wide mouthed, thick hanging lips as [ 50] a Hound, foure teeth hanging out almost a span, like the tuskes of a Boare (which are accounted very good for the Piles, and against fluxe of bloud) their Nostrils are like a Calfe. There are ma∣ny Oysters which breede the Pearle, which they take with diuing, fastning a Cord to their * 1.1006 middle, and holding stones in their hands (which when they are at the bottome they let goe) and fill a Basket, which is let downe from the Boat with a Cord, hauing a stone in it to make it sinke, which being full is drawne vp; and then to it againe. They are so vsed to it that they will continue halfe a quarter of an houre vnder the water.

Ambargrice is said to grow in the bottome of the Sea, and with the mouing of the Sea to bee broken and rise to the top; wherefore after great Stormes and Tempests the Cafres goe seeking [ 60] * 1.1007 for it by the Shoares, and find many peeces which they sell to the Moores and Portugals. They haue three sorts of Ambar, one very white, called Ambar gris; the second gray, called Mexuey∣ra; the third blacke as pitch, which is often found soft, of all smell, which Whales and other Fishes eate. The Whales doe not breede it and vomit it, as some say, for peeces haue there beene

found of twentie pound. And 1596. a piece of excellent white Ambar was found neere to Braua, so great and high that set in the midst they could not see one another, which were on the opposite sides.

The Crocodile is fiue and twentie spans long, and thicker then a man; they are cowardly on * 1.1008 Land, cruell in the water, greene with darke yellow spots, and gray, and blacke; they haue many rewes of Teeth, no Tongue. The Cafres call them Goma. They lay many Egges in a hole in the Sand, which the Sunne hatcheth. The Cafres oft find their Egges. They first drowne and then eate their prey, wetting euery bit in water, which otherwise they cannot swallow. Their Liuers are Poyson: and the Quiteue prohibits for this cause to kil any vnder paine of death. Some Cafres say, that one Lobe of the Liuer is Poyson, and the other Counterpoyson. They lye Mor∣ning and Euening on the Sands, a little out of the water with their mouthes open against the [ 10] Sunne to catch Flyes, who inuited thither by the ill sent, sucke away the filth, which stickes on their eyes and nostrils, and deuoured for their labour at last betweene their teeth. The old ones haue mosse on their heads. The Cafres catch them with flesh bayted on a bigge piece of wood two spans long and strait, hidden in the flesh, and cast into the water, where the Crocodile de∣uoures both: the Cafar seeing his line stirre, drawes him to the banke with his mouth open, not able by reason of the wood crossing his throat to shut his mouth, or byte asunder the Cord; the water entring into his mouth chokes him; which done, they draw him to Land and eate him. They stinke * 1.1009 most abominably; insomuch, that I and some others passing the Riuer from Ma∣roupe to Sofala, were faine to stop our Noses, the Cafars laughing, and saying it was the ventosi∣tie [ 20] or wind-breaking of the Crocodile which came from forth the waters, and yeelded such vn∣sufferable stinke thorow all that part of the Riuer. Alongst the Riuer of Sofala growes a certayne herbe which they call Miciriri, wherewith the Cafres anoynt themselues when they go a fishing, by vertue whereof the Crocodiles cannot hurt them; it taking away from the teeth their power and dulling them as if they were of Waxe. And for proofe before they vse it, they put some of it on their owne heads, and if it disables them to chew any thing, they account it good, and vse the juyce, not daring otherwise to enter the Riuer for feare of Crocodiles.

Alongst the Riuer grow Cottons and Sugar-canes, which they sow for backe and belly. In the Countrey grow many medicinable Plants, especially on the Hils of Lupata, where grow wild Douradinha, or guilt Wood, wilde Aguila, very sweet, Cannafistola, and another Plant [ 30] with which the Cafres purge themselues, another to stanch bloud, another to cure wounds very effectually, another to prouoke mirth and ••ollitie.

These hils of Lupata are mid-way from Sena, to Tete, which are sixtie leagues distant vp the * 1.1010 Riuer, ninetie leagues from Sea, very high, craggie, of large extension, therefore by the Cafres called, The Backe-bone of the World. The Riuer Zambeze forceth their stonie heart to yeeld him * 1.1011 passage; in some places as affrighted lifting themselues steepe vpright in the Ayre, in others with beetle ouer-hanging browes expressing their frowning indignation, as if they would fall vpon that pressing and piercing Enemie, which yet swiftly flyeth and lightly escapeth, euer con∣tinuing that breach in which it neuer continueth. Thus with menacing looks, they face & threa∣ten the waters, and with strait gripes offer in vaine to stay their course; which hereby indange∣red, [ 40] haste away euer to auoyde that which they euer haste to obtayne; this mutuall strife cau∣sing a dangerous Current-combate, not so much to each other, as the Boates and Merchants which passe this way, often feeling the furie of both till they can feele neither; both men and goods confiscated to their furie.

These Hils trauerse the Kingdome of a King called Mongas, which hath this Riuer on the South, and reach to the Lands of Manamotapa. These Mongas are the most warlike Cafres, * 1.1012 which confine on this Riuer, and haue often fought with the Portugals. In one battell they had an old Witch which came before them, and being betwixt both Campes, tooke certayne pow∣ders out of a Pompion rinde which shee had brought and threw them into the Ayre against the Portugalls, but in the midst of her Sorceries she was slaine with a Falcon shot, which successe fol∣lowed [ 50] the other Cafres which trusted in her, and peace not long after was concluded on both parts.

Beneath these Hils is a goodly Lake called Rufumba, of three leagues circuit, with an Iland in * 1.1013 the midst very high, in which is a great Tamarind or Date * 1.1014 tree, of the bignesse and fashion of a Pine; the leaues whereof open with the rising, and close with the going downe of the Sunne. In it is a Groue called Chipanga, accounted sacred, in which the Neighbour Cafres bury their * 1.1015 dead, conceiuing that the soules departed enter into the Crocodiles (whereof there are great store) and therefore also often set them meate. There is in this Lake a Spring which swelleth out in fiue heads a yard distant from each other, of differing heate, and one vnsufferable. The like is in a place aboue Tete, neere the Riuer called Empongo. A small Riuer neere Tete is of Salt [ 60] water like the Sea, from which it is one hundred and twentie leagues distant. In Mocaranga are * 1.1016 many such Salt Lakes and Riuers. In the great Riuer Mangania, is a Salt Spring two hundred leagues from Sea, which turnes also all the Wood throwne in, into hard stones.

In Alenteio a Prouince of Portugall at Exuedall, is a spring which runs with store of water all Sum∣mer,

making a good streame which waters many Gardens, and driues many Mills from Aprill to Septem∣ber; and is dry in Winter; and with another greater wonder, the same water where it stands, turnes into stone like Pumice, which euer so continueth, and puts on a stonie Coate on euery piece of wood, which is throwne into the Spring-head or running streame, and makes it like a Cane of stone: as it doth also tho grasse; and euery yeare they must cleere the passages from stone.

Sena is a Fort of Lime and Stone, furnished with Artillery; the Captayne is placed by the Captayne of Mosambique. There were in my time eight hundred Christians, of which, fiftie * 1.1017 Portugalls. Seuen or eight leagues from hence on the other side of the Riuer, is the high Hill Chi∣ri, which may be seene twentie leagues off, the Hill and Valleyes exceeding fertile. To this Fa∣ctory of Sena, they come from Tete to buy Merchandize with their Gold. [ 10]

Tete is a stone Fort sixtie leagues further vp the Riuer in the Kingdome of Inhabaze, vnder the Manamotapa, the Captayne is placed by the Captayne of Mosambique. In this place were in * 1.1018 my time sixe hundred Christians, of them fortie Portugalls. These one hundred and twentie leagues the Portugalls goe vp the Riuer, and from thence goe by Land with their Merchandize. The Countrey is very fertile, and Portugall wares are here sold at great prizes. From Tete they goe with their wares thorow a great part of Manamotapa to three Marts, Massapa, Luanze Manzouo, in which the Inhabitants of Sena, and Tete haue houses and Factories, thence to stor•• all the Countrey.

Massapa is the chiefe, where resides a Portugall Captayne, presented by the Portugalls, and confirmed by the Manamotapa, which cals him his Great Wife, a name of honour, as before is ob∣serued. * 1.1019 [ 20] This Captayne holds jurisdiction ouer all the Cafres without Appeale, as also ouer the Portugalls in that Kingdome, granted by the Vice-Royes, as all other Captaynes of those parts haue. This Captayne of Massapa treats all businesse with the Manamotapa, whose Customer he is also, taking one cloth of twentie, in which respect the Countrey is free to them. But beyond Massapa, neerer the Manamotapa, one may goe without license from the King or the Captayne. The Captayne hath an Azagay of blacke Wood pointed with Gold, for his Ensigne or Rod of Authoritie. The Captayne of Mosambique payes at his entrance to the Manamotapa, three thousand Cruzados in goods for the three yeares of his Captayne-ship, for free Trade in his Countreyes, which they may trauell securely laden with Gold; it beeing neuer knowne that Theeues assaile them, or any without the Kings Anthoritie. He sends his Mutumes to Sena for [ 30] his Curua, in the same manner and order that the Quiteue vseth at Sofala; but at Sena the Cap∣tayne deliuers it to a Portugall (whom he sends as Embassador to the Manamotapa, in the name of the Captayne of Mosa〈…〉〈…〉) in the presence of the Mutumes.

This Kingdome of Manamotapa is situate in Mocaranga, which in times past was wholly of * 1.1020 the Manamotapan Empire, but now is diuided into foure Kingdomes, to wit, this of Manamo∣tapa, that of Quiteue, the third of Sedanda, and the fourth of Checanga. This diuision was made by a Manamotapan Emperour, who not willing or not able to gouerne so remote Countreyes, sent his Sonne Quiteue to gouerne that part which runnes along the Riuer of Sofala, and Sedanda another Sonne, to that which Sabia washeth, a Riuer which visits the Sea before the Boçiças: and Chicanga a third Sonne to the Lands of Manica. These three after their Fathers death would [ 40] neuer acknowledge their Brother his Successor: and the same not without yeerely warring with each other, continues to their Posteritie. Yet is the Kingdome of the Manamotapa, bigger then the other three together. The Cafres call them all Mocarangas, because they speake the Moca∣ranga Tongue.

This Kingdome of Manamotapa is aboue two hundred leagues long, and as much broad. On * 1.1021 the North-west he confines with the Kingdome of Abutua (the King and Kingdome haue the same name) which they say, stretcheth thorow the Continent to the borders of Angola. I haue seene in Sofala a Commoditie bought by a Portugall in Manica, brought thither by the Cafres of Abutua, which had come from Portugall by the way of Angola. In this Kingdome of Abutua is much fine Gold, but the Naturals being farre from the Portugals, doe not much seeke after it, [ 50] but rather to multiply their cattle of which they haue abundance. On the East Manamotapa * 1.1022 confineth with the Riuer Zambeze, which the Manamotapans call Empando, which signifieth Rebelling against his King: for say they, were it not for the Riuer, the Manamotapa would bee Lord of the Countrey on the other-side, to which he cannot passe his Armie for want of Boats. On the South-west this Kingdome extendeth to the Ocean, into which it enters with a point of Land of ten or twelue leagues large, from the Riuer Luabo, to that of Tendanculo. The rest of the Lands Southwards to the Riuer Inhanabane, and deuided betwixt the three Kings, which re∣belled * 1.1023 as is said: from Tendanculo to Sofala, the Quiteue reigneth: thence to the South is the King∣dome of Sabia, vnder the Sedanda, who is Lord also of Botonga to the Region Inhambane: with∣in Land at the head of both these Kingdomes is Manica vnder the Chicanga, who is on the [ 60] North-west, some hundreths of leagues remote from the Sea. On the North-side of Manica is Abutua, and on the North-east is the Manamotapa, and to the South is a King called Biri. Those three Kings which rebelled are great, but the Quiteue is the greatest and richest by Trade with the Portugals for Stuffes and Beades (which is the Cafres wealth) and his people are the strongest of the Mocarangas, and the best Archers and most expert at the Azagay.

Neere to Massapa is a great high Hill, called Fura, whence may bee discerned a great part of * 1.1024 the Kingdome of Manamotapa: for which cause he will not suffer the Portugalls to goe thither, that they should not couet his great Countrey and hidden Mines. On the toppe of that Hill are yet standing pieces of old wals, and ancient ruines of lime and stone, which testifie that there * 1.1025 haue beene strong buildings: a thing not seene in all Cafraria. For the Kings houses are of wood, daubed with clay, and couered with straw. The Natiues, and specially the Moores haue a Traditi∣on from their Ancestors, that those houses belonged to the Queene of Saba, which carryed much Gold thence downe the Cuama to the Sea, and so along the Coast of Aethiopia to the Red Sea. * 1.1026 Others say that those Ruines were Salomons Factorie, and that this Fura or Afura is no other then Ophir, the name not much altered in so long time. This is certayne, that round about that * 1.1027 [ 10] hill, there is much and fine Gold. The Nauigation might in those times be longer, for want of so good ships and Pilots as now are to be had, and by reason of much time spent in trucking with the Cafars, wherein euen at this time the Merchants alway spend a yeare and more in that busi∣nesse, although the Cafars be growne more couetous of our Wares, and the Mines better knowne. They are so lazie to gather the Gold that they will not doe it till necessitie constrayne them. Much time is also spent in the Voyage by the Riuers, and by that Sea which hath differing Mon∣sons, * 1.1028 and can be sayled but by two winds, which blow sixe moneths from the East, and as many from the West. Salomons fleet had besides those mentioned, this let, that the Red Sea is not safely Nauigable, but in the day, by reason of many Iles and shoalds; likewise it was necessary of∣ten to put to harbour for fresh water and other a 1.1029 prouisions, and to take in new Pilots and Ma∣riners, [ 20] and to make reparations: which considered (with their creeping by shoare for want of the Compasse and experience in those Seas, and their Sabbath rests, and their trucke with the Cafres) might extend the whole Voyage in going, staying, and returning, to three yeares. Further the Iuory, Apes, Gemmes, and precious woods (which grow in the wild places of Tebe, within Sofala) whence they make Almadias or Canoas twentie yards long of one Timber; and much fine blacke wood (Ebonie) growes in that Coast, and is thence carryed to India and Portugall: all these may make the matter probable. As for Peacockes b 1.1030 I saw none there, but there must needs bee some within Land; for I haue seene some Cafers weare their Plumes on their heads. And as there is store of fine Gold, so also is there fine siluer in Chicoua where are rich Mines.

In all the Regions of Manamotapa, or the greatest part thereof, are many Mines of Gold; and particularly in Chiroro, where is the most and most fine. They gather it as is said before of Quite∣ue. [ 30] It is paine of death for any Moore which discouers a Mine to take away any, besides his goods forfeited to the King. And if by chance any find a Mine, he is bound to cry out aloud, that some other Cafar may come to testifie that he takes none: and both are then to couer the place with Earth, and set a great bough thereon, to giue warning to other Cafars to auoyde the place. For if they should come there, it would cost them their liues, although there be no proofe that he tooke any thing. This seueritie is vsed to keep the Mines from the knowledge of the Portugals, lest couetous desire thereof might cause them to take away their Countrey. It is found in poul∣der like sand; in graines like beads; in pieces some smooth as they were melted, others branched with snags, others mixed so with Earth, that the Earth being well washed from them, they re∣mayne [ 40] like Honiecombes; those holes before full of red Earth, seeming as though they were al∣so to be turned into Gold. As for that in stone, we haue alreadie spoken.

In the Lands confining with Manamotapa, on the North-west is the Kingdome of Chicoua, famous for siluer Mines. It runs alongst the Riuer Zambeze. After that Francis Barret was at Sofala to conquer the Mines of Manica, as before is said, he passed thence with his company to Cuama, to conquer the Mines of Chicoua, and beneath the hils of Lupata, conquered the Mon∣gas; whereupon other Cafres fled into the Desarts and hid themselues. Thus partly by the * 1.1031 Riuer, and partly by Land, he came to Chicoua, and set downe his Campe, and much desired to discouer some Mines. But no Cafar durst shew him for feare of losing their Countrey, which now they had abandoned to them; neither could they take any whom they might constraine [ 50] by force, or induce any by promises to that designe. Yet one cheating fellow hauing gotten two * 1.1032 stones out of a Mine, buried them in another place, and came one Euening to the Gouernour to make shew of this Mine, to whom hauing made that shew, and receiued a Reward, with promise to returne the next Morning, hee left the Portugals in the lurch, and neuer came againe. Thus after much triumph, for false hope of a Mine, hee was forced to leaue the Countrey for want of Victuals, and returned downe the Riuer to Sena, leauing there Antonio Cardoso d' Alm••ida, and two hundred men with prouisions, fortified in a Trench of wood to pro∣cure that Discouerie. The Cafres fained a peace with him (by Treacherie to betray him) and after a League confirmed pretending to discouer the Mine, brought them into an Am∣bush, where the most were slaine, the rest forced to their Fort, and there besieged and [ 60] slune euery Mothers Sonne. The Gouernour melted those two stones, and found them to hold three parts siluer, and but one of drosse. They haue also Mines of Copper, and of very good Iron, of this making Instruments of Warre and Husbandry; of that Bracelets and Braueries for their armes and legs.

I will adde out of Barrius, Dec. 1. l. 10. this of the buildings aboue-said. There are in the Prouince Toroa (called also Butua) the oldest Mines in those parts. In the midst is a square stone Fort well wrought of great stones; the wall is fiue and twentie spannes large, the height not answerable. Ouer the Gate are seene strange Letters which some Learned Moores saw; but could not tell what Letters they were. And about the same building are some others somewhat like it. The Natiues call them Simba∣oni, that is, the Court: of which Palace all other the Kings Houses tooke name: within it is the Sim∣bacaio, a great man which there keepes some of the Manamotapas women. The people are barba∣rous and know not who was the Author of those Buildings, saying, it was the worke of the Deuill; for (iudging other men by themselues) they thinke them impossible to Men. The Moores said that our Fort of Sofala was no way comparable. It is from Sofala fiue hundred and ten miles, betwixt twentie and one [ 10] and twentie degrees of South latitude. In all that Countrey is no such building, and it seemed to the Moores very ancient. We may coniecture (saith Barrius) that this is Ptolemeys Agysimba, as the names Simbaoni and Simbacaio, seem to import, &c.

§. IIII.

Of the Manamotapa his customes and of his Vassals; and of the adioyning King∣domes, (wherein other Authours haue erred) of Mosambique, Quiloa, Mombaza, Melinde, Magadoxo: of the Mombos and Zim∣bas cruelties. [ 20] Of Quilimane, the Ilands on the Coast; the Macuas, and other African Obseruations.

ALthough the Manamotapa be greater then those three mentioned, yet hath he not other Kings Vassals or Tributaries to him: only some of his subiects called Encosses or Fumos, are great Lords, and haue Tenants subiect to them. Botero therefore in his Relati∣ons, Gusman, and Osorius, were deceiued by false information, giuing to the Manamo∣tapa, so large a Sea-coast with tributary Kings; which, I doubt, whether euer there was any such thing; at lest there is now no memory thereof. Philip Pigafetta * 1.1033 also from the Relations of [ 30] Lopez, hath falsly described these Coasts and Kingdomes, and hath told a long Tale of Amazons in these parts, where neither are such, nor any memoriall of them. They tell also of the Royall Ensignes, a Spade of Gold with an Iuorie head to intimate his Husbandry; and two Arrowes, the notes of his Iustice; and that he alwayes is accompanyed with Souldiers; but in all they de∣ceiue and are deceiued. As for Bow and Arrowes, it is as ordinary with the Cafres as with the Portugalls, to weare a Sword in their Cities; none of them going out of doores without them. And in like manner when the Manamotapa goeth forth, hee carries in his hand his Bow and Ar∣rowes, as likewise doe the Cafres which accompany him, as a custome and not as Warriours. Be∣fore him goeth a Cafre beating with his hand on a * 1.1034 great Cushion, to giue notice that the King [ 40] is at hand. When the Manamotapa will not carry his Bow, an Officer called Mascorira (which is as a Page of the Chamber) carries it; and the King carrieth in his hand an Azagay, or Iauelin of blacke wood with the point of pure Gold, like the Iron head of a Lance, or three pieces of wood, called Fimbos, of two spannes and a halfe, wrought and slender. And when hee speakes with a Cafre, whom he will haue dye, he lets fall one of these Fimb••s, and his Infiçes (Executio∣ners) take and kill him with an Azagay; and so dye condemned persons.

He hath many women, and the principall, which is most respected, called Mazarira, is his entire sister a great friend of the Portugals, to whom when they giue the King his Curua, they giue a Present of Clothes. No man speakes with the King or with this Wife, but hee brings a Present; the Portugals giue Beades, the Cafres Kine, or Goats, or Clothes: and when they are able to giue nothing else, they bring a Sacke of Earth to acknowledge subiection, or a bundle of [ 50] straw to thatch the Kings Houses; for all the Houses in Cafraria are thatched. The Manamota∣pa which now reignes, is called Mambo, and his subiects vse to sweare by his life, saying, Xè Mambo; and when they speake with him, they say Xè dico, as we, Please your Maiestie. The Kings Children are called Manambo. Hee hath giuen leaue to our Religious men in his King∣domes, toconuert and to build Churches; of which they haue built three, to wit, at Massapa, Luanze, Buc••t••, where liue many Portugals.

They speake the Mocaranga Tongue, the best Language of all the Cafres; and whereas the Moores of Africa and Arabia, draw their words out of the throat as if they would vomite; these pronounce their words with the end of the tongue and the lips, that they speake many [ 60] words in a whistling accent, wherein they place great Elegance, as I haue heard the Courtiers of Quiteue, and Manamotapa speake. Their stile of speaking is by Metaphors: and Similitudes very * 1.1035 proper, and fitted to their purpose. The Manamotapa and his subiects, weare a white Periwinkle in the fore-head for a Iewell, fastned in the haire, and the King hath another great one on the

brest. They call them Andoros, and they are odious to the Quiteue, as a deuice of the Manamo∣tapan distinction. None of them cut the haire of the head or beard; yet are there very few long beards, for their haire growes little, neither doth it turne white till they are very old. They liue commonly ninetie or an hundred yeares. They vse Auguries and Diuinations by lots, and haue often conference with the Deuill, who after his wont, lyeth often, and yet holds his cre∣dit with them. They say that the Manamotapa hath a house, wherein are hanged condemned persons, from whom the moysture drops downe in a Vessell, till they cease dropping, and then they are buried. Herewith they say is made an Oyntment, which he vseth against Witchcrafts and for long life. They haue many other Superstitions. Dom. George Meneses, sent to the Ma∣namotapa * 1.1036 a faire Grey-hound; which he much loued and kept about him, and when hee dyed, (as it were by Testament) he commanded that as soone as they saw his breath departed, they [ 10] should kill the Grey-hound, and a Cosset Ramme which he had brought vp by hand, to doe him seruice in the other World: which was done accordingly, his Queene also drinking poyson (af∣ter the custome) for like purpose. The most of the Manamotapan customes are the same that are mentioned before of the Quiteue, and therefore need no further Repetition.

About Tete are eleuen Townes of Cafres which haue each their Encosse, or Cafar Captayne, all * 1.1037 Vassals, and subiect to the Iurisdiction of the Captayne of Te••e. The Manamotapa hauing con∣quered those parts, distributed to diuerse diuers gou••rnments, and these to the Captayne of Tete and his Successors, to whom they are subiect as to their King, asking his license when they will sow their grounds; the Encosse comming accompanied with some of his Cafres, and a Pre∣sent, when they petition him. Before Tete, on the otherside of the Riuer within Land to the [ 20] East and North-east, are two kinds of Man-eating Cafres, the Mumbos and Zimbas or Muzim∣bas, * 1.1038 who eate those they take in warre, and their slaues also when they are past labour, and sell it as Beefe or Mutton. The Captayne of Tete with his eleuen E••cosses, and their Companies slue sixe hundred of the Mumbos in a Battell, not leauing one aliue, and carried away their Wiues and Children Captiues. This was at Chicoronga a Mumbos Towne, in which was a slaughter∣house, where euery day they butchered their Captiues, neere which the Portugals found many Negroes, men and women, bound hand and foot, dest••ned to the slaughter for the next dayes food, whom with many others they freed. They vndertooke this Expedition in behalfe of a friend of theirs, against whom these Mumbos l••d by their Captayne Quizura made warre. All the ground before Quizuras Gate was paued with mens Skul••, which he had killed in that war, * 1.1039 [ 30] vpon which they must passe which went in or out; a thing in his conceit of great Maiestie. But now he lost himselfe and all his. These Caf••es about Tete are prone to warres, saying, If they dye their troubles are ended; if they liue, they shall enioy spoyles. Whiles I was there, the Captayne Pero Fernandez de Chaues, wanting Timber or a Church Docres and Porch, pretended warre, and summoned these eleuen Encosses, which came willingly, but were diuerted to this Timber businesse.

Whiles I was at Sena, the Muzimbas warred on some of the Portugals friends, and did eate * 1.1040 many of them, who besought helpe of Andre de ••anttago Captayne of Sena; who went and set vpon them in their Fort, which they had fortified round with a wall of Wood, with wings [ 40] (reuezes) and port-holes, and a deepe wide ditch, insomu••h, that he was forced to send to Cha∣ues for his best helpe, who came with aboue one hundred Portugals and Misticos, and those ele∣uen Encosses. The Muzimbas by their Esp••als had Intelligence of their comming on the other∣side * 1.1041 the Riuer without order, and therefore stole out of the Fort by night, and Embuscadoed themselues, and set vpon the Portugals (which marched halfe a league before the Cafres) sud∣denly and furiously; killed them euery one, and cut off their armes and legges, which with their armes they carried priuily to their Fortresse. The Cafres arriuing at the Wood, and seeing the slaughter returned home to Tete, and related the late Tragedie. These Zimbas worship no God, * 1.1042 nor Idol, but their King, who (they say) is God of the Earth: and if it raines when hee would not, they shoot their Arrowes at the Skie for not obeying him; and he only eates not mans flesh. These are tall, bigge, strong; and haue for Armes, small Hatchets, Arrowes, Azagaies, great [ 50] Bucklers, with which they couer their whole bodies of light wood, lined with wild beasts skinnes. They eate those which they kill in warred an drink, in their skuls. If any of their owne Cafres be sicke or wounded, to saue labour of cure they kill and eate them.

They feasted with great iollitie that day of their Victory, and the night following; and the next morning early ••allied out of their Fortresse, the Captayne arrayed in a Dominicans, Casula, or Massing Vestment (Nicolas de Rosario, whom they had taken with the Portugals, and carried with them and put to a cruell death) with a gilt Chalice in his left hand, and an Azagay in his right; and all the other Zimbas with the quarters of the Portugals at their backes, and the Cap∣taynes head on the point of a long Lance; and drumming on the Drumme which they had taken, [ 60] they presented themselues with great cryes to Santiago, and the Portugals, and after this mu∣ster returned to their Fort, saying, they must goe eate their Tete friends, Santi••go and his Portu∣gals (which stayed wayting for Chaues, and knew nothing) now terrified with this Spectacle, * 1.1043 resolued (if feare be capable of that word) to haste away assoone as night came, and passing ouer

the Riuer was perceiued by the Muzimbas, who issued out vpon them with great force and slue many on the banke, and amongst others Santiago. Thus of Tete and Sena were one hundred and thirtie Portugals and Mistiços, with their two valiant Captaines slayne, with little losse on their part, comming on them with sudden aduantage: this was done An. 1592. Don Pedro de Sous•• Cap••aine of Mozambique the next yeere, with two hundred Portugals, and fifteene hun∣dred Cafres passed the Riuer Zambeze, pitched his Tents where Santiago had done, battered the walls of their Fort with his Artillery; but to no purpose, because they were of grosse wood, ha∣uing on the inside much earth of that which was taken out of the ditch. Whereupon he resol∣ued * 1.1044 to stop vp part of the ditch, which with much labour and perill, and some losse, he effected; some passed with hatchets to the foot of the trench, and began to cut; but the Zimbas from the walls scalded them with hot water and Oyle, specially the naked Cafres, so that none durst ap∣proch [ 10] againe, as well for scalding, as for long Iron hookes which they put out of the port-holes, wherewith they wounded the assaylants, and held them fast, pulling them to the holes, and killing them: so that they were forced to retire to their Tents. The next day hee caused rods to be gathered, and great baskets thereof to be made as high as their trenches, which were car∣ried thither, and filled with earth, for the Souldiours to stand and fight vpon them, that the Zimbas might not issue with their scalding liquors. Two moneths were spent in this warre, when some of the Inhabitants of that Riuer (which liked their liuing by wares better then to endanger dying by warres) fained Letters from Sena, written from their wiues, pre∣tending great danger from a Cafer, which came to robbe them in the Portugals absence; [ 20] which Sousa beleeuing to bee true, brake vp the siege, and passing the Riuer by night was per∣ceiued by the Zimbas; who sallied forth with a great crie, assayled the Campe, killed some which were behind, tooke the most of the spoiles with the Artillerie. Thus returned the Por∣tugals with disgrace, and the Zimbas grew prouder, and after made peace with them not∣withstanding.

One of these Zimbas ambitious of that honour, which they place in killing and eating of * 1.1045 men, to get himselfe a name, adioyned others of his Nation to him, and went Eastward, killing and eating euery liuing thing, Men, Women, Children, Dogs, Cats, Rats, Snakes, Lizards, spa∣ring nothing but such Cafres as adioyned themselues to their companie in that designe. And thus fiue thousand of them were assembled, and went before the Ile of Quiloa; where the Sea prohi∣biting [ 30] their passage, a traiterous Moore came and offered his seruice to guide them ouer at the low ebbes of spring tides, vpon condition to spare his kindred, and to diuide the spoyles with him. The Zimba accepted it, and effected his cruell purpose, slaying and taking (for future dain∣ties to eate at leasure) three thousand Moores, and tooke the Citie Quiloa, with great riches, * 1.1046 the people escaping by hiding themselues in the wildernesse till the Zimbas were gone; then returning to their Citie (antiently the royall Seat of the Kings of that Coast) and to this day are seene the ruines of their sumptuous Mezquites and Houses. Now, for reward of the Tray∣tor, * 1.1047 he sentenced him with all his kindred to be cast into the Sea, bound hand and foot, to bee food for the fishes; saying, it was not meet that one should remayne of so wicked a generation, nor would he eate their flesh, which could not but be venomous. [ 40]

After this he passed along the Coast, till he came against the Ile of Mombaza; which foure Turkish Galleyes of the Red Sea defended, and slue many of them with their Artillery: but Thome de Sousa arriuing with a fleet from India tooke the Turkes, and withall destroyed Mom∣baza in the sight of the Muzambas. The Captaine said that the Portugals were Gods of the Sea, * 1.1048 and hee of the Land; and sent an Embassadour to Sousa, professing friendship to them, and reque∣sting that seeing they had honourably ended their enterprise, he might beginne his, namely, to kill and eate euery liuing thing in the Iland, which by their consent he did accordingly, burning the Palme-trees and Woods where many men were hidden, whom hee tooke and eate with all hee could get.

Thence he returned to the Coast, and went to Melinde, where Matthew Mendez with thirty [ 50] Portugals ayded the King, and three thousand warlike Cafres, called Mossegueios, came also to his * 1.1049 succour, which came suddenly on their backes when they had gotten vp the wall, and were al∣most possessed of the Bulwarke, and chased them with such a furie, that only the Captaine with aboue one hundred others escaped; hauing found none in three hundred leagues march, which durst encounter them. And thus much of the Zimbas (of whom wee haue written more in our Pil∣grimage * 1.1050 out of the Iesuites.)

Quilimane is an arme of Zambeze, shallow, a league wide in the mouth, but three fathomes deepe in the barre, which was the reason of the losse of the great ship, Saint Luis. The Land adioyning is playne without any hill. Within the barre aboue two leagues is a Port of good refreshing, where they rest themselues from the heats which are in those parts extreme. Neere [ 60] * 1.1051 it is a Towne of Cafres, and poore Moores, subiect to the Portugals which dwell at the Port. All the Countrey within is inhabited by Macûas, Cafres subiect to King Gallo, a poore Prince, whose * 1.1052 brother becomming a Moore, was therefore odious to the Cafres, which thinke basely of the Moores, and more easily turne Christians, holding of them a more honourable conceit. They are

blacke and curled, and worship not Idols. Next neighbours to these are the Inhabitants on the Riuer Loranga, the mouth of which is fiue leagues from Quilimane Eastward; a pleasant Riuer * 1.1053 with a turning in, and a good barre, stored with fish. Many of these Cafres paint or rase their * 1.1054 bodies with Iron, and bore holes in their cheekes for a gallantry, as doe those of Moçambique. Bano a Cafre is Lord of these parts. They worship onely one God in Heauen, beleeue the im∣mortalitie of the Soule, the Diuine prouidence, that all good comes of God, that there are De∣uils, and that they are euill; and all this notwithstanding are great blasphemers, speaking euill of God when things crosse them. They haue two wiues (and some of them haue also Concu∣bines, * 1.1055 but their children doe not inherite) on the Marriage day two or three women in the morning come and drumme, sing, dance before the Brides doore, and others follow, till all the [ 10] guests come with their offerings of Mais, Panike, Meale, &c. which they offer to the Bride, first giuing a handfull to the dancers, and lay Meale on one cheeke and the left eye. Thus they spend the day, and at night the Bridegroome takes home his Bride, and this is the Wed∣ding ceremonie.

They haue Fasts, all day eating nothing, but drinke all the next day and night of their Mais∣wine, and of the Wine of a fruit called Puto, very sweet, like Bacchus seruitors. They are much addicted to sorcerie, and when they will enquire of things lost, they meet and dance, vsing cer∣taine Charmes till some of the companie seeme mad and possessed, the Deuill entring into them * 1.1056 and reuealing the thing loft. They are exceeding full of complements, in which they spend much time before they will talke of the businesse they come about to their neighbour. They [ 20] vse pitifull lamentation for the dead, who is wound (almost after our fashion) in a blacke cloth, * 1.1057 tyed with many lifts of the same, and buried with his Armes and Victuals: his Mat or Bed, and Stoole set ouer the Graue, and his House burned with all his mouables (no great losse) for if any but touch any thing which belonged to the dead, he may not enter into his house till he haue first purified or washed himselfe in the Riuer. The ashes and brands left of that burning they lay on the Graue. They mourne eight dayes, beginning at midnight for an houre or two, one begin∣ning, and the rest following. In the day they goe to the Graue, and lay Meale on one cheeke and eye, and set Mais and Victuals thereon, saying certaine words, till the Meale be quite gone, neuer washing their face; so commending their tillage (forsooth) to the dead, which they thinke can send them good haruests.

From Cuama to Moçambique (which are one hundred and thirtie leagues) there is in all the [ 30] Coast no King potent, howsoeuer so stiled (as are also some poore Moores) in and of the places where they dwell. But within Land are great Kings of curled Cafres, most of them Macûas by Nation. One of these not farre from Moçambique is the Maurûca. These Macûas are theeues, * 1.1058 the most barbarous and ill disposed Cafres of all that Coast. Their speech is rough and high, as if they fought. They file their teeth aboue and below as sharpe as Needles. They cut and rase their flesh, bore holes in both their cheekes, from the tips of their eares almost to the mouth, with three or foure holes on each side, each bigge enough to hold a finger, thorow which their gummes are seene with their teeth, the spitle slauering forth. For which, and for the more gal∣lantry they weare bungs of Wood, one in each hole; and he which can haue them of Lead is a [ 40] complete Gallant, for that metall is much esteemed. They haue also two holes in the lips; in the vpper of which they put little pegs of wood as big as a Hens quill, of a finger long, sticking right out like a Naile; in the lower lip they weare a Leaden bung, so close and heauy that the lip falls to the beard, shewing the gummes and filed teeth, that they seeme Deuils. They weare their eares also bored round with many holes, in which they haue pegs of wood, slender like knitting needles, a finger long, which makes them looke like Hedge-hogs. This their gallantry; for if they are sad, or crossed with any disaster, they leaue all these holes open.

They are strong, and able to indure labour. They goe naked both men and women; and when they are apparelled, it is with a Monkies skinne, or of some other beast, from the waste to the knees. Their customes are like those Cafres of Loranga. Of the Macûas of the Riuer Qui∣zungo, * 1.1059 [ 50] when a Maide is to be married, shee goeth into the wildernesse * 1.1060 a whole Moone to be∣wayle her virginitie, visited of her friends, and returning home euery night: betimes in the morning going to her wilde taske againe. As soone as the new Moone appeares, a great feast is made, and the next day shee is deliuered to her husband without any more ceremonie.

This Maurûca vsed such cruelty in warring vpon, and eating those they killed or tooke in those parts, that they easily chased away the antient Macûas, and enioyed their Countrey: and giuing themselues onely to rob, and not to till the grounds (for they were lazie lubbers though strong robbers) about An. 1585. they grew iniurious to the Portugals, cutting downe their Palme trees, stealing, begging, burning, killing, eating, as they saw occasion. Insomuch that Nuno Velho Pereira sent from the Ile fortie Portugals and others to the number of foure hun∣dred, [ 60] which came suddenly on the Towne of Maurûca three or foure leagues distant, destroyed and burnt it. But the Macûas, which escaped, ioyned head, and lay in ambush for the Portu∣gals in their returne, which was secure and disordered, and slue them all, two or three Portugals, and a few Cafres excepted, which hiding themselues, two or three dayes after escaped to Mo∣çambique,

and told of their fellowes disastre, whom the Macûas had slaine and eaten. Many * 1.1061 such chances betide the Portugals it those parts, through their selfe-confidence, and little accompt of the Cafres. The warres continued long, till Maurûca seeing the necessitie, made peace with the Portugals, forbad eating of mans flesh, and enioyned his people to till the ground; which rather for feare of him they obserued, then any wayes thereto enclined, still in secret vsing that forbid∣den food, as I haue knowne particular instances, of some, which when they had stollen, and could not sell at their price, they haue killed and eaten.

The Ile of Moçambique is in fifteene degrees to the South; aboue halfe a league long, and but * 1.1062 a quarter broad. At the point and entrie of the Barre is the Fort with a Portugall Captaine and Garrison. It hath foure Bulwarkes, two to the Sea, and two to the Ile, with faire Peeces of Ar∣tillery. Within is a Cisterne which holds two thousand Pipes of water, into which the raine [ 10] runneth from the tiles and walls by Conduit-pipes. In the midst is a Church. This is one of the chiefe Forts of India; built by a good Architect, An. 1558. There is also an Hospitall, two Hermitages, a Couent of Dominicans, a poore Towne of Moores. The Iland is drye, and with∣out * 1.1063 wood: the water they fetch three miles without the Barre from a Spring in a Bay called Titangone, which serues to water all the Indian ships. Their wood they fetch from the Mayne∣land, in which they haue Gardens of variety of fruits. It was at first sickly, but now by Gods goodnesse is proued healthfull.

The Ile of Quirimba is sixty leagues distant along the Coast on the Indian side. It is halfe a * 1.1064 league wide, and a league long, plaine, without hill, all sowed with Mais and other grayne, [ 20] whereof the Iland is fertile. It hath a walled Fort, and a faire Church of the Dominicans, which serues for a Parish Church to the Ile, and all the Coast as farre as Cape Del gado, who are bound there to confesse and communicate. In this Coast are the Iles of Cabras, Fumbo, Quirimba, Ibo, Matemo, which still sheweth the ruines of the former Moore-Inhabitants. Foure leagues thence is Macaloe, and from hence as farre is Xanga, and aboue two leagues from it is Malinde, betwixt which and that of Cabo del gado are two little ones. Others there are, but not so inhabited, one of which is called, Rolas, for the store of those birds which yeerely breed therein, very hurtfull * 1.1065 to the Corne-grounds; and therefore the Ilanders of other Iles goe thither to destroy their egges and young. These Ilands are very wholsome and of subtile aire, and therfore subiect to the disease, called The aire, which they cure with Elephants dung, Mustard, Garleeke, and a seed cal∣led Ingo, fuming him therewith three or foure times a day, &c. Their Kine haue a bunch on [ 30] the shoulder as a great Pumpion, which falls on the necke, the flesh whereof eats like a Cowes * 1.1066 vdder, very fat. There are store of Swine, Goats which haue young twice a yeere, two or three at each burthen, Palme trees for Wine and Cocos, with other fruits, fowles, and prouisi∣ons. There growes also Anil or Indico, which the Moores vse to dye their clothes, of which they weaue store in these Ilands. In the wildernesses of the Ile Cabo de gado is store of Manna, * 1.1067 procreated of the deaw of Heauen falling on certaine trees, on which it hardens as it were Sugar candide, sticking to the wood like Rozin, and hanging on the leaues, gathered and sold in iarres by the Inhabitants. It tasts sweet as Sugar, in India they vse to purge with it. I haue often been in the place, and gathered it with my hand. It growes only on one kind, although there be ma∣ny [ 40] other trees in the Iland. In that Coast also blacke Corrall growes in the bottome of the Sea with small roots or beards, whereby it seemeth fastned. A Mariner gaue mee a piece two spans and a halfe long. When it comes out of the Sea it is soft and pliable, but by the aire hardned. In those Iles they finde Cocos which are said to grow in the Maldinas on short trees in the Sea al∣way couered with water, falling off when they are ripe, and rising to the top, carried by the windes and currents to some Coast. All the Continent is peopled with curled Cafres, some Macúas, others not vsing rasing, holes, or hornes, but all shauen on the head. In the Countrey within the Kingdome of Mongallo, a Lord of fertile Countries, and of many Vassals. The Ile of Saint Laurence lyes ouer against this Coast, three hundred leagues long, and ninety broad: a Straight of sixtie leagues running betwixt. [ 50]

In Ethiopia foure generall plagues haue beene obserued in our time, the Warre of the Zimbas, An. 1589. the Gras-hoppers, which couered the earth, and inuolued the aire in a cloude when they arose, which eate vp all their labours in the fields and gardens, leauing them as if they had beene burned, the trees not able to beare fruit till two yeeres after, whence many died of Fa∣mine; and this was the third plague which caused them to sell themselues onely for sustenance; and one of their children for a pecke of Mais: The fourth plague was the Small poxe, which killed many; a disease in those parts like the plague, killing all in the house where it came; their readiest cure being to let bloud, without bleeding, or in much bleeding, none escaping. The plague is vnknowne and vnheard of amongst them. The Negro women may be accounted an∣other plague, specially the Portugall slaues, which conceiuing will cause abortion with a certaine [ 60] herbe, so poysonfull that it consumes and rots them, except they by copulation bestow this dis∣ease on some man, who is presently payned in his secrets, and hardly escapes death. The reme∣die to this Entaca (so they call the disease) is the iuyce of a counterpoyson herbe taken the same * 1.1068 day; both which herbes are plentifull and well knowne in those parts. Another infirmitie, but

without payne, befalls both Portugals and Cafres in Mozambique, which is blindnesse by night, beginning at Sunne-set, and ceasing with the Sunne-rising, in which time they which are thus * 1.1069 taken, see nothing though the Moone shine bright. If the belly or headake, the Cafres bind the part affected hard with a Cord.

The Cafres will take Elephants both in pits (before described) couered with boughes and grasse; and watching where he sleepes (specially by Moone light) as he lyes on the ground, and thrusting into his belly by the genitories an Assagay, made purposely with the Iron halfe a span broad and two spans long. They may steale vpon them napping, because they steale not their * 1.1070 naps, but make such a noyse that they at once bewray and betray themselues to the Hunters, which hauing wounded the Beast, fled away, and next day search by the bloud what is become of their prey. They kill them for the teeth and to eate the flesh. Iuory is the principall commo∣ditie [ 10] of this Coast, aboue three thousand Arrobas being yeerly carried to the Indies. I saw in Sofala two teeth of one Elephant which weighed sixteene Arrobas, eight a peece. * 1.1071

The shipping from Cabo das Correntes to the Straight of Mecca, is made by Moores of wood, which they cleaue and shaue, neuer making but two Boards of one Timber, when if they could sawe they might make many. They sew them with threed of Cairo * 1.1072 and fasten them with nayles of wood: their Cordage and Cables are of Cairo. The greatest they call Ships, the middle sort, Pangayas; the least Almadias, which are of one Timber (as the Canoas.) The Sayles are * 1.1073 made of the leaues of Palme or wilde Date Trees. The Mariners are Moores, blacke, barbarous, wine bibbers, hauing nothing of Moores but the name and circumcision, not knowing nor kee∣ping the Law of Mahomet. They celebrate each new Moone with a drunken feast; are giuen [ 20] to Diuinations; will cast out nothing in a storme although the Vessell be surcharged, saying, the Sea is insatiable; when they want Winde they whip the Ship with Cordes on the Poope and Sides, with crying and chafing, as if the Ships had as much sense as themselues, or as themselues were senselesse, saying, they are lazie and therefore the Winde leaues them; and they mocked me for reprouing this their foolerie. Their Wares are blacke Clothes, and earthen glased Beades of all colours. The Cafres steale children, and coozen the elder, enticing them to the Shoares, and there sell them to the Moores and Portugals. The iurisdiction of the Captaine of Moçambique is from Cape Correntes to Cape Delgado, three hundred leagues of Coast.

From this last Cape to the Line is the Coast of Melinde, which is of the iurisdiction of the * 1.1074 [ 30] Captaine of Mombaça. The firme Land is inhabited by Cafres, differing in Language and Cu∣stomes, agreeing in barbarousnesse. Along the Kingdome of Mongallo runnes to the North the Kingdome of Munimugi, a great Cafre which confines on the South with the Lands of Mau∣ruca and of Embeoc, and on the North with the Abyssine. The principall Iland of this Coast, * 1.1075 Quiloa, hath beene in times past the Seat Royall, the King of the whole Coast residing there, who is now a pety Prince; and Mombaça is the chiefe Ile and Citie, where the Portugals haue a * 1.1076 Fort, the residence of the Captaine of the Coast of Melinde. Pemba is an Iland about eight leagues from the Shoare, and ten long, plentifull of Rice and Kine, Fruits and Wood: sometimes sub∣iect to the Portugals till the pride and lazinesse of some made the people rebell, and could neuer after be regayned. In the Ile of Pate are Pate, Sio and Ampaza, three Cities gouerned by so ma∣ny [ 40] * 1.1077 Kings, tributarie to Portugal. Ampaza hath beene best builded of any Citie in those parts, but destroyed by the Portugals, the Citie sacked and burnt with eight thousand Palme-trees, which grew about it, cut downe. The Ile of Lamo hath great Asses, but of little seruice. This Iland was chastised when Ampaza was destroyed, and Mombaça also, by Martin Alfonso de Mello. The King of Ampaza was slaine, and his head carried on a Pole at Goa in triumph. When he was gone, Mirale Beque the Turke came with foure Galleys out of the Red Sea, and infested that Coast, till the Zimbas and the Portugals ended the businesse with a new Armada, the Portugals captiuing and spoyling, the Zimbas eating the Turkes and Inhabitants. The King of Lamo for betraying the Portugals to the Turkes were beheaded. The Ile and Citie of Mandra * 1.1078 which had denyed the Portugals to land, saying, the Sunne onely might enter there, was sacked [ 50] and two thousand Palme-trees cut downe. In the Coast of Melinde they are great Witches. The Mossegueyos liue of their Kine, which they oft let bloud both to preuent the garget, and to make * 1.1079 therewith a kinde of pottage with milke and fresh dung of the same Kine, which mixed toge∣ther and heat at the fire they drinke, saying, it makes them strong. The Boyes of seuen or eight yeeres weare Clay fastned on the hayre of the head, and still renewed with new Clay, weigh∣ing sometimes fiue or six pounds. Nor may they be free hereof till in Warre or lawfull fight hee * 1.1080 hath killed a man, and shew to the Captaine some tokens of that fact; which only makes them free and Knights of their cast. Hereupon they grow audacious, and proue dreadfull to others.

Braua is a small Citie but strong, inhabited with Moores, Friends and Vassals to the Portu∣gals. It is in one Degree North, and very hot. Magadoxo is in 3. 30. Within the Land are [ 60] the Maracatos, which haue a custome to sew vp their Females, specially their Slaues being yong to make them vnable for conception, which makes these Slaues sell dearer both for their chasti∣tie, and for better confidence which their Masters put in them. They cut also their Boyes and make them Eunuches.

In the Ile of Zanzibar dwelt one Chande a great Sorcerer, which caused his Pangayo, which the Factor had taken against his will, to stand still as it were in defiance of the Winde, till the * 1.1081 Factor had satisfied him, and then to flye forth the Riuer after her fellowes at his words. Hee made that a Portugall which had angred him, could neuer open his mouth to speake, but a Cock crowed in his belly, till he had reconciled himselfe: with other like odious sorceries.

From Magadoxo to Sacotora one hundred and fiftie leagues is a desart Coast, and dishabited without Riuers. In which Desarts breed the great birds, called Emas, which breed on the Sands, and haue but two young ones, as Pigeons. Their stomacks will consume Iron and Stones, and * 1.1082 flye not but touch the ground with their feet, running with their wings spread, as lightly as o∣ther Birds flye. They are white, ash-coloured; their egges white, holding almost three pints. Here I may mention also a Sea monster, which we saw neere the Riuer Tendanculo, killed by the [ 10] Cafres, found by Fisher-men on the Shoalds. Hee was ash-coloured on the backe, and white on the belly, hayrie like an Oxe but rougher: his head and mouth like a Tygre, with great teeth, white Mustachos a span long, as bigge as bristles which Shoo-makers vse. He was ten spans long, thicker then a man; his tayle thick, a span long, eares of a Dog, armes like a Man without haire, and at the elbowes great Finnes like a fish; two short feet nigh his tayle, plaine like a great Apes, without legs, with fiue fingers a span long on each foot and hand, couered with a skin like a Goose foot, the hinder feet hauing clawes like a Tygres; neere his tayle were the signes of a Male, his Liuer, Lights and Guts like a Hogs. The Cafres seeing our Slaues flay him, fell vpon him and eate him; which they which spare nothing had not done before, because they thought him (they said) the sonne of the Deuill (hauing neuer seene the like) the rather, because hee made [ 20] a noyse which might be heard halfe a league off.

In the same journey comming to the Riuer Luâbo in August 1590. the Mariners going ashoare * 1.1083 for wood, brought two Birds new feathered, whitish, found in the nest, like to Eagles in the eyes, bill and talons, but much greater then great Eagles, contayning nine spans from the end of one wing to the end of the other (I caused them to be measured) wherby it appeares that int heir full maturitie they are of huge greatnesse. They killed them, for feare the old ones should come.

§. V. [ 30]

The Iesuites gleanings in Africa to Christian Religion, gathered out of their owne writings.

WHat the Iesuites haue done for the aduancing of Christian Religion with the Abassines, yee haue heard. In the yeere 1560. Consaluus Sylueria a Portugall Iesuite with two * 1.1084 companions, went from Goa for Manamotapa, a Region abounding with gold, but deare bought by reason of the Ayres vnwholsomnesse, and the want of necessaries for food and health. They came first to Inhambane, and there fell sicke, but recouering proceeded to Tonge, and there baptised the King, his Wife, Sister, Children, Kindred, and great Men, with * 1.1085 most of the People in few dayes. Thence Consaluus went to Manamotapa, leauing his Fellowes [ 40] with the King which built the Church of the Assumption: one of them by want of health was forced backe to India, the other stayed there two yeeres. Gonsaluus passed by Mozambique, and came to the Riuer Mafuta ninetie leagues from thence, where escaping a dreadfull tempest, hee went on shoare with his folding Altar, and said Masse on the Strand, the heate being so vehe∣ment that the Portugals could scarse indure to tread on the ground, and Consaluus his head brake out with pushes as he was in his Holies: which when they would haue medicined, praeclaro sui ipsius * 1.1086 odio incensus, hee refused all, and permitted himselfe to the cure of Nature and Time. Thence they went to the Riuer Colimane, and were well entertayned by Mingoaxanes, King of Giloa a Moore, little caring for his Mahumetrie, and giuing them leaue to preach in his Kingdom. [ 50] But they hasted to Manamotapa, and so passed to Cuama, and then gaue himselfe to priuate deuo∣tions eight dayes, onely once a day eating a handfull of parched Corne and drinking a draught of Water.

From Sena he sent to the Manamotapa; meane while the King of * 1.1087 Inhanior offered himselfe to Christianitie, but he comforted him, and refused till he had first beene with the Manamotapa. Antonie Caiado was sent for him, who trussed vp his Holies, carrying them on his shoulders. When he was comne, the Manamotapa sent him Presents, Gold, Kine and Seruants, which all he thankfully refused. When he came, he entertayned him as neuer any man, and bringing him into his inner roome, caused him to sit on the Carpet by his Mother. Hee offered him his choise of Grounds, Kine, Gold, Women; Consaluus answered, that hee would haue nothing but him∣selfe; [ 60] the King thereat wondring and friendly with promises dismissing him. One had seene on the Altar a fayre picture of our Lady, and told the King that Consaluus had brought with him a

beautifull Lasse, for which the King sent, and he carried it wrapped in a precious cloth, and tels him it is the picture of the Mother of God, the King of Kings. He worships it and begs it; Con∣saluus grants, and placeth it in the Kings house, and trimmes vp as it were a Chappell for it. Fiue nights, say the Portugals, the blessed Virgin appeared to the King in that forme in his sleepe; and fiue and twentie dayes after his comming, the King was baptised by the name of Sebastian, the Queene his Mother by the name of Marie. The same day he sent one hundred Kine to Consaluo, which were distributed by Caiado to the poore. Three hundred of his chiefe men followed his example. Much victuall was sent into Consaluus, but he ate no flesh, liuing only on wild fruits, herbs, and boyled Corne in small quantitie.

But foure Moores enuying these proceedings, and being gracious with the King, perswade * 1.1088 him that Consaluus was sent from India to betray him, and to make way for the Portugals to take [ 10] away his State; adding, that Consaluus was a Sorcerer, and whomsoeuer hee washed on the head with his forme of words, he made to become his. And if Consaluus went away in safetie, his Subjects would kill one another like mad men. By their perswasions the King caused Con∣saluus to be murthered, his strangled body being throwne into the Riuer, and fiftie others were * 1.1089 slaine, which on that last day of his life he had baptised. Two dayes after repenting of this fact he slue two of the Moores, the other two being fled. Long after, no Iesuites (saith Iarric) were * 1.1090 sent hither, because the Dominicans had vndertaken the Conuersion of those parts, of whose labours yee haue heard somewhat before in Santos, which was one of them. Iarric hath since * 1.1091 told vs of Petrus Toarius and Ludouicus Goez (in respect of these better hopes) sent An. 1562. [ 20] and to them was ioyned Andrew Fernandez the companion of Consaluus, who had stayed at In∣ambane. These three went to the Manamotapa, and stayed there certayne yeeres, till they were sent for back to India, King Sebastian intending to warre on the Manamotapa, for the said Con∣saluus Syluerius his death (being the sonne of the Count Sortellane) and for other causes. Thus after their returne An. 1570. Francis Barret was sent with a strong Fleet; who being dead of poyson (with others) Fernand Monroy succeeded, who dying soone after, the Iesuites then in the * 1.1092 Campe could doe nothing. An. 1608. the people rebelling, the Manamotapa fled to the parts neere Tete a Portugall Fort, and by helpe of the Portugals subdued the Rebels. Whereupon he gaue the King of Portugall the siluer Mines of Achicoua, Iacobus Simonesius taking possession in his name. Hee gaue them leaue also to build Forts where they pleased. The Portugals thinke [ 30] meete not to forget the Iesuites in this occasion, and Francis Gonsalues with Paulus Alexius are destined to that designe, the whole Kingdome seeming a field white to the Christian Haruest, and onely wanting Labourers.

Of Angola and Congo you heard before: the state of Angola (for of Congo we haue no later in∣telligence * 1.1093 then that of Lopez) after the death of Paul Diaz receiued some alteration. It is the manner in those parts that the Soba or Gouernours are as Princes of their Prouinces, and in the * 1.1094 Kings Court, whom they acknowledge their supreme Lord, haue one of his Grandes, to whom they haue recourse in all difficulties (like the Protectors amongst the Cardinals) who in some manner disposeth them and their states. Thus Diaz appointed ouer the Angolan Sobae by him subdued, some of his Portugall Gentlemen, sometimes some Iesuite at the request of the sub∣dued, [ 40] seeing in what respect they were beld with the Generall. But some Courtiers in Spaine perswaded the Catholike King, that this dependance of mediate Patrons should bee taken away from them all: whereupon ensued commotions, and contempt of the Portugall name; that in the yeere 1600. Iohn Rhoderick Cotinius being sent Gouernour, of one hundred and fiftie Sobae sti∣pendaries before to the Portugall Crowne, not one continued his allegeance. Hee reduced some, but (with many others running like Fates) the vnwholsomnesse of the ayre killed him; the Suc∣cessor being named in a Boxe (the key whereof was kept by George Pererius a Iesuite) Emmanuel Pererius. Hee ouerthrew Cafucheus the chiefe Soba with the Cambamban, whose Countrey is rich in Mines, in which he built a Fort neere the Riuer Coaxa seuentie leagues from Sea (all na∣uigable * 1.1095 from Loanda thither in fiue dayes) and placed therein two hundred and fiftie men, being [ 50] but thirteene leagues from Dongo the seate of the King of Angola, who confirmed to him that his Conquest. This Conquest of Mines make hope of the conquest of Mindes to the Christian Faith (how many are by these Thornes choked, and reconquered from it?) and the Iesuites are said to study the language that they may preach the Gospell to them. In the Ile of Loanda are said to bee twentie thousand Christians of the Natiues, besides the Inhabitants of Saint Paul and Massangaro.

Anno 1606. Francis Gois, Edward Vaz, and Antonie Barrius Iesuites, were sent thither; their Ship was taken in the way by the Hollanders, who set them in the Boat which brought them to Loanda, being terrified by two Whales which rising neere the Boa••, yet passed without hurt. Now were new missions of Iesuites; one of which comming to the next Soba, taught their chil∣dren [ 60] * 1.1096 their prayers, helping their memories with knots tyed in cords. There were in that Town two thousand baptised, persons all ignorant of the Faith. There was an Idoll Temple with I∣mages of Men and Women; with the heads of Goats and Snailes, and the feet of Elephants, and other wilde Beasts, which the Iesuite caused to be burned, the people being before made beleeue

that if any touched them, they should die suddenly. He baptised thirtie and taught the rest their Catechise, and proceeded to the next Soba, Lord of foure other Sobas, who had beene before bap∣tised of Secular Priests, yet onely had the bare name of a Christian. This Soba had three hundred wiues for oftentation of his greatnesse. No man could make the signe of the Crosse. And when the Priest would build a Church there, the Soba said he would consult about it, but gaue no an∣swer. He found two Idoll Oratories, but no Idols in them, the people hauing before hidden them in the Woods, lest they should haue like fiery fortune with the former. Hee found here also cer∣tayne Chibadi, which are Men attyred like Women, and behaue themselues womanly, ashamed to be called men; are also married to men, and esteeme that vnnaturall damnation an honor. * 1.1097

About the same time, an Embassador from the King of Cacongo came to Loanda, with a Pre∣sent to the Bishop and Request from the King, to send some Iesuites to baptise him, and all his [ 10] Kingdome. The Captaine therefore with the Bishop, goe to the Rector of our Colledge, and obtayne Gaspar Azeuered, and Francis Gois to bee sent thither. Cacongo is adjoyning to Congo, and to the great Macoco King of the Anziqui, hauing also the Kings of Angola, Bungo and Bian∣go * 1.1098 Neighbours. It is a large Kingdome, and by the Towne of Pinda eightie leagues distant from Saint Thome, is entrance vp the Riuer Zaire in foure dayes vnto it. The King of Loango hath also sent for Iesuites, to bee by them instructed and baptised: but what is done in both these Kingdomes, I haue not (saith Iarric) receiued intelligence.

[illustration] map of Guinea

HONDIVS his Map of Guinea. [ 20]

Now concerning Guinea, that name is giuen to all the Atlantike Coast of Africa, from Senega, called by the Ancients Stachiris, in sixteene degrees of North latitude, to Angola in thirteene * 1.1099 South: and is diuided into the Higher from Senega to Congo, and The lower, contayning Congo and Angola. Ouer against the higher Guinea are the Ilands of Cape Verd (Ptolemie calls it Ar∣sinarium)

which An. 1446. the Portugals first inhabited, twelue in number, the chiefe that of Saint Iames, in which is a fortified Citie, chiefe ouer those Forts and Habitations which the Portugals hold in that higher Guinea; the Bishop thereof subiect to the Archbishop of Lisbon. * 1.1100 It is in fifteene degrees Mountaynous, hauing no rayne but in August, September and October, fertile of fruits, hath store of Pompons (euery moneth) Sugar Canes, Horses.

Saint Thome is of vnwholsome ayre, and Praia vnsafe against the enemie. In all the Coast of Guinea are Tangos maos, or Lancados, of Portugall originall, but degenerated into barbarous rites * 1.1101 and customes, which trade in all those parts for Hides, Iuory, Wax, Gold, Gumme, Ambar∣grise: in some places they are also naked and raced like the Sauages.

King Philip the third procured by Letters to Aquauira, the Generall of the Iesuites A. 1604. * 1.1102 that of that Order should be sent into this Guinea, Balthasar Barerius, Emmanuel Barrius, Em∣manuel [ 10] Fernandius. These came to Saint Iames, and remedied the custome of visiting Wisards and Sorcerers, which was there common, and the wicked abuse of Baptisme, in which three or foure hundred sometimes, seuen hundred of their Slaues were at once washed without any Do∣ctrine * 1.1103 of Christian dutie premised, and presently transported to Brasile or India, ignorant of all things. Likewise they procured libertie to many Free-men, which had beene by the Tangos maos or Guineans stollen, and vniustly sold, they intending and attending such preyes, no lesse then Hunters and Hawkets their game. One of them dyed of the sicknesse of the Countrey: * 1.1104 Barerius was sent to the Continent, and writ thence to Barrius that in Ianuarie hee came to Bissan, where the Kings eldest sonne professed his willingnesse to be a Christian, but that he must then leaue off his gainfull man-stealing. Thence they sayled to Guinala, where the King was * 1.1105 [ 20] sick and dyed. The manner is to kill Wiues and Seruants, and a Royall Horse for his seruice in the other World, which Barerius did what he could to hinder. Thence they set sayle to Bi∣guba * 1.1106 a very healthfull place; but some Ethiopians professing Mahomet were hinderance to him.

Iuly thirteene, 1605. he came to Sierra Leona, and arriuing at Pagono, the petty King there∣of * 1.1107 tributarie to Fatema, imitated in all things the Christian Rites, but durst not be such (hee said) except he saw Fatema first. The Portugals in these parts liued liker Ethnikes then Christians, nei∣ther hauing Sacraments nor Word of God in many yeeres past, so that they had almost quite for∣gotten them. Passing by the Ile Tamarena, he came to the Kingdome of Buran, the King where∣of * 1.1108 is also subiect to Fatema: he would be present also at Masse, and name Iesus; was desirous of Baptisme, but I thought fittest to begin with Fatema. I Confessed some Portugals liere, which [ 30] in ten, twentie, thirtie yeeres had neuer beene Confessed, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Christians there little differing from Ethnikes.

The King of Sierra Leona desired my stay there, which I doing, contrary to my former pur∣pose, * 1.1109 he sent all the people of the Towne to cut timber for a Church, was wonderfull desirous also of Baptisme, whereto I told him the multiplicitie of wiues was impediment. Hee yeelded to this, but wished he had knowne it sooner, for then would he haue had none of these, but an∣other which he sent for. I hindred not, because their marriages for the most part are by the law of Nature vnlawfull. When the maide came, her friends refused the conditions of our Baptisme and rites: and vpon his importunitie, the King was baptised, and clothed now like a Portugal. [ 40] Hee was named Philip, and is called Philip Leonis, for his Countrey. I baptised also the daughter of another King, and ioyned her in marriage to him. His brethren also and children were bap∣tised. The Kings Aunt is of great authoritie, and in manner ruleth all: and should but for her * 1.1110 sexe haue raigned. Shee leads the reare when they goe to warres, carrying a Bowe, Quiuer, and military Club, and compells them to keepe their rankes. Philips father being dead, when they would haue obserued the Rite of killing fome of his wiues and seruants, Philip interceded, and tooke away those infernall Exequies: The King of Toras sonne was present at Masse, Baptisme, * 1.1111 and Sermon, and relating the same to his father; this (said he) is a Father indeed, and not those (Priests) which hitherto haue comne into these parts no lesse following the merchandising of Slaues and other things then the other Portugals. This King is one hundred yeeres old, original∣ly * 1.1112 of the Cumbae (called also Manes) which conquered these parts; as fresh as if hee were but [ 50] fortie. At Christmas he was present at our solemnitie, the Altar adomed with faire clothes, the image of our Lady with the Child Iesus on one side, the Crucifixe on the other, foure Can∣dlestickes with Tapers, the wall and pauement trimmed with boughes. Moued with admira∣tion he desired Baptisme, and a place was designed for building a Church. Their building of houses and Churches is to fasten posts in the ground close together, fastning them with timbers * 1.1113 layde ouerthwart, couered with clay, and then laying on a plaister of earth white as milke; the roofe is thatch and leaues of Palmes. I haue two of his sonnes, and two of Philips my perpe∣tuall companions, whom besides the Catechisme I teach to reade. The old King cleaues only to one of his wiues the sister of Philip; and at Easter he is to be baptised.

The King of Beni, the Lord of seuen Kingdomes hath written to mee for Baptisme: but I can∣not [ 60] forsake these two Kings till I haue other helpe. This Countrey is as healthfull as any I euer came in, and Sierra Leona would be a fit place for a plantation of the Society: for which King Philip wrote to the Catholike King, offering a place to erect a Fort, and commending the large∣nesse,

wholsomnesse, and fertilitie of his Countrey. An. 1607. Emanuel Aluares and his Bro∣ther went to Guinea, to Bissan, and perswaded the King to forsake his China, (so they call God, and whatsoeuer is pretious to them) to wit, a Fagot of stickes bound together, which they wor∣ship: * 1.1114 likewise to leaue those infernall inferies of killing at the Graue of the deceased, Wiues, Friends, Seruants, cutting their fingers and toes in pieces, and stamping the bones in a Mor∣ter; leauing the bodies meane while in torture, and when they were at the point of death * 1.1115 thrusting a stake thorow their neckes, others looking on with vndaunted countenance, which were to vndergoe the same butchery. The Kings of Bigub and Besegui also desired Baptisme, which both (as hee of Guinala) are Beafares. Bigub hath three Kings vassals, Besequi fiue, and * 1.1116 the Guinalan seuen, although the Bijagi haue taken sixe Kingdomes from him. These Bijags are fierce people, in seuenteene Ilands ouer against these Kingdomes, alway warring with the Bea∣fares [ 10] and the Portugals; with their boats entring the frequent Riuers, and spoyling all. These Ilands are rich and fertile, pleasant with Trees and Riuers, fruitfull in Palmes, Wine, Oyle; stored with Cattell great and small, Iuorie, Fish, Rice, Waxe, Iron, and on the shoare Amber∣grise, but to them vncouth and vnkissed; long Pepper enough to lade yeerely two ships.

The King of Beni hearing of Philip and Peter (the King of Tora) that they were baptised, sent * 1.1117 his best beloued sonne to be instructed and baptised. Hee is the chiefe King of all that Coast. To him Barerius trauelled, hardly escaping the treachery of another King in the way; the way was wooddy Mountaines, pleasant Vallies, an Iron-coloured earth, the Iron exceeding that of Europe. The King entertayned him ioyfully; and first at his perswasion commanded by publike Edict, that marriageable Virgins should hide Natures secrets. Hee was present (but entreated [ 20] to stay without the Church) when Masse was celebrated, and heard the Sermon (for he vnder∣stood the Portugall tongue) made great shewes of Christianitie, promised to burne his Idols; yea, perswaded his Vassall-kings to Christianitie; but all on a sudden by a Mahumetan was altered, pretended to feare the Concha (chiefe Emperour of the Sousae) and the great Bexerine would in∣cite * 1.1118 him to warre against him. The King is said to haue receiued of him certaine Charmes, where∣by to bewitch any that offended him. Barerius also saw him stroking a Serpent as big as a mans thigh, rolled vp in diuers gyres, so beautified with various colours, as hee neuer had seene any creature: this he stroked and dalied with. They call this the King of Serpents, and make much account of it: but Barerius thought it was the Deuill in this forme. Thus were the blossoms of his hopes blasted; and he hasted away to his former friends. [ 30]

It will not be amisse to relate the funerall mournings (worthie mournings and funerall) a∣mongst * 1.1119 the Manes. Farma the King of the Logui, had seuentie two sons and fiftie daughters, so that his progenie (most suruiuing) was aboue three thousand. The old Grandsire being dead, newes is sent to all the kindred in their seuerell habitations, euery Village mourning, and the kindred visit the corps with presents, Gold, Clothes, and what they can, accomplishing all with lamentable lamentations. Part of the presents is put in the Graue, another part goeth to the King of the place, the third to the Heire: but the Kings themselues are buried secretly by night, with a few friends attending, hauing all their life heaped treasure to that funerall pur∣pose, * 1.1120 and are therefore buried in vnknowne places, as in the bottoms of Riuers, turning meane∣while the streame on the other side. They lose much Gold this way, and if they die suddenly, [ 40] no man knowes where they haue prepared and treasured that treasure. That the wiues and ser∣uants are added to the Exequies, we need not repeat. They hope to finde all ready to serue them in the next life. Some great men haue Houses set ouer their Graue couered with Cloth, and o∣ther things there left to waste with time, and hither the kindred make recourse to consult with the dead, and acquaint them with their affaires. The funerall ended, they returne with so many stalkes of straw as there reruayne moneths to the yeeres end: against which time they prouide store of Rice, Wine, Hennes, and (if the deceased were rich) of Kine, and then assemble to a funerall feast, lasting day and night with all excesse in eating, drinking, dancing, and such a noise, that none in the Village can sleepe. For which cause the Iesuites which haue their Churches in [ 50] the Villages, haue their houses out of them. Their greatest glorie is the number of Meats be∣yond mouthes, and of Drunkards beyoud tale. King Peter was inuited to one of these riots, yet rioted not, but by his modest example wanne good opinion to his Religion. They had sacri∣ficed a maide, and certaine Kine with Diabolicall rites to their Ancestors, in a Wood closely be∣fore hee came.

Barerius went to Fatema the King of the Boulons, and was lighted to him by night with * 1.1121 Torches of straw, which they vse, and not wax, though the Countrey haue store. Hee sent after him a gold Chaine which he refused. An Ethnike Doctor, and King Peters sonne were conuer∣ted soone after. They doe not beleeue any Hell, but thinke that the deceased goe to Gods house, and there liue and vse the same things they did here, and in the same ranke and reputation. [ 60]

This King Peter was of the Manes or Cumbae, which are the same (sayth the Iesuite) which in Congo were called Giachae (Iagges,) in Angola, Gindae; that they were the same with the * 1.1122 Imbiae or Zimbae, of which you reade in Santos, or with the Gallae amongst the Abissines, he sayth, without my subscription. These left their Countries, about An. 1550. and pierced to these

parts of Sierra Leona: of which Man-eating Nation none there remayned but this Peter, who now became a Zealous Christian, and procured the commission of others. They which are to be baptised bring first their Idols, and cast them in the fire. Besides which Statues, they haue Chi∣nas, which are Pyramides with Cells within, wherein are kept white Ants; of so religious e∣steeme with those Guineans, that when they buy a slaue, they set him before a China-pyramide, * 1.1123 hauing offered thereto Wine and other things, praying that if hee runne away Tigres and Ser∣pents may deuoure him. Which threats fasten them to the cruellest masters. In euery Coun∣trey they haue a place sacred to the Deuill. That which King Philip had, was in an Iland, where they offered Rice, Oyle, or what they carried, casting it into the Sea. No man durst venture on the Iland for feare of Camassono, the Deuill-Idoll. Once a yeere the King went [ 10] and sacrificed Hennes, and Goats, (which there liued securely) on a Rocke. The cruell spe∣ctacle of the Selfe-whippers on Mandy thursday was terrible to the Ethnikes, thinking them (not without cause) mad so to rage against their owne flesh; and Christopher sonne of King Pe∣ter would not be behinde the rest herein. Another thought the blood had beene onely the red ioyce of a certaine Tree. These are the Iesuiticall Relations till the yeere 1610. with other like, which I omit.

§. VI.

Relations of the Christianitie of Africa, and especially of Barbarie, and Algier; [ 20] written by I. B. GRAMAYE.

THus much haue I related of the Iesuites and Dominicans later labours in Africa. Gra∣maye * 1.1124 hath lately published ten Bookes or Tractates of Africa: he sayth that there are some Relikes of the antient Christians after so many inundations of Heresie and Ma∣hometisme, both in Marocco, Tunes, and Lybia, which vse the Masse of the Mozarabes * 1.1125 translated into Arabike: there are also Greekes, and Abassines, and of diuers Nations Merchants with free vse of their conscience. At Tunes, and Tripolis, Priests in Gownes, Monkes in their Cowles, are permitted publike supplications and funerals. In the Kingdome of Fesse their libertie [ 30] is greater. But in all the Coast of Barbaria there is no securitie of the publike exercise of Christian Religion, nor any Monasteries: but at Oram & in the places subiect or confederat to the Spaniards. In the places subiect to the Moors & Turks, there is publike permitted, not secured both exercise, Churches, & places of buriall in towns; somtimes eclipsed or disturbed by the Morabutes, in times of drought, at which times, as it were, to appease the angry Deitie, they spoile Churches, inhi∣bite Christian Holies, ouerthrow Tauernes (for none else may sell Wine) which after a few dayes are againe permitted. The Christian Church-yard, or rather Buriall-place, is a piece of ground without the Towne, neere the Iewish Buriall-place, not inclosed, yea (in places) bearing Corne. But the sandy soyle scarsly secures the Corpses from Dogs. Prayers and other Rites are vsed at the Graues, but not at Algier, without scoffes and iniuries, specially from Boyes. Priests admi∣nister [ 40] Sacraments without speciall Cure, or certaine Stipend, or Order; yea, some without Or∣ders. Baptisme is often administred by the Lay-people, and without the Ecclesiasticall Ceremo∣nies; and whatsoeuer requires Episcopall benediction of long time hath there wanted. Seldom is there Sermon, neuer Catechising, Vespers, or Lauds, till our Author procured.

In the Kingdome of Argire are supposed to be two hundred thousand Christians, of which the most are Renegados or Apostatas, which professe Mahometisme: some, but very few, of their owne accord; some by force, as Boyes which they take, and Infants (neither is it lawfull for a∣ny to be freed thence till hee bee fifteene yeeres old) some dissembling, yet hardly escaping, by reason of certaine death, if taken in the attempt; some by rewards of riches and honour; others by feare of torture, and despaire of libertie. Of such as continue Romish Christians are in that Kingdome supposed to be two and thirty thousand, besides those of the Reformed or other pro∣fessions. [ 50] And although in ten yeeres last past (till An. 1619.) 1200. Spaniards haue beene freed, yet in that space eight thousand haue succeeded in seruitude, besides sixe hundred dead. Some of which are in the Countrey or Gardens, and haue publike Seruice onely when they come to the Citie, where at this time were eight captiued Priests, not at all Graduates, and two onely which haue addicted themselues to Diuinitie. There are foure Churches in the Prisons, in the Citie and Diocesse of Hippon two, in that of Cirth and Teslen two. They haue an Oratory in the house of the French Consull.

Supplications are performed in their times with deuotion and store of Candles. But there is no Font, nor holy Oyle, Chrisme; nor are the Sacraments (giue me leaue to vse our Authours words) of marriage, Extreme vnction, Orders, or Confirmation administred; Baptisme is done [ 60] with simple water, Penance by any Priest: the buriall place not consecrated. The Authour being there captiued, did reforme things by a Visitation, with consent and request of those Christians, and subiection to the Pope and all which might challenge any right prouided.

There are in Barbary, in the Kingdoms of Argier, Tunes, Tripoli, Fesse, one hundred and twenty thousand Christian captiues: there are eightie six Families in those parts of Christian Merchants, * 1.1126 Freemen; Of Greeke Christians, one hundred seuenty nine Families; Of Iewes which haue trade with the French, are one hundred fiftie sixe thousand Families. Romish Priests Captiues sixtie two. Churches permitted to Christian Holies sixteene. In seuen and twentie yeares past (1619.) there hath beene no Bishop, but the Greeke Patriarch: * 1.1127 neither is there any Ecclesiasticall Discipline, that not one of a hundred liues like a Christian, the Priests liuing of Almes, conten∣ting themselues with their Masse without cure of soules; their paritie also making them care∣lesse each of other; scarsly any thing Christian-like celebrated but the * 1.1128 Masse.

Gramaye is confident that Argier is that Iol, which was the Seat Royall of Iuba, by his Sonne new built, and called Caesarea; a Coyne of Claudius is in inscribed IOL CAeSAREA [ 10] IVBAe REGIA. After his death Caligula brought this Kingdome of Mauritania, (which contayned those of Argier, Fesse, Marocco, and part of Tunes) into two Prouinces, Tingitana and Caesariensis. Claudius made this Caesarea a Colonie, some few Antiquities and Inscriptions yet re∣mayning. Thirty miles from the Citie is Sarsella where is infinite Rubbish, as the Graue, with * 1.1129 Relikes of Fabrickes, and Aquaeducts, as the bones of the Carkasses, and Inscriptions, as Epitaphs, ancient Coynes as Memorials (of which many were giuen him) for feare of suspition hee durst not make search. And although Alger, Argel, Algiers, or Argier (the very name breeds confu∣sion) be described before out of * 1.1130 Nicolay; seeing we haue met with later Intelligence by almost seuentie yeares then the former (since that was printed in our sixth Booke) we haue thought good to adde out of him some better light of this Hel-mouth, the Centre of Earthly darknesse. [ 20]

It is seated on the mid-land Sea, on the side of a hill, whereby one house hinders not the pro∣spect * 1.1131 of the next. Cheridim Barborossa, fortified it with the Iland, which yet Tempests some∣time assault with great hurt to the ships as happened this yeare 1619. fiue and twentie shippes broken in the Port. The forme of the Citie is almost Bow-fashion. The circumference of the old Towne is three thousand foure hundred paces: Barbarossa began and after 1573. Arabamet fini∣shed a Wall about the Iland, except that part which is open to the Port and Citie. Lately they haue founded a fiue cornered Towre to secure both. The Turrets, Fortresses, Bulwarkes, I omit. The houses within are close to the Wall; without, is a Ditch of sixteene paces, scowred by A∣rabamet, but now in some places mired vp, and scarce halfe of it is cleare. Without the Towne are three Castles: two of which were built, Anno 1568. 1569. the third before, was finished 1580. [ 30] * 1.1132 Except one the streets are very narrow, and in Winter very durty. Out of their Rate or Taxe∣bookes, I find of late yeares, by the destroying of the Suburbes, for feare of Don Iohn of Austria 1573. and since the Moores were expelled last from Spaine, it is very much increased in buil∣dings, not like the descriptions anciently published, which leaue therein open and vacant places. And although the Houses to the street side are darke, yet being inwardly built with square Cloi∣sters as it were, the light is supplyed, as the Roofes serue them for Galleries and Prospects; in the midst is a Well, but the water brackish. They vse no Chimneyes, but make fires of coales in Earthen Pannes in their Porches or Roofes. They white the out-side of their Houses against great Feasts. The Kings Palace and great mens Houses haue Courts spacious, with specious Pil∣lers about, and many by-roomes spred with Mats or Carpets; their custome beeing to put off [ 40] their shooes when they enter. Their House-hold Furniture is otherwise meane, the vulgar ha∣uing nothing but a Mat, Carpet, Mattresse, two Vests hanging, Pots and Dishes of Earth, and long woodden Spoones, with a woodden Chest: two or three staues fastned to the Wals coue∣red with boards serue for a Bed, sitting and lying more commonly on the floore on a Mat or Car∣pet. Their Garments hang on lines ouer the Bed, Pelts are their Naperie, Water their Drinke, Rice their Meate with Pulse, Meale, a little Flesh, and some fruits, whence Victuals are cheape. There are no Conduits, Sewers, nor Wels of sweet water; fiue Cisternes from without, supply∣ing that want, together with that which is fetched on mens shoulders out of the fields, by aboue one thousand Slaues and Moores. Their are seuen faire Mosquets, specially the greatest; fiue Col∣ledges of Ianizaries, where some sixe hundred of them liue together in a House; one Hospitall [ 50] built by Assan Bassa, foure faire Bathes, being Prisons for slaues; two for washing with hote or cold, paued with Marble, and furnished with Chambers; and Conduits for Arte-brought waters, vsed by the Moores and Turkes of both Sexes almost euery day; and the two Royall Porches, one of thirtie sixe foote square with Columnes, where the Duana of the Ianizaries is kept, the other before the Palace.

Within the Wals are neere thirteene thousand Houses, many of which are inhabited by thir∣tie * 1.1133 Families; the House of Iacob Abum in the lower Iewrie hath three hundred, of Abraham Ralbin, two hundred and sixtie Families, and others likewise. There are aboue one hundred Mosquets, each hauing three Morabutes Curats, and some thirtie or fortie, besides the Orato∣ries [ 60] of Heremites and Sepulchres; sixty two Bathes, eighty sixe Schooles for Children to learne to reade and write, and a few others for the Alcoran; Suburb-gardens fourteene thousand sixe hundred ninetie eight, each hauing one or more Christians, some sixe or eight to keepe them. Nor is there scarce a Family in the Citie, which hath not one or more Christian slaues of both

Sexes, some a great multitude, as Faretbey, seuenty two. Ali-Mami, one hundred thirty two. Ali Pizalini, sixty three. Aripagi, thirty eight. Asan Portuges, forty. Salomon Reis thirtie two. And in the Kings Prison are commonly two thousand, and two or three thousand in the three * 1.1134 Gallies and seuentie two ships of warre, which Anno 1619. were there, so that in and about the Citie their seeme to be of them aboue thirtie fiue thousand.

Haed•• which liued here many yeares, reckons of the Naturall Moores called Baldis, freed * 1.1135 from Tribute by Barbarossa, of good complexion almost white, liuing on their Lands, Handy∣crafts, or Merchandize, two thousand fiue hundred Families. Of Moores Cabaijales or For∣reners from the Mountaynes of Couko and Labesan, called Azuages, and from other Mountaynes * 1.1136 seuen hundred Families. I learned that there were about three thousand Arabian Beggers. Of the Modaiares, which were expelled out of the Kingdomes of Granada, and the Tagarines out [ 10] of Valentia and Arragon, Haedo numbreth one thousand Families; I adde (saith Gramay) as ma∣ny more, which haue brought Trades hither to the great increase of Argier. Of Turkes out of Asia and Romania, besides Ianizaries are sixteene hundred Families, and aboue sixe thousand of renied Christians. Of Alcaids (that is of Commanders, in the Towne and Forts) one hundred thirty sixe Families, aboue three hundred Arraiz, which haue places of command in the Nauie: fiue hundred Families of Espaijs, sixe thousand Genizaries, eighty sixe green-headed Xerifes of Mahomets Kindred, Agi or Mecca-saints aboue eight hundred. Haedo reckons three thousand Merchants Families of diuers Nations, and two thousand shops. The Handi-crafts cannot ea∣sily bee reckoned: in the Smiths street are eightie Masters, they say twelue hundred Taylors, three thousand Weauers, three hundred Butchers, foure hundred Bakers, &c. The Iewes haue [ 20] sixe large Synagogues, not able to contayne their multitudes, reported to bee aboue eight thou∣sand men. All these in the Citie. In the Countrey, are in Garrisons at Tremesen, Constantina, and the rest sixteene thousand Genezaries, and Souldiers. Of Arabians, Anno 1617. when there was rumour of the Spaniards comming, sixe Morabutes offered the King and the Duana sixe score thousand Horse-men, and sixty thousand Foot-men. Thus Argier which an old Iew of ninety an Eye-witnesse reported to me, when Chorles the Emperour intended the siege, had scarsly eight hundred men fit for resistance within the Walls, and a great part of the Moore∣citizens were forced to liue by Husbandry and fishing, is now encreased principally by ejection of the Moores out of Spaine, in the yeares 1492. 1567. and 1607. more to our griefe then [ 30] wonder.

For the Gouernment, the King, hath a kind of freedome, yet doth nothing of import with∣out the Duana. Hee hath his Belerbei, or chiefe Captayne, wonted to bee sent with the Bassa from Constantinople, but many yeeres since continued among the Argerians; his Califa or Chan∣cellor, who represents the Kings person if he be absent. The Cadi, one for the Moores, another for the Turkes (to whom is Appeale from the former, and from this to the Aga) are sent from Constantinople, with their Notaries Assistants. In Ciuill Cases and Criminall they are vsed, with the Mufties or Bishops, a Turke and a Moore. All their plea is by Witnesses, and seldome their sentences are recorded, and when they are, no name subscribed but a seale or Okered stampe. From these and from the King himselfe lyeth an Appeale to the Aga, the chiefe of the Duana, * 1.1137 [ 40] wherein all things are handled, and vpon the rude cryes of the vulgar, sentence is executed. Rarely is a Turke put to death, except for Mutinie and Rebellion they be strangled: Adulteres∣ses are drowned; in other offences they are fined in the decrease or losse of pay and place, or blowes giuen them with a Rope or Cudgell, on the backe, belly, and soles of the feet.

The Iewes haue also their Magistrates and Iudges, and punish theirs according to the Law: so * 1.1138 yet, that the King doth inflict punishments, sometimes for imaginary crimes to extort reall summes from them. The Christians should also according to couenants with the Christian King, haue judgement of their owne Consuls, but fauour procures the contrary. As the Aga and Ca∣di in the Citie, so in the Countrey the Alcayde, and Makadi exercise like jurisdiction but subject to the former. And in Villages the Xeque doth all amongst the Arabs, from whom seldome is recourse to the King. The Sea-Common-wealth is exercised by the Arraez and his Balu-co∣baxi. [ 50] One of the Kings Pages, a youth, heareth (sitting on a stone abroad before the Kings Pa∣lace) the causes of the Whores, and inferiour womens brawles, and the fine returneth to him∣selfe. The Aga is chiefe of the Ienizeries, and possesseth his place two moneths, and sometimes we haue seene foure in a fortnight, the King giuing so many silke Gownes to them after the cu∣stome: which place hauing passed he is free from Tribute, and liues among the Espaijs (of whom there is sixe or seuen hundred Families) He comes no more at the Duana, except hee bee called: to this, they arise by degrees, euery Ianizarie being capable in his order.

The Iewes weare a distinction in their clothes. The common apparell is, drawers not to hin∣der them in making water, a Wast-coate with wide sleeues not to hinder their washing to the [ 60] elbow, a broad girdle, with goodly great Kniues in a sheath on the left hand; breeches in Win∣ter like the Spaniards, Zapatas or coloured shooes to put on and off without touch of the hand, a kind of gowne vppermost. Euery eight day they shaue their heads except on the crowne, that locke being left to draw them to Paradis••. The head is alway couered (in salutation they lay the

hand to the brest and bow the head) with a Turbant, or a coloured cap with Linnen foure or fiue times wreathed about. They all weare Rings of diuers matter. The womens habit differs little from the mens, nor could a woman going in the streets be knowne but by her woman-slaue at∣tending. They sit at home on Mats or Carpets prating (few except) all day long, except when they goe to the Bathes, Heremites, Wizards, Sepulchres, Gardens, Feasts, which are common with them. They delight in blacke haire which they procure with Medicines. They haue little care of their Children, none of their Familie; too much of Superstitions and Lusts.

These Algierians haue the foolish conceits of other Mahumetans, some also more proper, that * 1.1139 Fooles and Dwarfes are Saints, their Morabutes to be inspired and to consult with God, the Vi∣ands set on Sepulchres weekly to be eaten by the soules; and if sicke persons offer there any thing [ 10] which a beast eateth, that the disease is deriued to it; that the head-ach is lessened with rolling a Goats or sheeps head on the Roofe; that it is not lawfull to buy in May, not to bring in at doore Garleeke or Broomes, but (if there be need of them) at the Roofe; that it is a meritorious worke to prostitute their Wiues to the Morabutes, and that the same men bugger with beasts; that shew∣ing pitie to beasts, shauing, washing (though in the Sea) clenseth sinnes; that (Sodomiticall) sinnes against Nature are vertues. But to bedew the Garment in making vrine, to let paper lye on the ground, the Alcoran to be touched or seene of one not Mahumetan, to fart in Sala (or * 1.1140 Prayer) time, or then to defend a mans selfe (as Mulei Abdelummi assaulted by his Brother and wounded in the Church 1577. would not stirre till Sala was done) or to bleed, or neeze, or spit, to wipe the buttockes except with the left finger, to drinke out of a smacking narrow mouthed [ 20] pot, to locke the Bed-chamber by night, to stampe on the Earth when they play at ball, to write with a Pen (for they vse Reeds) to eate Snailes taken out of the fields (reputed holy) to touch money before they haue said their Morning Prayers, to hold the Alcoran beneath the girdle, to haue printed Bookes, or Pictures of men or beasts; to admit Christians or women to their Mes∣quits, to vse Bels, to exchange a Christian Captiue for a Turke, to breech children with Rods (they whip the sole of the foot with a Whip) these are all sinnes and enormities at Algier. They beleeue that on their Easter mid-night all waters are asleepe, and hee which can get that sleepe shall be a happie man. With their Morabutes you are safe in the midst of Theeues. It is vnlawfull to goe into a new house, vndertake a Iourney or begin any great businesse with∣out Sacrifice of a sheepe: vnluckie to sayle without consulting the Fortune-booke. They play [ 30] * 1.1141 not at Dice and Cards, nor sweare, nor fight one with another. The King and great men let their beards grow, others shaue all but the Mustachos and Crowne; they wash before worke, Prayer, and Meales; and haue a certayne Ceremonie to take water in the hollow of the hand, powring it to the elbow.

Here and in all the East they vse with Christians the Franke Tongue, composed of French, Ita∣lian, Spanish, and thereby vnderstand them all. They eate not bloud, or a beast killed by another man: and kill turning the head to the Sunne, and cutting the throate. No testament is auailable vnlesse acknowledged forty dayes before the Testators death before the Cadi. All the Sonnes and Daughters inherit equally; if they be Moores the King hath a childes part, and if all Daughters, he hath all of a Moore, and halfe of a Turke. When any is sicke, women assist women, and men [ 40] the men, praying Eastward; wash the dead Corps with hote water and Sope, clothe it and car∣rie it (hauing obtayned the Alcayds leaue) with the head forward to buriall: if hee depart on Friday, it stayeth the Prayer time in the Mesquit: they set a stone at the head of the Graue, and another at the feet with an Epitaph and Sentence out of the Alcoran. They weare no mourning, * 1.1142 saue that the women are a few dayes veiled in blacke, and the men shaue not for a monethes space, and for three dayes space they haue no fire in their house, nor eate any thing boyled; in that space they visit the Sepulchre, giue Almes, and gathering stones on the shoare, tosse them from the right hand to the left, and throw them into the Graue, saying, Selan Ala. They begin * 1.1143 the Spring on the fourteene of February, and end it on the eighteene of May; they call the raine which fals from Aprill the fiue and twentieth, to May the fift: blessed of God, and keepe it [ 50] religiously. Their Summer continues to August the sixteenth, and is very hote, and sometimes hath pestilent raines which kill thousands. Autumne to the sixteenth of Nouember, and Win∣ter is neuer so cold that they need a fire.

The Kings Reuenues are summed by Harega at foure hundred thousand Duckets, by Haedo foure hundred and fiftie thousand: and payeth nothing to the Turke, but a few Boyes and gifts of * 1.1144 no value, with some feeling to the Port Bassas. Yet would his ••euenue be short of expences on Officers and otherwise, if spoile helped not. Much Gold is c••rryed out of Christendome, for re∣demption of slaues threescore thousand Duckets yearely, as much perhaps to buy spoyles, of which little or none returneth to Christendome, they taking to Sea, Bisket, Water, Tobacco, Oyle and Dates, and laughing at our Excesse. The treasure of the Duana is administred by three, [ 60] two of which haue beene Agas, the third is the Hoga or Secretary, who if the King payeth not the Ianizaries, by the authority of the Duana they will imprison him and sequester his Rents; as it lately hapned to Osain Bassa two yeares together.

The Sepulchre of Morabute Cid Butica, is saluted with a Peece going out and comming in,

by whose holy prayers they say, Charles preuayled not against them An. 1541. In a hill neere, lieth Caba the daughter of Earle Iulian which Rodericus King of Spaine rauished, reuenged by her wicked father, with treacherous bringing the Moores into Spaine. The Cids Sepulchres and Chappels are visited some on Munday, some on Thursday, or on Friday, by the deuout supersti∣tious fooles, specially (perhaps not-deuout) women. Algier is enuironed with goodly hills and dales, attended with plentie of fruits better then European. Three dayes iourney towards Bugia, is the Hill Couko, the King whereof Barbarossa slue An. 1515. and sometimes he is tribu∣tary, sometimes enclining to the Spaniard.

Algier were altogether vnworthy so long discourse, were not the vnworthinesse most wor∣thy our consideration, I meane the cruell abuse of the Christian name, which let vs for inciting our Zeale, and exciting our Charitie, and Thankfulnes more deeply weigh, to releeue those there [ 10] in miseries (as we may) with our paynes, prayers, purses, and all the best mediations. Thus writes he which saw and felt his part in those miseries. Barbarie and chiefly therein Algier, * 1.1145 the whip of the Christan World, the wall of the Barbarian, terror of Europe, the bridle of both Hesperias (Italy and Spaine) Scourge of the Ilands, Den of Pyrates, Theatre of all crueltie, and Sanctuarie of Iniquitie, holdeth captiue in miserable seruitude, one hundred and twentie thou∣sand Christians, almost all subjects of the King of Spaine: of which, partly by the Turkes riches, the Pyrates fortunes, the Ianisaries honors, their fellowes flatteries seduced; partly ouercome with despaire of libertie and irksomnesse of daily calamities, euery yeere aboue fiue hundred be∣come Mahumetan Apostataes; besides, about fiftie Boyes yeerly circumcised against their wills. To the Redemption of Captiues by the Orders of the Trinitie, and of Saint Marie de Mercede [ 20] in Spaine and Italy, are yeerly gathered about one hundred and fiftie thousand Duckets. There is no generall * 1.1146 ordinarie course for Redemption of Captiues of England, France, Poland, Hunga∣rie, Germanie, and the Low Countries; whereby men of those parts vtterly disconsolate, to the losse and shame of Christians, Apostatise. And to stirre vp compassion, behold Algier captiuitie, represented from his eyes to ours.

First, if any Ship comes into their hands, it is with huge clamors presently inuaded by the Pyrates, and if it be an Enemie, spoyled; if Confederate, they take away their Armes, fill the Poope and strongest Places with Souldiers, search the lading, take meat and drinke as it were fee, send the Gouernours aboard their owne ship, and in a Pyratical counsell examine them, whether they haue any Spanish Wares or Men; nor content with words or letters, they force the Boyes [ 30] and elder Persons by infinite beatings to confesse that which is not, and to promise what they haue not; and one mans confession is enough to make prey. Sometimes gaping after the ships wealth, they throw the men ouer-board, and so possesse the ship, saying, her men had forsaken her. Otherwhiles not satisfied with Truncheons, and Ropes to haue tortured the Wretches backs, binding their hands and feet, they draw them vp and whip them, almost strayne out their braynes with a knotty Rope plucked about the head, thrust Needles in their fingers, rost their feet wich the shooes on at the fire, powre forceably salt water into their mouthes to fill the bo∣dy, and then treading on the belly with their feet, force them to belch it vp; with smoke of Brimstone fill the mouth and eyes, hang them vp racked with weights at their feet, or with a [ 40] Rope draw them thorow the Sea vnder the ship. The end of these torments is captiuitie, if there be any Enemie in the ship, and hee laden with Irons and Fetters, is thrust into the worst part of the ship, and scarsly hath moldy Bisket and Water to sustayne life. If they receiue not sa∣tisfaction touching the Men and Wares, they reiterate the tortures daily; Boyes are flattered and threatned, and often compelled to turne,, and without delay presently are circumcised. And such is the course with them which they take in the Shoare and Ilands, chayned together or heapes, and thrust vp like Herrings in the bottome of the ship, to be kept for the Butcherie or Market.

When they come home to the Hauen, with infinite scoffings, the wretches are led foorth in triumph, and three dayes set * 1.1147 to sale, and lastly sold to him which will giue most. If any bee Sea-sicke, or otherwise wounded, or ill at ease, for bemonings and medicines hee heareth blas∣phemies and reuilings; and sooner would a Turke releeue a Dogge that is sicke, then a Christian: [ 50] and if his sicknesse continue, without hope of recouerie, they throw him into the Sea, or by Land expose him to the Beasts. In the Market you may see them goe vp and downe naked, and with whips compelled to runne or leape, for augmenting the price. After that three dayes en∣ded, may be seene a miserable spectacle, Infants and Children plucked from their Parents sight, the Husbands violently diuorced from their Wiues, Friends separated, with infinite howlings and lamentations: some sold to Moores to doe their drudgeries, and vsually agree with them by the day to earne so much; some sold to the Numidians and Arabians to basest seruitude, greased with fat, made to draw the plow with Asses, drawing forth with back and belly beating a mise∣rable life; some employed to the Gallies and Ships, there kept with chaynes, stripes, a little moldy Bisket and stinking Water: When they come on shoare, chayned in rewes, laid vp in pri∣sons, [ 60] sleeping on the ground, called onely Dogs. If winde fayle, or crosse them, they will ap∣pease it with branding crosses on the Christians feet, in detestation of the Christian name; some∣times they will burne Arabike Characters on the cheekes, or cut off the Nose and Eares; and

sometimes death is inflicted for slight suspicions. Except of basest labours, reuilings, stripes, injuries, they are in nothing liberall to them, in sleepe, meate, drinke, clothing more then pe∣nurious. When they carry dung to their Gardens, water from the Springs, and goe by the way, euery third word they must crie, Balec sidi, that is, Out of the way, or by your leaue, Sir, to euery Barbarian, or there he shall meet with new Deuils, by spittings, stones, staues, boxes, thrustings, throwings downe, scornes, tormented. If a Christian commits a small fault, he is burned aliue, or stamped in the earth * 1.1148 as in a Mortar, or gaunched (throwne from the wall on a hooke) or crucified, or flayed aliue: to the execution of which tortures they take vp any Christian they meet, to make them their brethrens tormentors; nor doe any performe baser offices but Christi∣ans. Now for the Sodomiticall lusts to Boyes, and their damnable seruices, and sending them for Presents to the Turke or his Bassas, I abhorre to mention. [ 10]

If any Master be milde and gentle, he incurreth suspicion of fauouring the Christians, a most odious crime in Mahometisme; whereas to breake couenant with Christians, yea leagues (vpon aduantage) is Mahumetan. They cast their Country-men Embassadors of Tunes into bands a∣gainst publike faith, the French Consuls into prison many moneths condemned them to the Gallies, beat them with fiue hundred stripes, and burnt them aliue: they imprisoned many yeeres in a lothsome prison the Spanish Redeemers, and reduced to slauery one hundred and fortie redeemed by one of them. They suborne f••lse witnesses to testifie a man is otherwise then hee speaks, making a Souldier a Captaine, a Mercenarie a Merchant, to heighten the price. And when the price is agreed on, they will vpon hope of more gayne flee from it. Modestie forbids [ 20] to speake of the Female sexe abused to naturall, to vnnaturall lusts, their children soone cir∣cumcised, their infancy trayned vp in Turkish blasphemie, their childhood in lusts passiue, and youth in actiue, their riper age rotten in all damnations.

Thus wee maruell not that in ten yeeres past, the vpper and lower Germanie haue yeelded * 1.1149 857. Apostates, besides 300. English, Hamburgers 138. Danes and Easterlings 160. Poles, Hungarians and Muscouites 250. Low Country men 130. besides French and others. Take it into your mercifull consideration, Kings and Princes, Magistrates and People, and helpe, Helpe the Lord against the mightie.

If a circumcised man would returne to Christ, and is thereof conuicted, hee is carried about oynted, naked, and proclamation made before him, chayned after to a poste and burned, often [ 30] beaten or dismembred first. Delinquents at Sea, are shot, dismembred, pulled apeeces by diuers ships going diuers wayes, to which they are tyed, set vpon the mouthes of the Ordnance, cut in peeces; to be sewed vp in Sacks and throwne into the Sea, is a fauour. To lay hand on a Ia∣••isarie, imitate his habit in wearing a fringe on the necke, or to haue to doe with a Mahumetan Woman, is death: though this last bee negligently executed, all Lust, Sodomie and Adulterie being expiated in their Bathes, which are therefore so frequented. Of these, of other kindes of terrible executions our Author hath diuers examples, which I for t••di••••snesse forbeare: God make vs thankefull for our selues, charitable to our Brethren.

An. 1607. three Townes in Calabria were spoyled by the Algier Pyrates, one thousand and foure hundred carried away captiues: An. 1608, they brought two and fortie ships to Algier, [ 40] and eight hundred and sixtie captiues, besides those which they sold elsewhere: the next yeere six and thirtie ships, men six hundred thirtie and two: the next, twentie three ships, three hun∣dred and eightie foure men: the yeere 1611. twentie ships, men foure hundred and sixtie foure. 1612. they entred Spaine, and carried away three thousand eight hundred and foure, in one mo∣neth. 1613. they tooke sixteene ships and two hundred and thirtie men of Italy onely. 1614. ships thirtie fiue, captiues foure hundred and sixtie seuen. 1616. ships thirtie foure, men seuen hundred sixtie seuen. 1617. six and twentie ships, men one thousand seuen hundred sixtie three; out of Porto Santo six hundred sixtie and three. 1618. nineteene ships, men one thousand foure hundred sixtie and eight, robbing Lancerotta and Cays. (And since mens deficit, vox silet: O our English Ships and Mariners! Curae leues loquuntur, ingentes stupent.) As for our Author, a Prouost [ 50] Deane, Archdeacon, Counsellor to the Archdukes, and the Popes Protonotarie, hee was taken in a ship of Marsiles, notwithstanding the peace and league, and therefore without fight the ninth of May 1619. and both aboard and on shoare felt his part of the premisses for six moneths space, informing himselfe further from others miserable experience. Two Boyes were forced to confesse lyes, a Portugall condemned to three hundred blowes to make him confesse; himselfe charged to be Spaniard, threatned to be taught to speake Spanish; then said to bee a Iew, robbed of his clothes vnder colour of search whether he were circumcised, at last they detayning some, sent the ship to Algier, where hoping better things, they will needs haue Gramay a Spaniard and imprison him; after that, they affirme him a Knight of Malta. After that, the detayned Portugall is brought, who by tortures forced made a false confession, that some of the goods were his, and that Gramay was a Bishop, and had brought with him a Knight of Malta and a Spaniard; [ 60] and he therefore with blowes and hard vsage almost killed, his meate eaten vp by the Bringers; he at last bribed the Keeper to let him come into the light, and haue Paper and Inke to write to the Consul, so that at a deare rate he obtayned vpon caution of fortie thousand Duckets, to goe

to the Consuls house. Some of the prisoners lay in Ditches in Water vp to the middle, and o∣therwise vsed as before is spoken.

He hath written a Diarie of occurrences whiles he was at Algier, out of which a word of two. In Iune Cid Bud a Morabute, at noone day before the Church, buggered a Mule, all ap∣plauding it, and crying out that it might be luckie, which often at other times wee haue signed to see in Boyes. In the end of August. On the eight a ship of Spaine laden with Sugars, and for∣tie Captiues, was brought in. Iohn Peers a Belgian Boy refusing to turne Turke, was beaten by Mami his Master till he dyed. And two Spanish ships more brought in from the sight of Lisbon. In Iuly Letters came in my behalfe from Marsiles, but they would not read them: A Holland ship was taken and a French. In August two pledges of the Catholike King taken in Cuko (whose King was lately dead) after other villanies, were condemned, one flayed aliue, the flesh cut at [ 10] the small of the leg first, and blowne, and so flayed all off, and the bodie lying on the ground, the skin stuffed with haire, sewed vp, and layd on the backe of a Christian which they met, and carried in pompe thorow the Towne, and set on the gate; the other was tyed to the Crosse by the middle, and with foure nailes thorow his hands and feet, crucified naked (saue his priui∣ties) and liued till the euening the next day. Seuenty and two Captiues were brought out of Gallicia. Two Holland ships complayned of breach of League, the men of one of their ships, and three French cast into the Sea. But I am loth to drowne or torture the Reader any longer in these Tragicall spectacles; of takings, spoylings, sellings, killings which follow in our Authour. I will recreate you with more pleasing spectacles from English eyes, and send you home in an English bottome. [ 20]

CHAP. XIII.

Larger Obseruations of Master RICHARD IOBSON, touching the Riuer Gambra, with the People, Merchandise, and Creatures of those parts, then in his Iournall is contayned, gathered out of his larger Notes. [ 30]

§. I.

Of the Riuer Gambra, the Raines, and Land-flouds, the cause and time of their con∣tagion: the Beasts, Fish, and Fowle of the Riuer; of the Portugals, Mandingos, and Fulbies there liuing.

THe Riuer Gamba, Gambia, or Gambra, is in 13. degrees 30. minutes. The Inhabi∣tants * 1.1150 (as farre as I could learne in my trauell vp the same three hundred and [ 40] twenty leagues, or nine hundred and sixtie miles) call it by no other name but Gee, a generall name in their language to all Riuers and waters. It hath one sole entrance, which in the mouth is about foure leagues wide, and three fathome water in the channell without any barre. Foure leagues inward it spreads it selfe into so many Riuers, Bayes, and Creekes, that for thirtie leagues vnto Tancroually it is ve∣ry intricate; the maine Channell may easily be discerned except in that limite. With a faire streame from the mouth it floweth to Baraconda, or some little aboue, which is nigh two hun∣dred leagues in the lowest season. The Land-flouds abridge this tide, raysing the water thirty * 1.1151 foot vpright, repelling the Seas force, and couering the flats which in the low season cause im∣pediment. These Raines alwaies proceed from the South-east, beginning within Land, where [ 50] wee abode in the later end of May, and at the Riuers mouth in the end of Iune: continuing three moneths with great violence, with great windes, most terrible thunders and lightnings, in sudden gusts and stormes; which violence being ouerpassed, the people continue their labour of tillage. They begin, and goe out with more gentlenesse, the extremitie being from the mid∣dle of Iuly to the middle of August; in September equinoctiall the Sunne clearing: and thence till May they haue no raine, whereby the ground is hard and vncapable of tillage. In this rainy (vnseasonable) season are they forced therefore to exercise their husbandry; as also to pre∣pare their habitations secured from the ouerflowings of the Riuer, where the bankes cannot discipline it.

And hence may the vnwholsomnesse be caused; whatsoeuer venome commeth from Trees, * 1.1152 [ 60] Plants, Serpents (whereof are many kinds) Toads and Scorpions, contayned and continued all that time of drought in the dust and on the earth, and washed in the first raines, yeelding veno∣mous vapours to the Sunnes strong exhaling facultie, which it vomits againe, crude and vndi∣gested in the next raines; and so the former raines are worse then the later, blistring the naked

bodies whereon they fall, breeding wormes in garments, therewith wetted and layd by. It were therefore fit to be prouided of water to drinke or dresse meat before these seasons fall; and to * 1.1153 preuent the hurt by keeping the Wells couered, and not to water in the open Riuer, as the Saint Iohns men did in the first Voyage (thereby the last to the most of them) our mens remayning there three yeeres, and returning sound, freeing the Countrie of the imputation. The Riuer en∣creased, when no raine is seene where we abode, whereby the raines falling aboue, and further passablenesse of the Riuer appeares. The shoald which stayed vs might in another season bee preuented; yea, with fit men and instruments cut thorow, continuing so small a space; promi∣sing fairely beyond, so farre as we had occasion to looke, the Sea-horses and store of Crocodiles proclayming deep waters vpwards. And if it ioyne aboue to Senaga (as it is vsually described) it cannot be farre aboue that place where we were, but promiseth a farre farther streame, whose [ 10] branches are so great. The higher we went, the more healthfull we found our bodies.

From Baraconda forward wee saw no Towne or Plantation; onely wee found two or three bondles of Palmita leaues bound vp, which our Negros said some people had vsed to passe the Riuer. There abound in this Riuer Sea-horses and Crocodiles, or Alegators. This they call Bum∣bo, * 1.1154 whose length we haue measured in the impression made in the sand, whence we haue driuen him, three and thirty foot, so feared of the Natiues that they dare not wash their hands, wade, or swimme in the great Riuer, telling of many their friends by this enemie deuoured. Neither dare they passe ouer their Cattell, but when they passe ouer a Beefe, a Canoe goeth before, wher∣to * 1.1155 one holds him close with a rope fastned to his hornes, another holds vp his tayle, the Priest [ 20] or Marybuck in the midst praying ouer the beast, and spitting on him, by whom stands another with Bowe and Arrowes ready; and thus they passe them one by one. And when wee were forced in a shallow place to enter the water, and force the Boat against the current, the Blackes would not be perswaded, saying, Bumbo would haue them; till at last on better consideration, at a third straight, they bethought themselues that a white man was more conspicuous in the water, and therefore aduentured. Yet did I neuer finde them to assault vs in all this way, but when many of them lay on the sands, they would auoide vs, as Snakes vse the noise and sight of men with vs; boldest in deepe waters. Their musky sent made vs oft to stop our nostrils. It made both the water and fish also in some places to taste and rellish of them, that wee could not eate the one, nor drinke the other. The noise of them in that place, whereby they call one [ 30] to another (resembling the sound of a deepe well) might be heard a league.

The Riuer-horse is in fashion of body a compleat Horse; hath round buttocks, short eares, wag∣ged * 1.1156 to his mouth, two teeth standing right before on his lower chap great & dangerous, neighing directly like a Horse, foure legs, short, the foot diuided, some so great that I haue measured a print twenty inches ouer. Hee doth hurt in the Rice-grounds, but generally feeds on low marish grounds, where the Sedge is greene in herds by night; bold in the water, snorting, neighing, and tossing the water within Pistoll shot, very fearefull of fire, as might appeare by a Candles end (we could not spare them any shot) set on a piece of wood, and let downe the streame on them. They were most dangerous when they had their young with them, which sometimes they leaue on the shoare, carried in the water by the female on her backe. I haue seene the Sea-horse [ 40] and Crocodile to swimme together without disagreement.

There is store of Mullet and other fish: amongst others, with a net we tooke one like an English * 1.1157 Breme, but of great thicknesse, which one of our Saylers putting his hand to, presently cried out that he had lost the vse of his hands and armes; another bare-legged putting thereto his foot, lost the sense of his leg; their sense being seene to returne, the Cooke was called vp, and bidden to dresse it; who laying both his hands thereon, sunke presently on his hinder parts, making grie∣uous moane that he felt not his hands. Sandy a Blacke comming with his Canoe laughed, and * 1.1158 told vs that they much feared this fish in the water; for he benummed whatsoeuer hee touched, which he vsed to doe, stroking himselfe on other fish, and then deuouring them: but being dead he was good meat. At that place (neere Cassan) the people would come boldly into the water, [ 50] some great Marybuck hauing secured them from the Bumbo by his blessing. And wee might see many on the other side, but neuer any on this. One little fish there is which may bee called the Running fish, like our Roach, with a red tayle, enforced to runne a great way on the top of the * 1.1159 water lightly touching it, by his aduersary which is like a Trout, whom to auoide he hath run sometimes into our Canoe.

There is store of fowle, which we see sit on the bankes, but neuer in the mayne Riuer swim∣ming * 1.1160 (it seemes, for feare of the Crocodile) and feeding on the Marishes and Ponds; Geese ra∣ther bigger then our tame Goose with a spurre on each pinion, large, sharpe, and if they be not killed dead, ready for offence: Ducke, Mallard, Hernes, Curlews, Storkes, Plouer, and the like. The people fish their Lakes, and Ponds (which are many, broad, shallow) going a whole Towne [ 60] * 1.1161 or Plantation together, onely the men, each with a kinde of Basket holding the open mouth downward, close one by another ouerspreading the Pond, clapping downe their Baskets before them, and so returne most of them laden.

To speake of the Inhabitants, I will beginne at the mouth of the Riuer, where dwell the

Blacks, called Mandingos, which speake the same language, fearfull of any shipping, because many haue beene surprised and carried away, except they know them: they brought to vs abundance * 1.1162 of Bonanos (which in the West Indies they call Plantanos) with Beeues, Goats, Hens, Graine, and some Hides. Amongst these dwell, or lurke rather, a certaine way vp the Riuer, certaine Por∣tugals, * 1.1163 some of that colour, other Molatos, but the most, blacke, scattered two or three in a place, begetting children of the Blacke women; but haue neither Church, nor Frier, nor any other Religious Order. It appeareth that they are Fugitiues or Exiles from Portugall, or the Iles of that gouernment, which employ themselues in buying Commodities, especially Slaues. A few of them haue vsed one time of the yeere to goe vp the Riuer in a small Barke as farre as Setico to trade, whence they haue returned much Gold, and haue not attempted further, which is not [ 10] halfe the way we haue gone vp. They say that those * 1.1164 which committed the treachery against our men are banished, as detested for that fact; how euer, it is not safe to trust them too farre. Their condition vnder the blacke Kings is base, who after their death seize on all without re∣spect to wife, childe, or seruant, except they haue before prouided; as wee haue seene of their poore posteritie, retayning the language of Portugall, and name of Christians loth to bee called Negros, though neuer so blacke. The better sort for feare of reuenge haue remoued their dwel∣lings thence; the Blackes banishing them the Towne where it was done, and so much compassio∣nating others of our people which were aboue in the Riuer in trade, that at their returne they fed them, and conuayed them to the next with their commendations, giuing them safe conduct and guides till they came to Cape Verd, where the French haue continuall trade, which might [ 20] ship them home: their commendation from one King to another, being the losse of their ship by the treachery of Portugals, and their entertaynment good in all places. What Ferambra did, when the King of Nany was perswaded by the Portugals to destroy them is said before. Others did animate our men, and promised assistance to their reuenge, which their paucity refusing, still these Natiues beare a sullen disaffection to the Portugall notwithstanding.

There is another People dwelling amongst the Mandingos, called Fulbies, a tawny People much like to those vagrants amongst vs, called Egyptians; the women well featured, with a long blacke haire, more loose then that of the Blacke women, neatly apparelled in the habite of the Natiues. The men are not so handsome, by reason they liue of and with their Cattell, some Goats, but herds of Beeues in abundance, the keeping of which is their profession. In some pla∣ces [ 30] they haue setled Townes, mostly wandring, vniting themselues in Kindreds, and driuing their herds together: where they finde good pastures they agree with the King, and build hou∣ses as the season serues, during the raines betaking themselues to the Mountaines and higher grounds, and then succeeding the Riuer, euen to his seuerer bankes. Their toyle is continuall, keeping their Cattell in the day from straying, and from the Crocodiles hants; in the night bringing them neere their houses, and parting them in seuerall herds, make fires about them; and likewise in the midst, about which they lie themselues, ready against the roaring assaylants. Thus is the poore Fulby almost growne beastial, and when we haue gone to them to buy a Beefe, he hath come forth from his beasts with his face and hands couered with flies, as thicke as here they vse to sit on Horses in Summer, and the same kinde of flies; but those Fulbies seeme more [ 40] senselesse; not remouing them, as we were fayne with a bough in conference to doe, and as our beasts vse whisking of their tayles and other motions.

They liue in great subiection to the Mandingos, who will share with them if they know of * 1.1165 their killing of a Beefe, and in their Commodities: that when they traded with vs, they would draw vs couertly to see it, lest the Negro participate in his returne. Of these the Coun∣trey is full, euery where dispersed; and higher vp they are in one part principall, holding domi∣nation, excluding the Blackes, but for the most part in warre. Their language is different from the Blackes. Their women would daily bring vs Milke, Curds, two sorts of Butter (one new, soft and white, the other hard and of an excellent colour, as good as any we haue here, but for a little freshnesse) brought in Goards like Dishes, neate and cleanly within and without, therein [ 50] much vnlike the Irish Calios, how euer otherwise resembling their course of life. Their returne was swall Beads and Kniues of sixteene pence the dozen, with other trifles. But after they had once tasted Ramdam (so they call our Salt) nothing else could so well please them, were this ne∣uer so little. If wee denied trade one day, wee should not haue their companie in a weeke; so that we were willing to please them, the Blacke not applying himselfe to Cattell.

The Mandingos themselues, which are the Naturall Inhabitants, are perfectly blacke, liuing * 1.1166 a most idle life, except two moneths of the yeare, in their Seed-time and haruest; wandering vp and downe at other times from one to another, hauing little knowledge, to hunt, fish, or fowle, how much soeuer both Woods and Waters abound in Game, the Beasts and Fowles (as Guinnie Hens and Partridges) resorting to their very doores. In the heate of the day they passe [ 60] the time in companies chatting vnder the shady Trees, hauing one Game with some thirtie stones and holes cut in a piece of Wood, performed by a kind of counting. They ordinarily make * 1.1167 but one meale a day, specially the vulgar and younger sort; or rather none, their houre of meale being after the day light is in; and then with fires of Reeds, without the doore, they sit round

and fall to their Viands, which for the most part are, Rice or some other Grame boyled, which being brought vnto them in Goards by the women hot, they put in their hands, roll it vp in Bals, and cast into their mouthes. Flesh, or fish their want of skill to get, hath made Rarities; their Cockes, and Hennes are plentifull, but spared to barter with vs for sma••l pieces of Iron, Beads, and such Commodities. They hold it vnwholsome to eate in the heate of the day, the heate and moysture then exhaled to the exteriour parts, and the inward cooler and more disabled for * 1.1168 concoction: whereby we can in that heate easily drinke, yea and desire it, that quantitie of Aquauitae, or hote Drinkes, which here would kill vs; and there wee dr••n••e with more Tem∣perance and satisfaction in lesse quantitie both Morning and Euening. And in my opinion it were fitter for vs to eate early, and againe, after the heate is past, in thos•• parts.

Their vsuall drinke is wat••r, yet haue both Wine of Trees, as also their Dullo of Graine, like [ 10] * 1.1169 our Ale. They place their Habitations round together, and for the most part haue a Wall of Reed made vp together some sixe foot high; (fortifying them against rauenous•• easts; which yet cause often alarmes and mighty cryes) compassing their Towne, with doores of the same shut in the night. Some of the houses within are made of the same Reeds, but the better sort of Loome, reddish and remayning very hard, likely to yeeld the best Brick in the World, the whole Countrey but the Mountaynes, yeelding the same Earth. The Ant-hils are remarkable, cast vp * 1.1170 in those parts by Pis•• ires, some of them twentie foot in height, of compasse to contayne a do∣zen men, with the heate of the Sunne baked into that hardnesse, that we vsed to hide our selues in the ragged toppes of them, when we tooke vp stands to shoot at Deere or wild beasts. The forme of their Houses is round, and couered with Reeds tyed fast to Rafts that they may endure [ 20] the outragious gusts and raines. Such are their meaner Townes and Villages; others they ha••e of force sutable to their Warres, fortified and entrenched, of which the In-land hath store, and * 1.1171 Cassan (against which the betrayed ship did ride) is such. It is the seat of the King seated on the Riuer, enclosed round with Hurdles like those which our Sheepherds vse, but aboue tenne foote high, fastened to strong Poles which are higher then the Hurdles. On the in-side in diuers pla∣ces they haue buildings made like Turrets whence to shoote Arrowes and cast Darts against the Assa••lants: on the out-side is a Ditch or Trench of great breadth, beyond which againe the Towne is circled with posts and pieces of Trees set close and fast into the ground some fiue foot high, so thicke that except in stiles and places made purpos••ly, a single man cannot get tho∣row; and in like manner a small distance off is the like defence, which they say is to keepe off the [ 30] force of Horse.

Their Armes are an Azegay or Iauelin, with which in their hands they walke, beeing a Reed of sixe foot, with an Iron-pike artificially made and dangerous; they haue others to cast like * 1.1172 Darts with barbed heads. About the necke a Bandelier of redde or yellow cloth with a Sword hanging of some two foot long and an open handle; the better sort carry a Bow in their hand, and at their backe a Case with many holes holding some foure and twentie Arrowes of Reed, as bigge as a Swans Quill, two foot long, headed with Iron poysoned, without nocke or feather: the Bow also made of a Reed, with a flat string or sticke smoothed and fastened, of the same * 1.1173 Wood, and to a Buffe Ierkin or any sleight Garment of defence is little offensiue, the danger be∣ing [ 40] in the Poyson. We haue seene them likewise on Horse-backe, their Horses small, bridled and sadled after the Spanish fashion, each man hauing an Assegie, and a broad Buckler hanging on the right side of his Horse. The Kings House is in the mid••le of the Towne enclosed by it selfe, with his Wiues seuerall Houses about, to which you cannot come, but by a Court of Guard, passing thorow an open House where stands his Chaire emptie, in which none but himselfe may sit; by which hangs his Drummes, which euery night they vse to drumme on, hooping, singing, and making a wild confused noyse till day breake, with fires in the House and Yard: which noyse they vse in meaner Townes also to scarre away wild beasts.

I saw and did eate and drinke with sixe of their Kings or Mansas, which haue reference to greater Kings liuing further; all the South-side of the Riuer as wee went, [ 50] * 1.1174 beeing subject to the King of Cantore, of the North-side halfe subiect to the King of Bursale, the rest to the King of Woolley. These wee saw not, and they say, that they shew not themselues abroad but in pompe, hunting with great numbers of Horse, as our men saw the King of Bursall (when they passed to Cape Verde) and there are warres betwixt one side of the Riuer and the other, which were it not, Bursale would soone with his Horse subdue a * 1.1175 great part of the Countrey, or if he had meanes of transportation. Before these which we saw, the people present themselues kneeling, and comming neerer layes his hand first on the ground, and then on his owne head couered, some laying dust thereon; which Ceremonie he vseth twice or thrice before he comes at him, then with much submission laying his hand on the Kings thigh, and so retyreth backe. And if a Marybuck be present in any company which thus come to him, after their salutation they all kneele downe, and he fals to praying for him and blessing him; to [ 50] * 1.1176 which he crossing his armes (the right hand ouer the left shoulder, and the left to the right) often answers, Amena, Amena, which is as Amen, with vs. When the common people meet, which haue not seene each other in long time, if there be a Marybucke amongst them, before salutati∣on

they put themselues in a Ring and kneele to Prayer. The King answers the people with nod∣ding his head. His habit is little differing from theirs, the Countrey yeelding only Cotton to * 1.1177 both, whereof they plant great fields, where it growes like Rose Bushes, yeelding a Cod which being ripe breakes and is white.

Their apparell is a shirt and a paire of breeches: the shirt downe to the knees, wide like a Surplice, with great sleeues, which he rolleth vp and fastens to his shoulder when hee vseth his armes: the breeches made with so much stuffe gathered iust on his buttockes, that hee seemeth to carry a Cushion, and they make him straddle. His legs are bare; some few wearing a piece of Leather vnder the foot, buttoned about the great Toe, and againe at the in-step. They are for * 1.1178 the most part bare-headed, saue that they are bedecked with Gregories, which are things of great [ 10] esteeme, vsually made of Leather of seuerall fashions wondrous neatly, seeming hollow, with Writings in them receiued from their Marybuckes, reputed so holy that no euill can betyde them whiles they weare them. On their heads they weare them in manner of a Crosse from the fore-head to the necke, and from eare to eare: about their neckes, shoulders, bodies, armes aboue and below the elbow, round their middles, seeming laden with blessings for each member, both men and women, and most of all the King. Yea, if they haue any Maladie or Sore, they apply thereto these Gregories; neyther could I perceiue amongst them any other Physicke. Their Horses also are thus blessed, wearing them about their neckes, and their Bowes. * 1.1179

The King for greater state hath many times two of his Wiues sit by him, laying their hands on his naked skinne aboue the waste, stroking, and gently pulling the same. He hath an orderly [ 20] allowance of seuen Wiues, acknowledged with set Ceremonie, besides Concubines; sometimes * 1.1180 yet of so many Wiues not hauing one fit for carnall knowledge. The cause whereof is their membrous Monstrosity, the woman after she perceiueth conception not admitting further know∣ledge, lest she or it be destroyed. Custome also forbids it after deliuery till the Child be weyned, each Mother being herein complete, and her Childes Nurse. Adultery is seuerely punished, the man and woman being both sold (which is the punishment for great offences, none being put to death) the Portugals buying and transporting them to the West Indies. Other men may haue if they are able to buy, their pluralitie also, first compounding with the King or Gouernour with * 1.1181 some gratification, and then with the womans friends: which money, they say, remaynes in banke if he dyes, for her better mayntenance, or if shee please to buy a Husband. For as the [ 30] Mayde is bought, the Widow buyeth.

The Wiues liue in great seruitude; they beate their Graine in Morters with staues like Cowle-staues; and dresse it and all manner of victuall, and bring and set it on the Mat before them, neuer admitted to sit and eate with them; neyther could I euer intreat that fauour of any * 1.1182 for the best accounted Wife (which vsually they haue one most conuersant with the Husband, whom we called the Hand-wife) but euen she also how euer priuiledged from some other labours, may not eate in sight, but in another house. One shall not see kissing or any dalliance vsed be∣twixt the Husband and Wife, nor euer heare of brawling or falling out (which in this plurality and equality is strange) amongst themselues. Each woman hath her priuate Lodging and seue∣rall House for the night. When they appeare in the morning, they salute him kneeling, laying [ 40] their hands on his thighe. Her apparell is loose, parti-coloured, blue and white Cotton Cloth, from the waste vpwards bare, the rather to shew their printed rased bodies, whereof they are not a little proud, turning themselues to shew it, and pleased with the handling, seeming to vs as the printed lids of our baked meates. Sometimes they cast on their shoulders such another Cloth as they weare below. Most of them are nice in shewing Natures Secrets.

The Marriage Solemnitie is this: the man gets his friends with whom, and the younger sort * 1.1183 he comes to the Towne where the Mayde is dwelling, in the beginning of a Moone-shine night. These by violence, as it were, carrie her away shriking with a great noyse, seconded by the young Maydes of the same place; whereupon the young men of the Towne assemble in rescue, the other notwithstanding, with great shouts and jubilees, carrying her away to the Bride∣groomes [ 50] abode: where she remayneth for a certayne time vnseene; after which for some Moones she shewes not her open face, but with a cloth couers all but one Eye.

Their Kings and Grandes stand much on their Generositie and Antiquitie, whereof wee had experience in a quarrell betwixt Bo Iohn and the Kings Sonne, in whose Land wee then resided. Succession is not to the Sonne of the deceased, but to his Brethren in course, and then to the Son of the eldest, the other Brethren holding some place, gouerned meane-while. Bo Iohn is the title of the yongest, Ferambra of the third, Ferran of the second, and the eldest is stiled Mansa, or King, which here was the King of Cantore, whom we saw not. Their greatest riches is the number of * 1.1184 slaues, and from the King to the slaue they would all begge of vs; but small matters might serue, except Aquauitae, for which they would sell all, the Kings also drinking drunke: and the Kings [ 60] life with them is to eate, drinke, sleepe, and company with their women, thus consuming their time till time consumes them. Our salutation to the King, he sitting on his Mat, was with∣out moouing the Hat, to lay the hand on the brest bending the bodie (as hee also did) and then both take hold on the vpper part, then on the lower part of each others hands, and the third

time ioynefull hand and shake hands: then sitting downe by him, after a little parley touching the cause of our comming (the King for state still speaking by another) out goeth our Bottle of Aquauitae and Sacke, and calling for a small gourd which is their richest Plate, I beginne and drinke off a Cup, then presenting both Cup and Bottle to the King, after whom it passeth to the rest, no vnkindnesse taken if wee refuse to drinke any more. Before hee drinkes, hee wets therewith one of his Gregories. They leaue not till all be out.

§. II.

Of their Marybucks, and Religion: Merchandize; Fidlers, Instruments, [ 10] Trades, Husbandry, with a further Historie of the Creatures in those parts.

THeir Marybucks or Bassareas, are their Priests or Religious persons, separated from o∣thers * 1.1185 in their habitations and course of life. They tell of Adam, Eue, Noah, with o∣ther things mentioned in Scripture; like the Leuiticall Tribes, they haue their Townes and Lands proper to themselues, wherein dwell none of the Secular but their Slaues, whose Is∣sue is their Inheritance, they marry also in their owne Tribe, breeding all their Children to their owne profession; haue as mhny Wiues and Women as the rest according to their degree. In e∣uery [ 20] Marybucke Towne they haue a principall; they will put their hands to worke, and may be hired to doe seruice as well as others; wee agreed with them by the Moone. Their habit is as that of the vulgar. I visited Fodee Bram, the principall in his sicknesse, who sate on his Mat or * 1.1186 Bed supported by three of his Wiues, to each of which I gaue a Pewter Ring, which hee tooke kindly, and caused a Dinner to be prouided, and sent mee a Hide and an Elephants Tooth in re∣compense of a Present which I had giuen him, which here cost eighteene pence. They worship * 1.1187 one God and call him Alle, acknowledge Mahomet, are circumcised; obserue Friday Sabbath, but haue no Meskits or Mahumetan Churches or other Religious place, where they celebrate the same, following therein their occasions without intermission. They haue open round Houses not decently swept, in which they teach their Children to write and reade; Paper is of great [ 30] esteeme with them; their Pen is a kind of Pensill; their Law is written in a Language diffe∣ring from their vulgar. None of the Temporall people haue any vse of Bookes or Letters. We * 1.1188 thought they made vse of some shadie tree in the fields for their Assemblies: and one day saw a Marybucke comming with his Slaue to the Riuer-side close by our Wall, hee first with a Gourd full of water washed his members, without any nicety of our seeing him; then washing the emp∣tyed Gourd, his slaue brought him other water wherewith he washed his hands, and after that a third for his face; after all which making a low reuerence with his body, and laying his hand on his brest, his face directed toward the East, * 1.1189 kneeled downe and in decent forme seemed to vtter certayne Prayers; which ended he kissed the ground, rose vp, turned his face to the West, and performed like Ceremonies, and then returned to his Lodging. [ 40]

When Fodee Bram was dead, hee was laid in a house where a Graue was digged, and a great Pot of water set in the Roome, and after the Irish manner much crying (rather then mourning) being made, he was laid into the ground; the women running about in a Lunatike fashion, with their armes spread made a terrible Spectacle of sorrow. The Marybuckes assembled themselues in a conuenient place to receiue the multitude, neere the Graue, where the people sitting downe in a Ring, a Marybucke came forth in the midst, who betwixt saying and singing, seemed to re∣herse certayne Verses in the prayse of the deceased, the people interjecting their applauses, clapping hands and running in to gratifie their Vates, (Poet or Prophet) with a Present. Thus one after another, euery Marybucke had his speech, but the most popular Orator carryed only * 1.1190 the Presents. The principall might also take of the Graue, Earth, and Water in the Pot to make [ 50] a Relike-ball thereof. Some dayes being thus spent, a great Solemnitie was made for the instal∣ling of his Sonne in the Succession.

They haue great Bookes, Manuscripts, with which we haue seene some of them laden. As the vulgar is insatiate with hote Drinkes, these are abstenious, strictly deuoted to poore pure water, * 1.1191 as also their Wiues and Children; nor would endure the least Infant or playing Boy to tast of our liquor, or Raisins, Sugar, Fruits, or any sweet thing. Nor can the greatest Reasons in their sick∣nesse perswade a taste; insomuch that my Marybucke almost drowned once in a Whirle-poole, after twice sinking recouered, scarsly had any sense and yet shut his mouth to our Rosa-solis, whereby we sought to reuiue him, benefited no doubt by the sent; and being comne to himselfe, he asked whether any had entred, saying, hee had rather haue dyed then any should haue come [ 60] within him. Hereby they are easily discerned from the vulgar, and this sobriety makes them vsefull in their seruice and credible in their reports.

They dispose themselues generally to trauell, together with their Families, Bookes, and * 1.1192 Boyes; the Countrey being open to them; renewing (it seemes) their prouision when they come

to some principall place: of vs it is most certayne they will begge, and a Quire of Paper is a great gift to a whole Company, which they vse to write their Gregories; and when wee send any of * 1.1193 the people any whither, he will looke to haue a sheet or two of Paper aboue his couenant, to buy him sustenance in the way. These Mary-buckes by their trauels are experienced in diuers Coun∣tries: and how euer the Countries agree or haue Warres, the Mary-bucke is alway a priuiledged person, with both sides; Yet doe they vse Armes as well as others, but rather I thinke for de∣fence against Mankinde-beasts, then beastly vnkinde Men. Two Mary-buckes gaue vs much in∣telligence of Gold; one of which, when I came to take leaue of him, tooke my right hand be∣twixt his, vttering ouer the same certayne vnknowne words, and would euer and anon sparing∣ly spettle vpon it; and the like he did ouer my right shoulder. [ 10]

The Inhabitants of Setico are all Mary-buckes, and haue continuall Trade to the King of Bur∣sall, and carry Slaues to buy Salt which is there by the Sea side, a durtie kind: like Sea-coale ashes. * 1.1194 This they make little vse of among themselues, but carrie it vp farre into the Countrey; their returne is gold and Cola Nuts. The Gold is sayd to bee buryed with them, or by themselues hidden secretly in the ground: for their vse in the next world. They buy also Bloud-stones long and square of the Portugals, which their Women weare about their middles, to preserue them * 1.1195 from bloudie issues, the Mens membrositie seeming to giue thereto much occasion. They follow this Trade with great numbers of Asses. Bucker-sano is sayd to keepe three hundred Asses. They goe in Companies together, driuing their slow-paced Asses before them, beginning their dayes journey with the Sunne: and trauell three houres, the heat then enforcing their rest; two houres [ 20] before Sun-set setting forth againe, and holding on till Night, when the wilde Beasts forbid fur∣ther trauell. At some good Townes they will stay and make shew of their Wares, in a kinde of Market; they carry their mattes for Beds with them.

Buckor-sanos Sword and Wiues Bracelets: seeming to come from these parts, I asked whence hee had them? He answered, of the Arabecks, which he described to bee tawnie Moores, com∣ming * 1.1196 in Companies with Camels, by which I perceiued they were of Barbarie. Some Women which had neuer seene white Men, were fearefull of vs, till the gift of Beads made them more daring; and they requited vs with neate Tabacco-pipe Canes: they were the deepest printed that euer I saw. Their Husbands in gallantrie weare Beasts skinnes, the tayles hanging to them as to the Beast, betwixt their buttockes. The Women weare golden Eare-rings; the Lan∣guage was differing, yet the better sort could speake the Mandingo. Wee obserued some with [ 30] three strakes vnder the Eyes, a distinction of the Subjects, of a certayne King further vp the Ri∣uer. A Mary-bucke told vs, that the Salt was sold to a people not farre from Iaye, which were deformed, their nether Lippe hanging downe toward the breast and putrifying, against which they vse Salt for a remedie: but conscious of this Deformitie, trade without sight or conference: * 1.1197 a Day being set, on which the Merchants bring and lay downe their Commodities, which they leaue there one whole Day; and then returning, finde so much Gold layed by them as the De∣formed will giue. If hee likes the price, he takes the Gold and leaues the Wares; or else them, and leaues the Gold, when the price contents him not. This is reported to bee the Arabeckes Trade with that people. [ 40]

No people is more adicted to Musicke, the Kings or principall persons being accompanied with their Iuddies or Fidlers. The most common Instrument is made of a great Gourd, and a * 1.1198 Necke therto fastened, in some sort resembling our Bandora, the strings meane, and vnfit, without frets, yet with Pinnes wound and fitted to some Harmonie. With this they haue a little Drum, * 1.1199 whereon with a crooked sticke in the right hand, and the Fingers on the left, they play wringing the mouth and gaping very Deformedly. Their Ballards are a foot aboue ground, hollow vnder, with some seuenteene Keyes on the top, on which the Player strikes sitting on the ground, with two stickes a foot long, with Balls fastened on the end: the sound may bee heard an English mile. This Instrument is one of their most ingenious Artifices. To euery one of these Keyes belongs a small Iron a foot long, as bigge as a Quill, vpon which hangs two Gourds vnder the hollow like bottles, which cause the sound. There are few of them, but not a few which resort to them, and [ 50] spend whole nights in Dancing, each person Male or Female single: giuing to the Musicians, whereby they are esteemed Rich, and their Wiues more adorned then the Kings with Bloud-stone: but these, if any licentious, as their carriage imports, These men are denyed Buriall, being set dead in a Tree, as conceiued to haue most familiaritie with their Ho-re Deuill, and are accoun∣ted Diuiners. Their greatest assembly is at the Circumcision, which is a set time yeerely. The * 1.1200 youths which are Circumcised haue Licence permitted to filch Hennes, and from the Fulbies a Beefe, or young Cattle, to make merry with in the time of their sorenesse. It is done without religious Ceremonie, and hath no name but cutting of Prickes, the partie stripped naked and sit∣ting on the ground, and the Butcher pulling the skinne ouer very farre, and cutting it, not with∣out terrour to the beholder. This is done in the greater Townes, to which the smaller send their [ 60] Youth for this purpose, they being all kept in a House together: some Knaue neuer fayling to play the Ho-re at this meeting, by the Mary-buckes pollicie, as I found by experience. Thus the Deuill may bee belyed, who yet is an Oracle to them, as appeared by one of their Iuddies,

which had told one at Pompetane how many of vs, and at what houre wee should arriue, which was vncertayne to our selues, yet fell out accordingly.

There are amongst them three principall Trades, the Smith which of Iron brought to them (for else they haue none) makes their Swords, Assegay heads, Darts and Arrow heads barbed; * 1.1201 and Instruments of Husbandry, without which they could not liue. Hee hath his Bellowes, small Anuill, and Cole of a red wood, which alone will giue the true heat to our Iron; who thus cut out Iron for vs, eight inches going aboue as well as twelue inches below, at ten for one gaine. The Smith if he be not looked too, will steale.

The next Trade is the Sepatero, or Gregorie maker, made artificially in all shapes, round and * 1.1202 square and triangle, so as Our men would acknowledge Art. They make also Bridles and Saddles, of which I haue seene some very neat, hardly to be bettered heere: whereby it seemes they haue [ 10] skill to dresse and dye their Deeres skins and Goats skins.

A third Profession is of those which temper the Earth for their wals and pots in which they * 1.1203 boyle meats, vsing for other seruices the gourd. Their Tabacco Pipes also (without which few or none, either men or women walke, and cannot of all things want) haue their bowles and neckes about two inches long of Earth, neatly glased, able commonly to hold halfe an ounce of Tabac∣co: they put a cane about a yard long into the necke, and so draw the smoake. These are pecu∣liar * 1.1204 Trades; other things are common to all, Mats to eate, sit, sleepe on, are their Staple commo∣ditie, as at Mangegar Market, we saw things bought and sold, without nominating any other price but Mats (How many Mats shall I giue you?) for Coyne they haue none.

But the generall Trade from which none but the Kings and principall persons are exempted, [ 20] is Husbandry whereto the Marybucke-priest, the people of all sizes after their abilitie are sub∣ject: * 1.1205 God hauing not giuen them wisedome to serue themselues of the beasts to that purpose. They make furrowes as decently as we doe, but with handie labour, hauing a short sticke about a yard long, on the end of which is a broad Iron like to that of our Paddle-staues; with which I∣ron set into the ground, one leades the way cutting the Earth before him, others following in the same tract with their seuerall Irons, so many as will make a sufficient furrow thorow the length of a spacious field: and when they are at the end, they begin againe, many hands making lighter riddance. They haue sixe seuerall graines for food, of which we know none here by name but Rice: the * 1.1206 other seeme Seeds rather then Corne, being very small. Neither do they make [ 30] any bread, but boyling the graine, roll it vp in Bals, as before is said: in like sort they boyle their Rice and eate it warme. This they set first in low Marish grounds, and after remooue them to places prepared for it, where it yeelds great increase: the other seeds they sow, and spaddle ouer the ground with their Irons, and so leaue it. They obserue their seasons for Tabacco, which they set about their houses, and for Cotton-seeds with which they set whole fields. The terriblenesse of their seasons doth further aggrauate the miseries of their Husbandry; which might learne vs thankfulnesse to whom God hath giuen the beasts in seruice, the Heauens seasonable, and besides, and with infinite other blessings, his owne Sonne.

They haue growing neere the Riuers mouth Bononos, as delicious and great as any in the West Indies; like wise store of small Limons or Limes, and Orenges were brought vs farre vp in [ 40] * 1.1207 the Riuer. Of Palmita trees their are whole grounds or groues, whence they draw a sweete Wine and wholsome, by cutting holes into the bodie of the tree, into which a Cane is put, which receiueth the sap and conueyes it into gourds. The vulgar may not meddle with this: it tastes like white Wine when it comes first ouer, and as many differences are thereof: but will not last aboue foure and twentie houres. Some of them beare Apples almost like Quinces, which the common people will eate. When they make Dullo, the King or some principall person makes a * 1.1208 Feast, and hauing prouided three or foure great Gourds, they make an end of all before they part. The Gourds grow like our Pompions, in that manner placed and carried vpon their wals, of vn∣equall quantities from an Egge to a Bushell, yeelding varietie of houshold Vessell to eate, drinke, * 1.1209 wash clothes: the meat is bitter and throwne away, which seasons the shell so that it must bee [ 50] seasoned before it is fit for vse. They haue Pompions also like ours in nature and vse. They haue great store of Locust trees, which yeeld clusters of cods, ripe in May; the trees bigge and high, of which the younger sort eate. They haue store of Honey; for which they place baskets on great trees about their houses, made of Reed and Sedge, in which the Bees will come and breed: so many in some trees that to vs afarre off, they seemed as the fruit thereof. In hollow trees al∣so are store of Bees. They haue one great sort of trees, which on a long stalke yeeldeth a great and round fruit, with a pleasing pith therein, whereon the Baboones and Monkies feed. Some are so bigge that ten men can hardly fathome. The Cola is much like our bigger sort of Ches∣nut, flat on both sides, yet without a hard shell, the taste very bitter, yet causing that which is taken immediately after to be very sweet, water tasting like white Wine and Sugar, Tabacco [ 60] also hauing thereby an admirable sweetnesse. The elder which want Teeth to chew i••, haue mor∣ters to bruise it. Fiftie of these m 1.1210 presented to the King would buy a Wife. They are brought from some other parts. I would haue brought some into England, but they would not last. A∣mongst their Plants one is most admirable, a tree or bush commonly growing on the Riuers bank,

resembling much our great Bramble-bushes, only hauing a little ragged leafe; whereof the gentlest stealing touch of a leafe n 1.1211 betwixt the finger and Thumbe, would cause the whole bough to close vp all his leaues, as sensible of offence; the touch of a sprigge, would cause the whole Tree to shut vp his leaues. It bare a yellow flowre like our Hedge-roses.

They haue many Lions, hardly seene by day, easily knowne by night, by reason of his Vshers * 1.1212 or Fore-runners the Iackall, sometimes two or three, which is a little blacke shag-haired beast, of the bignesse of a small Spaniell; which when Eeuening comes hunts for his prey, and com∣ming on the foote, followes the scent with open crie: to which the Lion as Chiefe Hunt, giues diligent eare, following for his aduantage. If the Iackall set vp his Chase before the Lion comes in, he howles out maynly, and then the Lion seiseth on it, making a grumbling * 1.1213 [ 10] noyse, whiles his Seruant stands by barking (as we not onely heard of the Countrey people, but might heare our selues riding at Anchor by night in our passing vp the Riuer) when the Lion hath done, this Attendant feeds on the Relikes.

There are many Ounces and Leopards, the prints of whose feet wee might often see in the mouthes of their Dennes or Holes, and many of their skinnes were brought to vs. The Ounce is the more rauenous: I saw a child which the Mother hauing left on a cloth at the doore, whiles she fetched water, an Ounce had gotten and being hotly pursued, let fall the childe out of the cloth which he carried away. Many times our Dogge hath beene driuen to our Bed-side by a hole he had thorow our straw walls, not daring with any animating to goe forth, till we with Firebrands haue scarred away the Ounce. The Ciuet-cat and the Porcupine, are diligent Pur∣ueyors [ 20] * 1.1214 for their Poulterie.

These are night-walkers: By day you may see the Elephants, of which the Countrey peo∣ple are very fearefull: they doe much harme in their Corne and Cotton grounds, going in com∣panies together. They feed amongst the Sedge, halfe their bodies appearing ouer the same, which yet is higher then a tall man can well reach; they bruise also on trees, whereof you shall finde many in the Woods by them pulled downe of bigge bodies, with their two great Teeth which are not like a Bores turning vpward; but downward, so that with his trunke bending the top, hee hasps ouer his two Teeth and then pul••, that either the Tooth or Tree must yeeld; * 1.1215 whence it comes that so many rift and broken Teeth, and pieces of Teeth are to bee had. They shead not their Teeth as Stagges their Hornes, but by death loose together themselues. I did eate [ 30] of the flesh at Ferambras house, who only (that wee knew) had a man which durst kill an Ele∣phant, which with a poysoned Azagay tenne foote long (the head whereof I saw bound vp in a cloth with poyson) he performed, stealing into the Reeds behind the Elephant feeding, till hee might thrust his Iauelin into his bodie, there leauing it and fleeing away thorow the Reedes: the Poyson killing the beast, the people about from Trees watch, and when hee fals come and cut a∣way the inflamed flesh, eating the rest. It seemed to mee good and sauourie meate. Thus had he killed so many as he shewed me tayles hanged vp. The people else-where seeme very feare∣full of them, and yet they seemed as fearefull as a Forrest Stagge going from vs (which aduentu∣red on them as wee met them) with a swifter pace then an able man can runne. One wee shot three times and lost him; but his Teeth were after brought vs to sell by those which had found [ 40] him dead. There are wild Buls, and huge wilde Boares, of a darke blue colour, armed with large tuskes, and very bold; walking from vs with his tayle vpright in a scornfull manner. There are great Antelopes, Deere of all sorts, and Beasts vnknowne. They brought vs strange Hides, amongst which, one fourteene foot long, dunne, and streaked with white.

Their Baboones & Monkeyes may deserue mention: they go in Herds, the Monkeyes alwayes * 1.1216 by themselues, as the Baboones also; and aswell within the Riuer Ilands to which they swim, contrary to some mens conceit; I had a Monkey which both swamme and diued often to escape from him which pursued him. The Baboones goe three or foure thousand in a Herd, matching in ranke, some of the greater being Leaders (their greatest are as bigge as Lions) the smaller fol∣lowing; euer and anon a great one as a Commander; inserted: the Females carrie their young [ 50] vnder their bellies, and if they haue two, the other is carried aboue. In the Reare comes a great company of the bigger sort, as a Guard against Pursuers. Thus doe they march along and are ve∣ry bold. And as we passe in the Riuer, when we come neere their troopes, they will get vp in∣to the Trees, and stand in gaze vpon vs; and in a kind of cholericke humour, the great ones will shake the Trees, and with their hands clatter the boughes, with greater strength then a man is a∣ble; barking and making a noyse at vs, as much offended: and so following vs, in the night when we ride at Anchor, take vp their stands on the Mountayne tops or trees aboue vs, where wee might heare their gouernment. For often in the night, you shall heare many voyces together, when instantly one great voyce exalts it selfe, and that noyse is all husht; that we were wont to say, Master Constable speakes. On shoare when we suddenly meet with these troopes, the great [ 60] ones will come forward and seeme to grinne in our faces, flying on the first offer of a Game. One of our people killed one with a Peece, but before the Boate could get ashoare, the others had gotten it vp, and carried it away. The Countrey people will eat them heartily. We haue seene in Desert haunts of theirs, Trees and Plants woond and wrought together in that artificiall

manner, thickly folded ouer head to keepe away the Sunne, and the ground so smooth and bea∣ten below, as might appeare an excellent Arbour which place they haue only vsed and kept for * 1.1217 their Dancing and Disport. No man liuing which should see the place, and not know of the per∣persons, would conceiue otherwise of it, then of Mans handie-worke (which wee knew it could not bee.)

We enquired aboue in the Countrey if they had any knowledge of the Vnicorne; and they haue told me that higher within the Land: is a beast which hath one horne only in his fore-head, * 1.1218 but describe him to be of the colour and bignesse of a vallow Deere, and the horne to be about the length of their arme, and no otherwise; not like that which we haue described, of which I doubt, whether there be any such. [ 10]

For their Land Fowle, we neuer saw any * 1.1219 Estriches, nor had any of their Feathers brought * 1.1220 vs by the people. The greatest we saw is a Stalker, whose long legges and necke makes him standing vpright to be taller then a man; his body is in substance more then an indifferent Lambe. Some of his Feathers are worne and well esteemed here at home. The next is a Wake, which makes great noyse when he flyeth; they doe much spoyles on their Rice grounds: they are of great stature, good food, carrying a beautifull shew on the crowne with a faire tuft. There is infinite store of those which we call Guinnie-hennes, as bigge and beautifull as our Pheasant, his Feathers layd ouer him like eyes: wee haue killed eight of them at ashoot, excellent meate. Their Partridges are of darke feathers, and are all ouer the inhabited parts, remayning neere their houses. The plentie of these and the former, shew that they haue no Foxes: their keeping so [ 20] neere the houses, is to preserue them from the Baboones and Monkeyes which are no night-wal∣kers, and frequent not frequented places by day.

There are store of Quailes as bigge as Woodcockes; and of Pidgeons, of which I haue killed with my Stone-bow, twenty in two houres. There are Parrats, but none good but the dun with the Red tayle; of Parakitos there are very faire, some which come to perfection. Of small Birds are many pleasing both the Eye and Eare.

One strange Bird there is which hath no legges, but two strings by which he hangs with his head downe-wards, resembling a dead leafe hanging on the tree, and is directly of that * 1.1221 colour, so that except hee light, you can hardly discouer him. And hee seemes to take pleasure to deceiue our Eyes, hanging wondrous steadie without motion, till you bee neere [ 30] * 1.1222 the touching. Another strange Bird there is, which flyeth with foure wings: wee see him not all the day, but an houre before night. His foremost wings are largest; the other two are a prettie distance backward; his bodie is borne vp as betwixt foure.

It is remarkable, how Nature hath taught them to secure their Nests from Baboones and Monkeyes, the professed Enemies of Fowles. In their varietie of trees, there is none that I can * 1.1223 call by an English name, as beeing of any of our kinds; but one there is full of prickles in the bodie and boughes; many of which grow on the Riuer bankes, hanging their tops ouer the wa∣ter. On these trees, and on the water-shading side doe these Birds breed, winding their Nests * 1.1224 with a hollow necke made of Reedes and Sedge, so that the whole Neast hangs like a Bottle fastned by the necke; in some places so thicke that that side of the tree seemes couered with [ 40] Thatch.

The Parrat speedes not so well, making his Neast on the out-most smallest twigge of a tree on the Land, winding it about so that it will not beare that bodie, whose wit seeing the young growne (for he can ouer-looke) teacheth him to sit fast on his hinder-feet, and taking the bough as neere the Neast as he dares, shakes it in that manner with his hands, that the young fall out for his share. Other Birds breed in holes, made in the ouer-hanging bankes of the Riuer: to escape both those beasts and the Snakes.

There are Hawkes, one sort as large as our Ger-falcon, which (the people say) will kill of * 1.1225 themselues a Deere, seizing on his head, hanging fast and beating with his wings till the Deere faints, fals to his prey. There are small bastard Eagles, Buzzards, some with skinnes smelling like the Crocodile. These are meanes to the people to finde out Elephants, or other beasts dead, [ 50] which become often sharers with these Sharkes. They haue no Ginnes nor Deuices to take Fowle, but when the King meanes to make a Feast, the people are all summoned, and placed in seuerall fit distances, so that the Ginnie-hennes and Partridges are pursued without rest, till wearinesse de∣liuer * 1.1226 them to their Enemies hands, and they to the King. [ 60]

CHAP. XIIII.

A Letter contayning the admirable escape and glorious Victorie of NICHO∣LAS * 1.1227 ROBERTS Master, TRISTRAM STEVENS his Mate, and ROBERT SVCKSBICH Boatson of a Ship of Douer, taken by Algier Pyrates: which three men being carryed as Slaues by eleuen Turkes in the same Ship, partly killed, and partly sold them all, and retur∣ned [ 10] free and safe home into England.

LOuing Friend, I haue receiued your Letter, &c. You desire to haue the whole procee∣dings of our vnfortunate Voyage, yet fortunate to vs, who are heere to relate what the Lord hath done for vs: the which, as neere as God shall enable mee, I will make knowne vnto you. First, ten leagues to the Southward of the North Cape, wee were chased by a Turkish man of Warre: of foure and thirtie Pieces of Ordnance, and being not farre from the shoare, it pleased God wee recouered it before hee could fetch vs vp: yet hee was so neere to vs before hee left vs, that he was within shot of vs, and seeing that wee were bent to runne ashore: rather then to come into his hands, hee espied ten or twelue Boates vnder the Ile of Dones, Fi∣sher-men, [ 20] where wee were chased in, and left vs, and put out his Boate full of small Shot; and some of them hee tooke, and some got away, and some hee chased ashoare vpon the Iland; and there hee landed his men and tooke them all away, to the number of fiue and fiftie persons, and one killed. So there hee kept vs the space of foure dayes: at length away hee goes, and the next day wee finding the winde faire, came out and went along the shoare within Musket shot all the way, betwixt that and the Iles of Bayone.

At length wee espied this Sayle comming out of the Sea, and came directly in with the Iles of Bayone, and wee being so neere the shoare did not greatly feare, because wee thought what euer he was, wee should get the shoare before him. At last hee comming something neere to vs, wee saw it was no great Sayle, not passing one hundred Tunnes or thereabouts; and that there was no hope of running away, but that wee [ 30] must either Fight it out, or runne ashoare. I called vp all my Company, and asked them what they would doe, whether they would stand by mee and shew themselues like men, and that it might neuer bee said, that wee should runne away from him, being not much bigger then wee, although hee had as many more Ordnance as wee. They answered all with one consent, that they would liue and dye with mee: whereupon our Boate standing vpon the vpper Decke, wee put her ouer-boord and fitted our selues; and by that time hee was come within shot of vs: presently wee fired a Piece, and shot crosse his Fore-foote * 1.1228 to see what bee was, and seeing hee would not strike, wee knew then that hee was a Turkish man of Warre. And presently wee shot two more, and as soone as they were off, hee held vp his Sprit-sayle in the * 1.1229 Clewline, and shot two at vs. [ 40]

Then wee hauing no Portes right aft, were forced to bring our Ship vpon a winde, to bring our Pieces to beare vpon him. At length he came so neere that hee hald vs: I being vpon the Poope, they let flye their small shot so fast, that there was no staying. For at last, as I was going aft, I heard the Captayne bid them stay their hands. With that I stayed and talked with him, and the Captayne in English bad wee strike my Top-sayle, and hee would doe me no hurt: and I seeing what they were, told him that they were Dogges, and that I would not strike nor trust him, but hee should come aboord and strike it himselfe. They hearing mee say so, let flye all their small Shot at me, and shot the Ropes a sunder besides, and yet it pleased God, not hurt me; so being vpon our weather quarter, wee freed our quarter Piece, and had our Piece haled in ready to put at that Port whiles that was a lading againe: but as soone as that Piece was shot off, he hald vp his Sprit-sayle, and bore vp his Helme, & fired his two chac'd Pieces, and came with all sayles to top aboord of vs, and carryed ouer our ship: and shee being something tender sided, and our Ports [ 50] being all open, our Lee * 1.1230 Ports were all vnder water, and our Chists and things that were betwixt our Deckes did swimme, and the Piece of Ordnance that was hald in, got loose and fell to Leeward, like to carrie out the side and all. At which mischance our men being much discomfited, they tooke our Ship; And Richard White, which all this while was in company with vs, and so neere when wee began: that the Shot flew ouer him; in the time that wee stroue with him hee got into Bayone.

And they put all aboord the man of Warre, and so wee put to Sea, and our Ship after vs as fast as shee could, being hardly able to beare any sayle. Yet that night being Munday night, and the foure and twen∣tieth of March, it prooued faire weather, and they began to rifle vs, and the next day by two of the clocke in the after-noone, they had taken out as much things as possible could bee spared, leauing such things as of necessitie must bee left for the carriage of her for Sally: and then the Captayne sent for mee to come a∣boord [ 60] our owne Ship. Where I was no sooner comne, but hee caused three men to take mee, and lay me

vpon my belly the Deckes, and two of them to lye vpon my legges, and one to sit on my necke, and he himselfe with a Rope did giue me so many blowes, that I did intreat him: if euer hee came of a Woman, not to vse mee like a Dogge, but rather that hee should heaue me ouer-boord: then to put me to that penurie. His answer was to mee againe, after that hee had vsed his pleasure to me; Thou Dog, if I doe finde any thing more then thou hast confest to mee, I will giue thee a hundred times as much, and when I haue done, I will heaue thee ouer-boord. So leauing mee aboord of our Ship: and foure of our Companie and seuen Turkes, he had vs stay till wee heard further from him. At last, it was accorded among them who should goe our Captayne to carry vs for Sally; and that was a Hamburger a Renegado, one that could speake very good English. As soone as my Mate vnder stood that hee was to goe our Captayne, hee did intreat him vpon his kneees that he might goe with him, because hee did alwayes desire that hee might goe with mee wheresoeuer I went: and one of the Moores seeing of him intreating so hard to goe with him, gaue [ 10] him two or three blowes, and bad him get him downe into the hold againe. But the Captayne hauing some∣thing more commiseration on him then the other, gaue him his Plate, and bad him goe into the Boate; for hee should goe with him. And they hauing a Witch aboord, told him: that hee should take but three * 1.1231 that could doe their labour well, and send the rest aboord the man of Warre, and that hee should haue an especiall care to keepe the Weapons from vs; and so comming aboord, brought my Mate with him, and sent three of them away of our company, and brought three Turkes more besides him∣selfe: * 1.1232 so there were no more of vs but my selfe, and my Mate, and the Boatson; and there were ele∣uen of them.

They presently made sayle and went away, and the man of Warre stayed there behind. Being parted from the man of Warre, wee agreed together to see if it pleased God to worke some meanes for our deliue∣rie: [ 20] for our vsage was such aboord the man of Warre, that wee feared it would bee worse if they got vs where they would haue vs; and therefore did resolue by Gods helpe, either to quite our selues of it, or to end our misery: and passing the time from Tuesday to Thursday in this sorrowfull manner, in that time wee did deuise the best meanes that God did enable vs; which was, that when it did please God to send vs a gale of winde to vndergoe our businesse withall, that they should alwayes haue each of them a Wedge in their pockets, to barre fast the Cabbin doore where the Weapons were, because then two did alwayes steere halfe the Night. But they would neuer suffer mee so much as to come into the Steeredge, (for they were suspicious of vs) and would not suffer vs to haue a Knife; or if wee had at any time beene betwixt the * 1.1233 Deckes, they would presently haue searcht the Ship from one end to the other, to see if they could finde a∣ny [ 30] thing that wee had layed vp. But I alwayes bad them haue a care that they should lay vp nothing, but onely take notice where it lay; For there was nothing to trust to, but onely two Pompe-brakes, and they stood alwayes an end in the Pompes without suspicion of any of them. Other thing there was not any, saue one peece of Ore that lay vpon the Poupe: for they would not leaue so much as a Hatchet, but as soone as they had done with it, would straight carrie it into the Cabbin againe.

Thursday night being come, it pleased God to send vs durtie weather; but wee not suspecting that wee should haue an opportunitie so soone, they were vnprouided of their Wedges in their pockets. And at last there arose a great gust of winde out of the North-west, and yet was neither of our mens turnes to bee at the Helme, which made vs doubtfull whether wee might giue the enterprise or no. At last, the winde did increase so much, that I did intreat the Captayne that one of our men might goe to the Helme, [ 40] because I told him: I thought they could better * 1.1234 Conne the Ship afore the Sea then his men could, and hee was very willing that hee should. So the Boates man being neerest to it, stept vnto the steeredge and tooke the Helme, and hee that was at the Helme before: sate downe in the steeredge beside him, and haled the Steeredge doore too, and made it fast in the in-side. Now there were foure of them vpon the Decke with vs, the Captayne and three more, and foure in the Cabbin abaft by the Weapons, and two betwixt the Deckes, and one in the Steeredge. So walking vpon the Decke with them, at last wee saw our opportunitie that all the Turkes were abaft * 1.1235 vs, and wee by the Maine-mast.

I tooke my Coate and heaued it from mee for a signe to him, and so wee tooke the two Pompe-brakes and runne on vpon them, and hee with one blow, and I with another killed the Captayne out-right, and the rest were not long a dispatching: onely one that got the Poupe, but hee was not long there, for wee got [ 50] him downe; yet hee got away from vs little better then dead. Now for the Boatson that was in the Steeredge, when the word was giuen (which was God and Saint George) putting his foot against the Steeredge doore, thinking it would flye open, the Turke had made it so fast that it would not: and the Turke was so busie with him with his Knife, that hee was forced to striue with him to get it from him. And in the meane time came one of the Turkes that was betwixt the Deckes, and opened the Cabbin doore where the weapons were, and one of them with a Cutlaxe ranne him into the side, and bore him vp against the Steeredge doore, and meeting with two ribbes did not goe cleane through his body. Hee see∣ing they were come all vpon him, did striue to get the Steeredge doore open, and at last did, but with great hurt, hauing sixe or seuen bleeding wounds vpon him: and the doore being open, the Turkes durst not for all their Weapons aduenture to come vpon the Decke. But wee being in the heate of bloud, assayed [ 60] twice to get the Steeredge from them, but could not; for they ranne vs through the cloathes but did not hurt vs. Seeing that would not preuayle, wee got a Bucket of water to put the Candle out that was in the Bitakell, which they perceiuing: tooke it away and carried it into the Cabbin, and ligh∣ted two more.

Then they began to light their Matches to shoot at vs, which as soone as wee perceiued, wee got our Capstone Barres, and made fast the doore, and one of the rough trees crosse all the Bulke head. This be∣ing * 1.1236 done, we tooke the men that were dead: and layed them crosse the sight of the steeredge to keepe them from sight of vs, and then tooke one of our Hatches and opened it, and went downe betwixt the Deckes to see if we could find any there. At last, it being very darke, I felt where there was one lay vnder a Cabbin, and hauing one of the Turkes Knines in my hand, I stucke it into his side as farre as it would goe, and be crying out, my Mate came, thinking to strike him, and strooke mee vpon the hand, which did mee great hurt; for after that, I had but little vse of it when it was cold. But to proceed, that man wee killed, and seeking for more, I happened with another; which as soone as euer I did but touch his clothes, thrust his Knife at me, and cut me crosse the thumbe, and ranne it into my hand a little way, and so got [ 10] away that we could find him no more. Then fearing lest they would come all downe vpon vs, we went vp and layed our Hatches, and tooke the other rough tree, * 1.1237 and made them all fast. Then wee cut our maine Hall-yards, and let our Main-sayle runne downe to keepe them from sight of vs when it was day: and iust as we had made all things fast, it was light day, and it was betwixt twelue and one when we began.

When it was day, we durst not come vpon the Decke for feare of their Muskets, but went continually without boord: yet they shot twice at me vpon the Poupe, out of the Forecastle through the Main-sayle; and yet, I thanke God, hurt me not. And thus we continued from Thursday night till it was Saturday morning: and I askt them if they would steere in for the shoare, and saue their liues; or else they should presently die. They replied, they would not. Then we hauing an old Axe, I was minded to cut a hole in our Bowe aboue the lower Decke; and then to open a scuttle, and let them come vp (and so wee would [ 20] haue dispatcht them as fast as they had come) and then to haue layd her by the Lee, to haue stopt it a∣gaine. When they saw that was my resolution, and that wee had made a beginning, hee told mee that was the chiefe of them, that if I would saue their liues they would doe what I would haue them. I had them beare vp the Helme, which they did, and gaue mee a Compasse out, and I set them their course to steere in by.

At last, I had them giue mee their Muskets out, and hee sware by the Sunne, that they had heaued them ouer-boord (and so they had) and then I had them giue mee their weapons. They did beginne to feare, lest when we had get them, that wee would haue killed them; and fell downe on their knees, and did entreate that I would saue their liues, and that they were sorry for what they had done; thinking that they had killed him that was in the steeredge with them, because they neuer heard him speake, all the time [ 30] (and Indeed, he could not helpe himselfe but as he was lifted by vs) I promised them, that I would not hurt them, and then they gaue me their weapons, and fetcht vs what we would haue. So by twelue of the clocke that day we made the Rocke: and fearing to beare in with it, for feare of Men of warre, we held in two or three leagues to the Northward of it. Seeing a great Towne by the waters side, we were in hope * 1.1238 to get a Boat aboord before night; and comming with it, wee went as neere to it as wee could, and lay by the lee, and put out a weafe, and stayed there three houres, and no Boat would come to vs.

Then night comming on, we got our tackes aboord, and steered away for the Rocke againe, and the wind being at North-west, we were fearefull to hale off farre from the shoare for feare of Men of warre; but steered directly for the Rocke, and went not aboue halfe a mile without it, because the wind was large enough: and as soone as we were shot to the South-ward of the Rocke, in a dye of raine the wind [ 40] came to the West South-west, and we running that way in hope to carrie it away, the wind Southwar∣ded still, till we had brought our selues so neere, that we had no roome to beare vp, and hauing no After∣sayle to make our ship stay, were forst (being but we two) to put our Anchor from the Bowe, and to breake open a Scuttle, and goe downe and vered to a whole Cable, and brought vp the ship, and went vp and tooke in our Sayles, and got another Anchor from the Bowe, and made three or foure of the Turkes cleere the Cable to vs. This was about twelue of the clocke in the night, and when the day came on, the weather did beginne to encrease much, and the Sea was much growne, being so neere the shoare as wee were, that we were faine to cut our Masts by the boord, and being not able to doe it of our selues (being but two of vs, and ouer-watcht for want of sleepe; (for from Thursday night till Sunday night, we neuer tooke winke of sleepe) I went to the Cabbin doore, and had them come to helpe vs. They told mee they [ 50] would come, but made no great haste; for they did feare that we would haue killed them. At last per∣ceiuing that I was very angrie with them, as I was cutting at our Maine-mast, and my Mate at the Fore-mast, one of them came vp, and fell downe on his knees and kist me by the foot, and begged of mee, that I would not kill him, and I told him that I would doe none of them any hurt, but they should come and helpe vs worke, and hee went and told his consorts what I had said. So vp they came all vpon the Decke, and euery one of them one after another came and kist vs by the feet, as well hee that lay hurt, as vs: and then we gaue them the Axes to cut the Masts, but wee kept the weapons, and when our Mayne-mast and Fore-mast were cut away, the ship did ride pretie easie, and then wee went to prayer, the Turkes sitting with vs: and I hauing no more Bookes left but a little Prayer-booke in my Pocket, one of the Turkes went to his Bagge and fetcht mine owne Bible, and brought it to me; saying, Master [ 60] here is a bigger Booke for you.

After Prayer, we did eate and drinke together, and were as though we had beene altogether consorts: there we ridde from twelue of the clocke at night, till two of the clocke in the after-noone the next day, and all this time there came not a Boat to vs, yet wee were but three miles from Cast Cales, wee were not

halfe a mile from the Point, which if we could haue weathered, we might haue gone into Lisboa without any sayle, but it was not Gods will that it should be so. Sunday being the seuenyh day after we were taken, we cut our Cables, and with our sprit-sayle and sprit sayle-topsayle wee ranne into a flat place, being no more flat places there, that there was no hope of euer sauing our liues (for the Rockes are as steepe as a house) and so, some by one meanes, and some by another, we got ashoare: but we did not suffer one of the Turkes to goe till we were all ashoare, and then wee went to a little Village halfe a mile from the place where we came ashoare, and there we caused all the Turkes to be pinyoned (for not a man came to the waters side all this time) and so two or three of the men of the Village went with vs to Cast Cales, and there the Turkes were put in prison, and we were very well vsed, and they that were hurt were drest, and had a Chirurgeon to looke to vs for the space of two dayes, till we had a little refresht our selues, and then [ 10] a Boat prouided for vs, and the Turkes to carrie vs to Lisboa, where after examination both of vs and them, the Gouernours gaue them freely to vs, and told vs we did deserue a great deale more.

Thus haue I related vnto you the whole truth of our proceedings, and no more but what is truth, not for that I desire to bee applanded of men, but that whosoeuer shall heare this discourse, may not thinke that of our owne power we could doe this, but that it is the hand of the Lord hath done it: and the Lord grant that I and euery of vs may neuer be vnmindfull of that the Lord hath done for vs. Amen.

This Letter was written to Master Iohn Moulton, to whom also he wrote another, which I haue, demanding his aduice about that which seemed to mee a strange immanitie (that I say not inhumanitie and vnchristianitie alone) of men; as the other was the vnspeakable grace and * 1.1239 bountie of God: namely, that the owners of the ship so taken (being also the Masters kins∣men) [ 20] demanded, and by Law threatned to wring from him part of the Moneyes which they made by sale of the Turkes at Lisbon; where yet they were not in their podsession, but as the Kings slaues; and the Kings Officers (for encouragement of others in like case) gaue them that money as Almes, howsoeuer it was reckoned also as their iust price. Neither would they giue them wages, which yet demanded this money; as if their eye had beene euill because Gods was good and gracious, like Ionas in his mad anger for the Niniuites spared. But I hope they bet∣ter bethought them afterwards, or else I would here name them to their euerlasting reproach: which I now forbeare, as Dauid did Shimeis punishment, in regard of so great and present an escape, victorie, triumph, which euen then had happened.

ANd because these Algier Pirats haue brought vs into the thoughts of Turkish power, the rather [ 30] * 1.1240 obseruing that last Turkish businesse, rather then Christian charitie: and of Turkie we haue deli∣uered already diuers things remarkable; yet hauing since met with a piece of worth, I thought good also to communicate it vnto thee. It is a Royall present worth the receiuing: namely, to set thee in possession, and make thee Master of the Grand Signiors Serraglio: a sight hitherto prohibited, in manner, to Chri∣stian * 1.1241 eyes. I doe not promise thee the stones and edifices, but a securer and quieter Title (for how lately hath the Master beene dispossessed of them and his life together, that I mention not the instabilitie of the present, who once before held, and after was holden of the same?) Here thou hast the Rarities of that Great Palace for the Matter and Arte, with the representation of the Turkish Court; the Rites pro∣phane and deuout, solemne and priuate of the Grand Signior and all his Grandes: the Sultanas, the [ 40] Women and Uirgins, the Sonnes and Daughters Royall, the Great Officers of State, and of the Hous∣hold, their Courts, their admirable Discipline, with other Obseruations such as I thinke (for a great part of them) haue not yet seene the publike light in any Language. These hath Master Robert Withers collected: after his ten yeeres obseruation at Constantinople, where he was educated by the care and cost of that late Honourable Embassadour from his Maiestie, Sir Paul Pindar, and well instructed by Tur∣kish Schoolemasters in the Language, and admitted also to further sight of their vnholy Holies then is vsuall. But why doe I hold thee longer from the Author himselfe; yea, from this promised Serraglio?

CHAP. XV. [ 50]

The Grand Signiors Serraglio: written by Master ROBERT WITHERS.

§. I.

Description of the place, partitions, and manifold conueniences.

THe Serraglio wherein the Grand Signior dwelleth, with all his Court of Seruants, is wonderfully well situated; being built directly in that place where Bizan∣tium stood, vpon a great point of the Mayne, which looketh towards the mouth [ 60] * 1.1242 of the Blacke Sea, and is in forme triangle; two sides whereof are circumpassed with Mare Egeu••••, and the third ioyneth to the rest of the Citie of Constanti∣nople; It is enclosed with a very high and strong wall, vpon which there are di∣uers

Watch-towers, and is by computation, about three Italian miles in compasse. It hath ma∣ny Gates, some of which open towards the Sea side, and the rest into the Citie; but the chie∣fest * 1.1243 Gate (which indeed is a very stately one) is one of those towards the Citie, and by it euery one goeth in and out daily••; the other•• being kept shut till such times as the King, or some of the principall Officers of the Serraglio shall cause any of them to bee opened, either for their pleasure to sit by the Sea side: where they haue a very dainty prospect, and may behold the ships sayling to and fro) or for any other occasion: likewise, if any other of the Land-gates be ope∣ned, it is either when the King sendeth priuatly to put some Great man to death, or for the execution of some other secret businesse; but they are all locked fast in the night againe.

The aforesaid chiefe and common Gate, is in the day time guarded by a great companie of Ca∣poochees, * 1.1244 which change their watch by turnes; and in the night likewise by others; all which [ 10] Capoochees are vnder the command of a Capoochee-Bashee, which Capoochee-Bashees being sixe in * 1.1245 number, are bound that euery weeke one of them lie within the Serraglio, for the securitie and safeguard of the same. And without the Gate, about ten or twelue paces off, there stands a little House made of boords, vpon wheeles, in which euery night a Companie of Ianizaries doe * 1.1246 watch, who vpon any occasion are ready to awake those within, and to giue them notice of whatsoeuer sudden accident may happen without.

It is also well guarded, by the Sea 〈…〉〈…〉de, in the night, for in the Watch-towers which are vp∣on the wall there lies diuers Agiamoglans, which are to watch, and see that none come neere; * 1.1247 and lest any shipping should dare to attempt some mischiefe, they haue Ordnance ready char∣ged, and the Gunners lying hard by them. [ 20]

In this Serraglio there are many stately Roomes, being appropriated to the seasons of the * 1.1248 yeere; the greatest part whereof are built vpon plaine ground, some vpon the hills which are there; and some also vpon the Sea side, which are called Kiosks, that is, Roomes of faire prospect, or (as we terme them) banquetting Houses, into which the King oftentimes goeth alone, but most commonly with his Concubines, for his recreation.

There is amongst the aforesaid Roomes, the Chamber into which the Grand Signior repai∣reth, when he is to giue audience to Ambassadors; to the Bashawes on the dayes of publique Di∣uan, and to those who being to depart vpon any weighty seruice or employment, are to take their leaue of him; as also to such as are returned from their places of gouernment and charge which was before giuen vnto them: This Roome standeth in a fine little Court adorned with [ 30] many very delicate Fountaines, and hath within it a Sofa spread with very sumptuous Carpets * 1.1249 of Gold, and of crimson Veluet embroydered with very costly Pearles, vpon which the Grand Signior sitteth; and about the Chamber in stead of hangings, the walls are couered with very fine white stones, which hauing diuers forts of leaues and flowers artificially wrought vpon * 1.1250 them, doe make a glorious sh••w. There is also a little Roome adioyning vnto it, the whole in∣side whereof is couered with Siluer plate hatcht with Gold, and the ground is spread with very rich Persian Carpets of Silke and Gold.

There are belonging to the said Roomes and Lodgings of the King very faire Gardens of all the sorts of Flowers and Fruits that are to bee found in those parts; with many very pleasant Walkes, enclosed with high Cypresse trees on each side; and Fountaines in such abundance that * 1.1251 [ 40] almost in euery Walke there are some, such great delight doth the Grand Signior, and all Turkes in generall take in them.

Besides the aforesaid Roomes (which are very many and serue onely for the Kings owne per∣son) there is also the womens lodging, which is in a manner like a Nunnerie, wherein the * 1.1252 Queene, the other Sultanaes, and all the Kings women and slaues doe dwell: and it hath within it all the commoditie that may be, of Bed-chambers, Dining-roomes, Withdrawing-roomes, Bagnoes, and all other kinds of building, necessarie for the vse and seruice of the women which dwell therein.

There are likewise diuers Roomes and Lodgings built apart from all those afore-said, which serue both for the principall Officers, those of a meane degree, and also for the basest sort; and * 1.1253 [ 50] are so well furnished, that not any wanteth whatsoeuer is fit and necessary. Amongst which there are two large buildings; one of which is the Hazineh or priuate Treasurie, and the other the Kings Wardrobe. These are two very handsome buildings, and secure, by reason of the thicknesse of their walls, and strong Iron windowes, and haue each of them an Iron doore, both which are alwaies kept shut, and that of the Hazineh sealed with the Kings Seale. * 1.1254

In the said Serraglio there are Roomes for prayer, Bagnoes, Schooles, Buttries, Kitchins, Stil∣latories, * 1.1255 swimming places, places to runne Horses in, places to wrestle, Buts to shoot at, and to conclude, all the commoditie that may be had in a Princes Palace for things of that nature.

At the first entrance into the Serraglio, there is a very large and stately Gate, in the Porch * 1.1256 [ 60] whereof, there is alwaies a Guard of about fiftie men with their weapons by them; as Peeces, Bowes, and Swords: and hauing passed this Gate (through the which the Bashawes, and other Great men may ride on horse-backe) there is a very Spacious Court-yard about a quarter of an * 1.1257 Italian mile in length, and almost as much in bredth; and on the left hand of the Court neere

vnto the gate there is a place to shelter the people and horses in raynie weather: and on the right hand there is an Hospital for such as fal sick in the Serraglio, in which there are al things necessary, * 1.1258 and it is kept by an Ennuch, who hath many seruants vnder him to attend vpon the diseased: And likewise on the other side on the left hand, there is a very large place where they keepe Timber and Carts, and such like things, to haue them neere hand for the vse and seruice of the Serraglio; ouer which there is a great Hall, where are hanged vp many Weapons of Antiquity, as Cimi∣tars, * 1.1259 Iauelins, Bowes, Head-peeces, Gauntlets, &c. which they keepe to lend the Souldiers and others, for to accompany the Grand Signior, or the Chiefe Uizier, when they make any so∣lemne entry into the Citie of Constantinople.

And hauing passed through the aforesaid Court, their is a second gate (at which the Bashawes [ 10] * 1.1260 alight) somewhat lesse then the former, but more faire and costly; vnder which there is also a stately Porch, where there is likewise a guard of Capoochees, prouided with weapons as they are * 1.1261 at the first gate; and then there is another Court, lesse then the former, but farre more beautifull, by reason of the delicate Fountaynes, and walkes enclosed with Cipresse Trees, and the fine greene grasse plots in which the Gazells doe feed and bring forth young; insomuch, as it is an ex∣ceeding pleasant place; and in this Court (the Grand Segnior only excepted) euery one must goe on foot: On both sides of the said Gate, there is an open Gallerie vnder set with very stately * 1.1262 Pillars, without the which the Chia••shes, the Ianizaries, and the Spahees, doe vse to stand all a∣long in rankes very wel apparelled, at such times as there is a great Diuan held for the comming of any Ambassador, to kisse the Grand Signiors hand. [ 20]

In the said Court on the right hand are all the Kitchins, beeing in number nine, all which * 1.1263 haue their Larders, and seuerall Officers for their seruice. The first, and greatest is the Kings; The second, the Queenes; The third, the Sultanaes; The fourth, the Capi Agha's; The fift, for the Diuan; The sixt, for the Agha••s, the Kings Gentlemen; The seuenth, for the meaner sort of seruants; The eighth, for the women; The ninth, for the vnder Officers of the Diuan, and such as attend there to doe what belongeth vnto them in their seueral callings. And on the left side of the Court, there is the Kings Stable of about thirtie, or thirtie fiue very * 1.1264 braue Horses, which his Highnesse keepeth for his exercise, when he pleaseth to runne or sport with his Gentlemen the Aghaes in the Serraglio: ouer which Stable there is a row of Roomes, * 1.1265 wherein is kept all the Furniture of the Horses, the which I hauing seene I can affirme, that they [ 30] are of an extraordinary value; for, the Bridles, Pettoralls, and Cruppers, are set so thicke with Iewels of diuers sorts, that the beholders are amazed to see them, they doe so farre exceed all imagination.

Neere adioyning to the said Stable, are certayne buildings for the seruice of the Officers of * 1.1266 the Diuan; and hauing passed two thirds of the Court, there is the Roome wherein the Diuan is kept; vnto which joyneth the Hazineh, called the outward Hazineh, the which the Diuan being ended, is sealed with the chiefe Uiziers Seale: And euen with the Diuan but somewhat behind it towards the left hand, is the Gate which leadeth into the womens Lodgings, called the Queenes gate, which is kept and guarded by a company of blacke Eunuches. * 1.1267

The aforesaid Court endeth at a third Gate, called the Kings Gate which leadeth into the [ 40] Roomes and Lodgings kept apart for himselfe, and such Gentlemen as attend vpon him con∣tinually; neither may any one enter therein, but by an absolute leaue from the Grand Signior (speaking of men of great qualitie) but such as are belonging to the Butterie or Kitchin, and Phisicians, Caters and Sewers, may goe in and out with leaue only of the Capi Agha, who is the Chiefe Chamberlaine of the Serraglio, and to him is committed the keeping of that Gate; and he is alwayes at hand (by reason his Lodging is neere) with a Company of white Eunuches a∣bout him like himselfe. So that, what is reported of things within this Gate, is for the most part by relation; for, either one may not see them, or if hee doe see them, it must bee when the King is absent; and hee must bee brought in by some man of qualitie and command, by one of the Gates at the Sea side: the which also cannot be obtayned but with great difficultie, and some [ 50] charge too, for a gratification to the guide; they hauing not onely great respect to their Kings person, but also to his roomes in his absence.

And hauing passed the third Gate (the which hath also a very faire Porch) immediatly is seene the aforesaid Roome appointed for publique audience; into which the Grand Signior re∣paireth to giue audience to Ambassadors, and to the Bashaws: and there is also another very faire * 1.1268 Court, paued with very fine Marble wrought with Mosaicall worke, wherein there are many delicate Fountaines, and sumptuous Buildings on all sides, in which (commonly) the King v∣seth to eate, and passe the time in some recreation.

It happened, that I taking hold of a fit time, the King being abroad a hunting, through the great friendship which was twixt my selfe and the Kahiyah of the Bustangi Bashee; had the op∣portunitie [ 60] * 1.1269 (he being my guide) to goe into the Serraglio, entring in at a Gate by the Sea side; where he shewed me many of the Kings backward roomes, diuers Bagnoes, and many other very curious and delightfull things, both for the excellencie of their gilding, and the abundance of Fountaynes that were in them. In particular, I saw a row of Sommer Roomes built vpon the * 1.1270

top of a little Hill, so well contriued with Hals and Chambers, and so pleasantly seated and richly furnished, that it might very well be the Habitation of so great a Prince. Amongst which * 1.1271 there was a Hall that was open towards the East, but vnder-set with very faire Pillars, which Hall looked into an artificiall foure square Lake (which they call Hawooz) proceeding from a∣bout * 1.1272 thirtie Fountaynes: which were built vpon a kind of Terrase or high foundation of very fine * 1.1273 Marble, which compassed the said Lake, so the water ranne from the Fountaynes aboue, downe into the Lake, and from the Lake it ranne through diuers Gutters into certayne Gardens: there might two men walke abreast vpon the Terrase, where they should heare the continuall and sweet Harmonie which the Fountaynes made with their Leaden Pipes, insomuch that it was a most delightfull place. And in the Lake there was a little Boat, the which (as I was enformed) [ 10] the Grand Signior did oftentimes goe into with his Mutes and Buffones, to make them row vp * 1.1274 and downe, and to sport with them, making them leape into the water; and many times as he walked with them aboue vpon the sides of the Lake, he would throw them downe into it, and plunge them ouer head and eares.

I looked also through a window which was in the wall of the said Hall, and saw his High∣nesse * 1.1275 Bed-chamber; the wals whereof were couered with stones of the finest China Metall, spot∣ted with flowers of diuers colours, which made a very daintie shew: The Anteportaes were of cloth of Gold of Bursia, and their borders of Crimson Veluet, embroydered with Gold and Pearles: the posts of the Bed-stead were of siluer, hollow; and in stead of knobs on the tops of them there were set Lions made of Chrystall; the Canopie ouer it was of Cloth of Gold, and * 1.1276 [ 20] so were the Bolsters and the Matteresses. The floore of this Chamber (as of the other Roomes also) and the Sofaes, were couered with very costly Persian Carpets of silke and Gold, and the Pallets to sit on, with the Cushions to leane vpon, were of very rich cloth of Gold.

There was hanging in the middest of the aforesaid Hall a very great Lanthorne, the forme whereof was round, and the barres of siluer gilt, and set very thicke with Rubies, Emeralds, and * 1.1277 Turkesses; the panes likewise were of very fine Chrystall, which made a very splendent shew. I saw also a Bason and Ewre to wash with, of massie Gold, set with Rubies and Turkesses, which did beautifie the Roome exceedingly. * 1.1278

Behind the Hall there was a place to shoot in, where I saw many very stately Bowes and Arrowes; and there were showne vnto mee, such strange passages made with Arrowes by the * 1.1279 [ 30] King himselfe through Brasse and Iron, that me thought it was almost vnpossible to bee done by the arme of any man.

The Roome which is called the publike Diuan, hath beene built of late yeeres; it is foure * 1.1280 square, and about eight or nine paces euery way from side to side; it hath behind it another Roome for the seruice thereof, and one also at the comming into the Diuan, on the right hand, diuided only by a woodden rayle, with many other Roomes somewhat distant from it, which serue for the expedition of sundry businesses: This Diuan is called publike, because any kinde of person whatsoeuer publiquely and indifferently, may haue free accesse vnto it to require Iustice, to procure grants, and to end their Causes and Controuersies, of what nature, condition, or im∣port so euer they bee. [ 40]

§. II.

Of the Diuan Dayes, Iudges, Session, Iudicature, Dyet, Accounts.

THe Diuan dayes are foure in the Weeke; viz. Saturday, Sunday, Munday, and Tuesday, * 1.1281 vpon which dayes, the Chiefe Vizir, with all the rest of the Vizirs; the two Ca∣dileschers of Gracia and Natolia (which are the Chiefe ouer all the Cadies of those two [ 50] Prouinces; which Cadees are men of the Law, who by priuiledge doe gouerne in all places and Cities of the Ottoman Empire, as Iustices of Peace doe with vs, but with a little grea∣ter domination) the three Defterdars (whose charge is to gather in the Kings Reuenues, and like∣wise * 1.1282 to pay all the Souldiers, and others which haue any stipend due vnto them:) The Reiskita∣rob (which is the Chancellor.) The Nishawngee, (that is, hee which signeth the Commande∣ments and Letters with the Grand Signiors marke.) The Secretaries of all the B••shawes, and o∣ther * 1.1283 great men; a great number of Clerkes or Scriueners, which are alwayes at hand attending at the doore of the Diuan; The Chiaush Bashee, who all that while that he is in the Serraglio, car∣rieth a siluer staffe in his hand; and many Chiaushes also to attend, that at the command of the * 1.1284 Vizir they may bee readie to bee dispatched with such order as shall bee giuen them by him, to [ 60] what place, or to whom soeuer; For, they are those which are employed in Ambassies, in ordi∣nary Messages, to summon men to appeare before the Iustice, to keepe close Prisoners, and in fine to performe all businesses of that nature. All which aforesaid Officers, from the highest to the * 1.1285 lowest are to be at the Diuan by breake of day.

The Vizirs being come into Diuan, doe sit within at the further end thereof, with their fa∣ces towards the doore, vpon a bench which ioyneth to the wall, euery one in his place as hee is * 1.1286 in degree, sitting all at the right hand of the chiefe Vizir (for with them the left is counted the vpper hand) and on his left hand vpon the same bench doe sit the two Cadileschers, first hee of Grecia, as being the more noble and famous Prouince, and then hee of Natolia. And on the right side at the comming in at the doore: doe sit the three Defterdars, who haue behind them (in the aforesayd roome which is deuided with a woodden rayle) all the sayd Clerkes or Scriueners who sit vpon the ground, with Paper and Pennes in their hands, being ready to write whatsoeuer is commanded them. And on the other side (ouer against the Defterdars) doth sit the Nishawngee, * 1.1287 with his Pen in his hand: hauing his Officers round about him. And in the middest of the roome [ 10] doe stand all such as require audience of the Bench.

Now being all come together, and euery man set in his owne place, forthwith the Petitioners begin their suites, one by one (who haue no need of Attorneyes, for euery one is to speake for himselfe) referring themselues to the iudgement and sentence of the Chiefe Vizir, who (if hee * 1.1288 please) may end all; for the other Bashawes doe not speake, but attend till such time as hee shall referre any thing to their arbitriment, as oftentimes hee doth, for hee hauing once vnderstood the substance onely of the Cause; (to free himselfe from too much trouble) remits the deciding of the greatest part to others; As for example, if it bee appertayning to the Ciuill Law, hee remits * 1.1289 it to the Cadeleschers. If it bee of Accounts, to the Defterdars. If of Falshood, (as counterfeiting the Marke or such like) to the Nishawngee. If concerning Merchants, or Merchandizes (where∣in [ 20] there may bee any great difficultie) to some one of the other Bashawes which sit by him; so that after this manner he doth exceedingly ease himselfe of so great a burthen, which otherwise hee alone should bee enforced to vndergoe; reseruing onely to himselfe that which hee thinketh to bee of greatest import and consequence. And on this wise they spend the time vntill it bee Noone: at which houre (one of the Sewers being appointed to bee there present) the Chiefe Vizir commands that the Dinner bee brought in, and immediately all the common people de∣part. So the roome being free, the Tables are made readie after this manner before the Chiefe * 1.1290 Vizir, there is set vpon a stoole a thinne round plate of Copper tinned, about the bignesse of the * 1.1291 bottome of a Barrell, at which hee with one or two at the most of the other Bashawes, doe eate; the like is prepared for the rest of the Bashawes which doe eate together: And another for the [ 30] Cadileschers; one for the Defterdars; and one likewise for the Nishawngee. And hauing euery one a Napkin spread vpon his knees to keepe his Garments cleane; and a great quantitie of * 1.1292 Bread being layd readie round about the sayd Copper plates, immediately the Meate is brought in, and set before them vpon the Plates in great Dishes (which they call Tepsee) and still as they haue eaten of one Dish, the Sewer takes off that and sets on another. Their dyet is ordinarily Mutton, Hennes, Pigeons, Geese, Lambe, Chickens, broath of Rice and Pulse, dressed in diuers * 1.1293 manners, and some Tarts or such like at the last; so in very short space they make an end of their Dinner. That which remayneth of the sayd Tables, the Officers of the Diuan doe eate, but they * 1.1294 haue more also allowed and brought them from their Kitchin. The Bashawes and other Great * 1.1295 men, haue Drinke brought vnto them, which is Sherbet, in great Porcelaine Dishes; but the o∣thers [ 40] doe either not drinke at all, if they doe drinke, it is faire Water brought them from the Fountaines. And the same time, when the Vizirs of the Bench and others of the Diuan are at Dinner, the vnder Officers, Waiters, and Keepers, doe dine also; the which are not lesse ordina∣rily * 1.1296 then foure or fiue hundred persons, but their food is nothing but Bread and Pottage, which they call Churua.

Dinner being ended, the chiefe Vizir attendeth onely publique Affaires, and taking Coun∣sell together (if hee pleaseth and thinketh it fit) with the other Bashawes; at last, hee determi∣neth and resolueth of all within himselfe, and prepareth to goe in vnto the King; It being the ordinarie custome so to doe in two of the foure Diuan dayes, that is, vpon Sunday, and vpon * 1.1297 Tuesday; to render an account vnto his Maiestie, of all such businesses as hee hath dispatched. [ 50] And to this end the Grand Signior (after hee hath dined also) repayreth vnto his Chamber of Audience, and being set downe vpon a Sofa, sendeth the Capi Agha (which hath in his hand a Siluer staffe) to call first the Cadileschers, who immediately rise vp out of their places, and hauing * 1.1298 bowed to the chiefe Vizir, they depart, being accompanied with the sayd Capi Agha, and Chi∣aush Bashee, who goe before them with their Siluer staues in their hands, and so they goe in vnto the King, to giue account and make him acquainted with what hath passed concer∣ning their Charge, and so they being dismissed, (for that day) they goe directly home to their owne Houses.

Next after them are called the Defterdars, who in the same manner are brought vnto the King, * 1.1299 and hauing dispatched, they take leaue, and giue place to the Vizirs who are called last of all, and goe together in a ranke one after another, the Chiefe Vizir being formost, ••••hered along [ 60] by the two aforesayd Siluer staues. And being come before the presence of the Grand Signior, * 1.1300 they stand with their hands before them, holding downe their heads, in token of Humilitie; and so none but the Chiefe Vizir speaketh, and giues an account of what hee thinketh fit, deli∣uering * 1.1301

his Memorials or Arzes one by one, the which the King hauing read, the Vizier taketh them, and hauing put them into a little crimson Sattin bagge, hee most humbly layeth them downe againe before his Maiestie: and so if the Grand Signior demand no further of him (the other Bashawes not hauing spoken one word all this while) they all depart and take horse at the * 1.1302 second Gate; and being accompanied by their owne people, and by diuers others (especially the chiefe Uizier) who is brought euen into his owne house by a great companie of Chiaushes and others all for the most part on horse-backe) they goe euery one to his owne Serraglio, and so the Diuan is ended for that day, it being about two houres after noone.

It is to be noted that sometimes also the Agha of the Ianizaries, and the Captaine Bashaw * 1.1303 come to the Diuan, when they are at home in Constantinople, and haue businesse to doe there: [ 10] but the Captaine Bashaw onely doth goe in vnto the King (which also may not be but in compa∣nie of the other Bashawes) to acquaint his Highnesse with the state and affaires of the Arsenal and Armado; his place in the Diuan is vpon the same Bench, but yet hee sitteth last of all the Bashawes, vnlesse he bee one of the Uiziers (as it is often seene) and then hee sitteth second, or third, as he is in degree by election: but the Agha of the Ianizaries doth not sit in Diuan, but * 1.1304 sitteth vnder the open Gallerie on the right hand, within the second Gate; and if so bee it so fall out, vpon some extraordinarie businesse, that hee be to goe in vnto the King, then he goeth first of all others; and being come out againe from him, he sitteth downe againe in his place, vn∣till the Diuan be ended; and he is the last that departeth of all the great men.

The Grand Signiors Predecessors were alwaies wont, and this man sometimes commeth pri∣uately [ 20] * 1.1305 by an vpper way to a certaine little window which looketh into the Diuan, right ouer the head of the chiefe Uizier, and there sitteth with a Lattice before him, that he may not be seene, to heare and see what is done in the Diuan; and especially at such times when he is to giue audience to any Ambassadour from a great Prince, to see him eate, and heare him reason with the Bashawes: and by this his comming to that window, the chiefe Uizier (who alwaies stan∣deth in ieopardy of losing his head, vpon any displeasure of the Grand Signior) is enforced to carrie himselfe very vprightly, and circumspectly in the managing of his affaires.

§. III. [ 30]

Of Ambassadours entertaynment and audience.

WHen it falleth out that an Ambassadour from any great King is to kisse the Grand Sig∣niors * 1.1306 hand, it must bee either vpon a Sunday or vpon a Tuesday; for those are the dayes appointed for his Highnesse to giue audience, to the end he may not bee trou∣bled at other times: and then the Vizier commandeth that therebe a great Diuan, which is, by calling together all the Great men of the Port, all the Chiaushees, all the Mutafe∣rakaes, all the Spahees, and all the Ianizaries; who are euery one of them commanded by their Captaines to apparell themselues in the best manner that they are able; and to goe euery one to [ 40] his ordinary place in the second Court, and there to stand in orderly rankes; who indeed make a very goodly showe, for they are very well clothed, and are most of them of comely personage.

The Diuan being all in order (in which at that time there are very few or no particular cau∣ses * 1.1307 at all handled) the chiefe Uizier sendeth the Chiaush Bashee, with many of his Chiauches on horse-backe to fetch the Ambassadour, who being come to the Diuan, is set face to face close be∣fore the chiefe Vizier vpon a stoole couered with cloth of Gold; and hauing for a while compli∣mented and vsed some pleasant discourse together; the Bashaw commandeth that the dinner bee brought, the which is done after the aforesaid manner, (only the round plate Table, on which the meate is set is of Siluer, and the victuals are more delicate and in greater abundance.) And so the Ambassadour, and the chiefe Uizier, with one or two of the other Bashawes doe eate toge∣ther [ 50] : and for euery such Banquet at such times, the Grand Signior alloweth the Steward a thousand Crownes to spend.

They hauing dined, the Vizier entertayneth the Ambassadour: with some discourse till such time as the Ambassadours people haue also dined; and then the Ambassadour together with his owne attendants retire into a certaine place neere the Grand Signiors Gate, where hee stayeth till such time as all the orders of the Diuan haue had audience of the King, who being dismissed, doe all depart (except the Bashawes onely, who for the Grand Signiors honour are to stay and attend in the Roome vpon his Maiestie.) And then the Ambassadour is called by the Master of * 1.1308 the Ceremonies, by whom hee is brought to the Gate, whereat the Capi Agha standeth with a ranke of Eunuches, which Capi Agha leadeth him to the doore of the Roome, where there doe [ 60] stand two Capoochee Bashees ready, who take the Ambassadour, the one by one arme, and the o∣ther * 1.1309 by the other, and so leade him to kisse his Highnesse hand, which he hauing done, they leade him backe in the same manner to the wall of the Roome, where hee standeth till such time as the said Capoochee Bashees, haue also led such of the Ambassadours Gentlemen as are appointed

to kisse the Kings hand: and then the Druggaman declareth the Ambassadours Commission, to which the Grand Signior maketh no answer, but only speaketh a word or two to the chiefe Ui∣zir to licence him; and so the Ambassadour departeth, doing reuerence to the King, bowing * 1.1310 downe his head, and not pulling of his Hat or Cap at all.

This one particular is worthie the obseruation, and that is this; There is not any person what∣soeuer, as well Ambassadour as other, which being to kisse the Grand Signiors hand, that is not vested with a Vest giuen him by the Grand Signior. And to this end, before the Ambassadour go∣eth in to the King, the chiefe Vizir sendeth him so many Vests as are appointed in the Canon, * 1.1311 for him and his Gentlemen, who put them on the place where the Ambassadour stayeth till the King sends for him to haue his audience. The said Vests are of diuers sorts, of which there is one or two for the Ambassadors owne person of cloth of Gold of Bursia; the other being of lowe [ 10] price worth little or nothing. But in lieu of those Vests, there is not any Ambassadour (which * 1.1312 is to goe to the King for his audience;) or Bashaw (which at his returne from some employment abroad, is to kisse his hand;) but they present him to the full of what the Canon requireth, in∣somuch that the Grand Signior receiueth farre more then he giueth. Besides, the Bashawes (ouer and aboue the ordinarie Canon) doe giue him exceeding great and rich Presents; together with great summes of money; sometimes, to the end they may continue in his grace and fauour.

Other Ambassadours which come from petie Princes or States, howbeit they are vested also with Vests giuen them by the Grand Signior; yet they goe not to the Diuan in that pompe, nei∣ther are they feasted as the others are, but goe priuatly, carrying their Present with them; how∣soeuer they are lead in vnto the King after the aforesaid manner. [ 20]

It is to be noted, that all Ambassadours from absolute Princes, as well ordinary as extraordi∣nary, (except those from the Signioria of Venice, to whom from their first introduction it was * 1.1313 denied) all, I say, lie at the charges of the Grand Signior; for, from his owne store they haue allowed them Wheat, Barlie, Pulse, Wood, Coles, Hay, the custome of their Wine, and all other necessaries to spend in their houses, and from the Defterdar so many Aspars per diem; which prouision, though now of late it be somewhat hard to be gotten in; yet by gifts and importu∣nitie, in the end they receiue the greatest part of it, though the Officers will share with them.

Hauing thus farre made description of the Serraglio, and the Buildings which are therein; with some other particulars belonging vnto it, according to that which I haue seene and heard by relation. It followeth that I speake somewhat touching those which dwell in it, and con∣cerning their ministerie and functions. [ 30]

§. IIII.

Of the persons which liue in the Serraglio: and first of the Women and Virgins, their manner of life there.

FIrst, I say that all they which are in the Serraglio, both men and women, are the Grand Signiors slaues, and so are all they which are subiect to his Empire: for, as * 1.1314 hee is their onely Soueraigne, so they doe all of them acknowledge, that what∣soeuer [ 40] they doe possesse or enioy, proceedeth meerely and simply from his good∣will and fauour.

This Serraglio may rightly bee termed the Seminarie or Nurcerie of Subiects; for, in it all they haue their bringing vp, which afterward become the principall Officers, and subordinate Rulers of the state and affaires of the whole Empire.

They which are within the third Gate, called the Kings gate, are about two thousand persons * 1.1315 men and women, whereof the women (old and young one with another, what with the Kings Concubines, old women, and women seruants) may bee about eleuen or twelue hundred. Now, * 1.1316 those which are kept vp for their beauties, are all young Virgins taken and stollen from forren Nations, who after they haue beene nurtured in good manners, and can play on Instruments, [ 50] sing, dance, and sew curiously, they are giuen to the Grand Signior as Presents of exceeding great value; and the number of these encreaseth daily, according as they are sent and presented by the Tartars, by the Bashawes, and other great men, to the King and Queene: they doe likewise de∣crease sometimes, according as the Grand Signior seeth fit, who vpon some occasions and acci∣dents, causeth many of them to be sent out of this Serraglio into the old Serraglio, which is also a very goodly and spacious place, as hereafter I shall take occasion to make mention of.

These Virgins, immediatly after their comming into the Serraglio are made Turkes, which is * 1.1317 done by vsing this ceremonie onely, to hold vp their fore-finger, and say, Law illaw-heh il Al∣lawh Muhamed resull Allawh, that is, there is no God but God alone, and Mahomet is the Mes∣senger of God: and according as they are in age and disposition, (being proued and examined [ 60] by an old woman called Cahiyah Cadun, that is, as wee say, the Mother of the Maides) so they * 1.1318 are placed in a Roome with the others of the same age, spirit, and inclination, to dwell and liue together. Now, in the Womens lodgings, they liue iust as the Nunnes doe in their great

Monasteries; for, these Virgins haue very large Roomes to liue in, and their Bed-chambers will hold almost a hundred of them a piece: they sleepe vpon Sofaes, which are built long wise on * 1.1319 both sides of the Roome, so that there is a large space in the midst for to walke in. Their Beds are very course and hard, and by euery ten Virgins there lies an old woman: and all the night long there are many lights burning, so that one may see very plainely throughout the whole Roome; which doth both keepe the yong Wenches from wantonnesse, and serue vpon any occa∣sion which may happen in the night: neere vnto the said Bed-chambers they haue their Bagnoes, * 1.1320 and Kitchins for their vse at all times, with a great abundance of Fountaines of which they are serued with water. Aboue ouer the said Bed-chambers there are diuers Roomes, where they sit and sew, and keepe their Chists in which they lay vp their apparell. They feed by whole Ca∣maradaes, * 1.1321 and are serued and waited vpon by other women; so that they doe not want any [ 10] thing whatsoeuer which is necessary for them. They haue other places likewise where they * 1.1322 goe to schoole, to learne to speake and reade the Turkish tongue, to sew, and play on Instruments; and so they spend the day with their Mistresses which are ancient women: some houres not∣withstanding being allowed them for their recreation, to walke in their Gardens, and vse such * 1.1323 sports as they familiarly exercise themselues withall.

The King doth not at all frequent or see these Virgins, vnlesse it be at the instant when they * 1.1324 are first giuen him, or else in case that he desire one of them for his bed-fellow, or to shew him some pastime with Musike and tumbling trickes: and then hee giueth notice to the aforesaid Cahiyah Cadun of his purpose, who immediatly chooseth out such as shee thinketh to bee the most amiable and fairest, and hauing placed them in good order in a Roome, in two rankes, halfe [ 20] on the one side and halfe on the other, shee forthwith brings in the King, who walking foure or fiue turnes in the midst of them, and hauing viewed them well, taketh good notice of her which he best liketh, but sayeth nothing, onely as he goeth out againe, he throweth a Hand-kerchiefe into that Virgins hand, by which shee knoweth that shee is to lie with him that night; and she being wondrous glad of so good a fortune, to be chosen out from among so many to enioy the * 1.1325 societie of an Emperour, hath all the art that possible may bee shewen vpon her by the Ca∣dun, in attiring, painting, and perfuming her, and so at night shee is brought to sleepe with the Grand Signior in the womens lodgings: (there being diuers Chambers appropriated for that businesse onely: and being in bed they haue two great Waxe lights burning by them all * 1.1326 night, one at the beds feet, and the other by the doore; and there are appointed (by the Cadun) [ 30] diuers old Blacke-moore women, which watch by turnes that night in the Chamber, two at a time, one to sit by the said light at the Beds feet, and the other by the doore, and when they will they change, and other two supply their roomes, without making the least noise imaginable, so that the King is not any wise disturbed. And in the morning when his Highnesse riseth (for he riseth first) he changeth all his apparell from top to toe, leauing those which hee wore to her * 1.1327 that he lay withall, and all the money that was in his pockets were it neuer so much; and so de∣parteth to his owne lodgings, from whence also he sendeth her immediatly a Present of Iewels, Vests and Money of great value, according to the satisfaction and content which hee receiued from her that night: in the same manner hee is to deale with all the others which hee maketh vse of in that kind, but with some he continueth longer, and enlargeth his bounty more towards [ 40] some then to others, according as his humour and affection to them encreaseth; by their fulfil∣ling his lustfull desires. And if it so fall out, that any one of them doe conceiue by him and bring forth his first begotten child, she is called by the name of Sultana Queene, and if the child bee a * 1.1328 sonne, then shee is confirmed and established by great Feasts and Solemnities; and hath a dwel∣ling apart assigned vnto her, of many stately Roomes well furnished, and many seruants to at∣tend vpon her: The King likewise alloweth her a very sufficient Reuenue, that shee may giue * 1.1329 away and spend at her pleasure, in whatsoeuer shee may haue occasion; and all they of the Ser∣raglio doe acknowledge her for Queene, shewing all the respect and dutie that may bee, both to her and hers. [ 50]

The other women (howsoeuer they bring forth issue) are not called Queenes; yet they are * 1.1330 called Sultanaes, because they haue had carnall commerce with the King. And shee onely is cal∣led Queene, which is the Mother of the first begotten Sonne, Heire to the Empire: the which Sultanaes being frequented by the King at his pleasure, haue also this prerogatiue, to be imme∣diatly remoued from the common sort, and to liue in Roomes apart, exceeding well serued and attended, and haue no want either of Money, or of Apparell, in conformitie of their degree. All these Sultanaes doe resort together very familiarly, when they please; but not without great dissimulation and inward malice, fearing lest the one should be better beloued of the King then the other; howbeit in outward shew they vse all kind of curtesie one towards another.

And if it happen that the first begotten sonne of the Queene (Heire to the Empire) should * 1.1331 [ 60] die, and another of the Sultanaes should haue a second sonne; then her sonne being to succeed the deceased Heire, shee is immediatly made Queene, and the former shall remayne a Sultana onely: and so the title of Queene runneth from one Sultana to another, by vertue of the sonnes succession.

Sometimes the Queene was wont to bee wedded to the King, but now shee passeth without the Kebin, that is, without an assignment of any Ioynture, or celebrating the Nuptiall rites; * 1.1332 which is nothing else, but in the presence of the Muftee, to giue each of them their assent to Matrimonie, of which the Muftee maketh Hoget, that is, an authenticall Writing or Testificati∣on, not onely of the Consent of the two parties contracted, but also of the Dowrie which the King is to allow her.

The reason why the Queenes are not now (nor haue not beene of late) espoused; is, not to dis∣member the Kings Patrimonie of fiue hundred thousand Chicquins a yeere: For, Sultan Selim * 1.1333 hauing allowed so much to the Empresse his Wife, (to the end she might spend freely, and build Churches and Hospitals, so that by all meanes she might bee honoured and esteemed) left order [ 10] by Canon, that all his Successours should doe the like, if so bee they determined to be marryed to their Queenes. But now the sayd reuenues being otherwise imployed, the Bashawes doe what in them lyeth to disswade the Grand Signior from marrying: and so much the rather, because they would haue none but the King alone to rule: yet howsoeuer, (married or not married) the Mother of the Heyre is by euery one called and acknowledged for Queene, and presented with rich Presents from all great Personages, and hath continually at her Gate, a Guard of thirtie or fortie blacke Eunuches, together with the Kuzlar Aga their Master, whom shee commandeth * 1.1334 and imployeth in all her occasions, and so doe all the other Sultanaes, the which neuer stirre out of the Serraglio, but in companie of the King himselfe, who oftentimes carrieth either all or most of them, abroad by water to his other Serraglio's of pleasure. And in those wayes through which [ 20] they passe to goe to and fro their Kaiks, their is Canuasse pitched on both sides, and none are by them but blacke Eunuches, till they are setled close in the roome at the sterne of the Kaik; then * 1.1335 goe in the Barge-men: so that in fine, they are neuer seene by any men, but onely by the Grand Signior and the Eunuches.

The Kings Daughters, Sisters, and Aunts, haue their lodgings also in the same Serraglio, being roially serued, and sumptuously Apparelled, and liue together by themselues in continuall plea∣sures; * 1.1336 vntill such time as the King shall bee pleased to giue them in Marriage, and then they come out of that Serraglio, and carry each of them along with them a Chest which the King giues them, full of Gownes of Cloath of Gold, rich Iewels, and Chicquins, to the value of at least thir∣tie thousand pounds sterling per Chest, and that is (as wee call it) their Portion. They carrie like∣wise * 1.1337 [ 30] along with them, all that which they hid from time to time, things of great price which haue beene giuen them, which sometimes amounteth to a great matter, and stands them in stead all their liues time. And if so bee that the Grand Signior loues them, and is willing to further them, and deale roially with them; then they are suffered to carry out of the Serraglio, as many * 1.1338 Slaues with them as they will, (prouided they exceed not the number of twentie a piece) and such Eunuches as they like best for their seruice. These also being named Sultanaes, reserue still (during their liues) the stipend which they had within the Serraglio, some a thousand, and some a thousand fiue hundred Aspers per Diem, the Slaues also and the Eunuches doe likewise enioy their former allowance. Their Houses are furnished, both with housholdstuffe and other neces∣sarie prouision from the Kings Hasineh and Begglick, that they may liue Alla grande, like Sulta∣naes, [ 40] so that in conclusion, they liue farre better without the Serraglio then they did within.

And if so bee, that a Bashaw hauing marryed one of them, bee not prouided of a House fit for her, then the King giueth her one of his (for hee hath many) that her House may bee correspon∣dent with her Greatnesse and qualitie. Now for the Husbands part, hee is on the contrarie to * 1.1339 make her a Bill of Dowrie, which is called Kebin, as aforesayd, of at least a hundred thousand Chicquins in money, besides Vests, Iewels, Brooches, and other Ornaments, amounting to a great summe. For although the fashion of a Sultanaes habite bee common, and nothing different from other Womens, yet the substance is farre more proud and costly; the which redounds to the great charge and losse of their Husbands. They being thus marryed, doe not at all conuerse * 1.1340 with any men, more then they did when they liued in the Kings Serraglio, (except with their owne Husbands) but with women onely; and that is commonly when they goe vpon visits [ 50] * 1.1341 to see their old acquaintance in the Serraglio: but hauing themselues come foorth of the same (as I sayd before) they may not come in againe without the Grand Signiors leaue and sufferance.

These Sultanaes (the Bashawes wiues) are for the most part their Husbands Masters, and com∣mand * 1.1342 them as they please: they alwayes weare a Haniar (that is, a Dagger) set with rich Stones, in token of their predomination, and call their Husbands Slaues, doing good or euill for them, as they receiue content & satisfaction from them, or as they find them powerfull with the King. And sometimes they put their Husbands away and take others, but not without the Grand Signiors leaue, which would proue to bee the death and ruyne of the poore Husbands. * 1.1343

Now the other women, which neuer were so fortunate as to bee beloued of the King, liue to∣gether [ 60] and dyet with the rest, wasting their youthfull dayes amongst themselues in euill thoughts, * 1.1344 (for they are too well lookt vnto to offend in Act,) and when they are growne old, they serue for Mistresses and Ouer-seers of the young ones, which daily are brought into the Serraglio: but hold

it their best fortune (their former hopes of being Bed-fellowes to an Emperour: being now fru∣strated) through some accident, to bee sent forth from thence into the old Serraglio, for from thence they may bee married (if the Mistresse of that place giue her consent) and take with them such money, as they through their frugallitie haue saued and spared of their former allowance in the Kings Serraglio, and such things as haue beene giuen them, which may amount to a reasona∣ble value. For in the Serraglio they get many things from the Sultanaes, besides their currant pay out of the Kings Hazaneb, of fifteene or twentie Aspers per diem. For the middle sort, and foure or fiue for the baser sort, the which is payed at euery three moneths end, without any de∣ferring * 1.1345 or contradiction: In that manner also are the Sultanaes paide, viz. quarterly, hauing for their allowance from a thousand to a thousand fiue hundred Aspers a piece, per diem. Besides, as many cloathes as they will, and Iewels in great abundance, giuen them from the Kings * 1.1346 [ 10] owne hands.

The women Seruants also haue two Gownes of Cloath a piece, per annum, and a piece of fine Linnen for Smocks, of twentie Pikes long, and a piece more fine for Hankerchiefes, of ten Pikes, and at the Byram one silke Gowne a piece, and somewhat else, according to the pleasure and li∣beralitie * 1.1347 of the Grand Signior, who at that time hath commonly a bountifull hand towards the Women. And giueth to the Sultanaes, Gownes with very rich Furres, Eare-rings, Brooches, Bod∣kins, Bracelets for their armes and legges, and such like things set with Stones of great worth; of which the King hath an abundance, by reason of the vnspeakable number of Presents which are giuen him. The Sultanaes are likewise presented at such times, by the Bashawes and their * 1.1348 [ 20] Wiues (that by their meanes they may continue in grace and fauour with the Grand Signior) with most stately and rich Gifts, and with money also which indeed is more acceptable to them then any other kinde of Present. For, they being very couetous, doe hoord vp and spend very sparingly, abandoning all manner of prodigalitie (in what may concerne their owne pri∣uate * 1.1349 purses) but witilie prouide against disastrous times which may betide them, and especially against the Kings death: for then (excepting the Queene which remayneth still in the Serraglio, Mother to the succeeding King) all the other poore desolate Ladies (losing the title of Sultanaes) are immediatly sent to the old Serraglio, leauing behind them their Sonnes and Daugh∣ters * 1.1350 (if they haue any liuing) in the Kings Serraglio, there to bee kept vnder the gouernment of other Women appointed for that seruice. [ 30]

And in such case, finding themselues wealthy, they may Marrie with men of reasonable good qualitie, according to the measure of their portion or estate, and according to the good-will of the Mistresse of the old Serraglio, but with the Grand Signiors consent. Notwithstanding, who will (for the most part) not onely know the condition of their Husbands, but also what Dowrie they will bee content to make them sure of, in case their Husbands should put them away with∣out their consents, or otherwise leaue them Widdowes: So that by meanes of their being turned out of the Kings Serraglio, it is often seene, that though the Daughter of the King bee mar∣ried to a Bashaw, yet the Mother of that Daughter must bee content with a Husband of small account, farre vnequall and much inferiour, both in Title, wealth, and reputation, to her * 1.1351 Sonne in Law. [ 40]

The Sultanaes haue leaue of the King, that certayne Iewes women may at any time come into the Serraglio vnto them, who being extraordinary subtill Queanes, and comming in vnder co∣lour * 1.1352 of teaching them some fine Needle-worke, or to shew them secrets in making Waters, Oiles and Painting stuffes for their Faces; (hauing once made friendship with the Eununches which keepe the Doores, by often bribing them) doe make themselues by their craftie insinuation, so familiar with the Kings women, that they rule them as they please, and doe carrie out any thing to sell for them, or buy and bring in whatsoeuer the Sultanaes shall haue a will to. And hence it * 1.1353 is, that all such Iewes women as frequent the Serraglio, doe become very rich. For, whatsoeuer they bring in they buy it cheape, and sell it deare to them; and then on the contrary, when they haue Iewels to sell for the Sultanaes, (which are to bee conueighed out by stealth) they receiue [ 50] their true value for them of Strangers, and then tell the simple Ladies who know not the worth of them, (and are afraid to bee discouered) that they sold them peraduenture for halfe that which they had for them.

And by this meanes, there come things of great price out of the Serraglio, to bee sold at very easie rates: yet in the end the Iewes haue but a bad market of it, for being discouered to be rich, * 1.1354 and their wealth to be gotten by deceit, they oftentimes lose both Goods and life too. The Ba∣shawes and Defterdar altogether ayming at such as they are, thinking by that meanes to restore to the Grand Signior, that which hath beene from time to time stollen from him, and the rather for that they themselues, seldome want their shares in the estates of such delinquents.

The Women of the Serraglio, are punished for their faults very seuerely, and extreamely bea∣ten [ 60] by their Ouer-seers: and if they proue disobedient, incorrigible and insolent, they are by the * 1.1355 Kings order and expresse commandment, turned out and sent into the old Serraglio, as being re∣iected and cast off, and most part of that they haue is taken from them. But if they shall be found culpable for Witchcraft: or any such hainous offence, then are they tyed and put into a Sacke, and

in the Night cast into the Sea: so that by all meanes it behooueth them to bee very obedient, and containe themselues within the bounds of honestie and modestie, if they meane to come to * 1.1356 a good end.

Now it is not lawfull for any one to bring ought in vnto them; with which they may com∣mit the deeds of beastly vncleannesse; so that if they haue a will to eate Cucumbers, Gourds, or such like meates, they are sent in vnto them sliced, to depriue them of the meanes of playing the * 1.1357 wantons; for, they being all young, lustie, and lasciuious Wenches, and wanting the societie of Men (which would better instruct them) are doubtlesse of themselues inclined to that which is naught, and will be possest with vnchast thoughts.

§. V. [ 10]

Of the Agiamoglans, how taken, distributed and employed.

HAuing already spoken of the Women, I now will say somewhat of the Agiamoglans which serue in the Serraglio, and of their employments. They are in number about * 1.1358 seuen hundred, from twelue to fiue and twentie, or thirtie yeeres of age at the most, being all of them Christian Renegadoes, as all Agiamoglans are, which are gathered euery three yeeres in Morea, and in all the Prouinces of Albania; the which tythe Children are [ 20] disposed of in this wise. They are sometimes more, and sometimes fewer, according to the dis∣cretion of the Capichees, appointed for that seruice, but a whole haruest of them, seldome or ne∣uer * 1.1359 exceeds the summe of two thousand, and are taken from such Families as are thought to bee of a more warlike disposition; they may not bee (when they are gathered) of aboue twelue or fourteene yeeres of age, least they should bee vnfit for a new course, and too well setled in Chri∣stianitie: and being kept fast for a while by the Capichees, they are then forthwith sent to Con∣stantinople, to bee distributed and shared out as followeth.

So soone as they are arriued at the Port, they are all cloathed in Salonichi Cloath, it skilleth * 1.1360 not of what colour, and yellow Caps of Felt on their heads, in the forme of a Sugar-loafe. And being brought before the Chiefe Uizir (who at that time is accompanied with the other Ba∣shawes * 1.1361 [ 30] and Officers of the Serraglio) hee maketh choise of as many, as he seeth to bee well-fauou∣red and iudgeth to bee likely to proue Souldiers. Then this choise being made, the Youthes cho∣sen by the Chiefe Uizir, are carried by the Bustangee Bashee into the Kings owne Serraglio, and * 1.1362 there distributed to such Companies as want their compleat number: then are they Circumci∣sed and made Turkes, and put to learne the Turkish Tongue; and according as their inclination is discouered by their Ouer-seers, so are they encouraged, and suffered to proceed (if it bee in good∣nesse) and are taught to Write and Read: but they are in a manner all of them taught to Wrestle, * 1.1363 to Leape, to Runne, to shoote in a Bow, and to conclude, all such Exercises, as are beseeming a Souldier.

Now part of the residue of them are distributed by the Chiefe Uizir, into all the Grand Signi∣ors [ 40] Gardens and Houses of pleasure, and into such Ships as sayle for the Kings account, and which * 1.1364 goe to lade Wood and such like prouision for the Serraglio; consigning them to the Masters of the sayd Vessels, with this Condition, to restore them againe when hee shall require them: And so hee doth with the chiefe Arts-men of all sorts of Occupations, to the intent the Youths may learne and practice the sayd Arts in their Lodgings at home; when they are become Ianizaries, or else if they please abroad at the Warres also. Hee giueth likewise to all the Bashawes, and Great men of the Court, as many as they please, to serue them deliuering them by Name vnto them, and writing them downe in a Booke, that hee may haue them againe when there shall be occasion to make them Ianizaries. Now these which are giuen to the Bashawes, are the scumme and refusall of all the rest; and are employed onely in the seruice of Stables, Kitchins, and such [ 50] base Offices. But the other are put into diuers Serraglio's, vnder the custodie and discipline of certayne Eunuches, who are appointed to bee their Ouer-seers, and take care that they bee brought vp and trayned in Militarie exercises, vntill such time as they become fit to bee accep∣ted into the number of the Ianizaries, in the roomes of the Dead, or of Old ones, which are no longer fit for the Warre, but are made Otooracks, and haue leaue to stay at home. So that I may * 1.1365 say, all these are in a manner kept in a Seminarie, to serue at all hands. The King, Queene, and Chiefe Vizir, employing them also many times in their Buildings, and other very laborious Of∣fices, without exception.

These Agiamoglans being thus distributed, the Chiefe Vi••ir presents a Booke of all their Names to the Grand Signior, who hauing seene it, appointeth to euery one his Pension, acor∣ding * 1.1366 [ 60] to the ordinary Canon, which is of two or three, or at the most, fiue Aspers per diem. And the sayd Booke in which their seuerall Pensions are distinctly set downe, being vnder-written by the Kings owne hand, is forth-with consigned into the custodie of the Chiefe Defterdar, that euery one may duely receiue his pay. Now this Defterdar is bound, when hee giueth out their

pay, (that is, once in three moneths) to visit them; enquiring who is dead, and taking good notice how the others liue and spend their times, whither they profit or not by their Tutors and Ouer-seers.

I will now returne to speake of the Agiamoglans of the Serraglio, hauing not thought it su∣perfluous to haue digressed a little; for although it hath not beene to that purpose, yet it may prooue delightsome to those who haue not as yet heard of those passages so distinctly.

These Agiamoglans of the Serraglio, albeit they were chosen out of the rest by the Chiefe Vi∣zir, yet are their first employments but very base and slauish, for they serue in the Stables, Kit∣chins, * 1.1367 Gardens, for digging, for cleaning of wood, and are made to row in Kaiks, and to lead the Grey-hounds a coursing; and indeed any thing, which is commanded them to doe by their Oda [ 10] Bashees, who are Decurions and Centurions, and haue about fifteene Aspars per diem, two Vests of * 1.1368 Cloth per annum, two pieces of Linnen Cloth for Shirts and Handkerchiefes, and so much Sat∣ten or fine Cloth, as may make each of them a paire of Chiakshirs, or Breeches after their fashion downe to the heeles, and ruffled in the small of the legge like our Boots: Neuerthelesse, these Oda Bashees are all vnder command of the Kahiyah, who is the Bustangee Bashees Steward; now the Bustangee Bashee himselfe may haue about three hundred Aspars per diem, for hee is their Pa∣trone, * 1.1369 Iudge, and Protector. And to the end that the Oda Bashees, and Bulook Bashees may bee knowne from the common sort of Agiamoglans; they weare great broad silken Girdles of di∣uers * 1.1370 colours about their middles, and are allowed a larger stipend; who by authoritie giuen them from the Kahiyah, doe bring the Vnderlings to such an extraordinary subjection by their often [ 20] beating them, that they doe not only, not refuse all manner of paines taking, but patiently vn∣dergoe * 1.1371 whatsoeuer is done vnto them.

They haue their Tearmes and Prerogatiues amongst themselues, succeeding or preceding one another, according to the length of time which they haue spent in the Serraglio; so that in Pro∣cesse of time (if they still continue there, and are not sent out vpon other occasions) they may aspire to the degrees of Chiefe Steward to the Bustangee Bashee, or of Bustangee Bashee himselfe, which is a very eminent place; for hee steeres the Kings Kaick, and weareth a Telbent vpon his * 1.1372 head in the Serraglio, although he were but lately an Agiamoglan, and did weare one of the afore∣said felt Caps, who also (if the King loue him, as commonly hee doth) may rise to greater digni∣ties; as to be Captaine Bashaw, &c. nay, sometimes to be Chiefe Vizir. [ 30]

These Agiamoglans are not altogether forbidden to goe abroad, but may vpon vrgent occasions be licensed: And the Bustangee Bashee alwayes takes good store of them along with him, when by the Kings order hee goeth to see some great man put to death, the which is commonly done by the hands of three or foure of the chiefest and strongest of the said Agiamoglans.

There are brought in amongst them sometimes, (but indeed very seldome) naturall borne Turkes, by meanes made to the Bustangee Bashee, who therein doth greatly pleasure such poore * 1.1373 folkes as are willing to bee rid of their children; but it must first bee made knowne to the Grand Signior, and done with his consent.

Their Roomes, Bagno's, and Kitchins, are about the wals of the Serraglio, on the out side, di∣uided seuerally to each company of them, and built for the more commoditie of such Offices and * 1.1374 [ 40] Seruices, as the said Agiamoglans are appointed vnto.

And as for their Diet, they order it as they please, hauing their flesh and Pulse for their Pot∣tage, their Bread and euery thing for Food, deliuered them euery day, and the dressing of it left * 1.1375 to themselues: And in that they lye neere the Sea-side by the wals of the Serraglio, they take good store of fish, part of which they sell, and rescue the rest to them selues.

They sleepe alwayes in their clothes (taking only off their vppermost coat, and their shooes) according to the ordinarie custome of the poorer sort of Turkes, betweene a couple of Rugges in * 1.1376 the Winter, and thinne Blankets in Summer. They neuer see King, vnlesse it be when he pas∣seth through the Gardens to some Sport, or when he taketh Boat, or else when he goeth a hun∣ting, for he makes them serue in stead of Hounds to hunt wild beasts. [ 50]

But when his Highnesse will be in the Gardens to take his pleasure with his women, all the Agiamoglans being warned by Heluet, get them out with all speed at the Gates by the Sea side, * 1.1377 where they may walke vpon the Bankes and Causeyes, but must not goe in againe vntill the King be departed: For there must none come neere the women but himselfe, and his blacke Eu∣nuches: Nay, if any other should but attempt (by some tricke in conueighing himselfe into some priuate corner) to see the women, and should bee discouered, hee should immediately bee put to death. Euery one therefore (so soone as they haue notice of the Kings comming into the Gar∣dens with his women) runnes out of sight, as farre as they can, to bee free from all feare, and suspition.

Now of this Ranke of Agiamoglans, which are in the Kings Serraglio, they doe not make [ 60] Ianizaries, as they doe of those which are put into the other Serraglio's and Nurseries to bee * 1.1378 brought vp; and of such as are lent to diuers of the Kings subjects, as Tradesmen and such like, and to the Bashawes. But his Highnesse turne is serued of these, to bestow vpon his Gentlemen, when he employes them abroad in some principall Gouernment, that they may be as Assistants

vnto them in their businesses; who also in time become men of reasonable estate and condition themselues. The Grand Signior likewise maketh vse of them when he intendeth a journey to any place; as when he goeth to the Wars, or any whither farre from Constantinople, for the pitching of his Tents, for remouing and carrying of Chists and Baskets, and many other such like Manuall Seruices, as happen, in those times. For which employment the King neuer carrieth with him lesse then foure or fiue hundred.

§. VI.

The choise Agiamoglans, seuere Discipline and Education in [ 10] foure Subordinate Schooles, and their after∣aduancements.

IT now remayneth, that I say somewhat of those Youths which are kept in better fa∣shion in the Serraglio, for the King and Countreyes Seruice, brought vp in Learning, in the knowledge of the Lawes, and in Military Exercises, that they may bee able to performe those things which belong to the Gouernment of the whole Empire. And albeit for the most part these are Christian Captiues and Renegado's, yet there are some Naturall borne Turkes amongst them, (youths of very comely aspect, whose out-sides must promise a [ 20] great deale of goodnesse;) brought in by the Capee Agha's meanes (who is the great Chamber∣laine) with the Kings consent; but this hapneth but very seldome, and that with great diffi∣cultie: For, the ancient Institution was, that they should alwayes be of Christian Renegado's, of the * 1.1379 most Ciuill and Noblest that could be found.

And when in the Warres, either by Sea or Land it shall so happen, that any youth bee taken, who is of Noble Parents, he is presently appointed and markt for the Grand Signior, and is in∣structed in matters of Gouernment, being as it were ordayned for great Employments. Now * 1.1380 such are of great esteeme, for the Turkes themselues affirme, that Noblenesse of Birth cannot but produce the most vertuous and generous spirits; especially, when they are well nurtured and tu∣tered, as it is professed in the Serraglio; where there is great seueritie vsed in all the Orders of Dis∣cipline, [ 30] the Gouernment of them being in the hands of the Masters, who are all for the most part white Eunuches, which are very rough and cruell in all their Actions; Insomuch, that their Pro∣uerbe * 1.1381 saith, that when one commeth out of that Serraglio, and hath runne through all the Or∣ders of it, he is, without all question, the most mortified and patient man in the World. For the blowes which they suffer, and the fastings which are commanded them for euery small fault, is a thing of great admiration: Nay, some of them are so seuerely handled, that although their time of being in the Serraglio be almost expired, and that they should in few yeeres come forth to bee made great men, yet not being able to suffer such crueltie any longer, they procure to bee turned out, contenting themselues with the Title and small pay of a Spahee, or a Mutaferaka, rather then be so often punished, and made weary of their liues. [ 40]

The number of these youths is not prefixed, but there are of them sometimes more, and som∣times lesse; for the King entertaynes very willingly all such as are giuen him of the aforesaid * 1.1382 qualitie (if so be that they be young) and as I haue heard, they are commonly about an hundred.

The course that is taken with them, so soone as they come into the Serraglio, is admirable, and nothing resembling the Barbarisme of Turkes, but beseeming Subjects of singular Vertue and Discipline. For they are exceeding well entred, and daily taught aswell good fashion and come∣ly * 1.1383 behauiour, as they are instructed in the Rites and Ceremonies of the Mahometan Law, or in Military Discipline. And for this purpose they haue Roomes, which the Turkes call Oda's, but we may more properly (in regard of the vse they are put vnto) call them Schooles; of which * 1.1384 there are foure, the one taking Degrees from the other. Now into the first they all come, when [ 50] they are but childden, where the Primarie Precept they learne is Silence; then their personall Positures, betokening singular Reuerence to the King; which is, that they hold downe their heads and looke downwards, holding their hands before them joyned a crosse.

They are seene of the King, and registred in a Booke by their Turkish Names, and the Names of their Natiue Countreyes set downe with them; they receiue Pensions from the Grand Sig∣nior, * 1.1385 which is ordinarily from three to fiue Aspars per diem. The Copie of the Booke is sent to the great Defterdar, that euery one of them, may in due time haue the aforesaid Pension sent vn∣to them. Then (by a white Eunuch who is chiefe ouer all the other Masters and Vshers) they are * 1.1386 set to learne to write and reade, and to practise the Turkish Tongue; and are taught their Prayers, with all Reuerence to the Religion in the Arabian Tongue. And in this Oda'h, they are both [ 60] Morning and Eeuening so diligently followed, and carefully lookt vnto, that by report it is a thing of admiration: Now, for the most part, they all stay at the least six yeeres in this Schoole, and such as are dull and hard of apprehension stay longer.

From this Oda'h they are remoued to the second, where (by more Learned Tutors then the * 1.1387

former) they are taught the Persian, Arabian, and Tartarian Tongues; and take great paines in reading diuers Authors, that they may be the better able to speake the Turkish Elegantly; which * 1.1388 cannot be done without some knowledge in those three Tongues, vpon which the Turkish chief∣ly doth depend: So that there is found a great difference betweene their speech, and that of the vulgar sort.

Here also they begin to learne to wrestle, to shoot in a Bow, to throw the Mace, to tosse the * 1.1389 Pike, to handle their Weapons, to runne, &c. And in these Exercises in their seuerall Orders and seuerall Places, they spend whole houres, being seuerely punished if they shall in any wise seeme to grow negligent.

They spend other fiue or sixe yeere likewise in this Odah, from the which (being become men, strong, and fit for any thing) they are remoued to the third Odah, where (forgetting nothing of * 1.1390 [ 10] what they haue learned before, but rather bettering themselues) they also learne to sit a Horse, and to be quicke and nimble in the Warres: Moreouer, euery one of them (according to his in∣clination * 1.1391 and disposition) shall learne a Trade, necessary for the Seruice of the Kings person, viz. to make vp a Telbent, to shaue, to paire nayles, to fold vp Apparell handsomely, to keepe Land∣spaniels, to keepe Hawkes, to be Sewers, to be Quiries of the Stable, to be Target-bearers, and to waite at the Grand Signiors Table, and the like Seruices, as it is also vsed in the Courts of o∣ther Kings and Emperours. So that hauing beene in these Offices foure or fiue yeeres, they be∣come men able to teach others.

And whilst they are in these three Schooles, they are but indifferently apparelled, hauing their two Vests of Cloth per annum, some what fine, but their Linnen is such as the others weare, [ 20] and so they must be contented to be vnder the correction of their Mastes, who are so seuere, that for euery fault, or for suspition only of Dishonestie, cause them to bee punished with an hundred * 1.1392 blowes on the soles of the feet, and on the Buttocks, insomuch that they leaue them oftentimes for dead. Neither are they permitted whilst they remayne in these three Oda's, to bee familiar with any but themselues, and that with great modestie too: so that it is a matter of great diffi∣cultie for any Stranger to speake with them or see them; which if it be obtayned, it must be by * 1.1393 expresse leaue from the Capee Agha, who causeth an Eunuch to bee there present, so long as any Stranger shall bee in the company of any of the said youths. Nay, when they haue occasion to goe to the Bagno, or the like necessary businesse, they are very narrowly lookt vnto by the Eu∣nuches, [ 30] to keepe them by all meanes from any filthy Actions: And if they shall be found guiltie, or accused of any fault, they are most seuerely punished for it: And in their Bed-chambers (which * 1.1394 are long Roomes, and hold about fortie or fiftie in each of them; for they sleepe neere one ano∣ther vpon the Sofas) there are euery night Lampes lighted, and Eunuches lying by them to keep them in awe, and from lewd and wanton behauiour.

Some of them also doe learne Mechanicke Arts, as sewing in Leather (which is in great e∣steeme * 1.1395 amongst the Turkes) to mend Guns, to make Bowes and Arrowes, and Quiuers, and the like; from which Trades they often haue both their Sir-name and their Reputation too; For they are exceedingly beloued, who are diligent and flye Idlenesse.

And the Eunuches make great tryall of their constancie in Religion, searching (as farre as in [ 40] them lyes) their hearts, to see how they stand affected to Turcisme: For the time growing neere, * 1.1396 wherein they are to passe to the fourth Odah, which is the chiefest and last, and from which they are called to businesse of great import; they would not then haue them at all remember that they were formerly Christians, or to haue any desire imaginable to turne to their first beliefe; least they should by some stratagems and politike carriage, proue disaduantageous to the Turkish Empire. So then, all possible proofe and triall being made, and they found to bee most strongly perswaded in themselues of the truth of that Religion, they then are preferred to the fourth O∣dah, where they are once more registred: For all they which are of the third Odah are not trans∣lated to the fourth at one and the same time, but only such as haue gone through all the Degrees in the three former, and are become fit for Seruice: And there is an Account kept apart of them which come into this fourth Odah, for they are immediately ordayned for the Grand Signiors [ 50] owne Seruice, and haue their pay encreased, some more and some lesse, vnto eight Aspers Per diem, * 1.1397 and their Habits changed from Cloth to Silke, and Cloth of Gold of great price: but continue still with their heads and beards shauen, only they suffer some lockes to grow on each side from their temples, which hang downe below their eares, for a signe that they are they which are neerest to the preferment of comming into the Kings Chamber.

They must be very cleanly and neat in their Apparell before they come about the Grand Sig∣niors person; many of them accompanying him euer when he goeth abroad vpon pleasure: And * 1.1398 they may freely conuerse with all the great men of the Serraglio, and with the Bashawes also, and are often presented with great gifts by men of great qualitie, to keepe in their fauour, hoping that they may become men of great command, and bee able to stand them in stead vpon diuers [ 60] occasions. Now out of these young men (after they haue finished the appointed terme of yeeres, and haue beene well instructed in all things as aforesaid) the Grand Signior chooseth his Agha's, which are his Gentlemen and serue him only; whose names and places are as followeth.

And first	that is,
The Silihtar Aga.	The Kings Sword-bearer.
The Chiohadar Aga.	Hee which carrieth his Yagmoorlick.
The Rechiubtar Aga.	Yeoman of the Stirrope.
The Mataragee Aga.	He which brings him water to wash.
The Telbentar Aga.	He which brings him his Turbant.
The Kemhasir Aga.	He which washeth his Linnen.
The Chesneghir Bashee.	Chiefe Sewer.
The Keelergee Bashee.	Chiefe Butler. [ 10]
The Dogangee Bashee▪	Chiefe Falconer.
The Zagargee Bashee.	Chiefe Huntsmen.
The Muhasabegee Bashee.	Chiefe Accomptant.
The Turnak gee Bashee.	He which pareth his nailes.
The Berber Bashee.	Chiefe Barber.
The Hamaromgee Bashee.	Hee which washeth the King in the Bath.
The Teskeregee Bashee.	Chiefe Secretarie to his Maiestie.

All which are of the eldest sort of them; and are alwayes in his Maiesties presence, holding downe their heads, for they may not be so bold as to loooke him in the face, and standing with [ 20] their hands acrosse before them, in token of the greatest Humilitie and Reuerence that may bee * 1.1399 imagined: Neither are they permitted to speake at all to the Grand Signior, nor in his presence to one another; but if the King shall command or call for any thing, they are wonderfull speedie, and readie to obey. These all doe execute their Offices distinctly as aforesaid, and attend in pla∣ces * 1.1400 appointed for them; that they may bee the better able to performe their Seruices, and the more readie to obey at euery becke; and at the houres of Dinner and Supper they waite in the Roome, taking the meate from the hands of the Vnder-sewer at the doore, and so his Majesties Table being made readie (which is of a Bulgar Hide) vpon a Sofa, they bring in the meate which is set thereon orderly, dish by dish, by the chiefe Sewer before the King, and is taken off a∣gaine * 1.1401 as his Maiestie shall appoint. [ 30]

The Grand Signior is very well pleased, and takes great delight in their Seruice and company, making them ride on Horsebacke, and playing with them at seuerall Sports, at such time as hee * 1.1402 is well disposed, euer gracing them with the bestowing gifts on them, of Vests, Chicquines, Swords, and other such like Presents, as come to the hands of the King before, by way of gift: * 1.1403 And besides those fauours, his Majestie vseth to bestow vpon them the dispatching of Ambassies for other Countries, which is a Merchandize held by them to be of a great price, and bringeth in a great profit with it: For one of them hauing his Commission from the Grand Signior; for such or such a Prince, presently thinketh with himselfe, what that Prince vsually doth present the Am∣bassadour withall, and so accordingly agreeth with a Chiaush, or one of such like qualitie, to vn∣dertake the Ambassie, who must giue for the same as they can agree betwixt themselues, either [ 40] in readie Money, or otherwise at his returne, as he shall thinke best for his profit, and so he forth∣with giueth expedition to the partie chosen.

These sorts of Presents, proue wonderfull beneficiall; for, in the establishing of the Princes of Valachia, Bugdania, Transiluania, and of the King of Tartarie (to all which Princes the Grand * 1.1404 Signior, sendeth Ambassadors for confirming their Possession of the said Dominions) they reape great benefit, it being specified in the Canon, how much euery one is to disburse for being hono∣red with that Solemnitie.

And this the Grand Signior doth of policie, to the end his Agha's may become rich, laying vp Money by them to serue for necessary Expenses for themselues, furnishing them with diuers things by that meanes against such time as they shall goe forth of the Serraglio: which is only [ 50] when his Majestie thinkes fit, and that most commonly on a sudden; either to be Generall at Sea, * 1.1405 Bashaw of Catro, Aleppo, Damascus, Babylon, or of some other Prouinces; giuing also to some of them a Musahib, that is, as it were a Companion, who hath liberty freely to talke with him, and to goe out and in vnto him when he pleaseth; The which Title and fauour (of Musahib) proues to be of so great Reputation, that it is esteemed aboue any other sort of employment, for it is very rare, and only bestowed on such Subjects as haue deserued well of the Emperour.

And this hath beene a course vsed of old by the Grand Signiors Progenitors, that so they may haue some trustie Subjects abroad, that may giue notice of the carriage of the Bashawes in their seuerall Regiments, or of any other, if so be they should attempt any thing that might bee prejudiciall to the Crowne; that so the King by cutting off their prouision and the like meanes, [ 60] may anticipate their Plots and Designes. But if his Majestie be not pleased, so highly to exault some one of the aforesaid Agha's, as to be of the Degrees alreadie named; he then makes him Beg∣lerbegh * 1.1406 of Grecia, or of Natolia; Agha of the Ianizaries, Spaheeler Agasee, which is Head ouer all the Spahees, Imrohor Bashee, which is Master of the Horse; or at least a Capigee Bashee, which is Head ouer the Capigees.

Now, the Grand Signior hauing bestowed any of the said places vpon them, they leaue the Serraglio, and carrie with them all their estates, both money and goods: and oftentimes other young men of the other Odahs, which are let goe through their owne hastinesse, and great im∣portunitie, not willing to stay out their time; but losing the Kings fauour are content with small pay and lesser reputation, to goe along with the said Aghas.

Such as goe out vpon the greatest employments, are accompanied forth of the Serraglio by the chiefe Vizir, who also presenteth them, and giueth them entertaynment for three or foure dayes in his house, vntill such time as they can bee prouided of houses of their owne, whither afterwards they repaire, and set their families in order, taking also vnto them such as are come out of the Serraglio, with them for Assistants and Ministers in the charge assigned vnto them; they also accept of the seruice of others which come in by gifts, which likewise redounds to the [ 10] benefit and aduantage of the great ones.

Now, they which succeed in preferment, those that are gone out of the Serraglio vpon the * 1.1407 aforesaid employments; are (as the custome commandeth) such as are next in yeeres vnto them, and of the longest standing; neither can this course be altered, vnlesse by some sinister accident, or euill behauiour they faile thereof: So that it is alwaies knowne amongst themselues, who is next capable of publique employment; nay, the businesse is so orderly carried, and their course so regular, that euen they of the third Odah doe know what their future fortunes will bee, if they liue to enioy them: And indeed all of them liue in hope, and desire that the Grand Sig∣nior would often be pleased to send them abroad, that they may the sooner be out of their hard seruice in the Serraglio, and enter into the state of ample gouernment. [ 20]

They are most commonly of fiue and thirtie, or fortie yeeres of age before they are sent abroad. And because they come out of the Serraglio with their Beards shauen, they are faine to stay within doores for some few dayes to let them growe, that they may be fit to come amongst o∣ther great men, with which staying at home they are very well contented, for that in that time they receiue the Presents which are sent them from all the Sultanaes, of Vests, Shirts, Linnen∣breeches, * 1.1408 and Hand-kerchiefs of all sorts richly wrought, and of great worth: and from the Bashawes and other Great men; Horses, Carpets, Vests, Slaues, and other things fit for the ere∣cting of a House and Familie. The which Presents are made the greater and richer, by so much the more as the partie to whom they are giuen, is knowne to bee fauoured and beloued of the King. Now, so soone as their beards are growne, they goe abroad, and beginne their visits; First, [ 30] to the chiefe Vizir, and then in order to the other Great ones, till they haue beene with them * 1.1409 all, and last of all, offer their seruice to the Capee Agha, in all humble manner, acknowled∣ging that all their best fortunes and honours haue beene conferred vpon them by his meanes; and promising for euer, all dutifull respect vnto him for the same; but this complement with the Capee Agha is performed without that Gate on the Kings side, which is kept by the Eu∣nuches; for they may not come no more within that Gate, vnlesse they be called for by the King, for to treate of things belonging to their employments before their departure.

They all striue to gaine the loue of the Capee Agha; that he may bee a Protector and Patron vnto them, to possesse the Grand Signior with a good opinion of them in their absence; he being the chiefest in the Serraglio, and alwaies neerest to the King. [ 40]

§. VII.

Of inferiour persons, as Buffons, Mutes, Musicians; of white Eunuches, and of the Grand Officers of the Serraglio.

BEsides the Women, and Aiamoglans of this Serraglio, and the aforesaid Youths last spoken of; there are many and diuers Ministers for all manner of necessarie seruices, and particular functions: there are also Buffons of all sorts, and such as shew trickes, * 1.1410 [ 50] Musicians, Wrestlers, many dumbe men both old and young, who haue libertie to goe in and out with leaue of the Capee Agha; And this is worthie the obseruation, that in the Serraglio, both the King and others can reason and discourse of any thing as well and as distinctly, alla mu∣tesca, * 1.1411 by nods and signes, as they can with words: a thing well befitting the grauitie of the bet∣ter sort of Turkes, who care not for much babling. The same is also vsed amongst the Sultanaes, and other the Kings Women: for with them likewise there are diuers dumbe women, both old and young. And this hath beene an ancient custome in the Serraglio: wherefore they get as many Mutes as they can possibly find: and chiefly for this one reason; that they hold it not a thing befitting the Grand Signior. Neither stands it with his greatnesse, to speake to any about him familiarly: but he may in that manner more tractably and domestically iest and sport with [ 60] the Mutes, then with others that are about him.

It followeth now, that I speake of the White Eunuches; who, as the Blacke ones are for the * 1.1412 Seruice and Attendance of the Sultanaes, and for the keeping of their Gate; so are the White

Eunuches appointed for the King and his Gate; And the chiefe and most ancient of these, attend only the most trusty and important employments, both about the Kings Person and his Hou∣shold: of which the first is the Capee Agha, for he is the Chiefe of all the Eunuches; and is High * 1.1413 Chamberlaine. The second, is the Hazinehdar Bashee, who is the Chiefe Treasurer for the House. The third, is the Keelergee Bashee, who is the Chiefe Butler and Master of the Wardrobe. The fourth, is the Sarai Agasee, who is the Keeper of the Serraglio. Now of these foure olde Eu∣nuches, the Capee Aga (as I said) is principall in Authority, and in greatest esteeeme with the Grand Signior, for, none but he can of himselfe speake with his Majestie, neyther can any Mes∣sages, Writings, or Petitions, be sent in (ordinarily) but by his hand and meanes; He likewise doth alwayes accompany the Kings Person whither so euer he goeth, both without and within [ 10] the Serraglio. And when he goeth to his Women, also he accompanieth him to the very doore, which leadeth in vnto them, and there he stoppeth, and so returnes to his owne Lodgings againe; alwayes leauing some bodie to wayte at the said doore, that when the King is ready to come a∣way againe, they may call him. This Capee Agha hath for his ordinary Pension eight Sultaneens * 1.1414 per diem, besides Vests and other necessaries as many as he will; he getteth great store of Money, and (indeed) more then befits a man that hath so small occasion of expence as he hath, by vertue of his place; for that both they of the Serraglio, and those abroad of what condition or degree soeuer they bee, to obtayne his fauour and furtherance in any businesse, doe present him with all * 1.1415 that they can imagine may giue him content, whatsoeuer it cost.

The second, is the Hazinehdar Bashee; and he hath the charge of the Treasurie, which is with∣in [ 20] the Serraglio, he hauing one Key of it and the King another, the doore being likewise sealed * 1.1416 with the Kings Seale, which is neuer taken off, but when the King himselfe giues order for the opening of the same. In this Hazineh are all the Treasures which haue beene layd vp by the deceased Emperors; and into this commeth no other Reuenue of the Crowne, sauing that from Egypt of sixe hundred thousand Crownes per annum; all the other Reuenewes going into the * 1.1417 outward Hazineh, out of which all Expences are borne, both ordinary and extraordinary. But there is not any thing taken out of the aforesaid inward Hazineh, vnlesse it bee vpon extreame * 1.1418 necessitie, when the Grand Signior is not otherwise prouided, to appease the out-cries of the Souldiers for their pay; or for some other the like occasion: Notwithstanding, it is done with this Prouiso, that the Defterdar bee bound to make it good againe to the vtmost Aspar. This [ 30] Agha's charge is to keepe an exact Accompt of all the Treasure that is brought in or taken out * 1.1419 of the same: nor may any goe into the said Hazineh, but only the Hazinehdar, and such as hee shall take in with him when occasion shall require. And when there is any Gold or Siluer ta∣ken out, it is all put into Leather Bags, and so brought before the King, who disposeth thereof as he thinketh fit. He hath also the charge of all the Kings Iewels, of which he keepeth a Book by himselfe, that hee may know what Iewels the King giues away, what Iewels are giuen to the King, and what are likewise for his Majesties owne wearing; And the Capee Agha dying, hee succeeds him in his place.

The third, which is the Keelergee Bashee, keepes the account of the Kings Wardrobe (viz. of all his Houshold-stuffe.) Into which Wardrobe are all the Presents brought, which are giuen to [ 40] * 1.1420 the Grand Signior, as Cloth of Gold, Silkes, Woollen Clothes, Furres of all sorts, Swords, Fea∣thers, Raw Silke, Carpets, and whatsoeuer else may serue for his Majesties owne vse. Of all which things he keepes particular Notes, to the end he may at any time see what is giuen to the King, and what the King giues away to others: The which is a very painfull employment, in∣asmuch * 1.1421 as his Majesty doth euery day, aswell take as giue a great number of Vests, and other the like things: But the businesse is so well ordered and carefully lookt vnto, that there doth not follow any confusion at all. This Eunuch hath diuers Seruants vnder him; and stayes alwayes (for the most part) within the Serraglio; his Pension is a thousand Aspars per diem, besides Vests, * 1.1422 and other such Presents which are giuen him in abundance from time to time; hee also is much fauoured and graced by the King, for that he is to succeed the Hazinehdar Bashee, in case hee the [ 50] said Hazinehdar should dye; and is well esteemed of and reuerenced by all, aswell without as within the Serraglio.

The fourth, which is the Sarai Agasee (who is an Eunuch as the former are) hath the care * 1.1423 and looking vnto the Serraglio, nor doth he euer goe out of it in the Kings absence; but is very vigilant, not only in seeing all things readie for the daily Seruice of the same; but also to looke ouer all the Roomes and to eye the Officers, marking whither they exercise themselues in their seuerall Functions, as befits them to doe. And because he is old, and his businesse great, he hath liberty to ride within the wals of the Serraglio, as the three former Agha's are also permitted * 1.1424 to doe; for which purpose they haue a Stable of Horses within the Garden for their vse alone; his Pension is eight hundred Aspars per diem, besides Vests and Furres, as many as hee can well [ 60] haue occasion to weare; and is to succeed the Keelergee Bashee, and so cursiuely the Capee Agha if he out-liue the rest.

And although all these foure Eunuches may weare Telbents in the Serraglio, and ride, (being * 1.1425 the chiefe next the King himselfe in authoritie, within the Serraglio) and are reuerenced and

respected of all men; yet the three last viz. Hazinehdar Bashee, Keelergee Bashee, and Sarai Aga∣see, may not of themselues speake to the Grand Signior, but onely answer when any thing is as∣ked of them: howbeit they alwayes attend (with the Capee Agha) the person and seruice of the King, with all the other Eunuches vnder them, and the aforesayd Aghas; And they foure onely gouerne the Kings Houshold affaires, giuing order for all things needfull and necessarie, as well for the Dayes as for the Nights prouision.

All the Eunuches in the Serraglio may bee about hundred in number, what with old ones, middle aged, and young ones: they are all guelt and cut cleane off, and are chosen of those * 1.1426 Renegado youthes which are presented from time to time to the Grand Signior as aforesayd: few or none at all are guelt and cut against their will, for then (as the Master workman in that [ 10] businesse sayth) they would bee in great danger of Death; wherefore, to get their consent there∣to, the▪ shew vnto them the assurance they may haue (in time) to become Great men, all which must bee done at their first comming into the Serraglio, for it is a worke not to bee wrought vp∣on men of yeeres.

They are brought vp with the others, and are taken out by turnes of the fourth Odah, for the Grand Signiors seruice, as well as those which are not Eunuches. * 1.1427

His Majestie also employes some of these his white Eunuches in the gouernment of all the o∣ther Serraglios and Nurseries of young Lads, as well in Constantinople, as in Adrianople, Bursia, and * 1.1428 in diuers other places, (in each of which there are commonly two or three hundred Schollers) that by their ouerlooking them (together with the helpe of other Ministers) they may bee [ 20] brought to an excellent Discipline, by which they may proue men of good manners and reaso∣nable Learning.

And it so falleth out oftentimes, that the Grand Signior (to giue way to the other inferiour and younger Eunuches, who expect that they shall succeed in order the aforesayd Officers) sen∣deth * 1.1429 forth some of the ancientest and of the h••ghest ranke, into great employments, as to bee Bashaw of Cairo, or of some Prouinces in Asia, and sometimes Vizirs of the Port; for the Eu∣nuches generally proue Subiects of greatest iugdement and fidelitie; their mindes being set on businesse rather then pleasure. And for that they are more trustie then any other seruants of the * 1.1430 Serraglio, the Capee Agha committeth such things as the Grand Signior would haue kept for cu∣riositie, vnto their custodie; who for that end haue places made of purpose to lay vp such delica∣cies [ 30] as are presented to the King; as great peeces of Amber Greece, sent from the Bashawes of the Morea, Muske, Treacle, Mithridate of Cairo, Terra sigillata, Balsami, Boloarmeno, and other things of great value; Cups also of Agat, Christall, and Iasper, Turkesses, and other precious Stones; all which are so nearly and orderly kept, that indeed it is admirable; they likewise lay vp his Iudian Presents of Zeua and Ciuet, of all which things his Majestie and his Sultanaes make daily vse, the Eunuches who are the keepers of the sayd Dainties, being first made acquainted therewithall.

There is in the Serraglio a very large place, in which are kept all the goods which fall to the King, as well by them which are put to death, as by those which dye of naturall Diseases, of * 1.1431 which the King will bee Master. And the goods being brought into the sayd place by the chiefe [ 40] Defterdar (whose particular charge it is to see them brought thither) and the King in presence of his Assistants hauing seene and viewed it all; maketh choise of what he thinkes fit to reserue, and for to giue away; the rest is cryed in the Serraglio, to the end if any one there haue a will to buy, hee may haue a good penniworth: and the surplusage is carryed into the publ••que Bezisten, a place somewhat resembling the Paune in our royall Exchange: where it is cryed vp and * 1.1432 downe, the Cryer still naming the most that hath beene alreadie offered; and is at last sold to him that bids most, nor may hee that bids money goe from his word, at least if hee bee able to performe and stand to it. Now the money is deliuered to the Hazinehdar Bashee, and is put into the outward Hazineh: And although the goods did come from out of the Houses of such as dyed but the day before of the Pestilence; the Turkes neuerthelesse buy them, and vse * 1.1433 [ 50] them as if the Disease were not infectious at all; affirming that their end is written in their Fore∣head, and it cannot bee auoyded by any humaine Rule or Policie.

§. VIII.

Of blacke Eunuches and Black-moore Girles and Women: of Physicians, and of the Kings Children.

NOw as concerning the Blacke Eunuches, and Black-moore Wenches, which serue the [ 60] Sultanaes and the Kings Women; It is to bee noted that the Blacke Eunuches, whilst they are Boyes, are for the most part kept and taught among the other youthes of the * 1.1434 Serraglio, vntill they bee come to age and made fit for seruice; and being taken from thence they are appointed for the Women, and set to serue with others at the Sultanaes Gate (all

vnder command of the Kuzlar Agha, that is to say, the Master of the Virgins) being allowed a Pen∣sion of fiftie or sixtie Aspers per Diem, and two Vests of Silke per Annum, with Linnen and other * 1.1435 necessaries sufficient for their vse, besides diuers gifts they receiue from Women strangers at such * 1.1436 times as they let them goe in to the Kings women: they are named by the names of Flowers, as Hiacynth, Narcissus, Rose, Gilly-flower, and the like; for that, seruing the Women, their names * 1.1437 may bee answerable to their Virginitie, sweet and vndefiled.

The Black-moore Girles, are no sooner brought into the Serraglio after their arriuall at Con∣stantinople, * 1.1438 (for they come by Ship from Cairo and from thereabouts) but they are carryed to the Womens lodgings, where they are brought vp and made fit for all seruices; and by how much the more vglie and deformed they are, by so much the more they are esteemed of, by the Sulta∣naes; * 1.1439 wherefore the Bashaw of Cairo (who for the most part sends them all) is alwayes diligent [ 10] to get the most il-fauoured, cole-blacke, flat-nosed Girles that may bee had throughout all Ae∣gypt, or the bordering Countries, to send them for Presents to the Grand Signior, who bestowes them vpon his Women. Now after their comming, if they shall bee disliked by reason of some Infirmitie, then are they sent into the old Serraglio, as the white Women are, when they are vn∣fit for seruice or misbehaue themselues; all which is done by the Kings order and consent.

The aforesayd blacke Eunuches, by occasion of being sent with Messages to the Grand Signior from the Sultanaes, may passe through the Mens lodgings to carrie little Notes to the Cap•••• A∣gha, * 1.1440 that hee may deliuer them to the King; or for to fetch any thing from any of the Officers of the Serraglio, or to speake with a friend at the Gate; but otherwise they may not goe forth of the Serraglio from the Kuzlar Agha, without expresse licence from the Queene. They likewise [ 20] are to goe about and doe all other businesse for the Sultanaes in the Womens lodgings, which White Eunuches cannot performe, for they are not permitted to come there; nor any man that * 1.1441 is White (but the King onely) may see and come amongst the Women. Insomuch, as when by reason of some one of them being fallen sicke, it is required that the Hekim Bashee (who is the Kings Physician) should come thither; they must necessarily first haue leaue of the King for his entrance, and being admitted to enter by the Sultanaes doore, hee seeth none but the Blacke Eunuches (all the other Women being retired into some withdrawing roomes) who bring him into the Sicke womans Chamber; and shee being closely couered from head to foote with Quilts and Blankets, holdeth out her Arme onely, so as the Doctor may touch her pulse, who when hee hath giuen order what shall bee done, goes his way immediatly by the same way [ 30] that hee came.

But if she which is sicke be the Queene or one of the Sultanaes, then her arme and hand which shee holdeth out of the Bed for the Physician to feele her pulse, is couered with a fine piece of white Silke or taffata Sarcenet, for her flesh may not be seene; neither may the Doctor say any thing in her hearing, but being gone out of her chamber, prescribeth what medicine hee thinkes fit; which for the most part (according to the common custome of the Turkes) is but onely some kinde of loosening Sherbet, for they seldome vse any other Physicke; neither doe I hold their skill sufficient to prepare Medicines for euery Maladie. But in case that shee should need a Chy∣rurgeon, * 1.1442 shee must then doe as shee may without any scruple; for there is no remedie to conceale her skinne from him. And as for the other Women which are not Sultanaes, or at least which [ 40] are not well beloued of the Grand Signior for some peculiar vertues; they needing a Chirurgion are sent into the old Serraglio to bee cured.

The Kings Sonnes which are borne vnto him by his Queene, are Nursed and brought vp to∣gether by themselues, by choise Nurses which are found abroad without the Serraglio, But if hee * 1.1443 haue also Sonnes by other Sultanaes (as commonly euery Grand Signior hath) then those are brought vp apart and not with the Queenes, so that euery Mother careth for her owne Children, and that with great jealousie; yet they may play together till they come to bee of sixe or seuen * 1.1444 yeeres of Age; being much made of, sumptuously maintayned, and Apparelled all alike at the Kings charge, and their Nurses are well rewarded for their paines. They liue among the Wo∣men till they come to bee of nine or ten yeeres of age; and about fourteene they are Circumcised [ 50] * 1.1445 with a great deale of pompe (especially the eldest Sonne) and solemnities throughout the whole Citie; for the Circumcision of the Turkes Children, are like the Christian Weddings, there be∣ing vsed at them, great Feasting, Banquetting, Musicke, and bringing of Presents.

From fiue yeeres of age vntill ten (during which time they liue amongst the Women) they haue their Hoiah (that is, their Schoole-master) appointed them by the King to teach them; * 1.1446 which H••iah comes into the Womens Serraglio euery day, and is brought into a Chamber by the Blacke Eunuches, (without euer seeing the Women at all) whither the Children come ac∣companied with two old Black-moore women Slaues, and are taught for so many howers as their Tutor is permitted to stay, and so hee departeth.

As for the Daughters, they are but sleightly looked after; nor is the King so tender ouer them; [ 60] * 1.1447 for, as they are not suspected for any thing that may concerne the State in future times, so like∣wise are they not much respected; yet they are well prouided for by the Grand Signior their Fa∣ther, in case they liue to bee fit for Husbands.

After the Prince (next Heire to the Crowne) is circumcised; if his Father thinke it vnfit to keepe him any longer with him at home in the Serraglio, hee prouides all things fitting to send * 1.1448 him abroad that he may see the World the better to enable him for to gouerne the Empire after his Fathers decease; and sends along with him one of his principall Eunuches for to be his O∣uer-seer and a helpe vnto him, besides many Seruants to attend vpon him, all which hee chuseth out of his owne Serraglio: hee allowes him likewise sufficient meanes to maintayne him like a Prince (as he doth also by the rest of his Sonnes if he haue a purpose to send any of them abroad) and so all things being well ordered for him, hauing taken his leaue of his Father and Mother (who present him with many gifts; as also the Sultana's, and all the Bashawes, and great men of the Port doe) he departs for Magnesia, a Citie in Asia, there to reside in the Gouernment of * 1.1449 [ 10] that Prouince; in which hee hath not the Supreame Authoritie, but gouernes only as his Fa∣thers Deputie. And should hee passe the limits of his Commission, hee would quickly fall into disgrace, and suspition of Rebellion; as heretofore it hath hapned vnto diuers: wherefore the Eu∣nuch which was appointed for to bee his Ouer-seer, is bound to giue continuall aduice to the Grand Signior and the Vizirs, of all Occurrences according to the Canon: and likewise to receiue from Constantinople such Commandements as are to bee obeyed in those parts where the Prince resideth; so that all things in a manner, are swayed by the discretion of the Eunuch.

§. IX. [ 20]

Prouisions of Victuals, Cookes, Kitchins, Diet of the King, Queene, and others, and of their manner of Seruice.

AL the victuals in the Serraglio, (for the most part) are dressed by Agiamoglans, brought vp to Cookerie; howbeit there are belonging more then two hundred Vnder-cookes * 1.1450 and Scullions to the Kitchins that are therein, besides their principall Officers, as Sewers, Caters, and such like: all which are carefully to looke to their seuerall Kit∣chins, [ 30] and not any one to trust another with his businesse.

The Kings Kitchin beginnes to worke ordinarily before day, for, his Highnesse rising be∣times, there must be alwayes something readie for him, and oftentimes he eateth three or foure * 1.1451 times a day. Hee dines commonly at ten of the clocke in the fore-noone, and sups about sixe at night, aswell in the Summer as in the Winter. Now when hee hath a will to eate, hee tels the Capee Agha of it, who forth-with sends an Eunuch to giue notice of the same to the Chiefe Sewer; and he hauing di••ned the meate, brings it in dish by dish to the Kings Table; and so his Majestie sits downe after the common Turkish fashion with his legges acrosse, hauing a very rich * 1.1452 embroydered Towell cast before him vpon his knees to saue his Clothes; and another hanging vpon his left arme which he vseth for his Napkin to wipe his mouth and fingers. He is not car∣ued vnto, as other Princes are, but helps himselfe; hauing before him vpon a piece of Bulgar lea∣ther [ 40] (which is in stead of a Table-cloth) fine white Bread, of three or foure sorts, very new and * 1.1453 well relished. He neither vseth Knife nor Forke, but only a wooden Spoone, of which there are two layed before him, the one seruing him to eate his Pottage, and the other to sup vp certaine delicate Sirrups withall; made of all sorts of Fruits, compounded with the Iuice of Limons and Sugar, to quench his thirst: he tasteth of his dishes one by one, and as hee hath done with them, they are taken off againe: his meate is so tender and delicately dressed, that (as I said be∣fore) he needs no Knife, but puls the flesh from the bones very easily with his fingers: He vseth no Salt at his Table, neither hath he any Antipasto; but immediately fals aboord the flesh, and concludes with a Tart or some such like thing: And so his Dinner or Supper being ended, hee * 1.1454 washeth his hands in a Bason of Gold, with the Ewer all set with precious stones. [ 50]

His Majesties ordinary Diet (as I haue beene told by some of the Aschees) is halfe a score ro∣sted Pidgeons in a dish, two or three Geese in a dish, Lambe, Hens, Chickens, Mutton, and some∣times * 1.1455 Wild-fowle, but very seldome: and looke what hee hath rosted for him, so hee hath the same quantitie boyled, almost of euery thing; there being very good sawce for euery dish, and other ingredients very pleasing to the pallat. He hath likewise Broths of all sorts, and diuers Purcelaine dishes of Preserues and Sirrups, and some Tarts and Pyes, after their fashion made of flesh: and hauing made an end of eating, hee drinkes one draught of Sherbet, (not drinking a∣boue once at a Meale) which is brought vnto him in a deepe Purcelaine dish couered, standing * 1.1456 vpon a flat vnder dish, of the same Metall. [ 60]

All the while that he is at Table, he very seldome or neuer speakes to any man, albeit there stand afore him diuers Mutes and Iesters, to make him merrie, playing trickes and sporting one with another Alla Mutescha, which the King vnderstands very well, for by signes their meaning * 1.1457 is easily conceiued. And if peraduenture he doe chance to speake a word or two; it is to grace

some one of his Agha's standing by him whom hee highly fauoureth, throwing him a Loafe of Bread from his owne Table, and this is held for a singular grace and speciall fauour: and hee di∣uiding * 1.1458 it amongst his companions, they accept of it at a second hand, as a great honour done vnto them, in regard it came from their Lord and King.

The dishes for his Highnesse Table are all of Gold, and so likewise are their couers; they are in the custodie of the Keelergee, who attends at the Kitchin; and so are all the yellow Purce∣laine * 1.1459 dishes (which are very costly and scarcely to bee had for money) in which the King eates in the Ramazan time, which is their Lent, and lasteth a whole Moone, and the Moneth it selfe is so called: In which time they neuer eate in the day, but only in the night, not making any difference in meates (excepting Swines flesh and things strangled, of which they are forbidden by their Law to eate at any time.) The King seldome eates fish, vnlesse it be when he is abroad [ 10] at some Garden House by the Sea-side with his Women.

The meate which remaynes of that which was at the Grand Signiors Table, is immediately * 1.1460 carried to the Agha's Table which waite vpon him; so that they (what with that and their own diet together) are wondrous well to passe. Now whilst the Agha's are eating, the King passeth away the time with his Mutes and Buffones, not speaking (as I said) at all with his Tongue, but only by signes: and now and then he kicks and buffeteth them in sport, but forth-with makes them amends by giuing them Money; for which purpose his pockets are alwayes furnished.

In the meane time also the Capee Agha eates in a Roome apart, such meate as is prepared for * 1.1461 him in his Kitchin, being farre inferiour to the Kings diet, and with him doe eate the Hazineh∣dar [ 20] Bashee, the Sarai Agasee, and sometimes some of the Kings Physicians, whom hee cals in for to beare him company; and such other Eunuchs which are Keepers of the Serraglioes abroad, as doe come to visit him. And the remainder of his diet, with a fresh supply from the Kitchins, serues Di man' in mano, all the other white Eunuchs.

In this Interim likewise, is meate sent to all the other Odahs, for the youths there; which is * 1.1462 two Loaues apiece per diem, and a little boyled Mutton, and Pottage of Rice mingled with But∣ter and Honey, which consists more of Broth then substance, it being but thinne of Rice, and so little flesh put in it, that it is well if it giue but a taste thereof when they soppe their bread therein.

On the other side is meate carried in by blacke Eunuchs, to the Queene, to the Sultanas, and [ 30] to all the other women, wherein is obserued the same order as is aforesaid with the King. Inso∣much * 1.1463 as that in the space of an houre and halfe all is dispatched.

The Queenes Seruice is in Copper dishes tinned ouer, but kept very bright and cleane, and * 1.1464 some also of white Purcelaine: howsoeuer it is to bee vnderstood, that for her owne mouth shee may be serued as she pleaseth, and so questionlesse may all the Sultanas, although their ordinarie allowance be no other then Copper. For oftentimes the King is amongst them a whole day together, eating, sporting, and sleeping; of which there is no notice taken, nor may any one * 1.1465 looke into his actions; where amongst themselues they make him delicate and sumptuous Ban∣quets (ouer and aboue the ordinary meales of Dinner and Supper) of sweet Meats and Fruits of all sorts; hauing daily an abundance presented vnto them. They drinke their Sherbet mingled [ 40] * 1.1466 with Snow in the Summer, of which there is a great quantitie preserued yeerely for to serue the Serraglio, but at a very great charge. For the Snow doth stand the Port in more then twentie thousand Chicquines per annum, in Gifts and Ceremonies, and other Expenses, at the fetching it in from the Hils; and in putting it vnder ground in Houses made of purpose for that vse.

They doe not ordinarily vse Comfets, nor Cheese, for the Turkes doe hardly know how to make them; especially Cheese (which although they doe make of it) it neuer prooues good: So * 1.1467 that the Sultanas, and all great Personages eate none but Parmezan, of which the Bailo of Ue∣nice doth alwayes furnish them, and that very plentifully, for they loue it well, and eate hearti∣ly of it when they goe abroad vpon pleasure or a hunting.

For the prouision of the said Serraglio, all things are prepared in great abundance, and euery [ 50] particular prouision is assigned to particular persons to take care therefore, so that there is neuer any want of things necessary. * 1.1468

The first and best sort of Bread (which indeed is very white and sauourie) is for the King, the * 1.1469 Sultanas, the Bashawes, and other great ones. The second sort for them of a middle ranke. The third and last sort (which indeed is very blacke and course) for the Agiamoglans and others of base qualitie.

The meale whereof the best sort of bread is made for the Grand Signior and the Sultanas, is brought from Bursia, made of the Wheate of that Prouince of Bithinia, growing in the Kings * 1.1470 owne ground. And the yeerely prouision thereof is about seuen or eight thousand Keeloes, which makes almost so many Bushels of ours here in London: the which Wheat makes the best flower [ 60] that comes to Constantinople, for that it is also ground at Bursia, and those Mils are far better then any that are neere Stanbol.

Now for the other Wheate which they spend, it all comes (for the most part) from Volo in Grecia, where there is a great deale of Land belonging to the Crowne; a great part of which * 1.1471

Corne is yeerely spent in the Armado, made into Bisket at Negropouti: and some part of it is sold to the Raguseans and others, who come with their shipping to lade it thence, but they must bring their Authoritie with them from Constantinople. There is likewise brought yeerely to Stanboll of the aforesaid Wheate, hirtie fiue, or fortie thousand Keel••es, which is laid vp in * 1.1472 Magasins that serue for that vse, and is afterwards ground, and spent in the Serraglio, for the ser∣uice of the same. Nor is it any wonder that the Serraglio consumes so much Corne; for, besides the Seruants as aforesaid; all the Sultanas and great Personages, with diuers others, haue their daily allowance of bread from the Keeler (that is) the Pantrie, or from his Highnesse Bake∣house; * 1.1473 scilicet, euery Sultana, twentie Loaues: euery Bashaw ten: to the Muftee eight: and so to diuers others a seuerall proportion, euen to one Loafe a man. All which is by the Comman∣dement and discretion of the Chiefe Vizir: the seuerall allowances beeing set downe in the [ 10] Chiefe Butlers Bookes, or else in his who is the Ouerseer of the Bake-houses: Euery Loafe being as bigge as three penie Loaues of ours here in London, but very light and spungie, and easie of digestion.

The Rice and Lentils, and all other sorts of Pulse (of which there is a great quantitie spent) is * 1.1474 brought yeerely from Alexandria in the Galeons, which make two Voyages per annum, and bring out of Egypt, not only the said Pulse, but also all sorts of Spice and Sugar, and a great quantitie of Preserues, and pickled meates, which the Turkes much delight in. And as for Sugar, there is spent an vnspeakeable deale in making of Sherbets, and Tarts; which not only the Ser∣raglio vseth, but are also ordinary Presents from one Bashaw to another, and from one friend to a∣nother; insomuch that it is a thing to be admired, to see so great a quantitie so suddenly consumed. [ 20] True it is, that there is but little Spice spent in the Serraglio, nor indeed any great store among * 1.1475 the Turkes (Pepper only excepted) for inasmuch as Wine is not an ordinary drink amongst them, they therefore auoide such things as prouoke a desire thereunto. Howsoeuer in the Store-houses of the Port, there is prouision of all sorts of Spices and Drugges for whatsoeuer occasion should happen, that may require the vse of them.

There likewise comes from Egypt great store of Dates, Prunes, and other dryed Plummes of * 1.1476 diuers sorts, which the Cookes vse in their dressing of meate, aswell for rost as boyled, and in∣deed they make delicate dishes of them. The Hony (of which the Port spends a great quantitie both in their Broths, boyled meates and Sherbets also for the common sort of people) is brought, * 1.1477 from Valachia, from Transiluania, and from Moldania, aswell that which is presented to the King, [ 30] as that which comes for particular mens Accounts; yet that which is vsed in the Kings Kit∣chin comes from Candie, and is farre better and purer then the other.

The Oyle (of which there is an vnspeakable consumption made) is brought from Modon and * 1.1478 Coron in Grecia, the Saniack begh of that Prouince being bound to see the Port sufficiently fur∣nished there with: howbeit that which is spent in the Kings Kitchin is brought from Candie, it * 1.1479 being sweeter, cleerer, and in euery respect better then that of the Morea.

The Butter (of which there is also spent a very great quantitie, in that it is vsed almost in all * 1.1480 their meates; especially in Pillawe) comes out of the Blacke Sea, from Bogdania and from Caffa, being put into great Oxe-hides and Buffalo-hides, and so laid vp in Magazines, for the yeerely prouision of the Kings Court, but commonly they haue so much that they sell part of it into the [ 40] Citie, as they doe likewise the Oyle, Honey, &c. which is Beggleek (that is, for the Grand Sig∣niors Account) when they haue more of them then they thinke they shall spend; and make a * 1.1481 great benefit of it. The Turkes know not what belongs to fresh Butter, there being little or none at all made about Constantinople; neither doe they eate much Milke, except it bee made sower, which they call Yoghurd, for that it being so turned sower it doth quench the thirst; and of that both they and the Christians doe eate a great quantitie. They eate also some store of Kaymack (that is, clouted or cloded Creame) but that is only for the better sort, for it is a meate of too high a price for the vulgar.

Now as for flesh, euery yeere in the Autumne, Winter drawing nigh; the Bashaw causeth the * 1.1482 Prouision of Basturma to be made for the Kings Kitchins; and they make it of Kowes great [ 50] with Calfe, for then say they, the flesh is most tender and sauourie: they vse it in the same man∣ner as Christians vse Swines flesh, for they make Puddings and Sauceages of it, and the rest they boyle and dresse after other fashions.

This sort of dryed flesh, after that it is sufficiently dryed with hanging a moneth or better in * 1.1483 a Roome, and little or no Salt vsed about it, will last the whole yeare, and eate very sauourly: and it is in such vse amongst the Turkes, that there is scarce a house of any fashion or account, but doth yeerely make prouision of it, and it is held a very thriftie and sparing course; but they doe not all make their Basturma of Kowes great with Calfe, for there are some which loue the other better, which is made of Oxen and Bullocks; and they can buy it farre cheaper. [ 60]

The Bashaw hath the ouersight of that which is prepared for the Kings Kitchins; and there are ordinarily spent foure hundred Kowes per annum, for the said prouision of Basturma. The o∣ther flesh which is daily spent in the Kitchins of the Serraglio (as I was told by one of the As∣chees) is as followeth: Sheepe, 200. Lambes, or Kids when they are in season, 100. Calues, 10.

Geese, 50. Hennes, 200. Chickens, 100. Pigeons, 200. There is but very little store of Fish spent in the Serraglio: yet sometimes the Aghaes for dainties will eate some; the Seas there∣abouts * 1.1484 doe exceedingly abound with diuers kinds, and they may easily take as many as they please: but the Christians are well serued with Fish in the Markets, and at reasonable prices; and the common sort of Turkes doe beare them Companie.

The Grand Signior (nor any of the Serraglio) cannot want for Fruit; there being in time of yeere so many Presents thereof brought thither continually; besides what comes from the Kings * 1.1485 owne Gardens (which are many, and neere the Citie) euery morning in great abundance, and excellent good; the Gardeners selling the remainder at a place in Constantinople, where onely the Kings Fruit is sold; and bring the money weekely to the Bustangee Bashee, who afterwards [ 10] giues it to his Maiestie, and it is called the Kings Pocket-money; for he giues it away by hand∣fuls, as he sees occasion, to his Mutes and Buffons.

The furniture of the Kitchins in the Serraglio, as Ketles, Cauldrons, and Skillets, &c. are al∣most all of Brasse, and they are so neatly kept, and of such a largenesse, that there cannot bee a * 1.1486 brauer sight of that nature. And as for the Dishes, they are of Copper tinned ouer, but so of∣ten new forbished and trimmed, that (they being daily vsed) it is wonderfull to behold their continuall brightnesse; and of these they haue a great number, but the King sustaynes great losse by them: for, there being such a companie of people serued daily from the Kitchins with meate * 1.1487 both within and without (especially vpon the foure Diuan dayes) there are so many of them stolne, that the Defterdars (weighing the losse and charge of those Dishes) haue often beene al∣most [ 20] resolued to make them all of Siluer, and so to consigne them to the custodie of the Sewers and Butlers, who should from time to time giue account of them, and looke the better to them: but finding it a thing so costly, not any Defterdar (as yet) hath performed it, nor ad∣uentured to beginne.

The Wood which is spent in the aforesaid Kitchins and in all the Serraglio, are almost an in∣finite * 1.1488 number of weights, (for at Constantinople the Wood is all bought and sold by weight) there being for the account of the Serragli•• (which they call Begleek) aboue thirtie great Caramusals, which doe nothing else at one time of the yeere, but sayle into the Blacke Sea, there to lade at the Kings Woods: It is a businesse which costs but little (in respect of the worth of it) for they haue it for the cutting downe; and the bringing and vnlading of it requires little or no charge [ 30] at all; for they are to make so many returnes per annum for the King, but receiue no fraight: and the Masters are to see it vnladen at their owne costs and charges, receiuing only a discharge, but no recompence at all.

§. X.

Apparell, Bedding, Sicknesse, Hospitals. Inheritance; Kings expences, Recreations, receiuing Petitions, Stables; Ramazan Solemnities.

THe Grand Signiors Apparell, is nothing different in fashion from other mens, sauing in [ 40] * 1.1489 the length of his Vests, and the richnesse thereof; nor are his shooes shod with Iron at the heeles, as other Turkes weare them, but are rased and painted like childrens shooes, with knots and flowers.

And as for his Lodging; he sleepes vpon Matteresses of Veluet and Cloth of gold: In the Summer in Sheets of Shash embroydered with Silke sowen to the quilts: and in the Winter * 1.1490 betwixt Couerlets of Lucernes or of Sables, wearing all night a little Telbent on his head; And when he lies alone in his owne Lodgings, he is alwaies watched by his Pages of his Cham∣ber, * 1.1491 by two and two at a time, changing euery three houres; one of them standing at the Chamber doore, and the other by the Bed side to couer him, in case the clothes should slide off, [ 50] and to be neere hand, if his Maiestie should want any thing: And in the same Chamber where he lies, there are alwaies two women that attend with burning Torches in their hands; nor * 1.1492 may they put them out till such time as the King is risen out of his Bed.

The habite of the women is much like to that of the men, for they weare Chacksirs, and Bus∣kins, and haue their Shooes shod with Iron at the heeles. They sleepe as the men doe, in linnen * 1.1493 Breeches, and in quilted Wast-coats; hauing thinne and light ones for the Summer, and more thicke and warme ones for the Winter.

The Turkes neuer haue any Close-stooles, or such like inplements in their Chambers; but ha∣uing a will to that businesse, they rise and goe to their Priuies, made in places apart, where there * 1.1494 doe alwaies stand Water-pots ready, that they may wash when they haue done; nor may they vse Paper in that seruice, as we doe. [ 60]

The seuerall stipends which the Grand Signior alloweth to those of the Serraglio, (of what * 1.1495 degree or condition soeuer they be) are payd out of the outmost Hazineh; and the chiefe Defter∣dar (who hath a Booke as well of the names of the Stipendaries, as of their stipends) is bound to

send once euery three moneths, to all the Odahs in seuerall bagges, so much money as their pay imports, and there they share it amongst them: The like hee doth also by the women, and the Agiamoglans, paying them in good money. And against the Biram, which is their Carneual, hee sends them their Vests, their Linnen, and such like necessaries, of which he neuer fayles them; for, they wanting them, if he should disappoint them, they would so complaine against the said Defterdar, that it would bee his vtter ouerthrow; for hee should bee sure (at the least) to lose his place.

When any one dieth in the Serraglio, his Chamber-fellowes are made his Heires, and that * 1.1496 which he left is diuided amongst them. And if any great Eunuch die, all comes to the King; for they are alwaies very rich, by reason of the manifold gifts which come to their hands: But if any Eunuch of the Serraglios abroad, or in places of other gouernment should die, then two [ 10] thirds of his estate falls to the King by Canon, the other third part being to bee disposed of ac∣cording to the Testators will; and that is onely when the King giues way vnto it, and will not * 1.1497 out of his supreme authoritie take all to himselfe, as he vseth to doe by all great rich ones, the Kings person being held the principall and most lawfull Heire of all; they being accounted as slaues which haue receiued their liuelihood, goods, estates, and all that they haue enioyed, meer∣ly from his greatnesse, and bountie. And to this end there is an Officer, called the Beytilmawlgee, * 1.1498 who so soone as any one dies, makes inquisition for their estates, and so certifies the Defterdar thereof, leauing the execution to him, if it be in matters of import. But the Beytilmalgee for his owne priuate gayne, doth oftentimes conceale a great part of the estate of the deceased, parting the same betwixt the kindred and himselfe. [ 20]

When any ordinary person falls sicke in the Serraglio, he is carried from his chamber in a Cart which is couered and drawne with hands; and is put into the aforesaid Hospitall or Lazaretta, * 1.1499 where he is lookt vnto after the Turkish fashion; and kept so closely, that none may come to the speech of him but with great difficultie; and growing well againe, he is carried backe in the same manner to his owne chamber where he was at the first.

The expences of the Serraglio are very great, as any one may gather by what hath beene al∣ready * 1.1500 said; besides, there are other charges of great consideration which the King is at, by rea∣son of the Queene, the chiefe Uizirs, the Generals of his seuerall forces, and the great Defter∣dars: All whom he doth present according as he seeth fit vpon diuers occasions; as at the times of their going forth, or at their returnes from their employments abroad; The which Pre∣sents [ 30] are of Vests, some vnlined, and some lined with very costly Furs; Swords, Bowes, Plumes and Brooches, Girdles all set with rich Stones, and in fine many other things of great value; and some but of lowe price, according to the qualitie and desert of the partie to whom hee is pleased to shew his liberalitie. Nay, the Hazinehdar Bashee without (who hath the keeping of the Cloth of gold and siluer of Bursia) doth affirme, that in that one commoditie, to make Vests of, there is spent yeerely two hundred thousand Sultanines; besides what he disburseth for the * 1.1501 buying of Venetian Silkes and Wollen clothes, of which the Serraglio consumes a great quanti∣tie, they not wearing (for the most part) any other.

Neither would this alone serue the turne, for besides all this, the Gr. Signior giues away all that which is giuen him by strangers, and a great part of that which comes to him of the spoyle of the [ 40] dead, of which he is Master, as hath bene shewed before. And surely, should he want these helps, the King could not continue in that humour of giuing Presents, long, as he doth, to his wenches, to his Bashawes, and to all such as are at any time to kisse his hand. Neuerthelesse, true it is that the greatest part of things of great value, in time, come againe to his hands; for, his Sultanaes, Ba∣shawes, or other rich men dying, hee becomes Master of all, or (at least) of the greatest part of their estate. And so much of such things, there is a continuall ebbing and flowing in the Serraglio. * 1.1502

The Queene also giues much away; for, as shee is presented by many, so is it fit, that shee should in part make some compensation: and to that end, shee hath an allowance of Vests, and other things in abundance; besides, shee hath libertie to dispose of many of those which haue beene worne by the King. [ 50]

The chiefe Uizir is likewise a giuer, as well whilest hee is in Constantinople, as when he is vp∣on departure as Generall of the Armie: and to that end, before he departeth, hee hath allowed him from the Hazinehdar Bashee, a great number of Vests and other things, that he may be pro∣uided when he is in the field with Presents; according to the Turkish custome, which (in all bu∣sinesses, and vpon euery occasion) is, to giue and take.

The King (if he please) may at any time goe abroad either by water or by land: when hee goes by water, he hath his Kaik of sixteene or eighteene bankes; with a very sumptuous Poope, * 1.1503 couered ouer with rich embroydered crimson Veluet, vnder which he himselfe sits, and none but he, on cushions of Veluet and Cloth of gold; his Aghaes standing all on their feete, and onely the Bustangee Bashee, who steeres the Kaik, may now and then sit downe, that he may handle [ 60] the Helme the better. Now the Bustangee Bashee, by reason the King talkes much with him in the Barge, (at which time least any one should heare what they say, the Mutes fall a howling * 1.1504 like little Dogs) may benefit or preiudice whom he pleaseth; the King being ignorant of diuers

passages, and apt to beleeue any information, either with or against any Subiect whatsoeuer. His Kaik is rowed by Agiamoglans, which are brought vp to that exercise, and indeed they manage the businesse with a great deale of dexteritie.

When he goeth forth by land, hee alwaies rides on horse-backe, and goes out (for the most part) at the greatest Gate, especially, at such times as he goes to the Moschea which is vpon the * 1.1505 Friday (it being their Sabboth) and is accompanied into the Citie by the Bashawes, and other great men of the Port, besides many of his owne seruants which goe by his stirrop, and diuers Solacks with their Bowes and Arrowes, for his Guard. And as he rides along the streets, he sa∣lutes the people with nodding his head, who againe salute him with loude shouts and prayers of * 1.1506 prosperitie and happinesse; and for recompence, hee oftentimes puts his hand into his Pocket, [ 10] and throwes whole handfuls of money amongst them.

Now, they of the Serraglio, which goe by his stirrop, haue charge to receiue such Petitions * 1.1507 as are preferred to his Maiestie, as he rides along: and many poore folkes, who dare not to ap∣proach nigh him, stand a farre off with fire vpon their heads, holding vp their Petitions in their hands; the which the King seeing, sends immediatly to take the said Petitions, and being re∣turned home into his Serraglio, reades them all, and then giues order for redresse as he thinks fit. By reason of which complaints, the King oftentimes takes occasion to execute Iustice, euen a∣gainst the most eminent in place, before they are aware, without taking any course in Law a∣gainst them; but causing a sudden execution of what punishment he pleaseth vpon them. Which makes the Bashawes that they care not how seldome the Grand Signior stirres abroad in publike, [ 20] for feare least in that manner their vniust proceedings and bad lustice should come to his eare. And indeed, they alwaies liue in great feare, through the multiplicitie of businesse that passeth through their hands, and in danger of losing their liues at a short warning; which makes them, vse the Prouerbe; that, He that is greatest in Office, is but a statue of Glasse.

The Grand Signior, for the vse of his houshold, hath in Constantinople neere vnto the Serra∣glio; * 1.1508 an exceeding large Stable of a thousand Horses and vpward: And the Imrohor Bashee, which is Master of the Horse, hath the charge of them, together with an Vnder-Imrohor for his assistant; besides many ordinary Groomes, which are to looke to them and see that they be kept in good case. Now, the said Imrohor Bashee and his Deputie, are to see the Kings seruants prouided of Horses, at such times as they accompanie his Maiestie abroad, either a hunting, or [ 30] for other sports.

Besides this Stable, hee hath diuers others in other places, for his owne seruice, and for the * 1.1509 vse of his Gentlemen, at such times as he or they shall come thither; namely, at his Gardens, and Houses of pleasure abroad in the Countrey, to which his Maiestie vseth to goe very often: but these Stables haue not aboue eight or ten Horses a piece in them, for to those houses hee car∣rieth but few followers with him.

Hee hath also Stables for his Stallions for race, in Bursia, Adrianopoli, and in diuers other pla∣ces; from which are brought very stately Horses; besides such as are continually sent him for Presents, from Cairo, Bagdat, Arabia, and from other places from the Bashawes, and also such as fall to his share by the death of great persons; all which are Horses of great price, and kept for [ 40] his owne vse. And because there must bee a great number of Horses for ordinary seruices for the baser sort of his seruants; he is therefore furnished with lowe priced Nags out of Valachia.

Besides these Stables of Horses, the Grand Signior is prouided of fiue thousand Mules which * 1.1510 serue to carrie Pauilions, Chists, Water, and all other necessaries for trauell: but because the Uizir (going out Generall) makes vse of a great part of them, there is seldome that number complete at home. And should the King himselfe goe out to the Warres, his very houshold would vse a thousand of them, besides their riding Horses; for, the Emperours of Turkie are alwaies almost as well accommodated in their Voyages abroad, as they are at home in the Citie: and indeed, the generalitie of the Turkes are very well fitted against such times as they are to goe forth, especially for long iourneyes. [ 50]

The Grand Signior is bound by Canon of the Empire, that vpon the first day of the Byram, * 1.1511 which is their Carneuall, the Ramazan being ended, which is their Lent, hee shew himselfe publikely, and let all the great men, and the better sort of his owne seruants, kisse his Vest: wherefore vpon that day, early in the morning, being richly clad and set forth with his best Iewels, he comes out at his Serraglio Gate, that is, out of the Eunuches Gate, in the third Court; and sets him downe vpon a Persian Carpet of silke and gold, in a certaine place (close by the a∣foresaid Gate) which is onely for that seruice, and doth not stirre thence vntill all haue kissed his Vest in token of their reuerence and dutie; The chiefe Uizir standing close by him, and telling him the names of such as hee thinkes fit, to the end the Grand Signior may take notice of them: Now, to some of the Doctors of the Law which are of high degree, the King raiseth himselfe [ 60] * 1.1512 vp a little, to honour and receiue them; and to some he shewes more grace and affection, then to other some, and indeed more then ordinary.

Now, this Ceremonie being ended he goeth to the Moschea of Santa Sophia, accompanied by * 1.1513 them all; and at his returne taking his leaue, hee retires him selfe to his owne Lodgings, where

he dines alone, as he doth vpon other dayes; notwithstanding vpon that day he maketh a very solemne Banquet in the Diuan for the Bashawes and other Great ones; and a very great Dinner in the Court yard, for all such as did accompanie him, and are there present. Then his Majestie * 1.1514 obseruing the ordinarie Custome, sends to present the Chiefe Vizir with a very rich Vest, lined with a very costly Furre, and doing the like by the other great ones of the Port, (though with Vests of farre lower price) hee also extends his bountie to all his Aghas, giuing them Swords and such like things; and to the Sultanaes costly Iewels, and other Gifts to many others of the Ser∣raglio, giuing (as wee say) New-yeeres Gifts, to all.

Euery night during the three dayes of the Byram (for it is but for three dayes and so it ends) * 1.1515 hee causeth Shewes to bee made of Fire-workes, and such like, which continue vntill Morning, [ 10] and that the Sultanaes may see them, the King comes of purpose into their companie to be mer∣rie with them, and is more free and familiar then at other times; and hee giues free libertie for mirth and sports Day and Night throughout the Citie, during those three dayes.

To these Festiuals, all the Sultanaes which liue out of the Serraglio, are also inuited, who both giue Presents to the King, and take Presents from him. Likewise in these three dayes the King is * 1.1516 presented by the Bashawes and Great men, and indeed with Gifts of great value, for euery one striues to exceed another, thinking thereby to winne fauour. The Sultanaes also are not behinde hand, for they present him, with Shirts, Handkirchiefes, Linnen breeches, and such like things of good consideration, the which the Grand Signior afterwards makes vse of for his owne wearing. [ 20]

The same Byram of three dayes is kept in all his Dominions, and throughout the Citie of Con∣stantinople, euen in euery Turkes house; the Streets being at almost euery corner set out with De∣uises, and Swings of diuers sorts very artificially made; where old and young are solaced, and gi∣uing two or three Aspers to them which owe the Swings, they may haue sport sufficient. But during this Feast, it is somewhat dangerous for the poore Christians and Iewes to walke the * 1.1517 streets; for, the Turkes being then somewhat insolent and full of Wine, doe put them in great feare of doing them some mischiefe, if they deny them money when they demand it of them; And so they doe likewise in another Byram, which is called the little Byram, and comes three * 1.1518 Moneths after the other.

§. XI. [ 30]

The Old Serraglio, and Womens liues therein: Of their Marriages and Children, Slaue-selling, Witnesses.

HAuing oftentimes mentioned the old Serraglio, which is as it were a dependent of the * 1.1519 Kings Serraglio, it will not bee amisse briefely to make some kinde of relation of it.

This is a very large Serraglio, immured with a very high Wall; the Buildings are faire, it hath many Inhabitants, and is about an Italian mile in Compasse, being seated [ 40] in the noblest part of the Citie. It was the first Serraglio, which Mahomet the second built for to dwell in with all his Court, when hee tooke Constantinople; It hath but one Gate (which is of Iron) belonging vnto it; the which Gate is kept by a Companie of white Eunuches, and no men may come in thereat, vnlesse it bee to bring in such necessaries as they want, at which times they cannot see any of the Women. Now the Women which are therein, are those which are * 1.1520 put out of the Kings Serraglio, viz. such Sultanaes as haue belonged to the deceased Grand Sig∣nior, those Women likewise which through their euill behauiour and conditions are fallen into disgrace with the King, and such as are Infirme or Defectiue, in what should belong to Women fit for the companie of a King; and none else are there, but for some of the aforesaid causes. All which are gouerned, and lookt vnto by an old Woman which is made their Ouer-seer, and ta∣keth * 1.1521 [ 50] care to see them vsed according to the Custome of the House, and that they haue their Food and Cloathing, with their seuerall stipends; all which is farre short of what they had when they were in the Kings Serraglio; howbeit such as haue beene Queenes and Sultanaes, liue out of the common ranke, in their Lodgings apart; and although they are out of the Kings sight and (as it were) out of fauour, yet they are reasonably well serued.

Now the greatest part of the sayd Sultanaes (Queenes excepted) if they bee any thing rich, may (with the Kings leaue by the old Womans solicitation) goe foorth and marrie, and carrie with them all that which they haue kept and stollen. For at their comming forth of the Kings Serraglio, if they haue ought of any great worth or value that is knowne, the Cadun takes it from them, and restores it to the Grand Signior. So that I say, if they haue any thing to bestow [ 60] themselues withall, they cunningly make it knowne abroad, to the end that some men of quali∣tie may become Suitors for them, and make them a good Ioynter.

In the said Serraglio, they haue all the commoditie of necessaries that may bee, as Gardens, * 1.1522 Fountaines, and faire Bognoes, and the King hath some roomes also therein readie furnished: for

sometimes hee goeth thither to visite his kindred, as his Grandmother, Mother, Aunts, Si∣sters, &c. who for some of the aforesaid occasions were put out of his Serraglio.

The other Women of this old Serraglio, haue but meane allowance; and had they not some∣what of their owne to helpe sometimes, they would passe but coursly; so that they are faine to betake themselues to their Needles, by which they reape a reasonable benefite, and haue diuers * 1.1523 Iewes women who frequent their companies, and sell their labours for them.

A Turke (if hee please) may take seuen Wiues at Kebin: besides hee may haue as many Slaues * 1.1524 as hee will, and the Children of the Slaues are held as truely begotten and legitimate, as those of the Wiues, and haue as much right to the Inheritance of what the Father leaues behind him: Nay, a Bashaw hauing married a Sister or a Daughter to the King, and hauing Sonnes by them; [ 10] * 1.1525 those Sonnes may not rise aboue the Degree of a Saniack Begh or a Capoogee Bashee, to the end they may bee kept vnder, being allyed to the Crowne, that so being but in meane places, they may not bee apt for reuolution. But their Brothers which their Fathers beget of Slaues, may come to bee Bashawes, for they are free from suspition, in regard they are not of the Bloud Roy∣all: And hence it is, that those Children which had a Sultana to their Mother, are so often seene to bee in lower Degree then the others; for hee which is borne of the Slaue, is aboue him which is borne of the Sultana; yet with the Children of the other Subjects it is otherwise, for they are equals.

The parties Married, may vpon diuers occasions specified in their Law, leaue one another, espe∣cially * 1.1526 when they cannot agree together. And if the man put away the Woman, hee is bound to [ 20] allow her the Ioynter or Dowrie, which hee promised her when they were Contracted: but if the Woman forsake the Man, shee can recouer nothing, but departs onely with a small Portion, such as shee brought with her into her Husbands house.

Now in case a Turke take Slaues for his vse, hee may not sell them againe, but they become members of the Familie, in which they are to remaine till they die; but if they prooue barren, * 1.1527 they may bee sold from hand to hand, as often as their fortune so betides them.

The Turkes may buy of all sorts of Slaues of euery Religion, and vse them as they please (kil∣ling onely excepted) which the Christians and Iewes there may not doe; for they haue libertie onely to buy Christians and Iewes.

There is for this purpose in Constantinople a Bezisten, that is, a common publike Market, where [ 30] euery Wednesday there are bought and sold Slaues of all sorts, and euery one comes freely, to * 1.1528 buy for their seuerall vses; some for Nurses, some for Seruants, and some for their Lustfull appe∣tites; for they which make vse of Slaues for their sensualitie cannot bee punished by the Iustice, as they should bee if they were taken with Free women, and with Turkish women especially.

These Slaues are bought and sold, as Beasts and Cattle are; they being viewed and reuiewed, and felt all about their Limmes and Bodies, as if they were so many Horses, then they are exami∣ned * 1.1529 of what Countrey they are, and what they are good for; either for Sewing, Spinning, Wea∣uing, and the like: buying sometimes the Mother with the Children, and sometimes the Chil∣dren without the Mother, sometimes two or three Brothers together, and againe, sometimes ta∣king the one and leauing the rest, vsing no tearmes of loue, regard, or honestie, but euen as the [ 40] Buyer or the Seller shall thinke, will best turne them to profit. Now when there is a Virgin that is beautifull and faire, shee is held at a high rate, and is sold for farre more then any other; and for securitie of her Virginitie, the seller is not onely bound to the restitution of the money (if she proue otherwise) to him that bought her: but is for his fraud fined at a summe of money. In the * 1.1530 Bezisten there sitteth an Emeen, that is, a Customer, who receiues Custome of the buyers and sel∣lers; which amounteth to a reasonable summe in the space of a yeere.

The Bashawes and other Subiects, though by Marriage they become Vncles Sonnes in law, or Cousens to the Grand Signior, may not by vertue of their Affinitie, challenge any more familia∣ritie * 1.1531 or freedome with his Majestie, then if there were no such matter of Kindred betwixt them, but onely what may well befit their Office and Dignitie, they remayning still Slaues as the o∣thers [ 50] doe: nay, their seruitude is thereby increased, and they loose a great part of their former Libertie; for they must be very obsequious to the Sultanaes whom they haue Married, and turne * 1.1532 away the greatest part of their other Women and Slaues (if they haue any) and must with pati∣ence support all their imperfections: so that for this reason, few Bashawes of worth and iudge∣ment seeke after such Marriages, for they are both chargeable and bring Discontent: but when the King commands, they (as his Slaues) must submit and obey, though their vexation and charge increase neuer so much thereby.

The Ceremonie of Turkish Marrying, is nothing else, but in the presence of the Cadee (who is the Iustice) to make Hoget, that is, a Writing expressing the Vow and good liking of the par∣ties * 1.1533 to bee Married, with a specification of the Dowrie which the Husband is to make to the [ 60] Wife; all which is done in presence also of Witnesses, which are true and honest, and not to bee denyed. For in Turkie it is not permitted that euery one that will, should beare Witnesse; but * 1.1534 onely such men as are Free, of a good Age, that can say the Namaz, and haue some knowledge in the Law, knowne to bee men of ciuill life, and which drinke no Wine: for the Witnesse of a

Turke which drinkes Wine is nothing worth, and thus their Law commandeth; But for all this, Corruption is so crept in amongst them, that now in Turkie (especially in Constantinople) there are (to the outward appearance Graue and Honest men) more false Witnesses, then in any other * 1.1535 part of the world besides; and who are they? (at least the Chiefe of them) but a certayne sort of Emeers, that is, such as pretend to come of the Race and Stocke of Mahomet, which weare greene Telbents: and certayne poore Cadees out of Office, and these are they which for money doe vse that detestable Trade, which our Knights of the Post doe practise heere with vs. And hence it is that Auanias are so commonly framed, for they can stoutly (and that with ease) out∣face the poore Christians and Iewes: nay, for a Bribe they will not spare their owne generation, in bearing false witnesse, or raysing calumnies against them: For the Turkes being naturally gi∣uen * 1.1536 to Couetousnesse, not fearing God, but altogether inclined to Rapine (although without [ 10] question there are many very honest men amongst them) when they meete with a fit opportu∣nitie, they will play the Rogues with any man, bee hee of what condition soeuer; wherefore it proues dangerous to haue any dealing with them, for that they with that tricke will easily free themselues from any Obligation or Agreement before made; for, Iudgement there, consists * 1.1537 onely of the force of proofe by Witnesses, so that a man had need to be wondrous circumspect in his proceedings with Turkes, especially in matters of Couenant.

§. XII.

Of their Religion, Opinions, Persons, Times, Places and Rites sacred. [ 20]

THe Turkes beleeue in Almightie God, that hee is the Creator of the whole Vniuerse, and the gracious Redeemer of all good men in the day of Iudgement, that hee is in the highest Heauen, serued with especiall Angels, hauing from the beginning cast out the Disobedient ones; for whom as also for Wicked men hee made Hell. And as they affirme, euerlasting Life to bee in these two places, viz. Heauen and Hell: So they confesse and wayte for the Resurrection of the Bodie to bee re-vnited with the Soule, at such time as the * 1.1538 fearefull Trumpet shall bee founded by Mahomet, at the commandement of the Great GOD of the Iudgement. [ 30]

They beleeue also, that Life euerlasting in Paradise, is such a happinesse, that it consists onely in the delighting and pleasing of the Sences; and that they shall haue there, the vse of Naturall * 1.1539 things in all perfection, without making any difference, inioying perfect health, and free from all manner of trouble. And on the contrarie, that in Hell, the vse of the aforesayd things shall bee in vnquenchable Fire, and shall haue a most bitter and loathsome taste. And this is all that they attribute vnto them, either for the reward of the Blessed, or the punishment of the Reprobate.

They say moreouer, that the Power of God is such, that hauing at Mans Creation prefixed and appointed a set time for his end, it is impossible that the wit or deuice of mortall Man, should * 1.1540 [ 40] bee able to diuert or preuent it. Wherefore in the warres, or in other occasions, they are so much the more bold, resolute and couragious; saying, that their End is written in their Fore-heads, and it is not for them to goe about to auoyd it, so that if they dye, they dye.

They also affirme Gods Power to bee such, that after mens Bodies are risen againe, hee will giue them such an agilitie, that they shall bee able in a moment to passe from one Heauen to ano∣ther, * 1.1541 euen to the farthest parts of them, to visite and imbrace their Wiues, Mothers, Brothers, and others of their Kindred, the Heauens being all transparent, being of Diamonds, Rubies, Tur∣kesses and Christall.

As concerning Gods Throne or Seate of Majestie; they affirme, that euery one cannot behold * 1.1542 it, by reason of the brightnesse of the beames which comes from his Eyes, and by reason of the vnspeakeable splendour proceeding from his glorious Face, and that the Angels and Prophets [ 50] onely, haue the grace to inioy that sight.

These are the principall foundations of their Religion, vpon which they build the course of this their present temporall Life, and by which they hope to obtaine a Life euerlasting and happie; affirmed by their Prophet, to bee full of the delights and pleasures of this World, but enioyed in all perfection and excellencie, in a Supernaturall and Incorruptible manner.

They say, that Almightie God sent foure Prophets into the World, to instruct, gouerne, and * 1.1543 saue Mankind; each of them being holy, pure, and vndefiled, to wit, Moses, Dauid, Christ, and Mahomet; and that God sent to euery one of them by his Angell Gabriell a Booke, that they themselues being first perfected, might the better know how to instruct the people. To Moses he sent the Teurat, that is, the Old Law; to Dauid the Zebur, that is, the Psalmes; to Christ the [ 60] Ingil, that is, the Gospell; and to Mahomet the Kurawn, that is, the Alcoran, (as wee call it.) And that the three first Prophets with their people, did faile somewhat in the Lawes giuen them by God: But Mahomet comming last, brought a Law, more true, plaine, cleere, and sincere,

in which all such as beleeue should obtayne the loue of God; but they say that other Nations continue still in their errours, and hauing sucked of their Mothers Milke, doe not embrace the Truth; For which fault being (by right) depriued of Heauen, they haue no other meanes to recouer, and to come thither at the Day of Iudgement, but by Mahomets protection, who is the only Intercessor and Mediator vnto the Almightie God: And standing in the dreadfull Day of Iudgement at the gate of Paradise, he shall be sought vnto and entreated by the other Prophets to saue their people also, and his clemencie shall be such, as to make Intercession for them, so that the good Christians and the good Iewes shall by his meanes obtayne euerlasting Life, with perpetuitie of sensuall delights as aforesaid, but in a place apart and inferiour to the Turkes, they being beloued of God, and more deare vnto him then others. The women also shall come into [ 10] Heauen, but shall be in a place farre inferiour to men, and be lesse glorified. * 1.1544

All the Prophets are held in great honour amongst them. They call Moses, Musahib Alloh, that is, a talker with God; and Christ, Meseeh, Rooh-••lloh, and Hazrettee Isaw, that is, Messias, the Spirit of God, and venerable Iesus: and Mahomet, Resul Alloh, that is, the Messenger of God. When they talke of Christ Iesus, they speake very reuerently of him; and confesse that the Iewes through Enuie apprehended him, and maliciously condemned him, and led him along to put him to death; but the Angels being sent from God, tooke him away from them in a Cloud, and car∣ried him into Heauen, at which the Iewes being astonished and vexed, tooke one that was there present, and c••••cified him in his stead; not being willing to haue it knowne that Iesus was the Messias; he being in Heauen in company of his Brethren the Prophets, beloued of God, and [ 20] ser••ing him, as the other Prophets doe.

The Ministerie of their Religion (or rather their confused Sect) is as followeth. They haue first a Muftee, that is to say, an Expounder or Declarer of Cases in Law; who amongst them is * 1.1545 as an Archbishop is with vs, for he is also the Primate ouer the Church; and must be a man very expert in the Lawes, and one accustomed to Iustice, chosen by the Grand Signior himselfe, the which Muftees charge is to ouersee, and heare such things as are belonging to the Law, or to the Church. And although he hath not an absolute command ouer the Muftees of the other Prouin∣ces, yet with his subtiltie he preuailes with the King, and effecteth what he list, especially when he hath the Chiefe Vizir to friend, who in degree, dignitie, and authoritie is his Superiour. Vn∣der the said Muftee there are two Cadeeleshers, that is to say, Iudges of the Armies, one of Grecia [ 30] * 1.1546 and the other of Natolia, who also being men of the Law, and they which alwayes succeed the Muftee, haue the ouersight of all the other Cadees, who are Iustices; of which there is one in euery Citie and Towne, to doe Iustice and end Controuersies betwixt man and man, and to punish Offendors. But they are changed euery three yeeres, and others put into their places by the Cadileschers, with order from the Grand Signior.

Amongst the said Cadees, they haue also their orders; scilicet, those of the first ranke, and they are called Meulaws, which signifieth Lords, and they are employed in the principall Cities, the other are but Cadees, and they get employment as they can by their vertues: and good carriage in former places. Now the Cadeeleschers haue Bookes lying by them, wherein are exactly set * 1.1547 downe the Reuenewes of euery Cadeelick, so that by that meanes they know the better how to [ 40] furnish them; none of them surmounting aboue fiue hundred Aspers per diem.

This order of Turkes amongst the rest, hath only this Priuiledge, which is, that they cannot be put to death; so that if any of them by committing some notorious crime against the Law, * 1.1548 should deserue death, it must be done by absolute command from the Grand Signior, and that very warily and secretly, but this hapneth very seldome or neuer.

The Muftee and Cadeeleschers are changed at the Kings pleasure (for there is no Office in Turkie during life) howbeit their ordinary Residence is three yeeres; their chiefe Fortune depen∣ding * 1.1549 wholy in their continuance in the grace and fauour of the Chiefe Uizir.

All the aforesaid men of the Law, that is, the Muftee, the Cadeeleschers, Mulaes, and Cadees, * 1.1550 weare their Turbants farre bigger then any other Turkes, and made vp after another fashion, in [ 50] token that they ought to be reuerenced aboue others. And although their habit be in fashion like other mens: yet in this there is a difference, for they weare much white Chamblet, and the fi∣nest cloth, but no silke at all.

The principall charge of the Muftee, is to Answere to all such Propositions as are made vnto him, of matters in generall, vpon Cases concerning conscience, and the Rites of Turkish Iustice * 1.1551 and Law, the which Answeres are of few words, very briefe, and they are called Fetfa's, that is, Declarations, or Iudgements of the Muftee; with which he may compell not only the Cadees and Bashawes to the performance of the Contents thereof, but the Kings owne person is also bound to see them executed: for in conclusion, they seeke altogether to amplifie their Sect in honour of their Prophet; the Muftees Fetfa being in high estimation, in asmuch as it is vpheld very stoutly [ 60] by the whole order of the Cadees.

Then next they haue a Gouernour of the Moscheas, called the Mooteuelee, and Eemawms, * 1.1552 which are Parish Priests, and next to them Muyezins, which are as our Church Clerkes; all which are employed in the Seruice of the Moscheas, calling the people to Prayers, burying the

dead, reading vpon the graues of the dead, and to conclude, performing all such Offices as are any way belonging to the Church, for the good of the people.

They pray fiue times a day (aswell in the Moscheas, as in their Houses, or wheresoeuer they * 1.1553 are) that is, at foure of the clocke in the morning; at noone; betweene three and foure in the afternoone; betweene seuen and eight at night; and at mid-night: and vpon the Friday which is their Sabbath, at nine of the clocke in the fore-noone also which makes sixe times, and vpon that day there are more Muyezins which cry in the Steeples, then vpon other dayes: for at all those houres, in stead of Bels, the people are called to Prayer by the voice of one or two men in the Steeples or Turrets adjoyning to the Moscheas, of a reasonable height, by which voices they are stirred vp to the prayse of God and Mahomet: and may prepare themselues for their Prayers. And because the Muyezins which cry, can heare no Clockes (for they haue none in their Chur∣ches) [ 10] * 1.1554 they vse Houre-glasses, by which they are directed aswell in this Seruice, as in other ordi∣nary matters.

In euery great Moschea there are Mudereeses, which are Readers; that teach diuers Schollers the common Prayers, and instruct them in the Seruice belonging to the Moscheas, being paid for * 1.1555 their paines out of the Reuenues of the said Churches.

The condition of them which are to pray, is only to be corporally cleane; it being vnlawfull * 1.1556 for any one to enter into the Moscheas, or to pray, if he find that he hath any naturall polluti∣on or carnal vncleanenes about him, be it of what condition soeuer, or of neuer so small moment: wherefore for their clensing, euery one is bound either to wash him selfe in the Bagno, if it bee for carnall commerce, or else for other sorts of vncleanenesse with cold water, euery Citie and [ 20] place abounding with Bagnoes, both publike and priuate, and euery Church-yard with very faire Fountaynes for the vse of the common sort. Now immediately after euery one is clensed and come into the Moschea, the Eemawm, which is the Parish Priest, beginnes, to pray, and all * 1.1557 they which are present imitate him in gesture: for, of themselues a great part of them would not else know how to performe that businesse. For their Prayers consist chiefly in rising vp, falling downe, kissing the ground, and sometimes sitting still, one while touching their eyes, sometimes their faces, then their beards, then their heads; saying some few words in the prayse of God and Mahomet, the Churches being all matted vnder-foot, and in some places there are Wool∣len Carpets spread for the better sort of people.

The said Prayers according to the houres, are diuers; some longer, and some shorter, none of * 1.1558 [ 30] them being aboue an houre long, only that Prayer of the Euening in the time of the Ramazan, which is their Lent, which is longer then the other Prayers: they pray after their Eemawm, for he is their Guide, and esteemed of if hee haue a good voice, as wee esteeme of our Singing men. They also vse preaching vpon euery Friday in the Ramazan: And when they will pray for any * 1.1559 good successe in the Warres, or curse any Rebell; they haue a custome then to goe a Procession along the streets by two and two, but without any Lights or any such thing in their hands; and * 1.1560 as they goe along they prayse the Name of God, and reade very long Prayers which they haue for those purposes, the people still crying Amen, making one whole dayes worke of it, and then they hold that Rebell or Enemie, whosoeuer he be, to be without all doubt, accursed. [ 40]

In the time of trouble or affliction, They publish in the most eminent places a Conuocation * 1.1561 of all the chiefe men in the Citie (and of the common people also, such as will come, may) to pray in the fields which are for that vse, therein imitating the Iewes, and being all come toge∣ther, diuers of their Santons of esteeme for their Holinesse, make Sermons of exhortation, to For∣titude, Patience, and to the loue and feare of God: But if those troubles continue still, they then vse the Prayers of forty houres, and of fortie dayes in the chiefest Moscheas built by the Em∣perours; the which Prayers are made by a company of men, who are belonging to the said Moscheas.

The Muftee hath his Entrada apart, in Land of about sixe thousand Sultanines per annum: but * 1.1562 being put out of his place, falling into disgrace with the King, and leauing the Entrada to his Successor, he hath then but a thousand Aspars per diem pay: as the Cadeeleschers haue when they [ 50] are in Office.

All the Ceremonie which they vse in the Ramazan, which is their Lent, is no other but to * 1.1563 abstayne from eating and drinking in the day time, they hauing l••••ue to eate all the night long, (that is, from seuen a clocke at night to foure in the mourning) and what they please without making any difference of meates; At twilight they light the Lampes in the Steeples, which burne till morning: the Eemawm of euery Parish taking especiall notice who is often wanting from Church, especially in the Euening, and who drinkes Wine, or eates in the day time; for, be∣sides, that they should bee held despisers of the Law, they should bee most seuerely punished if they were found in any such fault. I remember once that Nasooh Bashaw being Vizir Azam, and riding through the streets in the Ramazan, espied a Turke that was drunke with Wine; so forth∣with [ 60] * 1.1564 he caused him to be brought vnto him, and without giuing him any respite to recouer his wits; caused a Ladle full of boyling Lead to bee powred downe his throate, and the Wretch pe∣rished immediately.

The King vseth in the Ramazan aswell as in the times of troubles and afflictions, and so doe the Bashawes and other great men, to sacrifice diuers sorts of beasts, aswell at the Sepulchres of such as haue beene holy men, as at the Moscheas. Now some were wont to doe it priuately, but * 1.1565 the Kings haue still commanded that their Sacrifices be done publikely in the streets, and at the gates of the Citie, diuiding the flesh of the beasts amongst the people, giuing some also to the Bashawes themselues, and to the other great men of the Port. The said Sacrifices are vsed very often, for by that meanes they thinke to appease Gods wrath, and regaine his loue and fauour.

Those Turkes which are professors of Humilitie and Deuotion, haue their Beades longer then other men, and carrie them in their hands into the Moscheas, and as they walke vp and downe * 1.1566 the streets: but passe them ouer very quickly, for, whereas the Papists say the Aue Maria, so they say only Subhawn Alloh, that is, God is pure and true, and sometimes Alloh Ekber, that is, God [ 10] is great.

They goe also many of them to Meccha on Pilgrimage, and to Hierusalem also, which * 1.1567 they call, Gudds' il Shereef, to Meccha, to visit the Temple which they say was built by A∣braham, in the which Temple Mahomet in the time of Idolatry did hide himselfe: And they af∣firme, that when he was almost fortie yeeres of age, he receiued the Alcoran from God, and that from that time the Mussulmanlick beganne, that is, the true Beliefe: and shortly after hee dyed; and his Sepulchre is visited by all such as goe the said Pilgrimage. And when they goe to Ieru∣salem, they goe not to visit Christs Sepulchre, for, they say hee did not dye, but they goe only to see the places which he most frequented, as being a miraculous Prophet, who raysed the dead [ 20] to life, healed the sicke, and wrought such like Wonders. They goe likewise to the Valley of Iehoshaphat, for they say that in that place shall bee the Resurrection at the Day of Iudgement. Now such as haue gone the said Pilgrimage, and returne home againe to their Houses, are euer af∣ter called Hagees, that is, Pilgrimes, and are much reuerenced and esteemed of. There are also di∣uers Turkes, who forsaking the World, leaue all that they haue, and goe to liue neere to the aforesaid Valley for deuotion, and for that they would be the neerer to the place of Resurrecti∣on, supposing thereby to get a great aduantage to themselues aboue the rest at that day.

The greatest Ceremonie (for Pompe and Solemnitie) which is vsed amongst the Turkes, is * 1.1568 that o•• the circumcising their children; wherein they differ from the Iewes in this one particular; for the Turkes neuer circumcise them till they be past ten yeeres of age, following the example [ 30] of Ismael whom they imitate, alleadging that Abraham loued and esteemed him and not Isaac, and would haue sacrificed him. This Circumcision is done without the Church, because of the shedding of bloud; all the Kindred and Friends being inuited vnto it, in token of joy and glad∣nesse: They vse the like to those which turne from any other Religion and become Turkes, who in token that they imbrace the Religion of Mahomet, hold vp their fore-finger, saying these words, La illaheh il Alloh Muhamet resull Alloh, that is, there is but onely one God, and Maho∣met is his Messenger.

There are in the Cities, and by the High-wayes also, in most places of the Grand Signiors Dominions, for the benefit of the Inhabitants and Trauellers, diuers Hawnes with their Foun∣taynes. There are Hospitals also in the Cities, and Colledges for the bringing vp of youth, where [ 40] they may learne to reade and write, all the Moscheas built by the Emperours, and other great Moscheas also, hauing great Reuenewes for the mayntayning of the said Colledges and Hospi∣tals: * 1.1569 For the Emperours by Canon may not build Moscheas, but in memory of some notable Conquest, or memorable Enterprize, by which the Church may bee prouided for; nor Sultanas neither, vnlesse it be the Mother to that Emperour who reignes at that time when shee goes a∣bout it; for the building of which, they are at an infinite charge, and they dedicate them with great Solemnities, to the said Enterprize, be it what it will be.

In the Moscheas there are some very costly pieces of worke, and frames of great beautie; as∣well for the largenesse and neatnesse of the places for Prayer, as also for the beautifull Porches * 1.1570 and large paued Courts which compasse the said Moscheas; adorned with very stately Pillars, and [ 50] Fountaynes built all of curious Marble; besides their Colledges and Hospitals to which belong very large Reuenewes; Insomuch that some of those Moscheas may be well compared with the richest Churches in the World: They are built all of wonderfull faire stone, with their Cabi∣loes couered all ouer with Lead, the Pillers being of Porphir or some such costly stones, and the Basis thereof all whited: the Pillers shine extraordinarily in time of Prayer, by reason of the abundance of Lampes which are burning; the which Lampes are curiously fastned into round Iron hoopes in compasse as bigge as the hoope of a But, vpon which there are diuers rounds of Lampes one aboue another, and are let downe by Copper chaines from the Roofe of the Church; and in euery Moschea there are three or foure such clusters of Lampes, according to the greatnes of the Church. [ 60]

There are no Benches, nor any thing to sit vpon; only a little place raised from the ground for the Priest; and another right ouer against it (but somewhat lower) for the King at such times as he comes to Prayer; all the rest sitting vpon the ground, as ordinarily they vse to sit in other places: wherefore the Pauements (although they are of very bright and cleane stone) are coue∣red

with very fine Cairo Mats, which are kept very cleane: for, besides the Grand Signior, no man may come into the Church with his shooes on; but must leaue them at the doore, or else giue them to one of their seruants to keepe.

When any one is extremely sicke, and as they thinke, past hope of recouery; then the Imawm * 1.1571 comes to vse comfortable words vnto him, and prayes by him: and being dead, they wash him all ouer, and then hauing wound him vp in a Sheete, and layed him in his Coffin with his face downward, they carrie him to his Graue, with his head foremost. If the partie bee a Man or a Man-child, they set a Turbant vpon the Coffin: and if it bee a Woman, then they set a Filiawn takya vpon the Coffin, that is, such a Cap as the women weare, with a Brooch and Feather in it. They are accompanied to the Graue by the Church-men, and their owne kindred, (but no wo∣men) * 1.1572 vsing no lights at all: but the Muyezins sing all along as they goe, calling vpon the Name [ 10] of God, and their Prophet Mahomet, and pray for the health of the Soule departed; and at their returne there is a Banquet made for the companie for their paines.

The Tombes of the Emperours most commonly are built vpon the ground, close by their * 1.1573 Graues which are couered either with extraordinary fine Cloth, or with Veluet; hauing Tur∣bants set vpon them of the fashion of those which the Emperours weare, with Brooches and sprigs of Feathers in them: and there stand Candlestickes both at the head and at the feet of the said Graues, and two Lampes burning continually both day and night. Now, these Tombes are for the most part built in little Chappels close by, but not adjoyning to the Moscheas of the said Emperours. And in the said Chappels there are Muyezins, who by turnes, doe continually read in the Alcoran, and pray with their Beades, for the glorie of the Emperours deceased. The [ 20] Uizirs, Bashawes, and other Great men also (imitating the Kings) doe the like; but with lesse pompe and charge: And they which haue not burying places neere the Moscheas, may make them neere their houses and be buried there, or else in any part of the Citie, prouided that the ground be their owne.

The common sort are carried out of the Citie, and buried in the fields which serue for that * 1.1574 purpose; hauing one stone set vp an end at the one end of their Graue, and another at the other end; vpon which is grauen the Name, Countrey, and Degree, and any thing else that they please, of the parties deceased.

Amongst the Turkes there are no Religious houses, nor Monasteries: onely the Teckehs of the Meuleue••s, (which are an order of Derueeshees, that turne round with Musike in their Diuine * 1.1575 [ 30] Seruice:) for, for the most part, they are all bred vp to Armes, and very few can reade and write: Nay, it hath beene sometime seene, that a Bashaw (which had not his education in the Kings Serraglio) hath sate in the Deeuan, and hath not knowne either to write or reade; but hath beene enforced to learne to write a few words of course, to vnder-write Commandements, and the like. And amongst the Turkes, he that can but reade and write, is held a learned fellow, and esteemed of farre aboue others.

There are also diuers which professe a kinde of liuing, out of the common custome of the world; being clothed wonderfull poorely and raggedly, with a kind of Felt caps on their heads; they begge for their liuing, and lie in the courts of the Moscheas, and in such like places; and [ 40] these are accounted very holy; for they pray much in the view of the world, and liue alwaies (in outward appearance) in the loue of honestie; preaching this doctrine, that it is vnpossible perfectly to arriue vnto and gayne the Loue of God, but by the ladder of humane Loue and In∣nocency: and for this cause they betake themselues to that course of life, that they may be in charitie with all the world, and bee accepted for it of God, in Heauen. Vnder which colour of holinesse they liue at ease, and deceiue the World (euery one being bountifull vnto them) and play the Villaines in secret, as well as any other. Besides them, there are also some, who like Hermites, liue in solitary places, neglecting the World; conceiuing that course of life to excell all other, for Innocency and Holinesse.

As for the women, there is no heed or reckoning made of their Religion at all; for they ne∣uer * 1.1576 goe to Church: so that, if they happily haue a will to pray, at the houre of Prayer, they [ 50] doe it in their owne houses. But their honestie is much looked after, the Imawms of euery Pa∣rish being bound to hearken diligently after their deportment: who if they discouer any thing that is amisse, they must reueale it to their Husbands, that they may put them away: or else, to their Fathers or Kindred, if they bee vnmarried, that they may take some course for their amendment.

And although the Women may not bee conuersant with other Men then with their Fathers, Husbands, or Brothers; and liue in Lodgings apart by themselues, and goe alwaies with their faces couered: yet, they being extraordinarily giuen to the sport, and very dishonest; taking the opportunitie of their Husbands absence at the Warres, or in some long Iourney; vnder co∣lour [ 60] of going to the Bagnoes, and going couered withall; they goe whither, and to whom they list; knowing, that the worst of it is, but to bee put away, if so bee it should bee at any time discouered.

I haue hereunto added a Letter, sent by Sultan Osman the late murdered Em∣perour, to his Maiestie, by Husein Chiaus; and translated into English, by Master Robert Withers.

ALthough in this transitorie world, the King or the Beggar should enioy the longest terme of life that might bee, and obtayne all that his heart could wish; yet it is most certaine, that in the end hee must depart, and be transported to the World eternall: and it is well knowne vnto the Wise, that it is vnpossible for Man to abide for euer in this World.

The occasion of this Prologue is, that the immortall, omnipotent, and onely God, hath through his [ 10] Diuine will and pleasure, called vnto himselfe Our glorious Father of blessed memorie, Sultan Achmet Kan, who in Life was happie, and in Death laudable, and departing out of this momentany World, to be neere the mercifull Creator, being changed into perfect glorie and eternall blisse, hath his habitation on high, and his rest in Paradise.

This paternall Empire and Monarchicall Kingdome hath almost vntill this present blessed time beene alwaies hereditarie, from Grand-father to Father, from Father to Sonne, and so cursiuely in that man∣ner: but hauing regard vnto the age and yeeres of Our Great and Noble Vncle, Sultan Mustafa, hee was preferred and honoured to sit on the Ottoman Throne, and being settled for some time, tooke care for the affaires of the Empire, and for all that might concerne the people both in generall and particular.

But he hauing beene many yeeres retired in solitarinesse, and giuen to Deuotion and Diuine obe∣dience; [ 20] being also as it were wearied with the cares of the Empire; of his owne accord with-drew him∣selfe from the Gouernment: for that the Diadem and Scepter of the Empire of the seuen Climates, was the true Right and Inheritance of Our most Excellent Maiestie, of the which (with the meeting and consent of all the Vizirs, and other Deputies of State, of the Primate of the Mussulman Law, and of the other honourable Doctors, of the Souldiers, and of all Subiects both publike and priuate) the al∣mightie God hath made a high Present and worthie gift vnto vs. And in the happie day in the begin∣ning of the Moone Rebea〈…〉〈…〉l-euel, of this present yeere 1027. in an expected time, and in an accep∣table houre, was Our blessed and happie sitting established vpon the most fortunate Ottoman Throne (the Seate and Wisedome of Salomon) In the Pulpits of all the Moschees (the Congregations of the Faithfull, and deuotion of the Mussulmen) throughout all Our Dominions, is read to Our Imperiall [ 30] Name, the Hutbeh. And in the Mints where innumerable summes of money are coyned, as well vp∣on the Siluer as the Gold, Our happie name and marke is stamped.

And Our most powerfull Commandements are obeyed in all the Parts and Dominions of the World: And the brightnesse of the light of the Sunne of Our Iustice and Equitie, hath caused the darkenesse of Iniuries and Molestations to vanish away.

Now, seeing it hath beene an ancient custome of Our most famous Predecessors to giue notice of the same to such Princes as are in sincere friendship, and that doe continue it with the House of great Ma∣iestie, and our Imperiall Court: Wee also haue written these our Princely Letters, and appointed for their Bearer, the choyce amongst his equals, Husein Chiaus, (whose power be great) one of the honou∣red and respected Seruants of Our magnificent Port, the refuge of the World; to the end that such [ 40] newes might cause great ioy of Our most honourable Assumption. And We doe hope, that when they shall come to your hands (in conformitie of the well grounded friendship vpon the sure League, Articles, and Writings, which hath beene established of old with Our most Royall Race, and permanent Empire) you will manifest infinite ioy and gladnesse, and certifie as much to the Rulers and Gouernours of the Domi∣nions and Countries vnder you, that they may know, that the Articles of Peace and League, and the points of the Oath which are firme, and to be desired on both parts, from the time of Our Grand-fathers and Predecessors of Royall Stocke, now in Paradise (whose soules God enlighten) Vndoubtedly during the time of Our Raigne shall be obserued with all respect. And let there not be the least imagination of any want of due obseruance of the signes of friendship on Our part, or by any manner of meanes on your part, for the violating the foundation of the Peace and League.

The ensuing Letter was written by Halil Bashaw, Chiefe Vizir and Generall [ 50] in the Persian Expedition, at his returne in Aprill, 1618. to Sir Paul Pinder, Ambassadour for his Majestie. Englished by Master Robert Withers.

TO the Courteous Lord of the Nation of the Messias; both Great and Honourable among the peo∣ple of IESVS, and the true Determiner of Christian Affaires: Our good Friend the English [ 60] Ambassadour, whose latter dayes bee with all felicitie, to whose Noble presence (after our many kinde Salutations tending to all good affection and manifestation of Ioy, worthy and be seeming our Friendship:) our louing aduice is this. That if you desire to heare of our State and beeing, you shall vnderstand, that af∣ter wee departed from the happie Port, with the Armie for the Warres of Asia, wee arriued and winte∣red

in Mesopotamia, and remoouing then••e in the Spring with all the Mussulman Host (alwayes victo∣rious) wee went to Van, from which place vntill wee came to Tauris, the Mussulman Armie went on alwayes sacking and destroying all those places and Townes of the Persians, which wee met withall by the way in those parts, where were burnt, pillaged, and ruined, some thousands of Villages; and tormen∣ting all those people that came to hand. And when wee were come neere to Tauris, the Generall of the Persian Forces (of peruerse Religion) called Carcighai Han, (the accursed) retyred himselfe into the sayd Tauris, where beating vp his Drummes in euery Quarter, made a shew that hee had a will to Fight; so wee sent a little before vs, some Tartars and others of our Armie, to bearken out and take notice of the Enemie, who meeting with seuen or eight hundred Persians of note, put them to the Sword, very few ••scaping, and that with great difficultie and hazard. By which, the sayd Generall finding himselfe [ 10] vnable to resist the power and furie of the Muslulman Host, or to stay any longer in the sayd place; the very same day that wee arriued there, the sayd Generall hauing spoyled all the Citie, fled away; So wee tooke the place, ransackt it, and burned all the Buildings, Towers, Gardens, and whatsoeuer else wee found within it: And thus the great Citie Tauris by Diuine fauour and Grace became ours. Then forthwith wee sent after the Enemie, the Tartar, with some Beglerbeghs, who ouertaking them gaue them Bat∣tell, and albeit some of ours did fall, yet they which fell of the Enemies side were innumerable. And so going forward towards Erdeuil (their obscure residence) about ten dayes Iourney of Countrey, wee went burning and spoyling it, and killing all the Persians that wee met. That indeed there was so much Ho∣nour and Glorie wonne, as that all the ancient men of the Countrey doe affirme, there neuer was seene the like; Insomuch, that from the Confines vnto Erdeuile, twentie dayes Iourney of Countrey, was on [ 20] that manner by vs destroyed. Thus afterward, the King caused to emptie the sayd place of Erdeuile, * 1.1577 and fled into a place called Hulchal, and caused his Armie to goe to the top of a high Mountayne, from whence hauing sent three or foure times Men of qualitie vnto vs, seeking and intreating for Peace, with promise to giue yearely to our Emperour, a hundred Somes of Silke, and all such Places as are vpon the Confines, made in the time of Sultan Solyman, except Der ne, and Der Tink; and wee were conten∣ted with the Peace, and his Ambassadour is vpon the way comming toward vs. And so wee returning the same way againe alwayes spoyling, wee came to Erzerum. And this our present Letter is written vnto you, for the respect and preseruation of our Friendship: And euen as our Amitte hath euer beene hitherto sincere and firme, so likewise by the Grace of God at our arriuall in the happie Port, it shall bee in like manner maintayned and continued, that more cannot possibly bee. And so God keepe you [ 30] in health.

To the Reader.

I Heere present thee R, eader, many Voyages and Obseruations of Master Iohn Sanderson Merchant; worthy of good welcome, though not in so due place as wee could haue wished. But this, and the for∣mer, and all in this Booke from the tenth Chapter forward (enough to haue made another large Booke) thou hast as I could, and not as I would; who could not order them before I had them. I haue therefore presented them to thee as an Appendix to the former Worke, and a Reuiew of Africa and Asia, (some fresh [ 40] Drops after a great Shower, and faire Gleanings after a goodly Haruest) all intended to entertaine thee with varietie of Speculation and Discourse, as thou returnest thorow those long Seas, from the Indian to the English shoares. In which respect there is some Methodicall correspondence hitherto, and especi∣ally of this last with the former, both hauing Constantinople for their Centre, and diuersly represen∣ting the same to thy view: that giuing thee the Court, this the Citie; that the Gouernment, this the Places and Countries gouerned. And if Ierusalem come often in our way, remember our intended worke is of Pilgrimes, which (bee they Iewes, Turkes, or Christians,) haue conspired in the acknowledgemen•• of her Antiquities and Holies. Neither doe wee much trouble thee with repetitions of the same things which others haue before deliuered; present Pilgrime by reason of his Iewish Associates, his Greeke Guides, and Quarrels with Father Guardian and his Popish Friers, presenting many notable rarities. I [ 50] haue not shortned him (as some others) both for his request, and for his owne breuitie and pithie Passages. The Letters following will (I hope) giue thee good content, as the testimonies of many English Trauellers in those parts, some of which thou mayest finde elswhere mentioned in this Worke. [ 60]

CHAP. XVI.

By the permission of Almightie God.

Sundrie the personall Uoyages performed by IOHN SANDERSON of London, Merchant, begun in October 1584. Ended in October 1602. With an historicall Description of Constantinople.

§. I. [ 10]

His first Voyage to Constantinople, and thence to Cairo, and to Tripoli.

IN the good Ship called the Merchant Royall, wee set sayle from Grauesend vpon Friday the ninth day of October, 1584. The fifteenth to Harwich. The eigh∣teenth to the Ile of Wight. The fifteenth of Nouember wee arriued at Cape Saint Vincent in Portugall, and a 1.1578 went there ashoare. The foure and twentieth, [ 20] wee passed the Straights of Ieberalter, at the Ingenies wee stayed and watered. The next day arriued at Grand Maliga, where we were three dayes. The nine and twentieth, wee passed by Motrill, and beheld the Mountayne Salabrenna, which is continu∣ally couered with Snow: of the same they carrie to Lishbourne to mixe with their Wine, which Citie is esteemed to be three hundred miles from thence. The thirteenth of Nouember, we pas∣sed Cape de Gate. The third of December, wee came to Cape de Faro; heere the Ship Charitie ouertooke vs.

The tenth of December wee came to Sardinia. The thirteenth, wee came to Maritina, and in sight of Cape Bona in Barbarie. The fifteenth to Sicilia, wee saw Mount Etna and Mongebel∣la b 1.1579, which then flamed out of the top, although vpon the same was also Snow: then to Cape [ 30] Passara. The foure and twentieth of December, wee arriued at Cefalonia, and stayed there three dayes. The nine and twentieth, wee were in Zant Road, and went ashoare the first of Ianuarie. The seuenth, wee put from thence, and the eighth at mid-night the Ship came a ground, so that for halfe an houre we were in great danger. The twelfth, wee arriued at Petras in Morea, where wee stayed a few dayes; and at that time onely I noted of memorie Saint Andrews Chappell, wherein the Greekes say, his Bodie lyeth buried.

The nine and twentieth, I tooke Shipping in the Charitie, and came the first of Februarie backe to Cefalonia: and passed Serigo (where faire Hellen was borne) and Cape Angelo. The fourth, the winde being contrarie, wee anchored betweene the Ilands of Milo and Argentiera: set sayle and with contrarie weather and calmes, came to the Iland Pattynos. The eleuenth, from thence dri∣uen [ 40] a little backe againe, yet we arriued in c 1.1580 Sio. The fourteenth, there stayed foure dayes: the weather yet vnprosperous, wee put into Port Dolphin, which is in the same Iland three leagues distant from the Towne of Sio, there we went vp to a Mountayne (hard by a Towne called Gar∣damulo;) where the Poet Homer lyeth buried.

The three and twentieth, wee put out; and the seuen and twentieth, wee passed by old Troy; some of the ruinated Walls yet standing. Then wee passed two great Castles which are called the d 1.1581 Dardinelli, a little within them is a very old ruine of a Towne called Heritho, which is re∣ported to bee the place where the Turkes first planted themselues in Europe; then to Galipoli, so to Rodesto; and the ninth day of March wee arriued in Constantinople.

In the time of my there being, I went to see the chiefe Monuments which are described at [ 50] large in a Booke I translated out of Italian, presented me by a Iew Doctor. Amongst the Beasts I did at that time see three Elephants: also the Great Turkes Dogges, and manner of e 1.1582 keeping them are worth the sight, for they haue their seuerall attendants as if they were great Horses, and haue their clothing of cloth of Gold, Veluet, Scarlet, and other colours of Cloth, their sun∣dry Couches, and the place where they are kept, most cleanely; It is in Asia some foure miles off by water toward the Blacke Sea.

I was likewise, at the mouth f 1.1583 of the Blacke Sea, where vpon a Rocke standeth a white Marble pillar, as is reported, set vp by Pompey. On the mayne on Europe side within little of the sayd Pillar is a Lanthorne, which standeth high and is so great, that fortie men may stand in it: it is Glased, and they light in it many Lamps euery night, that the Shipping bound from the [ 60] Blacke Sea, may know where they are.

In a Gallie with the Beg of Alexandria, I departed from Constantinople the ninth day of

October, 1585. we put into Galipoli, Troy, Lemnos, Mitelin, Sio, Samos, and diuers other Ilands in the Archi-pelago, and came g 1.1584 to Rhodes, a most strong place, and much exceeding great Ord∣nance there, vpon the two Rocks where the Collosses (one of the seuen Wonders) stood, are now two high Turrets; the Towne double ditched, and triple walled on the land side.

From thence we crossed the Seas in sixe dayes very prosperously, and arriued in Alexandria of Egypt, the second day of Nouember. That Citie and Land standeth so lowe, that were it not for the Pharos, and some sight of the tops of Palme trees, you may bee vpon it before you bee aware; which is very dangerous for the ships that come thither: for in my time diuers were cast away; amongst other, a great A••gusie of Venice, called the Gallion Bon h 1.1585: and an other Ve∣netian ship leaped ouer a Rocke, very miraculously escaped, hauing ouer-shot the Port of Alexan∣dria. That said ledge of Rockes lieth out into the Sea a little beyond Bickier. [ 10]

From Alexandria I went the nineteenth, and came to Grand Cairo the nine and twentieth; passing by land a day and an halfe and a night to Rosetto; and there embarked vp the Riuer Nilus, our Boat being drawne along the shoare by the Water-men Moores, we passed many Towns and Villages. Very pleasant is that trauell, onely the heate troubleth, and some feare of Theeues which continually robbe on that Riuer, and alike on the Land. Many famous matters I was shewed in the way, as the old ruines of Conducts of Nilu•• to the Citie of Alexandria: for, there are no Springs, nor prouision of fresh water but what commeth from Nilus, which I say, hath in time past beene conducted fiue and twentie or thirtie miles to fill the Cisternes vnder the Ci∣tie. For Alexandria is bu••lt vpon admirable marble Pillars all vaulted vnderneath, euery House hauing his sundry Cisternes, the water formerly hauing come in; and now is vpon Camels backs [ 20] in Leatherne Budgets brought thither: they fill them in the moneth of August, when Nilus is at the highest; and that water they drinke of all the yeere.

The same remayneth, though standing, yet sweet, one whole yeere: towards the end of the yeere it is heauier then at the first, cleare as Crystall, and not so vnwholsome to drinke, as when it is but few moneths old, so againe towards August they cleanse their Cisternes to take in fresh. There are store of diuers Fruits: small Fig-trees I haue seene not aboue a foot and halfe from the ground, hauing diuers ripe Figs vpon them. There are also some few Cassia trees, Locusts, and Capers; but very many about Cairo; all the whole Land full of Date trees. In Alexandria is Saint i 1.1586 Markes Church, a Church at this day of Christians, and there is a noted place at the en∣trance of the said Church, where Saint Marke preached. There are diuers Pillars of Name [ 30] within and without the Citie. Within the walls is an old ruine of the Castle where Cleo∣patra was stung to death: there is also a ruine of a high Castle, called the Pharos, one of the seuen Wonders.

In the way as I passed, wee rode ouer the Plaine where Pharo pitched his Tent, the spaci∣ousnesse whereof was admirable, being marked out to this day with foure great stones: eight dayes wee were going vp Nilus, and arriued at Bollacco, the Port Towne of Cairo; which is k 1.1587 a mile and a halfe from the Citie, from whence also they fetch all the water that serueth that great Citie.

Cairo is much bigger then Constantinople; many things notable are within and about this Citie, which others no doubt report, and are not beleeued; as are the twelue Store-houses, [ 40] where they say, Ioseph kept the Corne the seuen deare Yeeres: some say, the same was reser∣ued in the Vaults of the Pyramides. I went twice to a place ten miles from Cairo, called the Matarea, being yet solemnely visited by Christians; it is where Ioseph and Mary remayned with our Sauiour. There is a Spring of water, which, as they report, hath beene euer since; and like∣wise a plot in a Garden, where growe sprigs that yeeld Balsam. The Papists come often to this House a Massing, in great deuotion; and obserue a place like a Cupboord, where they say our Sauiour was laid, and alike a great cros-bodied wilde Fig-tree in the Garden, with the wa∣ter wherein our Ladie washed our Sauiours clouts.

At Cairo I was shewed how, and of what sorts of Serpents, the Moores doe make their Treacle: I did there also see both wilde and tame Gattie Pardie (Cats of Mountaine, as wee call [ 50] them) little and great Monkies, Bragons, Muske Kats, Gasels (which are a kind of Roe-bucke) bodies of Momia, and liue Crocodiles both of land and water, which haue beene offered at my gate to be sold. Some I haue bought at some times for my recreation of most of these sorts; for there I remayned eighteene moneths. Once I caused a m 1.1588 Villaine to rippe a Crocodile, which was of some two yards and a quarter long, the same was a female, which had in her panch aboue an hundred Egges, yellow like the yelkes of Egges, and iust of such bignesse: out of the said Crocodile he tooke a piece of thicke round skinne about the bignesse of a Cockes stone; wished mee to lay the same vp vntill it was dry; which I did, and the dryer it was, the sweeter it sauo∣red; [ 60] * 1.1589

no Ciuet had euer better smell: such he said was in all those old female Crocodiles; yet be∣ing flayed, the flesh before it be cold, sauoreth badly. More I could say of Beasts and Fowles of that place, but I will not talke how n 1.1590 they hatch thousands of Chickens, and sell them by mea∣sure; neither of the Doues that carrie Letters from Alexandria to Cairo; neither of the E∣stridge Henne, when she layeth, how shee goeth round twice or thrice looking vp into the aire, and in a moment deliuereth her Egge: this I o 1.1591 did see in the middest of the Cadilesquiers yard.

There is a place called Isbichia, adioyning to Cairo, some sixe or eight acres in bignesse, as I take it; it hath in former times beene compassed with very faire houses. The yeere that I was there, at the cutting in of Nilus (which was in August, 1586.) it is ouerflowen; wherein they fish the first two moneths or more, that the water is sinking into the ground: then in the mudde [ 10] they sowe their Wheate, and reape it at three or foure moneths end; then groweth it with Grasse, wherewith they feed their cattell three moneths: and the last season of the yeere, vn∣till they againe let in Nilus, they a little labour it, by reason of making channels for the water; and sowe and set Radice, Carrots, Turnep, Lettice, and such like. They reserue of the water for the last encrease, in a great Well which is built in the middest of the said place. This should bee admirable for such as haue not seene nor heard of the like.

There is also a great Plaine of sand, going to the Matarea, (this Matarea is the place where Mary and Ioseph kept the Child Iesus, when Herod sought his life) wherein are many p 1.1592 pieces seeming to be of rotten Wood, as of wracked Ships or Boats, and taking them vp, they are ve∣ry weighty Stones, which also is maruellous. [ 20]

The eight and twentieth of Aprill, 1586. I went to see the Pyramides and Momia, being of three Gentlemen of Germanie entreated to accompanie them. The next day wee returned. These Pyramides (one of the seuen Wonders) are diuers, but especially two of a like bignesse, at the bottome each a thousand paces about; one of them open, that in wee went with Waxe∣candles lighted, and vp to the top, where standeth in a square roome, a Tombe hewed out of blacke Marble or Iet, wherein they report, that Pharo should haue beene buried, which pur∣sued the Children of Israel: it is aboue a q 1.1593 mans length and vncouered: I say the Iet Coffin. The roofe of the said Pyramides is of fiue stones, fiue and twenty foot long and fiue broad, each stone: the stones on each side are of admirable greatnesse, and impossible to thinke how they were carried vp so high. It is also maruelous in the foundations, which are vpon mightie Pillars, [ 30] they are well called one of the seuen Wonders. There is likewise a huge Figure r 1.1594 of a Head of stone, standing vpright to the necke out of the ground.

The Momia, which is some fiue or sixe miles beyond, are thousands of imbalmed bodies; which were buried thousands of yeeres past in a sandy Caue; at which there seemeth to haue bin some Citie in times past: we were let downe by ropes, as into a Well, with Waxe candles bur∣ning in our hands, and so walked vpon the bodies of all sorts and sizes, great and small, and some imbalmed in little earthen Pots, which neuer had forme: these are set at the feet of the greater bodies: they gaue no noysome smell at all, but are like Pitch, being broken; for I broke of all the parts of the bodies to see how the flesh was turned to drugge, and brought home diuers heads, hands, armes, and feet, for a shew: wee brought also 600. pounds for the Turkie [ 40] Companie in Pieces; and brought into England in the Hercules: together with a whole s 1.1595 body: they are lapped in aboue an hundred double of cloth, which rotting and pilling off, you may see the skin, flesh, fingers and nayles firme, onely altered blacke. One little hand I brought into England, to shew; and presented it my brother t 1.1596, who gaue the same to a Doctor in Oxford.

The three and twentieth of September, the Emir Hagge, which is the Captaine of the Cara∣uan, goeth out of Cairo towards Mecca, with very great shew; all the Citie comming out to see him and the rich couering which is carried with great pompe, to couer the Sepulchre of Ma∣humet their Prophet; all or most of the Rogues of Cairo (which they call Saints u 1.1597) attending it out with great deuotion, and some goe with it to Medina; and they are the holiest men of all, who haue beene twice or thrice there. [ 50]

One graue old man, who had a long grey beard, I saw led with great ceremonie at that time out of the Citie, who had but one eye: and I likewise did see the same man returne backe a∣gaine with the aforesaid Emire, and had left his other eye there, hauing had it pluckt out, after he had seene their Prophets Sepulchre, because he would see no more sinne. Many of the Turkes and Moores Women, and other, came about him, to bid him welcome, reioycing of his returne to Cairo; and they who had kissed his hand, arme, or garment, thought themselues very happy.

Another of their Saints went about the Citie continually starke naked, couering neither head, foot, nor any part of his foule fat body, no nor his most filthie foule circumcised member: yet haue I seene diuers, as hee passed along, at diuers times (yea women) kisse his naked armes and hands. On a time at Bullaco, going ouer Nilus, he going in a passage Boat, in which I with o∣thers [ 60] went ouer; a Moore in the companie seeing him come, layed him a piece of an old coat to sit on; but when he felt it vnder him, he layd it aside, and sate on the bare boords: so hee euer did on the stones, earth, and sands. This man was in Cairo before I came thither, and I know not how long after.

This great fat lubberly beast would goe through the streetes, and take off the stalles to eate, bread, little baked meates, and fruit and roots, and no bodie denied him, but counted themselues happie that he would so doe. He would not touch money of any sort, a very kinde of scorched Bacon hogge, hee was as fat as he could goe. Other of those Saints of Cairo goe but halfe naked, and some of them very leane Rascals.

The said Carauan of some foure or fiue thousand Camels, meeteth with the Carauan of A∣loppo, Damasco, and Ierusalem; so that when they are all joyned, it is thought they passe aboue twentie thousand, but I thinke not so.

The last day of May I departed from Cairo to Bullacco, the fourth of Iune arriued in R••ssette, and the sixt in Alexandria: From thence the tenth of August, 1586. beeing Tuesday, we had fraighted with Wine, Wood and other Prouision, a Barke called a Iermi, and purposed [ 10] for Cairo by Sea. We set saile and came in sight of the ruines of the Mossolia, l 1.1598 this was a huge Sepulchre, built by a great Queene for her Husband, which is held to bee one of the Wonders; then to Bichier, where are the ruines of a Towne, and is at this present a very strong Castle planted with Brasse Ordinance, so we arriued to the mouth of Rossetto, where Nilus and the Sea meeteth together and mingleth, raising bankes of sand vnder water. We missed m 1.1599 the channell and strooke and broke our Barke, we were maruellously saued, holding fast by the Barkes Boate; leaping into the same after a Turke had cut the shippes shrouds (my selfe, my companion William Shales, our Cooke and the said Turke with my two Roe Buckes, our two Ianizaries, and our o∣ther Seruant a Christian swamme to shoare, and by swimming many were saued, and some vpon plankes of the ships and chists, fiue only drowned: vpon the Iland, wet as we were, we reposed [ 20] badly all night. In the morning came to shoare diuers of the Turkes luggage, and a Sapetta of mine, wherein were our Bookes, and my Apparell recouered by a Moore an excellent Swimmer, and our Wine wee saued which boyed to the shoare some seuen Buts, all else whatsoeuer lost. That morning came Barkes out of Rossetto, to take in all that was recouered, so to Rossetto wee came, housed our Wine to be sent after vs; and vp along Nilus to Cairo we went, where we arriued the eighteenth day.

The first of December I departed from Bullaco, and so vpon an arme of the Riuer to Damiat∣ta, where I arriued the third day, recouered the goods which was sent vs from Tripoly, and came thence the fift day in my company one n 1.1600 Englishman, and my Ianizarie, Drogman Iew, and o∣ther Attendants. That morning comming along by a little Iland, wee espied eight Sea-horses, [ 30] which were in bignesse like great Swine, rather bigger; headed like a Horse, only their eares round like a Camels, they arose one by one as we came neere them; and plunged into the water. A Spahi, which is a Caualiere Turke, tooke his Bow and shot at them, did hit one vpon the head, and he snuffed vp out of the water, making a great noyse. But we set eye no more vpon them.

Other matter o 1.1601 at Damiatta worth the noting, I remember not: only that there are great gar∣dens, full of Adams figs, some doe so call them, these are also called p 1.1602 Mouses; their growing is vpon a great huge stalke, no wood of bodie, but the fruit comming out amongst the leaues in great bunches, some eighteene or twentie more, and feure on a short stalke. These figs are com∣monly fiue or sixe inches long, ioyning close to one another in the bunch, and formed like a little [ 40] Cowcumber: when they are ripe they are blackish greene on the out-side, and within yellowish mellow, they eate like a kind of a ripe mellow Peare, but more lushious and a little drier, not Sugarie sweet. They peele easily, the leaues are of diuers lengthes and bignesse; the bigger sort longer then a man, and about a yard in breadth: some lesser and some bigger; this is very true.

There are about Cairo, a kind of tree called Pharohs figge trees, the hugest sort of all others in Egypt, yet yeeld worst fruit, and weighed worth nothing, neither for q 1.1603 firing nor other to my remembrance, though some of the trees as bigge, and more spreading then our English Okes; the figs or fruit thereof very small ones and wild: euery yeere the poore Villaines climbe the trees, and with small Kniues cut euery figge on the tops, I say a little round piece away when they are greene, so afterward becomming ripe, the poore people eateth of them. The Cassia tree is also [ 50] great and spreading, and very goodly to behold, those long blacke Truncheons among the greene leaues, aloft the Timber, seemes all threddie, as it were, and corkie; but they doe lay the logs at length, mingled with stone for the strengthening of their wals and buildings.

But of all in Egypt, the Palme tree is to be preferred, which yeeldeth Dates to eate alone, and in Cheeses, as it were, and a kind of drinke that they call Sherbet, Sea-fatches, of the branches, stalkes, frames to lay their Beds vpon, and to inclose bailes of Spices and other goods in stead of chists, Serons, and Baskets for many vses, and Fannes to coole and to keepe off the flyes and dust: Mats, Hoops, and coards of diuers sorts, timber, straw and stubble.

The Moores in those Orchards of Date Trees, tye a Rope about the bodie of the Tree, and their middle, for it is all body from the Root to the toppe branches. (Knobbed by the meanes of [ 60] the yeerely breaking off of the old branches, except the branches and fruit that spring at the top) they yeerely goe vp to pare and breake of the out-side branches. The fruit being young, spring∣eth out in a long codde, at opening of which, the Moores takes of the Male Seedes, and puts in∣to

the Females; so it commeth to perfect fruit: otherwayes of themselues, they say, they yeeld but wild Dates; this I haue beene told, and I doe beleeue it. I doe beleeue also that as they say, the Plague comming into some of their Orchards of Date Trees, that one infects another: and many doe dye of the Plague.

Nilus water I thinke also to be the profitablest and wholsomest in the World, by being both Bread and Drinke to them: for Bread there could be none without it; no Rayne falling in Egypt to that purpose: yet I haue seene it rayne there, but it hath beene very little, as it were a small showre, at a time this Riuer doth couer the Land, and fatten it, whereby it fructifieth abundant∣ly. It breedeth no manner of disease in the bodie, as diuers other waters doe: it hurteth not to drinke thereof either troubled or cleere; for being brought to our Houses one mile and halfe or two miles off, it commeth in warmer then bloud, and troubled seeming sandy; standing all night [ 10] in our Iarres of Earth, it is very cleere and coole in the morning, and so continueth in the House be the weather neuer so hot.

We were there much troubled, * 1.1604 alike, with flyes and dust: for the streets of Cairo are all vnpaued, except on each side some two or three foot broad before their Houses (the middle way about a foot lower then those Pauements) and the Horses, Camels, Asses, Mules, Men and Mon∣sters, make such a stirre passing to and fro, that what stranger soeuer commeth thither, in short time will wish himselfe further off. So much by the way.

Now I say, from Damiatta, I arriued againe in Cairo the thirteenth. The nineteenth, I went being inuited by the Venetian Consul once more to the Pyramides, where wee were feasted and [ 20] returned home at night. The twentieth of March 1586. we set from Cairo being three English, and our Seruants, a Iew, a Turke, and Christians, arriued in Rossetto the three and twentieth; fraighted a Carmisale the eighteenth of Aprill 1587. came to Bichier the eight and twentieth of Aprill. I went to Alexandria to see what newes the ship Tiger had brought, who arriued there two dayes before. Backe to our Carmisale I returned the next day.

We set sayle the seuenth of May, calmely coasting all the Palestine Sea; and arriued in * 1.1605 Tri∣poly, the thirteenth being Saturday. The ship Hercules arriued the twelfth of Nouember, being Munday. Three dayes we were in a great storme, and like to haue perished in the Bay. To Tripoly we came againe on the Friday. On Saturday came the Tobie of London. Friday the two and twentieth of December, wee departed from thence in company with the Tobie: wee went by [ 30] Cyprus the foure and twentieth.

The three and twentieth of Ianuarie, we were ashoare at an Iland by Candle, called Christiana; The fiue and twentieth, we cast Anchor at Caldarona. The eleuenth and twelfth of February, we passed betweene Sicilia and Malta. The thirteenth, to Pantalerea. The fourteenth, we were in the sight of Cape Bon on Barbarie side. The fifteenth, we saw Goletta, a Rocke a little off of Carthage, The last of February we arriued in Argier, set saile from thence the second of March. The sixt, came in sight of Cape de G••t. The seuenth, at night we passed by Gibberaltare, and so through the Streights; From Suta wee were espied, they shot twice; In the morning wee had Cape Sprat, about sixe leagues a sterne. The eleuenth, wee were as high as Cape Saint Uincent. The nineteenth, wee were euen with Cape Finister, from thence caped North North-west. The [ 40] two and twentieth being Friday, we came to the Soundings, threw the Lead at night and found ninetie two fathome; then we caped North-east and by East. The next day in the morning we found seuentie fathome, and at noone fiftie fiue.

The next day we fell with Portland, which was the first of England we had sight of, then to the Downes, and so to Graueseud, from thence in a Wherrie to Black-wall, so by land to London, the nine and twentieth of March 1588.

§. II.

His second Voyage to Constantinople, with other [ 50] his Trauells.

THe fourth of Iune being Saturday, I departed from London in company of Deputie Edgerton and others. Sunday we passed from Grauesend in a Hamborough Barke fraigh∣ted by the Ladie Drurie, who in the same was bound ouer with her two Daughters and diuers Attendants to Sir William Gouernour of Bargen vp Zone. Sir Henry Palmer in a ship of the Queenes guarded the Barke to Flushing, where wee arriued vpon Munday; to Middleborough with the Deputie and others went presently, and two dayes after had a Court called one purpose to make free my selfe and my companion Thomas Calthorpe. Vpon Thursday [ 60] we departed thence and came to Flushing; went aboard a small Barke that Euening. And in the Morning were at Sandwidg••, lodged at Knowlton, Master Calthorpe being sicke, yet departed in the morning, and were in London on Saturday night. Thus were wee eight dayes on this Voy∣age, and eight dayes after Thomas Calthorpe departed this life.

In September, 1590. we set sayle in the Samaritan of Dartmouth, bound for the East India, victualled for thirteene moneths at the least, and well manned; Iohn Dauis Captayne and Pilor, Edward Reue f 1.1606 Master. About the Maderas we were ouertaken with a great storme; in which extremitie we lost our Pinnasse consort, but afterward met with an English ship who had saued our men. We had before that storme been in diuers fights with Spaniards, and braued by a couple of French at vnawares; in that Voyage of one hundred and fiue men and boyes we lost only one: a very hot fight we had with an Armado of Spaine, she gaue vs seuenteene great shot ouer night, and in the morning fought some foure or fiue houres, shee shot downe our top-mast, and thorow our sailes and ships fortie times, yet no hurt to any of vs in person, except a poore fellow which was touched on the legge with a great stone shot, which shot rested in the ship: the next day an ill Surgeon cut off the legge aboue the knee, in which torment of cutting, sawing and sea∣ring, [ 10] the poore Wretch died in his armes. This ioly Spaniard left vs; for if he had durst he might haue laid vs aboord: with this fight and the extreame storme we had before passed, our Samari∣tan was so crasie and leake, that all in generall tooke our turnes at the Pumpe, made foure or fiue hundred strokes in a Glasse for many dayes and nights together. With the said water we wate∣red our fish, so were we forced to returne for England, where at Famouth we arriued in February, and so to Dartmouth, in that Voyage we went ashoare only at Safia, Santa Crus, and the Ma∣deras, as I remember.

The thirteenth of September, 1591. I went out in the l 1.1607 Tobie, the first of October to Til∣burie, then to Lee. The fourth to Gorend, wee departed thence the eighth, and arriued at Dart∣mouth, Munday the eleuenth. From thence we set saile the sixteenth, being Saturday the last day [ 20] of October, wee arriued at the Streights mouth. The eleuenth of Nouember, m 1.1608 we entred the Streights. The thirteenth and fourteenth, we saw Grand Maliga, Velis Maliga, Salabrica, Cape Negro. The fiue and twentieth, we came in sight of Maritima, the next day of Sicilia and Malta. The twentieth of December, we arriued in Cephalania, there remayned six dayes, and came to Zant the thirtieth. The first of Ianuarie, we were at Patras in the Moria, thence the Tobie went the thirteenth to Zant for her lading. Thursday the foure and twentieth of Fe∣bruarie, by land we departed Petras, that night to Postigia, Sunday Vasilago and n 1.1609 Corinth. Tues∣day at a Casale, and so to Thebes, which they now call Tiua.

There grow abundance of Aniseeds, it hath a most delectable situation, so doth Corinth stand most gloriously where we aboad two da••es: wee also were in sight of Athens. Then wee came [ 30] to Negroponto, where we fraighted a little Turkish V••ss••ll••imbarked o 1.1610 our selues and goods, and on Friday departed for Constantinople, sailed by Macedonia, but had no sight of the Citie Thessa∣lonica, it is vp in the G〈…〉〈…〉e now called Salonica, it was the chiefe Citie of Macedonian Philip, Father of Great Alexander: then we passed diuers Ilands in the Arches, as Taradano and o∣thers; were ashoare at Troy, passed two great Castles, called the Dardanelli, and came to Galipoli, the seuenth of March. Vpon Palme Sunday we arriued in Constantinople, where then I remayned sixe or seuen yeeres, in which time I had the view of many Animals, as Elephants, tame Lions, tame spotted Cats as big as little Mastiffes, great and small Deere, Ro-bucks tame; but these are brought out of Egypt. The admirablest and fairest beast that euer I saw, was a Iarraff, as tame as a Domesticall Deere, and of a reddish Deere colour, white brested and clouen footed; he was of a [ 40] very great heigth, his fore-legges longer then the hinder, a very long necke, and headed like a Camell, except two stumps of horne on his head. This fairest Animall was sent out of Ethiopia, to this Great Turkes Father for a Present; two Turkes the keepers of him, would make him kneele, but not before any Christian for any money. An Elephant that stood where this faire beast was, the keepers would make to stand with all his foure legges, his feet close together vpon a round stone, and alike to vs to bend his fore-legges. Many things passed also worth the no∣ting, as the depo••ing and placing great Rulers, the contention of the Souldiers many times, once for their pay which the Spahies demanded in the time of Sultan Marrat, who not being answe∣red, as they desired, made an vproare in the Court, that the Vice-Royes were glad to hide them∣selues in the Turkes Lodgings for feare of their liues; and most of the Houshold Seruants of the [ 50] meaner sort, came out with Spits, Tongs, and other Kitchin tooles to end the fray, who clee∣red the Serraglio of the Spahies: at that brovle were slaine of all sorts p 1.1611 some two hundred or more. Not long before they had the Beglerbegs head (whom the Great Turke especially loued) giuen them, which they spurned about the Court.

Other strange actions I could speake of, and of their cruelties, but I am loth to wearie you with many particular. Only the crueltie of that gouernment may be marked in this, for at this Great Turke his taking possession of the Empire, were strangled all his liuing Brethren, which were in number nineteene. They are brought one by one before him, and hee seeth them both

aliue and dead. I did see e 1.1612 them carried to buriall, the next day after their dead Father. That Great Turke Sultan Morat left also foure or fiue Women with Child, two of which brought Sonnes; who also at their Birth were depriued of life; the Daughters all liue. It was crediblie reported, that hee had buried thirtie Children in his Life time, and had at his Death seuen and twentie Daughters liuing, so it appeareth hee was Father of eightie one Children.

This new King Sultan Mahomet, went to the Warres in Hungarie against the Christian Em∣perour, the first yeere of his Raigne, our Ambassadour worthy Edward Barton, attended him (with also an ancient Greeke, a Galatean called Signior Matteo, who had many yeeres beene Ser∣uant and chiefe Interpreter for the Emperours Ambassadours,) to whom the Great Turke had before his going presented two and twentie Christians, which had layne in Prison in Constanti∣nople [ 10] three yeeres: they were the late Ambassadours Houshold, who had beene resident there for the Christian Emperour when the Peace was broken. The Great Turke also gaue Commande∣ment that through his Countrey, their charges should bee defrayed, and alike allowed foure Coa∣ches and a Chaouse, to conduct them to the Emperours Court. The chiefest cause of our Ambas∣sadour his accompanying the Great Turke, was, to haue concluded a Peace betwixt those two Great Potentates, as formerly hee had done, betweene the Poles and the Great Turke deceased; which had beene most easily performed, had it pleased her excellent Majestie so to haue com∣manded. The Ambassadours absence was sixe moneths, from Iuly to Ianuary, which space I re∣mayned his Deputie in Constantinople.

After the Ambassadour was fully resolued to goe with the Grand Signior, some few dayes be∣fore [ 20] his departure, hee went with me Iohn Sanderson to Hassan Bassa, Eunuch, who gouerned the Citie of Constantinople in the Great Turkes absence. And taking his leaue of the sayd Hassan Bassa Vice-roy, hee recommended mee vnto him, as hi Deputie; praying him so to respect me in his absence. The Vizier promised all kinde respect and regard of mee; saying, Uolo volo hosh Gediet, Welcome welcome, Hosh Geldie, I will, I will, Elchee Ambassiater, and so I kist his Hand, and then the Ambassadour kist his hand, and wee departed his presence.

When the Great Turke went out of the Citie towards the warres, it was with wonderfull great solemnitie and notable order, too long to describe particularly; but I remember a great number of Dogs led afore him well manned, and in their best g 1.1613 Apparell; his Hawkes by Horse∣men also carryed in great number. Tame Lyons and Elephants, with other Beasts of many sorts, [ 30] but especially, the Iarraff before spoken of, being Prince of all the Beasts, was led by three chaynes of three sundry men stalking before him. For it is the custome, that the Great Turke in person going on Warfare, most or all in generall, the chiefe Men and Beasts, attend him out of the Citie: and at his returne, it is lawfull for all their Women both of high and low degree, meane and great, to meet him without the Walls: at other times the Women of any account or credit, neuer come in multitudes among Men. By a Letter dated in October 1596. the Ambas∣sadour * 1.1614 aduised me of all passed that imported the taking of the Citie Agria, and after ouerthrow of the Christians Campe. Copie of which Letter I sent for England, to the Right Honourable [ 40] her Majesties chiefe Secretarie Sir Robert Cecill.

The Turke returned with great Triumph, entred at Adrianople Gate, three or foure miles without which Gate, and so along within the Citie to the Gate of the Serraglio, which is at least foure or fiue miles further, all on both sides the way as hee should passe through, the people his Subjects (Turkes, Iewes, and Christians) held in length whole peeces of cloath of Gold, Veluet, Sattin and Damaske, of all sorts and colours, and for three dayes together Feasted, keeping open Shops and Houses day and night, in Ioy of his Victories and safe Returne. Two or three miles before his entrance, I did meete our Ambassadour with a fresh Horse, and about twelue or thir∣teene attendants: the Ambassadour by Ebrehim Bassa, the Vice-royes appointment, did stay in the way to take his leaue of the Grand Signior, which was thus performed: Sultan Mahomet [ 50] made a stand with his Horse, and vpon Horsebacke, Hee, and the Ambassadour saluted, hee sate still, our Ambassadour did alight and kist his Hand; then got vpon his Horse, hee saluted; the Great Turke re-saluted him, saluted me also, and all our Ambassadours trayne, and so turned his Horse: and ouer the Fields we came to the Vines of Pera, before he was come into Constantinople.

For the whole full and fine discourse of the Citie Constantinople, I referre to a little Pamphlet that was presented mee by a Doctor Iew Poet, which sayd Discourse hee gaue me in Italian, I immediatly translated the same into English, the seuenteenth and eighteeneth of August, 1594. I gaue it at that time both in Italian and English to a friend Master Edward Riuers, since which, the Copies haue beene dispersed, and it may bee some fantasticall will attribute it to himselfe both Author and translater. For fiue yeeres past, one in England required it of mee, but I had left [ 60] the Copie amongst my papers at Constantinople, where at my last beeing I found that scribled o∣riginall in English, but the Italian was common amongst them, it hath beginning on this manner. Paussania a Captayne of the Lacedimonians, &c. I haue written it againe in the end of this Dis∣course, and a like followeth a true Relation of my three Moneths trauell, from Constantinople to the Holy Land, and backe againe to Tripoli Sirria, ouer the highest Mount of Libanon. Many wor∣thy

things passed in this my long abode at Constantinople. Amongst other I note the extraordina∣rie esteeme was had of the Ambassadour afore named, with them all in generall, both Christians, Turkes, and Iewes. By meanes chiefly of the Turkes Mothers fauour, and some money: hee made and displaced both Princes and Patriarches, befriended Vice-royes, and preferred the suites of Cadies who are their chiefe Priests and spirituall Iustices. The Hoggie, a very comely, graue and wise Turke, who was Sultan Mahomets Schoole-master, (and I may well say Counseller) was a very true friend, and an assister of Master Barton, in all his businesse with the Grand Signior, and had a Catholike Roman Christian Corrupter about him, a Consull, by name Paulo Mariani, who was hanged by the necke in his Consuls Robes at Grand Cairo, vnder the chiefe Gate of the Ci∣tie; vpon whom the Moores in the morning had great pitie. For Monsieur de Breuis the French Ambassadour, had procured the Execution to bee performed in the night, to preuent the Moores [ 10] who euer fauoured Malle〈…〉〈…〉 Paulo (Master Paul) as they commonly called him.

From Constantinople, I departed the three and twentieth of September, 1597. hauing in my time there remayning, beene at diuers notablest places within the Citie, and on all the confines of the same, as when I accompanied the Ambassadour towards the Warres, rid on the way with him some thirtie or fortie miles. And alike was often at the Blacke Sea, which is eighteene or twentie miles off. At the entrance of the said Sea, are remayning ruines of the old Castles Sestus and Abidus; but the Schollers of our Age affirme, those neere Troy ruines, to bee they, time ha∣uing eaten out the ruines; and so the true remembrance of the other too at the very mouth of the Blacke Sea, though I was shewed a marke of a peece of a Rocke vpon Asia side, where the Louer was Drowned in swimming from Europe side to his beloued. And then I say, in Anno [ 20] 1585. was there to bee seene on each side, some very old appearance of Castles foundation walls, though in a kinde as it were couered with Earth and Grasse, which remembreth to vs the Storie of Hero and Leander. And other two great Castles at halfe way, one estee∣med the chiefe Prison in Turkie, except the seuen Towers within the Citie wall. I was also at Colcos Ile, and other Ilands thereabout. And alike diuers times wee went ouer into Asia to Cal∣cedon, &c. At Calcedon now called Scutari e 1.1615 my selfe and attendants being fiue, well Horsed and a sumpter Horse, there wee remayned two dayes, at Curtall one, Gibs one, Dill one, Giourkie one, Isnike two, Gini Shar two. Auc Biuke one, Bosuke one, Eschi Sheer one, Sidie Batal one, Baiat one, Buluadin two, Auke Shar fiue, Ilgin two, Guarchi one, Casal one, Conia (Iconiam where [ 30] Barnabas and Paul preached) I remayned two dayes, Siml one, Caribonar one, Regli one, Vluc∣kislia one, Cadengighen one, Sareshik one, Casale di Turkie one, Adina two, Missis, Tharso one, where Paul was borne; Court Colacke one, Bellan one, Curdi Casall one, Iuni one, to Alepo one. Dayes foure and fortie, in companie of Court Vizeir, who went to Gouerne in Alepo, where I remayned some three moneths. The one and twentieth of Februarie, wee were in Antiochia, where wee beheld an admirable Wall, edging vp vpon the Mountayne hauing very many Tur∣rets, some say as many as there are dayes in the yeere, the Riuer Orantes is at the bottome of this Hill, and runneth close along the nether part of the Citie wall. Entring in at one of the by gates, there is a place of excellent Spring water, where many were Baptised that became Christians at the f 1.1616 Apostles Preaching. [ 40]

The fourteenth, wee came to Alexandretta, there are the ruines of an old Citie built by Great Alexander, the Turkes call it Scandarone.

The three and twentieth, wee departed thence in a great Venetian Ship called Naui Ragazoxa, and arriued in Ciprus the sixe and twentieth of the said February. At my being in Ciprus, I went to the chiefe Cities, Nicosia which is in the middest of the Iland, and Famagusta a very strong Citie and Port for their Gallies: before a Towne called Larnica, we rode with our Ship. At the Salinos * 1.1617, there is the Church that Lazarus built, and likewise the Greekes say, that the Mother of Constantine lyeth buried in a Mountayne in that Iland, which is called Santa Elena.

The tenth of Aprill, 1598. wee set sayle from Ciprus in the sayd Ship, and arriued in Venice the two and twentieth of the same.

The foure and twentieth of May, I departed from Venice, to Trasino Castle, Franco, Sismon, [ 50] Grinio, Lienico, Trent, Alauis, Enia, Boldax, Clusa, Maols, Luke es Bruke, Sefield, Patakerk, Am∣brega, Sanga, Lansberg, Augusta, now called O••burge, Danower, Fetling, Dinkselspill, Perte, Herbtshouson, Martigall, Pissiche, Miltiburgh, Riuer of Maine, Valstat, Ostum, Pobohouson, Franck∣ford, Ments, Elfni, an Almes house Eruels. Mistorne a little Castle vpon a Rocke, where at this day they report that the Bishop of Ments was deuoured of Rats, for hoording vp Corne when the Poore starued with want thereof. Snikwere, Gesinan, Rodersen, Bubard, Andernough, Bon, Cullen the thirteenth of Iune, in their chiefe Church they reserue a Monument of the g 1.1618 Three Kings, so much talked on. Sons. Nues, Druselthorp, Keserswert, Ruer Wert, Berk, Wesell, Em∣rick, Sniks Sconce, Nemingham, Tele, Wercam, Kercam, Dort, Viana, Camfire, Middleborough, [ 60] Flushing. The eight and twentieth, from thence imbarked in a man of Warre a Flushinger, who set vs ashoare in the Downes the nine and twentieth of Iune, the same day arriued in England, and so from Sandwich to London by Land.

§. III.

The third Voyage of Master IOHN SANDERSON to Constantinople.

FRom London to Grausend, the eleuenth of Februarie, 1598. The fourteenth, tooke shipping in the Hector, lay at Tilburie two dayes. To the Downes the seuenteenth, lay there eight dayes, came to Dartmouth the third of March, rid there foure dayes, and came to Plimouth the eighth. Set sayle three or foure dayes after, and in May, [ 10] 1599. arriued in Alexandretta, hauing touched at Argier and Zant by the way. In the sayd moneth of May wee departed, coasted all along the North-side of Ciprus, passed close by the seuen Capes, came and cast Anchor at Roades, I went also at this time ashoare there. Thence wee went and came with the Ship a ground at Samos, the Iland where Esop was borne; so sayled by Sio and Metelin; were also a ground about Cape Ianesarie in some danger, and with much adoe wee came off at last, pulling the Ship off with our Boate and skiffe at the sterne, by strength and la∣bour of the Marriners. Hauing doubled that Cape, I tooke a small Barke and went to Galipoli, and thence to Constantinople, where the Hector arriued about the fifth of September. At her en∣trance the Port in tryumph discharging the Ordnance, they lost a Man who was parted in the middle, being busie about cleansing a Peece in the fore-castle. At this my third and last being [ 20] in Constantinople, of one of the Coens, an ancient and very learned Iew Priest, I did with much intreatie and my money, get a very old Booke: it was the fiue Bookes of Moses in foure Langua∣ges. I presented it to my Brother, Doctor Sanderson, hee lent it Doctor Barlow, hee to Doctor Andrewes: They vsed it in their Translation at Cambridge, and did returne it to Bishop Barlow. The Bishop dyed, and I thinke one Iohnson his Sisters sonne hath it, who as I heard had the re∣sidue of the Bishops bookes.

I went to visite the Sepulcher of that fore-named Master Edward Barton late Ambassadour, who lyeth Interred (according to his alwayes desire) vnder an Oliue Tree, before the entrance into the Monasterie on the top of Calcos Ile; a Stone of white Marble is layd vpon him, Letters thereon engrauen of his Title and Decease. Other places I went to also, which I had beene at in [ 30] former times. And some strange actions, other then formerly the like had happened in their most cruell Executions, I note not.

Yet can I not let passe to relate, that a Iewish woman of the greatest credit and wealth in Con∣stantinople, was brought out of her House and stabbed to Death in the Vice-royes yard, thence by a window in the Serraglio wall where the Grand Signior, Sultan Mahomet stood to see; shee was drawne with Ropes to the publikest place in the Citie, and there (betweene a Pyramed pil∣ler erected by Theodosius, and the Brasen tripled Serpent) layd for the Dogges to eate, who did deuoure her all saue her bones, sinewes of her legges, and soales of her feet. Her head a 1.1619 had been carryed vpon a pike through the Citie, and alike her shamefull part; also many small peeces of her Flesh, which the Turkes Ianizaries and others carried about tyed in a little Pack-thred, shew∣ing [ 40] to the Iewes and others, and in derision sayd, Behold the Whoores flesh; one slice of her I did so see passe by our doore in Galata. Her b 1.1620 eldest Sonne the next day in like manner cruelly stab∣bed and murthered in the sayd Vice-royes court; dragged thence and layd by his Mother, but was so fat and ranke that the Dogges would not seaze vpon him, or else they were satiate with the Womans flesh the day before, who was a short fat trubkin. So together with his Mothers bones the next day was this body burned in that place. Her second Sonne became Turke to saue his life; so would his dead Brother, if hee could haue had the fauour. The third Sonne a young youth, their wrath being appeased, they permitted to liue. This was an act of the Spahies in spite of the Great Turkes Mother; for by the hands of this Iew woman shee tooke all her Bribes, and her Sonnes were chiefe Customers of Constantinople; who tooke all the gainefull businesse in∣to their owne hands, doing what they listed. The Mother and Children were worth Millions, [ 50] which all went into the Great Turkes Cofers. After this their Mala Pasqua, for it was at their time of Passeouer, the chiefest Feast of the Iewes.

After this, the Spahies had a great fling at the Head of the Capie Agha, who was the Great Turkes chiefe Seruant and Fauourite, but by meanes partly of the Admirall Sigallogli, alias Sinan Bassa, Vizeir, and fiftie thousand Duckets of money amongst them, they were for that time paci∣fied. But since my comming away it is written mee, that they haue got his Head and the Heads of one two or three more, and forced the Grand Signior to come foorth and see the Execution done. I thinke not good heere as I said before, to note their Crueltie in sundrie sorts of Execu∣tions, yet some I cannot let passe. Their vsuall punishment for Adulterous women, is binding [ 60] in a Sacke and so throw them into the Sea. Seuen I haue seene so vsed one Morning, in the time that the Eunuch Hassan Bassa gouerned Constantinople, when the Great Turke was at the Warres. But for such crueltie and other actions, the c 1.1621 Queene Mother got his Head at her Sonnes returne.

The commonest Death for men is Gaunshing; which is, to be stripped into their Linnen bree∣ches, with their hands & feet bound all foure together at their backs, and so drawne vp with a rope by a pullie vpon the Gallowes, and let fall vpon a great Iron hooke fastned to a lower crosse Barre of the Gallowes, most commonly lighting vpon their flanke and so through their thigh, there they hand sometimes talking a day or two together, but if they bee Gaunched through the bel∣ly and backe, then are they dead in two or three houres. Thus they vse their common Theeues at Constantinople. In Cairo and other parts, they doe Stake them, a most cruell Death, yet speedie or lingring as they list to execute. But Hanging by the necke they vse in a fauour to any offen∣der who meriteth Death, yet sometimes cu••ting downe for Degges to eate. They strangle with a Bow-string their Brethren, Bassaes and other Great men. But for their Religious men false Iudges, their Lavv is to path them all to peeces in a stone Morter with woodden Mallets. And [ 10] for their false Witnesses, they are set vpon an Asse, with their faces towards the tayle which they hold in their hands, and the Inwards of a Bu••locke, powred vpon and bound about them, and so ride they through the Citie. And for any found Drunke in the time of their Ramasan (which is a Fast they haue one whole Moone in the yeere) their Law is, to melt a Ladle full of Lead and powre it downe their throats; (Their manner of Fast, is to eate nor drinke any thing, neither Water nor other, vntill they see a Starre appeare in the Euening, and then they may be∣gin and eate till Morning.) Any chiefe Officer belonging to their Artilerie if hee bee a Thiefe, is bound to the mouth of a brasse Piece and so shot into the Sea; thus I saw one vsed d 1.1622 at Tophana. And alike in my time, a lamoglaine, found Drunke in their Fast, was vsed as I haue reported. I did see vpon the Gaunch Vssine Bassa, the Traytor that first rose in Asia; but hee for a more cru∣eltie [ 20] had from each shoulder bone a muskell taken out, in presence of the Bench of Vizeirs, the Great Turke also looking out at a Lattice ouer their heads. By reason of that torment he died pre∣sently vpon the Gaunch, being led from the Serraglio halfe a mile or more before hee was put thereon. e 1.1623 Not long before that, a Christian Tributarie Prince called Stephano Viuoyda, being deposed of the Great Turke, after hee had enioyed the Princedome a yeere; by malice of some Great men who preuayled with the Grand Signior, was brought to the Gaunch, ledde of the Bu∣stangi Bassi.

This Bustangi Bassi is a man of account about the Turke, and the great, but not the common Ex∣ecutioner (for the Turke imployes him in strangling f 1.1624 Vice-royes; throwing by night rebellious Souldiers into the Sea, and such like. Chiefe Gardner is his Office, hauing thousands Iamoglans [ 30] and their Gouernours at his command: hee keepeth the Caiks, and alwayes steereth when the Great Turke goeth vpon the water, whose Caikes are most rich and beautifull to behold, the poope all Iuorie, Ebonie, or Sea-horse teeth, mother of Pearle and Gold, set with all manner of precious Stones. To row him hee hath eightie chosen men, two and two at an Oare, twentie Oares on a side, all in white Shirts and red Caps, coloured Cloath shackshers Breeches, Cordiuan leather coloured shooes, who often in their rowing baike like g 1.1625 Dogges; the reason I know not, except it bee when they heare him talke (to the Bustangi Bassi who sits at the rudder) that they dare not hearken to his talke. His Court of Dwarfes and Dumme men, alwayes follow (except the very principall who are with him) in another Caike; and many times also his Women.

Now to the Prince I spoke of; this poore Prince intreated for life at the place of Execution. [ 40] The Bustangi Bassi told him, that if hee would become Turke, hee should see what hee would doe for him. Whereupon hee turned, and vttered to such effect the words h 1.1626 being content rather then dye, to bee Turke; which they call Mussulman. Which done, this cruell Dog told him, that hee was glad hee would dye in the right Beliefe, and therefore, whereas hee should haue beene Gaunched, now he shall bee but Hanged by the necke. Whereat the poore soule present∣ly repented, and cryed often and aloud vpon CHRIST, and bad all witnesse that hee dyed a Christian.

Here I leaue them to their cruelty. Now, the fourteenth of May, 1601. I departed from Si∣don, in the ship Mermaid, with my Voyage to Damascus, and the holy Land, and so ouer the highest Mount of Libanus to Tripoly; being iust three moneths. I leaue to bee seene in that [ 50] my discourse: At Tripoly for passage I remayned vntill the sixteenth of Februarie; in which time our people of the Troian passed some trouble in that bad gouerned place. Our men of the ship Troian, were most of them imprisoned in Tripoly Iayle the Castle; and fiue were in great hazard to haue beene executed: for the Emiers people accused them to haue robbed a Caramisall of the Emers, of Sope and other merchandise: but as God would haue it, the Cadie of Tripoly being a Green-head, that is one (a holy man) of the Parentage of Mahomet their Prophet: who came Passenger with me to Sidon (in the Mermaid) from Constantinople, he and his hauing beene well entreated in that Voyage, together with my very often and earnest solicitation, did to his vtmost power fauour our people so effectually, that euery one of them were freed, without fur∣ther [ 60] harme, from those false accusing Moores.

The tenth day, the ship Trogian was cast away vpon the Rockes in the Road of Tripoly by boysterous billowes, that broke her anchors, and should her on the shoare. The sixteenth I departed in the Edward Bonauenture, came to Scandaron the nineteenth; from thence the four∣teenth

of May, 1602. to Limiso in Ciprus, the seuen and twentieth; the one and thirtieth wee parlied with two great Ships Spaniards, and two Frigots; they durst not fight, but said they were of Malta. The seuenth of Iune, we espied seuen Gallies, which we imagined to be Spa∣niards bound for Scandaron: now, we were as high as the seuen Capes the eighth, and met there∣abouts the Samuel. The tenth, wee passed by Rhodes: Scarpanto, the eleuenth: Candia, the twelfth: Cape Sapientia in the Moria, the fiue and twentieth: Stranalia an Iland, the sixth of Iuly: at Zant the eighth wee arriued: from thence the fifth of August in the Cherubin, to Corfu the fourteenth: from thence the sixe and twentieth in Istria: the one and thirtieth Ottrenta: the seuenth of September, Rouina, Pirensa, Citta noua, an old walled Towne at the end of the Gulfe: the eighth of September in Venice. [ 10]

The fifteenth, I departed to Castle Franco, Carpanet, Grenio, Burgo, Riuer Trent, Neus, Ni∣marke, passed Ladise the Riuer, Bulsa••o, Clusa, Sterching, Matara, Churla, Riuer Tine, Mitebant, Ambergam, Sandar, Stadell, Riuer Ligh, Osburgh, alias Augusta, Susmerhausen, Leibham, Olme, Getsingen, Blochenu, Stuchert, Diefen brunt, Almatingen, Ratstat, Litstinhal, Str••sburge, Galsen∣burch, Causman, Blanhenburch, Luncuil, Portadi, Saint Nicolo-Nantes, Tull, Saint Tobin, Barlo∣ducke, Tanbuer, Russemason, Salon, Fonte, Essael, M••••il, Butchier, Fuerti, Sant Giouan, Marne, Meaw, Paris. Dico Paris the nineteenth of October. From Paris to Saint Denis, to Punt••ys, the Riuer Alnais. The twentieth, to Maine, Equie. The one and twentieth, to Roan, to Deepe, the two and twentieth. The three and twentieth, from thence in the Vantgard of the Queenes. The foure and twentieth, to Douer; from thence at eleuen a clocke in the night. In London the [ 20] fiue and twentieth being Monday, at foure a clocke in the after-noone. For all which the Al∣mightie God bee magnified.

§. IIII.

A Discourse of the most notable things of the famous Citie Constanti∣nople: both in ancient and late time.

PAusania a Captaine of the Lacedemonians, wandring through the world with his peo∣ple, * 1.1627 seeking where he might settle himselfe, of the Oracle of Apollo in Delfos it was [ 30] answered, that they should make their abode ouer against the blinde, vnderstanding thereby the Magares, who had not the fore-sight to take so faire a situation as they had in Europe, fertile and good; but built in Asia Calcedonia, that now is called Scutari; heere then stayed Pausania with his Calcedonians, 663. yeeres before the comming of Christ. (Tullio Hostillio remayning in Rome) building at that time a little Citie, which hee named Bizantio; whether it were as some say, for the two Seas it hath, or according to others, of a Captaine so named. In the beginning, this was a very small thing, as others of small time were wont to be, subiect once to the Lacedemonians, founders thereof; and another time to the Atb••nians: it flourished in short time with the felicitie of the Countrey in such sort, that Philip King of Ma∣cedon, Father of Alexander the Great, being in loue with her beauty and riches, resolued with [ 40] himselfe to conquere the same: laying siege thereto many dayes, and could not take it: not∣withstanding that hee enterprised it with a great and chosen Hoast; with whom encountred Leon Sophista, a man of Bizantio, who said vnto him: Tell mee, Philip, what iniurie hast thou receiued of Bizantio, that in such fury thou art moued to warre against it? I haue not (answered Philip) of thy Citie had any iniurie that prouoketh mee, but because it is the fairest Citie of Thracia, being enamoured therewith, moued me to conquere it. Those that be in loue (answe∣red Leon) and would of their Beloued bee loued, with sweet Musike, Gifts, and such like, doe seeke to obtayne; and not with their Armies and Warre to damnifie them. Philip in conclusion departed without taking it.

The same went forward prosperously, and in processe of time was augmented with buildings [ 50] and riches, in such sort, that then it passed all the Cities of Asia, and in fertilitie was equall to the fairest of Europe. Amongst the beautifullest things, it had goodly to be seene, and most wor∣thie to be praised were the walls, the stones whereof they brought from Milesio, not any of which were carued or grauen, but sawed in manner of plankes. This caused that the walls being of many stones, notwithstanding appeared to be but one. And the Citie increased vntill the time of Seuero the Emperour, that hauing possession thereof the Tyrant Pesenio (the Black∣moore his mortall enemie) the sayd Emperour was moued to goe and besiege it: hee kept siege thereto three yeeres, in the end they were constrayned through hunger to render to the discre∣tion of the Romanes, which was such, that after they had slayne all the Men of warre and Ma∣gistrates, [ 60] they ruinated the famous walls from the top to the bottome.

It remayned in this calamitie vntill the yeere 315: that Constantine the Emperour (surna∣med, * 1.1628 the Great) was minded to transport the Seat of the Empire of Rome to the East, to the end that with the more facilitie he might bridle the vntamed Persians and Parthians, that houre∣ly

rebelled: and for that Rome was so farre off, the Emperours could not come so speedily, to force them to order. After they had searched diuers places to this effect, and in some began to build: they were still diswaded by dreames, vntill in the end they came to Calcedonis (which as before I haue said is Scutary) who hauing now chosen and designed the place, certaine Egles (as writeth Zonora a Greeke Author) flying thereabout tooke in their bills pieces of the wood of the builders, and houering about the Streight of Hellispont: they let them fall neere to the ruinated Bizantio, of the which Constantine being aduised translated the builders from Calcedo∣nia: and taking it tobe the will of the Diuine power, and for good lucke, well liking also the maruellous situation, hee compassed and enclosed in one circuit seuen most pleasant Hills, imita∣ting * 1.1629 Rome which hath so many) building a wall about, of length, thicknesse, and fairenesse, one of the famousest in the world, with all things needfull, adorned and furnished like vnto a For∣tresse; [ 10] the forme thereof Triangle, two parts washed on with the Sea, and the other compassed with Land.

Hee erected also many high Towers, built many sumptuous Temples, and adorned it with infinite other magnificall buildings publike and priuate, commanding by publike Edict all Prin∣ces of the Empire, that euery one should build either Palace, or some sumptuous and splendent other Monument, after which for the greater adornment, hee caused to bee brought from Rome diuers memorable Antiquities, and amongst the rest the most famous Palladius of old Troy, which hee caused to be set in an open place that was called Placote, and the high Piller of Porfido (which is a kinde of hard Stone) in the same place was erected. At the side whereof was planted an I∣mage of Brasse in likenesse of Apollo, which was of vnmeasurable greatnesse, in whose stead hee [ 20] would haue his name written thereon. So greatly was increased the adornment and beautie ther∣of, that not without merit it might haue beene called another Rome. The old Writers which saw it in the flower, rather Iudged it a dwelling for the Gods, then an habitation for earthly Emperours.

Constantine named it New Rome, but the peoples voyce preuayled, which called it alwayes * 1.1630 after the Emperors name Constantinople, the which his Successors daily adorned, and amongst the sightliest Ornaments, was the most proud Palace of the pulike Librarie, which contayned aboue 120000. chosen written Bookes. In the middest of which Librarie, there was the Guts of a Dragon in length aboue one hundred and twentie foote, vpon them written in Letters of * 1.1631 Gold Homers Iliads. There were many other worthy things in diuers places of the Citie; as the [ 30] Nimphs Groue, the Market-place of Metall, with infinite others. There was also most famous * 1.1632 Images, as of Iuno, Samo, Minerua, Lindo, Uenus, Guido, in such sort that all Strangers who came to it, full of admiration were astonied at the beautie thereof, reputing it a coelestiall thing.

It suffered diuers fortunes vnder the Greekish Emperours many yeeres, insomuch that through their disgraces it went by little & little declining; so that it came to be subiect to the French and * 1.1633 Venetian, in company, the space of fiue and fiftie yeers, and in the end by the Illustrious familie Pa∣lealoga * 1.1634 Genouesi, was brought out of their hands. Vntill long after by a long Siege, in the yeere 1453. the nine and twentieth of May, it came into the hands of the most mightie House of Ot∣taman, * 1.1635 and was taken by the Great Sultan Mahomet the second, the eight Lord of Turkes, 1190. yeeres, little more or lesse from the time that it was built of Great Constantine. [ 40]

It is obserued of the Writers, that the first founder was called Constantine, and his Mother Hel∣len. Likewise hee that lost it Constantine, the Sonne of Hellen. Within the which, Time, the de∣stroyer with his true Teeth, one, Mars with his Sword another, the ordinary Pestilence and continuall Fires, diuers Earthquakes, and many ouer-flowings which it hath alwayes had, hath brought it to such a pass••, that now there is not remayning of so many Antiquities, other then scarce the name of Constantinople. And for conclusion, to say thereof that which remayneth, the Citie is scituate in the Prouince of Thracia, being fertile and mightie in Armes. Insomuch, that it hath of Old time beene called the Conntrey of Mars. It is in the Straight of Helespont in Eu∣rope, which is distant fourteene miles from Calcidonia (now Scutarie) built ouer against Asia. At the Point or Sea Euxina, called the Great or Blacke Sea, where Ouid named it Port of the two [ 50] Seas, being in 45. degrees of Latitude, and in 56. of Longitude.

The mightie Princes of the House of Ottaman, who wanne it of the Greekes, hauing destroy∣ed * 1.1636 all the Temples and famous Buildings, with their Churches, Sepulchers, &c. They haue gi∣uen it another sort of ornament building, them on the top of the seuen Hills within the Citie. On the first Hill is to bee seene, beginning from the West towards the Port of Andranople, a * 1.1637 fragment standing in memorie of the old Emperiall Palace with certayne Galaries, wast roomes, and pillers within it selfe, doth well shew the great power of Time, the destroyer and ouer∣thrower of all, that a Prince of the world, his Palace is now become a Lodge for Elephants, Pan∣thars, and other Beasts. Hard by that Gate in the South street, is a Church newly built by the Queene, Mother of this present Sultan Murat, the same is little but faire and finely contriued. [ 60]

On the second Hill, was the Temple and Palace of the Patriarke of Constantinople, a thing * 1.1638 worthy the memorie, where was buryed in Chests of fine Marble, most of the Christian Empe∣rours; but about foure or fiue yeeres since, it is reduced into a Church as now may be seene.

The third and highest Hill, hath vpon it the Church and magnificate Sepulcher of the Great Sul••an Mahomet the second, that tooke the Citie from the last and vnfortunate Greeke Constan∣tine, * 1.1639 a building worthy of admiration chiefly at these times, in which the Turkes are more prac∣tique, then in those times when matters were more grosse and rusticall. Maruellous is the great∣nesse and magnificence of it being made in similitude of the Sophia, and hath about it one hundred Houses couered with Lead (of a round cube fashion) ordayned to receiue Scrangers and Trauel∣lers of what Nation or Religion soeuer they be, where they may rest (as alike at other Churches) with their Horses and Seruants, three dayes together if they please, and haue their charges borne, not paying any thing for their owne and seruants dyet. Besides, there are without the circuit of the Church, other one hundred and fiftie Lodgings for the poore of the Citie, vnto [ 10] whom they giue to eate, and to euery one of them in money one Asper a day. It hath also a place where they giue Sirrop and Medicines of free cost to all that demand, & another for gouernment of the Mad people. The sayd Sultan Mahomet left for the maintenance hereof sixtie thousand Duckets yeerely rent in that time, which now doth import aboue two hundred thousand, for they haue allowance of the rents of Sofia; to which also besides other reuenue belongeth the Basistans and in a manner all the principall shops of the Citie, euen vntill yee come to the Serraglio of the Great Turke, which payeth Rent thereto 1001. Aspers per diem.

The fourth Hill hath vpon it the Church and Sepulchre of Sultan Selim, Father of Sultan So∣liman, in the same forme and order as the others are; a Building rather firmer then other wayes. * 1.1640 The fift Hill hath the Church and Sepulchre of Sultan Baiazet, Father of the aboue named Se∣lim, * 1.1641 [ 20] with a great Piaza (a void place) which is the spaciousest belonging to any their Churches, and most frequented by the Turkes. The sixt Hill hath the maruellous Church and Sepulchre of the Triumphant and Inuincible Sultan Soliman, a Building worthy of such a Monarch, in the * 1.1642 best and most traffiqued place of the Citie; which passeth in greatnesse, workmanship, Marble Pillars, and Riches more then Kingly, all the other Churches of the Emperours his Predecessors; a Worke which meriteth to be matched with the seuen Wonders of the World.

The seuenth and last Hill hath the sumptuous Temple of Santa Sophia, founded by Iustinian * 1.1643 the fifteenth Emperour of the East, in the yeere fiue hundred and thirtie. It was a Building of greatnesse, workmanship, beautie, and riches incomparable, which it is said hee made to match the Building of the Temple of Salomon. In time past this tooke a great part of the Citie, the [ 30] centre of which Temple is made round in a Cube, like the Pantheo of Rome, which Agrippa built; as that was, so this top is round, but much more large and high, and there are two rankes of very great Marble Pillars, all of one colour and of such thicknesse, that two men can scarce fathome one. Then there are another order more higher, and not so long nor thicke, that holdeth vp the Cube, the which is made within with great Art, after the Mosaicall resemblance with Gold and Azure, the inside of the Temple is all implastered, and ouer wrought with great Ta∣bles of Porfido, Serpentino, and Marble of diuers colours; and the cloysters round about are of like vaulting and workmanship, all singular faire, and beautifull, more then ordinary, but of the Pictures of all sorts (as the painted Images) the Turkes haue scraped out the eyes. The couering on the out-side is of Lead, the gates (which haue beene the fairest in the World) of fine Metall [ 40] of Corinth.

It was in the time of the Greekish Emperors, the most rich, perfect, and sumptuous Temple, * 1.1644 not only of the East, but of all the World; for there were one hundred gates, and it was more then a mile about, compassing the houses of the Canons, Priests, and others; it had 300000. Duc∣ket, yeerely Rent. There is now the Sepulchre of Sultan Selim the Second, Father of this present * 1.1645 Sultan Morat, his Church for want of place he caused to be made in Adrianopoli, which is also a sumptuous thing.

Vpon one of the corners of the Citie (a point at the mouth of the streight that diuideth Eu∣rope and Asia) on the Promontorio, called of the Ancients Christophori, (which is as much to say, Lord of Gold) a name that whosoeuer gaue it, peraduenture did foresee as much as now is inclosed in the bosome thereof, and of the Greekes called (Saint Demetrio) is the admirable Ha∣bitation * 1.1646 [ 50] (Seraglio) of the Grand Signior, that hath beene in time past a Monasterie of Monkes of the said Sophia, and is foure miles about compassed round with a high Vault, and very faire Towres built by great Mahumet the Second, amplified and decked by all his Successors; it is so reple∣nished with braue Palaces, faire Gardens, Marble Cisternes, fine Fountaynes, sumptuous Banias; that it were an vnwise part to describe them, especially in regard that this present Sultan Mo∣rat, hath begunne so magnifically to replenish it, for he alone hath built therein more then all his Predecessors together, and particularly he hath beautified with two faire Lodgings, or as we may say Banqueting Houses, which they call Chouskes, the top couerings of Lead, but vnder wrought with curious Worke of Bossing, Painting, and Gilding, built of fine Marble Pillars of Porfido, [ 60] and Serpentino, richly laid with Gold and inestimable expence.

Without the great Seraglio, neere to the point thereof is a little Fountayne, but rich, of white Marble, laid on with Gold of very fine workmanship, (abounding with exc••llent water) built by this present Sultan Morat, in memory that there he went a Land dismounting the Caike, when

he came to take possession of the Empire; as may be read therevpon written in Turkish Letters. In the chiefest place of the Citie, betweene the Piazza of Sultan Baiazet, and that of Sultan So∣lyman, there is another Seraglio called of the Turkes Eschi Serrai, as much to say, the old Serag∣lio. * 1.1647 The same was first builded and inhabited by Great Mahomet the Second (I meane before the aboue named) it was two thousand paces about, before that the triumphant Sultan Soliman to make his Church tooke away the halfe. It is compassed with a Vault of fifteene yards high without any Turrets, the Virgins of the Grand Signiors remayne there. Thither hee goeth many times vpon pleasure, for within it are faire Lodgings, great Orchards, many Bantes, cleere Fountaynes, and of old time the deceased Emperours were wont there to hunt.

Many other faire Churches are dispersed through the Citie of great cost and goodly prospect, built with Royall magnificence, as that which Sultan Soliman caused to be made at the death of [ 10] one of his Sonnes, called Iegni Sultan Mehemet, as much to say, as new Sultan Mahomet, (dif∣ferent from the other of the Great abouesaid) neere thereby are Lodgings of the Ianizaries, who are housed in manner of Friers, Guimas, Mosches. And other places for Prayer are there like∣wise built by many Bassaes, and other great Personages (but not of such importance as those a∣fore nominated) as that of Mahomet Bassa, Daunt Bassa, Rostan Bassa, Mahomet Bassa, and of Messih Bassa the Eunuch, and now they are a building two new ones, better then the others, one for the excellent Sinan Bassa neere the red Pillar which is by the Lodging of the Emperours Ambassadors, the other very faire in Aurat Bazar (hard by the Pillar which they say to bee of Pompey) of the excellent Girahe, Maher Bassa, and diuers others very many. [ 20]

The Iew the presenter of this Pamphlet, saith without number, some Turkes to me haue named the number to be 18000. great and small Churches of Turkes. The Patriarch of Greekes, Meleteo, who had formerly beene of Alexandria, and there dyed, told me that there is in Constantinople one hundred Christian Churches, most assuredly within the Citie and Suburbs, I take it there are more: For at Galata, ouer the water, as may bee compared to Southwarke from London, there are of Popish Churches (wherein are grauen Images) foure or fiue, and two or three Monasteries of Romane Friers; of Greekish Churches and Friers many more, in whose Churches are no grauen Images; yet they whip themselues there, as the Papists doe. This I haue seene vpon a Good Friday as I remember: Bels m 1.1648 the Christians are not permitted to haue in their Churches. Thus much from the matter of the Iewes Discourse, which is not from the purpose of that therein handled. [ 30]

The greatest and most famous spacious place of the Citie is that which in time past of the Greeeks was called Hippodromo, and now of the Turkes Atmaidan, which is as much to say, both in the one and the other Language, running of Horses, for there they did and doe runne them. In time past it hath beene much more greater, but the many Palaces (that diuers great men in pro∣cesse of time haue built) hath lessened it; as the Great Ebrim Bassa, who builded in the time of Sultan Soliman, that faire Palace which is to bee seene; now the Lodging of this other Ebrim Bassa, giuen him when he married the Emperours Daughter.

Right ouer against it is another Seraglio, that, also built in my time by the excellent Rostan Bassa, when he married his Daughter vnto Ahmat Bassa. In the middest of this great Piazza is to be seene raysed vpon foure Dice of fine Metall, a very faire Pyramide of mingled stone, all of [ 40] one piece, fiftie Cubits high, carued with Heroycall Letters, resembling the Agulia of Rome, in whose top were inclosed the ashes of the vnconquered Iulius Caesar, that now Pope Sixtus hath reduced into the middest of the place of Saint Peter: this Monument Theodosius the three and fortieth Emperour of Rome, (by Nation a Spaniard) and eightie of Constantinople, caused to bee erected in memory, that he had conquered the Gothes, the Alani, the Hunnes, and so many Tyrants that vsurped the Empires of the East and West, as by the Greeke and Latine Verses there ingrauen, yet after so many yeeres is to be read, although a wheele hath carried away some part of the Latine: His foot that is double in the foundation which is two Cubits high, is carued the manner and way they tooke to set vp this Pyramide or Obeliske, the which was there raysed by Theodosius in the yeere 390. so that it passeth 1200. yeeres, since it was erected; now that it [ 50] is in the yeere 1594, and seuentie sixe yeeres after that the Great Constantine built the Citie. In the second foundation which is foure Cubits high, are carued the Tyrants round about, who to the said Emperour Theodosius (he also being carued in the middest) on euery side bring Pre∣sents and render obedience. This Piazza hath also another Pillar very high of squared stone in manner all lineated with the time, and likewise one of Brasse made with maruellous art in forme of three Serpents wreathed together with their mouthes vpwards, which is said, was made to inchant the Serpents that on a time molested the Citie. There was betweene the Agulia and the Brasse Pillar, foure very high Pillars equally distant with their foundation and top ornament, the which Sultan Selim, Father of this present Sultan Morat, remoued & sent to Adrianople for the Church which he there built. This place had also before the place of Ebrim Bassa some yeeres past [ 60] three faire Images of Brasse, that the victorious Sultan Soliman, after he had taken Buda, brought and no other thing, in testimonie of his Victorie; they were of the great Mathia Coruin••, the most famous King of Hungarie. The said Image, when the named Ebrim Bassa was slaine, were by the furie of the people throwne to the ground.

At the end of this place towards the Sofia, are also to be seene certaine ruines of a great circle of a Theator which was there, where the people sate to see the Playes and Pastimes that there were shewed; now it is a place wherein the Lions and other Animals of the Great Turkes are kept, one thing resteth in my Iudgement) to be maruelled at, and the most notable in this place which is, that it is all hollow vnderneath, and holden vp with Pillars of rich Marble with their * 1.1649 foundation, and top garnishing all wrought in branches. They are said to passe the number of one thousand, and vnderneath it is light and fresh water, there are also Instruments or great wheeles that they vse to spinne Silke with, and not only vnder this void place, but it is held for certayne that vnder all the Citie they may walke, as may be perceiued by many other ruinated places; this was very faire to behold some yeeres past, ▪when the present Sultan Morat for the [ 10] space of three or foure moneths made there in Pastimes at the Circumcision of his first begotten Sonne Sultan Mahomet, it was a maruellous incredible thing, the Shewes and Playes they had at that time.

In another large and spacious place farre from this towards the Port of Selimbria, called by the Turkes Aurat Bazar (which is as much to say, the Market place of women, for thither they come to sell their Workes and Wares) is to be seene a very high great Pillar, written vpon round about on the out-side, made hollow within, which they commonly call of Pompey, perhaps, be∣cause it resembleth another that is of Pompey in Rome of the like Fashion; but I beleeue that nei∣ther Pompey nor other for him, euer caused this to be set vp. Another high Pillar of red Mar∣ble bound about with Iron hoopes, is to be seene neere to the Lodging of the Emperours Am∣bassadour, [ 20] with certayne Greeke Letters, which time hath conlumed and often fires many times burned it, in such sort that they cannot be vnderstood or read.

There are to bee seene also in the Citie of Constantinople certayne very great places of the Ancients called Naumachia, which they filled with water, and shewed thereon the battailes of * 1.1650 their Nauie to delight the people, which at this time is full of Orchards. There is in the chiefest places for Traffique of the Citie, two Basistans, which are certayne Buildings foure square high, and made round at the top, in the forme of great Lodges couered, each of which haue foure Gates, opening vpon foure stretes, round about garnished, with shops stuffed with all rare and exquisite Merchandize, as of inestimable value, Precious Stones and Pearles, (Zebulini) Sables, and other rich Furres of all sorts, Silkes and Cloth of Gold, Bowes, Arrowes, Bucklers, and [ 30] Swords: here likewise they sell many Christian Slaues of all Sects and Ages, in manner as they sell their Horses, looking them in the eyes, mouth and all other parts; this they doe euery fore∣noone, except Friday, which the Turkes hold for their day of rest.

There is also to be noted the Sarachiana, which is a street of Sadlers, & of them that work in Leather, a thing so worthy and rich that the more part of strangers, who come thither, maruell more at this place then at all the rest of the most worthy and rich that are to be seene in Constan∣tinople. The Citie is also full of a number of very faire Banias, as well publike as priuate, which * 1.1651 in imitation of the Ancient Greekes and Romanes, are built and contriued with great industry, sumptiousnesse and expence almost incredible, besides those of the Great Turkes Seraglio, his women, and Bassaes, the most of the common sorts are beautified with Pillars, Bankes and Paue∣ments [ 40] of diuers and rare coloured Marble: faire they are and very great with plentie of water.

I let passe the diuers Seraglioes, faire Houses of many Vice-royes, old and new, so great and compassed with such high wals, that they rather appeare to bee Cities then Seraglioes, which without make no beautifull shew; but within are full of all Riches and Pleasure the World af∣fords; * 1.1652 for the Turkes are wont to say, that they build not to pleasure the sight of those that passe by the way, but for their owne commoditie: deriding the goodly shewes that our Palaces in Christendome make outwardly, and that within they are not agreeable to their minds.

Heare I would make an end, but I cannot forget the goodly Arches and Conducts of water, which Sultan Soliman of good memory brought with incredible expences so many miles by * 1.1653 Land, and in so great quantitie; that ouer and aboue so many old Fountaynes, he increased ma∣ny [ 50] more with faire Marble so magnificall, and with such quantitie of water that is most notable, being a very necessary ornament to the Citie. There are so many that there is not in a manner a street which hath not one of his, and the greatest prayse in my opinion which he meriteth for so worthy a worke, is that setting a part the expences which he made in conducting this water, and in making the Fountaynes; all the places where he built, he caused to be bought with ready money of the Ownors without forcing any; and oftentimes changed the places appointed, because he would not haue the people lament, who were vnwilling to sell them, and tooke not one Aspar towards the charge. Also being broken, some of the Conduits after they were finished. Sultan Soliman said, that he thanked God they were decayed in his time, that he might repaire them without exacting on the people, or that there should haue come another Prince that [ 60] would not haue regarded them.

The Citie of Constantinople in time past had eleuen Gates, euery one for some purpose called Aurea, Pagea, Roma, Carthaseo, Regia, Caligaria, Xilina, Haringa, Phara, Theodosia, and Syliaca. But the continuall fires, the many Earth-quakes, and particularly that which hapned in the

time of Sultan Baiazet Father of Selim the moneth of September, Anno 1509. which lasted eighteene dayes together (letting passe the other Buildings in which aboue 13000. persons pe∣rished) it ouerthrew the famous ancient wall; the said Sultan Baiazet gathered together more then 60000. men to rebuild it, making new Gates which are at this day fiue and twentie. They * 1.1654 were one lesse, but the Sultana Mother of this Emperour made a faire publike Bania, few yeeres since, and for the more magnificence opened a new Gate; these following are the names at this present, beginning at the East Gate of the Citie hard by the great Seraglio.

The first, G••ebud Capasi. The Iewes Gate, for thereabout they dwell.

The second, Baluc Bazar. The Fish Gate, for there they sell their Fish.

The third, Yemis Eschelessii. The Fruit Gate, for to that Scale comes their Fruit.

The fourth, Odun Capi. The Wood Gate, there they weigh and sell their Wood. [ 10]

The fift, Yegni Capi. New Gate.

The sixt, Vn Capan. The Corne Gate, there they sell their Corne.

The seuenth, Giubali Capi. The Moone Gate.

The eighth, Aya Capi. The Holy Gate.

The ninth, Yegni Capi. New Gate: which the Empresse caused to be made.

The tenth, Petri Capi. Saint Peeters Gate.

The eleuenth, Tener Capi. The Lanthorne Gate, where Mahomet the Second entred, when he tooke Constantinople.

The twelfth, Balat Capi. The Palace Gate, for it was the chiefe Gate in time of the Gree-kish Emperours. [ 20]

The thirteenth, Ayuansari Capi. Iobs Gate, for there they say, hee lyeth buried: it is a little Church, to which the Great Turke goeth often in Deuotion.

The fourteenth, Egri Capi. The Eye Gate.

The fifteenth, Aenaerne Capi. The Gate of Andranople.

The sixteenth, Top Capesi. The Artillerie Gate.

The seuenteenth, Celebri Capi. The Gate of Selembria.

The eighteenth, Yegni Capi. New Gate.

The nineteenth, Yedi Cula. The Gate of the seuen Towres: for so many there are together, neere thereunto, built of the Ottoman Princes, where it is said, they haue in time past put their Treasure. [ 30]

The twentieth, Narli Capi. Gate of the Pomegranates.

The one and twentieth Semati Capi. Saint Matthewes Gate.

The two and twentieth, Yegni Capi. New Gate.

The three and twentieth, Cum Capi, Gate of the Sands.

The foure and twentieth, Chiatladi Capi. The cracked Gate.

The fiue and twentieth, Ahircapi. The Gate of the Stables, where the Grand Signiors Horses are kept.

This is all which at this time commeth to my purpose to say (A. U. S. Illstre) hauing spo∣ken only of the bodie of the Citie Constantinople, with the most breuitie and veritie that I could [ 40] possible; not touching the matters of the Ayuansaria, (where the Turkes say, is buried patient * 1.1655 Iob) and where are many Sepulchres of much importance, of the chiefest Bassaes and other great men, holden of them for holy ground, neither touch I the Citie Pera (a Colonie in time past of the Genueses) Tophana, or Scutari; for it would bee needfull of them to make a long Discourse, leauing the same vntill some other occasion that you please to command me, and if here in be any errour; let the small time I had to write it excuse me, and supply the same with the good will I haue to serue you. And seeing this Discourse accepted, I will present you also with a Summarie of the Liues and Deeds of the Ottoman Princes; which I am gathering together with the grea∣test breuitie and veritie that I can possible. At Constantinople presented me, written by a Iew Do∣ctor, an ancient dweller in that Citie, which when I had read, I presently out of Italian transla∣ted it, the seuenteenth and eighteenth dayes of August, 1594. [ 50]

§. V.

The Pilgrimage of IOHN SANDERSON from Constantinople, to the Holy Land, and so to Tripoly in Syria, begunne the four∣teenth day of May, 1601. ended the four∣teenth of August.

THe fourteenth day of May, 1601. we set saile in the good ship called the Mermaid from [ 60] Constantinople, so to Galipoly, Troy, Sio, Rhodes, and the first day of Iune arriued at Zur, which is Tyrus: passed by Sarfanta, in time past Sarepta, anchored and went a∣shoare at Sidon, now called Saiet, where the third day of the same we visited the Se∣pulchre

of Zebulon. Sophani the Prophet, and Basaleel which built the Arke, buried halfe a dayes journey from Sidon.

The ninth, I departed in company of Iewes, and arriued in Damasco, the twelfth, passing by Samcania, Baruck, Hermiston, Libiton, foure Mountaynes so called. The nineteenth, I went to a Towne within three miles of Damasco, now called Iobar Asladi, where Elias did anoint Azael, Iehu, and Elisha; the Iewes hold that like as in Mount Horeb, so heere Elias hid himselfe in a * 1.1656 Rocke from Iesabel, where also they say the Rauens fed him. Here is built a Synagogue of the Iewes, in which is solemnely reserued their chiefest ancient written Books, and thither they go to * 1.1657 worship with great deuotion. The sumptuousest matter to be noted is the Church which hath twelue Gates of Brasse, excellent Corinthian Metall, the middle one of each three being bigger [ 10] and higher then the two on each side) curiously wrought, (it is now called Bedremon. Here it was that the Idoll Rimmon was worshipped, it is just square, three doores on each side. Any man may passe by the doores (being they are open to foure publike places) but not any enter other then are of the Mahumetan Religion, many Pillars there are, but two especially noted aboue the rest in respect of some passed matter. Hither it was that Naaman the Assyrian desired the Prophet E∣lisha, after hee had beene healed of his Leprosie, to license him to bring from Samaria, which at this day is called Shomrom (the said Prophets Country) two Mules lading of Holy Land to build an Altar vnto God; which the Prophet denied him not, and there are also foure Riuers called Barada, Towra, Yesed, Canauat, two of which are Abana and Pharpar: which Naaman said (murmuring) were fairer then all the Riuers of Israel, when the Prophet bad him goe wash him∣himselfe [ 20] in Iordan, to heale his disease.

I remayned ten dayes in Damasco, by reason that my rich Companion Iew, bespake much * 1.1658 Merchandize to be readie at his returne, left there tenne or twelue thousand Duckets of Gold; which for surer conueyance he had carried quilted in his owne and Seruants vnder-garments: all he left in a friends hands, except two or three thousand which he spent of Almes, and disbursed for Bookes in the Holy Land; that money he reserued still in their quilted Coats, fearing theeues which abound in these Countries.

From Damascus to Sasa, the two and twentieth, so to Conetra, neere Mount Hermon, whose Eastermost part confineth the Countries of Reuben and Gad, then to Naube the Countrey, * 1.1659 where was borne the Virgin Ebrew, whom Naama•• had taken Captiue, shee counselled that her [ 30] Master should goe and be cured of the Prophet in Shomrom. Here likewise I saw the Lake I could not be certified the Name, it is in the Country of the Gergesites where the Legion of Deuils en∣tred in to the Swine. Then to the Bridge vpon Iordan, on the right hand is the little Sea Cadis, on the left Genazeret, a little on this side that Bridge, as the Iewes to mee reported, the Angell wrestled with Iacob, had passed ouer his Wiues, Children, Family, and Cattel, fearefully he mee∣ting his Brother Esau, who receiued him kindly; then wee came to a Mountayne which they called Mount Canaan, and on the backe side of that Mountayne towards the right hand, came to the high Countrey of Galilee, passed by some Townes, and so to a Citie called Safet, the foure and twentieth of Iune; here the Iewes look for their Messias to appeare vpon a most high Moun∣taine adjoyning, which as I remember they called Mount Caram. Heere on this Mount Canan, [ 40] Mahaleel a Iew Priest that had beene about in gathering (he told me he had got but fiue hundred Chequins in Gold, and had them about him) for the Iewes of the Holy Land did bid mee marke the current of the Riuer Iordan, which seemed to stand and slowly beare towards Tiberias and Sodome, but withall a forceable current, did runne in the middest backe againe towards the Bridge, and so to fall into Cades, toward Ior and Dan, from whence the whole Riuer of Iordan doth take his increase.

In this Citie of Safet are all the most learned and deuout Iewes: and here are sixe Colledges or Schooles of Learning, this they call the House of God, and many aged goe purposely to dye there: this is Bethel where Iacob slept and dreamed in the way he went to serue his Vncle La∣ban, afterward returned, dwelt there and built an Altar to the Lord, the Citie of old was called [ 50] Lus. Built it is on the top of a high Mountayne; and compassed about with many Mountaynes, which are both high and steepe, but the highest is that adjoyning, where I say (they affirme) the Messias wil come; on the top of the Mountain where this Citie is, is the exceedingest old Castle that I haue seene or heard off, except a part of that at Hebron, and alike the ruines of Tiberias, where I was at my returne from Ierusalem. At the foot of the said Citie Safet, is interred the Prophet Osea, Sonne of Beeri, first of the twelue Prophets (so say the Iewes) ouer his Sepul∣chre is built a Cube not very old, and the Iewes now doe bury their dead at that place.

Then we passed by a little Village, where dwelt and is buried the Prophet Abakuke, so said the Iewes, and that the Towne was called Yeacoke; thence wee came to a Village called Seffer∣hittim, where then say is buried Iethro the Father in Law of Moses: then wee came to Atonto∣sar [ 60] at the foot of Mount Tabor, on the top of which Mount our Sauiour Iesus Christ transfigu∣red himselfe talking with Elias and Moses; with him was Peter, Iames and Iohn: (leaning on the * 1.1660 right hand, the place where was the Warres with Sisera and Debora; and on the left, the Riuer Chison: Sisera fled to Sefferhittim, where Iael killed him, and from thence by a Village called

Zarni, the place is called Isarel, so wee passed the Valley of Iesserell; here Iehu fought the bat∣tell with Ahabs sonne. So we came to Ienin, of old time Ingenin, interpreted, is Paradise so pleasant, * 1.1661 that is the place and situation that well may be called Paradise; it may be assuredly compared to the Citie of Palme trees spoken of in Scripture, so pleasant and prospectiue, it is with also Woods of very many Palme trees replenished.

The twentie sixe, we passed by Dotana, in Scripture called Dotan, or Dothan, the place where Iosephs brethren cast him into the pit. From thence wee passed the Mountaines of Gilboa, where Saul and his sonnes were slaine: on the right hand a farre off wee saw the Sea Palestine, thence we pass••d a place now called Sabastia, in Scripture Shomron, that is, Samaria, a Citie of Ahab, * 1.1662 a pleasant situation on the top of the Mountaine, but not very high. From thence to Sichem the [ 10] twentie eight of the same, which is z 1.1663 situate betweene two Mountaines, Mount Ger••zin, that is the Mount of Blessing, and Mount Ebal, that is, the Mount of Cursing; euen betweene these two Mountaines, a little before wee came to the Citie, is a great Conduit of very good water, twentie paces before, which is a piece of ground marked out by two short Pillers of plaine white Marble: There was some notable thing done in Moses or Iosias time, else I suppose there stood th〈…〉〈…〉tone whereon the seuentie heads of Gedeons sonnes, Abimelecks brothers were piled.

Betweene the said Mountaines at the Easter-most of them was interred Iosephs bones, where the Iewes prayed as alike at all the Sepulchers they went to visit, and about fiue miles off, neere to a Village called Awarta, are buryed vpon a Hill on the Mount, a 1.1664 amongst the Mountaines of Ephram, the two sonnes of Aaron, Eleazar and Ithamar, and Phineas, the sonne of Eliazar: and [ 20] hard by vpon another Hill are the b 1.1665 seuentie antients buried all in one plot, one Caue, one Sepul∣cher, these ancients of Israel are spoken of in Scripture. Also some two miles further neere the tops of one of the highest said Mountains of Ephraim, is the Sepulcher of Iosua, kept by the Moores as the others are, this we did very wel discerne. The Iewes at all pay pole pence, some more, some lesse to the Moores, before they be permitted to say their Ceremonies.

The thirtieth of Iune, wee came to Biera c 1.1666, in Scripture called Beroth, in the Countrie of Ben∣iamin; this Citie is fiue miles sh••re of Ierusalem, Rama is to bee discerned three or foure miles, on the right hand going to Ierusalem. This day we arriued in Ierusalem; vpon high ground we had tra∣uelled when we drew neere the Citie, though most of the way were rockie and stony, yet now wee might euidently see a signe of a long broad high way all cragged, with cornered diffused [ 30] stones that no beast could trauell ouer, so that along hard by the said way through the fields all trauellers passe, yet that also very stony and cragged, but they are not so big as those on the fore∣said high way. Then being within a mile we had sight of Ierusalem, which to our view was most excellently si••uared on Hills, and compassed with other huge Hils round about, some neere, some many miles off. The adornement of waters it wanteth, for there are not any beautifull neere it: Iordan onely we might see a great way off, which Iordan is North-east of Ierusalem about nine or ten miles. The neerest part Eastward Iordan passeth the Lake of Sodome and Gomorra, and so commeth along towards Ierusalem, which is some fifteene or sixteene miles off; so we entred at the gate opening to Damasco, which I take to be South, and to the Westward.

The second of Iuly d 1.1667, we went to Rama, to the Prophet Samuel his house, vvhere the Iewes [ 40] say he was buried; vpon the top of the said house is the place where the children of Israel had their haire cut off, at vvhich time they made vowes, gaue great sums to the Sanctorum: at this day there are of the Iewes that vow & performe, carrying their children to haue their haire cut there for de∣uotion; on the right hand is a Well vvhich is called Samuels Well, other matters here I obserued not. Many and sundry ruinated both great and small Townes, I passed in the Holy Land, both outward and backe againe, vvhich to my desire I could not be informed the names of: as may bee imagined by these nominated in the tedious e 1.1668 iourney I made.

In Ierusalem is a little part of the wall of Salomons Temple (so say the Iewes) vnder the said piece of wall is the place vvhere the high Priest went to wash himselfe, within is a stone of twentie sixe braces long, and twelue broad; in that Temple the Greekes say the holy Ghost [ 50] came to the Apostles: in these times no Christian nor Iew is suffered to enter that Church on paine of death; a broad going vp also there is of Marble steps, and on the tops of the stayres two white Marble pillars, not very big; vpon these steps none dare come except Turkes and Moores of the best account, this is there held by Christians of the place to bee Salomons Porch. The mount on which the Temple is built, is called in Greeke Thusia tou Abram, where Abraham would haue sacrificed his sonne: this is mount Moria; where to this day I say is curiously kept part of Salomons Temple, the Turkes hauing bestowed very great cost in re building and leading it all ouer. It is formed, one part a round Cube, close to which cube goeth, as it were ascending a long bridge of building leaded, comparable to the Easter-most part of Pauls, but seemeth some∣what [ 60]

flatter and broad, with the leads more cheuerend and of a deeper worke, and at the end a pro∣portionate forme seeming higher then the rest of the leaded worke.

Ierusalem hath only foure gates, at one of which is the Tower of Dauid, where he fell enamou∣red with Bersheba, as those fondlings say. Without the said gate, a stones cast from the corner of the wall on the top of Mount Sion are buried Dauid, Salomon, and most of the Kings of Iuda; here neither Iewes nor Christians are suffered to enter, neither permitted to come neere the walls in sight of Turkes and Moores; such as paraduenture doe, are forced to pay summes of money to their vttermost abilitie. On the out-side of the aforesaid piece of the Cities wall appeareth a∣part, as the Iewes to mee reported, of the old wall of the studie of Salomon, vpon one of the stones wherof is written in Hebrew letters carued 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is Bitti, which interpreted is to say, my house: [ 10] here for two dayes I left the company of my great companion Iew, and had attendant on mee a Colotero, a Greekish Priest, which the Patriarke commanded, to shew me all the notable places in and about Ierusalem and Bethelem. This holy Priest had continued one whole yeere in the Church where they say our Sauiour was buried, and for that space neuer came out night nor day, so doing of his owne will onely in deuotion; he chiefly attended me, with other Greeke Friers at my plea∣sure: likewise also a poore Iew of Ierusalem whom I hired to bee still with mee, partly to inter∣prete, for the Frier Greekes speake but meane Italian, and my selfe vnderstood but little Greeke.

First, the Coloiero went and shewed mee the gate where our Sauiour entred when they cryed Hosanna, efsemati, after which wee viewed Caiphas Palace, Pilats Palace (the ruines, remaining as now they say) and alike the Marble pillar of diuers colours at which Christ was whipped; it [ 20] standeth distant from the house: ouer the way wee passe through somewhat high, a place neere to that where was a water called pronatichi, colinithra, a maruellous great dry ditch which came to the prison or deepe durty dungeon, wherein the Iewes Princes in Zedechias time caused Ieremie the Prophet to be put. He found fauour of the Kings chiefe Eunuch a Blacke-moore, who drew him out, hee standing halfe way in the mud, as by the Scripture appeareth: these Greekes hold that hee was throwne amongst Lions, who licked him in stead of deuouring, and that at last the Iewes caused him to be sawed in sunder.

Then went wee to the Virgin Maries Sepulchre, a space without the walls of the Citie, in a little Chappel going down many steps, the stayres very broad; on the right hand, as it were, halfe the steps down lieth buried her father and her mother, the Virgin below in a roome a part, wher∣in [ 30] were only seuen Lampes burning; her stone is of streaked Marble of diuers colours, her Tombe * 1.1669 not so high as a mans waste from the ground. My Greeke Priest shewed great deuotion at this Se∣pulchre (so did hee at the place where our Sauiour sweat water and bloud, and at the ascension place on top of Mount Oliuet.) A Well of good water is also at the foot of the stayres: then to the place where Saint Steuen was stoned; (the Greekes say our Sauiour had made him an Arch-dea∣con) so to Iesami where Christ was in a bloudy sweat (here I prayed) and likewise I saw the place where the Apostles slept; then to the place where hee taught his disciples the Pater noster, the Greekes call it Pater emos: and where he stood when hee wept ouer Ierusalem, and the place where hee was betrayed by that reprobate seruant Iudas.

Then walking further on the side of this Mount Oliuet, wee saw the Garden where Mary [ 40] met our Sauiour after his resurrection. From this part of the Mountaine is seene a farre off the Lake of Sodome, through the which runneth the Riuer Iordan. Then to Orostoelo, the place of Christs ascension, which is on the very top of this Mount Oliuet, a stone yet remaining wherein is the print of a foot: all those Christians hold assuredly, that it is the signe of our Sauiours foot, most formall and proportionably it is to bee perceiued, but worne much by the touching and kis∣sing of Christians: here I prayed and hope my Sauiour beheld mee. The like square stone white Marble, wherein is the print of the other foot, was stolne from hence and carried to Rome; so say these Greekes.

Then to Bethfage, the Village where the Colt was losed; so along ouer against it wee came to Bethania, the Greekes call it Vithania. In this Towne they also affirme, that our Sauiour eate the [ 50] Passeouer with his disciples; here was Lazarus raised, who had beene dead foure dayes, in whose Sepulchre I was, wherein I writ my name on the f 1.1670 wall, and not in any other place all my pil∣grimage. This Lazarus, as the Greekes hold, was afterward Bishop of Larnaca, in Cyprus thir∣tie three yeeres, where at a Church so named, they say, hee lyeth buried; truth it is of such a faire Church so called in such a Towne of Cyprus, where foure yeeres past I was; but of the bones of Lazarus to be there it is vncertaine to mee. Also the Greekes affirme, that Saint Ellen, the mo∣ther of Constantine the Great, is likewise buryed in the said Iland of Cyprus, on a mountaine, which at this day is called after her name: shee was erector of all these Churches, alike repairer and obseruer of all these holy places in the holy Land.

Then returned we backe againe to the water of Siloam, where our Sauiour commanded a blind [ 60] man to wash his eyes, after hee had with earth and spittle touched them, this is at the foot of Mount Sion. Vpon the side of Mount Oliuet is buried Hulda the Prophetesse, there in the middest of Mount Oliuet was the Altar where they burnt the Red Cow. In a Caue on the right hand are the Sepulchers of Haggi, and Malachi, Zacharia is buryed below. Neere to the Sepulchre of

Zacharia is the tombe of Absolom, made of seuen stones, and a sharpe pinacle on the top: at which Monument the Moores of the Countrie when they passe by at this day, throw stones, with re∣uiling speeches at him for rebelling against his father. Betweene the places of Zacharia and Ab∣salom, is a plot where in old time they put the vncleane apart to purge themselues; this was the Poole of Bethesda, into which the Angel descended at certaine times and troubled the waters. The Scripture speaketh of fiue Porches; but I noted not when I was there, neither to me by my Greekes was mentioned, as I remember, any such matter. And there is the Valley of Iosaphat, be∣tweene Mount Morea and Mount Oliuet, where the Iewes say the world must bee iudged; most * 1.1671 huge stone of incredible bignesse is here to be seene, out of some of which are carued whole houses, two or three I did see, one of which had diuers parted roomes all hewed out of one stone: these in respect of the painfull workemanship I thought notable; as alike a mile off from Ierusalem is a [ 10] place of buriall, out of a rocke of one Marble stone hewed, with foure doores to foure sundry roomes, and foure coffins of the said stone, but the bodies turned to dust, and the bones not any remaining, except very small pieces. This place or rocke is called Celbasabua; this may well bee the Caue wherein the fiue Kings hid themselues. Then went I to Esaia the Pro∣phet his Sepulcher, where I beheld the fig-tree, vnder which the Greekes say that the sonnes of Ieremie slept sixtie three yeeres: their names were Uaruh and Abdimeleck; this may be thought a fallacy in respect of the fig-tree which cannot be of that age; but they say, it is and hath bin euer since replanted of the branches in that selfe place.

Then went I to the Sepulcher of good old Simeon, from thence to a place (neere vnto the Church and Sepulcher where the Christians affirme the bodie of our Sauiour was layd) a place, I [ 20] say, called Anastasia, where Mary met our Sauiour after his resurrection, saying, If thou bee the Gardener, tell mee where thou hast layd him. Ouer against the Church doore, in a place where Iesus our Redeemer and Sauiour shed his most precious bloud, paying the ransome of our sinnes was cruelly crucified, I say where the Crosse stood, is at this day a prison g in the Church, whose di∣stance is twentie or twentie fiue paces, are diuers Altars of diuers sorts of Christians; but first I noted in the Church doore two great holes, at which is daily giuen in the victualls to all the sorts of religious persons which keepe continually in the said Church; for the Turkes neuer open the doore, except for some Pilgrime, who first payeth to the Cadie, which is the chiefe Iustice, the Great Turkes due, vpon euery one vnder the Popes banner, which they call Franks, nine h 1.1672 Che∣quins in gold, and Greekes vnder the Patriarke foure and a halfe, with other Christians alike, some [ 30] lesse. Six officers of the Turks at least comes to open the doore, which house being opened, all Chri∣stians that are of that sort who hath payed, may enter the Church with that one, if it be registred that they formerly had payed; but Turkes and Moores may at all times goe in when the doores are opened for any sort of Christian, but must presently come out againe; the Christian for whom the gate was opened, may at his pleasure lye all night, or two or three nights in the Church if he will, and the Turkes Officers returne to open and let them out.

Diuers little Bell-strings there are at the inside of their doores, which rung euery sort of Friers to come downe into the Church to receiue their victuall, or take out pitchers of water to poore folkes, or other actions that may happen. Some eight or nine paces in, is the Sepulcher vpon [ 40] which they haue made a formall round worke of twelue white Marble Pillers, two and two to∣gether, and leaded with a round Cube on the top; open ouer is the Church, with a kind of round building, open I say ouer the said inward proportionate matter, that alike is leaded on the out∣side very substantially: within the Church I say about that part where the Tombe is, are twelue other coloured great Marble Pillers; those Pillers vpon it formerly spoken of, stand about a Brace from the ground, and a woodden foot-pace vp equall with it some fiue paces distant. At the end towards the Altars are on each corner one white little Marble stone squared smooth, but not made like Pillers, and are some two foot high; in the middest of the white Marble Pillers ouer the Tombe is three holes made of stone, out of which once a yeere the Popish Friers make artificiall fire to appeare, perswading the Christians that it hath beene euer since the bodie of Christ was there layd. [ 50]

Right afore vp in the Church is a great white Canopie, vnder which are diuers pictures and lamps, but in the middest hangs a most stately white Crosse of siluer curiously made; the Altars are more vp in the Church aboue that Canopy: many Idolatrous Christians haue their Altars eue∣ry sort apart, to say an Altar for the Romanists, for the Greekes, for the Cuf••ies of Cairo, George∣ans about the Blacke Sea, Armenians of Persia, Abbasies of Ethiopia, Nestorians of Bagdat, Iaco∣bites of Aleppo, Merdi, and Babylon, Maronites of Mount Libanus, Shemsi in Siria and Cilicia a kind of Family of Loue. In the Sepulcher these sorts of Christians haue their Lamps continually burning, to the number (as say the Greeke Friers) of sixtie sixe, and alike haue their superstitious Crosses apart; I went not downe into the Sepulchre, by reason I had a great controuersie with the Popish Friers, but might haue done in their despight, had I not beene entreated by the Greeke [ 60] Patriarke and others to auoyd an vproare at that time; yet made I those foolish Idolaters spend much money, and at last they sent to intreat mee: but then I would not, hauing to my content seene enough when the doores were opened for mee, and alike out of the Patriarkes house which

ioyneth to the Church, in whose possession the whole steeple and halfe the Tarras is (halfe I say of one side the Church) where are three great grates of Iron open, seruing to giue light into the Church, and where they let downe daily baskets of victuals for the Greeke Friers there abiding; those grates are aboue a mans length, and fiue or sixe foot broad, at which I did see as much as if I had stood in the Church, and drew with my pen the forme of the inside, and alike the outside. More lower in a roome, at a window out of the Patriarkes house, I stood and drew the forme of that which is erected right ouer the Sepulchre, as I haue described it.

From Ierusalem halfe way to Bethelem, is a Greeke Chappell (built by Brittish Hellen, the mo∣ther of Constantine; who found, they say, the Crosse of Christ; and erected all the Monuments in the Holy Land) in place where Elias his house stood; ouer against which there is a stone in the [ 10] high way that sheweth an old Monument print of a man leaning sleeping, with his arme vn∣der his head. The Greekes affirme it most certainely to be the print of Elias bodie, when the An∣gel bad him eate and make himselfe strong to goe fortie dayes iourney to Mount Oreb, where for a time bee remained fed of Rauens, and after at Gods command arose and went to Damasco to a∣noint Hazael, Iehu, and Elisha. No remembrance at this place of the Iuniper tree the Scripture speakes of, but a Fig tree there is betweene Ierusalem and Bethelem, which the Friers shewed mee, saying that the Virgin rested her selfe against is, when shee fled into Egypt with the child Iesus, and her husband Ioseph. They cut thereof little pieces for relikes, and alike in deuotion they at this day make many formall carued Crosses wherein are relikes, and Beads, k 1.1673 they make Pater nosters as they call them of the Oliue trees which grow vpon Mount Oliuet. Likewise there they [ 20] told mee (an vnlikely thing it was) that the withered Figge tree which Christ accursed, is yet standing vpon Mount Oliuet.

From the Figge tree before spoken of, one halfe mile, is Rachels Tombe l 1.1674 in the middest of the high way, in sight whereof on a great Banke side, is finely ficuate a pretty Towne on the right hand as we went to Bethelem, and two miles off is Bethelem, being on a Hill side situate very plea∣santly: the high way and land chaulkie the space of halfe a mile euery way round about it. A Church the mother of Constantine hath built ouer the place where our Sauiour was borne, and first worshipped of the Shepheards, and then of the Wise-men, before Ioseph and Mary fled with him into Egypt, where also I haue beene some seuenteene yeeres since, as in discourse of my former trauells is recorded. The Romanist Friers haue a Chappel going downe vnder this Church, where [ 30] they haue continually Masse, and ceremoniously keepe the very place of his birth. The Church hath fortie or fiftie very faire Marble Pillers all of one forme and bignesse (I counted them m 1.1675 not) it hath beene a very sumptuous Church, Greeke pictured Saints yet remayning in the vpper end of it, which is in forme round, with large steps to goe vp to the Altar, and on both sides vnder∣neath halfe round steps to goe downe to the Popes Friers persinqute, who haue the custodie of the very place of birth, and where the Manger stood. By a gray-headed Greeke Priest and Frier Gre∣tian my attendant, I was brought vp a payre of stayres, going vp at the vpper end of this great Church aloft to a little Chappell, where are many pictures according to the Greekes manner, but especially a large Saint George; before whom they had a Lampe burning, expecting of mee great deuotion, they vnto it making many crosses, and told me he was Saint George. I answered, that [ 40] I had neuer seene a bigger: they fixed earnest lookes vpon me at that answere, seeing I regarded it not, and the old man told the other in Greeke he thought I was no Christian, because I made no crosse nor reuerence neither, as hee said, to our Ladies, Christs, Saint George, or to other Saints pictures; his fellow, a foolish Frier, told him that those of my Countrey were Christians of the worlds end: I presently turned them both out of their talke, by hasting to bee gone thence.

But they led me vp to the top of the Church which is leaded, & many Christians had there in∣grauen n 1.1676 their names, so did not I; then they offered mee kindly to stay and dine with them, but I refused. The old Priest required of me almes towards their Lamps, which I did, giuing to them foure Chequins, and came downe the same way I went vp, through the Chappell full of pain∣ted (most sorts and sizes) Saints. In which Chappell also is a Well where ordinarily the Chri∣stians [ 50] draw water, and it is, they say, the best in Bethelem: they draw of it in that place, being neere the top of the Church: but that within the Church (it stands at the very entrance within) I take to be the Well that Dauid desired to drinke of from the hands of his valiant men: The Pa∣pists hold neither of both, but say it is another neere Bethelem.

So we returned to Ierusalem the same afternoone, and in Ierusalem my holy Coloyro led mee to a Monastery of Greeke Nuns, where I bestowed some mony in trifles of needle-worke wrought by them, and there the Nuns required my beneuolence, I gaue them seuen Chequins; then pre∣sently not farre from that, he had me to another Monastery of Nuns, where I saw their Chappell full of very fine pictures, and they told me that a man comes daily to doe their seruice; there I did as at the other, and more I bestowed in buying, for there they graced me with the sight of a very [ 60] faire young Virgin Nun, that so much beautie and youth I could doe no lesse then praise, and pit∣tie her estate to my Coloyro, who was readie the next day to attend mee thither againe, if so had beene my pleasure to haue bought more new workes of the old Nuns, &c.

With Gold and thankes I rewarded his passed paines, leauing him at that time: and to my Pil∣grime

mates the Iewes I returned; and prosecuting my purpose desired, I againe further traced the Holy Land, where two miles from Bethelem are to bee seene two Vallies, then Riuers, now Drie; which the Iewes say Salomon digged to water the Woods. A little way off on the left hand is buryed Gad, one of the twelue Patriarchs, and halfe a mile on this side Hebron is the Valley Escol, where the twelue Spies sent by Moses were, they returned with good newes. At this day there are Grapes * 1.1677 in that Valley growing, one bunch of them weigh eight or nine Okes, as those of the Countrey affirmed, which may be of our weight twentie or one and twentie pound. I saw none such, though some there were very great sprung out, but not neare ripe. This was the fifth of Iuly, 1601. At the end of this Valley Escoll is Hebron the Citie, the Valley is a long mile be∣fore you come to it, all planted with Vines and many Trees. In this Citie is the Sepulcher of A∣braham, the Iewes hold that there also are buryed Adam and Eue, Sara, Isaac and Rebecca, Iacob and [ 10] Lea. Into this Tombe not any are suffred to enter, but at a square hole through a thicke wall: they may discerne a little light of a Lampe. The Iewes doe their Ceremonies of Prayer, there without. The Moores and Turkes are permitted to haue a little more sight, which is at the top where they let downe the Oyle for the Lampe, the Lampe is a very great one continually burning. An excee∣ding old Castle (but of late time somewhat repaired) joyneth to it on the one side: a Moschea that is a Church of Moores on the other, and it seemeth to bee within part of the Moschea. At the right side of Hebron on the Mount, is the Sepulcher of Iesse, the Father of Dauid, and in the Citie also is the Tombe of Abner. On the North side of Hebron is the Playne of Mamre, where hee receiued the Angels into his Tent. [ 20]

This we went not to, but might perceiue it a pretie way off; and riding backe to Ierusalem also wee saw the Lake of Sodom, and all the Countrey thereabouts: but thither wee went not. From thence the length of the Riuer Iordan, most pleasant to behold in the way wee trauelled through the Countrey, yet was I not that I know o••, at that very place where Iohn baptised our Sauiour Christ: notwithstanding I washed my hands and head, and dranke of the Riuer in diuers places, as if you haue and doe marke this Discourse, may bee perceiued.

Vpon thursday the eight of Iuly, 1601. wee departed Ierusalem; came backe to Beera or Be∣roth, then to Sichem the ninth day; but our Horses, Camels, Mules and Asses, being very hot and wearie, wee stayed and refreshed our selues and them at Iacobs * 1.1678 Well, which is about halfe or three quarters of a mile before yee come to Sichem. The Iewes are there also somewhat ceremo∣nious, the water is excellent good & abundant, being hard by the high-way. There it was that our [ 30] Sauiour talked with the Woman of Samaria. In sight of this Well, two stones casts off, are Iosephs bones buried, where I had beene with the Iewes at my last being in Sichem, as I went to Ierusalem.

The eleuenth, wee came to Ienin Paradise. The twelfth, to the ancient Citie * 1.1679 Tiberias, this is built close by the shoare side. From thence wee might see most excellent pleasantly, appea∣ring aboue the tops of other high Mountaynes, the Citie Bethel vpon his Mountayne, the highest Mountayne neare vnto it, whereas I say they affirme, that the Messias will come; those for the pleasurablest Mountaynes which in my life time I haue seene, and Libanus for the hugest; ouer top of which Libanus I haue passed, (the Playne of Baalgad at the bottome of Mount Libanus to∣words Damascus, is the spaciousest; but the Playne wherein Damascus is built, is the pleasan∣test that any eye can in earth behold.) The Sea Tiberias, is in my iudgement at the most fiue or [ 40] sixe miles * 1.1680 ouer in the broadest place. Heere it was that our Sauiour and Peter fished, and went ouer when hee fed the fiue thousand. Wee onely remayned heere foure houres, in which time we cast crummes of Bread into that little Sea, and diuers Fish like Carps (but like Carps in scales and of colour, but they were somewhat longer and thinner bellied) came in abundance to the shoare, some small, some great: thence wee passed for * 1.1681 feare of Arabian Theeues, which are in troupes about those Countries, pitching their Tents at diuers times in diuers Playnes and fruit∣full places; liuing a little Common-wealth amongst themselues, subiect to no Law, begetting Children, and breeding vp all sorts of Cattle for their vse. They are of diuers Trades, as Smiths, Shoomakers, Weauers and such like, and amongst them haue excellent running Horses, where∣with [ 50] they often ride a Theeuing.

We came to Almenia, which hath beene a great Citie also, seuen or eight miles off, close built by the Sea side, along through which runneth a Channell of Iordan; this vndoubtedly is Caper∣naum, for that it is ouer the point of the Land, there wee lodged. So riding vp the higher part of the Countrey, wee came to a reasonable great Towne, which may well bee Nazareth, from thence to Cana. Wee saw the Riuer Arnon, so called as some sayd, being a Riuer it see∣med to vs a Poole, apart from this Iordan; which Iordan, as I haue sayd before, runneth through the Lake of Sodome, and alike through the Sea Tiberias, which is Genezaret, passeth a Bridge and falleth into another little Sea or rather great Poole called Cadis. Then progressed we through another excellent scituation where had beene some famous Citie, like to be Gilgall or [ 60] Nazaret. For the Patriarch * 1.1682 of Ierusalem told me, that comming from Damascus ward, we must

needs goe through Nazaret. So that I say, either this was Nazareth, or that formerly spoken of; but my Iewes, neither Turkes, could directly aduise me which it was.

So by diuers Townes wee came againe to Safet, which is Bethel, before spoken of, this was the thirteenth of Iuly, heere the Iewes stayed to keepe a solemne Sabbath, were visited of all the Priests in generall, who are cloathed in an outward habit of White, but made of Goates hayre, as are our Grogerains, and some of them in white Grogeraine. With great modestie and holy shew they came one by one to salute, imbracing and conferring some small time, and so depar∣ting. These my companions stranger Iewes, bought many Bookes, some two or three Mules la∣dings, which were holy Bookes of the declaration of their Law. To Christians they will not sell of some of them for any money, I imagine they thinke it a sinne so to doe. Here they gaue almes, [ 10] much money, and likewise sod meate, great Caldrons full for the Poore, to euery one a peece at a time, with a loafe of Bread and Pottage, with also at other times money; this they did three times in the sixe dayes wee there remayned. I thinke they spent, I say the chiefest Iew called A∣braham Coen, hee I say, gaue away heere at least two thousand Dollers, and one thousand at Ie∣rusalem, others in his company according to their abilitie reasonable summes. This all to the poorer sort with their owne hands; but to the greater Doctors and Schooles, they allow yeerely stipend, most or all Iewes of abilitie wheresoeuer they remayne, although they goe not to the Holy Land, yet such as haue beene there and safely returned, giue great voluntary Almes. For once in their life time, the Iewes say, they are bound by the Law of Moses to goe thither, if they can o•• bee able, and the Bones of many dead a 1.1683 Iewes are carryed to the Holy Land and there bu∣ryed. Wee were fraughted with Wools from Constantinople to Sidon, in which Sackes as most [ 20] certaynly was told to mee, were many Iewes bones put into little Chests, but vnknowne to any of the ship. The Iewes our Merchants told mee of them at my returne from Ierusalem to Saphet; but earnestly intreated mee not to tell it, for feare of preuenting them another time.

The nineteenth, wee came to b 1.1684 Conetra, the twentieth to Sasa, and the one and twentieth wee arriued at Damasco; entring in at the Gate called Toma, which leadeth to Iobar. From Da∣mascus the eleuenth of August, going out at the Gate called Amara. Without the sayd Gate are two great Mountaynes, one of them wee mounted, it is called Dohonet, where on the top there is vnder a Cube not leaded, a great huge Foote of stone set vp, in signe (as the Turkes say) that Mahomet was there, and viewed the Valley wherein the Citie of Damascus is built, calling it Paradise, most assuredly thence to see the sa••e all along the ••ly plaine Valley, being rarely mixed [ 30] with many Trees, most glistering siluer sided shaking leaues, eye cannot behold a more pleasanter sight, the Citie being long and close as it were to the side of the right hand Mountayne. As wee came towards the same from Sidon, seemed at our view so mingled amongst the branches all a∣longst the Valley, that out of doubt branched Damaske tooke the name thereof, if not patternd by it. The other Mountayne is called Dora, so wee came to Seraglio a Village.

The oue and twentieth, we passed the Mountaynes now called Haghbet and Romani, in Scrip∣ture called Halacke, where a farre off wee saw the end of Hermon. Close vnder the side of this Mountayne Halacke, open to the very midst of the Playne which is betweene it and the Moun∣tayne Libanon, is a very great and most ancient Citie, called now Balbarka, in which at this day standeth a row of very great Pillers, set vp as is said in Salomons time. This Citie in Scripture is [ 40] called Baalgad, old, ruined and vninhabited it is as I remember. An old Piller also there is in the middest of the Plaine built of squared Stones, yet doubtlesse of much later time then the other Pillers that wee beheld from the Citie. This surely is the Valley of Gad. The flat Playne from hill to hill, may bee in bredth some ten, eleuen or twelue miles; the length double: it seemes the pleasantest leuell (as it were a * 1.1685 Sea of Land) that I haue euer seene, it farre passeth the Playne of Antioch.

The thirteenth, wee came to a Village called Ainat, at the foote (or rather some fiue miles as∣cended) of Mount Libanus, which said Mountaines the tediousest and I thinke the highest tra∣uelled in the world: being the hottest time of the yeere wee passed the very highest * 1.1686 top, the foureteenth day of August, 1601. yet some Snow was there remayning, and so extreame cold [ 50] that my hands were benumd and seemed white all ouer, like vnto a kinde of Frost, but being de∣scended three or foure miles, were againe reuiued as formerly.

At after-noone, wee came to a Village some seuen or eight miles from Tripoli, called Aigdel, there wee reposed halfe an houre, and so passed some old Townes, among the which is Acon, a very strong Fort and Castle full of great Ordnance, heere the Em••er of Tripoli hath his abode. And then wee had sight of one plot of ground in those Mountaines, wherein are growing diuers Cedar c 1.1687 Trees: these are of indifferent bignesse but not very huge, the bodie streight, and bran∣ches spreading of very excellent shew, the broadest row of them lowest, and so rowes of bran∣ches going vp narrower & narrower, vntill at the top they do seeme in a manner sharpe, the fruit growing vpright, vpon the very branches (very finely) the leaues in forme of Rosemary, but rather [ 60] slenderer and sharper, yet doe they grow in pretie little bunches pert vpright together with the Fruit, but the fruit beareth vp aboue the leaues, with a very small wrie stalke, as it were set into the side of the branch. That same night very late wee came to Tripoly safely, the Lord bee euer praised.

Memorandum, that, I noted that in all my Pilgrimage, the grauer and better sort of Iewes, in whose companie I trauelled, would neuer reason with mee of Christ, for offending or being dis∣pleasant vnto me, for without scoffing they neuer talke of him or his followers. Yet one day I had from the mouthes of the meaner sort (aged men who professed knowledge in their Iewish Religi∣on) an Argument wherein is consideration, and in my opinion a kinde of acknowledgement and confession.

They said that there was a Stone in the Lords House at Ierusalem, in the middest of the world, * 1.1688 called Euenasediya, vpon which there was written the Name of God, and that whosoeuer could get in thither, and returne with it written, might haue what he required and doe what he would. Which they said, IESVS, Ioseph the Carpenters Sonne by extraordinary meanes got vnto, and wrote it, and cutting his owne thigh, so hid it, and escaped out of the Temple and sayd, Yea af∣doni [ 10] anni. But was presently answered, Mamzer bemitadah. Which interpreted as the Iewes told mee, is, saith CHRIST, Let the people serue mee. The Oracle answered, After death not in life. Then say they, at first hee began to flie, and make of Earth Birds, with many more such like workes, as these Iewes to mee confessed, in an opprobrious and very scornfull manner; adding further, that they maruelled how wee Christians could bee so led, by one Peter, and Paul, Iohn, Marie, &c. Further adding, that it was not possible for the best Learned amongst all Christians, * 1.1689 to expound the meaning of the Letter A. and that their Doctors could, onely vpon that first let∣ter write whole Volumes, to be studied in vntill the end of the world. And they knew they said, that Ierusalem should bee built againe, and their Messias come to make them Princes, as they haue beene in times past: but then to Gouerne all the world, and that the other dispersed Tribes [ 20] who at this day they say, doe liue in Ethiopia but cannot come out thence, by reason of a Sea of Sand, which parts Egypt and Ethiopia, the said Sea flowing and is continually troubled, ex∣cept * 1.1690 euery seuenth day, (which is their Sabbath) so that they cannot passe it, vntill the time ap∣pointed by Adonai (God Almightie.) Many other opinions they haue, as that God sends their soules if they haue not at first forgiuenesse, twice more into other new Bodies in the world, to a∣mend and become better, and then either receiueth or rejecteth them according to their deserts; * 1.1691 and that in what part soeuer of the world they dye and are buryed, their Bodies must all rise to Iudgement in the Holy Land, out of the Valley of Iehosophat, which causeth that the greater and richer sort of them, haue their Bones conuayed to some part thereof by their kindred or friends. [ 30] By which meanes, they are freed of a labour to scrape thither through the ground, which with their nayles they (say they) hold they must, who are not there buried nor conuayed thither by others. Other talke I had from them, offering as little taste of truth, as this last reasonlesse like∣lihood, So I them left to become wiser and better, if Goodnesse will, who in all bee euer glorifi∣ed; and wee Christians, by our Lord and Sauiour Iesus Christ sanctified and saued, our sinnes be∣ing drowned in his Blood, by the spirit of true Beliefe in his powerfull Predestination; Glory, glory, glory, for euer and euer and euer. Amen.

THus haue I giuen thee the Uoyages of Master Iohn Sanderson. Touching the difficulties of en∣trance into Ierusalem, I thought good to adde this which followeth; the rather that my Countrey∣men [ 40] may be aduised, before they aduenture this Ierosolymitan Pilgrimage; Superstition on the one side and Tyrannie on the other endangering the best Pilgrimage, which is the peaceable way of a good Consci∣ence to that Ierusalem which is aboue. For if a man doth not giue content to the Friers, which a good Conscience cannot doe (except some of their Patrons and Benefactors letters, or other extraordinary pro∣uision helpe) you see these superstitious Friers to proue malicious lyers, as here they slandred Master San∣derson to bee a Iew, and Master Timberlie to bee a Spie; that I mention not foure other Englishmen not long before, seene to enter their Monasterie but neuer seene to come foorth, as the Patriarch of Ieru∣salem confidently affirmed to Master Sanderson. Hence it is that Master Timberlie affirmeth, that none enter the Citie but protected by them, which others hauing otherwise entred by extraordinary course disauow, and yet may that speech (vnderstood of ordinarie entrance) bee true. For Master Timberlies passage wee will adde it to the end: for Master Sanderson, thus hee writeth. [ 50]

Now Master Purchas, take a memorandum of mee, that my first dayes entertaynment into Ie∣rusalem was somewhat crosse, in that I crossed two Friers which came to bid mee welcome. I said that I had not to vse of their kindnesse, because I was recommended to the Greeke Patriarch, so in some colour they left mee, but a Turke presently after came in the Name of the Bassa, and tooke my Sword from my side, which had cost me thirtie Dollers in Damasco, alleadging that no Christian ought to enter the Citie Gates, with his Sword girt about him, but that I might haue borne it in my hand. And yet their Custome is, to priuiledge the Iewes in that case. Thus I lost my Sword and after was ledde to the Caia of the Bassa, who related to mee the errour I had committed, and further demanded of me a Present for his Master, and another for himselfe: then [ 60] I shewed him the Great Turkes Letter, which imported a command to vse mee respectiuely wheresoeuer I came in his Dominions: he read the Letter with great regard, and said that he had not, neither would he offer me any abuse, nor any in Hierusalem should doe me wrong, and that he would passe ouer my errour, concerning the presumption to enter the Citie Gate with my

Sword by my side, if in courtesie I would bestow a Vesture of Veluet vpon the Bassa his Master, and a Garment of Satten vpon himselfe: which I denied to doe, hee then presently commited me to the Subbassie againe and grisly Turke, and his rascally terrible Attendants to bee laid in Prison: but the Iewes in whose company I had trauelled fell downe at his feet, and entreated for me, often kissing his hand & Garment, praying him to pardon my bold behauiour and words of displeasure with much whispering; they agreed for mee that I should giue him twelue Chick∣quines in Gold; wherewith, together also the losse of my Sword, I escaped at that time. But two dayes after the Friers set vpon mee againe, and feed the Turkes lustily and largely, thinking to doe me some displeasure, but effected not their purpose, for I still defied them and their Padre Guardian, which in a manner broke their very galls, only they did put mee to some trouble and [ 10] charge. And I in their despight kept company with Patriarke of the Greekes and his Coloy∣ros, (I meane Priests and Friers) and I went not at all to the Romish Clergie, nor visited their Padre Guardian (though the poore Greeke Patriarke did very much, and often intreate mee to it) at which they were so exceedingly distempered, that that my scorne of them was written of to Tripoly, they certifying an old Frier thereof, all past on my part in Hierusa∣lem, which Tripoly Frier at my comming ducked very kindly, and came to our House to bid mee welcome from the Holy Land: yet he with a Fowling-peece shot made at me two sundry times, out of an Italians House where he kept, I being trayned abroad by a Iew, a Broker an old acquain∣tance of mine, whose name was Daniell Gallana, but as God would haue it, missed both the times: the first time I suspected nothing, although the Bullet fell within my length, and slapt [ 20] against a Tree about the Root; the Iew taking occasion to goe some what before me; we hearing the report, I told him how neere the bullet fell: hee said that it was Signior Francisco, shooting at some Bird from the Tarras, or out of the Window, and I then imagined no other. Some few dayes after walking abroad againe the second time, about the very same place, another bullet whirlde very neere before me, when on a sudden the Iew lingered behind me; then I mistrusted, and walked no more that way, nor at all againe with that Iew, And praysed God in my heart for that escape, as for many other former Deliuerances, from Murthering, Poysoning, Shipwrack, &c. with intolerable agrieuances and terrible temptations, in the course of my Pilgrimage.

I Haue in my hands three originall Certificates or Letters of commendations written in be∣halfe of the said Master Iohn Sanderson, two in Moderne Greeke, the third in Talmudicall Ebrew. [ 30] The first, from the Patriarke of Constantinople, to the Patriarke of Ierusalem, commending him to his care; the second, a Testimoniall of the Patriarke of Ierusalem, to this sense.

Sophronius by the mercy of God, Patriarke of the holy Citie Ierusalem. Master Iohn Sanderson, Englishman, hath come to the holy Citie of Ierusalem, hath there done his Deuotion, hath vi∣sited the Sepulchre, Bethlehem, and Gethsemani, Mount Oliuet, the Ascention, Bethania, the Sepulchre of Lazarus, Iordan, Hebron, and the rest of the holy places where Iesus Christ walked: and this present Writing is made to testifie the truth. Amen. Dated the Yeere of the World 7111. The eleuenth of Iuly. Sophronius by the mercie of God Patriarke of Ierusalem.

This was written, sayth our Author, by the Patriarke his owne hand. Hee was a graue man with a grey beard, had eight or ten Attendants: at the first meeting in his Monasterie, offered [ 40] his hand to kisse after their fashion; Master Sanderson vsing his owne, kissing his hand, and tou∣ching therewith the Patriarkes, wherewith he seemed well pleased. The occasion of his Iewish societie he thus deliuereth.

When it was determined, that Master Best the Captaine and Master of the Mermaid, at our arriuall at Sidon, with three other and my selfe should haue gone for Ioppa, and so to Ierusalem, but the Master, by danger of Rockes, and rising of Winde, thought not good to leaue the ship, and the other three passingers would not; so that I was faine (holding my determination) to post alone without fellow Christian, in company of Honourable Iewes; in which journey by the Principall, named Abraham Coen, who went to accompany his Wifes Father to Saphet, which is at Bethel; and there to end his dayes, after two thousand Dollors at least distributed in charity [ 50] to those Colledges of Iewes; We went to Ierusalem, and in our returne wee tooke Tiberias and Capernaum in our way, which was somewhat out of the way, direct to Damascus. But this my companion Iew Merchant, and a dweller in Sio and Smirna, was so respectiue kind and courte∣ous, that neuer in any Christians company of what degree soeuer I euer did receiue better con∣tent: for morall carriage towards all, vnderstanding and honestie; this Iew was without com∣pany, I kept his company three moneths together by reason that from Sidon wee went to Da∣mascus, to disburthen him and some of his, of at least ten thousand Chequins, which he left there to be employed in commodities till our returne thither againe: So ouer Libanus to Tripoly wee went, and there the Gentile Iew with his Damasco commodities and Attendants, departed by Sea to Sio, no•• 〈…〉〈…〉thout moist eyes betweene Iew and Christian, when wee parted company. A [ 60] most deuout, zealous, and soft hearted man he was; I cannot speake too much good of him in re∣gard of his great humanitie and extraordinary charitie, his measure being more in those per∣formances, then is to be found in many of vs Christians.

The Iewish Testimonie written in Hebrew, and subscribed by diuers Iewes, I haue here added.

THese are to declare the Iourney of the Worshipfull Master Iohn Sanderson English Gentleman, * 1.1692 who came hither vnto Ierusalem the holy Citie (may it shortly bee built) with the Carauan and company of honourable Iewes, vpon Tuesday the tenth of the Moone Tamas, Anno 5361. of the Creation of the World; and went with them vnto many holy places, and hath brought with him also Let∣ters of fauour from the Patriarke of Constantinople, for the Patriarke of this place; and he hath sent together with him of his men; and they haue shewed him all the places of their Deuotion, and they brought him to Bethelem. And to declare the truth I haue written, and vnder-written this with my owne hand, for to giue knowledge thereof vnto all the people of his Citie, & the Gentlemen of his places: and all the places which he went to, he hath kept a true note of vnder his owne hand. I that write this in Ierusalem the holy Citie (may it be shortly built) The seuenteenth of the nominated Moone and Yeare. I Gedelia Cordoero (he was the Hacham * 1.1693 or Priest) Abraham Coen, the sonne of Isack Coen, an Inhabitant [ 10] in Sio (this * 1.1694 was Rabbi Abraham, the chiefe Iew of the company) Salomon Marabi, an Inhabi∣tant of Tirria. Iacob the Sonne of Dauid, a dweller in Smirna, Abram Aluo, a dweller in Constanti∣nople; this ancient Iew was their Cooke all the iourney. Mose Rasimo, a dweller in Damasco, who of deuotion went with vs to the Holy Land, and in whose House in Damasco, wee did remayne and lodge both at our going and comming, and thence we went to Tripoly ouer the highest top of Libanus, where was some Snow remayning, though it were in the heate of Summer, namely, the fourteenth day of Au∣gust, 1601. from the bottome to the top, they accounted it to be at the least eight miles vp: and about ten miles downe to the Towne of Tripoly. Salomon di Vrbino, a dweller in Constantinople. Isack; he was the sonne of the aboue named Iacob, he was of yeeres one or two and twentie, and yet his Father had much feare of him; in trauelling those Sodomiticall places, because as he said, the Boy was beardlesse. [ 20] The old Iew Father in Law to Rabbi Abraham, we left to die at Bethel; which they do call Saphet Ca∣sa di Dios. At our first entrance thither, the Iewish women cried from the tops of their Houses; Sei ben venito à la casa di Dios Rabbi Abraham.

MEletus, by the mercie of God, Pope and Patriarke of Alexandria: Most Illustrious Ambassa∣dor * 1.1695 of the Renowned Queene of England, my beloued sonne, these dayes are so peruerse by the iniquitie of our times, that if our Lord preuent not, there is no hope at all of any good. The Archbishop of Efasus, hath attempted to get also the Archbishopricke of Smirna, from the Bishop that holds it, hee being absent, to me it appeares vniust, neither is it iust, and it is also prohibited by the Vniuersall Coun∣cels, that one be consecrated in two Chaires, though hee should be worthy; not such a one as he is. The [ 30] matter is also to be considered of, in presence of the other both Actor and accused; it appeares that these Musselmen Turkes doe the contrary, they came to mee that I should vnder write a matter that is not iudged of; a thing also which they cannot iudge of: I denied once, twice, and diuers times; euen now a gallant fellow came to me with the same writing, and said that your Lordships Neighbour Signior Ma∣homet Aga, by one of his Capogies. sent also a command that I should vnder-write. I haue abstayned purposing to come this Euening for to haue likewise the opinion of your most Illustrous Lordship; for I am resolued to depart hence, rather then to haue to doe with men void of all conscience. Let your Lordships write vnto me, and if you find the distaste of this miserable time of ours; bewaile you also that wee haue beene borne in such an Age, worse then the World of Iron stormie.

Our Lord blesse you and saue you, this sixe and twentieth of May, 1593. From the Cell of the Pa∣triarke [ 40] of Alexandria.

This holy Patriarke Padre Melete, was a very comely blacke long bearded man. He neuer did eate * 1.1696 any sort of flesh in all his life time. He often frequented, and was very inward with our Ambassadour Master Edward Barton; I haue heard him reason often, and seene him pray one time, in the Ambassa∣dors chamber together with vs: he spake in Greeke, which Master Barton did little vnderstand; my selfe nothing at all except Theos, &c. When he hath eaten with the Ambassador, our Table was euer furnished with the best fish, and not the weakest Wine; yet euer he had a young Priest for his Taster of all the Wine he dranke; and all the while that the cup was at the Patriarkes mouth, the sixe other Co∣loyros that waited on him at Meales, did euer pray in a soft kind of voice. This man was very meeke in the shew of his behauiour towards all sorts and manner of men, which amongst his Greekes made him [ 50] to be much respected and beloued. Yet did he aspire and got by Master Bartons meanes and his money, to be Patriarke of Constantinople, which soone he was weary of. The Turkes Ministers did so much and extraordinarily exact vpon him, so that before his death hee resigned it; and went from Constanti∣nople, and did decease at his old Patriarkado Alexandria, and there lyeth buried. Of all these Moderne Greekes, I haue not heard of a better man; most certainly he was a true Christian Professor, although the times permitted not that he might declare it, except in priuate, to some of Learning and vnderstan∣ding. Master Edward Barton the Ambassador, as Master Henry Lillo did tell mee, who did see it, said, that few dayes before his decease, the Patriarke and he did weepe vpon one anothers neckes, he kissed the dying man, who had seriously recommended a Kinsman, and other his Seruants vnto him, pretending [ 60] (that of the monies which by his promises he was behind with him) his desire was that he would be good vnto his said Seruants, and so they parted.

I haue here added also a Letter from Master Biddulphe, or Biddle; dated, Aleppo, October the two and twentieth, Anno Dom. 1601. I could also haue added other notes with M. Sandersons Charts and Delineations of the Citie and Temple of Hierusalem; but I dare not be too tedious, for which cause I also omit diuers Letters written in those parts to and from him.

IN right heartie manner I commend mee vnto you (good friend Master Sanderson) with heartie thankes for all your former kindnesse towards mee, and lately towards my poore Brother who hath written to me of your kindnesse towards him. I pray you impute it not vnto mee for vngratefulnesse, or forgetfulnesse that I haue not saluted you with my Letters all this time. The last newes I heard of you was, that you were gone from Tripoly to Cyprus, and from thence to Zante, otherwise you had heard [ 10] from me sooner, and so much the rather because we haue both commenced Hogies in Hierusalem, which Degree no Uniuersitie in the World can giue besides. But if your Hogiship hath beene as chargeable to you, as mine hath beene to mee, you will take as little delight to remember it as I doe, for mine cost mee two hundred and seuentie Dollers. And at my returne to Aleppo, I heard of the losse of the Rebecca, wherein I had a bale of Nutmegs, besides a Carpet, and other Tokens which I sent to my friends.

I haue beene sundry times sorrie that euer I came out of England, or that I had not gone with you to Constantinople. For I haue had here no profit besides my bare wages, and scarce that. But great discontentment sundry wayes, especially of late by that (.) Wherefore as you haue beene my friend euer since our first acquaintance vndeseruedly, so I pray you continue. And I, although I bee [ 20] no other wayes able to pleasure you, yet I will not be vnmindfull of you in my Prayers, that God would grant you continuall health, long life and much happinesse in this life, and euerlasting felicitie in the life to come.

Yours in the Lord wholy to command, WILLIAM BIDDLE.

I pray commend me to Master Timberley, Iohn Brochurst, William Pate, &c.

AFter so often mention of Master Timberley, I haue here giuen you some Extracts of his Iournall, [ 30] (the whole the Reader may see printed) Before the Impression I writ out of a Manuscript many yeers agoe the whole Iournall, of which thus much I haue here presented in memorie of him and Ma∣ster Burrell.

CHAP. XVII.

A Report of the Voyage of Master HENRIE TIMBERLEY * 1.1697 from Cairo in Egypt, to Ierusalem in fiftie dayes 1601. [ 40]

I Departed from Grand Cairo, the ninth of March 1600. which day I came to the place where the Virgin Mary stayed with our Sauiour when shee fledde into Egypt. From thence with my fellow Traueller Master Burrell in our Pilgrimes Weed, came that night to a Towne named Canko, where wee lodged that night * 1.1698 in a yard vpon the bare ground, wanting no Fleas nor Lice. The next day we came into the Land of Goshen, and here wee found a company of Turkes Iewes, and Christians, about seuen hundred and fiftie, which were all bound ouer the Deserts of Arabia for Damasco. Among which were some two and twentie Greekes and Armenians, bound for Hierusalem, of which company I was right glad. Here at this Towne wee stayed two dayes [ 50] and one night, called in their Language Philbits, at which Towne I went into the Houses where I saw the secret of hatching Chickens m 1.1699 by heate artificiall in greater abundance then I had be∣fore seene at Cairo.

The thirteenth of March, we departed from Philbits, and trauelled all night in company of the Carauan of Damasco, And the fourteenth, at nine of the clocke we pitched our Tents at Bo∣haire, in the Land of Goshen. From thence that night, and pitched at () on the East of Goshen, on the edge of the Deserts. Here we stayed two dayes for feare of the wild Arabians, de∣parted the seuenteenth: and that night passed ouer a great Bridge, vnder the which the salt wa∣ter standeth. This water commeth out of the Sea from the parts of Damiata, and was cut out of that place by mens hand some one hundred and fiftie miles into the Land by Ptolomeus King of [ 60] Egypt, intending to bring the Mediterranean and Red Seas together: but foreseeing hereby the drowning of all the Countrey, hee left and built this Bridge which is the parting of Egypt and Arabia. We were no sooner past this place, but we were set vpon by the Arabians. Notwith∣standing we were about 1000, wee had a Camell laden with Callicoes taken away, and foure

men fore hurt, and one of the foure mortally. Thus they ranne away with their prey, and wee could not remedie it because it was in the night. So the eighteenth in the morning we pitched at a Well of brackish waters. In this vprore in the night past my fellow Master Burrell escaped ve∣ry hardly. Here wee reposed our selues till three of the clocke in the afternoone called Lazera. For the Arabians and Egyptians diuide the day but into foure parts. And then we departed, and the next morning pitched at a Castle, in the Deserts called Cattay. This is one of the three Ca∣stles which the Turkes keepe in the Deserts to defend the Trauellers from the Arabians, and therefore here we pay a certayne taxe, that is to say, sixtie pieces of siluer, and two pence the piece for the head of man or boy, and seuentie sixe for a laden Camell, and fourteene for a Mule. Hence we departed and pitched at another brackish Well, thence at another. The twentieth of March at the second Castle called Arris, here our taxe was twentie pieces of siluer by the [ 10] head, a Camell thirtie. From hence with many Souldiers to conduct vs to the third Castle: and so making a long Iourney of foure and twentie houres, we arriued at a Castle called Raphael, here we payd tenne pieces of Siluer, and a beast twentie. In the one and twentieth we pitched our Tents at Gaza in Palestina, a goodly fruitfull Countrey, beeing now cleere of the Deserts. Here did I see the place, as they say, where Samson pulled downe the two Pillars. Here we paid two and twentie for the beast, and tenne for the head. The two and twentieth we pitched at a place called of the Arabians, Canuy, of the Christians Bersheba. Here we paid two for the head, and foure for the beast. The three and twentieth we pitched vpon a Greene vnder the wals of Ra∣moth Gilead. Hence the next morning, I with the other Christians departed toward Hierusalem, the Carauan to Damasco, yet we pitcht short that night at a place in Arabia, called Cude chelaneb, [ 20] being fifteene miles from Hebron, from Hierusalem fiue little miles. Hence wee departed in the morning being our Lady day, and at nine of the clocke I saw Hierusalem, kneeling said the Lords Prayer, singing we went to the West Gate, and then stayed. For it is not lawfull for any Chri∣stian to enter not admitted. Then Master Burrell requested mee to say that I was a Greeke, only to auoid going to Masse: but I not hauing the Greeke Tongue, refused absolutely so to doe; affirming to him, euen at the Gates, that I would neither deny my Countrey nor Religion, so that when they asked what we were, Master Burrell answered in the Greeke Tongue that hee was a Greeke, and I an Englishman, so hee was admitted to the Greeke Patriarch, and I was taken and cast into Prison, after that I had stayed an houre at the Gate, for the Turkes did all denie that they had heard either of my Queene or Countrey, or that shee paid them any [ 30] tribute. Then the Pater Guardian, who is their defender of all the Christians Pilgrimes, and the principall actor of my imprisonment, because I would not offer my selfe vnder his protection, but said I would rather bee protected vnder the Turke then vnder him, made the Turke so much my foe, that they supposed I was a spie, and so would not let mee out of the dungeon. Now for my deliuerance you shall vnderstand, that being at Ramoth Gilead I went to a Fountaine to wash my foule linnen, in which time one came and called me by my name, and tooke my linnen from mee to helpe me. Whereat I maruelling: What Captaine, quoth hee, in the Frank tongue, I hope you haue not forgotten me. It is not yet fortie dayes since you landed mee at Alexandria among the passengers, which you brought from Argier in your Ship called the Troian. Here is also another [ 40] that you brought. I asked if he dwelt there, hee answered no, but that hee and his fellow were going in the Carauan to Damasko, which they call Sham: and from thence to Bagdet, which wee call Babylon, and so to Mecha to make a Hadge, for so they are called when they haue beene at Mecha. He dwelt in Fez in Barbary. After better view I somewhat remembred him to haue beene of those three hundred and sixtie I brought to those parts. This brought me to the other, which both agreed that the other should goe in the Carauan, and this with me to Ierusalem.

This Moore accompanying me, when he saw that I was in prison, wept, and bid me be of good comfort, and away he went to the Bassa of the Citie, and to the Saniack, and tooke his oath that I was a Mariner in a Ship that had brought two hundred and fiftie, or three hundred Moores into Egypt, from Argeir and Tunis which came to go for Mecha. The Moore, because he was a Mussel∣man so preuailed, that hee came that night to the prison with sixe Turkes, and called mee to the [ 50] doore, and there told me, that if I would go to the house of the Pater Guardian, and rest in his pro∣tection, I should onely hold a Waxe candle, to which I consented, and so paying the charges of the prison departed, and went to the Pater Guardians Monastery. He bad mee very welcome, and said, hee maruelled that I should so much erre from Christianitie, as to put my selfe rather vnder the Turkes protection, then vnder his. I told him I did it because I would not goe to Masse; here hath beene, saith hee, many English, but Catholikes, and told the Turke at the gate they were French-men or Britons; for the Turke vnderstandeth not the word English-men. About tw••light came Master Burrell, although hee professed himselfe a Greeke, for all Christians must here haue the Popish protection. We being thus together in the Court of the Monastery, there came to vs some ten or twelue fat Friers, with each a Waxe candle burning, and two to spare for ••ee and M. Bur∣rel. [ 60] Then another Frier brought a bason of hot water, with Roses and other flowers therein, and so there was a carpet spread, and chayres set with cushions in them. Then the Pater Guardian set vs downe, and gaue each of vs a candle in our hands. Then came a Frier and pulled off our hose and

set the water on the carpet, and when hee began to wash our feet, twelue Friers began to sing, and so continued till our feet were washed: then they altogether brought vs singing to a Chappell in the said Monastery: where one preached how meritorious a thing it was to come into the Holy Land. Hence they brought vs into a chamber to supper, which we for feare of poyson doubted to eat. Thence to bed.

The sixe and twentieth, we rose early, and hauing saluted the Pater Guardian, hee appointed * 1.1700 vs seuen Friers and a Trudgeman, and forth wee went to see the holy places within the Citie, except the Sepulchre, and at euery place where wee came we kneeled downe and said the Lords Prayer, &c.

To conclude, it was prophesied that Ierusalem should bee an heape of stones: so is it come to [ 10] passe that I could see no ground neere to the Citie by fifteene or sixteene miles, the Plaine of Ieri∣cho excepted, but it is all a heape of stones, in such abundance as may bee wondred at how the In∣habitants can liue: for proofe, we being within fiue miles of the Citie lodged in the field. I sent my Moore to a place not farre hence to buy some bread, who returned with this answere, That he and his did neuer eat bread in all their liues. A man may goe twentie miles before hee finde a place to feed a horse or a cow. But the countries about Palestina, Galilee, and Syria are all goodly plentifull countries, and Ierusalem it selfe is the most barren that I saw in all my trauells, the de∣sarts excepted. I cannot compare any place in England to it, except the barrenest place in Cornewal, where is nothing but rocks & stones, and daily by the report of the Inhabitants, the stones grow more and more: that Ierusalem, and fifteene miles round about is but a heape of stones, and I am [ 20] of opinion that it is quite forsaken of God; for the more sort of Turkes there inhabiting vse all filthinesse, that the Christians are forced to marry their children very young, yea euen at tenne yeeres of age; boyes they keepe openly, and shew them at their doores which hath the fairest. Thus hauing my Patent sealed with the great seale of the Guardian, and a Letter Patent that did shew I had washt in the water of Iordan the thirty one of March I departed from Ierusalem in my Moores company, the same night I came to Ram. April 1. to Askalon, so to Gaza, where I hired two wilde Arabians, with two Dromedaries to carry me to Cayro; wee rode two vpon a beast: by the breaking away of one of our Dromedaries at our lighting, being left alone we were * 1.1701 seazed by foure other Arabians, who would haue made prey of vs, had not the other their fel∣low theeues returned. I had nothing to lose but my clothes, but promised to pay them twentie [ 30] foure pieces of gold. The fourth, at night we came to these theeues Tents, where we had Camels milke. The next night to Salhia, where being ouershaken I hyred horse. The Dromedarie is like a Camel, but that his head is lesse, his legs longer, and a very small necke, the difference be∣ing as betweene a Grey-hound and a Mastiffe. In this foure dayes trauell I neuer saw them eat nor drinke, from which they say they will abstaine ten dayes, but not so long from meat. Yet I thinke a good horse will runne faster but not continue with this beast. Their pace harder then a trot. I paid them, gaue my Moore sixe pieces of gold, and sent him to Mecha with the Carauan; so I came to Bolack, to Roshetta, thence with a Ianizaries to the walls of Alexandria, in the ele∣uenth of April, 1601. I came aboord my Ship, hauing ended my Pilgrimage in fiftie dayes.

CHAP. XVIII. [ 40]

Two Letters of M. IOHN NVBERY, relating his third * 1.1702 and last Voyage into the Easterne parts of the World: with three other Letters from M. ELDRED, &c. concerning the same affaires; found amongst the papers of M. WILLIAM HAREBORNE, Her Maiesties Embassadour to the Grand Signior at Constantinople: communicated to mee by M. IOHN SANDERSON.

RIght Worshipfull, my heartie commendations premised, &c. My last I sent you was of the [ 50] thirtieth day of May last past from Aleppo, and the next day after came from thence. And the ninteenth day of the last moneth arriued at Feloge, the which is one dayes iour∣ney from hence; notwithstanding some of our company came not thither vntill the last day of the last month, which was for want of camels to carry our goods, & since the goods cause hither, as yet haue found but small sales; but towardes Winter I hope it will be better, notwithstanding if I had mony to put away with the Carsie, we might haue very good Spices, for with mony there is here great good to be done, and without mony there is no great profit made. Tomorrow I meane to goe, with Gods helpe, from hence to Balsara, and so to Ormus, but my going to Ormus is more of necessitie, then for any good will I haue to the place: for I want a man to goe with me that hath the Indian [ 60] tongue, the which is the onely cause of my going thither for to take one there: I was minded to haue gone from Balsara by Sea, to a place called Abowsher, and from thence by Land into the Indies; but the want * 2.1 of one to speake for mee forceth me to leaue that way. In Aleppo I hired two Nastraynes, and one of

them hath the Indian tongue, and hath beene twice there, but hee and the other are so lewdly giuen, that it is not for mee to trust to either of them: one of them I leaue here with Raphe Aleyne and William Skinner, and the other at Balsara with Iohn Eldred and William Shales, and forced so to doe for that here is no other to be had; although I am in great doubt they will be a thousand Crownes hinderance to the Voyage, for that in diuers matters of small valew they haue manifestly deceiued vs, but wee put no more trust in them sauing to speake for vs. I was enforced to take them in Aleppo but two or three dayes before my comming from thence, or to haue had none at all. Here followeth the prices of Spices, as they are worth here at this present; Cloues and Maces the Batman, fiue duckets Synnamon, sixeduckets and none to be had, Nutmegs fortie fiue Madynes, Ginger the Batman, one ducket Pepper seuentie fiue Ma∣daynes, and Silke which is much better then that which commeth out of Persia, Duckets eleuen and a halfe the Batman. And so God preserue you.

[ 10]

In Babylon this fifteenth day of Iuly, 1583.

Your Worships at command, IOHN NEVVBERY.

RIght Worshipfull, my heartie commendations premised, &c. My last I sent you was from Bagdet of the sixteenth day of the last moneth, and the two & twentieth day of the same came from thence but by reason that our Barke was great and the water very low, halfe a dayes iourney from thence came a ground, and in a long time could not get her off againe. Whereupon doubting that further below in the Riuer we might be put to more trouble, I returned to the City, and hired a smaller Boat, and the twentie se∣uen [ 20] day embarked our goods in the same Boat, and the sixth day of this present arriued here: since whcih time I haue hired a Barke to goe to Ormus, and within a day or two I mind with Gods helpe to depart from hence. About the beginning of this moneth arriued here foure Venetians from Ormus, whereof three are for the account of Michaell Stroopenny, and the other for himselfe. Their Conducts are twentie Bales of Turbith Cloues, and Synnamon and Long-pepper, and Muske, Pearles, and Feathers, which Fea∣thers come from a Citie called Syndye, about one hundred and sixtie leagues from Ormus, and are very * 3.1 much esteemed in Italy. The Bashaw here hath taken away of their Feathers 84000. the which they say are worth a thousand duckets, and he would haue giuen them for the same 501. duckets. So they say that they will certifie of it to Constantinople, and hope to haue some remedie from thence. And if it were not sometimes for this kind of dealings by the Bashaw towards the Frankes, here were in these Coun∣tries [ 30] verie much good to be done: for the exchange from Ormus to Aleppo is sixtie per cento, and com∣monly they make their voyage in fiue or sixe moneths, and if it were but onely for the profit of the exchange it shall bee good to haue one remaining here, and one at Ormus, and another at Bagdett. And to auoid all troubles that may happen either here or at Bagdett, you shall doe well to procure a commandement from the Grand Signior, both to the Bashaw of Bagdett, and the Bashaw of this place, that and if any of our folkes should die in this Countrie (the which God forbid) that the Bashaw, neither any other Officer shall meddle with the goods, but that it may be kept in a Magosine within some Caue or Crauancera, vntill such time as the owners shall send for it, except there bee more in company to take charge of the same: for here hath chanced Venetians to dye; and although bee were one that had nothing, and hee bee in compa∣ny with those that haue great store of goods, the Bashaw will take the goods, and say that the goods did [ 40] belong vnto him that is dead, and by this meanes they shall be in great trouble, and leese halfe their goods, if they can escape so. And if any of our company should die here, as God defend, the rest should bee in great trouble about it; as also that it may be in your commandement, that it shall not be lawfull for the Bashaw, or any other for to take away from vs any of our goods, except hee will pay for the same to our content, for many times there are fine things brought out of the Indies, and the Bashawes man fitteth alwayes in the Custome-house, especially at the comming of the Frankes, and if there bee any thing that liketh him hee taketh it, and payeth for that which is worth a hundred pound, ten pound, and so the Bashaw hath dealt with many. But if you send this commandement, that it may bee registred both heere and at Bagdett, it will for euer hereafter preuent those troubles that now wee are in danger of, and this is a thing very need∣full to be sent with those that shall next come hither. There is as yet no Spaniards come into the Indies, [ 50] and by report of one that is here, who came from Ormus, there was a Spaniard sent out of Spaine to * 3.2 Goa to haue had some authoritie there, and the Vice Roy caused him to bee put to death, and will suffer none for to come thither. As yet they alter not the keeping of their Christmasse, as the Spaniards and o∣thers haue done, but continue in keeping of their old reckoning of the Feasts and Moneths, neither will they alter vntill commandement come from the Pope to the contrary. And so I commit your Worship to God.

From Balsara this fifteenth day of August, 1583.

[ 60]

Yours euer to command, IOHN NEWBERY.

A Letter of Master Iohn Eldred, to G. S. Written in Bagdet the foure∣teenth day of Iuly, 1583.

RIght Warshipfull, my humble and heartie Commendations remembred, wishing your health, and desi∣ring * 3.3 to heare of your prosperitie, the which God increase and long continue, &c. My last to you was in Aleppo the nine and twentieth of May, wherein I certified our arriuall in the Tigre, and the determining of this Voyege, how there was appointed to take at Aleppo for the summe of two thousand pounds sterling, in Carsies, Cloathes, Tinne, and other Commedities, and with the same Master Newberie, Raph Fitch, Raph Allen, William Skinner, William Shales, and my selfe, to goe with the same goods to this place, there to leaue two, and part of the goods. At Balsara, there leaue two and part of the goods, and Master Newberie and Raph Fitch, to take for three or foure hundred pounds sterling at Balsara of these goods, [ 10] and to goe for the Indies.

Since which time, it may please you to vnderstand wee all in company haue come to this place, and beere arriued the nine and twentieth day of the last, hauing past the hands of many bribing Dogges, wee arri∣ued heere all in safetie thankes bee to God, and whereas wee had thought to haue sold in this place, great store of our Commodities, wee cannot sell, nor haue not sold this sixteene dayes for thirtie Duckets, nor no likelihood of sales there vntill the Winter, this Towne is so full of Carsies and Tinne, most bought at A∣leppo of William Baret, which were the Tinne and Cloath that came in the Emanuel. Tinne is heere as good cheape as it is in Aleppo, and Cloath also, God send it to mend, or otherwise this Voyage of ours will make no profit, but in hope wee rest the same will mend.

Wee haue at this present imbaled and laden aboard a Barke for Balsara, one hundred and twentie pee∣ces [ 20] of Carsies halfe, some Tinne, three Scarlets, eight & twentie Rotellos of this place, of Tinne and Am∣ber, with diuers small Haberdash wares, which is for the summe of seuen hundred sixtie foure pounds ster∣ling, and heere wee leaue the rest, which is about one thousand pounds, and with the same in this place we leaue William Skinner, and Raph Allen, and all the rest of vs goe forward, and at Balsara, William Shales and my selfe, doe determine to stay to make sales and imployment as the Market will giue vs leaue: and Master Newberie, and Raph Fitch, with the Ieweller and Painter, are determined to pro∣ceed for the Indies, and out of this wee carrie to Balsara, hee will take out his foure hundred pounds in Commodities for the Indies. Thus the Lord blesse our doings, and send vs a merrie meeting in our Coun∣trey Norfolke; and that I may bee your Seruant, &c.

In Balsara the sixth of Nouember. 1583. [ 30]

RIght Honourable, our humble duties considered, &c. Our last vnto your Lordship was from Baby∣lon of the nineteenth of Iuly, wherein wee signified our safe arriuall there, and euill sales which wee found, that in twentie dayes staying there, we sold not for thirtie Duckets. In somuch as by direction of Ma∣ster Newberie, wee tooke of our Commodities for seuen hundred pounds sterling, and came to this place Balsara, out of which, Master Newberie tooke for the value of foure hundred pounds, and departed for Ormus, where hee arriued the fourth of September, and the ninth of the same, was committed to Pri∣son with all his Company, accused for Spies from Don Antonie, and that his Painter was to draw the plats of Castles and Fortresses, in the behalfe of Don Antonie. Whereupon the Captayne of Ormus [ 40] hath determined to send them with the remayner of their goods which is vnspent, Prisoners to Goa, there to bee at the will and pleasure of the Vizrea, what shall become of them God knoweth. Hee hath written to our worshipfull Masters, to procure the King of Spaine his Letters to the Vizrea of Goa for his deli∣uerie, which Letters wee haue sent by messe expresse to Aleppo. This his false accrsation was by meanes of Venetians Letters written from Aleppo, and directed to Michaell Stropenme in Ormus, who as Master Newberie writeth, hath beene the onely cause of his trouble. Concerning our estate, wee haue not sold neither can sell of all our Commodities for two hundred Duckets. Our Carsies heere are not worne, neither come there any Merchants to make imployments heere, being this place onely as a thorow∣fare for Merchants which come from Ormus to discharge their goods and pay Custome, and so to passe for Babylon. Before wee came hither, Master Newberie told vs, wee should finde to make Bazar for [ 50] any kinde of Spices, which wee haue found cleane contrarie, for neither are there Merchants resident heere, or Commodities to bee found to make Bazar for two hundred Duckets, they which come from Ormus mindeth neuer to make Bazar here, but departeth presently after his Custome payd, for Babylon. Wee haue offered to giue our Commodities at price very reasonable, with as much money to haue taken vp the same by Exchange for Aleppo, but no man would deale with vs. Whereupon wee imbarked our goods to haue gone for Persia, but before our Ships departure there arriued heere two Venetians with di∣uers sorts of Spices, who had taken vp ten thousand Duckets by exchange to bee payed heere in Balsa∣ra, this money their credits will not serue to take vp for Babylon. Insomuch as beeing in some distresse for money, they offered to barter with vs halfe money halfe commoditie, whereupon wee haue disbarked our goods, and hope within these few dayes to make Bazar with them. Thus humbly taking our leaues, we [ 60] cease to trouble your Lordship any further.

Your Lordships most readie at Commandment,

• Iohn Eldred.
• William Shales.

In Balsara the two and twentieth of Ianuary 1583.

RIght Honourable, our duties humbly considered vnto your Lordship, &c. Our last was of the tenth of Nouember sent by the Cadie of this place, wherein wee signified vnto your Lordship the altera∣tion of our mindes for going into Persia, and how wee were returned with our goods backe againe to this place. Wee also wrote you the hope which wee had to make Bazar with a French-man, which was at that time newly come from Ormus, the which is now come to passe and finished, although with some trou∣ble. Wee deliuered all our goods, which amounted vnto 2000. Duckets, and gaue him more in money two thousand eight hundred and thirtie Duckets, which wee tooke vp by exchange for Bagdet at fifteene per Cento, and to pay more two per fiftie per Moneth, during the time of our staying heere, [ 10] which God knoweth how long it will bee, the way betweene this place and Bagdet is full of Theeues, and no Merchants dare venture to depart till the wayes be cleare. There haue gone no Barkes from hence this foure moneths and more. We haue imbaled all our goods for Camels being of them as followeth, foure somes of large Cynamon, foureteen somes and an halfe of middle Cynamon, three somes and an halfe of Nutmegs, one some & an halfe of Ginger, one some and a third part of Cloues, foure somes & a halfe Fusses of Cloues, 197. Turbands fine, and one Chest of guilded Pusillanes; all these goods haue beene in readinesse this moneth wishing euery day our departure, which God grant may be shortly, for here wee spend, and our money eateth, and that which is worse, wee feare wee shall loose our passage from Bagdet to Aleppo, except wee depart very shortly. We receiued no Letters from Master Newberie since the first newes of his trouble: but we heare by others that hee and his Companie are sent Prisoners to Goa, and the remayner of his goods is [ 20] left in the hands of the Kings Factor. Thus not hauing others to trouble your Lordship with at this present, wee rest, humbly taking our leaue, and commending you and all your Lordships affaires, to Gods mightie protection.

Your Lordships most readie at commandment till death,

• IOHN ELDRED.
• WILLIAM SHALES.

Master Hakluit hath deliuered Master Fitches Indian Peregrination, with notes also of Master Eldred and Master Barret, to whom I referre the more desirous Reader. Linschoten also hath [ 30] mentioned the troubles at Goa (whereof he was eye-witnesse) of Master Fitch and Master New∣berie. I haue added hereto three Commands from the Great Turke, in behalfe of the English.

To the Cadilesquire of Egypt.

KNow that the Ambassadour for the Queenes most excellent Maiestie, resident in our most famous Port, by Supplication certified, how that our Vice-roy Ebrahim Bassa, then Beglerbie of Egypt, did giue the Custome of Cassia to a certaine Iew called Abraham Ripollo, with expresse and straight [ 40] commandement, that whosoeuer brought Cassia to Cairo, should sell it to him and none other, and what Merchant soeuer would buy Cassia, should buy it of him and of no other. Whereupon certaine of the English Merchants, buying of the foresayd Iew three and thirtie Kintals, to the value of foure hundred and fiftie duckets of Gold, and hauing before iustice payd to the said Iew the whole summe, and receiued Hogetta from the Cady, the Beglerbie that now is Synan Bassa, casting the said Iew in Prison, and seazing on all his goods in the behalfe of the Grand Signior, did also take from the English Merchants all the Cassia they had bought of the Iew, and for which they had fully payed, not restoring to them one Asper, and thereby did them great harme and iniurie. Wherefore wee charge thee, that this our Commandment comming to thee, thou doe examine this matter according to Iustice; that if the English Merchants haue bought of the sayd Iew so much Cassia, and haue payed to the sayd Iew [ 50] the full price, and haue receiued thereupon Hogetta from the Cadie, and if the Beglerbie haue taken the sayd Cassia into his hands, that then you cause the sayd Cassia to be restored to the English Merchants, suffering nothing to bee done against Law and Iustice.

To the Beglerbie of Cairo.

KNow that the Ambassadour for the Queenes most excellent Maiestie of England, by Supplication certified in our most famous Court, that for default of their Consull in Egypt, the French Con∣sull [ 60] that there is Vento, alledging that they are vnder his Banner, doth violently vsurpe authoritie o∣uer them; and that heretofore hauing sent our Commandment to the contrarie, yet hee hath not abstay∣ned, nor ceased from molesting and troubling the English Nation. Wherefore know, that to the Queene of England our Priuiledge is granted, by which priuiledge it is by no meanes permitted, that the French

should bee Consull ouer them, or intermeddle with them. Wherefore wee Command, that against our Pri∣uiledge, the French Consull doe them no iniurie, nor vsurpe the Consulship ouer them. Wee haue sent our Letters to the Cadilesker of Egypt, according to which, and contrarie to our Priuiledge, wee command him also, that the French beare not the Consulship ouer the English Nation.

To the Cadilesquire of Egypt.

KNow that the Ambassadour for the Queenes most excellent Maiestie of England, by Supplication certified vs, that for default of their Consull in Egypt, the French Consull there resident called [ 10] Vento, alledging that they bee vnder his banner, doth trouble and molest the English men, contrarie to our priuiledge: our commandement was formerly giuen that hee should abstaine from molesting the Eng∣lish Nation but hee did not onely not leaue off, but did more arrogantly persist to trouble and iniurie them. And therefore the Ambassadour required our commandement, that according to their Priuiledge, the French Consull might not intermeddle with their Nation, nor beare the office of Consull ouer them. Know thou therefore that our Priuiledge is granted to the Queene of England, and wee command thee, that the French Consull resident in Egypt, doe not hereafter beare the office of Consull ouer them. Wee command thee againe, that our commandement comming to thee, according to our Priuiledge giuen the Queene of England, and this our commandement, thou neuer permit the French, to exercise the of∣fice of Consullouer the English Nation, nor suffer them by the French to bee molested and troubled. [ 20]

To the Reader.

OVr Countrey-men, in loue with the wealth of India, haue brought vs (I know not how) backe thorow Turkie to Bagdet and Balsara; neither can wee now returne without some reuiew of in∣dia: * 3.4 especially of the parts and Ports there before least visited; and a herof later 〈…〉〈…〉gence hath come to our hands. Such are the Maldiues Ilands, of which hither to wee haue taken small notice in our multi∣forme Peregrinations. Loe heere therefore wee present you them in a French-English Chart (that I may so speake) both for the translation from the French, and because our Author was Pilot•••• by an Eng∣lishman, [ 30] whose name I finde not; who seeking to escape with some others of his wracked Companie, was done to death by the Maldiuans. This our Author learning the Language, with long and deare experi∣ence learned this which heere hee freely teacheth, and many many more Obseruations of these and other places in India; out of which I haue gathered what I deemed fittest for our purpose.

CHAP. XIX.

The Voyage of FRANCOIS PYRARD de Laual, to the East Indies (an [ 40] English-man being Pilot) and especially his Obseruations of the Maldiues, where being Ship-wracked hee liued fiue yeares. Transla∣ted out of French, and abbreuiated.

A Company of Merchants of Saint Malo, Laual and Vitre, in the yere 1601. set forth two ships to the Indies; one was of the burthen of foure hundred tunne called the * 3.5 Croissant, the other of two hundred, called the Corbin, sent vnder the command of the Lord of Bardeliere Burgesse of Saint Malo & Francis Grout, Lord of Clos••neuf, Constable of Saint Malo, his Lieutenant or Vice-admirall, Captayne of the Corbin. Wee set sayle from Saint Malo with a North-east winde to begin our [ 50] Voyage the eighteenth of May, 1601. Being not aboue nine or ten leagues out in the Sea, our M••ssen mast broke and splie in the middle: this was the beginning of our misfortunes. The third of Iune, we coasted the Iles of the Canaries. The twelfth and thirteenth of the same month, * 3.6 wee came to the Ilands of Cape Verd. The nine and twentieth of Iune, wee found our selues in the height of 5. degrees, and saw the North-starre very low: and at the same time, wee percei∣ued the South-starre. In the same place and height, we saw great quantities of flying Fishes, with wings like to Bats. * 3.7

The foure and twentieth of August, wee passed the Equinoctiall line, where are very violent heates, and vnconstant weather, in an instant a maruellous calme, and halfe an houre * 3.8 after very fearefull Thundrings and Lightnings, and impetuous windes. Often they see [ 60] come afarre off great whirle-winds, which the Marriners call Dragons: If this passeth ouer their ship it bruiseth them and ouerwhelmeth them in the waues. When the Marriners see one come they take new Swords and beate one against the other in a crosse vpon the Prow, or toward the * 3.9

Coast from whence this storme comes, and hold that this hinders it from comming ouer their ship, and turneth it aside.

The nine and twentieth of August, our Pilot who was an English-man, from the tops saw * 3.10 land ten leagues off: this was the Ile of Anabon, whither we came the day following, and were there a while courteously entertayned by the Portugals Lords of the Ilands, but after had treache∣rously fiue of our men surprised by them, and one slaine. The sixteenth of October, we went out * 3.11 at the road of this Ile, and on the seuenteenth of Nouember, came to the Iland of Saint Helena. The nine and twentieth of the same moneth, wee doubled the Abroilles.

The seuen and twentieth of December, wee passed the Cape of Good Hope. The nineteenth of Februarie, 1602. wee cast anchor in the Bay of Saint Augustine, in the Ile of Saint Laurence, where we abode to refresh our selues, vntill the fifteenth of May. The three and twentieth of [ 10] the same moneth, wee came to the Iles of Comorro, where all that had the Scorbuto or other dis∣eases * 3.12 recouered their health, as well because of the good ayre, as of good water and fruits.

The one and twentieth of Iune, wee passed the Equinoctiall toward the North Pole. The * 3.13 second of Iuly in the night, wee were miserably ship-wrackt vpon the Bankes of the Maldiues, where we lay till the day following, when we imbarked our selues in our Gallion: hauing taken our Swords, Harquebushes, and halfe Pikes, to goe to Land: after great labour wee attayned * 3.14 one of the Iles called Pouladou, but the Inhabitants would not let vs land, before they had dis∣armed vs.

They ledde vs all together into a House in the middest of the Ile, where they gaue vs Fruits, Cocos, and Limons. Then the Gouernour of the Ile came to vs called Ibrahim, who seemed very [ 20] aged, he could speake some words of Portuguise, by the meanes whereof he asked vs many things: after his people rifled vs, and tooke away all that wee brought, saying that it did belong vnto the King. Hauing beene in this Lodging the space of a day, they tooke the Master of our Ship with * 3.15 two Marriners, and conuayed them to the King fortie leagues distant in the Iland of Male. The King sent his Brother in law with many Souldiers to our ship-wrackt Vessell, to get what they could.

The Kings Brother in law when hee went away, ledde me and two others into the Iland of Paindoüe, where at our first comming the Inhabitants gaue vs a little food, but when they saw * 3.16 that our companions had money (this money was about fiue hundred Crownes, which we tooke [ 30] while wee were in the ship and the first night we came on Land wee buryed in the ground, which they after digged vp wanting necessaries, but wee that were in the Ile of Paindoüe had none of it) they tryed by extremitie of famine to make vs to giue them some also, for they be∣leeued * 3.17 we had some. By reason of this euill resolution of the Ilanders to giue vs nothing with∣out money, wee were brought into great miserie. All that wee could doe, was to gather Peti∣winckles on the Sea shoare to eate, and sometimes to meet with a dead Fish. This extremitie en∣dured a long time, till that the Inhabitants seeing wee had no money, began to haue a little more commiseration on vs; we offered our seruice to them, to doe what they would imploy vs about.

I went often with them to the neighbouring Ilands to get Cocos, and sometimes on Fishing, * 3.18 and in recompence of my labour they gaue me part of the Fish or Cocos. While wee liued thus, [ 40] I endeauoured my selfe to learne the Language, which my companions despised. The Comman∣der of the Ile seeing mee so studious of their Language, began to esteeme and fauour me. Then there came one called Assaul Ocaounas Calogue, a Grand Signior, to fetch the rest of the Lead of our ship and some Iron Ordnance, and to make search for the Money which the inhabitants of the Ilands had of our men. The Signior of the Ile of Paindoue and the Catibe, with those that af∣fectioned me, presented me to this Signior that came from the King, and commended me to him: this commendation was the cause that the Signior began to fauour me: and also because hee saw I could expresse my selfe in their Language, and daily studied to learne it, hee tooke me with him to carrie me to the King.

When wee arriued at Male, hee went presently to the King to render him an account of the Voyage, and among other things failed not to speake of mee to him. In the euening I went into * 3.19 [ 50] a Court, whither the King was come to see that which was brought from our Ship. I saluted him in the Language, and after the fashion of the Countrey, which pleased him, and gaue him occasion to enquire much concerning those things which were brought from the Ship: hee com∣manded the Signior that brought me, to lodge and entertaine me. The day following, I was bu∣sied with relating to the King, the manners and fashions of our people of Europe and of France. Hee made me see the Queenes, who imployed me diuers dayes in giuing answers to that which they asked me; being curious to vnderstand the Habits, Manners, Marriages, and fashion of our French Dames.

I was about foure or fiue moneths in good health, and wanted nothing but the exercise of my [ 60] Religion and my libertie, hauing all things else to my content. After this, I fell sicke of a hot burning Feauer. There passed not a day but the King and Queenes sent to know how I did, and euery houre sent mee delicious viands to eate, and thus I continued a great while. But afterward the King sent me to the Ile of Bandos (a little Ile in sight of Male) which hath a better ayre * 3.20

then Male, where an experienced man by the Kings appointment recouered mee. Afterward the King gaue me a lodging neere him, and euery day rise out of his owne house, and necessarie prouisions for my sustenance, hee gaue me also a seruant and money, and other presents, so that I became some what wealthy after the manner of the Countrey. While I thus continued heere (despairing euer to returne into France) I was diligent to enquire of the people, their manners and customes, which heere I haue written and particularised.

§. II.

Description of the Maldiues, their thirteene Cantons, twelue thousand Iles, Sea∣changes, [ 10] strange Currents, Monsons, Maine-Inlets, blacke boyling Sea, Heate, Seasons, Ciuilitie, and haire Ceremonionsnesse.

THe Ilands of the Maldiues, begin in eight degrees of the Equinoctial line, on the North∣side and end in foure degrees on the South-side. They are of an extraordinarie length, about two hundred leagues, but not aboue thirtie or fiue & thirtie leagues in Latitude. * 3.21 They are distant from the firme land, that is to say, from Cape Comorin, from Couan and * 3.22 Cochin, one hundred and fiftie leagues. The Portugals reckon that there are foure thousand and [ 20] fiue hundred leagues by Sea, to goe thither from Spaine.

They are diuided into thirteene Prouinces, which they call Atollons, which is a naturall parti∣tion according to the scituation of the places. Forasmuch as euery Atollon is seperated from o∣thers, * 3.23 and contaynes in it selfe a great multitude of small Iles; It is admirable to behold, how that each of these Atollons are inuironed round with a huge ledge of Rockes. The Atollons are all after a sort circular or ouall, hauing each of them thirtie leagues, some a little more, some a little lesse, and lye all one at the end of the other: from the North to Susans, they almost touch one another: there are betweene two channels of the Sea, the one large the other exceeding nar∣row. Being in the middest of an Atollon, you shall see about you a great ledge of Rockes which impale and defend the Iles, against the impetuousnesse of the Sea. But it is a very fearefull thing [ 30] euen to the most couragious to approach to this ledge, and see the waues come afarre off and * 3.24 breake furiously on euery side. For I assure you, as a thing which I haue seene a thousand times, that the surge or billow is greater then a House, and as white as Cotton: so that you shall view round about you as it were a very white Wall, especially when the Sea is loftie.

Now within each of these Cantons, is almost an infinit number of Ilands, both smal and great. The Inhabitants told me, that there are about twelue thousand. But I conjecture that there ap∣peare * 3.25 not so many, and that they say twelue thousand, to note an incredible number, and which they cannot count. It is true that there are an innumerable multitude of small ones, which are as it were Hillockes of sand, all vnpeopled. And moreouer the King of the Maldiues puts this number in his Titles, for hee is called Sultan Ibrahim d••los assa raltera Atholon; that is to say, [ 40] Ibrahim Sultan, King of thirteene Prouinces and twelue thousand Iles. * 3.26

Which notwithstanding, the currents and daily flowing of the Sea diminish that number, as the Inhabitants informed me, who said also that a proportion of the number of the people are consumed, and that there are not so many as were accustomed to be anciently. Also they re∣ported that within one of the Atollons, all the little Iles and Sea which part them, was one * 3.27 continued ground, and that it was in former times but one only Ile, cut and diuided after into many. And surely they which nauigate neere the Maldiues, discerne all within white, by rea∣son of the sand which is of this colour, vpon all the Flats and Rocks. The Sea thereabouts is very quiet and of a meane depth, insomuch that the deepest entrance is not twentie fathomes; and yet heere are very few entrances: for a man may almost see the bottome euery where. [ 50]

All the shallowes are stone, Rocke and sand, so that when the tide is out, it reacheth not to ones waste, and for the most part to the mid-legge; so that it were very easie to goe with∣out a Boate throughout all the Iles of the same Atollon, if it were not for two causes. The one great fishes called Paimones, which deuoure men and breake their legges and armes, when they * 3.28 encounter them; the other is that the depths of the Sea are generally very keene and sharpe Rockes which hurt them wonderfully that goe into it. And moreouer, they meete with many branches of a certaine thing which I know not whether to terme Tree or Rocke, it is not much vnlike white Corall, which is also branched and piercing, but altogether polished; on the con∣trary, * 3.29 this is rugged, all hollow and pierced with little holes and passages, yet abides hard and ponderous as a stone. They call it in their Language Aquiry, they keepe it to make their Honey [ 60] and Sugar of Cocos, hauing bruised them with little stones, and putting them to boyle with the water of Cocos, this is that which fashions their Honey and their Sugar. It greatly hinders those which wash themselues in the Sea, it was very difficult to me to goe so from Ile to Ile without a Boate, but they which are accustomed goe often.

Amongst these Ilands there are very many, and as I beleeue the greatest number, which are * 3.30 wholl: vnhabited, and which haue neither Trees nor Herbs; others which haue no greene thing, and are but a moueable sand yet there are some which are for the most part ouerflowne at spring tides, and are discouered when the Sea is out, the residue are all couered with great Crab, (which they call Cacouue) and Cray-fishes.

There are great store of Fowles called Pinguy, which heere lay and hatch, and here is such a * 3.31 prodigious multitude of them, that a man knowes not (I haue often made triall) where to set his foot without touching their Egges, or young ones, or the old Birds, which flye not farre when they see men. The Ilanders eate them not, and yet they are very good meate, and as bigge as Pidgeons, their Feathers white and blacke. These Iles which I haue said to bee vnhabited, ap∣peare afarre off white, as if they were couered with Snow, by reason of the great whitenesse of [ 10] the Sand which is fine and subtle, as that of an Houre-glasse, and so hot and burning, that the * 3.32 Egges of those Birds are hatched with great facilitie.

They haue great scarcitie of fresh water, some Ilands are well woodded and inhabited which haue not any; except some few, whither the Inhabitants are constrayned to go and seeke it from * 3.33 the confining Iles; also they haue inuentions to receiue raine water: and although they haue wa∣ter in the Iles, they are not like one another, being better in one respect then another. All their Pit-water is neither very sweet nor wholsome. They make their Pits in this manner, digging * 3.34 three or foure foot in the Earth, a little more or lesse, they find fresh-water in abundance, and (that which is very strange) not aboue foure feet from the Sea-shore, in places also which are often * 3.35 [ 20] ouer-flowne. I haue obserued that their waters are very cold in the day, principally at noone, and in the night very hot.

But to returne to the thirteene Atollons, here are their names beginning at the North Point, which is in the head, which the Portugals call for that cause Cabexadel las ilhas, and in the Mal∣diues Tongue, Tilla dou matis, in the same signification, that is to say, the high Point, which is vn∣der eight degrees of the Line on the North-side, in the same height that Cochin is. Now the first * 3.36 Atollon is called Tilla dou matis. The second Milla doue madoue. The third, Padypolo. The fourth, Malos madou. The fift, Ariatollon. The sixt, Male Atollon, which is the principall where is the Iland of Malé, chiefe ouer the others. The seuenth, Poulisdous. The eighth, Molucque. The ninth, Nillandous. The tenth, Collo madous. The eleuenth, Adou matis. The twelfth, Souado••. [ 30] The thirteenth, Addou and Poua Molucque, which are distinguished into two little ones, and separated, as the others, but are very small, and therefore are accounted as one. Notwithstan∣ding, Addou, as the better giues name to the other.

Euery A••ollon is separated from his Neighbour by a channell of the Sea, which passeth be∣tweene them. But although they cannot passe with great ships without perishing, yet there * 3.37 are foure which are farre larger then the others, and may easily passe for great ships, notwith∣standing, it is very dangerous, and perillous to goe there, and especially in the night: for it is certaine to bee ship wrackt (as we were) because they cease not to encounter certaine Shoalds and Rockes, which they ought to shunne. I haue seene amongst the Maldiues many Sea-cards, * 3.38 where these were exquisitely deciphered. These people also are maruellous cunning to auoide [ 40] them, and to saile through passages very dangerous without perishing. I haue seene them often passe in the middle of the Bankes, Sands, and Rockes, through little channels so narrow, that they had roome only for their Ba••ke, and sometimes so euenly that they grated the Rockes on both sides; and neuerthelesse they went securely in the middest of those perils, and with a high saile. Once being with some of the Ilanders in a little Boate, which was not aboue foure fathome long, the Sea was higher then the two Pikes length, and so outragious and turbulent as could not be more. I thought euery moment that the billow would haue carried mee out of the Boat; where I had great labor to hold my selfe, and they were not a whit perplexed, nor did feare any thing. For they feare not the Sea, and are very skilfull to conduct Barkes and Boats, being made and accustomed to this from their youth, aswell the Gentlemen as poore people, and it [ 50] should be a disgrace to them to be ignorant in it. For this cause it is impossible to summe vp the * 3.39 number of Ba••kes and Boates which are throughout all the Iles, for as much as the poorest will haue one, the rich many. They neuer saile by night, but take Land euery euening, they saile not neither without sight of Land without a Compasse, except when they goe out of their Iles, and goe some long Voyage. They carrie therefore little prouision, but buy daily whatsoeuer they need in diuers Ilands.

The greatest part also of the Iles which are within the circuite of one Atollon, are surrounded * 3.40 with a shoald, and there are but one or two open places which are very strait and difficult to heed: wherefore it is necessary that they vnderstand well the manner actiuely to guide their Barkes, otherwise if they be defectiue the least thing in the World, their Barke will bee ouer∣throwne, [ 60] and their Merchandize perish. As for the men they can swimme well within those * 3.41 parts of the Sea preserues them daily, and to speake truly, they are as it were halfe fishes, they are so vsed to the Sea, whither they goe daily either swimming, or roading or sailing. I haue seene them many times within the ledge of Rockes where the Sea is calme, runne swimming

after the fishes, which they haue suddenly perceiued bathing themselues, and haue taken them in their course. And this is vsuall. And yet they faile not often to lose their Barkes, notwith∣standing all their dexteritie.

The greatest discommoditie is the current Pyuarou, which run aswell to the East as the West, in the channels of the Iles, and in diuers in-draughts of the Sea, six moneths on one Coast, and six * 3.42 months on another; yet not certainly, but sometimes more, someimes lesse. This is that which de∣ceiues them, and ordinarily casts them away. The winds are aswel fixed as the currents, from the * 3.43 East quarter or the West, but they vary sometimes, and are not so ruled, fetching their Compasse toward the North or the South, and the current goes perpetuall his accustomed course, till the season alter. It is a very remarkable thing, that whereas the Atollons are continued one at the [ 10] end of the other, and separated by channels of the Sea which goe thorow them, they haue open * 3.44 places and entrances opposite one to the other two on one side, and two on the other, by which meanes men may goe and come from Atollon to Atollon, and alway communicate together. Wherein may be obserued an effect of the prouidence of God, which hath left nothing vnper∣fect. For if there were but two open places in euery Atollon, that is, one on one side, and ano∣ther on the other; it were not possible to passe from Atollon to Atollon, nor from entrance to en∣trance, because of the boysterousnesse of the currents; which runne sixe moneths to the East, and sixe to the West, and permit not to crosse ouer, but force them downe. And when the two en∣trances are not aduerse, but one on the East Coast, the other on the West, men may easily enter, but not returne, except the sixe monethes are ended, and the current changed. Now as these en∣tries [ 20] are disposed, men may notwithstanding the currents goe from one Atollon to another, in euery season, and Traffique, and Merchandize freely together, as they doe; for as much as eue∣ry Atollon is open with foure entrances which are in opposition to their two Neighbours.

The entrances of these Atollons are vnlike, some competently broad, others very narrow, the largest is not more then two hundred paces or thereabouts; some are but thirtie, nay lesse. On * 3.45 both the sides of each of these passages are two Iles, on each side one, you would say that it were to guard the comming in, which surely were easie to doe, if they would, with Ordnance hin∣der the ships to enter, because the largest hath not aboue two hundred paces. Now concerning the channels (which they call Candou) which diuide the Atollons, foure are Nauigable, where the great ships may goe to passe through the Maldiues, many strangers ships of all sorts passe of∣ten [ 30] there, but not without perill, for there are a great number yeerely cast away. It is not that they affect this passage (for all on the contrary shunne it, as much as may be) but they are situa∣ted in such sort in the middest of the Sea, and so long, that it is not easie to escape them, prin∣cipally the currents carrie the ships thither against their wils, when the calmes or contrary winds take them, and that they cannot helpe themselues with their sailes, to make way against the currents. The first beginnes on the North-side, and is that where wee were shipwrackt at the entry of the shelfe of the Atollon of Malos madou. The second approacheth very neere Malé, * 3.46 called Caridou, in the middest whereof is the greatest of all the Iles, so hemmed in with Rocks as I haue said. The third, is by Malé, stretching toward the South, and is called Addou. The fourth, is called Souadon, which is directly vnder the Equinoctiall Line: this is greatest of all, [ 40] hauing more then twentie leagues in widenesse.

The Ilanders going by the Iles and Atollons, helpe not themselues with a Compasse, except in * 3.47 farre Voyages, but when they passe through the great channell they vse it. All the other chan∣nels betweene the Atollons are very straite, and full of Rockes and Shoalds, they cannot goe but in small Barkes, and yet it is requisite to haue great knowledge of the places to saile without danger. I found it strange sayling with the Ilanders in the channell, which separates Malé and Polisdou, and which beares the name of Polisdon, and is seuen leagues broad or thereabouts, that the Sea appeares there blacke as Inke, notwithstanding beeing taken vp in a Pot, it differs not * 3.48 from other water; I saw it daily boyle in bigge blacke billowes, as if it had beene water on the fire. In this entrance the Sea runnes not as in other places, which is feareful to behold: I thought [ 50] I was in the nethermost depths perceiuing not that the water mooued on one side or the other. I know not the reason, but I know well that the Natiues are greatly afraid of it: they very of∣ten encounter such tortures.

Seeing these Iles are so neere the Equinoctiall on both sides, it may bee judged what is the qualitie of the Aire, which is very intemperate, and the heate excessiue. Notwithstanding the * 3.49 day and night are alwayes equall, the nights are very coole, and bring abundance of dew. This coolenesse is a cause that the Countrey may bee more commodiously inhabited, and that the * 3.50 Herbs and Trees are fruitfull, notwithstanding the heate of the Sunne. The Winter beginnes in the moneth of Aprill, and continues sixe monethes and the Summer in the moneth of Octo∣ber, * 3.51 which endures sixe other moneths. The Winter is without Frost, but alwayes rainie. The [ 60] Winds are violent from the West Coast; on the contrary the East is extreame hot, and neuer cau∣seth * 3.52 Raine.

They affirme, that the Maldiues haue beene heretofore peopled by the Cingala, (so they call the Inhabitants of the Iland of Ceylan.) But I finde that the Maldiues resemble not at all the * 3.53

Cingala, which are blacke, and very euill seatured, and these are well shaped and proportioned, and little differ from vs, except their colour, which is Oliue. But it is out of doubt, that the place and the length of time haue made them more gracefull then those which first inhabited the Iles. Adde also that there are seated a great number of strangers of all parts, which inhabit there, (besides the Indians) who from time to time haue been ship wrackt as we were. Wherefore * 3.54 the people which inhabit Male, and round about to the North point are found more orderly, ho∣nest and ciuill: and they which are on the South-side toward the low point, are more rude in their Language and Fashions, and not so well featured; and blacker, and also many women of the poorer sort are naked without any shame, hauing only a little cloth to couer their Priuities: And for as much as the North-coast is daily more haunted and frequented with strangers who or∣dinarily marrie there: Also that it is the passage of all the ships, which enrich the Countrey, and [ 10] ciuilize it more and more, which is the cause that persons of ranke and qualitie seate them∣selues there more willingly, and not toward the South, whither the King sends in Exile those which he will punish with banishment. And yet the people which inhabit the South parts, are not inferiour in capacitie or Religion to the others, if it be not more for other things, but all their Gentry inhabit on the North Coast, where also they take their Souldiers.

The people is very Religions, greatly addicted to Manufactures of all kindes of Workes, * 3.55 wherein they excell, also in Letters and Sciences after their manner, principally in Astrologie, whereof they make great esteeme. They are a wise and circumspect Nation, very fraudulent in their Merchandizing, and their liuing in the World. They are valiant and hardie, and well seene in Armes, and liue in great order and policie. The women are faire, but that they are of an O∣liue [ 20] * 3.56 colour: and some are found as white as they be in Europe, yet they haue all blacke haire: but they esteeme that beautie, and many make it to come so, wherefore they keep their Daugh∣ters * 3.57 heads shauen, till the age of eight or nine yeeres, not leauing them till then any haire but a little on their fore-heads, to distinguish them from Boyes, who haue none at all, yet this comes not lower then their Eye-browes, and after that the children are borne, they shaue them from eight dayes to eight dayes, which makes their haire very blacke, that would not be so else, for I haue seene little children with halfe flaxen haire.

The beautie and ornament of the women is to haue their haire very long, thicke, and blacke, which they accommodate and wash often, and purifie with water and Lye made of purpose: ha∣uing well washed and clensed their heads and haire, they abide in the wind all disheuelled, but * 3.58 [ 30] within the compasse of their house, vntill it bee throughly dry; after they rub and oyle their haire with odoriferous Oyle, which causeth that their heads are alwayes moyst and Oily. For they neuer wet their bodies men nor women, but after they oyle them, two or three times in the weeke for their haire, but for their bodie, oftener then there are dayes. As for their haire they are not obliged to wash it, but when they haue accompanied together, and they are bound particularly euery Friday, which is their Sabbath, and in all their great Feasts; the men on their Fridayes, the women on their seuerall Feasts only, but sleepe after it when they shall thinke good and according to their necessitie. The women also perfume their heads for a little reason which they haue, and so washed, oyled, and perfumed they attire themselues, which is to bring all their haire from before backward, and draw it out as much as may be, that one haire may not [ 40] mo••e nor wauer this way nor that way: after they tye them behind, or they make a great tuft bound on, for which greatnesse, they haue a counterfeite Locke of mans haire, but as long as the womens, in fashion of a Horse taile; and to hold it, they garnish it at the great end after the manner of a (l 3.59) and all the rest of their haire is put in order: after the (m 3.60) of Gold or Siluer is couered with Pearles and Iewels according to their abilities: and some weare two of these false haires, because it serueth to tye their haire behind, and make the tuft greater. They put also odoriferous flowers of the Countrey, which is not there of defectiue.

It is not permitted the men, but onely the Souldiers and Officers of the King, and Gentlemen to weare their haire long, who doe so for the most part, and as long as the womens, yea take as much paines as they to wash, clense, and oyle and sweeten it with flowers: and there is no other [ 50] diffrence, but that the men bind their haire on one of their sides, or right vp, or vpon the head, and not behinde as the women: also they neuer weare any false Periwigs: they are not compelled to weare their haire so, but short or long, as they thinke good. I haue seene the King and the Princes, and greatest part of the Grandes and Souldiers, who weare their haire short, and they which weare them long, for the most part, when they are weary, or when they grow no more, cut them off to giue or sell to women, for they haue no counterfeit haire, but mens, because they neuer shaue the womens haire liuing or dead: the most part of these false haires come from the Conti∣nent, * 3.61 as from Cochin, Calicut and all the coast of Malabar, where all the men weare their haire long, which after they cut and sell for women, as wel of the Countrey as Aliants. Their haire in∣creaseth there a great deale faster then here, because, as I coniecture, they so often wash and oyle [ 60] them, also by reason of the extraordinary heate, which causeth their haire to be thicker and * 3.62 harder, but neuer curled as with vs. Commonly also the men are hairy ouer all the bodie, yea so thicke as more cannot be imagined; here of they boast, as if it were the strength of nature; which

yet they finde not alwayes true, and if a man bee not so hairy, they say, that hee rather resembles a woman then a man, and despise him for it: but the women a••e not so hairy, and haue no haire but in ordinary places.

There is no common Barbers, but euery one hath skill to shaue, as well men as women, and vse no razor for it, nor any combe; but they haue sizers of cast copper, and looking-glasses also of * 3.63 copper, which they vse instead of razors of steele, but not made as ours. They shaue themselues after our fashion: for the King and Peeres, there are men which account themselues honoured to serue in this office, not for game, but for affection, being men of fashion; the King sends them pre∣sents at the yeeres end. Also throughout all the Ilands there is neither man nor woman, rich nor poore, great nor little, which after the age of fifteene yeeres hath not all their furniture and [ 10] instruments so to order their head: and they are very curious to take them off when it neuer so little grieves or troubles them.

The maidens weare no coats till the age of eight or nine yeeres, but onely a cloth which rea∣cheth * 3.64 from the girdle to the knee, which they weare from the time they begin to goe: but the boyes weare nothing till they are seuen yeeres olde and are circumcised: they say that it is not necessary that their daughters should weare any other robe the time aforesaid, for that then their breasts begin to beare out & increase, and it is needfull to couer them, as a thing which they hold as great a shame to show, as here their priueties; and then they let their haire increase with∣out * 3.65 any more cutting, but adorne and trim it, being then in the time to finde some to marry with; for before that they hold them as children, and permit not men nor boyes to speake of loue to [ 20] them, for that they are not acknowledged nor arrayed as maidens. Now the men being very old and couered with haire, as I haue said, and not clothing their bodies from the girdle vpwards, they shaue not the haire on the breast and stomacke, but in such a fashion as they cut the haire in one place, and leaue it in another, to the end that it may appeare and bee like the fashion of a cased doublet.

The men weare their beards in two fashions: one which is permitted to the Pandiares, Naibes, * 3.66 and Catibes, and other Ecclesiasticall persons, and those which haue gone on pilgrimage to Mecca, and Medinatalnaby in Arabia, where is the Sepulchre of Mahomet, to weare their beard so long as they will, and not to shaue it but vnder the throat, and their vpper and lower lips, be∣cause they would not for any thing being eating or drinking touch a haire, being the greatest na∣stinesse [ 30] and filthinesse in the world: wherefore they haue no haire about their mouth; and I haue * 3.67 often seene that for finding onely one haire in a platter of meat, they would not touch it, and re∣mained rather without eating, giuing it to the birds and other creatures, except any bodie would haue it. The other sort of beards for the rest of the nation, and the commonest is to weare a little one after the Spanish custome, shauen about their mouth and vnder their throat, but without mustaches, and in the cheekes they make like holes and fashions with the sizers, and they shaue them very close, yet so that it may appeare. Their chin as we vse now.

In the meane while they curiously keepe the shauings of their haire and nailes, without losing * 3.68 or letting fall any, and are carefull to interre it in there Church-yards with a little water: for they would not for any thing in the world goe vpon it, or cast the left part into the fire; because, [ 40] they say, being part of the bodie it requires burying as wel as the bodie; and they inclose it neatly in a little cotton, and the most of them wil be shauen in the porches of their temples or Moschees. They are verie hardie and insensible in all this, and vse no hot water in shauing them; their razors cut verie naughtily, and they doe nothing but poure a little cold water vpon it; and whatsoeuer hurt they doe, they complaine not, and say that it paines them not: this comes of custome to them, for else they would be as sensible as we.

§. III.

Their Cocos and other fruits and food, their Trades and trading, Creatures profitable [ 50] and hurtfull. Of Male the principall Iland. Their Houses, Candou, Languages, Apparell.

THE Maldiues are very fertill fruit, and other commodities necessarie for the life of man. They haue abundance of Millet, which they call Oura, also of another little * 3.69 graine called Bimby, which is like to Millet, but that it is blacke as Rape-seed. These graines sow themselues, and are reaped twice in a yeere. They make a kinde of meale, whereof they make pottage with milke and hony of Cocos, and also of Torteaux and Bignets, and many other sorts of food. There grow also rootes of many kindes, one called I••elpoul, which [ 60] growes in abundance without sowing, and is round, and two handfulls in greatnesse, like more or lesse. Now they bruise it by rubbing it on a rugged stone, after they lay it in a cloth in the Sunne to dry, this is likeour Amidon or wheate-flower, which they keepe as long as they wil, whereof they make pottage, and Torteaux and Galletus, which is a verie delicate meat, but that it a little

surchargeth the stomacke, it must bee eaten while it is new. They haue plentie of another sort of root, called Alas, of a very good taste, which they sow and cultivate, one sort red, like red∣parsnip, * 3.70 another white like nauews, and are ordinarily bigger then a mans thigh. They boile and dresse them in diuers fashions, and keepe them a great part of the yeere; also they order them with hony and sugar of Cocos, and it is a great part of the nourishment of these people. They call wheat Godame & rice Andoue, which grows not there, but is brought in great quantitie from the firme land. They eat and prepare it in diuers manners, boyling it only with water, and eat it with other viands in stead of bread. They boyle it also, after dry it and bray it, and of this bran, with egges, hony, milke, and butter of Cocos, they make Florentines, and verie good belly-timber.

Hearbes and trees grow plentifully in all the Iles; many that beare fruit, others that beare * 3.71 none, whereof notwithstanding they eate the leaues which are sweet and daintie. There are [ 10] Citrons, Pomgranets, Orenges in abundance; Bannanes, which the Portugalls call figges of India, and the Maldiues Quella, which is a great fruit, and multiplies exceedingly, delicious and of great nourishment; so that they nourish their infants with it in stead of broth. There is none more pro∣fitable then the Cocos or nut of India, which they call Roul, and the fruit Cate: they abound more * 3.72 in the Maldiues then in any place of the world: this onely tree serues for all necessaries of life, furnishing them in great quantitie with wine, hony, sugar, milke, and butter; and moreouer the pith or kernell serues to eate, with all sorts of meate in stead of bread. Adde also the wood, barke, leaues, and shells make the greatest parts of their moueables and vtensills.

There is such store of fire-wood, that they buy it not, for as much as the countrie is couered * 3.73 with all sorts of trees: it is lawfull to goe and cut those trees at any time when they haue need, [ 20] which serue for nothing but to burne. Also there are whole Ilands full, whither euerie one send their seruants and slaues daily to fetch for their vse. It is admirable that each of the thirteene Atollons produce sundry fruits, although they are all vnder the same climate; yet euery one hath not that which is necessarie. You would say, that God would that these people should visite one another, here is such diuersitie: for what is plentifull in one place is rare in another. Although euery thing growes particularly in each place, yet it is little, and not so good and naturall as that which comes from the Atollons and Iles proper to it, because it is brought from other places.

The people also haue followed in their habitations a like order, for the crafts-men are assem∣bled * 3.74 in Iles apart, as the Weauers in one, the Gold-smiths in another, and so all the rest. In briefe, none of their mechanick Arts are mingled, but each hath his Ile, yet they communicate one [ 30] with another in this sort: they haue close boates, with a little deck, and goe from Ile to Ile trauelling and retayling their merchandize, and sometimes are more then a yeere before they re∣turne to their Ile and ordinarie residence. They carrie with them their male children, from foure or fiue yeere old, to learne and be accustomed to it. They lye alwayes in their Barkes, and drinke and eate there, and often worke also. Where I was on the Maldiues, there was found a Bird (which landed in an Iland) of prodigious shape and greatnesse. It was three ••••ot high, the body exceeding great, more then a man could fathom: the feathers all white as a Swan, the feet broad like Fowles that swim, the necke halfe a fathom long, the beake halfe an ell; on the vpper part at the end a kinde of crooked claw, vnderneth larger then aboue, whence hung a very great and capable bagge of a yellow gilded colour resembling parchment. The King was much astonished [ 40] whence this creature should come, and what was the nature of it: and enquiring of all men which came from other regions, at the last hee happened on certaine strangers, who told him that this creature was particular to China, and that it was bred no where else, and that the Chinois vse them to take fish, for this creature swimmeth on the water as other riuer Birds, and very long. It takes fish with great dexteritie, and fills the great purse or bagge which hangs from the beake vnderneath, which is so great and capable, that it will hold many fishes each two feet long, which the King handling hard, wondred greatly how it was possible that this Bird should come so alone from China, being distant more then a thousand and two hundred leagues. The King made triall, causing them to tye and fasten his throat, onely giuing it leaue to breath, that it might not swallow the fish, but bring vp the poke full. I haue seene it often goe so on the Sea, and [ 50] come with it full of fish. It goeth a long time on the Sea, and tarries there sometimes a day, which makes me beleeue that it is not impossible that it should come from China.

They haue Hens in such plentie, that it is strange, and cost them nothing but the taking, * 3.75 for they are wild: in the Market they sell them but for one Sous apiece, and thirtie sixe Egges at the same price; this is the meate they vse most next to fish. They haue store of Pidgeons, of * 3.76 Duckes, of Rayles, and of certayne Birds which altogether resemble Sparrow-hawkes, Muskets blacke and gray, which liue not of prey, but of fruits and many other differing kinds, all wilde and none domesticke. The Crowes greatly indanger the Inhabitants; for they are so bold, that they will come into the Houses; and take any thing, although men be present, of whom they are [ 60] not a whit afraid. At the first, I thought they had beene tame and domesticall, they are in so great abundance that they cannot be numbered, because they kill them not. The Bats are as great as Rauens. They are greatly annoyed by the Muskitos or Gnats, which pricke very forely. But that which troubles them most are the Rats, Dormice, and Pismires which are found euery

where, with other sor••s of Creatures and Vermine which enter into their Houses, and eate and spoyle their Graine, Prouision, Fruits, and tender Commodities, so that they are forced for to re∣sist them, to build their Lodges and Granaries on piles in the Sea two and three hundred paces from the Land, whither they goe in Boates, and there lay vp their graine and fruits to keepe them. The most part of the Magazines of the King are builded after this manner.

In the Sea there is a kinde of Snakes which are very dangerous. There are great store of Cats, Foines, and Ferrets. There are no beasts for riding; there are few great beasts, wilde or tame. It is true that there are about foure or fiue hundred Cowes and Bulls: but they appertaine to the * 3.77 King onely who breedes them in the Ile of Male: whither they are brought from the firme land for curiositie to multiply to that number; They eate them not, but in foure or fiue months in the [ 10] yeere, and at great feasts when the King causeth to kill one, and sometimes he giueth one to the strangers ships, whom hee will gratifie. There are also some Weathers which are the Kings. They haue no Dogges, yea are greatly afraid of them. While that I was there, the Portugalls of * 3.78 Cochin sent two to the King for a raritie, who caused them incontinently to be drowned. If any touch a Dogge, he presently goes to bath, as to purifie himselfe.

The Sea is very full of fish, of all sorts great and small, principally because it is shallow and calme within the Atollons. It is their chiefe sustenance, either fresh with Rice or other meate, or * 3.79 fried with Oyle of Cocos, or sod in sea-water and dryed to keepe it. They send many ships daily laden to Achen in Sumatra and other places. There is one great kinde of fish which greatly vex∣eth them, for it deuoures the men when they bath or go a fishing. I escaped very hardly from be∣ing * 3.80 [ 20] deuoured. A man may see a great number of persons which haue lost their armes or legges, or otherwise are lamed by this misfortune. The great abundance of all things causeth that victuall * 3.81 costs little, and that euery thing is good cheape. Foure hundred Cocos may bee bought for one Larin, which is eight souses: fiue hundred Bannanes for one Larin: in like manner after the same price an hundred great fishes, or a dozen of good Hens, or three hundred pound of Roots, and so of other things: so that there is no * 3.82 Country in India where strangers grow rich so soone, because trading is good, and victualls cheape.

The principall Iland is called Male, which giues name to all others: for the word Diues signi∣fieth * 3.83 a number of small Iles heaped together: it is very neere the middest of all other Iles, and is in circuit about a league and a halfe. It is fruitfuller then all the rest, and the Staple and Mart of [ 30] them, and of strangers; the seat of the King and of the Court. By reason whereof it is best peo∣pled, but vnhealthfullest; there dye many, whom they interre each a part, so that all the Ile is * 3.84 full; the Sunne, which is very hot, draweth vp noysome and pestilent vapours. The waters al∣so are naught, the King therefore is compelled to send, for him and his house, to another Ile, where the water is better, and where they bury no bodie; so doe also the principall and men of abilitie in the Ile. Throughout all the Ilands they haue no enclosed Townes, no not in the Ile of Male. * 3.85 But all the Ile is replenished here and there with houses and buildings, either of Lords and Gen∣tlemen, or of the common people, and also of others. Notwithstanding the houses are distingui∣shed by Streets and Wards, in a faire order, and all know their owne diuision. The houses and edi∣fices * 3.86 of the common people are of Wood of the Cocos, which they cut from the trunke of the [ 40] Tree, they couer them with leaues of the same Tree, sowed double one within another.

The Signiors and rich men build with stone, which they draw forth of the Sea, from vnder the * 3.87 Shelfs and Rockes, where they find as much as they will, of good length and greatnesse. It is smooth and good merchandise, verie white, somewhat hard to cut and fashion: but assoone as it raines on it, it loseth its naturall hardnesse and whitenesse, and becomes all blacke when it is bea∣ten with the raine, or wet with fresh water: the manner of drawing them forth of the Sea is re∣markable. There groweth in that Countrey a kind of Wood which they call Candou, which is as great as the Wall-nut tree here, like in the shaking leafe, and whitenesse, but wonderfull soft. It * 3.88 beares not any fruit, and is fit onely to burne: being dry they cut it into Plankes, which they vse as we doe fire. This Wood is lighter then Corke. Hauing noted the stone within the water [ 50] which they will haue, they fasten it with a great Cable. This is ordinary, for as I said before, they are halfe fishes, very expert in swimming, their women swim as well or better then the men of these parts: so that they will goe on euery occasion to the bottome of the Sea, fifteene or twenty fathoms deepe, and stay there a long time and marke the depths very often, to see where it is good laying their anchor. Sometimes also in stead of an anchor they choose some great rocke in the bottome of the Sea, and there fasten their Cable. Then after that they haue selected the stone, which they will draw vp, & that they haue bound it to their Cable, they take a piece of the wood of Candou, & tie or thrust through (after they haue bored it) their cable right opposite to the stone, and after aloft adde a certaine number of th••se pieces, as many as shall be necessary, so that which is maruellous light, and fleeting aboue the water, pulls vp with it the stone and draweth it aloft, [ 60] whatsoeuer weightie or ponderous a thing it bee, euen to a thousand pounds. The Cannons and Anchors of our ouerwhelmed Ship were drawne vp thus. I haue seene that the Hauen of the Ile of Male, being full of great Rocks, so that the Ships could not ride nor anchor in safetie, clen∣sed and made nauigable thus in l••sse then fiue dayes.

They vse also to take fiue or sixe great pieces of this kind of wood, and binde them fast in a row, and aboue set sawed Plankes of the same Tree after the fashion of a Hurdle, after eleuate it with little boords round, before, and behinde, and on the sides, and in the middle to sit. This serues them to goe to Sea, and passe from Ile to Ile: they principally fish in such, euery man hath one, for they need but one to guide and conduct them. Another propertie of this Tree is, that rubbing pieces one against another, fire comes forth, and this is their kindling of fire. For * 3.89 chaulke they vse shells found on the Sea side, which ioynes and conglu••inats their buildings very well together.

They haue two languages in vse. The first, which is particular to the Maldiues and is very * 3.90 ample. The second is the Arabick, which they greatly esteeme and learne as wee doe Latine. Also it serueth them daily for their holies. In the Atollon of S••uadou, and toward the South of the [ 10] Maldiues they speake a language hard to vnderstand, and very clounish and rude.

They apparell themselues thus. First the men tye about their priuities a great swath-band of * 3.91 cloth, which comes round about them, for feare that going or comming, or in doing any worke, they might be discouered. After, they put a little cloth of cotton died blew, or red, or some other colour, which goes no lower then their knees. Vpon that they put a great piece of cloth of cotton or silk (if they are a little rich and wealthy) which reacheth to their ankles, and gird it with a faire square handkerchiefe imbroidered with gold and silke, which they fold in three corners, and sprea∣ding it vpon their backes make it fast before; after for greater ornament they adde a little piece of silke of diuers colours, transparent as cobweb-laune, which is short and extends no further then the middle of their thighes: and after all that they incompasse themselues in a great girdle of silke, * 3.92 [ 20] which is like to their turbant, and is well fringed; they let the ends hang before. Within this girdle, which serues them for a purse, they put their money, and their b••••••ele on the left side; and on the right side they weare their knife, which they esteeme very honourable, and there is no bodie but weares one, no not the King. These kniues are very well made, all of excellent steele, * 3.93 for they haue no inuention to mingle yron with steele. They which haue any meanes, weare the haft and sheath all of siluer wrought and fashioned. In the end of the sheath on the top they haue a buckle of siluer, whereat hangs a little chaine also of siluer, whereto are tyed their tooth∣pickers and eare-pickers, and other little instruments. Others, which haue not meanes to haue them so costly, weare the sheath of wood wrought, the haft of a fishes bone, as of a Whale or other Sea creature, for they will not weare bone of any Land creature. They are very curious of their * 3.94 [ 30] kniues, and thinke themselues not well clothed, except they haue them at their girdle.

They are not suffered to carry other Armes, except the Souldiers and Officers of the King, and * 3.95 they onely while they are in seruice of the King in the Ile of Male, or elsewhere sent by him. They haue commonly at their side a waued dagger, which they call a Cris; they come from Achen, Iaua, and China. And moreouer when they goe in the street, they alwayes carry their sword na∣ked in one hand, and their buckler in the other, or else a jauelin. Their principall brauerie, is to weare about their girdle many chaines of siluer. There is not one man nor woman, boy nor girle, * 3.96 little or great, which will not haue of them according to the proportion of their goods and substance. Thereon they put their Treasure, and ordinarily designe it to defray the expences of [ 40] their Funerals. But none except the Grand Lords and Strangers weare them vpon their clothes to be seene: the other weare them hid vnderneath: and yet they will haue them to speake of them, and shew priuately. The residue of their bodie from the Girdle vpward is naked; I vn∣derstand * 3.97 of the common people, for the Signiors of qualitie are not so. Yet in their Feast dayes they couer themselues with Ierkins and Cassocks of Cotton or Silke which they fasten with Buttons of gilt Copper. These Ierkins are of all sorts of colours, but the edges are w••lted with * 3.98 white and blue. The sleeues come but to their elbow; they say, if they should descend to the wrist, as ours, they should not haue the free mannaging of their armes. They put on also colou∣red linings, which are very strait, and reach from the ankles to the wast, which they fasten also on the bottome with gilded buttons.

The chiefe men array themselues ordinarily with Ierkins and Cassockes. A great number on [ 50] Feast dayes vse another kind of gallantry: they bruise Sanders and Camphire on very sl••cke and smooth stones (which they bring from the firme Land) and sometimes other sorts of odorife∣rous wood; after they compound it with water distilled of flowres, and ouerspread their bo∣dies * 3.99 with this paste, from the Girdle vpwards, adding many formes with their finger, such as they imagine: it is somewhat like cut and pinked Doublets, and of an excellent sauour. Some∣times they bind together faire flowres, and of the best sent. They dresse their Wiues or Lem∣mons * 3.100 in this sort, and make vpon their backes workes and shadowes, as they please. This is one kind of brauery which is much vsed, but they dare not present themselues so trimmed before the King, nor within the Palace. Vpon their heads they weare red Turbants, or diuersified into va∣rious colours, the richer sort of Silke, the poorer of fine Cotton. The Souldiers and Officers of * 3.101 [ 60] the King attire themselues after one fashion, which is not permitted to others, putting often on their heads imbroydered Hand-kerchiefes, which others may not. All the people goe naked on their feet, and often on their legges, yet within their Houses they vse a kind of Slippers or San∣dals * 3.102

made of wood, but when any of their Superiours come to visit them, they pull off their San∣dals, and remaine with bare feet.

The women haue a great cloth of Cotton, or of coloured Silke which comes about them from their middle to their ankles, and serues them for a Coate. Vpon that they put a Robe of Taffa∣ta, * 3.103 or very light Cotton, but very long: It descends to their feet, the borders are blue and white; it is very like the Smocks which women weare in these parts. It is a little open on the necke, and fastned with two little gilded Buttons, and so before in the Throate, without any more o∣pening in the bosome: so that when they will giue their children sucke, they are constrayned to pull vp their Garments, yet without any indecencie, by reason of the cloth which they vse in stead of a Coate. Their Armes are laden with great Bracelets of Siluer, sometimes from the [ 10] * 3.104 wrist to the elbow; the poorer sort weare them mixed with Brasse, others of fine and massie Sil∣uer, so that there are some found with three or foure pound of Siluer on their Armes: and more∣ouer they haue Chaines of Siluer on their Girdles vnder their clothes, which are not seene, but sometimes when their Garments are very lightsome. They haue many Chaines of Gold about their neckes if they be women of ranke and fashion, or they knit together pieces of Gold Coine, which comes thither from Arabia, or elsewhere from the Continent. In their eares they weare * 3.105 very rich pendants according to their wealth, but they weare them not after the same fashion we doe heere. For the Mothers pierce the eares of their Daughters when they are young, not only in the lap or fat of the eare, but all along the gristle in many places, and put there threeds of Cotton to encrease and keepe the holes, that they may put when they are greater little gilded [ 20] * 3.106 nailes, to the number of twentie foure in both eares. The head of the naile is commonly ador∣ned with a precious Stone or Pearle, also in the lap of the eare they haue an earing fashioned after their manner. When the women goe in the streets either in the night or day, (although they go seldome in the day) they weare a Veile vpon their heads; but they put it downe going with the Queenes or great Ladies, or with their betters, but not at all before men, no, not before the King; but on the contrary they will hide themselues more when they imagine that men eye them.

It is obseruable, that none neither man nor woman, except the Prince or Grand Signior dare weare any Rings set with Stones, nor Iewels, nor Bracelets, Carkanets, or Earings, nor Chaines of Gold without permission from the King, if they bee men, or from the Queenes, if they bee [ 30] women. This permission they buy, except they conferre this benefit on them, as they doe often to the women.

None, neither Queenes nor Princesses may weare Bracelets and Rings of Gold on their Armes and Legs: but for any other ornament it is permitted them to haue Gold; but although * 3.107 the Rings of their Feet and Legges are of Siluer, they may not weare what quantitie they will, if they be not of great Birth and Originall, nor put Rings on their fore-fingers, except the Queenes, the Princesses and great Ladies on the middle-fingers; all other women with per∣mission on the two other fingers, the men only on their thumbe. So euery one knowes his ranke and degree, and what ornaments he must haue as well for himselfe as his Wife, and there is no confusion in it, If the Wife of any one which hath not accustomed to goe braue before, beginne [ 40] to goe more gay, or if a man weare Rings set with Iewels on his finger, although in so doing hee exceeds not that which is permitted him; yet they impose on him a greater Taxe for this: ex∣cept the Officers of the King and of the Queenes, which pay no Taxes, nor the Inhabitants of the Ile of Malé, yet they are burthened with other charges, and pay many extraordinary ex∣pences. The Strangers and their Wiues haue priuiledge to attire themselues as they wil, to weare what ornaments and costlinesse they will, without permission, euen as the great Princes, or the * 3.108 King himselfe. In briefe I obserued, that the Strangers haue more Priuiledges and Immunities then the Naturals. Also the Pandiare, the Naybes and Catibes of the Ile of Malé, and other Ilands may dresse and array themselues as they please, without being bound to the Lawes for this thing as others. [ 50]

The women are curious to tricke and trimme themselues handsomely. They haue a custome to make the nailes of their feet and hands red. This is the beautie of the Countrey: they make it with the juice and moysture of a certayne Tree, and it endures as long as their nailes. Cer∣tainly they appeare very faire and beautifull, aswell because they attire themselues neatly, as * 3.109 because they are wel-fauoured, of a good proportion, and very prettie. [ 60]

§. IIII.

Rites of Meate and Drinke, Bathing, Superstitious Obseruations: Diseases. Education of Children. Fishing, Fashions, Lusts.

THey neuer eate together, but with men of their owne Ranke and Qualitie; counting * 3.110 it a dishonour to eate with their inferiour: Also they feast seldome, except at their Festiuals and Solemnities. If they wil at other times entertaine their friends, they pre∣pare a Seruice of many Dishes, and set it on a great round Table couered with Taffa∣ta, [ 10] and send it into his House whom they will feast: which they hold a great honour. Being in * 3.111 their owne house they loue not the others should see them eate, and goe therefore to the furthest side of their house, letting downe all the clothes and Tapistrie which are before them, that so they may be vnseene. Before they eate, they say their Prayers. They haue no other Table then the floore of their Lodgings, which is couered with a little fine Mat, whereon they sit crosse∣legged. They vse no Naperie, but for feare of wasting their Mats they vse great leaues of the * 3.112 Bannanes whereon they set their Dishes, and others before them instead of Trenchers: they are so neat in their feeding that they shed nothing in the place where they eate, no not one drop of water, although they wash their mouth before and after their repast. Their dishes are of Earth, figured after the maner of the Country, and come from Cambaya; as good as China Porcelane, and * 3.113 [ 20] so common that all vse them. But they haue no Platter of Earth or Porcelane, which is not after the fashion of a Box round, varnished and nealed, and a couer of the same matter. The poorer sort haue couered Platters in stead of these Boxes, which cost little. The reason is because of the Ants, * 3.114 which in great numbers fill euery place, so that it is very difficult to keepe any thing with∣out a couer.

They are also so nice in their Diet, that they will not taste of any meate wherein hath fallen * 3.115 a Flye or an Emit, or any little creature, or the least filthinesse, so that they will giue it to the Birds when they come: for they haue no minde to giue it to the poore, to whom they neuer giue any thing which they would not haue, or which is not aswell dressed as for themselues. Where∣fore when the poore come to their doores, they make them come in, and make them as good * 3.116 [ 30] cheere as for themselues; saying, that they are the Seruants of God aswell as themselues. The Grand Signiors and rich men haue no other Vessels then other men, although they might haue them of Gold and Siluer, yet their Law forbids it. If a dish happen to be a little riuen or crackt, they eate no more in it; saying, that it is polluted. They vse no Spoones neither to eate Rice * 3.117 nor Honey, nor any liquid thing, but take them with their fingers, which they doe neatly and nimbly without losing any thing, for they account it the greatest inciuilitie in the World to let any thing fall in eating. In the meane while also, none dare spit nor cough, but must rise and goe forth. In eating they neuer vse the left hand, because therewith they wash their Priuities. They * 3.118 willingly eate at the beginning of their feeding a Cocos halfe ripe, and drinke the water of it; saying, that it is healthfull, and looseth their belly. They eate all greedily and in haste, holding * 3.119 [ 40] it mannerlinesse not to be long in eating: and in the meane while, though they be in company, they speake not a word.

To drinke while they are eating, is reckond clownishnesse, but after they haue eaten their fill, * 3.120 they drinke once. Their drinke is commonly of water, or of Wine of Cocos drawne forth the same day: they haue also other sorts of drinkes for the King and Nobles, or at their great So∣lemnities. They drinke in Copper Cups well wrought, with couers on them. After their repast, and when they haue washed, they present a Platter of Bettell, instead of sweet meates. For * 3.121 the most part they haue no ordinarie houre of eating, but eate at all houres when they are hun∣gry. * 3.122 Their Wiues and Daughters prepare and dresse their meate, and not men. It is the grea∣test injurie that a man can doe to one, to call him Cisday, that is to say Cooke: and if any bee [ 50] found to addict themselues to this, they are mocked and despised euery where, in such sort that they esteeme them not for men but women: and they dare not accompany with any but women, nor doe any other exercise; also they make it no difficultie to leaue them with them.

When they kill any creature for their food, they haue many Mysteries. They cut the throat * 3.123 turning themselues toward Mahomets Sepulchre, and say their Prayers, and all speedily let it goe, or goe forth, not touching it till it be thoroughly dead. If any touch it before, they cast a∣way the flesh, and eate it not. Also they cut it not euery-where, but in a certaine place of the throat, otherwise they eat it not, and euery one vnderstands not this, but principally their Priests or Mondius know it: they which enterprize it must bee ancient and not yong, and such as haue * 3.124 had children. In all their actions they are very scrupulous and superstitious. After they haue slept, [ 60] whether in the night or day, they faile not presently after they are awake, to wash their eyes and face, and rub them with Oyle, and put also a certaine blacknesse vpon their eye-lids and eye∣browes: they dare not speake nor bid any good morrow till they haue done thus; they are care∣full to rub their Teeth, and to wash and clense them, saying furthermore, that the Red colour

of Bettell and Arecka, which they chawe continually takes the better: so that they haue all red Teeth, by reason of champing of Bettell, & they account this brauerie. They carrie it also alwaies * 3.125 about in the pleats of their Girdle, and it should be a dishonor to be found without it; it is the cu∣stome when they encounter one another by the way interchangeably each to giue the other some of his. They bathe often in the day, not only for pleasure and commoditie, but for Religion, or * 3.126 entrance into the Mosche: they wash their Extreems after they haue made vrine, or done their necessities, they wash their Priuities with the left hand, or they wash all their bodie, which they call Iunan, according to their Feasts with diuersities of formes and ceremonies. So that when they wash in publike, as they doe, a man may know wherefore they bathe, as if they haue ac∣companied with their Wiues whether by night or by day, they plunge their head three times [ 10] vnder the water. When they are to goe any Voyage, they desire not to meet or touch any body, and if any disasterous thing chance to them, they attribute it to him who toucht them. Aboue al when they goe on fishing, they must not salute any, nor bid them good morrow. From the going * 3.127 downe of the Sunne on Thursday in the Euening, till the day following about three or foure of the clocke, they will not permit any thing to be carried out of their Houses, although their dee∣rest Loue, or their Father would borrow any thing, they would not giue it them, neither will they render that which shall be sent for, although it bee not theirs: yet they will receiue any thing, and let it enter into their houses in the meane-while without any scruple. They wrangle not nor quarrell together, although there be enmitie betweene them; aboue all take heed of reproaching. [ 20]

In sailing, if they be surprized with contrarie winds, of calmes or stormes, they make Vowes * 3.128 to him which commands the winds, whom they call not God, but King. There is no Ile where is not found a Siare, as they call it, which is a place dedicated to the winds, in a desolate corner of the Ile, where they which haue escaped danger, make Offerings daily of little Boates and ships made purposely, full of Perfumes, Gummes, Flowres, and odoriferous Woods. They burne the Perfumes, and cast the little Boats into the Sea which goe floting till they be burned, for they put fire in them; to the end, they say, that the King of the Winds may accept them. Also they set not willingly their ships and Gallies afloate, but they kill Hens and Cockes, and cast them in the Sea before the ship or Boat which they will vse. They beleeue also that there is a King of the Sea, to whom in like sort they make Praiers and Ceremonies in their Nauigation, and when [ 30] they goe on fishing, fearing vpon euerie errour and offence, the Kings of the Winds and of the Sea. So that being on the Sea they dare not spit on the windie side, nor cast any thing ouer∣boord, for feare that they should be angrie with them: also they neuer looke behind them. All the Boates, Barkes, and ships are deuoted to the powers of the Winds and of the Sea: and sure∣ly they respect them as if they were their Temple, keeping them neate, and neuer committing * 3.129 any filthy and dishonest thing in them. They haue also the Kings of the other Elements (as they call them) and especially that of Warre, but all with great Ceremonies.

They greatly esteeme certaine Characters, which they call Ta••ide, which they weare vnder their Garments, inclosed in little Boxes, which the Rich make of Gold or Siluer. They weare them often on their armes, on their necke, or at their Girdle, or else at their foot, according to [ 40] * 3.130 the subject of the Disease; for they weare them for all things as well offensiue as defensiue, that they should loue or be loued, or hate, or to heale or cure any Maladie. The Magicians and Sorce∣rers sell them these for monie, and tell them that it brings them good lucke, and heales their Diseases. They haue few remedies for their Maladies, but haue recourse to the Magicians and Sorcerers, who are their only Physicians. They beleeue also that all their euill is caused by the Deuill to vexe them, who is the only cause of their Deaths and Diseases. Therefore they call * 3.131 vpon him, and offer Flowres to him, and prepare Banquets of all sorts of Viands and Beuerages, which they set in a certaine secret place, where they let them consume, if no poore people hap∣pen to take them away. For the same purpose they kill Cockes or Hennes, turning them to∣wards the Sepulchre of Mahomet, after leauing them there, praying the Deuill to ac∣cept [ 50] of them.

The Feuer is common among them, but most dangerous to strangers. From ten yeeres to ten yeeres, here comes a Disease called Curiuadiri, for which they abandon one another, as if it were * 3.132 the Plague. It is like the small Pockes, and kils many. The diseases of the Eyes are very com∣mon, * 3.133 I haue seene a great number blind, and the most part haue little Eyes. It happens also of∣ten that hauing beene long in the Sunne in the height of the day, after the Sunne is downe, they see not at all, whatsoeuer fire or light be put neere them, although it were a hundred Torches, yet without feeling any other euill. To heale it, they boyle the Liuer of a Cocke, and write words and Charmes, and set it toward the point of the setting of the Sunne. My Companions and I were sometimes vexed with this Maladie: but hauing learned the Receit, wee tooke the [ 60] Liuer of a Cocke, rejecting their Charmes, to see if that would serue, and wee found that it healed vs as well as them, without obseruing their Sorceries. They are much subject to the Itch, which they heale with Oyle of Cocos. Remedilesse Tetters terrifie them much: some * 3.134 haue almost their whole bodies ouer-runne with them. These euils come by reason of the quan∣titie

of Salt-fish which they eate, and also because they seldome salt their meates, but powre Sea-water to it.

In the Winter, although the Raines are continuall, yet they goe bare-foot, they haue vnder * 3.135 their feet and betweene their toes, a kind of hand-worme, which breeds in the filth, it maketh Wheales and Pushes full of water, which after they increase ingender Vlcers, which greatly hinders their going. They are also troubled all ouer the bodie with these Wormes. They haue all commonly great Spleenes, and are subject to obstructions, and endure much euill. They haue some Receits and Compositions of Herbes and Drugges for diuers Maladies, and principal∣ly * 3.136 for wounds, which they heale very cunningly.

They vse no bindings nor linnen to their Soares, but only Ointments. Cathaires and Fluxes * 3.137 sometimes trouble them, and aches in the bones. The Neapolitan disease is not very frequent: they [ 10] heale it with China wood, without sweating or any other thing, they call it Farangui Baesrour, this Maladie came from Europe, whose Inhabitants they call it Farangui or Frangui. * 3.138 They are neuer troubled with the Tooth-ache; it seemes their ordinary chawing of Bettell is the cause hereof. As soone as their Infants-are borne, they wash them in cold water sixe times a day, and after they chafe them with Oyle, and continue this washing a great while: and moreouer, when they make Vrine, or doe Natures Office, they wash their Priuities with water.

The Mothers nourish their owne Children, and dare not put them forth to nurse to others, no * 3.139 not the Queenes, saying ordinarily that the beasts bring vp their young, but they haue Seruants to tend, carrie, and gouerne them. Besides the brest they make a kind of Pappe, of Rice or Ho∣ney, brayed and macerated, after boiled with Milke and Sugar of Cocos. The most part (espe∣cially [ 20] the poorest) giue them Bananes. They neuer swaddle their Children, but let them goe free, and yet I neuer saw any deformed. Now their Couch hangs in the Aire, within little Beds of coard, or little Chaires, where they shogge and rocke them. At the age of nine moneths they begin to goe.

At nine yeeres old they bring them vp in the studies and exercises of the Countrey. These * 3.140 studies are to learne to write and to reade, and to vnderstand their Alcoran, and know what they are bound to doe. Their Letters are of diuers sorts, the Arabicke with some Letters and Points which they haue added to expresse their Language: another whereof the Character is peculiar to the Language of the Maldiues, and moreouer, a third which is the vulgar of Ceylan, and of * 3.141 the greatest part of the Indies. They write their Lessons on little Tables of wood, which [ 30] are white, and when they can say their Lesson by heart, they blot it out, and white it againe. If the writing bee to abide and remaine perpetually, they write vpon Parchment which is made of the leafe of the Tree called Macore Queau, which is a fathome and an halfe in length, * 3.142 and a foot broad. To teach their Children to write, they haue Boards made of wood purposely, very smooth and plaine, whereon they spread very fine and thinne Sand, after with a Bodkin they make the Letters, and make them imitate them, blotting out the Rule which they haue written, and neuer vse herein any Paper.

They carrie as great respect and reuerence to their Tutors as to their Fathers: so that they may * 3.143 not contract Marriage together, as being allied in Affinitie. There are some found among them who follow their studies, who are very skilfull in the Alcoran, and Ceremonies of their Law; [ 40] they are principally the Modins, Catibes, or Naybes. These two Offices are compatible, for a Catibe may be a Naybe, and a Naybe a Catibe.

The Mathematickes are there taught, and are greatly esteemed, especially Astrologie, * 3.144 which many studie; for they consult with the Astrologers about euery thing: They will en∣terprize nothing without their aduice. They will not only know their Natiuities and time of their Births, but also if they build, whether with wood or stone, they must enquire of the Astrologer, what houre will bee best to beginne, that it may bee vnder a good Constellation: or * 3.145 if they employ a Boate, although they doe it diuersly, taking a different day or houre for a ship of Warre, or of Merchanchize, or a fishing Barke. If they vndertake any Voyage, or any thing else, they enquire of the Astrologer what shall be the issue, and whether the day bee good or e∣uill, [ 50] if the Planet be fauourable or vnfortunate. Whatsoeuer sinister accident happens to them, they attribute the cause to the day, and take it patiently, saying, it is the will of God that hath brought it to passe.

The Ilanders are much exercised in Armes, either to serue with a Sword and Buckler, or rea∣dily * 3.146 to bend the Bow, or vse the Harquebuse, or mannage the Pike: they haue Schooles, the Ma∣sters whereof are greatly honoured and respected, and ordinarily he Grand Signiors vse this ex∣ercise. They haue no plaies but the Ball and Tennice, which they receiue and cast forth with great agilitie, although it be not but with their feet.

Their greatest exercise is fishing, which all in all places of the Maldiues vse indifferently, * 3.147 [ 60] without hauing any (as in other places) certaine persons of this vocation, or certaine places pro∣per to it, which are not publike. This exercise they account honest and honorable, wherein also the Gentlemen exercise themselues as they doe heere in hunting. The King hath twelue persons appointed to guide and conduct his Boat when he goeth on fishing, and to prepare all things ne∣cessarie for it.

They haue an admirable quantitie of great Fish, as Bonitos, Albachores, guilt-heads and others w〈…〉〈…〉 are very like one another, and of the same taste, and haue no more skales then the Mac∣krell. They take them in the deepe Sea, on this fashion, with a line of a fathom and a halfe of great found Cotton thred made falt to a great Cane. Their hooke, is not so much bowed as ours, but * 3.148 more stretched out, & is pointed in the end like a Pin, without hauing any other beard or tongue. They fasten not on their B••it, but the day before prouide a quantitie of small Fish, as great as our little Bleaks, or Roches, which they find in great number on the Banks and Sands, and keep them aliue inclosed in little pursnets (made of the Thred of Cocos) with little Mashes, and let them hang in the Sea at the Sterne of their Barkes. When they come into the deepe Sea, they sow a∣bout their little Fishes, and let their Line hang downe. The great Fish seeing the little Fish, [ 10] which is not frequent in the deepe Sea, runne together in great shoales, and by the same meanes they fasten them to their hookes, which they white and trim ouer; so that being a rauenous and foolish Fish, it takes the whited Hook, thinking it is a white little Fish. They doe nothing but lift their Line into their Boat, and the Fish falls off presently (being not strongly fastened) and then they put it into the Sea againe; thus they take a strange quantitie, so that in three or foure houres their Boates are in a manner full; and that which is remarkable, they go alwayes with full sayle. The Fish which they take thus they generally cal in their language Cobolly Masse, that is to say, the Blacke Fish, for they are all blacke.

They haue another sort of fishing on their bankes, when the Moone is in the change, and when it is at the full, three daies each time. This they doe on Rafts made of the Wood, called [ 20] Camdou. They haue great Lines of fiftie or sixtie fathome pitched ouer. In the end they hang hookes whereon they fasten the baite as we doe, and thus take great quantitie of fish, one kinde very delicious, which they call the King of the Sea. They haue all sorts of Nets and Toiles made * 3.149 of Cotton twine, Weeles and other Instruments of fishing. Neere the Sea shoare, and where it is shallow, they passe their time, and take delight in fishing for small fish, like Pilchards with ca∣sting Nets. Twice in the Yeere at the Equinoctials, they make a generall fishing, a great num∣ber * 3.150 of persons assemble together in certaine indraughts of the Sea. The Sea at that time ariseth higher then all the times of the Yeere, and passeth the limits of other Tides, the Ebbe after the same proportion recoiles and retires, discouering the Rockes and Shoalds, which at other times appeare not. In those places while the Sea is going out, they obserue some fit corner, and set about it great stones one vpon another to a great height, so that it resembles a round Wall or [ 30] Raueling. This inclosure hath fortie paces in circuit or compasse: but the entrance is but two or three paces large. They gather together thirtie or fortie men, and euery one carrieth fiftie or six∣tie fathome of great coard of Cocos, where from fathome to fathome they tie a piece of the Barke of dried Cocos, to make it float on the water, as we vse Corke: after, they tye them to∣gether, and stretch them out in a round vpon the flats. It is strange, that all the fish which is within the coard, finding themselues taken, although there bee no other Nets nor Instruments, but the Co••rd which swimmeth on the water, but the fish fearing the Line and shadow of the Line; so that they dare not passe vnder to escape, but flye from the Line, thinking that it hath a Net vnderneath: The men goe all driuing them to the inclosure of stone, drawing vp the coard by little and little some in Boates, and some in the water (for vpon these flats the Sea is shallow, [ 40] and not aboue ne••ke high for the most part lesse) so moderately drawing vp the Line the fish flye from it, and are locked vp in the inclosure, so that in the end the Line being all drawne vp, all the fishes enter in: and they speedily stop the entire with Faggots of boughes and leaues of Cocos, bound end to end, twentie or thirtie fathome, and compacted together about the great∣nesse of a man, and so when the Sea is out, the fish remaine taken on the dry Land. They often take thus of all sorts ten and twelue thousand or more. This fishing they make but once in sixe monethes, vpon euery flat, and euery time continues fiue daies, and they change daily their di∣uisions, and returne not often into the same place to fish in this manner, except at another Equinoctiall.

The people are aboue measure superstitious, and addicted to their Religion: but yet extreamly [ 50] giuen to women, wanton and riotous. There is nothing commoner then Adulteries, Incest and Sodomie, notwithstanding the rigour of their Lawes and Penalties: As for simple Fornication, there is nothing more ordinarie: they count it not a sinne, neither their Wiues, nor Daughters which are not married, make it no great matter to yeeld themselues to their Friends, and after (which is very execrable) to euacuate their Fruit by making an abortion, or destroy their children which are not legitimate. The women are strangely impudent, and the men are not lesse vitious (but they cannot be more) and very effeminate. All their desire is to procure (if they can) some * 3.151 Receit, that they may better content their Wiues, and be more strong to exercise their Fornica∣tions. I thinke they spend all their goods on this; hereof they continually speake, and are very dissclute in their words, and almost neuer stirre from their Wiues, of whom they haue pluralitie, [ 60] to three, which is the cause that they cannot satisfie each of them: also the Aire of the Countrey is hot, and exhales part of their spirits and courage: and also their continually softening their flesh in the water, and that the most part eate Opium, or Aphion, as they call it, which tipples.

intoxicates and duls them. The women (as I haue said) carefully hide their brests: to speake of them, they account very lasciuious and dishonest. To kisse, they make as great a matter as to lye together, although they be dissolute in their conuersation, yet they containe themselues before their Parents, and respect their presence. But if a man happen to speake a word (such as I haue * 3.152 said) to a woman, before one or any of her Kindred, they will goe hide themselues, and be great∣ly offended against him; he must therefore make them excuses, and say that hee knew not that they were neere of kin; otherwise they will thinke that he did purposely, and therefore com∣plaine to the Iustice, that hee may manifest which said these lasciuious words in their presence, that he holds them for good and honest people. A man dare not enter into the place where a wo∣man bathes her selfe, or where she is retired (her Robe being off) although they neuer take off the cloth which enuirons them, and serues them for a Coat; but (as I haue said) they esteeme the [ 10] brests as shamefull parts.

When a man and a woman is together, and another person meet with him, hee must not de∣mand of this man if she be his Wife, or Daughter, or Sister: for if it were his Daughter, and hee should aske if it were his Wife, he should offend as if he accused him of Incest; only he must de∣mand if she be his Kinswoman, & he tels the degree of Parentage or Affinitie. As long as the wo∣men haue their tearmes, they bathe not, and wash only their hands and mouth, they change not their Garments, nor lie with their Husbands; nor eate nor conuerse with any bodie. When the women goe a visiting in the night, they must haue a man to accompany them who goeth before, * 3.153 and when hee perceiues that any body comes, hee saith three times Gas, that is, take heede: the men aduertised by this, quite the side of the way where the women goes, making no sem∣blance [ 20] of seeing them, nor of knowing them, with great respect: and if they bee other women, they take each her side of the way, and salute not, except they bee very familiar. They neuer knocke at the Gate (for there is no Ring or Hammer) nor call to bee let into the house, for the great Gate of the Court is alwayes open till eleuen of the clocke in the euening: wherefore they enter into the Court, which is neere the doore of the house, which is also open and spread onely with Tapestrie of Cotton cloth, or other stuffe, and as they approach to this Gate, they cough once, which they hearing within, go forth and see if any one would speake with them. Also the men going in the night through the street, cough often determinately, that they may aduertise one the other, for feare of hurting, or wounding, for they carry their weapons naked: I vnder∣stand the Souldiers and Officers of the King in the Ile of Male. [ 30]

§. V.

Their Gouernment described. The Iudges, Officers, Gentry, Communaltie. The King his Palace, Guard, Nobilitie, Robes, Attire, Attendance, Exercises, Riches; slaine by the Bengalans.

THe gouernment of the estate of the Maldiues is royall and very absolute and ancient; * 3.154 [ 40] the King is feared and reuerenced, and all depend of him. In each of the thirteene Can∣tons is one principall, whom they call Naybe. These Naybes or principalls of the Pro∣uinces * 3.155 are Priests and Doctors of their Law, and haue the ouersight of all that con∣cernes Religion, and instruction of the people therein, and exercise of Iustice, and command the Priests which are vnder them. These Atollons are subdiuided into many Ilands, in each of which, where there is not aboue fortie and one men, is a Doctor called Catibe, superior in the Religion * 3.156 of that Ile, who hath vnder him the particular Priests of the Moschees, all which haue care to nourish and instruct the people in the Law; and liue of a certaine portion of fruits which euery one is bound to giue them, and of certaine rents which the King giues them according to their de∣gree. * 3.157 But particularly the Naybes, besides the exercise of Religion, and authoritie which they haue, are instituted to execute and doe iustice, each in his gouernment. They are the onely [ 50] Iudges of the Country as well in matters ciuill as criminall, and if any one will haue iustice hee must goe finde out the Naybe, or attend his comming to the place. For the Naybes foure times in the yeere, go in circuit about the Ilands, each in his Iurisdiction, and make Visitations, as wel for the religion of the Priests, as for iustice. This is their greatest reuenue, for then their duties are paid them: moreouer they receiue store of Presents from many persons, whereof they are very greedie. In all the Maldiues there are no Iudges but the thirteene Naybes; for the Catibes of the Ilands, * 3.158 and the Priests of the Moschees are but for a shew.

Ouer these Naybes there is a superiour, which resides in the Ile of Male (and is euer neere his person) which is called Pandiare; who is not onely chiefe of the Religion throughout all the Realme, but also soueraigne Iudge. So that after they haue pleaded before the Naybe, if they * 3.159 [ 60] will not stand to his sentence, whether in matters ciuill or criminall, they may appeale to the Pandiare: who discides all affaires that offer themselues, taking aduise of some Naybes which are neere him, of the Catibes, graue men called Moucouris, that is Doctors and experienced men,

which are not Officers: they giue no iudgement if they be not assisted with foure or fiue of these persons at the least. These Moucouris can say all the Alcoran by heart (and all the others read it onely) besides diuers others Sciences which they know. They solemnely inuite them to * 3.160 all their Feasts, Sermons, and Ceremonies, and are greatly honoured and respected by all. There are not aboue fifteene of them in all the Ilands. The Pandiare is called Cady in the Arabick language.

Also after the iudgement of the Pandiare, one may complaine to the King, who commands, and makes iustice to be executed: and this is by six Signiors his principall Officers, who manage * 3.161 the most importune affaires of state. The Pandiare being assisted with two Catibes of the Ile of Malé, and by Naybe of the Attollon, besides some of those Doctors, goeth also to make his visita∣tion [ 10] through the Ile of Malê, as euery Naybe in his Atollon; and hee is attended with his Offi∣cers which carry a long whip to correct delinquents. Hee makes all (without exception) that meet him, to say their creed, and some prayers in the Arabick tongue, and after demands the in∣terpretation in the Maldiue language; and if they are ignorant, he causeth them to be whipt and * 3.162 scourged in the open field by his Officers. The women dare not shew themselues when hee goeth through the street, and if hee encounter any vnuailed, hee causeth her haire to be shauen.

Besides the Naybes, there is in euery Atollon a man delegated and appointed by the King to receiue and leuie his rents and reuenues. All the Iles haue each their order by Diuision and Can∣tons * 3.163 as that of Malé; there are fiue diuisions which they call Auares, and each hath a principall called Mouscouly Auare: the ancient of the diuision, and nothing is done there for the King or [ 20] the people, but they come to him. Iustice (which they call in their language Sacouest) is exercised * 3.164 in the house of the Naybe, or else in the Ile of Malé in the house of the Pandiare, and sometimes in the Kings Palace when the matter is of weight or moment. When they will begin a suit, they goe to the Iudge or Naybe, who sends one of the Sergeants (of whom there are a certaine number, called Deuanits) to make the accused partie come; and if he bee in the same Iland, hee must haue to make him come, a letter of the Naybe, by the meanes whereof he must notifie the place where * 3.165 he is, seeing that he is in the Iurisdiction of the Naybe. Or else if hee be of another Iurisdiction, the Naybe can doe nothing, but in this case he must haue letters of the Pandiare, who can make him come from any part of the Realme into the Kings Iland, where he abideth. Now they giue * 3.166 this letter to the Calibe, superior of the Ile, who in presence of them all giues it to the partie ac∣cused, [ 30] expresly charging him to goe thither: hereof they dare not faile, for they which disobey this iustice, cannot associate with any, nor goe to the Mosche, nor eate nor drinke with them, and they hold them not of their Law. If it bee so that any will not obey, or if hee be some Grande, * 3.167 the King sends his Souldiers to constraine him to come. But if hee will not plead before the Naybe, either because hee beares him ill will, or because that his partie hath too much fauour a∣gainst him, then the plaintiffe or the defendant, who is accused, goeth to find out the King, who commands that hee doe Iustice by Iudges not suspected. This they execute in the Kings house, in the presence of all the chiefe of the Iland. The parties plead their owne causes themselues. If the cause bee of fact, each bring three witnesses, and if they haue them not, the defendant is be∣leeued * 3.168 on his oath only, which they take in touching with the hand the book of their law, which [ 40] * 3.169 the Iudge presents; and then the plaintiffe if hee bee a little versed in affaires, markes scrupulous∣ly if the partie touched the booke really, and the place where he did it. If the difference bee in matter of right, they are iudged by the Law.

The Iudges take nothing for their iudgements, for nothing is due, except that the Deuonits or Sergeants haue the twelfth part of that which is due or adiudged. The Slaues cannot bee wit∣nesses, nor plead, nor make triall in iudgement; likewise in such a cause they receiue three women * 3.170 for one man. The Slaues are such as make themselues so, or such as they bring from other places ••nd sell; for shipwrackt strangers lose not the libertie which they had, if they were Slaues they remaine so. The Slaues which they call Allo, are of worst conditions. They can haue but one wife although all others haue three. Beating of a Slaue is punished with halfe that which they inflict for beating a Free-man. Debtors are constrained, if they haue nothing to pay, to yeeld [ 50] * 3.171 themselues Seruants and not Slaues, and are not vsed as such, but as naturalls of the Countrie, and serue onely their Creditors or other persons which lend them mony to discharge them, these are called Pemousere, which is to say, seruant by borrowing, and they continue thus till they are acquit∣ted, yea their children are Slaues perpetually if they pay it not. Yet when they are ill intreated, they may discharge them, ingaging themselues in the same sort to another, that lends it them: for all their seruice they are nourished and maintained, and when they die their Masters takes all that they had, and if there be not enough to satisfie him, the children must serue till hee bee paid. There are many which seeke (to bee these Pemoussere) to great persons and men of authori∣tie, to haue support and fauour: for when they belong to no body, they are troubled by one or other. [ 60]

The wife cannot pursue in iustice the death of her husband: but onely the children or the kin∣dred. If the children be young, they stay till they be sixteene yeeres old, to know if they will re∣uenge the death of their father. While they thus stay, the Iudge commands him which is appea∣ched * 3.172

of murther to bring vp the children of the deceased, and teach them some Trade or Myste∣rie. When they are come to age, they demand Iustice, or remit and pardon the Murtherer, with∣out any after examination. In matters of iniury committed on the person of any particular, the wronged must complaine; or otherwise the crime is abolished: except the King will make iustice to be executed, without the other partie, but this is seldome.

The ordinary punishments are banishment into the desart Ilands towards the South; cutting * 3.173 off a principall member; or the whip, which is the commonest punishment, but extraordinarily cruell. They are thongs of great thicke leather, a fathom in length, foure fingers in breadth, and two in thicknesse: hereof there are fiue or sixe tied together, in a stocke and handle of Wood. * 3.174 With this they chastice malefactors, and beat them so seuerely that they die often. This is the or∣dinary punishment (for the most part) of the greatest crimes, as Sodomy, Incest, and Adultery. [ 10] Besides this punishment, they cut off the womens hayre that are taken in adultery. False witnes∣ses, and periured persons are thus punished, and moreouer condemned in a pecuniary mulct, which * 3.175 is disposed of to the poore. A rape is punished as adultery, and (for the most part) the rauisher is condemned to endow the woman or mayd. The stealing of any thing of valew, with the cutting off the hand. If they commit any thing against the Law, they must make a kinde of publike pe∣nance. They thinke they shall neuer come in Paradice if they pay not, and accomplish that which the Law hath appointed. For the execution and chastising of malefactors, they haue no hang∣men, but the Deuanits or Sergeants doe it. For punishment with death, although their Law or∣daines * 3.176 it for Homicide, yet the Iudges neuer condemne them to it. All the while I was in the [ 20] Maldiues I saw none condemned to death by the ordinary Iudges: they dare not doe it, except the King expresly commands it, which is seldome. They say commonly, that they must not put men to death so; and if they should execute all that merit death, it would bee a long time before the Ilands should bee inhabited. Yet the King sends his Souldiers, and condemnes and ex∣ecutes those as haue deserued it. For although iustice be in the power of the Doctors of the Law, yet the King is the onely arbitrator, and alone hath power of life and death. Among others the King vseth one particular punishment on those which haue offended him; hee maketh them lye on the ground vpon their belly, and their armes and legs to bee held by foure men and after to be beaten on their backe, with a staffe or kinde of cane, called Rotan, which comes from Bengala; this pulls off the skin, and the marke or brand endures perpetually. [ 30]

They neuer put in writing their suits and differences, nor their accusations, nor depositions, * 3.177 nor iudgements, for they are all very readie and compendious ••neither in ciuill matters, except it be about grounds of inheritance, or Cocos trees which are immoueable, and that the Pandiare or Naybes giue iudgement. For in this case, they giue their letters sealed with their seale of Inke, for I neuer saw them vse any Waxe, and this serues for a testimony to their ofspring, that here∣after, neither hee which hath obtained the cause, nor his heyres may be disquieted.

There are foure sorts of persons: in the first is comprehended the King called Rasquan, and the Queene called Renequillague, with those which are of their race, and precedent Kings, Princes, * 3.178 called Calans, Princesses or Camenaz, and Grand Signiors. The second order is that of Digni∣ties, Offices, and Degrees, which the King distributes, wherein likewise the rankes is very care∣fully [ 40] obserued. The third is the Gentrie. The fourth, the common People. I will begin at the third, which is the ranke which birth giues to euery one separate from the common people. There are many Noble men dispersed heere and there among the Iles. They which are not No∣bles dare not sit with them, nor in their presence, although it bee at the further end, and as farre as they see a greater then they comming behind, they must attend and let him goe before. If al∣so they haue any piece of cloath vpon their shoulder, or any thing, they put it downe. The No∣ble women, although they marrie with men of inferiour condition and not Noble, loose not their ranke. Yea the Children which issue from them are Noble, by reason of the Mother. Also the women of low estate marrying to Noble men, are not ennobled by their Husbands, but retayne their first ranke. Besides the Nobles by birth, the King ennobles whom hee will. Then when [ 50] this happens, the King besides his Letters wherewith hee priuiledgeth him, sends one of his Of∣ficers appointed for this, who makes publication throughout all the ••le, or sounds a kinde of Bell which is of cast mettall, whereon hee strikes with a Hammer. After the King, are the Princes of the bloud, and they which are descended of other Kings his predecessours, who although they be of diuers Houses, yet are all much honoured and respected.

Next are the great Officers of the Kingdome: that is to say, the Quilague, which wee * 3.179 may call the Kings Lieutenant generall: because next to the King and in his absence, hee is most mightie in the Gouernment of the State, so that nothing is done without his aduise. Al∣so if the King will haue any thing obserued or executed, hee is the first whom the King deputes, and to whom hee addresseth his commands. Next him, another called Parenas which is of great [ 60] authoritie: An Endequery, whose Office is to bee alwayes neere the King, and to counsell him in all his occasions and affaires. Another hath charge of Sea matters, which wee may tearme Ad∣mirall, hee is called Velannas, hee lookes to the Ships which arriue, and their Merchandize; and hath care of entertaining Strangers and soliciting for them, hee vseth to come to the ships which

arriue, euen the smallest Barkes, although they bee of the Countrey, and takes away the rudder, and causeth it to bee carried into the Kings house, for feare they should goe away without taking Ieaue. He hath vnder him two Sergeants which looke to the Ships that arriue, and make him ac∣count, and obey his behests. There is a Generall ouer the Souldiers, called Dorimenaz, who hath also a Lieutenant, called Acouraz. Moreouer there is a Chanceller, called Manpai, who sets to all letters the Kings seale, which is nothing else but his name in Arabick, ingrauen in Siluer, which hee dips in Inke and imprints on the paper. The Secretarie is called Carans, the Controller of the Exchequer Musbandery, and the Treasurer Ransbandery: with diuer, other lesser Officers. All these Grandes abouenamed are often called to giue the King counsell when he pleaseth, with sixe ancient and experienced men, called Mouscoulis. Besides the rents and reuenues of certaine Ilands giuen to these Officers, the King giues them Rice for their prouision, as also to the Souldi∣ers, [ 10] with Tributes and Tolls of Barkes and Ships which come to trafficke in the Maldiues. All the honour in this Countrie is to eate of the Kings Rice, and be of the number of his Officers: without this a man is not esteemed noble, although he be.

Next to the Officers the Souldiers are most esteemed and priuiledged, and they make little account of a Gentleman if hee bee not inrolled in the Souldierie. The Souldierie consists of Soul∣diers * 3.180 of the Kings Guard which are six hundred, diuided into fixe companies, commanded by the Mouscoulis. There are ten other great Companies gathered together, each whereof hath a Cap∣tayne of the Grand Signiors of the Realme. These guard not, but serue the King, when hee hath any affaires, not onely as Souldiers to march and fight, but to doe all that hee commands, as to lanch a Ship, to draw it on dry land, or to doe such great worke where there is neede of men to [ 20] build his Palace, if it bee needfull, or to make any worke or edifice for him. They call them and gather them together with the sound of a certayne Bell. They diuide them into parts, for there are fiue Companies which are more honourable, wherein they admit none but Gentlemen, and other fiue Companies meaner, of all sorts of persons.

None can bee entred into the Companies, before they haue permission of the King, and more∣ouer it costs him for his entrance sixtie Larins, twentie to the King for his permission, and fortie to distribute to the Companie whereof hee ought to bee. The Slaues therefore cannot bee inrol∣led, nor they which get their liuing and substance from the Coco Trees, nor any mechanicall and base people, and generally those which cannot write and reade, nor those which serue others. [ 30] Moreouer they buy for the most part all Offices of the King, and they are greatly sought after by rich men, because of Honour, Authoritie, and Power, which they haue ouer others; but they may not sell, leaue, nor resigne them.

All the Ilanders haue but one name, without any firname or name of the familie, and vse fre∣quently these names, Mahomet, Haly, Hussum, Assan, Ibrahim, and such others, but to know * 3.181 them, they distinguish them by their qualitie, which they adde in the end of their name as they that are of Noble race adde to their name Tacourou, and their Wiues Bybis: Moreouer they put also the Ile which is theirs. Those which are not Noble, but by their Office or qualitie, call them∣selues * 3.182 Callogues, and their Wiues and Daughters, Camull••gues. Not those onely which I haue named vse these, but others obtayning of the King vacant functions, to bee separated from the [ 40] Plebeians. They buy this dearely of the King, because the Names and Titles are limited to a cer∣tayne number. The common people are called with their proper Callo, and adde also the trade and condition whereof they are, their Wiues and Daughters Camuto. * 3.183

The Palace of the King is built of Stone, composed of many handsome mansions and well built, yet without any ornament of Architecture, and of one storie. Round about it are Yard∣lands * 3.184 and Gardens, where are Fountaines and Cisternes of water, enclosed with walles and paued on the bottome with great smooth stones. These places are guarded continually by men appoin∣ted for it, because the King and Queenes wash themselues there, all others being straitly pohibi∣ted from washing there. In the inclosure of the Palace (called in their Language Gandoyre, which is very large) are many Lodgings and Courts, which haue all in the midst a Well garnished with [ 50] faire white stones. In one of these Courts, are two Magasins of the King: in one he puts his Or∣dnance, in the other all other sorts of Munition.

At the entrance of the Palace is a Corps de guard, where are many Pieces of Ordnance, and o∣ther kindes of Armes. The Portall is made like a square Tower, vpon the top whereof on Feast * 3.185 dayes, players of Instruments play and sing. From thence they come to the first Hall, where the Souldiers wayte: a little further is another great Hall for the Signiors, Gentlemen, and persons of fashion. For none neither Signiors, nor Plebeian, man, woman, nor childe, dare goe further, ex∣cept the domesticall Officers of the King and Queenes, and their Slaues and Seruitors. The paue∣ment * 3.186 of these Hals are eleuated three foot aboue the ground, and neatly boarded with wood well playned. It is thus raised vp because of the Ants. Then the floore is after all couered with a [ 60] little Matte, which they make in the Iles, interlaced in various colours, with Characters and o∣ther workes very finely contriued. The walls are hanged with Tapistrie of Silke; also vpon the plat-fonds, it is couered with tapestrie of silke, from which hangs round about faire fringes as a Curtaine. The King made the great Ensigne and Banner of our ship which was blue, where

the Armes of France were well made, to bee displayed in the Souldiers and Strangers hall.

In these Halls before the place where the King sits, there is another forme of Curtaines very rich, vnder which is a large place eleuated two foot, couered with a great Tapestrie, hereon they fit crosse-legged, for they vse no other seats. Vpon these Mattes throughout all the hall, the No∣bles which come to assemble together sit downe. In this sitting they obserue exactly the order of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dignities: for they which are of lower degree, stay at the lower end, if the King or his Gr••naes which are th••re in his absen••e, b••d them not sit. For the Gentlemen of the Ile of Male, and ordinarie Courtiers, which are bound to come and salute the King euerie day after noone, stay and sit in the second Hall, and may goe no further, wayting till the King come foorth, or ••••at they see some domesticke Officer, by whom they send the King word that they are come to salute him. Sometimes the King sends them while they are thus sitting, platters full of Bettell [ 10] and Fruits, which they hold a great honour. The Gentrie of the other Ilands come also and ob∣serue the same customes that they doe of the Ile of Male: but they come not without Pre∣sents, * 3.187 for none is permitted to salute the King, neither Noble-man nor Merchant, without one.

The Chambers and inner Lodgings are well adorned, hanged with Tapestrie of silke, inriched * 3.188 with flowers, boughes and branches of Gold, and of diuers colours. The people vse tapestrie of Cotton, which is composed of many pieces of cloath of Cotton of all colours. Their Beds are hanged in the ayre by foure cords to a barre which is sustained with two pillers. They make the [ 20] beds of the King and rich men in this sort, because they may rocke and shogge them more easily. They are accustomed when they are layd downe to make their folke touch and mooue their bo∣die, and chafe them easily, strike them little blowes with both their hands together, saying that is good against the Spleene, and makes their griefe cease; also that it makes them sleepe soundly, and makes them forget the griefe of the member beaten and rubbed.

The ordinarie habillement of the King, is a white fine Robe of Cotton, or rather a Cassoque, * 3.189 descending to the girdle or a little lower, edged with white and blue, made fast before with mas∣sie buttons of Gold. With this he weares a piece of red imbroydered Taffetie, which reacheth from the girdle to the heele. This Taffetie is girded with a long large girdle of Silke fringed with Gold, and a great chayne of Gold before, whereat hangs a great Iewell as big as a hand, of exquisite stones which may bee seene. Hee weares also a knife after the manner of the Coun∣trey, but more richly wrought. Vpon his head hee hath a Bonnet of red Scarlet, which is much * 3.190 esteemed in this Countrey, and permitted to none but the King: this bonnet is laced with Gold, [ 30] and on the top it hath a great button of massie Gold with a precious Stone; and although the Grandes and Souldiers weare their hayre long, yet hee hath his shauen euery weeke. Hee vseth * 3.191 to haue his legges alwayes bare as others, and weares only on his feet Pantoffles of guilded Cop∣per, brought out of Arabia and made like sandals. Of which sort none but the Queenes and Prin∣cesses his kinswomen may weare. When the King goeth foorth, hee hath a Sun-shadow or white Parosel, which is the principall Ensigne of Maiestie, carryed ouer him. This is permitted to none but Strangers who may haue what they will: alwayes there is one Page neere the King which * 3.192 carries a fanne, another the Kings Sword and Buckler, another a boxe full of Bettell and Arecqua, which hee chawes euery houre. A Doctor of the Law alwayes followes him, and neuer looseth * 3.193 [ 40] sight of him, reading a Booke in his presence, and admonishing him of his Religion.

His exercises and ordinarie pastimes are not to goe out and fish as his predecessors vsed to doe, * 3.194 but to remayne for the most immured in his Palace, to court his Queenes, see his Courtiers, and many Mechanickes and Artificers worke, as Painters, Goldsmiths, Imbroiderers, Cutlers, Ioy∣ners, Turners, Armorers, and others sorts which hee keepes in his Palace, and furnisheth them with matter to worke. Hee workes himselfe, and saith frequently that it is a sinne to bee idle. Hee hath a quicke and viue apprehension, and hath skill to worke in many Crafts and Mysteries, * 3.195 and is daily curious to learne: hee seekes out those which are excellent in any thing; if hee meet with any stranger that knowes that which he nor his Ilanders know not, he makes very much of * 3.196 him, that he may shew him his Art.

Going out of his Palace, hee is accompanied with his Souldiers, whereof hee hath a hundred [ 50] euery day for his Guard. On Friday he goeth to the Mosche, in a faire order and kind of pompe, * 3.197 for the Souldiers goe in rankes, some before and some behinde, and so his ordinarie Officers: the Drums, Flutes, Trumpets, make good agreeable musicke. After seruice is done, hee returnes in the same order, the Souldiers going with the sound of Instruments playing among them and lea∣ping before the King with their armes, and striking blowes with their Swords on one anothers Bucklers: shewing their agilitie, yet not all together, to auoyde confusion but two at a time one∣ly, and so one after another without ceasing. The people of the Ile which are present goe home with him, and it should bee a shame to any one not to goe. Then the Pandiare, Naybes, C••tibes and Moudins, and principall Signiors, Gentlemen and Souldiers, which hee chooseth diuersly, dine with him, and after dinner hee imployes himselfe in doing Iustice. Moreouer, when the * 3.198 [ 60] King goeth foorth hee is alwayes on foot (for in these Ilands is neither Horse nor any Beast to ride on) except hee bee carried in a C••ayre on his Slaues shoulders: but this is seldome, because he is strong and lustie & had rather go on foot. When they speake to the King, or Queenes and their

Children and Princes of their bloud, or else if they speake of them to others, it is in other termes which they vse not but for this, and dare not apply them to others. As if they say of a man hee * 3.199 sleepeth, if it bee of the King, they say, he slumbreth or takes his rest, which they neuer say but speaking of the King.

The Queenes are attired as other women formerly described, but in more costly manner. The * 3.200 Ladies, Wiues and Daughters of the Grand Signiors of the Ile, are bound to come see them in the euening, to passe the time with them. They goe sometimes forth, but it is very rare: and then there are women and slaues which goe a great way before, to aduertise the men that they retire and appeare not in the way, but onely the women, who assemble by their quarters and diuisions, and come to meet them with Presents of Flowers and Fruits. There are foure principall women which carry ouer the Queenes head a white Curtine of Silke reaching to the ground, so that they [ 10] cannot be seene. They goe often to bath in the Sea, as all other women: for it is the custome of the Country, and they hold it very healthfull; for this cause therefore they haue prepared in the Sea a little inclosure, couered round with Cotton cloth, where the Queenes and great women bath: after they come out they haue another little house also made purposely where they bath againe in Fresh-water. Within the chambers of the Queenes, Princesses, and great Ladies they * 3.201 neuer see day, nor haue any other light but of Lamps, which burne continually. They retyre themselues into a part of the chamber, being enclosed with foure or fiue rowes of Tapistry, which they must lift vp before they come where they are: but none neither man nor woman, domesti∣call nor others dare lift vp the hindmost, although they are not laid, nor eating, in briefe al∣though * 3.202 they be idle. They must first cough, and tell who they be, and then they call them or send [ 20] them whither they thinke good. Neither women nor maids pull off the cloth which goes about their middle, but only their robe: the men doe so also, and dare not doe otherwise.

The Kings reuenewes consists in his Crowne lands, which are many Ilands; and the duties which his subiects pay of the fruits which grow in the Countrie, that is to say, the fifth part of * 3.203 the graines which they sow, they giue the King a portion of their Cocos and Limons, they com∣pound also throughout all the yeere for a certaine quantitie of Hony or fruit. Besides these du∣ties the King imposeth an ordinary taxe on his subiects, according to their meanes, which con∣sists * 3.204 in cords of Cocos, in shells called Boly, and dryed Fish. For they giue him no mony for his Taxes and Rents, but onely when they buy Titles and Offices, and haue permission to weare [ 30] their braueries. Also hee chargeth the Inhabitants of the Iles to make and furnish him yeerely Cotton clothes, which serueth him for his Souldiers, to whom hee giues thrice a yeere Cloth, be∣sides * 3.205 their pay. The reuenew of the King consists also in merchandise: For all the Ships which arriue there, first goe to him, and declare what they haue brought, after they agree at a certaine * 3.206 price for that which hee will haue, which is very often the better part: after the people buy it at a dearer rate then the King; and then the King sends to distribute his merchandise throughout the Iles to the richest, at what price hee will; although they haue no vse of it, taking in exchange such merchandise, as hee hath need of, at a better price by halfe then it is worth. He sends often also Ships laden with merchandise of his Ile to other Countries. The King hath also besides these Royalties, whatsoeuer is found on the Sea shoare, and no man dare touch it to detaine it, but is [ 40] * 3.207 bound to take it vp and bring it him, whether it bee pieces of shipwrackt Ships, pieces of Wood, Coffers, or other things: or Amber Greece, which they call Gomen, hereof is the greatest quantitie in the Indies, and none dare keepe it on paine of hauing his hand cut off.

Also there is a certaine Nut, which the Sea sometimes casts vp, which is as great as a mans head: they call it Tauarcarre, and suppose that it commeth of certaine trees that are vnder the * 3.208 sea: the Portugals call them Cocos of the Maldiues. It is a thing very medicinable & of great price. Also the fishing for Blacke Corrall appertaines to the King, who hath many men to make this fishing. The mony of the Kingdome is onely Siluer, and of one kind. These are pieces of Siluer which they call Larins, of the valew of eight Sols or thereabouts of our mony, long as a finger, * 3.209 but much folded. The King coynes them in his Iland, and imprints on them his name in Ara∣bick letters. The other monyes are Exotick coynes, and there goe currant, but they take them not [ 50] but at iust value, and at equall weights, and onely the Gold or Siluer, all other sorts of coyne which are not of the Countrie they reiect. For in India, as there are many Realmes and Signiories, so great diuersitie of mony, of stampe and character, not onely of Gold and Siluer, but also of an other mettall called Calin, which is white like Tin, and very hard, pure, and beautifull, whereof they make great esteeme in the Indies; they haue also Iron mony. But this kind of mony goeth onely in the Dominions of the Prince that coynes it. The Gold and Siluer of whatsoeuer stampe and character it be, is currant through all Kingdomes according to the iust valew, which is of dif∣ferent valew from ours, because Siluer is deerer then here, and Gold baser. The King makes no lesser coynes then the Larin: so that to effect their merchandise, they cut the Siluer and giue in * 3.210 weight according to the valew of the merchandise: which is not without losse, for in cutting of [ 60] a Larin they loose the twelfth part. They take no piece of Siluer which they haue not weigh∣ed, and put in the fire to try the goodnesse: euery one hath weights in his house for this purpose. Also in stead of little and base mony they vse shells, whereof 120. ••0. goe at the valew or a Larin.

All their Gold and Siluer come from forraine places, for they haue no coine in these Iles. In all their publique markets and particuler bargainings, they vse to exchange very often one thing * 3.211 for another.

The Maldiues are very well frequented with Merchants of many Countries, as of the Mala∣bares, * 3.212 of Barcelor, Onor, Bacalor, Cananor, Calecut, Tananor, Cochin, Coulam, Cael: of the Guze∣rattes, of Cambaia, Surate, and Chaule of the Arabs, Persians, of those of Bengale, Saint Thoma and Masulipatan, Ceylan and Sumatra; which bring Merchandise whereof the Ilanders haue need and esteeme, and in recompence carrie away those things wherewith the Ilands abound. First of * 3.213 the Cocos tree, they make many kindes of things which the strangers seeke after, as Cordage, wherewith they trim all the Ships of the Indies: they lade yeerely more then one hundred ships [ 10] of the fruit of the Cocos, which they carry into the Coasts of Arabia, Malabar, and throughout all India, also Oyle and Honey of the same Tree: and weauing the Leaues of this tree serue them to make Sayles.

There is another sort of riches in the Ilands: These are little shells wherein there is a little * 3.214 creature, as great as the end of the little finger, all white, very smooth and glistering, which they fish for but twice a moneth, three dayes before, and three dayes after the new Moone, and like∣wise the Full, and finde them at no other season. The women gather them vpon the sands and flats of the Sea, being in the water to the girdle. They transport great quantities of them to other Countries, insomuch that I haue seene yeerely thirtie or fortie ships laden without any other commoditie. They goe all into Bengala: for there onely they buy them at great prices, and in great quantitie. They of Bengala make such esteeme of them, that they vse them as common [ 20] money, although they haue Gold and Siluer, and enough of other mettals: and that which is more maruellous, the Kings and Nobles build places to lay them vp in, and account them part of their Treasure. They giue twentie * 3.215 measures of Rice for one fardell of Shels. For all these Bo∣lys are put vp by fardels of twelue thousand together in little baskets made of the Cocos leafe, garnished within with cloath made of the same Tree, for feare the shells should fall out. They much esteeme in India Tortois shells, which they call Cambe. This sort of Tortois is found no * 3.216 where but there, and in the Philippinas: it is faire, very smooth, all blacke, with many naturall figures. They sell them best in Cambaia where they make (besides bracelets for women) faire Coffers and Cabbinets inlayed with siluer. They make heere very fine mattes of Reed of diuers [ 30] colours, and inrich them with ornaments and ciphers very neatly. They haue also faire cloaths of Cotton and Silke.

In counter-change of these the Merchants being them Rice, white Cotton clothes, and cloath * 3.217 of Silke: Oyle which is made of an odoriferous Graine, wherewith they vse to rub their bodies when they haue bathed, Arecqua, Iron and Steele, Spices, Porcelane, and whatsoeuer they haue need of: and yet euery thing is very cheape by reason of the abundance, and ordinarie arriuall of Ships. They bring also Gold and Siluer, which neuer goeth foorth againe: for they giue it not for any thing to Strangers, but put it among the Treasure and Iewels of their Wiues.

§. VI. [ 40]

A larger discourse of their Religion, manifold Ceremonies, and absurd opinions. The Authors departure and returne.

THeir Religion is Mahometan, their Temples or Moschees are builded square of hewen stone. They haue three doores, and at the entrie of each doore on the out∣side, * 3.218 there is a large Well whereinto they descend by degrees, the bottomes and sides are garnished with polished stone, in these they vse to bathe themselues.

The Temple is eleuated nine or ten greeces; the floore of it is couered with Mattes and Ta∣pistrie: [ 50] they are very curious to keepe them neate and handsome; they dare not spit in them, nor blow their nose, but if they bring no handkerchiffe with them, if they haue any necessitie, they must goe foorth. The roofe is of wood, of excellent Carpenters worke, the wall waynscotted, whereon hang Tables of wood or stone, engrauen with letters and writings in Arabicke. There are separations of certaine places appointed to certaine persons, * 3.219 yet not to one particular person, but for those which are of one order, estate, age, or qualitie, and none dare place himselfe in a place not appointed for his condition. Within the Temples are * 3.220 Lamps light continually. Euery Mosche hath a Moudin or Priest. Each day in the weeke, they goe at the breake of day to the Mosche, and there make a prayer according to their beliefe, that is to say, that the world is flat and not round, and that there is a wall of Copper about it, which [ 60] hinders the world from being ouerwhelmed with the waters which inuirone it, and that the De∣uill the enemy of Mankinde, seekes euery night to pierce thorow and vndermine this wall, and * 3.221 by day breake hee wants very little to haue made a hole thorow; for this cause all the men from fifteene yeeres old, goe at the point of day to their Moschees, to make prayers, saying that with∣out their prayers all the world would perish.

They goe foure other times in a day to the Mosche: at mid-day, three houres after, at Sun-set, and ten a clocke in the euening, and tarie each time halfe an houre. The Women neuer enter in∣to * 3.222 their Temples, but abide in their houses, and there make Prayers. Yet if they goe not to their Temples the ordinarie dayes of the weeke, they make their Prayers and Ceremonies in their houses or else-where: and although they constraine none to doe thus; yet if they know of any that neglects it, they will neither eate nor communicate with them. Before they enter into the Temple, they wash their feete, hands, eares, mouth, and eyes, making also certaine Ceremonies, * 3.223 and pronouncing prayers, which are diuers according to the houres, feasts, occasions, for which they wash: I•• they make vrine, or doe their necessities, or touch their priuities, they wash and * 3.224 say their prayers destined for that: If they haue accompanied with a woman, they must bath and say their Prayers of another sort; if with their owne wife, of another sort. They wash and bath [ 10] in publike and say their prayers so loude, that by the diuersitie of prayers according to the occa∣sions, a man may know what they haue done in secret, and when they haue lyen with their wiues, or else with others.

They are all Circumcisied, the males at seuen yeere old. Before an Infant is Circumcised, they * 3.225 say hee is an Innocent, and cannot sinne. For their Daughters, they make no feasts nor ceremo∣nies, but for their Circumcision draw two or three drops of blood from their nature, then when they come to the age of ten yeeres old. All the yeere long they celebrate many Feasts. First eue∣rie * 3.226 weeke they solemnize Friday. On Thursday in the euening, some make prayers for their health, others for the deceased: and therefore they prepare to eate and drinke, and send to their Priests or Moudins neere the place where their dead are interred, to pray to God for them: or [ 20] else they inuite them to their houses, and there entertaine them. On Friday morning one goeth through the Ile carrying in his hand a kind of cast Bell, much resembling the couer of a Limbeck, * 3.227 with a hammer of wood, wherewith hee beates it: and at the end of euerie street hee stayes, and admonisheth the people, that is their feast Oucourou or Friday. Hee is assisted with three persons which haue straight Trumpets, wherewith they often sound. The people being thus warned * 3.228 cease from their worke, and bathe and wash themselues, saying their Prayers. And each of them cloathes himselfe in his best attire, and all from the age of fifteene yeeres are bound to bee there. In the meane while on the portall of the Kings Palace, are players of diuers Instruments. Then the Kings foure Moudins all together ascend an Edifice of stone, high erected, joyning to the * 3.229 Mosche, putting their hands to their eares, crying thrice with all their might with a most feare∣full [ 30] voice all together in the Arabicke language, Alas, alas Aquebar, that is to say, Great God: and then they adde something of Mahomet.

Then they goe to the Kings Palace; and the King, if hee will bee found, as hee is seldome de∣fectiue, sends a Carpet of silke to spread in the place where he will sit: if hee doth not, it is a * 3.230 certaine signe hee will not bee found. When all the companie is assembled (and the King is come and hath made his prayers) the Catibe ascends a raised place of wood sixe or seuen steppes high. There hee holds a naked Sword in his hand, with the point downward, which hee often flouri∣sheth this way and that way, and recites his prayers. All this time the people pray without ceasing, putting themselues in diuers postures, sitting, standing vpright, kneeling, their face gro∣uelling * 3.231 to the earth, their hands lifted vp and cast downe, then crossed, turning their head and [ 40] eyes hither and thither: it were very difficult to represent all the gestures and apish tricks which they doe in this time: then they put off their weapons, and their kniues, and dare haue nothing about them but their cloathes, and they also must bee very neate. The Catibe changeth his pray∣ers euery Friday to the end of the yeere, and then begins againe. Hee saith all by heart, and in the * 3.232 meane time one of the Moudins holds the Booke, and if it chanceth that hee faileth in one word, sillable, or letter, the Moudine reprehends him with a loud voyce and without dissembling: for they say, if hee should faile in one point, the Feast should bee nullified, and worth nothing.

On the dayes of their New Moone all the yeere long, they make the like Feast, and reioyce when they see the new Moone: then they make cleane their Houses, Courts, and all their streets * 3.233 and the wayes to the Mosches, and all the gates of their houses as well without as within, and [ 50] they set on both sides Cocos shells cut in the middle, like woodden dishes, and fill them with white sand, and burning coales vpon it, scarce ceasing all the night to burne Aromaticke gummes, and odoriferous woods and perfumes: likewise within in their Houses, at the corners of their Beds and else-where, they besmeare and fashion all their doores and housholdstuffe at their * 3.234 feasts, with Sanders, and other sweet smelling odours beaten and tempered together; but aboue all, they solemnise foure New Moones in the yeere more then the others.

In the moneth of December or thereabouts at the New Moone, they obserue a feast called in Arabicke Ramedan: this begins at the new Moone, and ends at the new Moone following. This * 3.235 night the men and the women each by themselues visite one another, and feast, and reioyce toge∣ther with banquets, dances and merriments, so that it is neere day before they retire. The day [ 60] before, they bathe and make particuler ceremonies, cleanse and wash their teeth, and leaue their Bettell, and thence forward fast till night although the day be long, with such superstition, that they will not only not taste any thing, but also not wash their mouth, nor put their fingers in it, * 3.236

nor yet swallow their spittle. This causeth them often to spit, and diseaseth them much, espe∣cially at their Mesquit, where it is not lawfull for them to spet, but euer and anone they must goe forth for that purpose. The men may wash themselues * 3.237 but not plunge their heads in wa∣ter, lest some drop should enter their mouthes or eares: but the women dare not, lest the water should enter at their lower parts. Halfe an houre before Sunne-set, all which are fifteene yeeres old and vpwards goe to the Temple, that they may in that halfe houres space cleanse their mouthes and picke their teeth very exactly; to which purpose the Moudins furnish themselues all the Lent with Pick-tooths, and other instruments of neatnesse, made of the Coco wood. This done, the Moudin makes his crie three times, and enters the Temple; all the People are behinde him; thus they make their Prayers there, and the women in their houses; which ended, they make good cheere with their friends, and feast each other by [ 10] course, hauing made prouision long before to that end; the poorest sparing before hand that they may haue to feast during the Ramedan. The King makes seuerall entertainments, * 3.238 one day feasting his Nobles, another his Souldiers, a third the Pandeare, Moudins and Reli∣gious persons; and all the people of the Ile in their differing rankes. The Nobles obserue the like custome for their friends and equals; for they religiously obserue this, not to eate with men of differing ranke and qualitie. Men and Boyes feast thus, the Women goe not, but send Presents and Viands one to another, and bathe themselues in the euening, at which time, men may not bee admitted to bathe. In the day-time the men neither marrie nor touch their women: and during the Ramedan they are more carefull to auoide sinne then at other times. [ 20] And if any by occasion breakes any of the Fasting-dayes, hee fasteth as many after; which * 3.239 often happeneth by reason of their superstition, supposing their Fast defectiue, if they happe to bleed in any part. They will not in this moneth worke, be they neuer so poore, nor trauell or send out of their Ile.

The Pandiare (whom the Arabs call the Cadi) euery day preacheth at the Kings Palace, or * 3.240 at the Temple, or at his House, beginning at three after noone, and holding on two houres; and all the Inhabitants of the Ile of Malé assemble thither: this commonly in the vulgar Language, and sometimes in Arabike, which hee after interpreteth. They employ themselues the rest of the time in exercise of Armes and diuers playes, as at the Ball, in seuerall com∣panies, with their feet: the women and daughters also haue their visitations and petie [ 30] sports. The youths also and maidens court and make loue to each other more in that moneth * 3.241 then at other times; send each other Songs, Sonnets, and Verses written in Coco leaues (which are as white as Paper) inscribed or grauen with Bodkins; and send Garlands of the fairest and sweetest flowers to their Sweet-hearts. All deuise pastimes to entertaine that mo∣neth. The women and maidens for their flowers sake must fast eight dayes more then the men, after the Ramedan is ended.

Three dayes before it ends, the Coly warneth all from the top of the Steeple to send their names to the Pandiare of Malé, as in other Ilands to the Naybe, to pay their offerings (halfe a * 3.242 Larin for each person) or else man and boy, woman and maide haue lost the merite of their fasting, saying it is their Tribute to God and Mahomet. They which haue it not may borrow, for the King and the richer sort will pay for all that aske; but if any will not indure the shame [ 40] that another should pay for him, his name is recorded neuerthelesse, and he makes it his debt, to pay after the feast. Parents pay for their children till they be married and dwell from them, as also for their slaues. This money is after diuided into three parts: and foure Receiuers are appointed, one on behalfe of the King, another for the Church-men, the third for New Con∣uerts, the fourth for the Poore: there are eight Registers which record the offerings. It is af∣ter shared one part to the Priests, as the Pandiare, Naybes, Catibes, Moudins, Deuanits, and others of their Church: The second to the Conuerts, the third to the Poore. On the last day of the Fast is celebrated a great feast called Ydu. The day is no more certaine then the begin∣ning * 3.243 of the Ramedan (which is when they first see the New Moone, as in all their Moon-feasts, [ 50] not at the change but at the appearance, which is therefore) sooner or later in one Iland then another, as it hath had cleerer weather or sooner sight. Their May Ydu, a three dayes solem∣nitie;, and their Poycacan at the Full Moone about Aprill or May; and their Dida, or All-Soules feast in Iune, when they visit the Sepulchres and there set viands; and their Candis Cacan in August; and Maulude or Night-feast in October (the night that Mahomet died) with the seuerall ceremonies thereof, as also of their Marriages and Funerals, I dare not present you for feare of tediousnesse.

Wee will therefore returne with our Authour, and free you also from the Maldiues. Tenne * 3.244 dayes before his libertie he had a dreame that hee was free and in Christendome, whereat hee much reioyced, and awaking made a vow to make a Voyage to S. Iames of Galicia, to giue God [ 60] thankes. Two nights after the King was told of an Armada of sixteene Gallies or Galliots comming thither. The King commanded to rigge his seuen Gallies with other Ships, Barkes and Boates. This was attempted with all industrie, but could not be effected before the Ene∣mies Fleet came in sight. Thereupon he charged that all his best goods should be embarqued,

so to saue himselfe and his women in the Southerne Iles. He forsooke his Palace, and fled with his three Queenes, each of them carried in armes by Gentlemen, as Nurses carrie their Infants; couered with Vailes and Taffataes of diuers colours. The streets were full of cries of women and infants. He was forced to leaue great part of his goods and all his Armes and Ordnance behind for want of time; and with much lamentation set sayle for the South, to the Atollons of Souadou. But the winde fayled, and the Enemie sent eight Gallies after him, in fight with whom the King was slaine, and his wiues and goods taken. The other eight entred on land, and the Authour yeelded to them, and being found not to be a Portugall, was spared. They stayd * 3.245 ten dayes to lade their Gallies with the goods which they found, and with fiue or sixe score peeces of Ordnance great and small (a principall cause of their Voyage) and then departed, lea∣uing [ 10] the Queenes and all the people in libertie, except the brother of the Chiefe Queene and the Kings brother in law. His arriuall in Malicut a small Ile, and the Iles Diuandurou thirty leagues thence, and at last at Chatigan in Bengala, I omit. At his departure from Bengala, the Mogol had denounced warre to the chiefe King of Bengala, who prepared to entertaine him with aboue a million of men and ten thousand Elephants. The Kings of Aracan and Chaul, * 3.246 and other great Lords, Mahumetans and Gentiles were his Tributaries, and were bound to finde him a certaine number of men and horses. The successe is related by others, and other things many of many other Indian Regions are related by the Authour, whom wee are willing now to dismisse, hauing entertained him only for a Maldiuan Guide and Pilot.

The particulars of his returne he relateth at large: first his passage from Bengala to Mou∣tingué, [ 10] gouerned by a petie Prince, a Nairo, subiect to the Samory of Calecut. It is seated be∣twixt * 3.247 Cananor and Calecut, and is a Port of the Malabar Pirats. He was here much amazed to see so many in Armes, borne by all from ten or twelue yeeres. There are ten other neere Ports within ten small leagues of each other, Chombais, Badara, &c. But Moutingué is the best. Thence he went to Calicut, and waiting eight moneths for a Holland ship in vaine, he was per∣swaded by Iesuites to goe to Cochin, where he was imprisoned for a Spie. At Goa also hee was * 3.248 prisoner with those which remained of the seuenteene Englishmen taken at the Barre of Surrat. The Iesuits had brought one Master Richard and foure other Englishmen from the Mogols Court; some Hollanders also were there: and they all were prisoners together. But the Iesuites vnder∣tooke for them, and procured their libertie; namely Thomas Steuens an Englishman, Rector of [ 30] Margon Colledge in Salsete, and Nicolas Trigaut a Wallon, and Steuen Crosse a Frenchman of Roan, with Gaspar Aleman a Spaniard. The said Thomas Steuens procured the libertie of the Eng∣lishmen also, foure of which became Catholike-Romanists, and two of them died there. Don Loys Lorencio d'Establa arriued at Goa with the title of Vice-roy, to the peoples great griefe, which more desired Don André Furtado. Ten moneths after his comming, foure great Caracks arriued, contayning each about two thousand tunnes. Fiue had departed from Lisbon, but they knew not what was becomne of the fift, separated by tempest at the Cape. In each were em∣barqued a thousand persons, Souldiers, Mariners, Iesuites, and other Church-men, with Mer∣chants and Gentlemen. But when they arriued at Goa, there were not aboue three hundred in each, by reason of sicknesse and miseries endured eight moneths at Sea, without sight of Land. [ 40] These brought an Edict from the King, forbidding English, French, or Dutch commerce, and * 3.249 if there were any such there, to packe them away vpon perill of their liues. On the sixe and twentieth of December, 1609. He returned for Lisbon. March the fifteenth, 1610. they arriued at the Ile of Diego Rodrigue, in 20. Southerne degrees, about forty leagues East from Saint Laurence. After a cruell storme there fiue dayes together, they attained the Cape, Saint Helena, Brasill, the Açores, the Berlings, and hauing payed his vow to Saint Iames in Galicia, he arriued at Rochell, the sixteenth of Februarie, 1611. [ 50]

The end of the ninth Booke. [ 60]

Notes

• * 1.1

  This Sum∣marie is also in his own words, but many things which pertayne ra∣ther to his minde then bodies trauels, in discourses of causes, &c. are left out not for want of worth, but of roome: this worke loo∣king another way. The stu∣dious may reade the Au∣thor himselfe, the Historie we haue extracted
• * 1.2

  Earle of Essex.
• * 1.3

  Likelihood of wars betwixt the Pope and Caesare, for the Dutchy of Fer∣rara.
• * 1.4

  Duke of Candy vnder the state of Venice.
• * 1.5

  Cyprus.
• * 1.6

  A strange deli∣uerance. Wickednesse of a Portugall.
• * 1.7

  Another deli∣uerance.
• * 1.8

  Insolence of Ianizaries in those times of Mahomet Fa∣ther to the Mustapha.
• * 1.9

  English Con∣sull at Aleppo. Merchants bounty.
• * 1.10

  A happy deli∣uerance from danger.
• * 1.11

  Aborisci King of the Arabs visited.
• * 1.12

  Manner of Iustice.
• * 1.13

  Sir Robert Sher∣ley, since Em∣bassador from th King of Persia to His Maiestie. A hard di∣stresse.
• * 1.14

  The ruines of Babylon.
• * 1.15

  Niniue.
• * 1.16

  Bagdat.
• * 1.17

  A hard di∣stresse.
• * 1.18

  A strange pro∣uidence.
• * 1.19

  A Carauan of Persian Pil∣grimes.
• * 1.20

  A strange and extraordinary kindnesse of a Florentine Mer∣chant, called Victorio Spe∣ciero.
• * 1.21

  Santon Pilgri∣mage
• * 1.22

  Courdines.
• * 1.23

  Abas his flight to the King of Corasan.
• * 1.24

  The King mur∣thered.
• * 1.25

  The Persian Greatnesse.
• * 1.26

  Sistane.
• * 1.27

  Ferrat Can.
• * 1.28

  Slie stratagem.
• * 1.29

  Gheylan and Mazamdran.
• * 1.30

  Populous and feitile.
• * 1.31

  The meanes by which King Abas setled the quiet of Persia.
• * 1.32

  The people.
• * 1.33

  Colonies,
• * 1.34

  The Kings gracious speech to Fer∣rat.
• * 1.35

  Ferrats treason.
• * 1.36

  The Vsurper slaine.
• * 1.37

  The Kings Triumphant entry into Cas∣bin after his victory.
• * 1.38

  Sir Anthony Sherleis first sa∣lutation, and speech to the King.
• * 1.39

  The Kings an∣swere.
• * 1.40

  Sir Anthony Sherleis present to the King of Persia.
• * 1.41

  Models of for∣tification.
• * 1.42

  The Bazar.
• * 1.43

  A memorable punishment of extortion.
• * 1.44

  The King of Persi••es iudge∣ment vpon an Extortioner.
• * 1.45

  Sir Authonie made a Mirza. The rich Pre∣sent sent him by the King.
• * 1.46

  Kings care of Religion for Policie.
• * 1.47

  The particu∣lars of his ge∣n••rall answer, y••e may see in his owne 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as also the Kings an∣s••••r T•••• King of 〈1 line〉〈1 line〉 king and hun∣ting.
• * 1.48

  Kings entrance into Hisphaan.
• * 1.49

  Sir Anthonie She••••cys per∣swesiue to the Persian, to make warre against the Turke.
• * 1.50

  The Vizeirs disswasiue op∣position, is long, and here omitted. The Persian Generall his answere to the Vizeirs disswa∣siue, is for like cause omitted.
• * 1.51

  The Kings cen∣sure and con∣clusion of the consultation.
• * 1.52

  The Kings conclusion of the consulta∣tion.
• * 1.53

  Sir Anthonies sicknesse.
• * 1.54

  The proud message deli∣uered by the Turkes Ambas∣sadour to the King of Persia.
• * 1.55

  The King of Persias his An∣swere to the Turkes Ambas∣sadour.
• * 1.56

  Sir Anthony Sherley confir∣meth the King in his purpose of sending to the Princes of Christendome.
• * 1.57

  The King of Persiaes resolu∣tion to employ Sir A Sherley as his Ambassa∣dour.
• * 1.58

  Sir Anthonie Sherley his ac∣c〈…〉〈…〉ptance of the employ∣ment.
• * 1.59

  The Persian magnificence in their so∣lemne Feasts.
• * 1.60

  Two great for∣tunes which befell the King during his Feast. First, The sub∣mission of the Tartars to his Crowne.
• * 1.61

  Secondly, The rich Present with the Alli∣ance of the great Mogor offered to the Persian. The comming of two Friers to insinuate with Sir Antho∣nie Sherley.
• * 1.62

  Sir Anthonies Enterprize hindred by his owne instru∣ment.
• * 1.63

  The causes for which the King of Persia detai∣ned Sir Robert Sherley.
• * 1.64

  Sir Robert Sher∣leys Answere to the King of Persia.
• * 1.65

  Astracan.
• * 1.66

  Valga.
• * 1.67

  Cassan.
• * 1.68

  He hath told in the former part of his sto∣ry, of the Fri∣ers Whore∣domes, Adul∣teries, Sodo∣mies, &c. to lothsome to blot our paper.
• * 1.69

  Sir. Anthonies refusall to goe.
• * 1.70

  Frier a Lyer.
• * 1.71

  S. A. striketh the Frier.
• * 1.72

  Offering of a Bell and an Image to a Friery.
• * 1.73

  Procession.
• * 1.74

  Painting.
• * 1.75

  Image.
• * 1.76

  Huge Bell drawne by 3500. men.
• * 1.77

  Frier punished
• * 1.78

  Stode.
• * 1.79

  This Voyage (as the for∣mer) for Time, is before that of Sir Antho∣nie Sherley; but that in honour of the Person and employ∣ment hath and deserueth pre∣cedence.
• * 1.80

  The Citie of Candia.
• * 1.81

  The Ile of Scarpanto. They arriue at Tripoli in Syria, the first of Ianuarie.
• * 1.82

  Draa. Ewsen. Mowaa. Metteni.
• * 1.83

  Sihi.
• * 1.84

  Aman. Det. Marra.
• * 1.85

  Sarraket. Aleppo.
• * 1.86

  This Master William Barret, was the first English Consul in Aleppo, as appeareth by Master Eldreds Relation. Boab. Halse. Bir.
• * 1.87

  Raick.
• * 1.88

  Ballesse. Gabbar.
• * 1.89

  Racca.
• * 1.90

  Balladac.
• * 1.91

  Dier.
• * 1.92

  Aprill, 1581.
• * 1.93

  Rab. Ashar. Subercan.
• * 1.94

  Manalle. Anna.
• * 1.95

  Addetta. Gebbar.
• * 1.96

  Heit.
• * 1.97

  Pitch boyling out of the ground con∣tinually.
• * 1.98

  Ambar. Feluge.
• * 1.99

  Searching for money.
• * 1.100

  Bagd••t.
• * 1.101

  Babylon.
• * 1.102

  Master William Hareborne, and Master William Barret. Bourac.
• * 1.103

  Menil.
• * 1.104

  Amor.
• * 1.105

  Sekia,
• * 1.106

  Kendege.
• * 1.107

  Gurna standeth on the Point, where the Ri∣uers of Furro and Bagdet doe meet. May 1581. Balsara. Custome.
• * 1.108

  They enter in∣to the Persian Gulfe.
• * 1.109

  The Ile of Carreghe, or Carge.
• * 1.110

  Abousher a Ca∣stle.
• * 1.111

  A very high Cliffe.
• * 1.112

  The Ile of Ba∣harem, where the excellent pearles are gotten.
• * 1.113

  Iune.
• * 1.114

  Shie or Seche, an Iland vnder the Portugals.
• * 1.115

  A small Iland to the South of Shie or Se∣che. Necchel. They land here.
• * 1.116

  Melgor, a great Casal.
• * 1.117

  Gesser, a Ca∣sal. Bender. Left, an Iland. Bassedor, an Iland.
• * 1.118

  He came to Ormuz the two and twen∣tieth of Iune, 1581.
• * 1.119

  Improlus extre∣mos cur••••t Mer∣cator ad Indos.
• * 1.120

  The cause of the excessiue beat in Ormus.
• * 1.121

  Long clawed Swine.
• * 1.122

  A Castle cal∣led, The great Mastango. Iulie. Michael Stro∣pene. Of his and Fitches impri∣sonment at Goa, see Linschoten. He departeth from O••mus, the first of Au∣gust, 1581. Bender gomrow. Cowrsian a Casal. Ourmangel. Lar.
• * 1.123

  Debaccow a Casal. Berre a Casal.
• * 1.124

  Olous.
• * 1.125

  Gouen.
• * 1.126

  September. Gaarrom. Demonder.
• * 1.127

  Mecocal. Cawger.
• * 1.128

  Chesimon. Cowel a Casal. Shiras.
• * 1.129

  S••rgon.
• * 1.130

  Auglamor.
• * 1.131

  Augalm. Moysse.
• * 1.132

  Sesmon Dermal. Augow.
• * 1.133

  Hausapaus. Cuskesar.
• * 1.134

  Gerdoun. Yestacas.
• * 1.135

  October. Boial.
• * 1.136

  Moydar. Hispahan, now the chiefe Ci∣tie of Persia.
• * 1.137

  Sen. Shesers Can.
• * 1.138

  Calenda. Shen.
• * 1.139

  Garratcoy. Cassan.
• * 1.140

  Yesd.
• * 1.141

  Nouember. Sensen.
• * 1.142

  Casmoua.
• * 1.143

  Coum, a great Citie.
• * 1.144

  Gaffarawau.
• * 1.145

  Sowwa. Daung.
• * 1.146

  Sang. Arrassan.
• * 1.147

  A good note.
• * 1.148

  Kirra. Passen.
• * 1.149

  A••ffar. Dessa.
• * 1.150

  Sutanas. Cauesseras of the Shangh.
• * 1.151

  Frost, cold winds, & snow, from the ele∣uenth the foureteenth of Nouember. Sangas. Necpaw. Sarcham. Meyannan.
• * 1.152

  Turkeman.
• * 1.153

  Haggegaw.
• * 1.154

  Auaspeng. Teuris or Tauris
• * 1.155

  Armenians, and their Church Rites.
• * 1.156

  This seemed to be Master Thomas Hudson mentioned in the sixth voy∣age to Persia, in Master H••c. voyages.
• * 1.157

  Hee departed from Teuris or Tauris. Souffion. Merent.
• * 1.158

  Iolfa. The Riuer A∣ras or Araxis.
• * 1.159

  Or Nassiuan.
• * 1.160

  Potta. Noahs Arke.
• * 1.161

  Cambelle〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.162

  Or Reiuan.
• * 1.163

  S••••guin a Ri∣uer.
• * 1.164

  Echimassen.
• * 1.165

  Sowmarin.
• * 1.166

  Salt growing in the ground. Dagswan.
• * 1.167

  Seraffa.
• * 1.168

  Cappannac. Comatseur.
• * 1.169

  Shew bans cupres.
• * 1.170

  Hassen gallawth
• * 1.171

  Bollomash.
• * 1.172

  Pretton. Shennar.
• * 1.173

  Womens attire
• * 1.174

  Ianuary. Gotter. Gebesse.
• * 1.175

  Backerreg. Bettarreg. A••singam.
• * 1.176

  The Riuer of Ponnats falleth into Euphrates.
• * 1.177

  Serperron. Ardansegh.
• * 1.178

  Shewba••••ing.
• * 1.179

  Andre. Yeoltedder.
• * 1.180

  L••ngo. Prassa. T••cat, Tocato.
• * 1.181

  Ackelcon. Burghcarre. Dadow.
• * 1.182

  February.
• * 1.183

  Searradella. Chagannadel. Garom.
• * 1.184

  Lout.
• * 1.185

  Mourt Larsarra:
• * 1.186

  Casalmach, a great Riuer running into the Black Sea. Allagour. Ennebea.
• * 1.187

  Sarracust.
• * 1.188

  Saddar. Erandrerra.
• * 1.189

  Aash.
• * 1.190

  Garacham. Gaye.
• * 1.191

  Carralla. Sowdegan.
• * 1.192

  Couscherderrom.
• * 1.193

  Basarich.
• * 1.194

  Korshonnou, Actsau.
• * 1.195

  Borsa.
• * 1.196

  Peage. Gamlech.
• * 1.197

  Bourchi. Samallech. The Tower where they make light for the ships. Skell. Constantinople, corruptly cal∣led Stambol.
• * 1.198

  Aprill, 1582. He departeth from Constanti∣nople. Tarrapea.
• * 1.199

  He taketh ship to goe by the Blacke Sea, vp the Riuer Da∣nubius. Sissopoli.
• * 1.200

  Emonna. Varna. Caliacca.
• * 1.201

  Bugdania.
• * 1.202

  The mouth of Saint George. Dolcha.
• * 1.203

  The Riuer of Kelle. A small Iland. Saxe.
• * 1.204

  Tomourra, is al∣so called Ren, by the Valla∣〈…〉〈…〉. Apparell.
• * 1.205

  The order of making Ca∣uiare.
• * 1.206

  They make Cauiare of three sorts of fish.
• * 1.207

  May. They land their goods. They take their iourney again by land. Tomourra is called Ren by the Wallachians. The Riuer of Prut. Hus. Padwellia: Sutsourre. Yas.
• * 1.208

  This is like the West Indian fortification.
• * 1.209

  Apparell.
• * 1.210

  Steffennet. Leues. Chotym.
• * 1.211

  Camienitz the frontier towne of Poland vpon the Turke. Apparell.
• * 1.212

  His Iourney thorow Poland to Dantrik, and comming to Hull by Sea, is omitted.
• * 1.213

  A Carauan is a great many of Camels la∣den, not much vnlike our Carriers here in England. Tedith a Vil∣lage of note. The Valley of Salt. 2. Sam. 8. 13.
• * 1.214

  Euphrates.
• * 1.215

  Time and manner of go∣ing downe the Riuer.
• * 1.216

  Bir. Mesopotamia.
• * 1.217

  Orpha.
• * 1.218

  See sup. c. 2.
• * 1.219

  Gen. 29. 13. ••7. The Scriuano at the walls of Orpha. 1603. Let the Geo∣grapher vse his owne libertie, I giue you the Author.
• * 1.220

  Caraemit.
• * 1.221

  See hereof in M Polo long before that time of Senex de Monte, which this A∣ladeules imita∣ted, if the re∣port be true.
• * 1.222

  A most cruell execution.
• * 1.223

  Euphrates.
• * 1.224

  One of the Heads out of which Tygris floweth.
• * 1.225

  Three Bridges.
• * 1.226

  Gall trees.
• * 1.227

  Euphrates.
• * 1.228

  The descripti∣on of the Cur∣dies, a most theeuish peo∣ple. The Curdies worshippers of the Deuill.
• * 1.229

  Manuscute.
• * 1.230

  Indulgence.
• * 1.231

  Euphrates.
• * 1.232

  Armenian man∣ners. Women Ar∣chers.
• * 1.233

  The Armenians are a populous Nation.
• * 1.234

  The Armenians gouerned by two Patriarchs
• * 1.235

  The Religion of the Armeni∣ans is spotted with many ab∣surdities.
• * 1.236

  Crossings and Crosses.
• * 1.237

  Lamb-sacrifice
• * 1.238

  Bithlis.
• * 1.239

  The great bat∣tell fought be∣tweene two great Bassaes & Delymenthes, a valiant Noble man of Persia.
• * 1.240

  Hand made passage.
• * 1.241

  Arctamar lake.
• * 1.242

  The Ecmenick Ilands.
• * 1.243

  The Lake Ar∣ctamar called in ancient time Martiana.
• * 1.244

  The descrip∣tion of Van.
• * 1.245

  Solyman after ten dayes siege tooke the Ci∣tie Van.
• * 1.246

  Gnusher.
• * 1.247

  Ararat.
• * 1.248

  The Riuer A∣raxis springeth out of the Hill Taurus. Nassiuan. Reiuan.
• * 1.249

  The Riuer Cirus.
• * 1.250

  The Riuer Canac.
• * 1.251

  The Moun∣taine Anti-Taurus.
• * 1.252

  The Moun∣taine Gordaeus.
• * 1.253

  Gordiaeus Mons, whereon Noahs Arke rested.
• * 1.254

  Rheubarb.
• * 1.255

  Monkish tale.
• * 1.256

  The Riuer A∣raxis.
• * 1.257

  The descripti∣on of Chiulfal.
• * 1.258

  The Chiulfal∣lines great drinkers of Wine, but no quarrellers in drinke. Cup-deuotion, Chiulfal much indangered in the last warres betweene the Turke and the Persian.
• * 1.259

  The mortall battell ••ought betweene Sely∣mus the first, Emperour of the Turkes and Hisma•• the So∣phie of Persia.
• * 1.260

  Atropatia ex∣ceeding fruit∣full.
• * 1.261

  Sumachia.
• * 1.262

  A most barba∣rous spectacle in Sumachia.
• * 1.263

  The Persian Prince punish∣eth the Inha∣bitants of Su∣machia, with diuers kinds of tortures and deaths. Derbent buil∣ded by Alexan∣der the Great. Caucasiae Portae. The great Wall which A∣lexander built betweene Der∣bent and Teflis.
• * 1.264

  Sechi.
• * 1.265

  Eres made Ma∣modaean Silkes.
• * 1.266

  Arasse the most chiefe and o∣pulent Citie in the trade of Merchandize that is in all Seruauia.
• * 1.267

  The Castle which Daniel the Prophet is said to haue builded. Iosephus Anti. lib. 10. 11.
• * 1.268

  The descripti∣on of Tauris.
• * 1.269

  Tauris yeeldeth to Selymus the first, 1514.
• * 1.270

  Sacked by So∣lyman. 1535.
• * 1.271

  Miserably spoi∣led by Osman Vizier, 1583.
• * 1.272

  Our first entry into the Persian kingdome. Duzim.
• * 1.273

  Darnah. Great quiet in Persia.
• * 1.274

  The descripti∣of Soltania.
• * 1.275

  A most horri∣ble and terri∣ble tempest.
• * 1.276

  The descripti∣on of Casbin.
• * 1.277

  Bassars are cer∣taine streets of Trafficke.
• * 1.278

  Ardouil the first place that re∣ceiued the Per∣sian superstiti∣on.
• * 1.279

  Bachu. Oyle springeth out of the ground.
• * 1.280

  Gheilan.
• * 1.281

  The Citie Com, once twice as big as Constan∣tinople.
• * 1.282

  The descripti∣on of Cassan.
• * 1.283

  Ciuill and good gouern∣ment.
• * 1.284

  The Persian law against idlenesse. Scorpions. Of M. Mild••all, ye haue sup. l. 3. c. 1. The descripti∣on of Hispaan.
• * 1.285

  The sort of Hispaan.
• * 1.286

  The Kings Seragli••.
• * 1.287

  The Kings Garden.
• * 1.288

  The Guard of the Kings Pa∣lace.
• * 1.289

  The order of the Persian dig∣nities in Hispaan. The Sultanes. The Treasu∣rers. The great Chancellours. The Caddi, or Iudges.
• * 1.290

  The Mustaed∣dini.
• * 1.291

  The Califes.
• * 1.292

  The nature of the Persians.
• * 1.293

  The Persians giuen to sen∣sualitie.
• * 1.294

  The Persians very incon∣stant.
• * 1.295

  As some af∣firme by Mat∣thew of his el∣der brother & of his father; so this Author: but Sir A. Sher∣ley farre other∣wise, as in the next Chapter you may see. The descripti∣on of the Per∣sian King.
• * 1.296

  The Persian Horses very good.
• * 1.297

  The weapons of the Persian Souldiers.
• * 1.298

  The Kings ex∣ercises in the At-Maidan.
• * 1.299

  His Iustice.
• * 1.300

  Sir Anthony Sherleys arriual in Persia.
• * 1.301

  The descripti∣on of Siras, the ancient Perse∣polis. The Riuer Bindamir.
• * 1.302

  Old Monu∣ments.
• * 1.303

  Excellent Ar∣mour made in Syra••.
• * 1.304

  The descrip∣tion of Susa. The Riuer Choaspes. The descrip∣tion of Niniue. The magnifi cent building of Niniue, by Ninus.
• * 1.305

  The descrip∣tion of the Iland of Eden. Of Paradise, see my Pilg. l. 1. c. 3. This Author also had here inserted a dis∣course thereof, here omitted. In stead where∣of, I haue pre∣sented you with the Map. The descrip∣tion of New Babylon now called Bagdat.
• * 1.306

  Cleere Skie.
• * 1.307

  Bagdat yeelded vnto the Turks.
• * 1.308

  A Caliph is a man reueren∣ced of all Ma∣hometan Prin∣ces, and hath an old priui∣ledge in the choice and confirmation of the Assyrian Kings and Sul∣tans o•• Egypt.
• * 1.309

  The Tower of Babel.
• * 1.310

  The descrip∣tion of old Ba∣bylon.
• * 1.311

  The mouth of Hell.
• * 1.312

  Anna a Towne in Arabia.
• * 1.313

  That is, of Iewes whose Faith is dis∣pleasing to God, and con∣trarie to all men; the faith∣fulnesse also of their rela∣tions is not without suspi∣cion in some Relations receiued from them, in some but Iewish Fables. A good Author in the things hee hath seene, and few euer haue seene more. His Vniuersities here often mentioned, vnderstand Synagogues or Schooles of Iewes: and the Gouernours of Iewes to be but in those Schooles, or some petie rule ouer their owne, bought by money, &c. Let the Reader also obserue that some things may be true which seeme strange, and that the Turkes in Europe, they and the Tartars in Asia haue much altered the face of the World since Beniamins Trauels, which happened about A. D. 1160.
• * 1.314

  Caesar Augusta. Tortosa. Tarracona.
• a 1.315

  The Iewes call their Rab∣bins and Stu∣dents in Tra∣ditions by this arrogant name and the stile of their tradition Lecture was, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉∣〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Gerunda. Narbona.
• * 1.316

  Barchinonia.
• b 1.317

  If the Iewish braggarts may be beleeued. I cannot learne, and learned men denie that the Iewes in their pre∣sent confusion haue any cer∣taine Genea∣logies either Royall or Priestly, though here you shall meet with both. Bidrasch per∣aduenture Bo∣siers.
• c 1.318

  Synagogue or Schoole, and Students vnder the Rab∣bins. Mompelier. The famous∣nesse of Mons Passulanus. Lunel. Asser the Pha∣risie. Salomo the Priest. Pothiaquiers. Consistorie. Nogheres. Iewish Vniuer∣sitie or Syna∣gogue schoole
• * 1.319

  Rhodano.
• * 1.320

  Prouence.
• * 1.321

  Arelatum.
• * 1.322

  Massilia.
• * 1.323

  For their Synagogue af∣faires and per∣mitted gouern∣ment among themselues. Genna.
• * 1.324

  Luca.
• * 1.325

  Rome.
• * 1.326

  Pope Alex. 3. which succee∣ded Adrian the fourth, an Eng∣lishman, A. 1159 In the time of Fredericke Bar∣baressa, Henry the Second, then K. of Eng∣land. The Author of the Booke of Aaruch. The Capitoll. Very many of these ruines are now alto∣gether wasted for the vse of matter for o∣ther buildings. That which he addes of Titus, is a Iewish as∣persion, he be∣ing called Orbis deliciae. Peraduenture the Author said Galbinus, or Galienus. Sepulchres.
• * 1.327

  Salomons Pillars.
• * 1.328

  Capua.
• * 1.329

  Puteoli. Iewish Traditi∣on. Surrentum.
• * 1.330

  Naturall slime, or a clammie kind of clay like Pitch.
• * 1.331

  It is not a∣misse to relate these Iewish Tales hatched by arrogant Superstition, and nursed by Superstitious credulitie. Our Author tels what his coun∣treymen told him. One truth we may learne of Lyes, Not to build Faith on Tradition. Naples. Salernum. Malfi.
• * 1.332

  Beneueutum.
• * 1.333

  A Synagogue Malchi. Apulia.
• * 1.334

  Asculum.
• * 1.335

  Tarnaa.
• * 1.336

  Miquoles deuar.
• * 1.337

  Tarentum.
• * 1.338

  Baruedis. Ornedo.
• * 1.339

  Ocropos.
• * 1.340

  Lebta. The beginning of the King∣dome of Em∣manuel, then Emperour of Constantinople. Achilon. Natolicon. Patra. Lepantum. Cores. The Moun∣tayne Paros. Corinthus. Thebae in Booe∣tia two thou∣sand Iewes workers of Purple and Scarlet.
• * 1.341

  This Iewish honor in lat∣ter times hath happened to Thessalonica, now Salonichi, to haue the most and most learned of that Nation. Argyropum. Iabusterisa. Robnica. Sinon Potamen. Gardeghi. Armilon. Bissina.
• * 1.342

  Kings in that time vsed to sell dignities to the Iewes for money, and places of go∣uernement a∣mongst them∣selues, where∣by in matters of their Religi∣on and meere∣ly Iewish, they were exempt from ordinary Magistrates. See in my Pil∣grimage l. 2. c. 10 §. 7. King Iohns Charter, wher∣by Iames a Iew obtayneth Presbyteratum omnium Iudaeo∣rum totius An∣gliae: and ano∣ther of Rich. 1. secundum legem & consuet. Iu∣daismi, and in most Townes two Not••ries Iewes, and two Christ••ans, &c. I adde this long Note, lest any should thinke the Iewes had sim∣ple freedome or power in this time of their maledi∣ction in any place. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mithrici. Darma. Canistthol. Aabidon alias Habiron. Constantina.
• * 1.343

  That is be∣twixt the Me∣diterranean and Euxine Seas.
• * 1.344

  To all ••orts of Men or Re∣ligions. Saint Sophies, Hippodromus.
• * 1.345

  Bilbernae the Palace of the Emperour E∣manuel. Emperors Pa∣lace, Throne, Wealth, and Reuenues.
• * 1.346

  ••raecian pompe
• * 1.347

  Merry Greekes.
• * 1.348

  The Soldan. Thogarma. Turkes.
• * 1.349

  Pera, where now the Chri∣stians dwell.
• * 1.350

  Iewes hated.
• * 1.351

  Iewish Tanner••
• * 1.352

  Pera.
• * 1.353

  Doroston.
• * 1.354

  Galipolis.
• * 1.355

  Calas.
• * 1.356

  Mityle.
• * 1.357

  Hicha. Mastick.
• * 1.358

  Ismos.
• * 1.359

  Rhodus.
• * 1.360

  Dophros.
• * 1.361

  Perhaps these were Car∣raim, or Scrip∣ture Iewes, ha∣ted for hating Traditions. Corkos, the be∣ginning of the Land of Edom. The Dominion of Armenia. Malmistras, in times past cal∣led Tharsis. Antiochia in the Valley Iaboq.
• * 1.362

  Liga, somtimes Laodicea. Gebal. Baghalgad.
• * 1.363

  Old man of the Assisines. See sup. l. 8. c. 3. 4. Karmos.
• * 1.364

  Franci. Tripolis.
• * 1.365

  Gebal.
• * 1.366

  Ginotin.
• * 1.367

  Beritus. Beero〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.368

  Sidon.
• * 1.369

  Dogzijn, or Drusians.
• * 1.370

  The Moun∣tayne Hermon.
• * 1.371

  Paling••••esia.
• * 1.372

  New Tyrus.
• * 1.373

  Farmers of the customes.
• * 1.374

  The Talmud or Traditions.
• * 1.375

  Tyrian Glasse. Sugar. The ruines of old Tyrus.
• * 1.376

  Akadi. Ghaco. Asser. The Land of Israel. The Riuer Ca∣dumin. Niphas. Gad.
• * 1.377

  Elias. Achab.
• * 1.378

  The Riuer Chison. Chaphar-Nahun. Caesarea. Siseria. Gad. Cuthai. Samaritanes. Caesar. Cacos. Ceila. Keghila. Sargoreg. Luz. Sebaste. Samaria.
• * 1.379

  Nebilus. Sichem. Ephraim. Gerizim. Ebal.
• * 1.380

  Aharonites.
• * 1.381

  The Sepulcher of Ioseph.
• * 1.382

  The Mountain Garazim. The Mountain Ghebal. Gilboagh, Gilboe. The Valley of Aialon. The Valley of the Moone. Garaan Dauid. Gibgon, Gabaon. Hierusalem. Iacobites, Arme∣nians Grecians, Georgians, and Franckes, inha∣biting Hierusa∣lem.
• * 1.383

  Hospitalers of the military Order of Saint Iohns, and of the Dutch Or∣der of Saint Marie, sup. l. 8. c. 6. §. 5. Salomons Hos∣pitall, or the Templers.
• * 1.384

  The Sepulchre of Iesus.
• * 1.385

  Or the gate of Abraham.
• * 1.386

  The Temple of the Lord.
• * 1.387

  Ghemar Ben Al∣chetab. No Image in the Temple. The Gate of Mercy.
• * 1.388

  The Pillar of Absalon. The Sepulchre of King Vzia. The Fountaine of Siloahh. The Mountain of Oliues. The Sodomiti∣call Sea. The Pillar of Salt, into the which the wise of Lot was tur∣ned. The Riuer Si∣tim. The Mountain Nebo. The Mount Sion.
• * 1.389

  The Sepulcher of Dauid and Salomon.
• * 1.390

  Iewish Fable or pia fr••us of A∣braham Pius.
• * 1.391

  Bethlehem. The Sepulcher of Rachel.
• * 1.392

  Hebron.
• * 1.393

  The Temple 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Saint Abra∣ham.
• * 1.394

  Abrahams house. Beth-Gebarin. Maressa. Torondolos Ga∣braleris, Sunam. Silo.
• * 1.395

  Ramath. Rama. Silo. The Temple of Samuel. Moria. Pesipua. Gibgha of Saul, or Beniamin. Beth-Nobi. Nob. Ionathan. Bas••en. Sina. Ramas. Har〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.396

  Gapha. Iapho. Iope. Ebalin. Iebna.
• * 1.397

  Palmis. Asdod. Asotus. Benibera.
• * 1.398

  Karai•• Iewes, admitting the Scripture, not Traditions.
• * 1.399

  Seguras. Lud. Zarezin. Iesreghel. S••puria. Tsipori. Hakados. Hhaijah. Ionas. Tiberia. Iordan. The Sea of Ki∣nereth, or Gene∣zareth. Asdoth-hapisga••
• * 1.400

  Bathes.
• * 1.401

  Iohn. Ionathan. Timin. Tamnatha. Ghasth. Gus Hha••eb. Maran. Ma••••••. Hil••l. Samai. Galmah. Kadis. Kades 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Barak. Ba••ijuus. Dan. The head of Io••dan. Arnon.
• * 1.402

  Damascus, Noradinus. Of him see before, l. 8. c. 3. Amna. Pharphar. Hermon.
• * 1.403

  Mahumetan Church of Da∣mascus. Bone of a Giant.
• * 1.404

  Enak.
• m 1.405

  Head of the Synagogues, as that Iames which was by King Iohns Charter Pres∣byter of all the Iewes in Eng∣land. Karaim. Galgad. Gilead. Salcatha. Saleca. Baghal-Beik.
• * 1.406

  That is, of a certain Deuil, to whom too many, things are ascribed by Superstition. Thadmur.
• * 1.407

  Kiriathin. Kiriathaim. Hamath. The Riuer Iabok. Great Earth∣quakes, of which see l. 8. c. 2. & 3. Siha. Hha••s••r. Lamdin. Hhaleb, happi∣ly Aleppo. Aram Tsoba. Algub. Baalit.
• * 1.408

  Balaam.
• * 1.409

  Kelagh Gebar. Selagh Midbera. Petra Deserti. The Arabians.
• * 1.410

  Dakia. Chalne. Senaar. The Turkes. Sangasar. Sagi Nehor.
• c 1.411

  That is, Very honourable. Hharan.
• * 1.412

  Alchabor. Hhabor. Madai. Media. Gozen. Ne••sibin. Nisibis. Gezir Ben-Gha∣mar. Hidekel. Tygris. Ararat. Taurus. The Arke of Noe. Ghamar-Ben-Alchetab. Al-Mutsal. Assur.
• d 1.413

  That is, a Prince.
• e 1.414

  Skilfull in Ast••ologie, in the Arabian Language. Mutsal the be∣ginning of Persi••. Niniue. Adbael. The Syna∣gogues of Ab∣dia, ••onas, and Nahhum. Rahaba. Rehhoboth. Euphrates. Karkesia. Charchamis. Al Iobar. Pumbeditha. Sepulchres. Captaine of the Captiues banished thi∣ther. Hharda. Ghukbera. Iechonias.
• * 1.415

  That is, Em∣peror of the Beleeuers, who leade their liues sorrow∣fully or peni∣tently. Caliphas place at Bagdat.
• * 1.416

  Bagdad. Calipha.
• * 1.417

  That is, hum∣ble obseruers.
• * 1.418

  This is obser∣ued by the greatest Mahu∣metans: the Great Turke himselfe still professing the exercise of some trade, though per∣haps more for shew then in such serious re∣spect as this. Meka. Aeliman or the South Coun∣trey; so they call Arabia.
• * 1.419

  Treason pre∣uented.
• * 1.420

  The Buildings of the Palace.
• * 1.421

  Ramadan, the Ismaelites Easter.
• * 1.422

  Arabia. Persia. Tuboth. Bosra.
• * 1.423

  His blessing the people.
• * 1.424

  Learned men or students of Mahomets Law.
• * 1.425

  Camell killed.
• * 1.426

  Caliphas kee∣ping home. Palace betwixt Tigris and Eu∣phrates. All these buil∣dings (it seemes) were destroyed by the Tartars. Hospitals. Dar Almaraph∣than, a Bethle∣hem Hospitall for the Mad.
• * 1.427

  Iewes at Bagdat.
• * 1.428

  The head of the Captiuitie, who, and of what qualitie.
• * 1.429

  The power which the Iewes had, was both limited to Iewish cases and persons, and vnder the Saracen Magi∣strates inspe∣ction, as the Greeke Patri∣arke and BB. vnder the Turke, a sl••uish power dearely bought, and executed at will of the s••ller, where Iewish affection hath not en∣larged. The Countrey o•• Sena••••. Persia. Chars••n. Seba, which is also Aliman, and Diarbeich. A〈…〉〈…〉a.
• * 1.430

  Alania. Derbent.
• * 1.431

  Sicr••a. The Moun∣taines As••a. Gerganaei, who also are ••he Gergasaei.
• a 1.432

  So is th Con∣stantinopo〈…〉〈…〉an Patriarch, now forced to giue to the Turkes, 4000. Du••kets 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and al most as much to the Bassas: at other times not admitted to sit with them. Gerlach. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Th•• manner of creating the Head of the Captiuitie.
• b 1.433

  That is, Schollers of R••bbins, a••d Students of the Talmud. 28. Synagogs in Bagdat. Gehiaga. Resen. Babel. The ruines of Nabuchodono∣sors Palace. The Fornace of bu ning Fire into the which Hana∣nias, Misael, and Azarias were c st. Hhilan. The Tower of Babel. Lagzar, in the Spanish tongue called, Mazari. The Brickes are 8. inches broad, 6. thick, 12. long, with Canes betwixt, the building is not now a mile about, some say, but a quar∣ter: perhaps a good part car∣ried away since the time of Beniamin. Naphahb. The Syna∣gogue of Eze∣chiel the Pro∣phet.
• * 1.434

  The Riuer Cobar.
• * 1.435

  Iewish Pilgri∣mage yeerely.
• * 1.436

  Continuall light and con∣tinued dark∣nesse. Great Temple.
• * 1.437

  The house of refuge. The Sepul∣chres of Hana∣nias, Misael, and Azarias. The Citie Al∣kotsonath.
• * 1.438

  Ghein Saphta.
• * 1.439

  Caphar le Paras.
• * 1.440

  Capharmeha∣midbar. The Riuer Liga. The Sepulchre of Sedechias. Kupha. The Sepulchre of Iechonias. Suria. Matha Mahha∣sia. The Sepulchre of Sephanias. Sephithib. Nahardagha. Elnachar. Pebeditha.
• * 1.441

  Seba. Aliman.
• * 1.442

  The sonnes of Rechab. Theima.
• * 1.443

  Vertomannus mentioneth Arabian Iewes potent and cruell, secured more by Desarts and Hills, then any greatnesse of their owne: as al••o in Abassia some Iewes liue in man∣ner free, on ste••pe Hills. But this freedome is a continual slauery, and siege; the Arabians alwaies endangering the one, and as it were, besieging them, as the Abassines the other Neither yet doe I thinke but their Countrey is here enlarged far, by the Iew••sh relations to our Author. For, Cities and Townes in Arabia seeme not to be so fre∣quent and populous.
• * 1.444

  Iewes called Mourners. See my Pilg. l. 2. c. 10. §. 2. Theima. Telimaas. This seemeth a gen alogi∣call Fable, as some other Relations which he had from his coun∣trimen. My rule is Cassia∣num illud, cui bono. If a Iew build his Iew••sh Temple, or a Iesuite his Ro∣mish-Catholike Church, I look with both eies, and scarcely beleeue Rela∣tion, or pre∣tended Reue∣lation and Mi∣racle. Thenai the Me∣tropolitan Ci∣tie of the Countrey Theima. Tilmaas Chibar. Sic perhibent qui de magnis maiora loquun∣tur. Credat Iu∣daeus appella. Here and else where make difference of what he saw, and what he receiued of his fabulous coun∣trimen. Chibar. Hodu. India. The riuer Vira. Neasat. Bosra. Samura, Esdras. Artaxerses. Chuzsethan. Elam. Susan Habira. The Palace of Assuerus the King. The Sepulchre of Daniel.
• * 1.445

  Senigar Saa, the Emperour of the Persians, o∣beyed by forty fiue Kings. The Riuer Sumra. Semarchoth. Gozen. Ghisbor. The Moun∣tayns Hhaphton Myrrhe or Muske.
• * 1.446

  Robad-••ar.
• * 1.447

  The Riuer Vaanath. Molhhaath. Alchesisin.
• a 1.448

  Synagogues.
• * 1.449

  G••••••ria.
• b 1.450

  Synagogues. Hhaphthon. Media.
• * 1.451

  A Golden piece of mo∣ney called A∣mircus. The Spanish Morabetine Golden piece of money. The History of Dauid Elroi.
• * 1.452

  Dabasthan.
• * 1.453

  Elghamaraia.
• * 1.454

  Elroi, that is, the Seer.
• * 1.455

  Zinaldin King of the Turkes.
• * 1.456

  H••amda••. Med••a.
• * 1.457

  The Sepul∣chers of Mar∣dochaeus and Esther. Debarzethaan. Asbah••n, or Hi∣s••••••n, now the Sea: Royall of Persia.
• * 1.458

  Siaphaz.
• * 1.459

  Ginah. Samarcheneth. Samarcan. Tubot. Mosse, or Muske. The Moun∣taynes Nisbon, or Nisbor.
• * 1.460

  Marke this, they say, a tale deui••ed by a Iew••sh Fablers. Foure Tribes. Lahhlahh.
• * 1.461

  Co••her Altho∣rech.
• * 1.462

  Or rather they are flat∣nosed: for so are both Tar∣tars and Chinois Rai.
• * 1.463

  The Moun∣taynes Nisbor.
• * 1.464

  Moses the Min∣ter.
• * 1.465

  Cheuazthaan. Tigris. Haidu, the In∣dian Sea. Nekrokis per∣haps Ormus.
• * 1.466

  Kathipha. The stone Bdellius. I think the storie of Pearles by some Fabler, was thus cor∣rupted to our Author. The moneth of March. The moneth of August.
• * 1.467

  The Pearle Oysters, Our people call Haautam Ze••lan. Worshippers of the Sunne. The Chussites starre gazers.
• * 1.468

  Pepper.
• * 1.469

  How they e••••∣balme their dead.
• * 1.470

  They are since become Mahumeta••••, as in all the Indian Ports vsually they are.
• * 1.471

  Cheuerag. Dugbijn.
• * 1.472

  Fire worship∣ped. Elhotha.
• * 1.473

  The error of the worship∣pers of the fire.
• * 1.474

  Deuillish de∣lusion.
• * 1.475

  Here the author rela∣teth a tale re∣lated to him, of men carried by Griffons, &c. which I haue omitted. Z••bid. The mid-land H••d••. Baghdaan. G••eden. Thel••ssar. Hamaghtam. Lubia. Lubij. Lybies. The Countrey Azzuan. Pisson. C••u••.
• * 1.476

  Cham. Hhalau〈…〉〈…〉. The Wildernes Tsahhara. Zeuilan. Hhauila. G••ena, or Gi∣nea.
• * 1.477

  Chus. Alhhabas. Kits. Aegypt. Pium. Pithon. Misraim, or Cayre.
• * 1.478

  Of these two sorts, see my Pilgr. l. 2. c. 8. § 1. the Is∣raelites were those of Pale∣stina of later dispersion, the other of the former, Babylo∣nian dispersi∣on, to whom Saint Peter wrote his for∣mer Epistle. Ghirbbakijm. The diuisions of the sacred Lessons.
• * 1.479

  Rulers and Ouer-seers of their Syna∣gogues. Soan, or Tso∣ghan. Mi••sraim. They were cal∣led Rebels for that schisme, of which see sup. lib. 8. cap. 3. Iuly and Au∣gust. The moneth of August and Septmber. The Ni••••sco∣pium I haue o∣mitted, as be∣ing before ex∣pressed in l. 7. c. 8. &c. The vse of the trane of fishes. The water of Nilus medicinable. Hhabas, from whence the people are called Hhabassini, whom the Grecians, amisse, call Abissini, the Countrey of Prete Ianni.
• * 1.480

  About September.
• a 1.481

  At the end of Februarie.
• b 1.482

  In the moneth of March.
• c 1.483

  A kinde of Wheate growing in India.
• * 1.484

  The diuision of Nilus. Damiata. Rasir. Asmon.
• * 1.485

  Ancient Mits∣raim.
• * 1.486

  The monu∣ments of the Store-houses of Ioseph. The Syna∣gogue of Moses.
• * 1.487

  Gossen. Bulzzir zzal∣bizze. Ghizkaal le Ghein 〈◊〉〈◊〉 zze∣mezz. Ragnmesses. Al Bugijg. Manziphtha. Ramira. L〈…〉〈…〉a. Alex••••dria.
• * 1.488

  Aristotles Schoole.
• * 1.489

  Hierogly∣phikes.
• * 1.490

  Damiata. Caphtor. Sonbat. Flaxe. A••lam. Elim. Raphidim. Sinai. Suriani. Monks of Saint Katha∣rines. The red Sea. The Iland Tunis, other∣wise called Hhana••.
• * 1.491

  Messaana. Lunid. C••lab••ia.
• * 1.492

  Pan••rmus.
• * 1.493

  The Iewes call Romans I∣dumaeans, and Mahumetans Ismaelites. Kesamburk. Aschenaz. Konphilinas. Mosella.
• a 1.494

  Speedielye! and how long lie they in it for denying the truth?
• * 1.495

  We can scarce coniecture the new names of these Cities. Bohem.
• * 1.496

  Praga. Pin.
• * 1.497

  The beasts Veergares, o∣therwise called Sables. Prussia. Sarphat. Sanad, or Zaa∣nad, or Zz••d.
• * 1.498

  Those that goe downe to the Sea in ships: that doe busi∣nesse in great waters: These see the workes of the Lord, and his wonders in the deepe. Ps. 107. Qui nescit ora∣re, discat naui∣gare.
• * 1.499

  Pico de Tene∣riffa.
• * 1.500

  Turnadoes.
• * 1.501

  Whales.
• * 1.502

  Dolphines.
• * 1.503

  Boneetooes and Albicores. Flying fishes.
• * 1.504

  Soldania.
• * 1.505

  Iles of Comora.
• * 1.506

  Fight with a Portugall ••ar∣racke, mentio∣ned before in Sir T. Roe, and M. Ch••ld: ••ut here more ful∣ly deliuered, and therefore againe expres∣sed, that it might appeare who were true causers of the quarrell, as al∣so that it was a priuate quarrel and not of State, or Princes, but of Meneles and Ioseph the Captaines, with the persons vnder their commands: one offering, the other vindicating wrong. ••o may the Reader obserue of former fights with Beast, Downton, &c. not the Spanish King warring with his Maiestie of England, but the Portugall Merchants and Commanders in the Indies, enuying to others that Trade, which might lessen their gaines there: as in Magellans Voyage they did to the Spaniards, which also you haue seene in the Dutch, and may obserue of men of the same Trade in euery street of London. The old Verse of Hesiod, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. shewes this quarrell as old as men, at least as the old man of Couetousnesse, and Ambition, and Enuie; the cause also why the first-borne of Nature slue the first Brother which Nature had seene. It Portugals hereby led, haue offered wrong to the English, and suffered right [ 60] from them, it is but as in cases twixt English Gentlemen or Merchants at home, sauing that this bodie is more Giantly, and of greater consequence, as the concurrence of more priuate purses and persons, and yet no State-warre: with which except in our Pr••yer, we haue nothing to doe. In like case of Trade, I suppose the Portugals would now quarrell with the Spaniards in their East, and these with them in their West. I am sure that in the Indies, Dutch haue taken Dutch, and Engl••sh other English (not of that East-Indian Company) notwithstanding subiection to one and the same Crowne or State.
• * 1.507

  Resolute Spi∣rits of both Commanders. Captaine Io∣seph slaine.
• * 1.508

  Captaine Pep∣well wounded, with the Ma∣ster and others Captaine Pep∣well dyeth 14. moneths after.
• * 1.509

  Virtus in hoste laudandi.
• * 1.510

  Don Emanuel Meueses, his va∣lorous resolu∣tion.
• * 1.511

  Carrack wrac∣ked and burnt. She was repor∣ted of incredi∣ble wealth, both in money and commo∣dities.
• * 1.512

  The Ilands fertilitie.
• * 1.513

  White Paper well sold.
• * 1.514

  Socotora.
• * 1.515

  Precise Maho∣metan Apo∣phthegme.
• * 1.516

  Funerall for Capt. Ioseph.
• * 1.517

  Water of the Sea in this place alway white, as in former voya∣ges is seene.
• * 1.518

  Although yee haue this de∣scription be∣fore, pag. 578. with the Map also; yet for the differing method, and cleering of some things there more doubtfull, I haue here ad∣ded this also, abbreuiating it in some such things as are the same with the former, to which it may be in diuers things a kind of Glosse, as Sir T. Roes Map to both. The former seemed imperfectly written in the number of the corses or miles which here seeme more exactly. The differing names may al∣so helpe to fur∣ther know∣ledge; of which I had sought better instruction be∣fore the presse if I might, as I there signifie.
• * 1.519

  Surat.
• * 1.520

  Idoll Matta. Tongue sa∣crifice. Pilgrimage.
• * 1.521

  Ganges.
• * 1.522

  Goez his iour∣ny from hence to China, fol∣loweth in the next booke. Mogols great∣nesse.
• * 1.523

  Plentie of vi∣ctuals.
• * 1.524

  Fine bread.
• * 1.525

  Cakes & por∣table hearths.
• * 1.526

  Butter and Cheese. Buffelo. V••nison and free Gam••.
• * 1.527

  Beeues. Sheepe.
• * 1.528

  Salt and Suga••
• * 1.529

  Fruits,
• * 1.530

  Ginger▪ Taddy.
• * 1.531

  Raines and Thunders.
• * 1.532

  Soyle and tillage.
• * 1.533

  Townes and Villages thick, Tobacco.
• * 1.534

  Woods and Trees.
• * 1.535

  Indian fig-tree, See of it my P••g. l. 1 c. 3.
• * 1.536

  Flowers.
• * 1.537

  Riuers.
• * 1.538

  Ganges water lighter then others, Wels and Tankes.
• * 1.539

  Racke and Cohha.
• * 1.540

  Beetle or Be∣tele.
• * 1.541

  Houses and streets.
• * 1.542

  No Glasse.
• * 1.543

  Indico and cotton. Of In∣dico, see in Finches Iournal
• * 1.544

  India the cen∣tre of the Worlds coyne.
• * 1.545

  Their coynes, Roopees or Rupias.
• * 1.546

  Mamoodies.
• * 1.547

  Pices.
• * 1.548

  Silke.
• * 1.549

  Gum-lac.
• * 1.550

  Gardens.
• * 1.551

  Discommodi∣ties of that Countrey.
• * 1.552

  Scorpions dangerous.
• * 1.553

  Flyes trouble∣some.
• * 1.554

  Monsons or Windes.
• * 1.555

  Horses and Prouender.
• * 1.556

  Linschoten hath the like. See of Elephants more in this Worke and in my Pilg. lib. 5. cap. 12.
• * 1.557

  Iewes hated.
• * 1.558

  White in bad estimation.
• * 1.559

  Attire.
• * 1.560

  Salutations.
• * 1.561

  Their women.
• * 1.562

  Easie Child∣birth.
• * 1.563

  Language and writing.
• * 1.564

  Aristotle and A∣uicen.
• * 1.565

  Diseases. Age. Musicke. Poems and Annals.
• * 1.566

  Their yeare.
• * 1.567

  Of this see be∣fore in Sir T. Roe.
• * 1.568

  Hangings.
• * 1.569

  Kings house.
• * 1.570

  Their dyet.
• * 1.571

  Innes.
• * 1.572

  Riding.
• * 1.573

  Pastimes.
• * 1.574

  Slie Fowling.
• * 1.575

  Shooting.
• * 1.576

  Chesse, Tables, Cad es. Mountebankes
• * 1.577

  Large Apes. Cunning Birdes.
• * 1.578

  Markets twice a day.
• * 1.579

  Fidelitie.
• * 1.580

  Courage of some.
• * 1.581

  Munition. Vertoman tels of Portugal fu∣gitiues, which at the Portugals first comming, ran to the Indi∣ans, and taught them this Art.
• * 1.582

  Mesquits.
• * 1.583

  Coryats Cruditie
• * 1.584

  Burials neere Tankes.
• * 1.585

  Saints Kalen∣der.
• * 1.586

  Of this see be∣fore in other Iournals, Finch &c.
• * 1.587

  Moolaas or Priests.
• * 1.588

  Religious.
• * 1.589

  Prayer in vn∣known tongue.
• * 1.590

  Beades.
• * 1.591

  Gesture of prayer.
• * 1.592

  Clepsydra clock▪
• * 1.593

  Temperance.
• * 1.594

  Mest. Fast and feast.
• * 1.595

  Bookes.
• * 1.596

  The Maronite which transla∣ted the Arab Geographer, alleadge this reason, that he was a Chri∣stian, because he calls Christ Lord: which yet you see the Mahume∣tans doe. Deruises and their seuere strict Rites.
• * 1.597

  Luk. 8. 27.
• * 1.598

  Dan. 4.
• * 1.599

  1. King. 18.
• * 1.600

  Adulterie pu∣nished.
• * 1.601

  Stewes.
• * 1.602

  Eunuchs.
• * 1.603

  Marriages.
• * 1.604

  Gentiles, eighty and foure Sects.
• * 1.605

  Those I sup∣pose which our stories call Brachmanes. Pag••des. Opinions.
• * 1.606

  Tradition of Adam.
• * 1.607

  Marrying in the same Tribe and Trade.
• * 1.608

  Their habit.
• * 1.609

  Eares and Eare-rings.
• * 1.610

  Washing.
• * 1.611

  Spots.
• * 1.612

  Burning.
• * 1.613

  Widowes.
• * 1.614

  Manner of wiues burning with their husbands.
• * 1.615

  Parce••s.
• * 1.616

  Gentiles indu∣strie, and idle∣nes of M••••res.
• * 1.617

  Beefe not ea∣ten.
• * 1.618

  Banians.
• * 1.619

  Foolish pittie. Charitable workes.
• * 1.620

  Thursday Sabbath: Munday to Peguans, Thursday in Guinaea, Friday to Moores, Sa∣turday to Iews, Sunday to Christians. In Ia∣ua that day whercon they haue begun some great worke.
• * 1.621

  Lang, in the Persian signi∣fieth Lame.
• * 1.622

  Courts of Iustice.
• * 1.623

  Bribes. Debts.
• * 1.624

  The Durbar.
• * 1.625

  No Inheri∣tance. The Kings Pensions. See before in Captaine Hawkins.
• * 1.626

  Gen. 41.
• * 1.627

  Principall Officers.
• * 1.628

  Blue, mourn∣full colour.
• * 1.629

  English cloth.
• * 1.630

  Tame Lion.
• * 1.631

  Borne 15••2. See of this and other things therefore here omitted Sir T. R••es Iournall.
• * 1.632

  Mogols Letters to his Maiesty.
• * 1.633

  Sealing Let∣ters.
• * 1.634

  Kings Pro∣gresse and Campe.
• * 1.635

  His Tents.
• * 1.636

  His women.
• * 1.637

  His children.
• * 1.638

  Achabars death
• * 1.639

  The Mogolls disposition.
• * 1.640

  Respect to Priests. Iesuits and Conuerts.
• * 1.641

  Iesuite-Agent. Vaine Bragges.
• * 1.642

  Cayro.
• * 1.643

  Damasco.
• * 1.644

  Christians Greekes. A strange manner to demand a Subsidie.
• * 1.645

  Their Chur∣ches.
• * 1.646

  The bodie of the Prophet Zacharias.
• * 1.647

  The Mamaluks. See Baumgar∣ten the end of the former Booke.
• * 1.648

  How the Ma∣malukes abuse women.
• * 1.649

  The women of Damasco.
• * 1.650

  The Mahume∣tans wiues.
• * 1.651

  Goats milke.
• * 1.652

  Mushroms.
• * 1.653

  Asia the lesse, now named Natolia, or Turkia.
• * 1.654

  Christians of Damasco.
• * 1.655

  The iourney from Damasco to Mecha, and of the manners of the Arabians
• * 1.656

  Mezerik.
• * 1.657

  The Prince Zambei in Arabia.
• * 1.658

  The Prince of Ierusalem. A Prince a Theese.
• * 1.659

  Mares.
• * 1.660

  The Arabians liue by robbe∣rie.
• * 1.661

  Houses borne on Camels backes.
• * 1.662

  Tents and Pa∣uilions.
• * 1.663

  This for feare of the Arabians
• * 1.664

  From Damasco to Mecha.
• * 1.665

  Perhaps with the sound of a Horne or Trumpet.
• * 1.666

  Water,
• * 1.667

  The burden of the Camels,
• * 1.668

  The feeble∣nesse of the Arabians. Pagans. The actiuitie of the Mama∣lukes.
• * 1.669

  A conceit of Manna, con∣trarie to Scrip∣ture.
• * 1.670

  Iewes Pig••••i.
• * 1.671

  Medina Talna∣bi, that is, the Citie of the Prophet.
• * 1.672

  The Tombe or Sepulchre of Mahumet. Mahumet was not buried in Mecha.
• * 1.673

  The Sepulchre of Mahumet, and his fel∣lowes.
• * 1.674

  Mahumets Li∣brarie.
• * 1.675

  Cupola.
• * 1.676

  The Deuill he was.
• * 1.677

  Old men.
• * 1.678

  False miracles to confirme false Religion.
• * 1.679

  The fable that Mahomets Tombe han∣geth in the Ayre.
• * 1.680

  The iourney to Mecha.
• * 1.681

  Iourney on the land by Card and Compasse as on the Sea. The Sea of Sand.
• * 1.682

  Momia.
• * 1.683

  Mount Sinai.
• * 1.684

  The den where Mahumet liued in contempla∣tion.
• * 1.685

  Of Mecha and why the Ma∣humetans resort thither.
• * 1.686

  The Sultan of Mecha.
• * 1.687

  Sacrifice to A∣braham and I∣saac.
• * 1.688

  Mecha cursed of God. Water very deare.
• * 1.689

  Ziden. Arabia Foelix.
• * 1.690

  Many Pilgrims and Strangers at Mecha.
• * 1.691

  Why so many Nations resort to Mecha.
• * 1.692

  The Temple of Mecha. This Temple and the buil∣dings are alte∣red since, by Soliman. See hereof, and of these Meccan rites, inf. c. 9.
• * 1.693

  Mecca-Par∣dons. A Turret in the Temple of Mecha. A Gate of Sil∣uer. Balsam or Balme.
• * 1.694

  A Chappell with a Well in it, in the Tem∣ple.
• * 1.695

  A strange bap∣tisme for re∣mission of sins.
• * 1.696

  The house of Abraham. Sacrifice to Abraham. The manner of sacrificing at Mecha. Sacrifice of sheepe.
• * 1.697

  Religion for pouertie.
• * 1.698

  Cadi, a Prea∣cher. A goodly Ser∣mon.
• * 1.699

  Souldiers trouble the Word of God
• * 1.700

  The Deuill ap∣peareth to Isaac, or rather to Ismael, after their Legend.
• * 1.701

  Isaac wounded the Deuill in the fore-head. Stocke Doues of the Progeny of the Doue which spake in Mahumets ••are
• * 1.702

  The only report that I haue found in any credible Au∣thor of Vni∣cornes: neither in 120. yeares which haue passed since, haue I found one Relation to second it. Some mention Vnicornes, but vnderstand the Rhinoceros.
• * 1.703

  Braccia.
• * 1.704

  Why Mecha is not so much frequented as in time past.
• * 1.705

  Paying of cu∣stome to the Sultan.
• * 1.706

  The Citie Zi∣den.
• * 1.707

  Poore Pil∣grims that came from Mecha.
• * 1.708

  From Arabia to Persia.
• * 1.709

  Baduines.
• * 1.710

  The Author taken and put in Prison.
• * 1.711

  Souldiers Horsemen of Christian E∣thiopians.
• * 1.712

  Counterfeite madnesse.
• * 1.713

  Sheepe with exceeding great tayles. A sheepe made a Mahumetan.
• * 1.714

  Madnes taken for holinesse.
• * 1.715

  Heremites. Mahumetans.
• * 1.716

  A holy Vow.
• * 1.717

  A holy Saint.
• * 1.718

  The fleet of India.
• * 1.719

  Strife and ha∣tred for Reli∣gion, and all worth nought. Mortus Raly, as the Persians cal him.
• * 1.720

  Grapes with∣cut graines. Men of long life in tempe∣rate Aire.
• * 1.721

  See the next Chap. An Armie of 80000. men. Strong walls.
• * 1.722

  Taessa. Roses.
• * 1.723

  Sugar.
• * 1.724

  The Sultan of Arabia Foelix.
• * 1.725

  A pitifull Pagan. A great fa∣milie.
• * 1.726

  Monkeys and Lions.
• * 1.727

  Danger of wilde beasts.
• * 1.728

  Tempest. The Voyage to Persia. Ethiope. Rubricke.
• * 1.729

  Zeila.
• * 1.730

  Gold. Iuorie. Blacke slaues. Presbyter Iohan∣nes, King of Iacobins and Abyssins. Iustice and good lawes. Sheepe with great tayles, Palearia.
• * 1.731

  Kine with Harts hornes. 〈…〉〈…〉ne with one∣ly one horne.
• * 1.732

  Banians.
• * 1.733

  They may seeme the suc∣cessors of Da∣rius and Porus. The great pompe of the King of Cambaia. Elephants.
• * 1.734

  A strange Hi∣storie of a King accustomed to eate poyson.
• * 1.735

  A venimous King.
• a 1.736

  Iaman is South or Hap∣pie Arabia.
• b 1.737

  Stations are dayes iourneys or such places where Trauel∣lers and Ca∣r••uans made stay.
• c 1.738

  Zabid.
• * 1.739

  d Sanaa, haply that which is now the Me∣tropolis Sinan or Zenan, where Sir H. Mid. was.
• e 1.740

  Daiar-Dahes now Taies.
• f 1.741

  Aden.
• g 1.742

  Mahgem, now perhaps Moha: for the pronuncia••ion of letters espe∣cially gutte∣rals, cause much altera tion.
• h 1.743

  Saba, I sup∣pose he mea∣neth the queen of Saba, 1. Reg. 10.
• i 1.744

  Merbat and Frankincense. Sarandib.
• * 1.745

  Metser is Cairo or Egypt.
• * 1.746

  Mosleman is a right Ortho∣dox beleeuer, so the Maho∣metans call themselues.
• * 1.747

  This is but Mahumet•••• ig∣norance, for the Samaritans, or Cutheans are another sect: of which see my Pilg. l. 2. c. 8.
• * 1.748

  Medina.
• * 1.749

  A chiefe se∣ctarie.
• * 1.750

  Arabia.
• * 1.751

  i. the two Seas.
• * 1.752

  Seruah, built as they fable by Spirits, for Belcqis Wife of Sal.
• * 1.753

  Gods iudge∣ment.
• * 1.754

  Kis. Tairaset.
• * 1.755

  The Riuer Asian, on which Riuer are sea∣ted Monsare∣cha, Va••ara, Carsa, Abra, Baasa, Sal, Ame∣ria, Nisan, Bar∣cat-Dha••ec, Sa∣lamia, Tau••••eh, Merca, Megiara
• * 1.756

  Of Ar••bia, and the Arabians. Gen. 10. 25. Ierah or Iaarob first Arabian: so before Ben. Tudel. cals thē the sonnes of Ghereb.
• * 1.757

  Beduois or Be∣duines actiuity.
• * 1.758

  Their Tribes or Families.
• * 1.759

  Their food.
• * 1.760

  Foolish and blasphemous Traditions.
• * 1.761

  Melongenae.
• * 1.762

  Their apparell.
• * 1.763

  The Deuils Ierusalem See my Pilg•• 3. c. 2. §. 3. The Tartarian conquest is here omitted.
• * 1.764

  Baghdad or Bagdat.
• * 1.765

  Aristotles books of Physicks ad∣mired.
• * 1.766

  This number seemeth false. Bochara the Ci∣tie of Auicenna: some say in Bo∣chara neere Samercand.
• y 1.767

  This seemed to arise of their opinion of Fate.
• * 1.768

  Auicenna. His dissimula∣tion.
• * 1.769

  Damascus.
• * 1.770

  Comparison of Mah. and Almotannabbi.
• * 1.771

  M. Abi Abdillah
• * 1.772

  Aleppo.
• * 1.773

  Sciarfeddin a Turkish Histo∣rian.
• * 1.774

  Muske how made.
• * 1.775

  Mount Libanus
• * 1.776

  Cedar descri∣bed.
• * 1.777

  Maronites.
• * 1.778

  Bells why for∣bidden to all Christi••ns vn∣der the Mahu∣metans. The Patriarch.
• * 1.779

  Mecca and the Temple. Kabe like to the House at Lo∣retto in Angel∣legends.
• * 1.780

  The blacke stone.
• * 1.781

  Zam Zam, Is∣maels Well.
• * 1.782

  Mahumetan. Sacrifices.
• * 1.783

  Lying Tradi∣tion.
• * 1.784

  Territorie of Mecca.
• * 1.785

  Balsam brought from Gi••ead to Cairo, thence to Mecca.
• * 1.786

  Scerif of Mec∣ca.
• * 1.787

  Medina.
• * 1.788

  Mohameds birth and life.
• * 1.789

  Computation of their Hegira.
• * 1.790

  Not for recon ciliation ther∣of, with Chri∣stian account
• * 1.791

  Mahomeds fil∣thinesse.
• * 1.792

  His foure wiues and his children. Mother of the Moslemans.
• * 1.793

  His foure Asso∣ciates or Counsellors, Abi-Bacr.
• * 1.794

  Homar.
• * 1.795

  Othman. Aali.
• * 1.796

  Mohemed; death and S••∣pulcher,
• * 1.797

  Ca••ro,
• * 1.798

  Salt of Nil••••. Balsam.
• * 1.799

  M. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 saith there is now but one, l. 6. c. 8 §. 2.
• * 1.800

  Vid. sup. p. 897
• * 1.801

  This is in Syri•• and ascribed to the Suns entrance into Leo. Mescuites, or Moschees, and their Ceremo∣nies in them.
• * 1.802

  Mosleman wo∣men dis repe∣cted. Hence some ascribe to the Turkes falsly, that women haue no soule. Easterne attire
• * 1.803

  A note for ••ra∣uellersin these parts, not to prouoke them with our liber∣tie in vrine, &c a cause of quarrell often to Christians.
• * 1.804

  Easterne Lan∣guages.
• * 1.805

  Arabike Au∣thours.
• * 1.806

  Moslemans Creed.
• * 1.807

  Mosleman Pre∣cepts are; Circumcision. Fiue houres Prayers.
• * 1.808

  Almes. Fast.
• * 1.809

  P••••rimage. Fighing.
• * 1.810

  No〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.811

  Washings.
• * 1.812

  Order of visi∣ting the sick, of Wils, Restitu∣tions, and Bu∣rials.
• * 1.813

  Christians in the East their death & burial.
• * 1.814

  Of this name Meneses or Me∣nezes, Frier Iohn Santos recko∣neth foure Vice-royes: two of which were Duartes or Edwards. One An. 1521. This was Earle of T••rouca, and sent into India, An. 1584. and ruled there more then foure yeares. Note also, that Don Iohn de Ca∣str••, whose Rut∣ter of the Red Sea ye haue in the seuenth Booke, was Vice-roy of India, An. 1545. famous for arts and Armes, which I menti∣on that the Reader may obserue our care in forreine Authors to chuse the best.
• * 1.815

  Which are 75. Reys euery one, and two pence farthing English.
• * 1.816

  Bargani is two pence halfe peny farthing, and a sixteenth part of a penie.
• * 1.817

  Which is ele∣uen penc•• far∣thing English.
• * 1.818

  Which is a kind of Priest of their Idols.
• * 1.819

  Which is cal∣led Bramane.
• * 1.820

  Which is their Temple.
• * 1.821

  Called Bi∣garins.
• * 1.822

  See my Pilg. l. 5. c. 9. §. 2.
• * 1.823

  Of men decea∣sed, and how they inherit one after ano∣ther.
• * 1.824

  Which is 2 Gyptian.
• * 1.825

  How the goods of men decea∣sed, must bee sold in the Towne to the Gouernours, and they shall pay the debts, being due and lawfull.
• * 1.826

  Or a Cassock: Pachorins a kind of Linnen cloath.
• * 1.827

  A piece of Mo∣ney of three farthings. Betre, an herbe that they vse to eate.
• * 1.828

  Which is a piece of linnen cloath.
• * 1.829

  Which is a piece of Mony worth 300. Reys. Pachorins a piece of Lin∣nen cloath.
• * 1.830

  Which is an herbe they vse to eate.
• * 1.831

  Toucha, a kind of Torch or Lampe carried before them. Andor is a Chaire.
• * 1.832

  As Westminster Hall.
• * 1.833

  Or a Preferrer of Bills and Supplications.
• * 1.834

  Which is cal∣led regidencia.
• * 1.835

  Viz. of Portugal
• * 1.836

  A note or copy of the autho∣ritie that the Chancellor of the House or Court of Re∣lation of India hath.
• * 1.837

  For the is a Chancerie be∣longing to the Court of Re∣quests.
• * 1.838

  A note or copy of the autho∣ritie that be∣longeth to the Iudges of the Appeales.
• * 1.839

  Which is, 6 l. 5 s. sterling.
• * 1.840

  Which is, 12 l. 10 s. sterling.
• * 1.841

  A note of the authoritie be∣longing to the chiefe Iudge of Criminall cases. Or, in matters of late time. Which is as Westminster Hal.
• * 1.842

  Or in matters of late time.
• * 1.843

  A note of the authoritie be∣longing to the chiefe Iudge of Ciuill cases.
• * 1.844

  A note of the authoritie be∣longing to the Iudge of the Crown Office, and of the Ex∣chequor. Or in matters of late time.
• * 1.845

  Note that the•• is a Iudge of Crowne and Exchequor matters in the Court of Re∣quests.
• * 1.846

  A note of the authoritie be∣longing to the Attorney of cases touching the Crowne, and Exche∣quor.
• * 1.847

  A note of the authoritie be∣longing to the chiefe Com∣missioner of the Deceased. Or, in matters of late time.
• * 1.848

  Which is, 12 l. 10 s. sterling. Which is, 9 l. 7 s. 6 d. sterl.
• * 1.849

  Which is, 125 l. sterling.
• * 1.850

  Which is 1250. pound sterling. Which is 500. pound sterling.
• * 1.851

  Viz. of Portugal
• * 1.852

  A no••e of the Keeper, Recei∣uer, and Di∣stributers charges be∣longing to the Court of Re∣lation.
• * 1.853

  A note of the authoritie be∣longing to the Iudge of the Citie of Goa. Or in matters of late time.
• * 1.854

  Which is fiue pound sterling Which is seuen pound ten shil∣lings sterling.
• * 1.855

  A note of the authoritie be∣longing to the Iudge of the Orphans in the Citie of Goa.
• * 1.856

  To wit of Portugall. Which is sixe pound fiue shillings ster∣ling. Which is three pound fifteene shillings ster∣ling. The Copie of the rule or au∣thoritie of the Learned Iud∣ges of Mazam∣bique, Ormus, Dyo, Malaqua, Da••aon, Bazam and Chaul. Or in matter of later time.
• * 1.857

  Which is twen∣tie fiue pound sterling. Which is six∣teene pound fifteene shil∣lings sterling. Which is fiftie pound sterling. Which is forty three pound fifteene shil∣lings sterling.
• * 1.858

  Which is one pound sterling
• * 1.859

  Which is 125. pounds sterling
• * 1.860

  Anfiaon is an Herbe that maketh drunk.
• * 1.861

  Which is a kind of Herbe they vse to eat.
• * 1.862

  Certain Ilands so called.
• * 1.863

  Which are cer∣taine Lands belonging to Salcete and Bardes.
• * 1.864

  Or Cattell.
• * 1.865

  Pragana is a Towno.
• * 1.866

  Which are a kind of Panta∣dos.
• * 1.867

  Or Horse loads. Vargeas are plaine Earable grounds by the Water side. Chatins are Merchants. Pagodes, a piece of that Mony among them, with an Image of the Deuill vpon it.
• * 1.868

  Which are 30. Reys euery one
• * 1.869

  A piece of Mo∣ny so called. Fardo, a horse load. Maluco is now possessed by the Spanish and Dutch.
• * 1.870

  Euery Cruza∣do is 5 ••. sterl. Which is 100 l. weight euery Kintall.
• * 1.871

  Viz. of Portugul Which is 13 ••. 9 d. nine sixti∣eth parts of a peny sterling.
• * 1.872

  Which is 3000 pounds sterl.
• * 1.873

  To wit, of Mer∣chanzie.
• * 1.874

  Or Kettle or Dumb-players.
• * 1.875

  Viz. of mer∣chandise. which are gift•• or presents.
• * 1.876

  Note that those places are certayne passages where men pay a cer∣tayne tribute or toll, also it is a drie Port, Or drie Pace or Port.
• * 1.877

  Ports of Pas∣sages. Note that he maketh here mention but of six, and in the summe is allowed for ten.
• * 1.878

  The particu∣lar Officers, Clerkes, Fa∣ctors, Recei∣uers, &c. are for breuitie omitted, as al∣so in those that follow.
• b 1.879

  Note that the holy monie is a kind of bro∣therhood which serueth to buy such as are slaine, hanged, or drowned, and not knowne, or haue no friends. It is also an Hospi∣tall for the poore. Or gentlemen of the round.
• * 1.880

  Which are swift Galleys.
• * 1.881

  Pursers.
• * 1.882

  Sarangue is a Ruler.
• a 1.883

  Orwages.
• * 1.884

  All manner of Pulse, as Pea••e Beanes, also Bacon, or any other meate.
• * 1.885

  The parti∣culars are o∣mitted, and may be pro∣portioned by the former, as also tho••e which follow.
• * 1.886

  Which is a paire of Beads, fayned that our Ladie brought from Heauen,
• * 1.887

  Passo sequ••.
• * 1.888

  That is of the fiue wounds of Christ. Which are Bond-men or Slaues.
• * 1.889

  The three Kings of Cullen
• * 1.890

  Iesuits Pari∣shes 298 l. a yeare. Their Colledges at Goa and Cordi∣ni richly en∣dowed.
• * 1.891

  Or Idoll Temples.
• * 1.892

  Which is an authorized sale.
• * 1.893

  Or such as are catechized and iustructed in the grounds of Christian Religion, so to prepare them (being of Eth∣nike Paren∣tage) to holy Christian Bap∣tisme.
• * 1.894

  Sauagates are Gifts.
• * 1.895

  Monasteries of Franciscans. A kind of Mea∣sure so called.
• * 1.896

  Or Course Rice.
• * 1.897

  Of Dominicans.
• * 1.898

  Which is nine Cantares.
• * 1.899

  Of Austen Fryars.
• * 1.900

  Anfion is a kind of herbe that makes drunke. Bague a kind of Merchandixe.
• * 1.901

  Or chiefe In∣quisitor.
• * 1.902

  As they terme it.
• * 1.903

  Or Fiscale. Or Attourncy Generall.
• * 1.904

  Which is halfe a horse-loade.
• * 1.905

  Expences that are made with the Church of the said For∣tresse.
• * 1.906

  The parti∣culars are mentioned, but here for breuitie omit∣ted.
• * 1.907

  Iesuites and Friars.
• * 1.908

  Hispahan.
• * 1.909

  No antiquitie••
• * 1.910

  Persepolis and her remayne••.
• * 1.911

  Inscription of vnknowne let∣ters, in fashion of a Delta.
• * 1.912

  δ
• * 1.913

  Castle.
• * 1.914

  Sepulcher.
• * 1.915

  Margatean.
• * 1.916

  Casbin.
• * 1.917

  Soltania.
• * 1.918

  Farabat.
• * 1.919

  Two Comets seene also here 1618.
• * 1.920

  As we haue seene since in Turkie, Poland, Bohemia, Ger∣manie, Grisons, France, &c. and still see.
• * 1.921

  Would God he had beene or may be a true presage.
• * 1.922

  Io. dos Sanctos l. 2. de Van. bist. c. 18.
• * 1.923

  Faisca. A Corpo Santo saluted, and fond opinions thereof. How truly is it said of such, Io. 4. Yee worship yee know not what?
• * 1.924

  Ouper.
• * 1.925

  Profit of Le∣gends of lies of Saints.
• * 1.926

  Adoration to an exhalation, supposed a Saint: and to a Saint as to God: a double Idolatrie in the Popish opinion, which yet lay this stun bling blocke before the blind in worship of creatures. Terra dos Fa∣mos. Children of the Sunne. Inbanzato.
• * 1.927

  Qu••teue King of the Coun∣trey about So∣fala.
• * 1.928

  Monamotapa.
• * 1.929

  Strange birds. Luabe.
• * 1.930

  S••••••.
• * 1.931

  Tete.
• * 1.932

  Two English ships. Two other. These of C. Raymond and Lancaster: the other of B. Wood. See sup. p. 110. Sofala. Mocarangue.
• * 1.933

  A strange tree,
• * 1.934

  Another.
• * 1.935

  Bread of M〈…〉〈…〉, or Guinny, Tur∣kie, Virginia Wheat, &c. Wine.
• * 1.936

  The Quiteue Manner of succession and coronation.
• * 1.937

  See after of breaking the Bowe.
• * 1.938

  Women-Ele∣ctors.
• * 1.939

  The Sedandas like customes.
• * 1.940

  Ceremonie of breaking the Bowe.
• * 1.941

  Cruell seruice.
• * 1.942

  Ill custom well broken.
• * 1.943

  Great obser∣uance: the like is vsed in Ia∣pan, to lye prostrate and not looke on him.
• * 1.944

  Exequies to the dead Kings.
• * 1.945

  Pemberar, som∣what resem∣bling that which Aeneas performed to Anchises.
• * 1.946

  Deuils tyran∣ny and Ora∣cles.
• * 1.947

  No forme of Religion.
• * 1.948

  The King in diuine reputa∣tion.
• * 1.949

  Musimos holy dayes strictly kept.
• * 1.950

  Opinions of the Deuill.
• * 1.951

  Aborigi••es.
• * 1.952

  Marombes, Bards or bar∣barous Poets Strange Titles of greatnesse.
• * 1.953

  Musicians.
• * 1.954

  See after, c. 1••.
• * 1.955

  Oathes dread∣full and terri∣ble. See before in A. Battell, l. 7. c. 3. of the like in Loango, &c.
• * 1.956

  Num. 5.
• * 1.957

  Haire-fashion in hornes.
• * 1.958

  Occupations.
• * 1.959

  The Tartars do the like: and the Scots also, as I haue heard, in the furthest North of this Iland.
• * 1.960

  As Bacon & Martinmas Beete in Eng∣land. Houses of Ca∣fars, houshold, and food.
• * 1.961

  Mais Wine ho•• made.
• * 1.962

  Lots and diui∣nations.
• * 1.963

  Witches.
• * 1.964

  Punishments.
• * 1.965

  Marriages.
• * 1.966

  Brutish trauell
• * 1.967

  Funerals.
• * 1.968

  Lamentations.
• * 1.969

  Inhumanitie, famine, and beggarie.
• * 1.970

  White Cafres.
• * 1.971

  Numerous is∣sue, & strange Nurses.
• * 1.972

  Moura.
• * 1.973

  Barrets inuasiō.
• * 1.974

  Chicanga.
• * 1.975

  Three wayes of getting Gold.
• * 1.976

  Matuca and Dahabo. Tribute to the Quiteue.
• * 1.977

  Strange Em∣bassage.
• * 1.978

  Quiteues Tri∣bute of the Casres.
• * 1.979

  Moores of Sofa∣la their cu∣stomes.
• * 1.980

  An honorable title to be cal∣led the Kings Wife.
• * 1.981

  Cuama or Zam∣beze a great ri∣uer described.
• * 1.982

  Riuer of good signes.
• * 1.983

  Sacumbe Falls.
• * 1.984

  Chicoua.
• * 1.985

  Luaba Iland.
• * 1.986

  Chingoma.
• * 1.987

  It seemes that Cuama and Ni∣lus receiues not their wa∣ters from the same Lake, their increase being in so dif∣fering Times.
• * 1.988

  Riuer-horse described.
• * 1.989

  Wilde Horses,
• * 1.990

  Wilde Asses.
• * 1.991

  Zeura, see sup. 984.
• * 1.992

  Wilde Dog.
• * 1.993

  A strang•• Worme.
• * 1.994

  Muske Rats venemous.
• * 1.995

  Zangaons, a kind of Flies of a various kinde.
• * 1.996

  Curúanes, Birds of great beau∣tie.
• * 1.997

  Birds of great forc••.
• * 1.998

  Birds of great w••t.
• * 1.999

  Birds of great prouidence.
• * 1.1000

  Birds proper of the ayre.
• * 1.1001

  O〈…〉〈…〉de calls them Tomine••os Historie of Fishes. The Torpedo see sup. 1183. & inf. c. 13. §. 2.
• * 1.1002

  Taile eating Macone.
• * 1.1003

  Red Herrings.
• * 1.1004

  Women fishes.
• * 1.1005

  Fish-sow ba∣con.
• * 1.1006

  Pearle Oy∣sters.
• * 1.1007

  Ambargrice.
• * 1.1008

  The Croco∣dile.
• * 1.1009

  This stinke is a Muskie sent: see Iob∣son. Gabriell Rebello in his Tract of the Maluccos, writes that there are some with foure eies, two in the Front, and two in the Throat. Miciriri a strange herb••.
• * 1.1010

  Lupata Hil••.
• * 1.1011

  Zambeze.
• * 1.1012

  Mongas.
• * 1.1013

  Rusumba.
• * 1.1014

  Tamarinhelro.
• * 1.1015

  Crocodile-Purgatory.
• * 1.1016

  Strange Springs.
• * 1.1017

  Sena.
• * 1.1018

  Tete.
• * 1.1019

  Massapa.
• * 1.1020

  The Kingdom of Manamo∣tapa.
• * 1.1021

  Manamotapa 200. leagues square.
• * 1.1022

  Trade from the Atlantike to the East Sea.
• * 1.1023

  Manica, how bounded and rounded.
• * 1.1024

  Fura supposed to be Ophir.
• * 1.1025

  Old buildings of stone.
• * 1.1026

  Q. of Sab••.
• * 1.1027

  Salomons O••ir.
• * 1.1028

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• a 1.1029

  This by rea∣son their ships were small, as that infancie of Nauigation required: and besides they must carry the timber from one Sea to the other ouer land to build them: Neither were Hirams men expert in that Sea: and haply two Na∣tions did not well agree to hasten the Voyage.
• b 1.1030

  See sup. pag. 975. store of Peacocks wild and tame, seen by A. Battle, vp within the Land. Golden fetters. Riches the cause of po∣uertie.
• * 1.1031

  Chicoua.
• * 1.1032

  Siluer Mines. Barrets Con∣quest.
• * 1.1033

  See sup. pag. 1022. in Lopez, the descripti∣on of those Coasts after his forme. Let the Reader take this gene∣rall rule to be∣leeue our Au∣thors in that which they saw; in other things recei∣ued by Relati∣ons (as this of Lopez) to ex∣amine them with eye-wit∣nesses, as here. For this cause, and sometime for want of eye-witnesses, we haue brief∣ly inserted such Relations.
• * 1.1034

  Coixa The Mazarira or Queene. As Ioseph by the life of P••••r••o.
• * 1.1035

  Their speech and phrase.
• * 1.1036

  Grey-bound greatly estee∣med.
• * 1.1037

  Tete Iurisdicti∣on.
• * 1.1038

  Mumbos and Zimbas, Man∣eaters. Qu••••e, whether these Zimb•• bee not the Agisimbae. Butcheries of mans flesh.
• * 1.1039

  Skull-pauing.
• * 1.1040

  Sen••. Muzimbus.
• * 1.1041

  Zimbas-strata∣gen and cru∣eltie.
• * 1.1042

  Religion.
• * 1.1043

  The Portugals flye, and are slain••.
• * 1.1044

  Ridiculous re∣uenge.
• * 1.1045

  The Zimbas like the Iagges, sup. l. 7. c. 3. §. 3 which some vniustly con∣found.
• * 1.1046

  Quiloa taken.
• * 1.1047

  Reward of Traitors, Trea∣son loued, the Traitor hated.
• * 1.1048

  Mombaza de∣stroyed.
• * 1.1049

  Melinde. The Mosse∣gueios.
• * 1.1050

  The Iesuites call them Im∣bij, see my Pilg. l. 7. c. 7. Tres Braças.
• * 1.1051

  Port of Quili∣mane.
• * 1.1052

  Macúas Cafres.
• * 1.1053

  Loranga Riuer.
• * 1.1054

  Gallants fa∣shion.
• * 1.1055

  Marriages.
• * 1.1056

  Diuination.
• * 1.1057

  Funerals.
• * 1.1058

  Maurûca King of Barbarous people. Lothsome bra∣uery; the fit∣test Glasse for our Gallants to view them∣selues in; whose mindes are more de∣formed then these Blackes in bodie.
• * 1.1059

  Quizungo R.
• * 1.1060

  Matos which wee translate Wildernesse, is the vntilled wilde ground neere their dwellings, as well as the maine Desarts.
• * 1.1061

  Note.
• * 1.1062

  Moçambique. Of the Hollan∣ders besieging it, see sup. pag. 716.
• * 1.1063

  Two Elements wanting.
• * 1.1064

  Quirimba, and other Ilands.
• * 1.1065

  Rolas.
• * 1.1066

  Bunched Kine.
• * 1.1067

  Indico. Manna: this was a miracle in Moses time, as their wa∣ters, Quailes, Garments, &c. not by procre∣ation of new kinds, but by miraculous disposition; that it should follow them; breed wormes, and yet in the Tabernacle be euerlasting, not fall on the Sabbath, &c. Foure scourges
• * 1.1068

  Entaca.
• * 1.1069

  Night-blind∣nesse.
• * 1.1070

  Elephants sleepe not by Trees, but on the ground.
• * 1.1071

  Arroba is 321. Ships.
• * 1.1072

  Which grows on the Coco.
• * 1.1073

  Pangayos and Almadias.
• * 1.1074

  Coast of Me∣linde.
• * 1.1075

  Munimugi. Embeoc.
• * 1.1076

  Mombaça. Pemba.
• * 1.1077

  Pate. Ampaza.
• * 1.1078

  Mandra.
• * 1.1079

  Messegueyos customes.
• * 1.1080

  The tokens, as Linschoten saith are the priui∣ties, see my Pi••g••. 7. c. 7. ss. a. Braua. Magadoxo. Maracatos.
• * 1.1081

  Zanzibar. Deuillish sor∣cerie.
• * 1.1082

  Emas, somwhat like Ostriches, see o•• them my Pilg. l. 5. c. 12. Sea Monster.
• * 1.1083

  A nest of great Birds.
• * 1.1084

  L. 7. in fine. Emanuel Aco∣sta, translated by Maffeius.
• * 1.1085

  The Kingdom of Inhambane. He seemeth the Sedanda, sup. c. 12. §. 3. or rather some Encosse of his.
• * 1.1086

  As it the de∣nyal of a mans sel••e were in regard of our nature which is of God, and not of our vi∣ces which are of our selues. This flesh (that is, naturall cor∣ruption) must be mortified spiritually; not the body bodi∣ly killed, or dis∣abled by im∣moderate zeale to serue the Spirit.
• * 1.1087

  Santos hath told you that hee hath no tributarie Kings; this was but an Encosse (as it seemeth) which yet as Caesars foure Kings in a piece of Kent had that name giuen, to make a greater sound at Rome,
• * 1.1088

  Treacherie of Moores.
• * 1.1089

  Consaluus mare tyred.
• * 1.1090

  Iar. l. 1. c. 10.
• * 1.1091

  Pet. Iarric. Thes. rerum Iudica∣rum, tom. 3.
• * 1.1092

  Of Barrets acts in those parts, you read be∣fore in Santos.
• * 1.1093

  Lib. 7. c. 4.
• * 1.1094

  Of Angola, see l. 7. c. 4. §. 3.
• * 1.1095

  Castle of Cam∣bamba.
• * 1.1096

  N••w Beads. Many bapti∣sed, few Chri∣stians.
• * 1.1097

  Chibadi Sodo∣mites.
• * 1.1098

  Cacongus.
• * 1.1099

  Guinea, descri∣bed and diui∣ded.
• * 1.1100

  Saint Iage.
• * 1.1101

  Tangos ma••••.
• * 1.1102

  Iar. to. 3. c. 45.
• * 1.1103

  Wash-way Baptisme.
• * 1.1104

  Barerius his Letters.
• * 1.1105

  Bissan. Guinala.
• * 1.1106

  Biguba in Bea∣farum regno.
• * 1.1107

  Pagono.
• * 1.1108

  Tamarena. Buran.
• * 1.1109

  Of Sierra Leo∣na, See snp. 189
• * 1.1110

  An Amazon.
• * 1.1111

  Tora.
• * 1.1112

  Scandall of Priests, too too Secular.
• * 1.1113

  Their building
• * 1.1114

  A bundle of stickes wor∣shipped.
• * 1.1115

  Deuillish cru∣elty.
• * 1.1116

  Three Beafares Kings, Bijags.
• * 1.1117

  Beni or Beuin.
• * 1.1118

  The chiefe Be∣xerine is the high Priest, or Marybuck of the Mandingas, of which see Master Iobson.
• * 1.1119

  Numerous issue by reason of their Poli∣gamie.
• * 1.1120

  Funerall rites.
• * 1.1121

  Straw-torches.
• * 1.1122

  The Iogges: see l. 7. c. 3. §. 3.
• * 1.1123

  China supersti∣tions.
• * 1.1124

  Africae Illustra∣tae libri 10.
• * 1.1125

  Christianitie of Barbarie.
• * 1.1126

  Numbers of Christians and Iewes in a part of Barbary.
• * 1.1127

  One sent thither in dis∣pleasure from Constantinople.
• * 1.1128

  Pitifull Chri∣stianitie. Iol seat of Iuba. Antiquities of Argier.
• * 1.1129

  Sarsella.
• * 1.1130

  Lib. 6. c. 4.
• * 1.1131

  Description of Argier taken, out of Gra∣mayes large Tractate, l. 7.
• * 1.1132

  Their were said to come 60000 Moores at their last eiection to Algier from Spaine.
• * 1.1133

  13000, houses.
• * 1.1134

  35000. Chri∣stian Slaues.
• * 1.1135

  Moores free∣men.
• * 1.1136

  And Foreners. Mountayne of Couko and La∣besan, which are pettie Kingdomes. Those Moores Azuages haue crosses marked in their hands.
• * 1.1137

  Two Mufties-Moore and a Turke.
• * 1.1138

  Iewes Officers. The Aga.
• * 1.1139

  Opinions foo∣lish and Deuil∣lish in Aigier.
• * 1.1140

  Mahumean Al∣gier finnes. Fie on it.
• * 1.1141

  Of this diui∣ning by Books and Arrowes, a White for the Turke, a Black for the Chri∣stian, see sup. pag. 892.
• * 1.1142

  Funerals.
• * 1.1143

  Mourning.
• * 1.1144

  The treasure.
• * 1.1145

  Epithets of Algier.
• * 1.1146

  The Author saith, Nullus per eleem••sinam ereptus est, but we know by priuate friends by publike me∣diation of Em∣bassadors, by collection in Churches, di∣uers English men are redee∣med: but not in the sense he speakes: which yet were to be wished; or that Hell-centre to be by publike charge of chri∣stendome de∣molished. Tortures of friends to force from feare a con∣fession of what is not.
• * 1.1147

  The price set on them, see sup. 890.
• * 1.1148

  Set in the earth to the neck, and then stoned: the ganched hang on the hooke diuers dayes till they take them downe and stone them.
• * 1.1149

  1609. to 1619. since they haue beene much worse, specially to English.
• * 1.1150

  Gambra: they seemed to themselues to trauell South-east to 8. degr. they wanted instruments to make the true height.
• * 1.1151

  Tide 200. leag. Flouds 30. foot high. The raines.
• * 1.1152

  Cause of the vnwholsom∣nesse of raine.
• * 1.1153

  Note for hea••th.
• * 1.1154

  Riuer horses, and Croco∣dile.
• * 1.1155

  Feare of the Crocodile.
• * 1.1156

  See before in Santos c 12. a larger descrip∣tion. Where our men may learne to take this Horse, E∣lephant, Cro∣codile, &c.
• * 1.1157

  Torpedo, Tre∣medor, or Thinta.
• * 1.1158

  Embleme of a flatterer.
• * 1.1159

  Running fish.
• * 1.1160

  Riuer fowle.
• * 1.1161

  Natiues fi∣shing.
• * 1.1162

  Mand••ngos.
• * 1.1163

  Portugals. These may be of the Tangos maos before mentioned.
• * 1.1164

  Hector Nunez. &c. which vn∣der colour of trade waited their time to kill the English, and take their ship, Tomson and others be∣ing in their trade in the Countrey, o∣thers on shore, and diuers sick: after much loue and pre∣tended kind∣nesse. King of Nany, see sup. l. 7. c. 1. The Fulbies. These being tawny, and the others blacke, sheweth that this colour comes from the seed which takes hold on the Portugals borne of Negro women, and not of the Sunne-burnd Fulby, in the same place. Beastly life.
• * 1.1165

  Base state.
• * 1.1166

  The Mandin∣gos idle life.
• * 1.1167

  Their diet.
• * 1.1168

  Note for our mens dyet.
• * 1.1169

  Their Houses.
• * 1.1170

  Strange Ant-hils.
• * 1.1171

  Fortifications.
• * 1.1172

  Their Armes. Azegeys.
• * 1.1173

  Bow and Ar∣rowes.
• * 1.1174

  Their Kings.
• * 1.1175

  Their State.
• * 1.1176

  Deuotion in salutation.
• * 1.1177

  Cotton trees or bushes. In other parts are greater Cot∣ten trees. Their apparel.
• * 1.1178

  Gregories.
• * 1.1179

  Their women.
• * 1.1180

  Priapeian Stal∣lions.
• * 1.1181

  Husbands and Wiues bought.
• * 1.1182

  Admirable subiection.
• * 1.1183

  Mariage rites.
• * 1.1184

  Course of suc∣cession.
• * 1.1185

  Marybuckes, or Priests of a Ma∣humetan Sect, differing from the common.
• * 1.1186

  Fodee Bram. see sup. 925.
• * 1.1187

  It seemes they speake some Arabike words: in which also their Law is written.
• * 1.1188

  Slouenly clen∣linesse.
• * 1.1189

  To Mecca ward.
• * 1.1190

  Marybucke O∣rations or Ser∣mons.
• * 1.1191

  Their Bookes and abstinence
• * 1.1192

  Marybucks tra∣uellers.
• * 1.1193

  Cause why Pa∣per is so estee∣med. See Sup. 1466.
• * 1.1194

  Trade of Slaues & Salt.
• * 1.1195

  Bloud-stone Trade. Carauans of Asses.
• * 1.1196

  Arabecks trads.
• * 1.1197

  Deformed people, their Trade and Gold. See Sup▪ pag. 872.
• * 1.1198

  Musicke and Musicians.
• * 1.1199

  Their Ballards see before pag. 925. and Sup. c. 12. the like in Cafraria.
• * 1.1200

  Circumcision, a seale of yn∣righteousnesse without Faith.
• * 1.1201

  Their Trades. Smiths.
• * 1.1202

  Gregorie maker
• * 1.1203

  Potters. Tabacco pipes
• * 1.1204

  Mars.
• * 1.1205

  Husbandry.
• * 1.1206

  Panike, Mil∣let, &c. No Bread.
• * 1.1207

  Palmita trees and Wine.
• * 1.1208

  Dullo-Al••. Gourds.
• * 1.1209

  Locust tree••▪ Great trees. Cola an Em∣bleme of the Christians Crosses.
• m 1.1210

  Sup. pag. 924 falsly printed 500. as the next page line 58. Hill for Ha∣uen, w••th di∣uers other faults, in which respect, as also for better and fuller intelli∣gence, this is added.
• n 1.1211

  Of this in the East and West Indies.
• * 1.1212

  Lions and Iac∣kalls
• * 1.1213

  Some say, that if the Lion faile of his prey at three iumps, he will not fur∣ther toile him∣selfe. Ounce.
• * 1.1214

  Ciuet-cat and Porcupine. Elephants.
• * 1.1215

  Shed not their teeth.
• * 1.1216

  Baboones and Monkeyes. He told me, he neuer saw greater Lion then of them: their height (standing vp) most admira∣ble!
• * 1.1217

  Baboones dancing Schoole.
• * 1.1218

  Vnicornes.
• * 1.1219

  Estriches & Emes vse san∣die Deserts.
• * 1.1220

  Land Fowle.
• * 1.1221

  Hanging Bird.
• * 1.1222

  A Bird with foure wings.
• * 1.1223

  No trees like ours.
• * 1.1224

  Cunning buil∣ding.
• * 1.1225

  Hunting Hawkes.
• * 1.1226

  Fowling.
• * 1.1227

  These three men serued their Appren∣tiships at Do∣uer, but were Westerne men borne: the Master in Corn∣wall, the other two in Deuon∣shire. I haue added this to the former, as pertaining also to Africa; and this with the former, and all the relations of Santos, and the Iesuits & some others, and so to the end of this Booke, as Appendix to the first Tome; being such Re∣lations as I had not to insert in their due place but later come into my hands.
• * 1.1228

  Fore-foot is not a part of a Ship, but when two ships sayle, one so much a weather the o∣ther, that shee will goe a head of the other, it is then called the Fore-foot: so that it im∣plies one Ships sayling a crosse another Ships way.
• * 1.1229

  Clewline, is to the top top∣gallant and sprit-sayle, that which the Clew garnet is to the mayn∣sayle: the Clew is the lower corner of the sayle where the tackes & sheats are made fast: the Clew-gar∣net, a rope fast to the Clew rūning thence in a blocke to the middle of the yard, to which it hales vp the Clew, &c.
• * 1.1230

  Lee, is that which is oppo∣site to the winde: chac't Pieces, are those which lie right forward, or right aft-ward on: the Decke is the floore of Pl••••ks on which is the Ordnance placed.
• * 1.1231

  Consultation with a Wizard.
• * 1.1232

  Eleuen Turkes and three Chri∣stians.
• * 1.1233

  Steeredge is the place where they steere.
• * 1.1234

  To Cunne the Ship, is the same with Conducere, to direct.
• * 1.1235

  Aft and abaft hath relation from any part of the Ship to things done or placed thence to the Sternward.
• * 1.1236

  Capstaine barres are smal pieces of tim∣ber put tho∣row the barrell of the Cap∣staine, by which they turne it about. The vse of the Capstaine is to weigh anchor, to heaue any thing of weight.
• * 1.1237

  Roofe trees are Timbers of light wood, that goe from the Half-decke to the Fore∣castle, and are to beare vp the gratings, &c. But to ex∣pound all the Mariners termes in this Letter, would make a Glosse longer then the Text.
• * 1.1238

  The Rocke a point of Land at the turning in from the Sea towards Lisbon.
• * 1.1239

  Homo domini lupus: homo domini daemon.
• * 1.1240

  A Preface to the ensuing Treatise.
• * 1.1241

  Sup••. l. 8. &c.
• * 1.1242

  The situation.
• * 1.1243

  The compasse, Gates.
• * 1.1244

  Chiefe Gate,
• * 1.1245

  Capoochee Ba∣shees, sixe.
• * 1.1246

  Watch-house,
• * 1.1247

  Agiam••glans. Ordnance.
• * 1.1248

  Set roomes suted to the season. Kiosks or Ban∣quetting houses. Chamber of Audience.
• * 1.1249

  S••fa spred.
• * 1.1250

  Leaues and Flowers; con∣trary to their vsuall Carpet. superstition. Gardens.
• * 1.1251

  Gypresse∣walkes.
• * 1.1252

  Womens Lod∣ging.
• * 1.1253

  Roomes for Officers. Two large; the Treasurie (Hazineb) and Wardrobe.
• * 1.1254

  Sealed doore.
• * 1.1255

  Roomes for many other vses.
• * 1.1256

  First Gate. Porch and Guard.
• * 1.1257

  Great Court.
• * 1.1258

  Hospitall with Officers.
• * 1.1259

  Store-house.
• * 1.1260

  Second gate.
• * 1.1261

  Porch and guard. Lesse Court, of greater beauty Gazells.
• * 1.1262

  Gallerie.
• * 1.1263

  Nine Kitchins with their Lar∣ders.
• * 1.1264

  Kings Stable.
• * 1.1265

  Horses Furni∣ture admirable
• * 1.1266

  Officers of the Diuan. Diuan-roome. Outward Ha∣zineh.
• * 1.1267

  Queenes gate and guard of blacke Eunu∣ches. Third (or Kings) gate. Who may en∣ter. Capi Agba, chief Chamberlaine-White Eunu∣ches.
• * 1.1268

  Audience Chamber. Faire Court.
• * 1.1269

  The Authors entry into the Serragli••.
• * 1.1270

  Summer Roomes.
• * 1.1271

  Hall.
• * 1.1272

  Lake.
• * 1.1273

  Terrase.
• * 1.1274

  Boate. Mutes.
• * 1.1275

  Grand Signiors Bed-chamber described.
• * 1.1276

  Lions.
• * 1.1277

  Lanthorne.
• * 1.1278

  Bason and Ewre of gold
• * 1.1279

  Shooting.
• * 1.1280

  Publike Diua•• described.
• * 1.1281

  Diuan dayes & Officers. Vizirs. Cadees and C••∣dilesc••ers.
• * 1.1282

  Defterdars and Reiskitar••b.
• * 1.1283

  Secretaries & Clerke.
• * 1.1284

  Chiaushes.
• * 1.1285

  Manner of Session o•• Court.
• * 1.1286

  Manner of Session or Court. Left the vpper hand.
• * 1.1287

  Nishawngee.
• * 1.1288

  No Attorneys. Chiefe Uizirs power.
• * 1.1289

  Manner of de∣ciding.
• * 1.1290

  Dinner rites.
• * 1.1291

  Copper plate.
• * 1.1292

  Napkin.
• * 1.1293

  Dyet.
• * 1.1294

  Officers.
• * 1.1295

  Drinke.
• * 1.1296

  Vnder-officers vnder-dyet.
• * 1.1297

  Giuing ac∣count to the King.
• * 1.1298

  By the Cadiles∣chers.
• * 1.1299

  By the Defter∣dars.
• * 1.1300

  By the Vizirs.
• * 1.1301

  Reuerence.
• * 1.1302

  Departure.
• * 1.1303

  Captaine Bashaw.
• * 1.1304

  Agha of the Ianizaries.
• * 1.1305

  Kings priuate awfull win∣dow.
• * 1.1306

  Ambassadors audience.
• * 1.1307

  Embassador entertayned at the Diuan.
• * 1.1308

  Master of the Ceremonies.
• * 1.1309

  His admission to the Pre∣sence.
• * 1.1310

  Departure.
• * 1.1311

  Vesting.
• * 1.1312

  Recompence.
• * 1.1313

  All Ambassa∣dors but the Venetian, at the Kings charge.
• * 1.1314

  One Lord, the rest Slaues.
• * 1.1315

  2000. within the Kings gate.
• * 1.1316

  11. or 1200. women. Virgins.
• * 1.1317

  Virgins made Turkes, and how.
• * 1.1318

  Kabiyah Cadun the Mother of the Maides.
• * 1.1319

  Their manner of life. Chambers. Beds.
• * 1.1320

  Bagnoes.
• * 1.1321

  Sewing and Chists.
• * 1.1322

  Schooling and Mistresses.
• * 1.1323

  Recreations.
• * 1.1324

  Kings com∣ming to them.
• * 1.1325

  Preparations.
• * 1.1326

  Bed-chamber rites.
• * 1.1327

  Reward.
• * 1.1328

  Sultana Queen
• * 1.1329

  Her allowance.
• * 1.1330

  Other Sulta∣naes.
• * 1.1331

  Queen chan∣ged.
• * 1.1332

  Nuptiall rites.
• * 1.1333

  Ioynture.
• * 1.1334

  Guard of black Eunuches.
• * 1.1335

  Canuasse-way.
• * 1.1336

  Kings Daugh∣ters and Sisters
• * 1.1337

  Portion-Chest
• * 1.1338

  Slaues and Eunuches.
• * 1.1339

  Bill of Dowrie.
• * 1.1340

  Priuatnesse.
• * 1.1341

  Visitings:
• * 1.1342

  They are their Husbands ma∣sters. Their Dagger.
• * 1.1343

  Diuorce.
• * 1.1344

  What becomes of the other Women.
• * 1.1345

  Manner of their pay.
• * 1.1346

  Cloathes and Iewels.
• * 1.1347

  Byram▪ gifts.
• * 1.1348

  Sultanaes Pre∣sents.
• * 1.1349

  Frugalitie.
• * 1.1350

  Old Seraglio.
• * 1.1351

  Daughter pre∣ferred to the Mother.
• * 1.1352

  Iewish women.
• * 1.1353

  Their Arts.
• * 1.1354

  Ill successe.
• * 1.1355

  Punishments of the Women.
• * 1.1356

  Death.
• * 1.1357

  Preuention of Lust.
• * 1.1358

  Agiamoglans 700.
• * 1.1359

  Renegado Children. How taken.
• * 1.1360

  ••ow vsed.
• * 1.1361

  Apparell.
• * 1.1362

  Election of the best. Circumcision.
• * 1.1363

  Schooling.
• * 1.1364

  The rest how disposed.
• * 1.1365

  Otooracks, 〈…〉〈…〉ili∣ter Emeriti.
• * 1.1366

  Booke and Pension.
• * 1.1367

  Agiamoglans of the Serraglie how vsed.
• * 1.1368

  Their wages.
• * 1.1369

  Gouernment.
• * 1.1370

  Gouernours.
• * 1.1371

  Slauerie.
• * 1.1372

  Possibilitie of preferment.
• * 1.1373

  Some Turkes.
• * 1.1374

  Their Roomes
• * 1.1375

  Dyet.
• * 1.1376

  Sleepe.
• * 1.1377

  None may see the Kings wo∣men.
• * 1.1378

  Ianizaries made of Agia∣moglans in other S••mmaries. Other vic•• of them.
• * 1.1379

  Turkes hardly admitted.
• * 1.1380

  Noble Cap∣tiues.
• * 1.1381

  Eunuches cruell. Mortification Turkish.
• * 1.1382

  Their number.
• * 1.1383

  Discipline in Religion and Ciuilitie.
• * 1.1384

  Foure Oda'h Schooles. Silence first Lesson. 2. Reuerence.
• * 1.1385

  Booke or Check-roll.
• * 1.1386

  3. Grammer and Religion to write, reade, and speake Turkish and A∣rabian Praiers.
• * 1.1387

  Second Shoole.
• * 1.1388

  4. Rhetorike & Languages. Persian, Arabian Tartartan.
• * 1.1389

  5. Bodily Ex∣ercises.
• * 1.1390

  Third Schoole
• * 1.1391

  6. Horsman∣ship and Acti∣uitie. 7. Trades
• * 1.1392

  Punishments.
• * 1.1393

  Closenesse,
• * 1.1394

  Bed-chambers
• * 1.1395

  Sewing in Leather, &c.
• * 1.1396

  Tryall of Reli∣gion. Fourth Schoole.
• * 1.1397

  Prefermen〈…〉〈…〉,
• * 1.1398

  Neatness,
• * 1.1399

  Gesture.
• * 1.1400

  Waiting.
• * 1.1401

  Great Turkes Table.
• * 1.1402

  Exercises. Gifts.
• * 1.1403

  Ambassages. conferred.
• * 1.1404

  Vassall Princes
• * 1.1405

  Their going forth of the Serraglio to the chiefe Offices. Musahib.
• * 1.1406

  Other Officers
• * 1.1407

  Order in suc∣cession.
• * 1.1408

  Presents from great persons whiles they stay.
• * 1.1409

  Comming a∣broad, and visitings. Capee Agha.
• * 1.1410

  Buffons, Mutes, &c.
• * 1.1411

  Discourse by signes.
• * 1.1412

  White Eu∣nuchs.
• * 1.1413

  The Chiefe of them Capee Agha, or Chamberlaine 2. Treasurer of the House. 3. Master of the Wardrobe. 4. Keeper of the House. Capee Aghas Priuiledges.
• * 1.1414

  Pension.
• * 1.1415

  Presents.
• * 1.1416

  Treasurer.
• * 1.1417

  Treasure.
• * 1.1418

  Outward Treasurie.
• * 1.1419

  Houshold-Treasurers Office.
• * 1.1420

  Wardrobe.
• * 1.1421

  Busie employ∣ment.
• * 1.1422

  Pension.
• * 1.1423

  Keeper of the Serraglio.
• * 1.1424

  Riding liberty.
• * 1.1425

  Differing Pri∣uiledges.
• * 1.1426

  Eunuches guelding.
• * 1.1427

  Education in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 O〈…〉〈…〉s
• * 1.1428

  Other S••mina∣ries.
• * 1.1429

  Their ad∣uan••ement.
• * 1.1430

  Fidelitie.
• * 1.1431

  Goods of the Decea••ed.
• * 1.1432

  The Bezisten.
• * 1.1433

  No feare of Pestilence.
• * 1.1434

  Their Educati∣on.
• * 1.1435

  Kuzlar Agha.
• * 1.1436

  Pension.
• * 1.1437

  Names.
• * 1.1438

  Negro Girles.
• * 1.1439

  Esteemed most for vglinesse.
• * 1.1440

  Priuiledges.
• * 1.1441

  No White man may come a∣mongst the Women. Physicians vi∣siting the sicke women.
• * 1.1442

  Physicke meane.
• * 1.1443

  The King•• Sonnes by the Queene.
• * 1.1444

  Mothers care.
• * 1.1445

  Circumcisions solemnitie.
• * 1.1446

  ••••i•••• or Schoolemaster
• * 1.1447

  Kings Daugh∣ters.
• * 1.1448

  The Prince sent abroad.
• * 1.1449

  Magnesia his Residence. His Commissi∣on.
• * 1.1450

  Victuals and Cookes.
• * 1.1451

  Kings Kitchin and meales.
• * 1.1452

  His sitting at meate.
• * 1.1453

  Not carued. No Knife nor Forke. Two Spoones
• * 1.1454

  No Salt no•• Antipast.
• * 1.1455

  His diet.
• * 1.1456

  Drinking once
• * 1.1457

  No words. Mutes and Iests
• * 1.1458

  His fauour.
• * 1.1459

  Dishes and co∣uers of Gold. Yellow Purce∣laine for Ra∣mazan, or Lent
• * 1.1460

  Remainders.
• * 1.1461

  Capee Aghas diet.
• * 1.1462

  Diet for the O∣dah youths.
• * 1.1463

  Queene and Sultanas diet.
• * 1.1464

  Queenes Ser∣uice in Cop∣per.
• * 1.1465

  King with his women.
• * 1.1466

  Snow mixed with Sherbet, at a deere rate.
• * 1.1467

  Comfets and Cheese not v∣sed.
• * 1.1468

  Order.
• * 1.1469

  Bread of three sorts.
• * 1.1470

  Meale from Bursia. Quantitie.
• * 1.1471

  Volo-wheat.
• * 1.1472

  Quantitie.
• * 1.1473

  Pantry allow∣ance.
• * 1.1474

  Rice, Lentils, Pulse from A∣lexandria. Spice and Sweet meates. Expence of Sugar.
• * 1.1475

  Little Spice.
• * 1.1476

  Egyptian fruits▪
• * 1.1477

  Hony whence.
• * 1.1478

  Oyle of Grecia.
• * 1.1479

  Of Candie.
• * 1.1480

  Butter from Bogdania, &c.
• * 1.1481

  No fresh But∣ter. Little Milke eaten.
• * 1.1482

  Prouision of flesh. Kow Beefe.
• * 1.1483

  Dryed and hanged.
• * 1.1484

  Fish.
• * 1.1485

  Fruits.
• * 1.1486

  Skullery.
• * 1.1487

  Losse by pilfe∣ring.
• * 1.1488

  Wood and Fewell.
• * 1.1489

  Fashion of Kings apparell.
• * 1.1490

  His bedding.
• * 1.1491

  Pages watch.
• * 1.1492

  Two Torch∣women.
• * 1.1493

  Womens habit.
• * 1.1494

  No Close-stooles.
• * 1.1495

  No Paper, &c. Stipends.
• * 1.1496

  Serraglio-Heires.
• * 1.1497

  Testaments.
• * 1.1498

  Beytilmawlgee.
• * 1.1499

  Hospitall.
• * 1.1500

  Kings expen∣ces.
• * 1.1501

  200000. Sulta∣nines spent in Vests of Cloth of gold and sil∣uer.
• * 1.1502

  Ebbing and flowing from and to this Ocean. Queenes ex∣pences. Vizirs Vests.
• * 1.1503

  Kings Kalk.
• * 1.1504

  Mutes how∣ling.
• * 1.1505

  Mis going out by land.
• * 1.1506

  Gratulations and gratifica∣tions.
• * 1.1507

  Petitions.
• * 1.1508

  His great Stable.
• * 1.1509

  Other Stables.
• * 1.1510

  Mule••.
• * 1.1511

  Publike ap∣pearing at Ra∣mazan.
• * 1.1512

  His honour to some.
• * 1.1513

  Going to Santa Sophia.
• * 1.1514

  Gifts to the Grandes.
• * 1.1515

  Three dayes Solemnitie. Fire workes and Shewes.
• * 1.1516

  Presents to him.
• * 1.1517

  Christians awed
• * 1.1518

  Little Byram.
• * 1.1519

  The Old Serra∣glio.
• * 1.1520

  Who are there∣in.
• * 1.1521

  Woman Ouer∣seer.
• * 1.1522

  Conueniences thereof.
• * 1.1523

  Ha••d state.
• * 1.1524

  Seuen Wiues, Slaues vnlimi∣ted.
• * 1.1525

  Bashawes Sons kept vnder, if of royal Bloud
• * 1.1526

  Diuorces.
• * 1.1527

  Slaues sold if barren.
• * 1.1528

  Bezisten.
• * 1.1529

  Manner of sel∣ling Slaues.
• * 1.1530

  Restitution if not a Virgin.
• * 1.1531

  No benefit by Affinitie to the King.
• * 1.1532

  Losse by it.
• * 1.1533

  Rites of Marri∣age.
• * 1.1534

  Who may bee Witnesses.
• * 1.1535

  Emirs false Witnesses.
• * 1.1536

  Turkes coue∣tous and dan∣gerous.
• * 1.1537

  Force of Eui∣dence.
• * 1.1538

  Resurrection.
• * 1.1539

  Sensuall Para∣dise.
• * 1.1540

  Fate.
• * 1.1541

  Agilitie in the next Life. Transparent Heauens.
• * 1.1542

  Gods Throne.
• * 1.1543

  Foure Pro∣phets and Bookes.
• * 1.1544

  Womens Hea∣uen.
• * 1.1545

  The Muftee.
• * 1.1546

  Cadeeleschers. Cadees and their orders.
• * 1.1547

  Bookes.
• * 1.1548

  Priuiledge.
• * 1.1549

  Their conti∣nuance.
• * 1.1550

  Turbants.
• * 1.1551

  Muftees office.
• * 1.1552

  Priests and Clerkes.
• * 1.1553

  Prayers fiue times a day.
• * 1.1554

  Hower glasses.
• * 1.1555

  Readers.
• * 1.1556

  Cleanenesse & purifying••.
• * 1.1557

  Manner of their Prayers. Their gestures
• * 1.1558

  Their length.
• * 1.1559

  Preaching.
• * 1.1560

  Procession and Cursing.
• * 1.1561

  Other Con∣uocations and Prayers.
• * 1.1562

  Muftees Reuc•• new.
• * 1.1563

  Ramazan Cere∣monies.
• * 1.1564

  Example of seueritie.
• * 1.1565

  Sacrifices.
• * 1.1566

  〈…〉〈…〉ds.
• * 1.1567

  Pilgrimage. Mecca Temple
• * 1.1568

  Circumcision.
• * 1.1569

  Moscheas and Hospitals. Limited.
• * 1.1570

  Magnificence.
• * 1.1571

  Sicknesse fa∣tall, and death,
• * 1.1572

  Funerall.
• * 1.1573

  Tombes of the Emperours.
• * 1.1574

  Common Tombes.
• * 1.1575

  Religious Turkes.
• * 1.1576

  Womens Reli∣gion.
• * 1.1577

  Of these Ware see before in Sir Thomas R••e.
• a 1.1578

  We were shew∣ed the M〈…〉〈…〉tery and fine adorned C••••ppall, a dec∣ked Altar; a••d the golden image of Saint Uincent, which stood on the right hand be∣low the steps of the Altar. About fiue or sixe yeeres after as is sayd, Sir Francis Drake did throw that I∣mage ouer the Rocke.
• b 1.1579

  Then flamed, and since I haue diuers times pas∣sed by it, but one∣ly now the smoke is seene on the top of that Mount Monge∣bella.
• c 1.1580

  S••o for the plea∣santnesse is cal∣le•• ••••e Great Turkes Garden, in that Iland, are many tame Par∣tridges, and there groweth Mastick, the bodies of those Trees are crooked, and cragged, not much thicker then very old Vine bodies, the leaues are some∣what like Mircle leaues, rather longer and nar∣rower there are no Masticke trees in all the world, but those in Sio, as some doe say.
• d 1.1581

  The Dardinelli. These two Ca∣stles, our Schol∣lers will haue to bee those of Hero and Leander, yet sure they are eigh∣tie leagues, before you come to the mouth of the Blacke Sea These are very formall•• and very strongly built Castles, dou∣ble furnished with excellent good and great Ordnance, the one standing on Troy side, the other right opposite, on Europe side, the passage is about a league, little more or lesse.
• e 1.1582

  My Lord S••uch when hee was there, as Master Barton sayd, did like exceeding well of this place and attendance of the Dogs.
• f 1.1583

  In my company at that time, was an ancient English Gentleman, called Captayne Austel.
• g 1.1584

  At Rhodes I did fall ouer-boord: a Flemmi••g taking mee by the hand, out of a little shel-boat, a Black∣moore Sculler, by meanes of the Turkes, and the helpe of God, I was taken againe into the Gally, af∣ter I had beene in the bottom of the Sea. The Beg came by as I was shifting, & laugh∣ingly said, that now God had washt me; be∣cause I would not wash in the Ba〈…〉〈…〉 as we came by the way.
• h 1.1585

  There dwelt in Cair••, a Iew called Emanuel Seroluo; who euer much ioyed at all mis∣hap that he heard of. And did eate Swines flesh: much giuen to mirth, and many times vsing to our house, I questio∣ned him of his Religion, at a col∣lation of Bacon; he said, that hee was of all Religi∣ons: that if any entred Heauen, them hee would follow. I asked, why he did so re∣ioyce at the losses and crosses of o∣ther men. Why, Signior Giouanni, sayth he, I lost 60000. Chequins in good Gold at the third bastina∣do vpon my feet, taken from me by the Deuill Basha, after the decease of my compani∣on; and 60000. more, if I had so many, I would lose, before I would suffer. three such other blows; and better then Gold it is to my heart, when I heare that others with my fortune take part.
• i 1.1586

  There lieth one Iohn, a Christian, which the Cu〈…〉〈…〉 do make account of. Hee was long since carried a∣bout Cairo, vpon a Camels backe∣bound with his armes spred a∣broad vpon a Crosse of wood and on the top of his shoulders neere his necke, were two Lamp burning in his flesh, yet for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this torment, he all the way cried, Christos, Christos, Christos: sum Christiano, & ••oro Christiano. This was to mee related by an old Cuf••ie Priest, whose name was Co〈…〉〈…〉us; and a Scriuan also hee was of the Custome-house in Alexand••ia.
• k 1.1587

  There are euer Boyes ready with Asses to let for Cairo; so that, wee hire them, and presently pay the hire, about a penie matter: and when we come to Cairo turne off our Asse without more care; for the Asse knowes his place and home: the like we doe when we ride to the Castle, to the Bashaw and Cadielesquiers, who doe thereabout inhabit.
• m 1.1588

  A poore fellow, a Christian of Egypt, called Hawai.
• * 1.1589

  l The land Crocodiles are about th••ee quar∣ters of a yard in length, scaly, and of a fiery Dragons colour. Some of the Moores doe make Pursses of their skinnes, a••ter they are dried an•• ••awed.
• n 1.1590

  Though indeed I haue beene a∣mong the Ouens, and haue seene that manner of hatching.
• o 1.1591

  And 100. others, Turkes, Moores, Ie••••s, and Christi∣ans; wee stood a distance off, in a round ring: the Estridge; in the midst did before vs all lay her Egg, and did presently rise vp and left her Egge; which was taken vp, and presently carried to the Cadylesker, and deliuered to him in his Iudge∣ment Hall: he sit∣ting on his banke of Iudgement.
• p 1.1592

  I brought, to Tripoly from Cairo, a Libbet; of a∣bout a cubits length; for a mu∣ster; but in time of my sicknesse, it was stolne from mee.
• q 1.1593

  The two Ger∣mane Gentlemen and my selfe, did in sport spread our selues in that Tombe at that time.
• r 1.1594

  Sphynx.
• s 1.1595

  A whole body as it was taken vp from the other bodies: It is con∣tra banda, to sell of them, but by friendship, which William Shales had amongst the Moores, he hauing their language as perfect as Engli••h, with words and money the Moors will be entreated to any thing. This body of Momia, after our arriuall was carri∣ed to the house of Sir Edward Osborne in Filpot lane in London, and there it was with the 600. pounds till they were sold to the London Apo∣thecaries.
• t 1.1596

  Doctor Sander∣son Arch-deacon of Rochester.
• u 1.1597

  These Saints, in certaine compa∣nies doe goe be∣fore the Vesture, in a round ring, leapingly lifting vp their legs, and wagging vp and down•• their heads, cry∣ing, Holloh, Hol∣loh, Holloh, Holloh, euen till their mouthes bee of a white fome, with breathing out on∣ly, Holloh, Holloh, Holloh, &c. Foul-foole Saints.
• l 1.1598

  Mausol••um.
• m 1.1599

  That iolly Turke who had sa∣ued himself in the Boat with vs. As we were going vp Nilus towards Cairo, talking of the danger which we had escaped, to me he said, Afferum Aff••rum Ch〈…〉〈…〉; twa•• wel done Gentleman, I heard you pray aloud, but you saith he, to Wil∣li•••• Shales ••ldie were halfe dead, why said I, we did not pray as you did to Mahumet, but we payed to Christ, Gu〈…〉〈…〉l, Gu∣sel, Wel, wel twas wel done (saith he) for euery man to pray aloud, as (••olloh) God hath taught him, this was a wel man∣nered, manly and ciuil Turke, who tooke our kind∣nesse (for his pas∣sage) thankfully although he had suffred shipwrack in our company.
• n 1.1600

  William Lawn∣der a Garbler, whowas sent with those goods.
• o 1.1601

  Hippopotamis. Those of Damiat∣ta doe say, that these Sea-horses doe for a season keep ••hereabouts, and in the night time doe come in and eate of those Mouses Lettice, & other hearbes.
• p 1.1602

  They are ordi∣narily sold in Cai∣ro, and we com∣monly did eat of them, as of other fruit after, or ra∣ther toward the end of our meales
• q 1.1603

  Wood in Grand Cairo, is extraor∣dinary deere, that and the Wine we spent stood vs in more then all our other Expences, and house rent, & Seruants wages.
• * 1.1604

  Most part of the yee••e at the hottest time, wee haue a Seruant all the while we doe ••••t at meate, to fan away the flyes from the dishes. and our Tren∣chers. Iohn Sanderson. Will. Shales. Will. L••wnder.
• * 1.1605

  In Tripoly stan∣ding vpon the Tarra••, Iohn El∣dre••, W. Shales, Nicholas Salter, Samuel Sto••e, W. Lawnder, Robert Gold and others, wee did at two sundry times see two spouts: one of them appea∣red at first sight little bigger then a great Conger, but comming from the cloudes downwards did, to our fight ap∣peare, watering as through a spout of Glasse, and fel with great force vpon the Sea in the Ports before vs: the o∣ther did so come downe and suckt vp the sand on Tripoly banke, that to our eyes ap∣peared in the Skies a cloud of sand. All the whole time of ships being in the Port, I had a very great sicknesse, & departed in her for England, be∣fore I had tho∣rowly recouered. Many deceased at that time in Tripoly, as I haue elsewhere at large related. Where we found such a fall. that staggerd the Ma∣riners, Master and all.
• f 1.1606

  A little rich Reue, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and o∣thers of D〈…〉〈…〉∣mouth were Ow∣ners, victualers, & voluntaries, were Randall C••••••o., 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Moore, E〈…〉〈…〉 R••••ers, I my selfe and others, who all came home by crosse and losse, for which our God Almighties mercies, his holy Name be euer magnified.
• l 1.1607

  A strong and good old ship.
• m 1.1608

  Off and on 11. ••aye•• at the mouth of the Streights of G••be∣raltar before wee could enter. The next yeere after a younger Master making more ••••eed, im••ayed the ship & broke her, and drowned himselfe with griefe and anger.
• n 1.1609

  Corinth where we lodged three nights by reason of some misrule committed going betweene Uasiligo and that place by Ieffer our C••••ous, R. Gold the Con∣sal and Will Al∣dr••dge, I went be∣fore with the goods for feare of the worst and was in Co••inib fiue houres before they came, Robert Gold came first into the Caru••••••ra with his G〈…〉〈…〉ber∣lake all to bee s••••shed, then in came the C••aous•• cut in the arme a deepe wound, and Will. Aldridge with his forehead wounded; which in the sail William was dressed for the present by a Surgeon of Corinth, so with some satis∣faction to the Cadie, we were permitted to passe on our Voy∣age.
• o 1.1610

  Con•••••• R. Gold, W. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Ioh. San〈…〉〈…〉, ou•• goods o〈…〉〈…〉 C〈…〉〈…〉∣se, two other Ser∣uants 〈…〉〈…〉s, and two or three 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Greeks, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 A〈…〉〈…〉ts. Memorand••m, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 many E〈…〉〈…〉 old and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, haue in my re∣membrance ••••••∣ned 〈…〉〈…〉s, as B〈…〉〈…〉 Bishop, Georg. Butler Iohn Ambrose, and others, but to turne Greeke I neuer heard of any except that Consul at Pet••••s, who 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 the G〈…〉〈…〉ke Pr••••sts 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to baptiz〈…〉〈…〉m, which they performed, and did name him Iohn Gold, being at the very instant demanded (by an honest 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his meaning, his answere was, that as he had liued in credit amongst those Greekes, so his purpose was to be car••••ed to his G••aue with 〈…〉〈…〉dit, 〈…〉〈…〉 Whoremaster, one of the 〈…〉〈…〉s of the C〈…〉〈…〉 Turkie.
• p 1.1611

  This was at my being there in M. Harbornes time, before I was sen•• to Cai••e.
• e 1.1612

  One Master W〈…〉〈…〉field an an∣cie•••• English Gen∣tleman, being then in my com∣pany with others.
• g 1.1613

  Cloth of Gold. Veluer, Scarlet and Purple cl••••••.
• * 1.1614

  See Sup. 1. 8.
• e 1.1615

  Natalia. Car mania. Silicia. Su••••ia.
• f 1.1616

  There at tha•• place, some af∣firme that the three thousand also, at Peters Sermon, were conuerted and Christened in that Spring water.
• * 1.1617

  Where they make great store of Salt. Fine white salt. Slauonia. Italie. Germanie. Friesland. Brabant. Holland. Zealand.
• g 1.1618

  There they are within a double Grate beyond the quier behind a battl••ment, where also I did see the Pi∣cture o' Christ drawne n ked, stripped so arti∣ficially and iust the bignesse of a man, that it made mee to weepe. Our Lady was more lower in the Church, an I∣mage in a blacke sattin Gowne.
• a 1.1619

  Master Henry Lillo, the Ambas∣sadour and my selfe went of pur∣pose and thus did see these two, Mo∣ther and Sonne.
• b 1.1620

  He was a goodly Gentleman Iew, some few dayes before, I had shewed him our Ship, and had tal∣ked with him at his Mothers house, and Master Paul Pinder and my selfe, were with his Mother, to whom shee de∣liuered for the Ambassadour, to send the Queene a ••••a••ana, of Ra∣b〈…〉〈…〉s from the Sultana, and ano∣ther of Diamonds from her selfe, with teares in her eyes I well re∣member.
• c 1.1621

  The Queene Mother, with the Grand Sultana, and other of the Grand Sig••iors women, walking in their Serraglio, espve•• a number of Boates vpon the Riuer hurry∣ing together. The Queene Mother sent to enquire of the matter; who was told that the Viz••ir did Iustice vpon certaine Chabies, that is Whoores. Shee taking displeasure sent word, and aduised the Eu∣nuch Bassa. that her Sonne had left him to Go∣uerne the Citie, and not to de∣uoure the Wo∣men; comman∣ding him to looke well to the other businesse, and not to meddle any more with the Women, till his Masters returne.
• d 1.1622

  Tophana, is their Artillerie yard, where is a great Wharfe to take Boateat, it is be∣tweene R••ph••g••∣mak and G〈…〉〈…〉ta.
• e 1.1623

  To see this, Master Like the Ambassad••u••, and my selfe, went purposely and did see him on the Gaunch, being starke dead.
• f 1.1624

  Hee strangled Ferrat Bassa, in the seuen Towers, first, after hee had wakened the ••a••∣sa, he shewed a little testimony of his authoritie, then turnes the wrong side of the Carpet vpwards, so the Bassa sayes his Salah, then with a boxe on the care hee asto∣nishes him, and the I••m••glans come in presently and strangle him, the Bustangi Bassi found but sixtie Chequins in his pocket, and so thence departed.
• g 1.1625

  I haue often heard them vpon the water, now and then between times, many of them say, Bough, boughw••he, bough, bough, boughw••he, &c. and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pull some few strokes, and ••ut againe.
• h 1.1626

  Allah, allah, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 la〈…〉〈…〉, &c. Be••••g a Mu〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.1627

  Read hereof Strab•• lib. 7.
• * 1.1628

  Constantine the Great.
• * 1.1629

  Seuen Hils.
• * 1.1630

  New Rome.
• * 1.1631

  Librarie.
• * 1.1632

  Nimphs groue.
• * 1.1633

  Frankes.
• * 1.1634

  Pa••eologie.
• * 1.1635

  Ottaman.
• * 1.1636

  Latitude 45. degrees Lon∣gitude 56.
• * 1.1637

  First Hill.
• * 1.1638

  Second Hill.
• * 1.1639

  Third Hill. Mahomets Se∣pulchre and Hospitall.
• * 1.1640

  Fourth Hill.
• * 1.1641

  Fifth H〈…〉〈…〉l.
• * 1.1642

  Sixth Hill.
• * 1.1643

  Seuenth Hill. Temple of Sancta Sophia described.
• * 1.1644

  The quondam glorie.
• * 1.1645

  Selims Sepul∣ch••e and Church.
• * 1.1646

  S••raglio. Of it see the former Trea∣tise.
• * 1.1647

  Old Seraglio.
• m 1.1648

  In the Mo∣nastery at Ca∣leos Iland (where Master Eduard Ba••ten the A••bassa∣dor lies buried, I did see, which they vse to knocke vpon, with a ba〈…〉〈…〉e of Iron of a Cu∣bit length: Tinge, Tange; First, vpon one side then on the other side, a long piece of flat Iron; halfe a foor broad, an inch and halfe thicke, set edgeling one yard and an halfe from the ground: this they vse in stead of a Bell, to call the Friers toge∣ther in th••t Greckish Mo∣nast••rie. An Obeliske. The Verses were added, so imperfect, that I thought fit∣ter to omit them.
• * 1.1649

  Admirable Vaults.
• * 1.1650

  Naumachia.
• * 1.1651

  Bathes.
• * 1.1652

  Great mens Seraglioes.
• * 1.1653

  Conducts.
• * 1.1654

  Fiue and twen∣tie Gates.
• * 1.1655

  Sepulchres.
• * 1.1656

  Iobar Asladi.
• * 1.1657

  Iewes Bookes.
• * 1.1658

  Silke Girdles, Shashes, Bod∣kins, &c. fit to sell in Sio and Natolia.
• * 1.1659

  This Bridge as I doe re∣member, is strong built of stone, some Bricke, & hath seuen or eleuen Arch〈…〉〈…〉s as I re∣member.
• * 1.1660

  At Sefferhittim we reposed the heate of that day.
• * 1.1661

  But the Valley wherein Damas∣cus is built, is much more fairer to the eye, plea∣santer and larger.
• * 1.1662

  Samaria.
• z 1.1663

  At Sichem wee lodged both at our going, and at our returne from Ierusalem.
• a 1.1664

  Here all the Iewes of our com∣pany prayed very deuoutly.
• b 1.1665

  As the Iew to me reported.
• c 1.1666

  Here we rested two or three houres. Old great stony ruines of a Citie. No Inhabi∣tants there, and many other rui∣ned places wee trauelled ouer, where had beene Townes, but now were cragged stones, and here and there some plots of ground where they sow∣ed Corne: bread very plentie and cheape in the Ci∣tie of Ierusalem, and all places that we came at in the holy Land; and also at Da∣mascus and all Sirria ouer.
• d 1.1667

  Iohn Sarderson in companie of the Ieues his fel∣low trauellers.
• e 1.1668

  Tedious iour∣ney I made, yea a very chargeable and dangerous iourney; for had not Rabby Abra∣ham, Co••n, the principalls, and the other I••wes also fauoured and much regarded me: I had beene singled out by some villanous Moores of our owne company, who grudged at me, and at last one of them that we had hired our Mules of, did punch at me with a staffe, reuiling me with Br•• hau∣zier Gouer, saying that I had beene the cause that Mar••nits, the Chri∣stians of Mount Libanus had broke the head of a Ia∣〈…〉〈…〉ie, who by the way fell into our company hauing beene at Mecca. Of this I〈…〉〈…〉ie ouer night they had asked a little gun-powder, which he de〈…〉〈…〉g, they met him on the Hill in the morning and did sore wound him: the Turkes did marke that those Christians had been kinde to me, therefore by that one old collericke fellow I did with patience pocket some abuse, though no great hurt. Abuse for the present, but at Tripoly the Iewes so handled this businesse, put∣ting the Moore in a great feare that I would complaine to the Bassa, so that in their presence the Moore prayed mee of pardon, and withall did bow downe and kist my hand seeming sorry he had so abused me; nay very sure I am that he did repent, so I forgaue him, and hee afterward did bring me a pres〈…〉〈…〉 of fruit and flowers.
• * 1.1669

  These Lamps did hang, bur∣ning ouer the Virgins tombe.
• f 1.1670

  Hauing read the name of Iefferie Kerby, vpon the wall written by himselfe in that Sepulcher, for he had been a thither tra∣ueller in com∣pany of Ed∣ward Abbot, M. Bidulfe a prea∣cher, and one Iesytient a Ieweller.
• * 1.1671

  At this day a prison, in this pri∣son M. Henry Tim∣berly, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cap∣taine Timberly was, as by this di∣gressing paper ap∣peareth, which he himselfe recor∣deth in a printed booke; but thus much I had copi∣ed from his owne hand. More M. Timberly relateth that from Grand Cairo to Ie∣rusalem all the way by land he performed thi∣ther, and backe againe to Cairo in fewer then fiftie dayes.
• h 1.1672

  I had paied these nine Che∣quins, and had by the Turkes the Church doore o∣pened for me, was within, & entring the Sepulcher, the R•••••• Friers and others fell in an vproare, saying that I was a Iew; the Turkes bad me goe in in despight of them, but the brabble was so terrible that I re∣turned to the Ca∣die, with the Fri∣ers: the Padre Gardiano sent his Drudgeman and acculed me to be a Iew, because I came in company of Iewes: diuers Turkes followed to heare the mat∣ter, one old Turke came & earnestly exhorted me to become a Mussel∣man in presence of the Cady, I gaue him the hearing, and told him that I was a Christian, and no Iew; then he said in the hea∣ring of all the Iewes, Turkes, and Christians, let him bee searcht: but the Cadie, before whom we were (being a very dis∣creet man) did re∣proue that Turke, & also the Drug, man and Friers my accusers, and so did dismisse me; but (as I was afterwards told) it cost my aduer∣saries aboue ••00. Chequins, I spent not past some twentie in that businesse.
• k 1.1673

  Of these Cros∣ses & Pater-noster Beades, Rosaries, I did bring from thence, and at my returne presented my brother and some others, ha∣uing onely reser∣ued for my selfe one Crosse, two paire of Beads, and two Girdles, which are the length of the Se∣pulcher These Crosses, Beades, and Girdles are brought to vs by poore Christians to sel, they saving that they are holy things, for that they had been put into the Sepul∣cher: I, as the custome was, and as other Christians did, did buy of them & brought from thence.
• l 1.1674

  When I was there. A no 1601. ouer the graue of Rachel, there was a Cube raised vpon foure Pillers made of stone and morter, and open it was on all sides.
• m 1.1675

  And yet it comes in my mind that I did tell them, and I thinke they were in number fortie of verie smooth whi••••sh Marble, the vpper end of this Church, the halfe round mounting steps I meane, are much like those at the Church of Rochester.
• n 1.1676

  Amongst which names I did see ••••••et Stapers, who (as some said) had trauelled from Grand C••••ro thi∣ther in Friers weeds, and (as I haue heard) was made a Knight of the Sepulcher, by the Padre Guardi∣an•• and the other Romish, &c. Those, whoso∣euer English or o∣thers, who are so knighted, are made to take a mad kind of oath.
• * 1.1677

  E〈…〉〈…〉col Grapes still great bun∣ches.
• * 1.1678

  Iacobs Well is iust square, about foure yards eue∣ry way, built of some squared stones and not very deepe, but excellent cleere and coole, so flat at the top that we did sit vpon it for our ease, recrea∣tion and refresh∣ment, the space of one houre parly∣ing.
• * 1.1679

  Memorandum, that my honoura∣ble and most ho∣nest Iew, in a kind sort to doe mee pleasure, was con∣tent to goe out of the straight way s〈…〉〈…〉 miles, t•• shew me the Citie Tiberias, and C••pern••••m, where wee lodged that night.
• * 1.1680

  And yet by rea∣son of the very high Land on the other side, I may well imagine the breadth to bee three or foure leagues.
• * 1.1681

  And yet in the foure houres that wee there repo∣sed, we fell to the prouant wee brought and we got foure or fiue of those Fishes fresh 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of that Riuer Iordan, and did broyle them vpon hot coales, that of wood wee had quickly made for that purpose, and I did eate〈…〉〈…〉 part of them so broyled.
• * 1.1682

  Of this Patri∣arch I had to his power most lo∣uing and ••••nd•• entertaynment: out of his L〈…〉〈…〉∣rie I had a very old new Testament Manuscript Greeke, for which I gaue him sixe Chequins in Gold, and I gaue it to my Brother Doctor Sanderson, old and corne as it was, yet they the Translaters of Pauls Epistles at his house in Saint Laurence Parish, did make some vse thereof in their Translation. D. Bar••••, Bishop. D. 〈…〉〈…〉∣son D. Spencer. D. F••lton, D. Tighe. Master Rabbot. Master F••nton, &c.
• a 1.1683

  Iewes bones carryed to the Holy Land.
• b 1.1684

  We•• trauel∣ling betweene Sasa and Cone∣tra, I was told by some, that about this ve∣ry place it was where Saint Paul was stroo∣〈…〉〈…〉n off of his Ho••••e, but I could not tell how to belieue them, yet sure I am, that wee did twice passe ouer that very way. P〈…〉〈…〉artnesse o•• Damascus. Branched Da∣maske.
• * 1.1685

  Sea of Land, the Hil•• a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 off, r••••ing aboue this Playne to our appearance as if we should descrie land, we sayling as it were vpon the Se••, the Valley is so very plain and spacious, most pleasant to behold.
• * 1.1686

  There is a more common way and lower road-way, but that makes more miles be∣fore we come to Tripoly.
• c 1.1687

  Being at Tri∣poly, in Anno 1586. I w••nt diuers times vpon pleasure vp those Liba∣nus Mountayns and gathered of those Cedar branches be∣fore ••••••ll sicke.
• * 1.1688

  Iewish blasphe∣mies, which yet argue that they beleeue hee wrought Miracles, &c.
• * 1.1689

  Iewish boasting and vaine hopes.
• * 1.1690

  Iewish dreams: them••elues are a sandie Sea.
• * 1.1691

  Transmigrati∣on of Soules.
• * 1.1692

  I haue this Certificate in Rabbinicall Hebrew, with the Iewish Subscriptions, and the Italian translation thereof.
• * 1.1693

  Subscripti∣ons.
• * 1.1694

  This and the following de∣scriptions of their persons, is added by M. Sanderson.
• * 1.1695

  Hauing men∣tioned two Easterne Pa∣tri••rkes Let∣ters, I thought fit to adde this also, though of another sub∣iect.
• * 1.1696

  Aged 45. M. Sandersons report of P. Melete.
• * 1.1697

  Or Timber∣lake.
• * 1.1698

  M. Burrell.
• m 1.1699

  If Thunder or troubled Aire happen, all die. They all haue a claw too much or too little. The Hatcher hath the tenth for his Fornace & paines.
• * 1.1700

  His obseruati∣ons here are omitted, ha∣uing before so largely out of others giuen you the sight of these holies.
• * 1.1701

  Dromedaries.
• * 1.1702

  See sup. c. 3.
• * 2.1

  Two Nost••••nes deceitfull.
• * 3.1

  Syndy on Indus.
• * 3.2

  At this time Portugall was not settled, &c.
• * 3.3

  These Letters I had of Master Sanderson and were found a∣mongst Master William Har∣borne (Ambassa∣dour from her Maiestie to the Grand Signior) his papers en∣dorled with the said Am∣bassadour his owne hand. Master Eldred yet liueth, a graue, rich and principall Ci∣tizen. Some of these heere mentioned I haue knowen and discoursed with of these parts.
• * 3.4

  From the tenth Chapter to the end of this Booke, all is of later Intelli∣gence, and ad∣ded by way of an Appendix.
• * 3.5

  An Dom. 1601.
• * 3.6

  Canaries.
• * 3.7

  Flying Fishes.
• * 3.8

  The Ternades.
• * 3.9

  Superstition.
• * 3.10

  English Pylot. Anabon.
• * 3.11

  Trecherie of Portugals. Saint Helera. The Abroilles, shelues to∣ward Brasil. Saint Laurunce
• * 3.12

  Iles of Camerro
• * 3.13

  Shipwrack o•• the Maldiues I. lands.
• * 3.14

  Pouladou.
• * 3.15

  Male chiefe of the Maldiues.
• * 3.16

  Paindoüe.
• * 3.17

  Miserable fa∣mine.
• * 3.18

  He learnes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Language.
• * 3.19

  He is presen∣ted to the King.
• * 3.20

  Bandos
• * 3.21

  Scituation.
• * 3.22

  Their distance
• * 3.23

  Diuision into 13 Atollons.
• * 3.24

  Force of the Sea.
• * 3.25

  12000. Ilands.
• * 3.26

  Kings Title.
• * 3.27

  Sea makes daily alterati∣on.
• * 3.28

  Danger by Sharkes and sharpe stones.
• * 3.29

  A kind of Cur∣rall.
• * 3.30

  Many of the Ilands ••r•• n•••• inhabited.
• * 3.31

  Prodigious numbers of he Pinguy Fowles.
• * 3.32

  Heat of sands.
• * 3.33

  Want of water
• * 3.34

  Pits how made
• * 3.35

  Hot at night and cold at noone.
• * 3.36

  Names of the Atollons.
• * 3.37

  Foure princi∣pall chann••ls,
• * 3.38

  The Natiues dexter: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in sayling.
• * 3.39

  Nu〈…〉〈…〉 numb••••s of La••k••s. No sayling by night.
• * 3.40

  Shoalds,
• * 3.41

  Good S〈…〉〈…〉 m••••••.
• * 3.42

  Strange Sea∣curr••n••s.
• * 3.43

  The Monsons.
• * 3.44

  Inlets oppo∣site.
• * 3.45

  Forme of the Entrances and their danger.
• * 3.46

  The first. The second, third, and fourth.
• * 3.47

  No Compasse but in long Voyages.
• * 3.48

  Sea blacke as Inke; the water not.
• * 3.49

  Heat.
• * 3.50

  Dewes.
• * 3.51

  Winter,
• * 3.52

  Winds.
• * 3.53

  Whence peopled.
• * 3.54

  Ciuilitie of the North parts. South bar∣barous.
• * 3.55

  Religion.
• * 3.56

  Women.
• * 3.57

  Haire-cere•• monies.
• * 3.58

  Bathing and Oyling.
• l 3.59

  De dez a cou∣dre.
• m 3.60

  Dez.
• * 3.61

  Increase of haire.
• * 3.62

  Hairie on their bodies.
• * 3.63

  All Barbers and none.
• * 3.64

  Boyes and girles.
• * 3.65

  Shame to let the breasts be seene.
• * 3.66

  Beards of two sorts.
• * 3.67

  Neat super∣st••••on. Curiositie.
• * 3.68

  Very niggards
• * 3.69

  Their food Millet.
• * 3.70

  Roots.
• * 3.71

  Hearbs, trees, and fruits.
• * 3.72

  Cocos.
• * 3.73

  Trees com∣mon.
• * 3.74

  Crafts diffe∣ring with the Ilands.
• * 3.75

  Hens wilde.
• * 3.76

  Other Fowle. Crowes bold. Great Bats. Muskitos, Rats Mice, Pismires, &c. Of these creatures see Linschot. C. 45. who relateth the like in G••••.
• * 3.77

  Sea-snakes.
• * 3.78

  Dogs dreadful and vncleane.
• * 3.79

  Fish.
• * 3.80

  Sharkes.
• * 3.81

  Cheape victu∣all.
• * 3.82

  Note.
• * 3.83

  Male the prin∣cipall Iland.
• * 3.84

  Vnhealthfull.
• * 3.85

  No walled Townes.
• * 3.86

  Their houses.
• * 3.87

  Sea-stones how drawne thence.
• * 3.88

  Candou strange wood.
• * 3.89

  Fire how kindled.
• * 3.90

  Languages.
• * 3.91

  Their apparell.
• * 3.92

  Girdle.
• * 3.93

  Knife.
• * 3.94

  No land-bone worne.
• * 3.95

  No Armes ordinarie.
• * 3.96

  Siluer chaines.
• * 3.97

  Nakednesse.
• * 3.98

  Ierkins.
• * 3.99

  F••st-garment.
• * 3.100

  Skin prints.
• * 3.101

  Souldiers and Officers 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.102

  Barefoot.
• * 3.103

  Womens ha∣bit.
• * 3.104

  Bracelets hea∣uie.
• * 3.105

  Chaines.
• * 3.106

  Eare-tires.
• * 3.107

  Gold prohi∣bited.
• * 3.108

  Strangers pri∣uiledged.
• * 3.109

  Womens cu∣stomes.
• * 3.110

  Feasting.
• * 3.111

  Feeding.
• * 3.112

  Neatnesse.
• * 3.113

  Dishes.
• * 3.114

  Pismires trou∣blesome.
• * 3.115

  Nicetie:
• * 3.116

  Gharitie.
• * 3.117

  No Plate, Finger-spoons.
• * 3.118

  Dexteri••ie.
• * 3.119

  Quicke at meate.
• * 3.120

  Drinking rites.
• * 3.121

  Bettell.
• * 3.122

  No man cooze
• * 3.123

  But her-••ites.
• * 3.124

  Sup••••sti••ion.
• * 3.125

  Bettell and A∣recka.
• * 3.126

  Bathing.
• * 3.127

  Superstions.
• * 3.128

  Their Aeolus. rites.
• * 3.129

  Superstitious neatnesse.
• * 3.130

  Characters. See the like in Iobsons Notes of Gambra.
• * 3.131

  Magicians. Deuil inuoked.
• * 3.132

  Feuers.
• * 3.133

  Decenniall Disease. Blindnesse.
• * 3.134

  Tetters.
• * 3.135

  Bare-foot. Feet wormes.
• * 3.136

  Splenetike.
• * 3.137

  Rheumes.
• * 3.138

  Europeans cal∣led Frankes. No Tooth∣ache. Hardinesse.
• * 3.139

  Nurserie of Infants.
• * 3.140

  Education.
• * 3.141

  Letters pe∣culiar. Learning to write.
• * 3.142

  Leafe Parch∣ment.
• * 3.143

  New Kindred of Teachers.
• * 3.144

  Astrologie.
• * 3.145

  Diuinatione,
• * 3.146

  Arme••.
• * 3.147

  Fishing••
• * 3.148

  Strange formes of taking fish.
• * 3.149

  King of the Sea.
• * 3.150

  Generall fishing.
• * 3.151

  Lecherie.
• * 3.152

  Breasts not to be spoken of.
• * 3.153

  Visitation.
• * 3.154

  The King.
• * 3.155

  Naybe.
• * 3.156

  Catibe.
• * 3.157

  Their mainte∣nance.
• * 3.158

  The thirteene Naybes Visita∣tion and Cir∣cuit.
• * 3.159

  The Pandiare or chiefe Iudge.
• * 3.160

  Moucouris lear∣ned men.
• * 3.161

  The King. Sixe Councel∣lours of State.
• * 3.162

  Seuere Gate∣chising.
• * 3.163

  Treasurer.
• * 3.164

  Avares.
• * 3.165

  Sergeants.
• * 3.166

  Writs.
• * 3.167

  Excommuni∣cation.
• * 3.168

  No Aduocates
• * 3.169

  Cases de facto & de••iure.
• * 3.170

  Slaues.
• * 3.171

  Debtors.
• * 3.172

  Children.
• * 3.173

  Punish∣ments.
• * 3.174

  Terrible whips.
• * 3.175

  Adu••tery. Rape. Theft.
• * 3.176

  Few executed.
• * 3.177

  No w••i••ings for cuidence.
• * 3.178

  Degrees and sorts of men. Rites, & rights of Nobilitie.
• * 3.179

  Kings Lieute∣nant and other Officers.
• * 3.180

  Souldiers and Gentlemen.
• * 3.181

  One name.
• * 3.182

  Titles.
• * 3.183

  Common peo∣ple.
• * 3.184

  The Kings Pa∣lace.
• * 3.185

  Guard.
• * 3.186

  Two Hall.
• * 3.187

  Presents.
• * 3.188

  Chambers and Tapestrie. Beds.
• * 3.189

  Kings Robes.
• * 3.190

  His bonnet and attire.
• * 3.191

  Shauing. Barelegges.
• * 3.192

  Ensignes of Maiestie.
• * 3.193

  His Doctor.
• * 3.194

  Exercises.
• * 3.195

  Workes.
• * 3.196

  Respect of Arts.
• * 3.197

  Guard and p〈…〉〈…〉mpous go∣ing abro••d,
• * 3.198

  No Beast 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 on.
• * 3.199

  Complement.
• * 3.200

  Queenes, and their pompe.
• * 3.201

  Bathing in the salt and fresh-water.
• * 3.202

  Perpetuall night.
• * 3.203

  Reuenues.
• * 3.204

  Al paid in kind
• * 3.205

  Cotton clothes
• * 3.206

  Merchandise.
• * 3.207

  Wrackes.
• * 3.208

  Sea Nuts.
• * 3.209

  Coyne.
• * 3.210

  Buying.
• * 3.211

  Bartering.
• * 3.212

  Merchants.
• * 3.213

  Merchandise. Coco-commo∣dities.
• * 3.214

  Shell money.
• * 3.215

  Coquett••s.
• * 3.216

  Tortoys shells.
• * 3.217

  Exotike wares.
• * 3.218

  Moschees.
• * 3.219

  Order.
• * 3.220

  Lights and darkeness〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 3.221

  Their beliefe of the world, the Deuill and their Prayers.
• * 3.222

  ••••u•• ••imes a day praying. Women-recu∣sants.
• * 3.223

  Washing rites.
• * 3.224

  Diuersified de∣uotions.
• * 3.225

  Circumcision. Females.
• * 3.226

  Feasts.
• * 3.227

  Bells.
• * 3.228

  Trumpets.
• * 3.229

  Holiday sute and seruice.
• * 3.230

  Their Office or rites of seruice.
• * 3.231

  Diuers ge∣stures and po∣stures.
• * 3.232

  Seruice by heart.
• * 3.233

  New Moone rites.
• * 3.234

  Sweet smells.
• * 3.235

  Foure princi∣pall New Moones. Ramedan.
• * 3.236

  Seucre fasting.
• * 3.237

  S. Augustin in diuers places mentions the Christians of those parts of Africa in his time, not wa∣s••ung ti••l the Fast were en∣ded.
• * 3.238

  Feast-fasts.
• * 3.239

  Ridiculous Fast-breaches and making amends.
• * 3.240

  Daily Sermons
• * 3.241

  Loue-moneth.
• * 3.242

  Halfe a Larin, a generall per∣sonal offering, as halfe a she∣kel amongst the Israelites.
• * 3.243

  No New moon feast certaine. They ascend high places purposely be∣ing ambitious euery man of her first sight.
• * 3.244

  Bengalan Fleet. In February, 1607.
• * 3.245

  Bengalans hate the Portugals.
• * 3.246

  Mogols con∣quest of Ben∣gala. See in Capt. Hawkins and S. Thomas Roe.
• * 3.247

  Movtingué.
• * 3.248

  See sup. in Hawkins and Fitches Voya∣ges. pagg. 207. 420. Thomas Steuens an English Ie∣suite which had long continu∣ed there.
• * 3.249

  Kings Edict (in effect) to roote out the Portu∣gals from the Indies, enioy∣ning and not enabling to warre with o∣thers.