Purchas his pilgrimes. part 2 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

§. III.

The Kings triumphant entry into Casbin, entertainment of the Authour and his Company. Other remarkable obseruations of the Kings Iustice, Bountie, treatie of Warre, and Mustaphas Embassage.

THE most part of this time I was at Casbin, courteously vsed by Marganobeague, the * 1.1 Master of the Kings house, any not amisse by any. When the King was come with∣in sixe miles of Casbin, hee stayed there some three daies, to the intent to make his [ 50] entry with such an estimation of his victorie, as was fit for so great and happy a successe of Fortune: and in truth, I thinke that hee did it most to declare the greatnesse of it to vs that were Strangers, by such a strange demonstration. The night before hee entred, there were thirtie thousand men sent out of the Towne on foote with Horse-mens staues, vpon which were fastned Vizards of so many heads: All those in the morning, when we were com∣manded to meete him, (the Gouernour hauing prouided vs Horses) wee found marching in bat∣tell array towards the Towne; and before the two heads of the King and his Sonne, foure Offi∣cers of Armes, such as they vse, bearing in their hands great Axes of shining Steele, with long helues; after those Battalions, followed the Xa-Hammadagaes Horse-men; after those, a num∣ber [ 60] of Gentlemen of the Kings Court; after those, one hundred Spare-horses, with as many of the Kings Pages; after those the Prisoners, accompanied with Bastan-Aga, then a great ranke of his chiefe Princes: amongst whom were all the Embassadors, which vsed to be resident in his Court; then followed the young Prince of Corazan, accompanied with Xa-Tamas-Coolibeague,

the Kings principall Fauorite, and then the King himselfe alone; and after him, some fiue hun∣dred Courtiers of his Guard. Marganobeague was with vs, and making vs large passage through all those Troops.

When we came to the King wee alighted, and kissed his Stirrop: my speech was short vnto him, the time being fit for no other: That the fame of his Royall vertues had brought me from a far * 1.2 Countrey, to be a present spectator of them, as I had beene a wonderer at the report of them a farre off: if there were any thing of worth in me, I presented it with my selfe to his Maiesties seruice. Of what I was, I submitted the consideration to his Maiesties iudgement, which he should make vpon the length, the danger, and the expence of my Voyage onely to see him, of whom I had receiued such magnificent and glorious Relations. [ 10]

The Kings answere vnto me was infinite affable: That his Countrey whilst I should stay there, should be freely commanded by me, as a Gentleman, that I had done him infinite honour, to make such a * 1.3 iourney for his sake, onely bid me beware that I were not deceiued by rumours, which had peraduenture, made him other then I should finde him: It was true, that God had giuen him both power and mind to answere to the largest reports which might be made good of him; which if he erred in the vse of, hee would aske counsell of me, who must needs haue much vertue in my selfe that could moue me to vndergoe so much, and so many perils to know that of another. And that he spake smiling, willing me to get on horse-backe: which when I had done, he called Haldenbeague, his Viseire, and Oliuer di-Can his Generall, and commanded them to take my Brother and me betwixt them, and my compa∣ny was disposed by Marganobeague, amongst the rest of the Kings Gentlemen of his Court: and [ 20] in that order, the King entred Casbin, and passing to the great place, he alighted with the chie∣fest of his Princes and Officers, whom he caused to bring vs with them, and went into a kind of banquetting house, in which there were staires to ascend by into a Tarras, where the King sate downe, and the greatest of those Princes, and wee among them. This Tarras looked vpon the place, where after we had beene a little, and beheld some of the Court exercising themselues at Giuoco-di-canna, that great troope was suddenly vanished, so without all sort of rumour, that it bred infinite wonder in me, considering how much tumult we made in these parts, in the dispo∣sing of a farre lesse company. Whilst wee sate there, the King called me againe vnto him, and when I had confirmed in more words, the very same I had before said vnto him: Then said hee, You must haue the proofe of time to shew you, either the errors or the truth of these rumours, since you [ 30] can make no iudgement of what you haue yet seene, which is but the person of a man, and this enemi∣nence which God hath giuen me, for any thing you know, may be more through my fortune then my vertue. But since your paines and trauell hath had no other aspect but to know me, we must haue a more intrin∣sicke acquaintance to perfect that knowledge; and how you will indure the fashions of my Countrey, you can iudge best you selfe which are Master of your owne humor: This I will assure your of, you shall want no respect from my people, nor honour from my selfe, and therewith bid mee fare-well for that present, committing me and my company to Bastan-Aga, to be conducted to my lodging.

Next morning I sent the King a Present, of sixe paire of Pendants of exceeding faire Eme∣ralds, and maruellous artificially cut; and two other Iewels of Topasses, excellent well cut also; * 1.4 one Cup of three pieces set together with gold inameled; the other a Salt, and a very faire Ewer [ 40] of Crystall, couered with a kind of cut-worke of siluer and gilt, the shape of a Dragon, (all which, I had of that Noble Florentine) which his Maiestie accepted very graciously, and that night I was with my brother inuited by him to a Banquet, where there was onely Byraicke Myrza, and Sultan Alye, with Xa-Tamas-Coolibeague, his chiefe Minion; there hee had diuers discourses with mee, not of our apparell, building, beautie of our women, or such vanities; but of our proceeding in our Warres, of our vsuall Armes, of the commoditie and discommoditie of Fortresses, of the vse of Artillerie, and of the orders of our gouernment: in which, though my vnskilfulnesse were such, that I knew my errours were greater then my iudgement, yet I had that felicitie of a good time, that I gaue him good satisfaction, as it seemed. For in my discourse, hauing mentioned the hauing of certaine Models of Fortification in some Bookes at [ 50] * 1.5 my Lodging, which were onely left mee in the spoyle which was made of mee at Babylon: Next day after dinner he came thither with all the principallest of the Court, where he spent, at least, three houres in perusing them, and not vnproperly speaking of the reasons of those things himselfe. Next night he sent for me againe, into a place which they call Bazar, like our * 1.6 Burse; the shops and the roofe of which were so full of lights, that it seemed all of a fire. There was a little Scaffold made where hee sate, and as euery man presented him with diuers sorts of fruits, so hee parted them some to one, some to another, and there hee continued some foure houres; in which time he tooke mee aside, with my Interpreter, and asked me very sadly, Whe∣ther I would content my selfe to stay with him; not for euer, for that were too a great wrong to my friends, who should lose me from their comfort, being diuided so farre from them; for my owne fortune he would [ 60] not speake of, but onely thus much; since I had told him I was a Subiect to a Prince, he knew, that then my fortune also must depend vpon the will and fauour of that Prince; and he assured himselfe, that he was as able, and more desirous to doe mee good then, any: therefore if I would resolue to giue him that little satisfaction; he should perswade himselfe the more confidently, that the cause of my comming was

such as I told him, the loue of his person and nothing else. I answered him, I could say no more to his Maiestie then I had alreadie done; that a report onely of his excellent vertues had brought me thither, that a better experience had bound me so fast to him and them, that as he was Master of my mind, so he should be of my person and time, which were both subiect to his command. For those things of for∣tune, they were the least things that I regarded, as His Maiestie well saw by my great expence thither, onely to satisfie my sight: but as I knew my selfe infinitely honoured by His Maiestie, vouchsafing to serue himselfe of me; so that was to mee aboue all other fortunes and satisfactions. His Maiestie see∣med wonderfully well content with my answere, and that night began to shew mee extraordi∣narie publicke fauour, and so continued all the time of his being in Casbin, daily encreasing by some or other great demonstration. [ 10]

Sixe weekes he stayed there, giuing his accustomed audience to the people: In which time I saw the notablest example of true vnpartiall royall Iustice, that I thinke any Prince in the world could produce. The Gouernour of Casbin was appointed to that administration, in the * 1.7 maine seruice of the Kings State when the Rebels were first suppressed; a man exceedingly and particularly fauoured of the King: he taking the aduantage of the time, which being troubled, gaue him liuely colour, to make great profit vpon the people, and confident in the Kings fauour, abused both the one and the other by extreme extortions; his iudgement was, That all his goods, and lands, should be sold, for the satisfaction of those men whom he had spoyled: and if any thing wan∣ted, * 1.8 since the King, by giuing him that authoritie, was partly the cause of those excesses, hee condemned himselfe to pay the residue out of his Treasurie. That if any thing aduanced, it should be giuen to his [ 20] Children, with a grieuous Edict, that no succour should bee ministred vnto himselfe. For that, since death was a concluder of his offence, shame, and the memorie of it, hee should not die; but goe, during his life, with a great yoke, like a Hogs-yoke, about his necke, haue his nose and eares cut off, and haue no charitable reliefe from any, but what he gayned with his hands: that he might feele in himselfe the miserie which poore men haue to get, and what a sinne it is to rent from them by violent extortion, the birth of their sweat and labour.

This Iudgement strooke a mightie amazement into all the Great men present, and gaue an infinite ioy and comfort to the people. The Turkes Embassador, which was there, after he had stood silent a great while, as a man halfe distracted, sware publikely, that he saw before his eyes, his Masters ruine: being impossible that such fortune and vertue, as the King was accompanied [ 30] with, could receiue any obstacle. That night he made Marganobeague Gouernour of Casbin, be∣ing well admonished by that great example of his dutie. Constantino, a braue young Gentle∣man, being a Christian of Georgia, he called Mirza, and gaue him the gouernement of Hisphaan; and me also he called Mirza; telling me, that he would prouide condignely for mee. And be∣cause * 1.9 he had an vrgent occasion to goe post to Cassan, I should receiue his pleasure by Margano∣beague; who brought me, the next morning, a thousand Tomanas, which is sixteene thousand Duckets of our money: fortie Horses all furnished; two with exceeding rich Saddles, pla∣ted with Gold, and set with Rubies and Turkesses, the rest either plated with Siluer, or Vel∣uet embroidered, and gilt; sixteene Mules; twelue Camels laden with Tents, and all furni∣ture, both for my House and Voyage; telling me withall, that this was but a small demonstra∣tion [ 40] of the Kings fauour, by which I might (notwithstanding) conceiue what better hopes I might gather: and that it was his Maiesties pleasure I should follow him to Cassan: in the house where I was, I should leaue a keeper, being his Maiesties pleasure to bestow it on mee: and that there were ten Courtchies which should attend mee the next morning, to serue mee in my Iourney.

All this while I moued nothing to the King of that which was the mayne purpose of my comming: I tooke time to deeme by the proceeding of other deliberations, of the way which I should take; and to make my selfe learned in the purpose of his actions, by his nature, and in∣clination; besides, not onely to get, first a kind of possession in his owne affection, but of all his Great men; especially of those whom I did imagine would be best and strongest assisters of my [ 50] purpose: the King knowing how potent a vniter of mens minds the self-same Religion is for * 1.10 tranquillitie of an Estate: and the like dis-vniter seuerall Religions are for the disturbance of the peace of an Estate, hee is exceeding curious and vigilant to suppresse, through all his Domi∣nions, that Religion of Mahomet, which followeth the interpretation of Ussen and Omar, and to make his people cleaue to that of Aly: not (as I Iudge) through any conscience which car∣rieth him more to the one then the other; but first to extirpate intrinsicke factions, then to se∣cure himselfe the more firmely against the Turke, who being head of that part which followeth Omar and Ussen, should haue too powerfull away into his Countrey, if his peoples hearts were inclined vnto him by the force of Religion. Therefore he doth not onely striue to roote it out, but to defile it, and make it odious; hauing in vse, once a yeere, with great solemnitie, to burne [ 60] publickly, as maine Heretiques, the Images of Ussen and Omar: then doth hee cause his Great men publikely (in scorne of their institution) to goe with a Flagon of Wine, carried by a Foot∣man, and at euery Village, or where they see any assemblie of people, to drinke; which him∣selfe also vseth, not for the loue of the Wine, but to scandalize so much more the contrarie Re∣ligion:

that by such a kind of profaning of it, they may weare the respect of it cut of the peo∣ples hearts: which when it fayleth with reuerence in Religion, the Pillars thereof are vtterly broken. Yet there are of the very greatest, exceeding precise Turkes, if they durst doe other for their owne fortunes sake, then couer, with all artifice, that infection.

Ten dayes I was betweene Casbin and Cassan, where arriued, I receiued more gracious demon∣strations from the King, then I could hope for, or wish: being farre beyond my present merit, and my Iudgement how to deserue it at all. Foure dayes his Maiestie stayed there, after my com∣ming; in which time there passed many Triumphs at Giuoco-di-canna in the day, and good Fire∣workes in the night: at which I was euer present with himselfe, with no lesse respect, then if I had beene his brother, as he also called me, and continued that name afterward all the time of [ 10] my being in Persia. The second day of his Iourney, from thence, towards Hisphaan, hee called me vnto him, my brother and my Interpreter; and (after some few discourses) hee began to tell vs the whole historie of those his fortunes which I haue discoursed: and ioyned that hee vnderstood, the Turke had sent him a faire sword (hee did beleeue) to cut off his head withall, if Ferrat Cans treason h••d well succceded: for after the Messenger arriued at Tauris, vnderstanding how God his great proui∣dence, had not onely mightily preserued, but giuen him that famous victorie ouer his enemies, hee had sent for new order to Constantinople, which came to no other end, but to call him backe againe. But the best was, the more the Prince hated him, the more his Subicts loued him, hauing receiued newes at Cassan, of ten thousand soules of Courdines which had abandoned their possessions vnder the Turke, and required some waste land of him to inhabit in; which he had giuen them.

And though this discourse opened somewhat largely the Kings heart vnto mee, I durst bee [ 20] no bolder, at that time, then to say, It was euer, almost impossible to preserue a quiet amitie betweene two so great Potentates, as himselfe, and the Turke, &c. at Hisphaan, said the King, * 1.11 we shall haue leasure enough both to deliberate and resolue of some good things; and with that called some other, who entertayned him with discourses of Hunting, and Hawking, in which he is much delighted, and vseth them with great magnificence: neuer going to any of those spo••••s, but that he carrieth forth aboue fiue hundred Dogs, and as many Hawkes, nothing ri∣sing before him but it is game. For Flies, he hath Sparrowes; for Birds, Hobbies and Marlins; for the greatest sort, some Hawke or other; and for Roe-deare Eagles; he hath particular Agaes for his Hawkes ane Dogs, and other Officers to them a great number.

The next day, I singled out Oliuer Di-Can, with whom, (after a few complements) I com∣municated [ 30] the Kings discourse with me, of his first troubles, and latter fortunes; extolling His Maie∣st•••• as it was fit▪ and besides, giuing the greatest honour to himselfe, without flatterie, that I could de∣uise; then I told him of my answere to the King, and on purpose I said, I feared, that it might turne to my 〈◊〉〈◊〉, being newly plauted in the Kings fauour, subiect to the enuie of the Court, and wanting a tongue to speake for my selfe: and that to intermeddle in so great and perillous matters, it could not chuse but awake some couered malice, to take occasion to worke me some damage. But my confidence was such, first in the Heroicke mind of the King himselfe, then in the generous disposition of his Excellencie, that I should be protected from perill for this fault, as I would preserue my selfe with more cautell hereafter. Hee answered mee, that the Kings affection vnto me was such, that no man durst lift vp a thought [ 40] against mee: which the Court knew well. For himselfe, as he knew not the conditions of our Courts, so I might mistake those of theirs: if enuie bare so great a sway with vs, we had lighter Princes, and men of more presumption. In this Court there was not a Gentleman but the King: the rest were shadowes which moued with his bodie. But in this which I had said to the King, if I had intended it, to moue him to warre in so fit a time against the Turke, I had done well: and assured me, that both hee, and Xa-Ta∣mas-Coolibeague, would with all their powers concurre with me to bring it to an essentiall deliberation; though, said hee, there bee three Dogs, Haldenbeague, Bastan-Aga, and Courtchy Bassa, that will mainly oppose themselues against it: yet in the conscience of my dutie, which I owe to his Maiestie, I assure myselfe, that there is no secure way, either for the preseruation of his person, or estate, but that. Therefore, since you haue begunne in so happie an houre to breake the Ice of so great and so good an en∣terprise, [ 50] follow it without feare, since God will prosper your good intention in it, and wee will second you, with all the strength and industrie which wee haue. This was all which I desired, to bee assured of some friend; especially such a one, as might haue both opinion and credit of wisedome and fa∣uour with the King.

The Kings entrance into Hisphaan was there of the same fashion that it was at Cassan; diffe∣ring * 1.12 onely in this, that for some two English miles, the wayes were couered all with Veluet, Sattin, and cloth of Gold, where his Horse should passe. After he had beene setled there four∣teene dayes, remembring what Oliuer Di-Can had said vnto mee, I determined to lose no more time. Therefore taking the opportunitie of the Kings being alone with mee, and my bro∣ther in a Garden, with my Interpreter onely and Xa-Tamas-Coolibeague, I spake vnto him to [ 60] * 1.13 this effect: That my affection, growne onely vpon the fame of his Maiestie, had guided me from a farre Countrey into his presence: by which I found his Royall vertues, so farre excceding the relation which I had heard, that as I did admire them so I had a kind of forceable mouing in my nature to desire con∣digne fortunes to accompanie them: Besides, my particular obligation to his Maiestie was so great,

that I was bound, not onely to say what I thought fit for his seruice, but to doe as much as my life might accomplish for the same. There could no deliberation be grounded vpon a greater foundation of equitie, then that which had his end onely directed to the recouery of that, which was by force and violence vsurped from his State: nor nothing more honourable for a Prince then to bee able without hazard, not onely to reuenge priuate and publike wrongs, but to recouer their members againe to his seate, by his wisedome and vertue, which haue beene separate either by the defect or fortune of his Predecessors; All this, both publike and priuate profit, followed so great an increase of State, (increasing in all points the force of his State) and his poore Subiects, which were throwne out of their possessions, either through their true deuotion to his Ma∣iestie, which could giue them no peace vnder another gouernment, or through the extreame tyranny of the Turke, should be recouered againe to their owne, with his infinite glorie and vtility. The facilitie [ 10] shewed it selfe diuers waies, principally in his owne fortune, wisedome, and vertue; against which, there was no likely resistance, especially when there was no equall obstacle, then the reputation of his late victo∣ries ioyned with the other, would finde or make a way through all difficulties; then his Militia which was fresh and vncorrupted, then the incapacitie of the Turke, his corruptions of gouernment, want of obedi∣ence, sundry rebellions, and distractions from any possibilitie, of being able to make any potent resistance against his Maiesties proceedings, by his warres ••n Hungarie, which his Maiestie might assure the con∣tinuance of, if it pleased him to inuite the Princes Christian to his amitie, which he should offer vpon that condition: by which also, he should receiue one other worthy benefite fit for such excellent parts, as hee most richly aboundant in, not to conclude the true knowledge of them in that one corner of the world: but with making these great Princes knowne vnto himselfe, he should make his owne worthinesse likewise [ 20] knowne vnto them. Neither (as I said at the first to his Maiestie) though these were great points to moue so great a spirit, intending to glory and great things, as his was, that they were so important as other were. For these might either be deferred, or not at all acted, being bound vnto them by no greater neces∣sitie then his owne will, counselled by good reason. But his case was such, that hee must resolue; both for the securitie of his estate and person, to make or endure a warre.

As I was proceeding, Haldenbeague the Vizeire, Bastan-Aga, and Oliuer di-Can came in: the King presently called them, and told them what I was propounding vnto him; vpon which the Vizier swelling against me, answered instantly. Your Maiestie may now perceiue that true, * 1.14 which some of your Seruants haue beene bold to tell you, at the first comming of these Christi∣ans, and many times since, that they were sent to disquiet your Maiesties tranquilitie of your [ 30] State, and to embarke you in dangerous enterprizes for other interresses, &c.

Oliuer di-Can answered, that there was difference betweene a proposition, which was onely mooued to be counsailed of, and a perswasion. That hee thought I counsailed nothing, (much lesse perswaded) but onely propounded that to the King, which if it were not then fit to be ex∣ecuted, for reasons that I knew not in the present condition of the Kings affaires; yet I deser∣ued not so bitter a censure, since Princes ought to heare all, and elect the best, &c. The King then commanded Bastan-Aga to speake freely also what he thought, who after a reuerence vnto him, hauing repeated the Arguments past, commended them all (as it is his fashion apparantly to offend no body: but what he doth in that q••alitie is secretly) and then as though hee meant no such matter, diuiding what he would speake into two points, the warre, and my person, he [ 40] proceeded, &c. When he had ended, I beseeched his Maiestie to vouchsafe to heare me once more, which he said was needlesse, and the day farre spent; therefore since euery man had already spo∣ken their opinion, he would also say somewhat of his owne, and referre the farther deliberation of things vntill another time. The proposition which Mirza Antonio (saith he) made vnto me, is * 1.15 questionlesse in it selfe such an one, as I must not onely thanke him for propounding it, by which it hath receiued life, but I must also prouide for the execution of it, that the life which it hath may bee vsed to good purpose. (His long answeres to their reasons are omitted) For the Tartars which I haue as subie∣cted, if I were Oliuer di-Chan, Haldenbeague, or Bastan-Aga, I could thinke of few better meanes to assure my selfe of their rebellions, then those which they haue propounded: except one addition of suffe∣ring [ 50] them to enioy their ancient Order, Lawes, and their particular course of Iustice. But as I am borne with a mind of another constitution, I can secure them better by giuing them to their owne naturall Prince, and him to them. For to whose Father I was so much bound, that through the royaltie of his dispo∣sition, I hold my life, and had the beginning of what I am, I can d••e little for the Sonne, and no gratefull act at all for the memory of the Father, if I cannot giue him a Kingdome which is the least part of what I am. To conclude as good deliberations in their many points, must be grounded vpon the example of the * 1.16 past, the experience of the present, and the iudgement of the future: and the Turke hath beene euer hea∣uy to my State in long p••ssed, and late passed times, and is now by some accidents partly proceeding from himselfe, partly from others (in all likelihood) easie to be perpetually assured: which point of time that giueth so good an occasion if it be let passe, may giue him power (for a mind he can nor will neuer want) [ 60] to be vntollerable againe hereafter; or if not vntolerable, at the least dangerous. We haue two great po∣wers of our minds, the one a wise power of vnderstanding, by which we penetrate into the knowledge of things; the other a strong power of resoluing, by which we execute things well vnderstood: and now that we haue iudged of all, we must resolue of somewhat; and of that which is probabliest best. Therefore

our necessitie, our honour, and our iustice calling vs against the Turke, and since with all these concurreth so good an opportunitie: he must be the maine end of which wee will determine: and because to prepare vs to that end amongst many other circumstances, the sending to the Princes Christian hath beene in∣timated as one of the most necessarie: wee shall doe well in the generall good vse which wee must make of this interposition of time, to doe also that. For though it bee true, that their interesses will euer make such a proposition acceptable: yet where there is a proffer of such a condition, as bea∣reth with it a kind of Obligation, as it is of more honourable fashion for vs, so it addeth grace and repu∣tation and more strength to it, or any such like purpose. For neither will I relie so much vpon my owne power, or fortune, or the present benefit which I meane to bestow vpon these of Corasan, that I will for∣get I haue offended them, and to arme my selfe with all the best aduice I can, against the sinister wor∣king [ 10] of any fortune. Neither will I so much preiudicate the opinion, which I desire the world (without vaine ostentation) should hold me, and my Ministers, as that my enterprises should not haue a way giuen them by the wisest and best weighed counsell, and perfect concurrence made betweene my fortune well iudging of my counsell, and all proper occasions. As for Mirza Antonio (for so hee euer called mee) what hee is to me you all must know, and my estimation of him: which I assure my selfe to be grounded vpon a good and true iudgement, since he hath beene the first and onely propounder of the manifest point of all other, which doth or may concerne me most. So for that matter of sending, in which there is more diuersitie of opinions about the forme of circumstance, then essentiall matter of substance, I will remit it to his fidelitie and true affection to me, to dispose as he shall in those two great workes in a noble minde, find meetest for my honour, and conuenient, and certainest for the effecting. Yet this must I tell you and [ 20] him, which hath not yet been thought of, that a great Prince, as I am, must receiue a deniall for an iniurie: and I had rather not know them at all, then with knowing them to be also offended by them, though (this I say also) that he cannot be iudged to haue authoritie to command their wills, therefore must be blame∣lesse in all, except in the lightnesse of his imagination, vpon which slender occasion hee ought not, for the credite of his owne iudgement, to haue formed a Counsell. Before I could frame one word of replie, he rose, and hauing talked a little while alone with Xa-Thamas Colibeague, he called my Interpre∣ter, and held him some quarter of an houre in a very earnest spee••h: which was, to command him (as he afterwards told mee) not to let mee know what his Vizier had said against mee, but charged him to animate mee to loue his People, and also to confirme (in all hee could) my af∣fection and well-hearted intention to his owne seruice. And wee parted with a mutuall shew [ 30] of great satisfaction. Many dayes after, when I would begin to enter into a new discourse of those deliberations, he would presently turne himselfe to speake of other matters. In this fashion more then one moneth passed, in which I had no comfort of my desire, but onely that which Xa-Thamas Colibeague and Oliuer Di-Chan gaue me, and the Kings exceeding fauour which ra∣ther encreased then decreased towards me.

In this time (as though all the strength of that ill spirit, who euer rayseth the vttermost of his skill and power to preuent all good purposes had conspired to ouerthrow the well pro∣ceeding of this good businesse.) There came newes to the Court, that Mahomet-Aga Generall of the Ianizaries of Bagdat was entred into the Kings Cofines, as Ambassadour from the Turke, with a rich Present, and maruellous honourable traine: And that those of Ormus had stayed by [ 40] force sixteene slaues which were sent by the Great Mogore to the King; with nine other which Oliuer Di-Chan had bought in those parts, and the Merchants for their more securitie had sent them with those of the kings. This raised the courages of those which opposed themselues to the mayne businesse, alienated mightily the hearts of Oliuer-Chan, & Xa-Thamas Colibeague from all, and exasperated the King himselfe so much against them, that his ordinarie speech was no other, but that he would shortly learne to haue a respect vnto him, which did so exceedingly fill my very soule with perplexitie and anxietie, that I fell into a very dangerous sicknesse, in which * 1.17 the King neuer fayled daily to visite mee himselfe; and finding that the recordation of those things did aggrauate both the griefe of my mind, and vnquiet of my bodie, he forbad that any in my presence should speake more of it, but onely comfort me with all sort of discourse of re∣creation, [ 50] with so royall and so gracious a regard, that hee shewed apparantly enough, that few accidents could dispose his mind from any reasonable contentment which hee might giue mee. In the meane time Mahomet-Aga arriued at the Court, whom the King sent his Vizier and Courtchibassa to meet, accompanied with a thousand Horse of the principall of the Court, and of the Citie. These (no question) gaue him large instructions, and as large hopes; which if he had guided also rightly, he might haue done his Master great seruice, and himselfe infinit honour: but through his owne too hastie greedinesse, assurance, and desire, he preuented himselfe whilest he striued first beyond that which was indifferently good, then beyond that which was better, and at the last beyond all reasonable (and I thinke his owne) hopes. For first being proudly con∣fident vpon the greatnesse of his Master; then vpon the difficultie of the King of Persians pre∣sent [ 60] estate, to be moued to offend so potent a Neighbour; then vpon so great and strong a faction in the Court; besides, hauing heard by them that the Kings minde was altered from those of Ormus, and that Oliuer-Chan also was then likewise alienated from his first censure through the particular wrong done vnto himselfe. Hee left the right way of mouing by degrees so great a

businesse to carrie it euen without agitation or danger: And as though with knowing the cir∣cumstances he had attayned the end, he ouerthrew his Masters intention, his owne honour, and almost lost his life, if the Kings infinite clemencie had not either despised or pittied his errour.

The day of his audience was honoured with all the Princes of the Kings Court, and my selfe being too weake through my long sicknesse, the King commanded that my brother should bee present also; where after a magnificent oration of his Masters potencie in all conditions of force, he told the King, That he was sent to admonish him to remayne constant in the truce with his Master; * 1.18 to require restitution of those Courdines which without licence had abandoned their possessions in his Masters Prouinces, and contrarie to the termes of amitie were entertayned by him. That his Master also demanded the restitution of Corassan to the former gouernment, in the alteration of which, though he [ 10] knew his Greatnesse and Maiestie violated, yet he could yeeld so much from what hee ought to doe to the King of Persias yeeres and beat of valour; that he would content himselfe with that satisfaction. Then he aduised him to force his nature, and couer this vaine glimmering of fortune with iudgement and good counsell; which euer would aduise him to maintayne and preserue his estate, rather with warie then vio∣lent counsels. This his Master demanded of him to obliterate (by the facile granting of it) all greater iniuries; wished his Maiestie to consider well of the Demand, the condition of the Demander and his owne: Denials euer to such Potentates being receiued for mayne offences; that it was euer a wise determination to yeeld to the authoritie of Time, and necessitie, and to auoide by that good iudgement, vrgent perils, and sinister conditions: nothing being a more secure repaire, then to strike sayle against insupportable tempests, it many times hapning, that the too great valour of men vsed with too great confidence is bitterly persecuted, and sometimes oppressed with an vn∣happie [ 20] course of fortune: against the current of which, when once through errour it breaketh forth, no humane force or wit can make any resistance. And because all men for the most part are blind in discerning the iudgement of good or ill counsels, from their end, celebrating them when they prosper with a false argument from the successe: His Maiestie should giue a great example of true wisedome, not to be so much ouerborne with the present delight, or future hopes, extra∣cted from those first prosperous successes, as not to bee able to lift vp his eyes to see the clouds which hee had raised by some of them: which if they were not preuented, would breake forth into extreame Tem∣pests. To conclude, he said that his Maiestie must bee so farre from thinking to weaken his Master by cunning and by artifice, and so to keepe his Armes farre from him; that hee must resolue such courses to be seruile: and to execute apparantly and presently onely, Princely, and like himselfe; so that eyther hee [ 30] must prooue himselfe a Friend, or declare himselfe an Enemy. The first would merit any priuate grace, which should be no sooner deserued then attayned; the other would giue glorie and honour to the Victor, euer deare and honest to the winner, precipitious and shamefull to the loser. And not speaking of the in∣uinciblenesse of his Master, God himselfe would iudge the first uniust Infringer of an Amitie sworne to his great Name.

The King without any thing mouing from his accustomed grauitie, tempering the Iustice of his indignation with the true magnanimitie of his minde, answered him to this effect. That as the greatnesse of riches and Treasure were often pernicious to Princes; so were abundance of men, and * 1.19 largenesse of Dominions, to such as were too weake to gouerne them: therefore that extolling the Mag∣nificencie [ 40] of his Master (which might breed wonder and terrour in those who were not capable of greatnesse, was no moouer of him to decline from any part of that which belonged to his owne great∣nesse. He had receiued the Courdines (oppressed by the tyrannie of cruell Ministers) into his protecti∣on; and as their comming to him proceeded of their owne will, so their returne from him should bee vo∣luntarie, and not through his constraint. Corassan he had iustly taken from an Vsurper, and would re∣store the lawfull Prince, who should receiue the benefit from his munifience: and not from any point of the Turkes instance. But wherefore should hee bee bound to giue a stricter account of his actions to the Turke, then became equall Princes to aske the one of the other; as though the Lawes of ruling had but one Moderator, before whose Tribunall they should be all presented? Tauris belonged to his Predecessors; so did Sieruan, so did Dierbech; and what Iustice had his King to detayne them? If none other but by the potencie of his Armes; the same point of Iustice he had also to preserue what hee had alreadie got∣ten: [ 50] and to vindicate also those vniustly detayned from him. If hee will breake the Truce made be∣tweene my Father and him, and continued by my Brother and mee, vpon so manifest vniust Causes; as the Warre was neuer prosperously prouoked against our State by his Predecessors nor himselfe, but through some strange accident, errour, or our disunion: so beleeue that it will now breake forth to his owne destru∣ction. Yet I doe not denie but that I had rather, both to preserue what I haue, and to recouer what my Ancestors haue lost, by equitie then bloud; and by force of Reason, rather then of Armes: which if I cannot, I will certainly amend by vertue what I haue erred in by cunctation. My power and glory is yet soundly whole, and more increased through the merit of Modestie, which was neuer yet despised by the greatest which haue beene among men: and is esteemed by God himselfe. Wresting of Acts could not deceiue Oaths; which as they were made to God; so the iudgement of their breaking or abusing [ 60] would euer be in God, and his memory, care and power. For Mahomet-Aga himselfe; though hee had forfeited the Priuiledges of an Ambassadour, by executing vnder that Title a contrarie Office; if I should (said hee) presently and condignely punish you, both the memory of your present Fortune (into

which pride and folly hath throwne you) and my glorie would be darkned; and the punishment would bee followed with a sudden forgetfulnesse; but if I free you (as I will) from your punishment, though I can∣not from the fault, I shall be an eternall memory to the World of Clemencie, and leaue you a great pre∣cept either of more iudgement, or lesse employment: vntill you can make your selfe fitter for such a one as this, to which you haue beene vnworthily elected.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The Kings Triumphant entry into Cas∣bin after his victory.
• * 1.2

  Sir Anthony Sherleis first sa∣lutation, and speech to the King.
• * 1.3

  The Kings an∣swere.
• * 1.4

  Sir Anthony Sherleis present to the King of Persia.
• * 1.5

  Models of for∣tification.
• * 1.6

  The Bazar.
• * 1.7

  A memorable punishment of extortion.
• * 1.8

  The King of Persi••es iudge∣ment vpon an Extortioner.
• * 1.9

  Sir Authonie made a Mirza. The rich Pre∣sent sent him by the King.
• * 1.10

  Kings care of Religion for Policie.
• * 1.11

  The particu∣lars of his ge∣n••rall answer, y••e may see in his owne 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as also the Kings an∣s••••r T•••• King of 〈1 line〉〈1 line〉 king and hun∣ting.
• * 1.12

  Kings entrance into Hisphaan.
• * 1.13

  Sir Anthonie She••••cys per∣swesiue to the Persian, to make warre against the Turke.
• * 1.14

  The Vizeirs disswasiue op∣position, is long, and here omitted. The Persian Generall his answere to the Vizeirs disswa∣siue, is for like cause omitted.
• * 1.15

  The Kings cen∣sure and con∣clusion of the consultation.
• * 1.16

  The Kings conclusion of the consulta∣tion.
• * 1.17

  Sir Anthonies sicknesse.
• * 1.18

  The proud message deli∣uered by the Turkes Ambas∣sadour to the King of Persia.
• * 1.19

  The King of Persias his An∣swere to the Turkes Ambas∣sadour.