Purchas his pilgrimes. part 2 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

NAVIGATIONS, VOY∣AGES, [ 10] AND DISCOVERIES OF THE SEA-COASTS AND IN-LAND RE∣GIONS OF AFRICA, WHICH IS GENERALLY CALLED AeTHIOPIA: BY ENGLISH∣MEN [ 20] AND OTHERS. (Book 7)

THE SEVENTH BOOKE. (Book 7)

CHAP. I.

A true Relation of Master RICHARD IOBSONS Uoyage, employed [ 30] by Sir WILLIAM Saint IOHN, Knight, and others; for the Dis∣couerie of Gambra, in the Sion, a ship of two hundred tuns, Admirall; and the Saint Iohn fiftie, Vice-Admirall. In which they passed nine hundred and sixtie miles vp the Riuer into the Continent. Extracted out of his large Iournall.

WE set sayle from Grauesend, on Saturday the fift of October, [ 40] 1620. From Grauesend. On the fiue and twentieth, we de∣parted from Dartmouth, we sayled from Dartmouth to the Ca∣naries.

The fourteenth of February, we came to an anchor in Tra∣uisco * 1.1 Road, where we found three Frenchmen, and one Flem∣ming. Francisco a Portugal here dwelling was busie to enquire if we went to Gambra, hauing a letter as he said from M. Cramp, who had lately departed thence for Sierra Liona, set forth by the Company. This Portugall fearing iust reuenge for the ship * 1.2 taken and men betrayed and murthered by them in Gambra, [ 50] had procured a Letter in behalfe of some of his friends. In the Riuer of Borsall we entred, where we tooke a small Boat belonging in part to Hector Nu∣mez, the principall in that Treachery and Murther aforesaid and detayned some of his goods therein for satisfaction, taking thereof a publike Inuentorie, that if any other could lay iust clayme they might be restored. This was done by punishing Numez, and to terrifie others * 1.3 from like trecherous attempts, not without effect. The Portugals were glad they so escaped, knowing and cursing Numez his villanie. The Portugalls which trade here, and inhabit the Ri∣uer are banished men, Renegadoes and baser people, and behaue themselues accordingly.

We built a Shallop, and lanched it the two and twentieth. The next day we set sayle vp the Riuer, and the tyde spent, anchored against a litle Iland on the South-side some foure leagues vp. [ 60] From October till May, the winds are generally Easterly, and downe the Riuer which much hindred our course vp the same. We past vp by tydes, intending to stay at a Towne called Tau∣koroualle, but ouer-shot it in the night, and the next morning were against another Towne foure * 1.4

leagues higher, called Tindobauge. Our ship with her Ordnance might here come both sides the Riuer. * 1.5

Here dwelt Emanuel Corseen a Portugall, which told vs that Master Tomson was killed by one of his Company, and that the rest were in health. It was intended the Sion should stay here, and therefore the Kings Customers were paid, who dwelt some sixe miles from the Riuer, but had his drunken Officers to receiue them.

Leauing her with fiue and twentie men and boyes. On Wednesday, the nine and twentieth, * 1.6 the Saint Iohn and two shallops, we set sayle vp the Riuer twelue men in the bigger, with Hen∣ry Lowe, and thirteene in the lesser with my selfe, which with the Boat towed her vp in calmes.

On the first of December, we came to Pudding Iland, sixteene leagues from the ship. The [ 10] * 1.7 second, we anchored against a little Creeke which leads into a Towne Maugegar. We went to this Towne, meeting by the way a Portugall, called Bastian Roderigo, who gaue mee an Ounces skinne. On Munday the fourth, the King with his Alcade came aboord, and drunke himselfe with his Consorts so drunke, that the Customes were deferred till next day. Henry Lowe agreed for a house, and left there Humfrey Dauis, Iohn Blithe, and one Nicholas a prettie youth, which two last dyed there. On the seuenth, we passed thence by a Towne on the North-side, called Wolley, Wolley, bigger then any wee had yet seene, and in the after-noone came to an anchor at * 1.8 Cassan (where the Katharine was betrayed) where no Portugall would now be seene. This King is vnder the great King of Bursall. The Al••ade shewed vs friendship, and told vs that the Por∣tugals had hired men of that Towne to kill vs as we went vp, in some narrower Strights of the [ 20] Riuer, for feare whereof we could not get any Blackman to goe with vs to be our Pilot and Lin∣guist. This Towne is populous and after their manner warlike. We here had intelligence, that Salt is a good Commoditie aboue in the Riuer, and that within eight dayes there would come a Carauan from Tynda for Salt before this place.

On the fourttenth, we came to a Towne on the South-side, called Pompeton, aboue which * 1.9 dwels no Portugall in this Riuer. Next morning we came to the Port of Ieraconde, two miles from which dwelt Farran a perpetuall Drunkard, but which held his Countrey in greatest awe. Hence Henry Lowe sent a slaue with a Letter to Oranto sixteene miles off, where the English dwelt. On the seuenteenth, Matthew Broad and Henry Bridges came to vs by Land, which * 1.10 were exceeding glad after so long space to see their Countrimen, as we also to heare them re∣port [ 30] their securitie amongst those wild people. Broad said, much good might bee done vp the Riuer, but that it must be done without delay, the Riuer falling daily. Comming within sixe miles of Oranto we landed and went thither, where Brewer which had beene at Tinda with Tomson, filled vs with golden hopes. But the neglect of bringing Salt thorough ignorance or e∣mulation * 1.11 was a hinderance. The King of Oranto abode on the other side of the Riuer; his name Summa Tumba, a blind man and subiect to the great King of Cantore. We went to him and had a speech made to him of thankfulnesse, for our Countreymens kind vsage; His answere was re∣peated by the mouth of another, after the fashion of the Countrey: which Ceremonie done, he made hast to drowne his wits in the Aquauitae and good liquor we brought him. His Custome paid, we departed. [ 40]

The one and twentieth, I sent away my Boat, & the next day came abundance of people; some to sell; all to begge; the King sometimes by his Wife, sometimes by his Daughter, but euery day his Sonnes were there, and likewise diuers others of the better sort, but Count, from many great persons: which word they vse for commendations. You must returne something againe, or it will be ill taken.

On Christmas day, Ferambra sent vs as much Elephants flesh as one could well carrie, new * 1.12 killed. This Ferambra went foure miles off, and was a friend of our people, and when the Por∣tugals had dealt with the King of Naoy, to kill them all, who sent his forces to performe it, he put himselfe and his people in Armes for their defence, and conueyed them ouer the Riuer to his Brother, called Bo Iohn, and saued their goods. On the one and thirtieth, came the Shallop backe. [ 50]

We being ten white men, went the second of Ianuary from Oranto for Tinda: the first tyde we went to Batto, Bo Iohns Towne, and there agreed with a young Marybucke to goe with vs. * 1.13 Lowes emulation hindred vs with delayes, both now and before. On the sixth, Sumaway, King of Bereck vnder the great King of Cantore, came aboord with his Wife, and begged our cour∣tesie. We tooke in Sangully, a blacke Boy, who had liued with Master Tomson, and spake pret∣tie English. On the ninth, we anchored in a vast place both at noone and night, where was a world of Sea-horses, whose pathes where they went on shore to feed, were beaten with tracts as great as London high-way. Next morning we anchored at Massamacoadum, fifteene leagues * 1.14 from Pereck. On the eleuenth, at Benanko. The twelfth, after rockie passages to Baraconda. [ 60] The tyde went no further. Beyond were no Townes, neere the Riuer, nor Boates nor people to be seene.

On the fourteenth, Bacay Tombo, the chiefe man of the Towne, came a board with his wife, and brought vs a Beefe. We hired another Marybuck, because they are people which may trauell

freely: & now were ten white and foure blacke. Hauing now the streame against vs, we durst not for feare of Rockes in the night, nor could for immoderate heat in the Suns height proceed, but * 1.15 were forced to chuse our houres in the morning till nine, and after three in the afternoone. We past by Wolley a small Riuer, and found aboue shallow waters, wherein were many Sea Horses curuetting and snorting hard by vs, one came swimming by vs dead and stinking, yet the Negros were displeased they might not eate him.

On the seuenteenth, on both sides the Riuer we saw thousands of Baboones and Monkies. A Sea Horse gaue the Boat a shrewd blow, but did no harme. We had still our Canoe before vs to sound the depth.

On the eighteeneth, we were forced to enter the Riuer naked, very fearefull of the Bumbos, [ 10] (so they call the Crocodiles) and carry the Boat against the current, and ouer or thorow the sand, heauing and shouing till we come in deepe water.

The nineteenth, we met with a violent current, that all the strength of sixe Oares could pre∣uaile, but a mile in an houre. The twentieth, on the Sear-board side, we had Cantore Riuer, which hath a faire entrance, where Ferran Cabo is the great King. On the one and twentieth, we sent a shoare to the Mountaine tops, whence might be perceiued onely Desarts, replenished with terrible wild Beasts, whose roaring we heard euery night. The Blackes are so afraid of the Bumbos, that they dare not put their hands into the water, diuers of them being by them deuoured. Yet did they auoid from vs, whether it were our noise or multitude which caused it. Some we saw thirty foot-long, yet would not come neere vs. On the two and twentieth, wal∣king on the banke, I espied sixteene great Elephants together hard by me. A Blacke with me fell [ 20] a trembling. The sedge in the place was almost as high againe as our heads; so that we could not be seene till we were within Pistoll shot of them. We saw diuers little ones by their sides. We made an offer to shoot, but the Peece would not off, which they perceiuing began to run, in a miles space not so much as turning nor looking behind them; making speed to the Mountaines, like a Deare in the Forrest. The Moores wondred at our aduenture. On the three & twentieth, we were faine to enter the water, & by strength of hand, to carry the boat a mile & a halfe into deeper water. On the foure and twentieth, we towed her, sometimes adding haling by the Boats side, as sholds and trees permitted: and met with one vehement current, ouerthwart bro∣ken rockes, so that we were forced to hold her by force, till one taking the Anchor on his neck, waded aboue that quicke fall, and letting it fall, we haled by our hasor, and escaped that gut.

The fiue and twenty, troubled with sholds, we heard as we passed, a gush of water, hidden by [ 30] the greene trees, with which water we stored our selues; that of the Riuer being so ranke with a * 1.16 muskie sent of the Crocodiles, as we supposed that it was distatefull; whereas this was plea∣sant. One of our Moores was taken, and like to be lost in a Whirlepoole; notwithstanding, he could swimme well, had not one of our men laid hold on him as he rose the third time, almost spent, from vnder water. On the sixe and twentie, we were comforted with the sight of the hill of Tinda, being high rockie land. We sent three Moores thither with a present to the King, and to Buckor Sano, a Merchant of Tinda, intreating him to come downe to vs with prouision, for we had no flesh. Deare and Fowle were plentifull on both sides the Riuer, had we beene pro∣uided * 1.17 of a good Peece. And the Riuer fish did so taste of Muske, that (like the water) we could [ 40] not endure the shoare. I went ashaore to view the Riuer, & might see sometimes twentie Croco∣diles * 1.18 one by another: and in the night, specially towards breake of day, they would call one to another, much resembling the sound of a deepe Well, and might be easily heard a League. We past the sholds, and against Tinda Riuer, recouered steepe water, and saw many Sea Horses, which loue deepe waters. On the thirtieth, we killed an Anthelope bigger then any Windsore * 1.19 Stagge, the blood of him drew a world of Eagles, and other Fowle; amongst which came one Stalker, a Fowle higher then a man, which we likewise killed. Presently after, came our men backe with Buckor Sanos brother, and a seruant of the Kings, with Hens. Our Deare was kil∣led in good season for their entertainment: the report passing among them current, that with * 1.20 our thunder (so they called our Guns) we could kill whatsoeuer we would. They much fearing [ 50] the same, as hauing neuer seene or heard it, whereof we made good vse.

On Thursday, the first of February, came Buckor Sano with a troupe of forty people, amongst which his wife and daughter. Hauing tasted of our strong Waters, hee lay drunke aboard that night (he was neuer so after) and was sicke the next day. He gaue vs a Beafe, and many of the people brought Goats, Cocks, and Hens, which we bought easily. On Saturday, we began to trade our Salt, which is the chiefe thing they desired; other things they asked for, which we had * 1.21 not prouided: salues (he told vs) were the things they held dearest, for any thing else we should haue, if we would maintaine our comming thither, he would prouide it. We had some Ele∣phants teeth, Negros Clothes, Cotten Yearne, and some gold of them. We refused to buy Hides, [ 60] because we would not lade our Boat downe the Riuer, the water falling euery day, which wee kept note of by the shoare. The people came daily more and more to vs, and vpon the shoare they built houses, we also had a house open to trade vnder, so as it seemed like a pretty Towne. Our Blackes went ouer the Riuer, and three dayes after brought other people, which built a Siege

Towne on the other side the Riuer. And within three dayes there were fiue hundred, which were a more Sauage people; hauing breeches of beasts skins, neither had they euer seene any white people before. The women would run and hide themselues when we came neere them at their first comming; but after grew bold to buy and sell with vs. These people likewise were all for Salt, and had Teeth and Hides store. Our Salt was almost gone before they came; for we had but forty bushels at first.

Baiay, Dinko the chiefe was aboard, very desirous we should come againe. On that side wee * 1.22 saw likewise there was Gold, and those people had familiarity with each other, whereby it seemed they had trade and commerce, by some higher part of the Riuer. [ 10]

On the seuenth, the King of Ielicot on Tinda side, vnder the great King of W••lley, came downe with his Iuddies or Fidlers, which plaid before him and his wines, such being the fashion of the great ones. These Iuddies are as the Irish Rimers: all the time he eats, they play and sing songs in his prayse, and his ancestors: When they die, they are put in an hollow tree vpright, and not buried, we gaue him a Present, and he a Beefe to vs.

On the eighth, Buckor Sano would needs be stiled the white mans Alcaid; I tooke it kind∣ly, and put about his necke a string of Christall, and a double string of Currall. Broad gaue him a siluer chaine, and with drinking a cup of Rosa-solis, and shooting off fiue Muskets, a solemne cry, Alcaide, Alcaide, was proclaimed: he adding his fidlers musicke, the people also ready with their bowes and arrowes, his wife with matts on shoare to attend the solemnity. So soone as he came on shoare, he frankely gaue his nuts to the people, reioycing in this new honor. These [ 20] nuts are of great account through all the Riuer, and are a great fauour from the King: fiue hun∣dred of them will buy a wife of a great house. Their taste is very bitter, but causeth the water * 1.23 presently after, to taste very pleasant. This done, he went to the Kings house, who sate without doores, their fashion being assoone as it is darke, to make a fire of Reed without doores, and the best sort to haue matts, on which to sit downe, and vse their Ceremonies. He placed me by the King, and went himselfe sixe paces off, right before him, and made a speech, which one repeats after him as he speakes, to intreat his kind vsage to the white men. The King an∣swered with a like speech, giuing vs liberty to shoot any thing on the land, and none should of∣fend vs. Buckor Sano kneeled downe, and gaue him thankes, and sent vnto him in our behalfe the * 1.24 Currall and Christall. Whereupon the King made a long speech, concluding, that he would giue [ 30] him that land whereon we were, for vs, for euer. Vpon which words, Buckor Sano pulled off his shirt in token of thankefulnesse, and kneeled downe naked, vntill diuers Marybucks with their hands raked vp a heape off the ground, vpon which he lay flat with his belly, and couered him with the earth lightly from head to heele. Then with his hands he threw the earth round a∣bout amongst vs all: after which, the Marybuckes gathered a round heape againe together; and * 1.25 compassing it with a round ring of the same earth, wrote with his finger as much as the round would containe: which done, Bucker Sano tooke of that earth into his mouth, and put it forth a∣againe, and then taking both his hands full of the earth, and our two Marybuckes following him vpon their hands and knees, they came to me where I sate, and threw it into my lap. This done, he rose vp, and two women were ready with clothes to wipe him, and a third woman [ 40] with a cloth to fan him, and stepping a little off, he had his best clothes brought him, which he put on, and his sheafe of arrowes about his necke, a bow and an arrow in his hand. He came in againe, and twenty more, with bow and arrowes, after he had gone twice or thrice about, pre∣senting himselfe by drawing his arrow vp to the head, as if he were to shoot, he deliuered them, and sate downe by me. The rest with their bowes and arrowes came one after another, and knee∣ling at his foot with their faces, from him presented their bowes, as hee did. Then began others to dance after their fashion, at the end whereof they began to make seuerall speeches, (for euery one of the better sort will haue his speech) wherewith we were weary, and left them for that night. Our manner was to set our watch with a Psalme, which they hearing, would be still, and after a shot would leaue vs quiet till morning. [ 50]

I shewed this Buck••r Sano a small Globe, and our Compasse, whereupon he told vs that he had seene with his eyes a Countrey Southward, whose houses were all couered with gold, the * 1.26 people wearing iron in rings through their lips and eares, and other places, to which place hee told vs it was foure moones trauell. Hee told vs likewise of a people which hee called Ara∣becke, who came vnto this Countrey, and would be at a Towne, called Mombarr, but sixe dayes * 1.27 iourney from Tinda, the second moone after, which was in March. And there was a Town called Iaye, from whence much gold came, but three dayes iourney from Mombarr, whither these Ara∣beckes went not. More I might haue knowne, had not the emulations of my companie hindred, who would not suffer the blacke boy to let me know what he speake.

Some people which came to vs, were of Combaconda, a Towne foure dayes iourney thence, [ 60] which we thinke is Tombuto. A Marybucke was here of Master Tomsons acquaintance, borne in * 1.28 Iaye, which would not company with the people of Tinda, but came to vs, and told vs that ma∣ny people were comming, but were sent backe by some that returned, and reported our Salt was gone. He offered, if we were past these people, he would vndertake to bring vs to Mombarr

and Gago, We made haste to be gone: for by our marke the water was sunke aboue sixe inches, promising to returne in May, when the water increased. We called this place Saints Iohns Mart.

On Saturday the tenth of February, we came away, the wind and streame serued, but wee durst not sayle for the sholds, nor row by night. On Wednesday at night, hauing but three miles to Baraconde, by the Moores intreatie wee went thither ouer Land, and passed easily in * 1.29 sixe dayes downe, what had cost vs twelue dayes labour and trouble. We had a great chase at an Elephant, wounded and made him flie, but lost him in the high sedge, and after found him in the Riuer, where being shot in the eare he turned head on vs, and made vs row off, and leaue him thrice wounded, our Peece failing in the discharge.

Munday the nineteenth, we came to Butto, Bo Iohns Towne, wee had our first Marybucke * 1.30 and the blacke Boy which spake English, whose age of sixteene yeares was now ripe for their Circumcision. Hither we came in season for that Solemnitie, hearing before we came; shoutes, Drummes and Countrey Musicke. The Boy knew the meaning, and told vs it was for cutting of prickes, a world of people being gathered for that purpose, like an English Faire. Vnder euerie great tree, and among all their houses at night were fires without doores, and in especiall places dancing, the Musicall Instruments made with Keyes like vnto Virginals, whereupon one playes with two stickes which haue round Balls of leather at the end, about their wrists Iron Bracelets, They are called Ballardes, and contayne some seuenteene Keyes. The women for * 1.31 the most part dance with strange bending of their bodies, and c〈…〉〈…〉ging of their knees, their [ 20] legges crooked, the standers by keeping a time in clapping their hands together to grace the dance. If the men dance, it is one alone with such Swords as they weare, naked in ••is hand, with which he acteth.

About two furlongs from their houses vnder a great tree were many fires, and much drum∣ming with great noyse: here they said were those which were cut, but would not suffer mee to goe see. Some distance beyond we might heare a great roaring noyse, which they fearefully said was the voyce of Hore, that is, after their imposture a Spirit, which approacheth at great Feasts, * 1.32 for whom they prouide store of Rice, Corne, Beefe, and other flesh readie d••••st, which is in∣stantly deuoured. And if he be not satisfied, he carries some of their Sonnes (the vncircumci∣sed Females he regards not) and keepes nine dayes or more in his belly, then to bee redeemed [ 30] with a Beefe, or other belly-timber: and so many dayes after must they be mute, and cannot be enforced to speake. This seemes an illusion of their Priests to exact Circumcision, and the hoarse∣nesse of some shewed, they had lost their throats in that roaring. This roaring, shouting and dancing continued all night. We saw our blacke Boy circumcised, not by a Marybucke, but an ordinary fellow hackling off with a Knife at three cuts his pr〈…〉〈…〉ce, holding his member in his hand, the Boy neyther holden nor bound the wh••••e. He was carryed to the rest, nor would they suffer our Surgeon to heale him. The people in twentie miles space came in to this Feast with their prouision.

I made haste backe to Setico, to meete the Tinda Merchants, and on the sixe and twentieth, * 1.33 being within two miles of the place, I receiued a great and dangerous blow by a Sea-horse wh〈…〉〈…〉 [ 40] indangered our sinking, but we made shift to stop it with some losse. We came to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 foure miles from the water side, the greatest Towne we saw in the Countrey, higher then which the Portugall Trade not, and from hence carry much Gold; the most of the Inhabitants Marybuckes, * 1.34 and the Towne gouerned by one of them, called Fod•••• Br••ni. They are stored with Asses and Slaues, their Merchandize Salt. The chiefe Marybucke dying, there came multitudes of people to his Funerall. Of the Graue-Earth digged for him euery principall Marybucke, made a Ball mingled with water out of one pot, which they esteemed as a Relike. They lay all sweet smels they can get into the ground with him, and tooke it kindly that I bestowed some. Much Gold is buried with them, or before by themselues in a priu••te place, for their vse in another World. Much singing, or howling, and crying is vsed many dayes about the Graue. This recourse was [ 50] also to establish his eldest Sonne in his dignitie, to which many Pre〈…〉〈…〉 are sent. I saw among other beasts one Ramme of a hayrie Wooll like Goats. Sonnes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their Fathers, but the Kings Brethren take place before the Sonnes. The 〈…〉〈…〉sse of our men in the Saint Iohn, haste∣ned my departure.

Sunday the eleuenth of March, I returned, and on Wednesday came to the Saint Iohn. The next day, I set forward to the S••••n, and on Saturday came to P〈…〉〈…〉an, where the Portugall made vs good cheere. Hee told vs of the Deuils giuing notice of our beeing in the Riuer, and comming vp, which the circumst〈…〉〈…〉 made probable. On M••nday, we came to Cassan, a hill * 1.35 where the Sion did ride: the Master and many others dead, and 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 foure able men in the Company. [ 60]

Here we lay from the nineteenth of March, to the eighteenth of Aprill, wee weighed and came the next morning to anchor against Wolley, Wolley, vnder the King of Cassa••. Whiles wee were there, came a new King from the King of B••••••all to take possession of the Countrey, the old King being eiected as the Sonne of a Captiue woman, whereas this was right Heire by both

Parents, and now comne of age, who now transported himselfe and his ouer the Riuer, to giue place to this new King, which promised vs all kindnesse.

The twentieth, we came to Mangegar, within a mile of which, euery Munday is a great concourse and market, but miserable Merchandize. The last of Aprill, the Saint Iohn came to vs, and the fourth of May we sayled downe the Riuer together. From May to October, it blowes vp the Riuer except in the Ternado, which com••s for the most part South-east. On the eigh∣teenth, we prepared our Shallop. On the nineteenth, we set vp Tents on the shoare. The King of the Countrey called Cumbo, came to vs, and was very kind and familiar, promising all fauour, labours of calking and other businesse, watching and Musketos, which here exceedingly aboun∣ded, did much molest vs. On the ninth, wee turned out of the Riuer. Next morning before [ 10] day, we had a violent storme, or Ternado, with Thunder Lightning, and exceeding store of ••aine. This weather is frequent from May to September. Wee put in at Trauisco for Workmen, our Carpenters being dead. Thence we hasted home.

CHAP. II.

A description and historicall declaration of the golden Kingdome of Guinea, otherwise called the golden Coast of Myna, lying in a part of Africa, shewing [ 20] their beliefe, opinions, traffiquing, bartering, and manner of speech; together with the situation of the Countrie, Townes, Cottages, and Houses of the same; with their Persons and Proportions, Hauens and Riuers, as they are now found out and discouered: all perfectly viewed and curiously discouered, and written by one that hath oftentimes beene there. Translated out of Dutch, conferned also with the Latine Edition, * 1.36 and contracted.

§ I. [ 30]

What course the ships hold which seeke to goe to the Gold Coast of Guinea. Of Cape Verde, and the course from thence.

SVch ships as passe by the Ilands of Canadai, must thence (if they will haue traf∣fique at Cap•• Verde) hold 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 South and by East, and South South-east, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they be vnder fifteene degrees, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 seeing no Land, they must hold their course East, till they find 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 not South because of stormes, which al∣wayes [ 40] come from the East and 〈…〉〈…〉ing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cape Verde, they must hold their course somewhat South and by West, vntill they be a good way from the Land, or at least without it, for that commonly they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hardly got from the Land, by reason of the stormes, and the wind that comes out of the Sea, which alwayes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them to the Land, whereby commonly men are nee••er to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 they thinke they are. And those that meane also to traffique on the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Ma••igette, when they are aboue the Bassis of Rio grande, then they, must seeke to get to the Land, that they may enter into Sierra Leona, and other Riu, is there to make t••••••r pro••••t▪ ••••d ••ll along th•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 other Riuers and Townes, vn∣till they come to Cape 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 then they 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 their course along by the Cape de [ 50] tres punctus. But they 〈…〉〈…〉 not to 〈…〉〈…〉 or the Graine * 1.37 Coast, but on∣ly seeke to goe right 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the 〈…〉〈…〉 course by the Ilands of Ca∣nari••, * 1.38 and sayle South 〈…〉〈…〉 Cape V••••d••, leauing them commonly on Bagh-boord, or as the wind serueth them, being vnder ten, nine, or eight degrees, then they begin 〈…〉〈…〉 the Land, 〈…〉〈…〉 course South and by East, and by the same course to seeke to g••t 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all B〈…〉〈…〉 and sha•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 without altering their course▪ for they that fall vpon Saint Annes shallow 〈…〉〈…〉, haue much labour and pain before they can get off 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them 〈…〉〈…〉 they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 great deale of time, oftentimes thinking that they 〈…〉〈…〉 from th•• shallo〈…〉〈…〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is still vpon them, which is because it is no continuall shallow, but ••••ll of deepe pits: for in one place you shall [ 60] haue three f••t••••me deep〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 then againe 〈…〉〈…〉 and then againe, the fireame driues you still to Land so that 〈…〉〈…〉 of the 〈…〉〈…〉 what to do, and are put to much trouble 〈…〉〈…〉 their Voyage 〈…〉〈…〉. Now, sayling further, and comming vnder seuen and 〈…〉〈…〉 specially, when

it is not a time of Trauadoes, which is in Aprill, May, and Iune, whereof men are in great feare. It fell out so with vs, that beeing vnder those highthes, we were twentie dayes driuing in a calme, without winning any great highth, and that which we wonne with the Current, the next day we lost it againe with a contrary wind; so that you must beware of the Land in any hand, specially, those that goe to Brasilia, for they must take heed, not to goe too neere the Land, left the calme taketh them: I once found a ship thereabouts, which thought to sayle to the Bay, de Todos los Sanctos, and thinking that the streame draue him vpon the Coast of West * 1.39 India, fell there vpon the Graine Coast, so that hee was forced to goe backe againe, and beeing not able to fall into his right course, hee was constrayned to leaue it, and in stead of sayling to Brasilia, he was forced to goe to Saint Thomas, so that vnder those highthes, you can doe nothing [ 10] with the wind, but onely by the current, which alwaies runnes East with the bough.

They that sayle to East India, also shunne this calme as much as possible they may, to get a∣boue the sand, or rife of Brasilia, for otherwise they must whether they will or not, goe to Cape T••xes Gonsalues, and then sayle along vnder the Equinoctiall Line, at least three or foure hun∣dred miles, before they can get againe into their right course, as it happened not long since to some of our ships, which was a great hinderance vnto their Voyage, further hauing past this * 1.40 calme, and towards the Land about Cape de las Palmas, or to some other places, which you know, then you must hold your course along by the Land, but no neerer to the Land then eight and twentie fathomes deepe, till you come to Cape de tres punctus, where the Golden Coast begins, and where the Hollanders traffique with the Negroes.

First, passing the Riuer of Senega, you begin to draw neere to Cape Verde, which is a piece [ 20] of Land easily to be knowne, for the first point sheweth it selfe with two hillockes or houels, and lyeth farre into the Sea, and on both the North and South-side thereof loseth the Land, but Southward from the point, about halfe a mile from the Land, there is an Iland seene, whereon many Fowles breed, and great numbers of Egges are found therein, behind this Iland there ly∣eth a great Rocke, a little separated from the Land. This Iland is very vnfit to rayse shallops on, you may sayle betweene the Land and this Iland, with a ship of three hundred and twentie tuns, but not without great feare, for that there are many Rockes lying vnder the water, but for the best securitie of ship and goods, it is better to sayle on the West side of the Iland to the other Iland, where shallops may be set together, which you may see being right against the first Iland, lying about three miles Southeast from the other: these Ilands are not inhabited, and there is nothing to be had in them but great store of ballast and wood to burne, but for that there is a [ 30] conuenient Valley to make shallops in, therefore those places are much vsed, and are the cause that many ships sayle to them, but on the firme Land there are great store of Negroes inhabi∣ting, which traffique with all Nations.

The Countrey people goe naked, only that they hang a piece of Linnen cloth before their * 1.41 priuie members, but their Gouernours (as Captaines and Gentlemen) are better apparelled then the common sort of people, and are well knowne by their Garments to be such. They go in a long Cotton Garment close about them like a womans smocke, full of blue stripes, like feather bed tikes, on their armes they weare many foure-cornerd leather bagges, all close ioy∣ned together, and the like vpon their legges, but what is within them, I know not, be••••use they [ 40] will not let vs see. About their neckes they weare Beads made of Sea-horse Teeth, and some Corals, or Beades which wee bring them, on their heads they weare Caps of the same stuffe that their clothes are, they are people that are very industrious and carefull to get their liuings, their chiefest Trade is Husbandry, to sowe Rice and Corne: their great riches is in Cowes, which there are very scant and deare, but further into the Countrey there are great store, for that men lade whole ships full of Salt hides at Porta dallia, which they take in exchange or bar∣ter for Iron, which place lyeth but seuen or eight miles from Cape Verde. They make very faire Iron worke, and in that Countrey, there is great store of Iron spent, specially faire long barres, whereof they are as curious as any man in the World can be, those they vse to make Instruments of, wherewith to fish, and to labour vpon the Land, as also to make weapons, as Bowes, Ar∣rowes, [ 50] Aponers; and * 1.42 Assagayen they haue no knowledge of God, those that traffique and are conuersant among strange Countrey people, are ciuiller then the common sort of people, they are very greedie eaters, and no lesse drinkers, and very lecherous, and theeuish, and much addi∣cted to vncleanenesse: one man hath as many wiues as hee is able to keepe and maintaine.

The women also are much addicted to leacherie, specially, with strange Countrey people, of * 1.43 whom they are not iealous, as of their owne Countrey people and Neighbours; their Religion is after the manner of Mahomets law, for circumcision and such like toyes. They are also great Lyers, and not to be credited, the principall Commodities that men traffique for there, are * 1.44 Hides, Amber-greece, Gumme of Arabia, Salt, and other wares of small importance, as Rice, [ 60] Graine, Teeth, and some Ciuet. The Portugals also dwell there, with other Nations, where∣with they may freely traffique, because they are not subiects to the King of Spaine; and besides, that they are not Masters of the Countrey, and haue no command but ouer their slaues. The Negroes are vnder the command of their owne Gouernours, which are called Algaier in their Language, which is a Captain of a Village, for euery Village hath his seuerall Algaier, and when

any ship come to anchor there, then the Captaine comes presently aboard with a Canoe, to aske Anchoridge money, which is commonly three barres of Iron, but of such as know not their cu∣stome, they take as much as they can; their bodies are very blacke, and of a good proportion. When they speake, they put out their neckes, like Turkie Cockes, and speake very fast. They haue a speech by themselues.

Leauing Cape Uerde, to saile to the Golden Coast of Myna, the course is best (if the wind will serue) along by the land, to the place where you will Trafique, and deale with the Negros: * 1.45 from Cape Verde to Rio de Gambra, it is fiue and twenty miles, from Rio Gambra to the Baixos of Rio Grande thirty miles, from thence to Sierra Liona, threescore miles; there is a good place to lie in the Winter time, for in the entrie of the Riuer, you haue fiue fathome deepe at the least, [ 10] and so for the space of fourteene miles going South-east towards the Roade, you haue sixteene, fourteene, twelue, ten, and eight fathome water: from the Riuer of Sierra Liona, to Rio de Gali∣nas, (that is, the Riuer of Hens, because there arne many Hens, and very good cheape, at a Mes∣ken a peece) fourty miles, from Rio de Galinas to Cape de Monte eighteene miles, the land of Cape de Monte reacheth South-east, and by South, it is a low land, but the Cape is high land, like a hill, or like a horse necke, with a falling in: from Cape de Monte, to Cape dos Baixos, fiftie miles; from Cape de Bassis to Cape de das Palmas, fiftie miles. These are the three principallest Capes of all the gold Coast; this Cape lieth vnder foure Degrees, and is the furthest land of all the Coast, which reacheth towards the Equinoctiall line, all the land for the most part lieth South-east, and North-west, low ground, sometimes rising, but no high hils to be seene inward [ 20] to the land; from Cape das Palmas, to Cape dc Apollonia, and so to Cape de tres Punctus sixtie miles, from Cape de Monte, to Cape de Miserade, * 1.46 sixteene miles (this Cape is a high land) from Cape de Miserade to Rio de Ceste, foure and twentie miles, all along hither to you, haue good Anchor ground at twelue fathome, the West point is rising land, like to a hill that riseth and sheweth it selfe within the Countrey, when you are North) from it you are then right a∣gainst Rio de Cestes, before in the mouth of the Riuer, there lieth a small Iland, and the Village where you Traffique, lieth a mile vpwards within the Riuer. From Rio de Cestes to Cape das Baixos fiue miles, this Cape sheweth like a saile, and it is a white Rocke which lieth out into the Sea, being two miles from the Cape you saw, foure and thirty, and fiue and thirty fathome water, good Anchor ground, you may hold your course along by the land at two and thirty, [ 30] three & thirty, and foure & thirty fathome deepe; but go no neere if you desire not to go to the gold Coast, because of stormes, with a wind out of the Sea, as also because of Rockes, and foule ground, that are, and is found to be there, which will rather hurt, then doe you good. From Cape de Bassis to Sanguin three miles, thereis much Graine to be bought, and good Traffique to be made. From Sanguin to Bofoe a mile and a halfe, there also is Traffique; from Bofoe to Ser∣tres two miles, there also you may Traffique, and it is a good place: from Sertres to Botowa two * 1.47 miles, it is also a good place to Traffique in: from Bottowa to Synno, fiue miles. There also is Traffique; from Synno to Sonweroboe three miles, from Sonweroboe to Baddoe two miles, from Baddoe to Crou two miles; from Crou to Wappa foure miles; from Wappa to Granchetre two miles: This the French men call Paris (from Granchetre to Goyaua, foure miles, thither there [ 40] commet•• great store of Graine to sell, and it is a good place to Traffique in with the Negros, from Goyaua to Cape de das Palmas three miles, all this from Cape Uerde to Cape de das Palmas is called the Graine or golden Coast (otherwise Mellegette) wherein the Kingdome * 1.48 of Mellie is contained, which by vs that are the Netherlanders is called the Graine Coast: but by others it is called the Coast of Mellegette: This Kingdome of Mellie hath an other Kingdome vnder it, called Bitonni, which lieth not farre from Rio Cestes.

The Kingdome of Mellie is rich of Corne, Graine, Rice, Co••ten, and Flesh, and some Ele∣phants, where by they sell many of their teeth vnto strangers. The inhabitants are mischieuous and cruell, (yet better in one place then in another) alwayes seeking to spoile and intrap strangers, that come thither, and cruelly to murther them; but some Countri-men are better welcome vnto them then others, and those are Frenchmen, because of their long Traffique [ 50] into those Countreys. The Portugalls come very little thither, one Countrey men are better entertained in one place then in another, & that by reason they haue sometimes swaggred there abouts, and for that cause the Negros seeke to be reuenged. The greatest Traffique here is Graine, Teeth, and some Rice; other Wares that are there to be had cannot be bartered for in any great quantity, as gold and Teeth, for there is little to be had, but other necessaries for sustenance of man, are there reasonably to be had, and wine of Palme, which they draw out of the trees, is there very delicate, exceeding sweet, and as excellent as any can be found in those Coasts. The Inhabitants are subiects to their Captain, whom they call Taba, and are very submis∣siue and ready to obey his commandement. The Kings or Captaines of their Villages, are very [ 60] graue, and rule with great seueritie, holding their subiects in great subiection. Their Language differereth in the one place from the other: but most of them speake a little French, by reason, that they are vsed to deale much with the French men, and so get some part of their speech, as they on the gold Coast also doe, who likewise speake a little Portugall, by reason also that the Portugalls in times past vsed to Traffique much there. They are very expert in husbandry, as to

some Graine, wherewith they haue a great Traffique, they are also very cunning, and fine work∣men to make many fine things; specially, very faire Canoes or small Scutes, wherewith they also rowe into Sea, which they cut out of a whole tree (like to a Venetian Goudel) which are very swift to goe; the men haue as many wiues as they can maintaine, but they keepe them very short, and looke neere vnto them. They are likewise very Iealous of their wiues: for if they perceiue that any of their wiues haue plaid false with them, they will seeke great reuenge a∣gainst the partie that hath done them the wrong, and will make warre vpon him, and for that cause, raise all their Countrey, so that the women are not here so common, as on the golden Coast of Mina, and else where. Passing further from Cape das Palmas, you find many Riuers, where you may barter for great store of Teeth, to Cape de Tres Punctas, and for that cause it is [ 10] called the tooth Coast.

Passing Cape de Apolonia, (which lieth betweene Cape las Palmas, and Cape de Tres Punstas) fiue miles further: there lieth a small Castle, but not strong, which is held by the Portugalls, the Village is called Achombeue, and the Castle Ariem, there many Negros dwell, but come sel∣dome aboord our ships that lie there at Anchor, which the Portugalls forbid them to doe. Thus you haue read the Description of the Graine or gold Coast, as also the Tooth Coast, and now you shall read of the Coast of Mina. * 1.49 And first of the Iron people in this golden Coast.

§. II. [ 20]

How they marrie each with other, and what goods their Fathers giue with their Children; their House-keeping together; the womans lying in; educa∣tion of their Children: Their proportions, industrie and conditions.

WHen their children begin to attaine to yeeres of discretion, and are able to be married to a wife, Then the father seeketh out a wife for his Son, which he thinks wil like his Son well, and yet he neuer saw, nor knew her before, & without wooing each o∣ther. Who being thus brought together, the Father giueth nothing at all with his * 1.50 [ 30] son towards houshold: but if he hath gotten any thing himselfe, by fishing or carrying Merchants aboord the ship, that is his owne to begin houshold withall. But the Brides friends, giue the value of fourteene Gulderns in gold with their daughter, for their marriage good; which is to be vnderstood, that if they be any thing worth, then the Father giueth his daughter a Peso and a halfe of gold, and the mother halfe a Peso of gold: which after our reckoning altogther, is * 1.51 halfe an ounce of gold Troy weight, which they giue them to buy wine de Palme; to keepe their Bridall withall: for she hath nothing else, but that which her Father and Mother giueth her, for she getteth nothing in her youth, as her husband did. And if it be a Kings sonne or daughter, they also giue no more with them to their marriage; for it is a common custome with them to giue no more with their daughters in marriage, then they giue them as a liberalitie, but [ 40] when they goe to keepe house, they giue them a slaue to serue them. Besides this, the Bride in the presence of her friends which come to the Banquet, maketh a promise, and sweareth, to be * 1.52 true to her husband, and not to vse the bodily company of any other man; but the man taketh no such oath, but is free thereof.

Now, if she chanceth to commit whoredome with an other man, either willingly or against * 1.53 her will, and that her husband heareth thereof, then he must put her away for it; and the man that hath committed the act, shall forfeit to the King foure and twenty Pesos (which after our account is nine ounces) of gold. But if it be a Dutch man, he payeth no fine, because he is a stranger, and knew not whether the woman was married or not, which excuseth him: yet the fault is laid vpon the woman that hath done such an offence, and she must pay to her husband [ 50] foure Pesos, or halfe an ounce of gold, because she committed adultery with another man. If she hath gotten any thing; but if she hath nothing, and cannot pay the fine to her husband, it excuseth her not: for if he hath no great fantasie to his wife, or that they haue little affection one vnto the other; if he will, he may put her away from him, and as then the band of Matri∣monie is broken betweene them, and he may take an other wife when he will.

But if he cannot learne that his wife hath committed such a fact, by information of other men, but presumeth it of himselfe, or suspecteth that his wife hath laine with any other man, * 1.54 he chargeth her with it, and making her eate certaine Salt, vseth other Ceremonies of their Idolatrous Fetissos, wherewith the woman knowing her selfe to be cleere, and not to haue com∣mitted adultery with an other man, willingly taketh her oath. But knowing her selfe to bee [ 60] faulty, she dare not take her oath fearing, that if she should forsweare her selfe, her Fetisso would make her die, whereby oftentimes the wife discouers her owne o••••ence, and prooureth the means to mooue her husband to be deuorced from her, which chiefely hapneth, by meanes of the Ielousie; which the man hath of his first wife, for it causeth a great hatred and contention be∣tweene

them, because it is a great scandall vnto him, and oftentimes there groweth so great strife about it, that he seeketh to murther the man that doth the fault, and although he hath paid the fine imposed vpon him, the married man hath the Priuiledge to driue him out of the Towne.

Further, when they keepe house together, if the man beginneth to thriue, and hath meanes to buy an other wife, he may not buy her without the consent of his first wife, vnlesse he * 1.55 were at controuersie with her, and put her away, for some thing that he could charge her with∣all; but with her good will he may buy another. He giueth his first wife sixe Englishen of gold, or two, three, foure or fiue, as much as he can get, or hath need of, keeping his other wife for his slaue, or to serue him, or for his Etigufou, or in our Language, his Whore or Concubine, to [ 10] whom he beareth not so great affection, nor is not so iealous of her, as of, and to his wife, and those serue for euery man, for he may complaine of no man for her, nor cause him to pay any fine for her. His first wife waxing old, and her mind being not so much addicted vnto lust, if he perceiueth it, then he cleaueth to his yonger wife, to haue his pleasure with her, and euer after esteeming most of her, maketh his old wife doe the houshold worke, giuing her meat and drinke as long as she liueth, and putteth her not away, but she is forced to serue the yong wife, and shall neuer trouble her selfe with any thing, but onely to eate and drinke well, to haue a care to please her husband, and to doe whatsoeuer he commandeth.

Although a man hath as many wiues as he is able to keepe, yet all are not of one, but of seue∣rall ages, the one yonger then the other, that they may be the better serued by their wiues. For [ 20] when the eldest can doe no more for age, (that he may not want worke) and that the yongest wiues might doe him more pleasure, they make most of the yongest: and euery wife dwelleth in a house by her selfe, although he had ten wiues, as many of them haue. The wife keepes her * 1.56 husbands money, and when he needeth any, he fetcheth some of her. They eate not one with the other, but either of them alone by themselues; the husband eateth with one of his compa∣nions that he dealeth with, or with whom he goeth to Sea: his wiues also eate with their friends or neighbours, euery one bringing their meat with them, and so make good cheare toge∣ther, and at euening, the women goe home to their houses againe, and are together but in the day time. The man and wife lie each of them in a seuerall roome, at night, spreading a mat vp∣on the ground, and lay a wooden stoole vnder their heads, in stead of a pillow, and then making [ 30] * 1.57 a little fire of wood, when it burneth they lie downe, with the soles of their feet before it, that the heat thereof might draw out the cold, which they by day haue drawne vp into them from * 1.58 the earth (by going bare-footed, esteeming it to be very good for them, which we must also ac∣knowledge. Now, when he hath a desire to vse any of his wiues, either he calleth or fetcheth her, and that night helieth with her, & the next day, she goeth to her house againe, where she dwel∣leth, not once making any of the rest acquainted, what she did that night, or that her husband lay with her; for then they would be too 〈…〉〈…〉ealous.

Being with child, when their time of deliuerance, and bringing foorth of their child into the world commeth, when she is in labour, both men, women, maids, yong men & children, run vn∣to * 1.59 her, and she in most shamelesse manner, is deliuered before them all. I would say much more hereof, but in respect of the credit of women, I will leaue it. When the child is borne, she goes to [ 40] the water to wash & make cleane her selfe, not once dreaming of a moneths lying in, nor of ma∣king Caudles of Ipocras, and other wines, as women here with vs vse to doe: they vse no Nurses to helpe them when they lie in child-bed, neither seeke to lie dainty and soft; but they present∣ly take a spoonefull of Oyle, and a handfull of Manigette or Graine, whereof they make a drinke, and drinke it vp.

The next day after, they goe abroad in the streets, to doe their businesse, as other women doe. They giue their child such a name, as they thinke good to themselues, and blesse the same * 1.60 with their Fetissos, and other witchcrafts, and when time serueth, circumcise both boyes and girles: at which time they make a great feast, whereof they make great account. But where [ 50] the women are most shamelesse at the time of the birth of their children, the men in three mo∣neths after, lie not with that wife, nor once haue the vse of her body, which neuerthelesse, I thinke they doe not, for any shame or regard that they haue, to deale with that woman, but onely because they haue other wiues enough. They take the yong child as soone as it is borne, and wrapping a cleane cloth about the mid••le thereof, lay it downe on a mat vpon the ground, and not in a cradle, and there let it turne and sprawle about, and doe what it will, and when it is two or three moneths old, the mother ties the child with a peece of cloth at her backe, and so lets it hang there, as the high Dutches wiues vse to follow their husbands in the warres. When the child crieth to sucke, the mother casteth one of her dugs backeward ouer her shoulder, and so the child suckes it as it hangs. The women goe vp and downe from place to place, and still car∣ry [ 60] their children in that sort, as lightly, as if they had nothing at their backes, the childs head lies iust vpon her shoulder, and so she goes shaking of the child most pitifully to behold, where∣by * 1.61 we wondered that they brake not the childs ioynts, by bearing them in that sort, being so young, and yet you find very few or no lame persons in those Countreys. They teach their chil∣dren

to goe very young, for they make no reckoning thereof, and suffer them to creepe and runne abroad when they are very little, and teach them to speake very soone, whereby you find many children there among them that can both goe and speake ere they bee a yeare old, and some of them speake so plainly, that you may vnderstand what they say in their Language, for they speake and goe farre sooner then our children doe, which we wondred at, besides this, they are strong, fat and well disposed, whereof we will speake hereafter in another place.

The children being a moneth or two old, then they hang a Net about the bodie thereof, like * 1.62 a little shirt, which is made of the barke of a tree, which they hang full of their Fetissos, as gol∣den Crosses, strings with Corall about their hands, feet, and neckes, and their haire is filled full of shels, whereof they make great account, for they say, that as long as the young childe hath [ 10] that Net about him, the Deuill cannot take nor beare the child away, and leauing it off, the De∣uill would carrie it away, for they say, the childe being so little, it would not bee strong enough to resist the Deuill, but hauing that Net vpon the bodie, it is armed, and then the Deuill hath no * 1.63 power ouer it; the Corals which they hang about the child, which they call a Fetisso, they esteeme much, for that hanging such a Fetisso about the childes necke, they say, it is good against vomi∣ting; the second Fetisso, which they hang about his necke, they say, it is good against falling the third, they say, is good against bleeding; the fourth, is very good to procure sleepe, which; they hang about the necke thereof, in the night-time, that it may sleepe well; the fift, is good against wild beasts, and the vnwholsomenesse of the Aire, with diuers other such like Fetissos, each ha∣uing a name a-part, to shew what vertue it hath, and what they are good for, and they credibly [ 20] beleeue them to be good against vomiting, falling, bleeding, (which they presently helpe) and for sleeping, they feed their young children with all kind of grosse meates, almost from the first, for when they leaue suckling (they suffer them not to suck long) then they beginne to learne the childe to eate of their grosse meates, and to drinke water; when they be vsed thereunto, then they take little heed to them, but beate the children lying downe in their house, like Dogges, rooting in the ground like Hogges, whereby it falleth out that the young children soone learne to goe.

Euery woman bringeth vp her owne children, and each child knoweth the Mother, and re∣mayneth with her, vntill the Father either buyeth it of her, or that it goeth away from the Mother, it oftentimes falleth out, that the Husband taketh the child from the Mother, & selleth [ 30] it to other men for a slaue. When they begin to goe, they presently learne to swimme, and to * 1.64 runne into the water, and when they are first borne they are not blacke, but reddish, as the Bra∣silians are; and then by little and little begin to be blacke; and at last, to bee as blacke as Pitch, and growing bigger, run vp and downe like Sauage men, Boyes and Girles together, fighting one with another, taking each others meate from them, and from their child-hood vpwards, be∣gin to be enuious one against the other, and so grow bigger and exercise all kind of villanie and knauerie, their Parents not once teaching them any ciuilitie, nor shewing them what they should doe, suffering both Boyes and Girles to goe starke naked as they were borne, with their priuie members all open, without any shame or ciuilitie.

They vse to beate and chasten their children most cruelly, striking them with great staues, in * 1.65 [ 40] such sort that we wondred that they did not breake their bones, which they doe not, but for some great cause (whereby their children respect them much) and for that they beate them cruelly, so that they doe not easily forget it. Other good Discipline they teach them not, but they grow vp like wild trees: hauing spent their time thus vnciuilly, and beginning to be eight, ten, or twelue yeares old, then their Parents begin to instruct and teach them to do some thing, and to labour with their hands, the Fathers teach their Sonnes to spinne Thred made of barkes of Trees, and to knit Nets, which hauing learned they goe to Sea with their Fathers to fish, and when they know how to rowe, and to guide a Boat, then two or three Boyes will goe out to∣gether * 1.66 in a Canoe or Almadia to fish, and that which they take they carrie to their Parents for food, but when they are eighteene or twentie yeares old, then their Sonnes beginne to deale for [ 50] themselues, and leaue their Fathers, and go and dwell two or three of them together in a house, buying or hyring a Canoe, (which is one of their Boats) and therewith goe to Sea together, and what fish they get they sell for Gold, first, keeping as much as serueth for food for them∣selues, with that they sell, they buy a fathome of Linnen cloth, which they hang about their * 1.67 bodies, and betweene their legges, wherewith they couer their priuie members, for then they begin to be shame-faced; whence they proceed further and beginne to deale and traff••que with Merchandize, and to carrie it aboord the ship in their Canoes, and serue Merchants to carry them to and from their ships, and so learne to deale with Gold, and to get some thing. After that, be∣ginning to be amorous, and to looke after young Wenches, then they are esteemed to bee men, which when their Fathers perceiue, they looke them out Wiues, and then they marrie, which * 1.68 they doe very young, so that in those Countries, Children get Children. Touching the G••rles, [ 60] they also begin to worke, and that some-what sooner then the Boyes, they learne to make Baskets, Mats and str••w Hats of greene Rushes, which they fold with their hands, they also learne to make Caps, Purses, and apparell made of barkes of Trees, dyed with all kinds of co∣lours,

most cunningly done, as if they were fastened together with cords, much to bee wondred at, they also learne to grind their Corne or Millia, and thereof make Bread, which they goe and sell for their Mothers, and bring them the money to buy other meate withall, and whatsoe∣uer they get, they giue it to their Mothers, who for that (when they marrie) giue them some gift, as I haue said before. In this sort the Girles begin to labour, and to learne to doe houshold worke, wherein according to their manner of house keeping, they are very curious, and exceed the men in cunning workmanship.

The men in those Countries are of a very good proportion, with faire members, strong legs, and well-shaped bodies, which is easily to be seene, for that they goe almost naked of their bo∣dies, [ 10] they haue round faces, and no great lips, nor wide mouthes, as the Barbarian Moores haue, but their Noses are flat, which they make flat when they are young, for they esteeme a * 1.69 flat Nose to be a great ornament vnto them, and to say truth, it doth not amisse in them, for that according to the proportion of bodie, it beautifieth their faces: their eares are small, their eyes white, their eye browes very great, white teeth in their mouthes, (for they keepe their teeth very cleane, scouring them with small stickes, and thereby make them very smooth, and shi∣ning like Iuorie) they haue little beard, and are at least thirtie yeares of age, before they haue a∣ny. They haue broad sholders, thicke armes, great hands, and long fingers, and let their nailes * 1.70 grow very long, which they keepe very cleane with scraping, for some of them let them grow as long as the ioynt of a mans finger, which they esteeme for a great ornament, for that cause thinking themselues to be Gentlemen. The Merchants also that dwell within the Land, vse [ 20] those long nailes for a great shew, for they keepe them as white as Iuorie, by scraping them, and againe they haue good vse for them, for that sometimes when they haue not a Spoone by them, and that they vntie their Purses to weigh Gold, and wanting a Spoone to take it out, for haste they vse their long nailes, and therewith put the Gold into the Scales, and I haue seene some of them at one time, take at least halfe an ounce of small Gold like sand out of their Purses. They haue small bellies, long legs, broad feet, and long toes, little haire vpon their bodies, curled haire vpon their heads, but not so much curled as the Tawnie Moores, for theirs is almost like bristels, and not like Wooll. In the palmes of their hands, vnder their feet, and vnder their lips, they are very white, their skins are as soft as Veluet, and smooth, which they raze not, they likewise haue a great priuie member, whereof they make great account, therein they much sur∣passe [ 30] our Countrimen.

As they grow in yeares, they become blacker and blacker, at thirtie yeares of age beeing in their best time, but when they are seuentie or eightie yeares old, then their blacknesse beginnes to decay, and their bodies become yellowish, and their skins begin to be rugged, and to wrinkle like Spanish Leather; they exceed all other Moores in Africa, for proportion and stature of bodie.

The men are industrious and subtill persons as can be, good Workmen or Labourers, strong of bodie, strait, and very vpright, ingenious to learne any thing, and readie to conceiue it: for any thing whatsoeuer they see done before them, they will soone imitate and counterfeit; they are of a very sharpe fight, and see further then our Netherlanders, for if there be any ships at the [ 40] * 1.71 Sea, they will see them sooner then we, they are subtill Merchants to traffique with all, and e∣uerie day more and more learne of the Netherlanders, so that in time they will surpasse them, for they haue good skill and knowledge in the Merchandizes which we sell them, they are hard of complexion, and haue very hot stomackes, for they are able to disgest raw and most strange meates (whereat we wondred) for if they had an Ostridge maw, they could not better disgest * 1.72 such raw meate as they many times eate, as I will further declare, when I speake more of their manner of feeding. They are very enuious and spitefull one against the other, and will beare * 1.73 malice against a man ten yeares together, and when they haue the meanes to be reuenged, then they will make their malice knowne, and vntill then keepe it secret.

They are Idolatrous, and very superstitious in their Religion. They haue a strong complexion [ 50] or sauour of their bodies, much like Oyle of Palme, wherewith they often anoint themselues. * 1.74 They are very curious to keepe their bodies cleane, and often wash and scoure them. They are much troubled with Lice and Fleas. They are not ashamed to shew their naked bodies, but they are very carefull not to let a Fart, if any bodie be by them; they wonder at our Netherlanders, that vse it so commonly, for they cannot abide that a man should Fart before them, esteeming it to be a great shame and contempt done vnto them; when they ease themselues, they commonly goe in the morning to the Townes end (where there is a place purposely made for them) that * 1.75 they may not bee seene, as also because men passing by should not bee molested with the smell thereof, they also esteeme it a bad thing that men should ease themselues vpon the ground, and therefore they make houses which are borne vp aboue the ground, wherein they ease themselues, [ 60] and euery time they doe it, they wipe; or else they goe to the water side, to ease themselues in the sand, and when these Priuie-houses are full, they set fire in them, and let them burne to ashes; they pisse by Iobs as Hogs doe, and not all at one time; they are very couetous, and much * 1.76 addicted thereunto, and they can begge so well, and are so expert therein, that they surpasse all

the beggers in our Countrey, who although they had set ten or twelue yeeres ordinarily at the Church doores, in Holland or Zeland; or gone from doore to doore to begge an almes: yet they cannot haue their lessons so perfectly as these. And although they are very hard and nigardly, and will giue but little, yet when they haue gotten any thing by their begging, then they will be somewhat liberall thereof, when it costs them nothing.

They are very lecherous, and much addicted to vncleannesse; especially with yong women, * 1.77 whereby they are much subiect to the Poxe, and other vncleane diseases, that are gotten there∣by; which they make small account of, and are nothing ashamed of them. They are no lesse gi∣uen to drinking; for they are great drunkards, and dainty mouthed, and can eate and drinke * 1.78 of the best. In their feeding, they are very greedy. They cannot endure that any raine should fall vpon their bodies, and therefore they shun it. They are very great liers, and not to be credited. [ 10] They are likewise much inclined to theft, for they will steale like dogs, for their Kings and * 1.79 Captaines practise it, and they are so well vsed thereunto, that they cannot leaue stealing. They are very expert and cunning to fish, and to till the land, and in their apparell, and going very proud, they are very stout, proud and curious in all their actions. They are not to be tru∣sted nor credited, for they are no good pay-masters, you were as good giue it, as trust them with any thing. They are of a very good memorie, and will remember a thing long. They are by nature warme and hott, and therefore cannot endure cold, they are not fru∣gall, for whatsoeuer they get, they spend it presently: for it grieues them to keepe it, so that therein they are like to little children, that can keepe nothing. They are excellent Swimmers and Diuers in the water, and are so expert therein, that they much surpasse our Coun∣trey [ 20] men.

§. III.

Of their Apparell, Customes within doores, Manner of diet, Merchandising, the vse of Dache; Wares carried thither.

ALthough their apparell and manner of dressing is not variable, yet they take a great * 1.80 pride therein; as first, in cutting their haire, euery one of a seueral fashion, and as finely [ 30] as he can deuise it: some with a halfe moone, some crosse wise, others with three or foure hornes vpon their heads, and euery one a seuerall way, so that among fiftie men, you shall scarce find two or three that are cut alike. On their armes they hang Iron rings, three * 1.81 or foure vpon one arme cut, some round, others flat, which are raced, and markt as we make fai∣rings for children. About their neckes they were a string of Beades, of diuers colours, which our Netherlanders bring them; but the Gentlemen weare Rings of gold about their necks, on their feet, they weare many strange wreathes, which they call Fetissos, (which name they deriue from * 1.82 their Idolatry) for when they eate or drinke, then they power meat and drinke vpon them; and first giue them to eate and drinke. At their knees also they weare a string of Uenice beades, with some gold among them, of diuers fashions, much after the manner that our yong maids [ 40] weare their Corall bracelets about their armes. They weare caps made of Barkes of trees, with a long string hanging at them, which they bind about their heads, after the Turkish manner, in stead of a hat-band, painted and dyed of diuers colours. They also make caps of Reeds, they * 1.83 likewise haue hats of Straw, as we haue, and some of greene Rushes, they also make caps of Dogs and Goats skins; which they spread vpon a blocke of wood, all finely made, they weare at least two fathome of Linnen about the middle of their bodies, and betweene their legs, and round a∣bout them like a girdle, and let it hang downe beneath their knees, like the Portugals Breeches; and when they goe out of doores, they take a fathome of Linnen cloth, Sey, or Stuffe, and weare it about their neckes, and crosse vnder their armes like a Cloake, and in their hands they weare an Assagaie or two, and when they goe in this manner in the streets, they haue a Boy or a Slaue [ 50] following them, which carrieth a stoole after them, and where they stay, there their slaues sets downe their stooles for them to sit and prate; they are very proud in their going, for they goe * 1.84 very slowly, and vse a long pace as they goe along through the streets, they looke forward, and neuer cast vp their eyes, vntill some body that is better then themselues, speaketh vnto them, and with them they will stand and talke, and make them an answere; but if they be such as are of meaner qualitie then themselues, to them they will make no answere: but with an angry countenance, and dispitefully, saying, hold your peace, speake not to me, esteeming themselues embased, by speaking to a meaner person then themselues in the streets; for there are very great men among them, very proud in speech, and doe much honour and reuerence to strangers, to the end you should doe the like to them. [ 60]

When they goe to Sea, then they put off their clothes, and taking a little peece of Linnen or cloth, about a handfull broad, tie that about their bodies, and betweene their legs, before their priuy members, and when they goe on land againe, then they put it off, and wash them∣selues

from head to feet, and anoint their bodies with Oyle of Palme, or fat of beasts, to make them shine; and betweene their toes put Soape, to keepe them cleane: they also vse to anoint their bodies to keepe them from the biting of Flies. In the morning, when they goe out and meet with any of their friends or acquaintance, they salute each other very solemnly, bidding * 1.85 them good morrow, embracing each other in their armes, & putting forth the two fore-fingers of their right hands, one to the other, they hold each other fast by them, and kinckling them twice or thrice together, at euery time bowing their heads, they say, Auzy, Auzy, which in their Language is good morrow.

The Portugals in Mina marry Mullato women, halfe white, halfe blacke, because white wo∣men * 1.86 cannot liue there. These weare their haire short, as the men, weare many Corals, and are [ 10] brauely apparelled. But of the Natiue women of these parts. First, I will tell you of their Na∣tures, Complexions, and Conditions: from their youths vpwards, they are giuen to Lust and vncleannesse, for a great while they goe with their priuie members vncouered, as I said before; and as they had no shame at all, so when they begin to weare some thing vpon their bodies, they begin to expresse shamefac'tnesse, but then begin to be Iecherous, which they naturally learne from their youth vpwards: and before the Netherlanders and Portugals dwelt among them, and * 1.87 Traffique in that Countrey, the women were not so proud nor curious, as they are now; but that they haue learned much of vs, by seeing that we rather desire a handsome, then an euill fa∣uoured wench; and for that cause, they giue themselues thereunto, that they might be beloued of vs; for they esteeme it to be good fortune for them to haue carnall copulation with a Nether∣lander, [ 20] and among themselues, brag and boast thereof. In former time, they vse to goe starke naked vntill they were very great, as yet they doe among those that dwell within the land, as the Negros themselues haue told vs; but on the Sea side they are growne more shamefac't, by meanes of such as comes out of Europe to Traffique with them. They are also theeuish, but there∣of they haue not so much need as the men. They are very proud in their gate and apparell, they curle and fold the haire of their heads, making a hill in the middle of their heads like a Hat, such as the Dutch Gentlewomen vse to weare, and round about the same, they make round strikes as bigge as a Dollor, which they dresse and trim so long, till it be as they would haue it; and then they anoint it with Palme Oyle, which makes it very much frizled, They haue long Combes with two teeth onely, each tooth being a finger long, which they thrust into their [ 30] haire, and combe it therewith; for they are troubled with Lice: they vse their combes also for a kind of salutation or reuerence, which they doe vnto men; for when they bid one good mor∣row, and kincke fingers together, they put their combes out of their haire, and put them in a∣gaine, which they vse for a kind of reuerence, in stead of bowing their heads. Vpon their fore∣heads they cut three or foure slashes in the flesh, about the length of the ioint of a mans finger, and also on their cheekes not farre from their eares, which they suffer to swell, and rise vp, about the breadth of a knife, which they couer ouer with painting, and vnder their eye browes, they * 1.88 also make white strikes, and on their faces they set white spots, which a farre off shew like Pearles. They also race their armes and their breasts with diuers kinds of cuts, euery morning putting diuers colours vpon them, whereby they shew like blacke silke doublets cut and pinckt, [ 40] * 1.89 or like a womans Sattin stomacher, they weare eare rings of Copper or Tin, and Copper brace∣lets about their armes, and some of Iuorie, and vpon their legs also they weare many red and yellow Copper Rings. But a yong maid that is vnmarried, weareth many Iron Rings about her armes, sometimes thirty or forty vpon one arme: a Whore (by them called Etigafou) often∣times weare Copper Rings vpon her legs, with Bels hanging at them, which she goes ringing through the streets. They are well proportioned and membred, much surpassing our women, in strength and agility of body, both when they are deliuered of their children, and otherwise, as I haue said before. They are very wise and diligent in house keeping, good House-wiues and Cookes, but not very skilfull to make cleane & scoure their Copper Kettles & Dishes, to make them shine. They keepe no more Houshold-stuffe then they haue need of, you find the women [ 50] more at home in their houses, then the men commonly are; for they vse not to goe abroad to prate with their neighbours, they are not ouer fruitfull: for commonly it is two orthree yeers before they are with child, which I thinke proceeds from their hot natures, and the aire of the Countrey, and secondly, because their husbands haue so many wiues, two, three, foure, fiue, and sixe, and some more, e〈…〉〈…〉h one as he hath power and abilitie to keepe them; and with them, he * 1.90 lieth according to their manner, euery one her turne, and vseth no•• one onely, but hath so much to doe with them all, that it is long before some of them are gotten with child. Their men are diligenter therein then we are, & the first thing they will tell you, is of their wifes and children, for he that among them hath many wiues and children, hee is a rich man. The women teach [ 60] their daughters from their youths vpwards, to bake bread, and to grind Millia, with other Housewiuery; whereby it commeth to passe, that they haue good skill in house-keeping, because they are brought vp therein from their youths. They are alwaies rubbing their teeth with a certaine kind of wood, where with they make them so smooth that they shine, as is before said, as white as Iuory: and in truth those white teeth make a faire shew in their blacke faces. They

weare a fadome and some a fadome and a halfe of linnen cloth about their bodies, which han∣geth from beneath their brests or their nauels down to their knees, then they take a piece of red, * 1.91 blue, or yellow cloth, whereof they make a Girdle, and put it about them, and on it they hang their Kniues, Purses with monie, and some Keies, and although they haue but few Chests or Cubboords, yet they hang Keies at their Girdles, because it makes a faire shew. They also hang diuers Wispes of straw about their Girdles, which they tie full of Beanes, and other Uenice Beades, esteeming them to be their Fetissos, or Saints, some of them take a piece of cloth, others a Mat made of barkes of Trees, others a piece of a Carpet, and weare it about their bodies, and so euery one weares something, and this they doe within the house, but when they goe to Mar∣ket to buy something, then they put off those things, and goe and wash themselues in a Kettle [ 10] of water from the head to the feet, and then they take another piece of Linnen to put about their bodies and another Girdle, and another fathome or two of Linnen Cloth, and hang it about their bodie, from their brests downe to their feet like a Gowne, and vpon it weares ano∣ther thing of Sey or of striped linnen, and that she carries vpon her shoulders, and vnder her arme like a Cloake, and carries a woodden Platter in her hand which she beares vp a high, and so goes to Market, and when she comes home againe from the Market or other places where she hath beene, she puts off those cloathes, and put on worse, for they are more sparing then the men, and therefore they carrie the Purse, and when their Husbands will haue any monie, they must come to them for it.

The women haue the gouernment of their Houses, and the men take care as much as lyes in * 1.92 them, to earne something, but the women prouide the meate to serue for their daily food, al∣though [ 20] they eate a part, they buy no more meate euery day, then serueth them for that day, or they can eate at a meale. In the euening they goe to their houses that stand without the Towne, * 1.93 and are full of Millia (which is their kind of Corne) where they take a certaine quantitie, as much as they need for their House, and with a staffe stampe it, as wee vse to stampe Spice in a Grocers shop, and that is their manner of threshing, then they fanne it in a woodden dish, till it be cleane, but such as haue slaues make them doe it. This Millia is a faire white Seed, when it is broken, as hereafter I will shew, ouer night they steepe this Millia with a little Mais in faire water, and in the morning after they haue washt, and made themselues readie, they take the Millia and lay it vpon a stone, as Painters doe when they grind their colours, then they take an∣other stone about a foot long, and with their hands grind the Millia as small as they can, till in a manner it be dough, and then it sheweth like baked Buckway Cakes, they temper their dough [ 30] with fresh water and Salt, and then make Rowles thereof as bigge as two fists, and that they lay vpon a warme harth, whereon it baketh a little, and this is the bread which they vse. The Negroes of the Castle Damina, bake faire bread of Mais, which is almost like our wheaten bread, * 1.94 and that they cut in Rowles: they can also bake it so hard, that it will keepe two or three monethes sweet and hard, for they furnish their ships and Iacts with such bread, when they send them to the Ilands of Saint Thomas, or to Angola, others that haue not the meanes to haue such bread, they goe to Market to buy it, and call it Kangues, when the Fisher-men come out of the Sea with their fish, then the women carrie it to the Market, where euerie one comes to buy that and flesh, fruite, and other things. They vse altogether raw and strange kind of meates, [ 40] as handfuls of Graine or Manigette, (and will drinke vp whole Romers full of Aquauite at a * 1.95 draught) Dogs, Cats, and filthy stinking Elephants, and Buffolds flesh, wherein there is a thou∣sand Maggets, and many times stinkes like carrion, in such sort that you cannot indure the smel thereof; there are likewise little Birds as bigge as a Bul-finch, of a grey colour, with red bills, which very cunningly make their Nests vpon the smallest ends of the branches of trees, thereby to preserue themselues from Snakes or other venomous beasts. Those they eate aliue, feathers and all.

I haue beene told by some of the Moores, that the Countrie people dwelling within the Land, eate dried Snakes, and the Boores or Slaues, as also the common people which dwell vp∣on the Sea-side, although they haue better prouision of meate then those that dwell further in∣to [ 50] the Land, yet they are of so hot a nature, that they eat raw Dogs guts, and neuer seethe nor roast them, which we our selues saw: And there was one of their Boyes left aboord a Nether∣landers ship for a pawne for debt, which Boy was so greedie to eate raw meate, that although he had sufficient meate with them in the ship, yet hee would eate the Hens meate out of their Troughes. This Boy made a sticke, and at the end thereof hee draue a naile with the point vp∣wards, * 1.96 and went and lay by the Hens Cage, and when any of them put out their heads to eate meate, he strooke them in the heads, and killed them, and then hee went and shewed the Sai∣lers, that some of the Hens were dead, which he did to the end he might eate their raw guts, and would not stay so long vntill the guts were made cleane, but tooke them and eate them raw as [ 60] they came out of the Hens bellies. They eate also great store of old stinking fish, which is dried in the Sunne, but to say, that they eate such kind of raw meates for necessitie and no other, were vntruth; for they also are very daintie, and can eate good meate when they haue it. There are

women that dwell in the Castle among the Portugals that can dresse meate well, they eate also many Hens, Goats, Oxen, and Hartes, but such meate is not eaten by the common people, but those that eate them are Gentlemen, or such as are rich, and are able to buy them; they also eate Iugnamis, Bannanas, and Patates. They haue three kind of trees, as the Palme-trees, whereof * 1.97 some are Females which yeeld no wine, but beare Grapes as bigge as Plummes, of an Orange colour, at the one end being some-what blackish: those Grapes they peele to the stones, and * 1.98 thereof they make Oile, which they call Palme Oile, which is verie delicate and good, which they vse to dresse their meate withall, and make good sawce thereof for their fish, the thickest of this Oile they vse to anoint their bodies withall, to make them cleane, and the women vse it to frizell their haire, the veines are as great as Acornes, and as hard as a stone, at the end thereof [ 10] hauing three round holes, they beate them in pieces, and within them find certaine Nuts, like little earthen pellets, much like hazell-nuts, but when you eate them, they taste of the wood, and are verie drie.

They likewise haue many Beanes and Pease, whereof some are like Turkie Beanes of a purple colour, those Beanes are good and fat, which they dresse with Oile of Palme, and it is a very ex∣cellent meate and nourisheth well, but the other kind of Beanes and Pease, they vse not to eate, for they haue no great quantitie of them, growing thereabouts. The Iugnamis also they vse in many places in stead of bread. Their drinke commonly is nothing but water, but yet in some places they brew a little Mais in water, which beeing sodden together, is almost like a kind of beere, which they also vse much to drinke and call it Poitou, others buy a pot of Palme-wine, [ 20] and because that will not continue long, therefore foure or fiue of them goe together, and buy a * 1.99 pot or two: a pot of theirs is ten pots of ours, and that they pay for together, which they powre into a great Cabas, which growes vpon Trees, whereof some are halfe as big as a Kilderkin, and will hold at least twelue Kans, and then sit downe round about it to drinke, whereof euerie man sendeth his louingest and truest wife a little pot full home to drinke, and the first draught that they drinke, they take it out of the Cabas with a smaller Cabas, and when the first man drinkes, the rest stand vp, and taking his Cap or Hat off, lay their hands vpon his head, and with a loud voice cries, Tautosi, Tautosi; at the first draught, they drinke not the Cabas full out, but leaue a little in it, which they throw vpon the ground, saying, I. OV, as giuing their Fetissos that to drinke, and if they haue other Fetissos on their armes or feete, they spit drinke out of their [ 30] * 1.100 mouthes vpon them, as if they gaue them drinke also; for they are of opinion, that if they doe it not, or forget to doe it, they should not drinke their wine quietly together, but that their Fe∣tissos would let them. Naturally they are great Drinkers, and vse no lesse vnseemelinesse in their feeding, but eate as vnmannerly and greedily, as if they were a companie of Hogs: for sitting down vpon the ground to eate, they stay not till they haue eaten one morsell vp, but still cramme * 1.101 in, and they put not their meate into their mouthes, but pull their meate in pieces, and take it vp with their three middlemost fingers, and gaping, cast it so right into their mouthes, that they neuer faile nor cast it beside their mouthes, whereat we wondred much. They are alwayes hun∣grie, and would willingly eate all day long, which shewes that they haue very hot mawes, and although the Countrey is very hot, whereby the heate of the Aire commonly should fill mens [ 40] stomakes, yet they are hungrie, and wee Netherlanders are not weake stomaked there, but al∣waies haue good appetites, whereby I am of opinion, that heate in those Countries makes men hungrie: but because I am no Doctor of Physicke, I will not intreate thereof. And because they make great account of that drinking together, they are verie earnest and industrious to get some∣thing, and to make prouision of Gold, which hauing gotten, they cannot be frugall or sparing, * 1.102 but presently goe and drinke it with their companions, now one, and then another, euerie one his turne, and if one gets more then his fellowes, then hee must be liberaller then his fellowes, that is, when they begin to deale with the Merchants, and to goe aboord the ships, and he that is poore or hath not much, can hardly beare companie to drinke, because they are not sparing, when they haue gotten any thing.

As I haue vnderstood by the Inhabitants of those Countries, before the Portugals came thi∣ther [ 50] to deale with them, they had very little or no kind of Merchandize to traffique withall, or * 1.103 to liue by, but liue vpon that which they got from others by force, which was not much, speci∣ally to get any thing to apparell themselues; for before that time they went all naked, as I said before, much lesse had they any cattle or victuals for their maintenance, but only such as the Portugals brought thither, and by that meanes the Countrie was filled and replenished with di∣uers kinds of beasts and Corne, whereby at this day, there is almost all kind of things that are * 1.104 necessarie and needfull for mans sustenance, and otherwise to bee had in those Countries. And within a while after, the Portugals began to traffique and deale with the Sauage Inhabitants, they likewise began to know their Merchandize. [ 60]

At the first, in former time they came and brought their Gold vnto the Portugals, and bought of them such things as they wanted, as Linnen Cloth, &c. but the people dwelling further within Land, durst not venture to come to the Portugals to deale with them, as wondring at * 1.105

them, it being a fearefull thing vnto them to see white men apparelled, and they themselues blacke and vnapparelled, (as the like happened vnto our men; for at the first they were afraid to see Blacke Moores) and therefore they brought their monie to those that dwelt on the Sea side, where the Portugals traffique, and told them what wares they would haue, and they went to the Castle, and bought such things as they desired, as Iron, Tinne, Copper Basons, Kniues, Cloth, Linnen, Kettles, Corals; and such like wares, and the Merchants that sent them to the Portugals, paid them for their paines, vpon euery Peso of Gold by them disbursed, so that if they bestowed many Pesoes, they receiued a good deale of monie for their Factoridge, and by that meanes they got their liuings.

But after that, when we began to traffique thither, (the first that went from hence thither * 1.106 [ 10] out of Holland, to deale with the Negroes, beeing called Barent Erickson of Medenblicke) and found what profit the Portugals did there, we increased our Trade thither, and sent more ships with the said Baront, as a fit man for it, because he knew the Coast; as hauing beene there with the Portugals. But hauing no place vpon the Land (as the Portugals had) to carrie our wares a∣shoare, and to lay it in Ware-houses to traffique with them as time serued, and durst not, or else might not goe on Land, we were constrained to stay with our shippes at anchor before their Townes, attending for the Merchants, that came aboord our ships with their Canoes, at which time the Negroes seeing that wee had Merchandize aboord, imboldened themselues to traffique with vs, and brought their Gold aboord our ships, and for that at this present they deale but little with the Portugals, but only with our Countrimen, therefore I will shew in what man∣ner [ 20] they deale with vs.

In the morning betimes, they come aboord our ships with their Canoes, or Scutes to traffique with vs: and the cause why their Merchants came so early aboord, is, for that in the morning the wind, which they call Bofone, blowes off from the Land, and then it is calme smooth water, for * 1.107 about noone the wind which they call Agom Brettou, begins to blow out of the Sea, and then they row to Land againe: for the people that dwell within the Land, can hardly brooke the Seas, for when they are aboord the ship, they can scarce goe or stand, but lie downe and spue like Dogges, and are verie Sea-sicke; but their Rowers and Pilots that bring them aboord, are hardie enough, and neuer are sicke, by reason of their daily vsing to the Seas. But some of their Merchants when they come aboord our ships, are so sicke, that they cast out all they haue within [ 30] their bodies; and by reason of their beeing so sicke infaire weather, they are so afraid of the wind (when the waues goe any thing high) that they make as much haste home as they can, and some of them dare not venture vpon the Seas to goe aboord the ships, but deliuer their monie to the Pilots or Factors, telling them what Merchandize they desire to buy, and those Tolken come with the Gold aboord the ships, hauing a Purse which hangeth about their middles, wherein they put their Gold, and euery seuerall mans Gold is in a piece of Cloth or Paper by it selfe, and they can tell which is euerie mans, and what wares hee desireth to haue for it, and some∣times they haue twelue or ten mens Gold to bestow, which is called an English of Gold, and of some two, three, or foure, and when any of their monies is not waight, then they put it into their Purse, and carrie it to the man againe, for if they should put any thing to it, to make it full [ 40] waight, the Merchant would not giue it them againe, for they weigh their Gold first vpon the Land, and know how much it is before they send it aboord the ship, for they credit not one the other, and when they haue bestowed their monie, then we must giue them some-what to boot, which they call Dache. * 1.108

When we began to traffique here in the Countrie with two or three ships, as one of Middle∣burgh, * 1.109 one of Amsterdam, and one of Schiedam, and that all our ships met and lay at anchor together to sell our wares, the one ship seeing that the other traffiqued more, and vented more wares then his fellowes, to find the meanes to get the Merchants aboord their ships, they wil∣led the Pilots (with whom they must hold friendship, for they carrie the Merchants aboord) to bring them aboord their ships, and they would giue them something for their labours, and the Pilots accordingly to get something, brought them aboord that ship, which had made them that [ 50] offer, for they are verie couetous, which the other ships perceiuing, willed the Pilots to bring the Merchants aboord their shippes, and they would likewise giue them something: and they made them answere, that if they would giue them as much as the other did, they would come aboord their ships, which they promised to doe, and gaue them more Dache then the other, and by that meanes driue the Merchants, Pilots, and Tolken aboord their ships, which the other ships seeing, and thinking that their Merchants wares cost them no more then the others, gaue them more Dache then the others, and by that meanes striuing one with the other, they deminished one and the others gaine, and in fine, their gifts grew to such a rate, that at this day, their Da∣che amounteth vnto sixe or seuen per cento.

And now it is come to passe, that whereas the Countrie people and Merchants were wont [ 60] to pay the litridge and brokeridge to the Pilots and Tolken, to carrie them aboord the ships, they sought to the Merchants and Countrie Moores to get them into their Canoes, for greedinesse of Dache, which they got of the Factors for their labours, to bring the Merchants aboord, and

thereby in stead of paying them for going aboard, they giue the Merchants much Dache, in re∣gard of the great profit they get thereby.

Many Merchants comming to the Sea side to buy wares, some of them a hundred or two hun∣dred miles from within the land, bring great store of gold, & haue diuers slaues with them, which they lade with the wares which they buy in the ships, wherof some haue twenty, others thirtie, and some more, as they haue meanes, and according to the trade that they vse: which Merchants or Moorish countrey people, know the houses or lodgings, where they vse to lie, and waigh their money to their Tolke or Hoste, and tell them what goods or wares they will haue; who com∣ming aboard, commonly bring one of the Merchants with them, for they trust not one the o∣ther, and leaue the rest with their slaues vpon the land, which tell them what wares they de∣sire [ 10] to haue; and if it be a Merchant that can speake no Portugall speech, they will presently tell you, and will the Factor not to speake Morish speech vnto them, because their Merchant is one that dwels farre within the land; thereby giuing you to vnderstand, that they meane to de∣ceiue him, and to beguile him of much money. The poore Merchant being sicke, and lying in * 1.110 the ship spuing like a dogge, in the meane time the Brokers make the match for them, telling the Factors how much ware they desire to haue for so much gold; for that the wares are com∣monly sold all at one price: The Tolken makes not many words with the Factors, but set certaine wares before the Merchant, as little as they can to content him for his money, and the price be∣ing made with him, he weighes their gold, and takes the wares, and goes on land againe; and the Merchant being gone home, then the Pilots and Tolken come aboard the ships againe, to [ 20] fetch that which they haue coozoned the Merchant off: so that oftentimes the Merchants are deceiued of a third part of their goods by such practises: others, while he lookes about, or turnes to spue, steale a peece of the Merchants gold, and put it into their Mouthes, Eares, or Nostrels, making the Merchant beleeue that his money is too light: the Merchant for his part, seeing that * 1.111 by meanes of their the euery his money will not reach out; because it is too light, that it may weigh more then it is, blowes in the Ballance, which the Factors oftentimes perceiuing not, and thinking that they haue their full waight, are by that meanes deceiued, and come short of their reckoning; so that they haue a thousand deuices to steale, and to beguile the Merchants. At first they were woont to be very simple in their dealing, and trusted the Netherlanders very much, whereat we wondred: for they were of opinion, that white men were Gods, and [ 30] * 1.112 would not deceiue them, and then tooke the wares vpon their words, without reckoning it after them, whereby they were deceiued: for, that if they bought ten fathome of Linnen cloth, they found but eight, and by that meanes, lost two fathome, and other things after the rate, which the Factors did so grossely, that the Merchants in the end perceiued it, and began to looke better to themselues, and grew so subtill in their reckoning, that if they bought one hundred fathome of Linnen, they could reckon it to a fathome, and tell whether they had their measure or not; so that now if you doe them any wrong, by measuring or reckoning, they will not come aboard your ship any more; and which is more, for any bad looke, or hastie word that you shall giue them, they will neuer be friends with you againe.

Troubles and warres in the Netherlands, constrained vs to seek Traffique here also, and to vn∣dertake this voyage, by that meanes to put the Portugalls from it, which in the end we did, for [ 40] * 1.113 that since the Netherlanders came hither to Traffick with the Negroes, Moores, the Portugalls haue best trading, and are wholly decayed. First, we bring them great store of slight Linnen cloth, whereof there is very much spent in those Countries, for they apparell themselues therewith, and it is the chiefest thing they vse for that purpose: besides this, we carry them great store of Basons, as little Basons, Barbers Basons, Basons to drinke in, Platters of Copper, flat Basons, great broad Copper pans, at the least two fathome about, and small Posnets without edges: The small Basons they vse to put Oile in, wherwith they anoint themselues, and the greater sort of them they set in the graues of the dead, & vse them to carry diuers things in. The Barbers Basons they vse to wash themselues in, & when they cut their haire, platters they vse to lay ouer others to couer them withall, to keepe dust and filth from falling into their things. The great broad [ 50] Pans, are by them vsed to kill a Goat or a Hogge in, and to make it cleane therein, in stead of a Tub. The Possenets they vse to dresse their meat in, which serueth them to very good purpose, they will not haue them with steales, as we vse them here with vs, and many other such like Basons of Copper, which our ships bring thither in great quantities, and therewith fill the Coun∣trie so full; and by meanes thereof, they are sold as good cheape there vnto the Negros, as they are bought in Amsterdam and although there are so many of those Basons brought thither, and no ware that weareth so much, as Linnen, yet you see but few old Copper things there, and therefore you must thinke, that there is great store of people inhabiting further within the land, which vse so great quantitie of such things. [ 60]

We carrie thither great store of Kettles, which they vse to fetch water in, out of their pits and Valleyes, and some red Copper pots Tinned within, wherein they vse to put water, in stead of a barrell of beare to drinke, earthen pots they vse also to drinke out of. Iron is vsed by them to make their weapons, as Assagaie, cutting Kniues, Poniards, &c. The Assagaies & Poniards

they vse for the warres. The cutting Kniues, to Till and cut vp the ground, in stead of Spades, and some to cut wood withall, and to vse about their Building, for they haue no other Tooles: They also buy great store of Red, Blew, Yellow, and Greene Rupinsh cloth, which they vse for Girdles about their middles, to hang their Kniues, Purses, Poniards, and such like things at. They vse white Spanish Serges to weare vpon their bodies, instead of Clokes, Rings of Copper and Brasse, which they weare about their armes and feet for a great pride. They also vse Tin things, as Rings for their armes, but not many. They vse many Kniues which wee make with vs in Holland, and call them Docke Messen. They also vse great store of Uenice Beads, of all kinds of colours, but they desire some colours more then others, which they breake in foure or fiue peeces, and then grind them vpon a stone, as our children grind Cherrie stones; and then [ 10] put them vpon strings, made of Barke of trees, ten or twelue together, and therewith Traffique much: Those ground Corals they weare about their neckes, hands and feet. They also vse round Beads, and specially great round Counters, which they hang and plait among their haire, and let them hang ouer their eares. Pins they vse to make Fish-hookes, Horse tailes they vse when they daunce, & also when they sit still, to keep the flies from their bodies; Looking glas∣ses, and small Copper milke Kans, with many such like things. But the chiefest wares that are vttered there, and most vsed among them, is, Linnen, Cloth, Brasse, and Copper things, Basons, Kettles, Kniues, and Corals.

At first we vsed many times to deceiue them, not onely in measuring of Linnen, but in deli∣uering [ 20] * 1.114 them broken and patcht Basons, and peeced Kettles for their money; rotten Cloth, through the which they might haue sifted Beanes; Kniues that were so rustie, that they could hardly without breaking pull them out of their sheathes, with such like wares. But now by vse and experience, they haue attained to such skill in our wares, that they are almost able to surpasse vs therein. For, first, when they buy any Linnen cloth, they looke if it be not to slight and thin, and whether it be white and broad; for they are very curious to buy white and broad Linnen, and respect not the strength so much as the breadth of the Linnen: for they vse to hang it about their bodies, specially the women, which desire to haue it hang downe from vnderneath their breasts, to their knees. Secondly, they take Woollen cloth, and hold it vp a∣gainst the light, to see if it be thin. They draw the Kniues ont of the sheathes, to see if they [ 30] be not rustie. They looke vpon the Basons one by one, to see if they haue no holes in them: or whether they be broken, and the least hole that they spie in them, they lay them away, and desire to haue others for them; and also if they be but a little foule or greasie, they will none of them: And for quantitie and qualitie make triall of all other wares, as curiously as in Eu∣rope is done.

§. IIII.

What Custome the Merchants pay to their Kings. Their Measures, Weights, [ 40] Scales, Markets: Also their Sabbath, Fetissos and superstitions.

THe Kings haue their Customes dwelling vpon the Sea Coast, where the ships lie to Traffique with the Countrey people, and they are placed there, to see that the * 1.115 Kings lose not their Rents and Imposts, and that it may be the better paid them, and no deceit vsed, they appoint one of their Sons or some one of their neerest friends to be present with them. Those Customers receiue the Custome of the fish, which is taken in his precinct, or before his Hauen, and to that end he hath a measure to measure it withall, and if the measure be not full (of any fish whatsoeuer) then it payeth no Custome, but if their fish bee more then filleth that measure, then he taketh the fifth fish thereof, or as much as he thinketh [ 50] good to take for his Custome, and that is presently sent to the King of that quarter by his slaues, which euery morning come thither to fetch the fish.

Such Merchants as come thither a great way out of the Countrey, pay to the King of the Ha∣uen where they goe to Traffique, the weight of sixe pence in gold, for their passage through his * 1.116 Countrey, and whether they intend to buy much or little, the passage money is all one, and when they haue Traffique with the Factors in the ships, and come to land, the Customer taketh a part of their goods from them, which is commonly a fourth part of that which they haue bought, and carrieth it away with him, then the Merchant takes the rest and carrieth it to his lodging, which done, he goeth backe againe to the Customer (whom they call la guarda, within Portugall is the watch) and agree with him, and pay him as little as they can, and so haue [ 60] their goods againe, and if they haue bestowed lesse then two ounces of gold vpon wares, then there is no set Custome to bee paid for it, but they giue as much as they can agree vpon for it, with the Customer, and that is the Customers owne profit, in stead of his wages, but whatsoe∣uer

they buy aboue the value of two ounces of Gold, then they must pay an English of Gold for custome thereof, those two ounces of Gold they call Benda.

Also if they haue stolne any thing from any of their Countrie people, they also pay monie for it, as the case requireth. And also when they haue laien with another mans Wife, then the * 1.117 King hath a forfeit paid vnto him for it. And when the Countrie people come to Market with their weapons, they must leaue their Weapons in some place, or else they must pay a forfeit, which is sixe penie weight in Gold, if they come with any Armes or Weapons to their Sea∣townes. And they also that counterfeit false Gold, with diuers other forfeitures, which are all paid to the King, whereof the Customer euerie three monethes maketh his account, and payeth [ 10] it vnto the King.

They make Weights of Copper of diuers sorts, and haue little Copper Scales which are * 1.118 round, and hollow like an Orange peele. A Benda is their greatest weight, which with vs is two ounces; Benda-affa, is halfe a Benda, which is an ounce. Assuwa, is two Pesos and a halfe. Eggeba, is two Pesos, or halfe an ounce. Seron, is a Peso and a halfe. Eusanno is a Peso or a Loot. Quienta, is three quarters of a Peso, each Peso is a Loot. Media taba, is a quarter of a Peso, or a small parcell. Agiraque, is halfe a Peso, or halfe a Loot, each Peso is a Loot; so that their weights are all one with ours for the names, but differ in the pound a Peso and a halfe, which is a Loot and a halfe, so that their weights are so much lighter then ours.

They measue their Cloth by two fathome together, which they cut one from the other, and call it Iectam, and sell their Linnen in that sort among themselues, and those two fathome after [ 20] * 1.119 our measure is a storke and three quarters, and they are verie subtill in measuring of their Linnen, and can reckon that so many of our storkes make so many of their fadomes. They cut their Woollen-cloth in pieces not aboue a handfull broad, which they vse in stead of Girdles about their middles, and sell the Cloth in this sort among themselues in this manner, and vse no other kind of measure thereunto. They are not verie subtill nor expert in telling, specially to reckon, for when they haue past the number of ten, they rehearse so many words one after the other for one number, that they are so cumbred, that they cannot tell how to get out of it, and so sit buz∣zing * 1.120 so long, till at last they haue forgotten their number, and are forced to begin to tell againe, but since they began to deale with the Netherlanders, and were to reckon aboue the number of ten, for they vse no more among them, they tell till they come to ten, and then take one of [ 30] their fingers into their hands, and then tell to ten againe, and then take another finger into their hand, and so proceed till they haue both their hands full, which in all maketh an hundred, then they marke that vp, and then begin againe to tell to ten, and vse the same order as before.

Euerie Towne hath Market daies specially appointed, vpon the which you find more to bee * 1.121 bought then vpon other daies, and euerie Towne hath his Market vpon such a day, as the others haue it not, and so euerie one differeth vpon their daies, and when their Market daies come, they haue two daies Market one after the other, wherein the principall Boores or Countrie people, come from diuers places to traffique with the ships. They haue their Sunday also, but on that day they doe nothing.

In the morning betimes, assoone as it is day, the Countrie people come with their Sugar [ 40] Canes to the Market, carrying two or three bundles together vpon their heads, which are bound vp like faggots, and being in the Market they vnbind them, and so lay them downe vpon the ground, which done, the Inhabitants of that place come to buy them, some two, others three, and some more as they haue need of them, whereby they haue soone sold their Sugar Canes, for they vse many of them to eate, and assoone as they haue sold their Sugar Canes, then the wo∣men come to the Market with their wares, who bring Oranges, Limons, Bannanas, Backo∣uens, * 1.122 Potatoes, Indianias, Millia, Mais, Rice, Manigette, Hens, Egges, Bread, and such like ne∣cessaries, which those that dwell on the Sea-side haue need of, and are sold both vnto the Inhabi∣tants, and to the Netherlanders in the ships, which come thither to buy it. The Inhabitants of the Sea-side, come also to the Market with their wares, which they buy of the Netherlanders, as [ 50] Linnen Cloth, Kniues, ground Corals, Looking-glasses, Pinnes, arme Rings, and Fish, which their Husbands haue gotten in the Sea, whereof the women buy much, and carrie them to other Townes within the Land, to get some profit by them, so that the fish which is taken in the Sea, is carried at least an hundred or two hundred miles vp into the Land, for a great Present, al∣though many times it stinkes like carrion, and hath a thousand Maggots creeping in it. Those women are verie nimble about their businesse, and so earnest therein, that they goe at least fiue or sixe miles euery day to the places where they haue to doe, and are laden like Asses: for at their backes they carrie their children, and on their heads they haue a heauie burthen of fruit, or Mil∣lia, and so goe laden to the Market, and there she buyeth fish, to carrie home with her, so that oftentimes they come as heauily laden from the Market, as they went thither. These pay no [ 60] custome to the King, but if they find any Fetissos in the way as they goe (which are their Idola∣trous * 1.123 gods) they giue them some of their fruit or Millia to eate, which is as much as if they gaue them the tenth part thereof. * 1.124

Those women goe seuen or eight together, and as they passe along the way they are verie merrie and pleasant, for commonly they sing and make a noise; about noone the Countrie peo∣ple begin to come to the Market with their Palme-wine, which they carrie in pots, some bringing one some two pots, as they are able, they come armed to the Market, hauing a hew∣ing Knife at their Girdles, and two or three Assagayes in their hands, but when they enter in∣to the Market, then they set their armes in a certain place appointed thereunto, and when they haue sold and goe home againe, euery man takes his weapons and goes his way, not once chan∣ging one with the other, but euerie man takes his owne, and when the Netherlanders and the Negroes haue done traffiquing: when the Countrie people come to the Market with their wine, looke what the Pilots or Rowers (that carried the Merchants aboord the ships) haue gotten, or that was giuen them for Dache, by the Factors, there with they buy Palme-wine, and drinke it [ 10] vp together, they pay for their Wine either with Gold, or Linnen; but for the most part, they pay for it with Gold, which they weigh verie narrowly, one vnto the other, and when there are many Merchants, and that the Wine is much desired, then it is oftentimes deerer then Spanish Wine is with vs.

Besides this, the Market folke know euerie one their place, and where to sit to sell their wares, as those with fruit stand in one place, they with Sugar Canes in another place, they with Wood, Water, and Bread by themselues; and those that sell Wine in a place by themselues, but the Palme-wine which is brought thither by Sea, from other places, that is ne∣uer brought to the Market, for many times when it comes in the Canoes in the euening, when [ 20] the people haue need thereof, assoone as it is brought on Land, the Negroes stand readie vpon the shoare watching for it, and going to the Merchants, euerie one takes a Pot, and carries it away, so that they haue presently sold it, & the Merchant needs not feare that his, Wine will sowre for want of vtterance, for they are so greedie of it, specially for to drinke, that oftentimes they fight and fall together by the eares for it.

They vse no monie nor any kind of Mint, wherewith they pay each other, but when they buy any thing they pay for it with Gold, and that by weight, and it is a verie small parcell that hath not some kind of weight to weigh it withall, and they pay each other with foure square pieces of Gold, weighing a graine or halfe a graine. The cause why they pay in this sort, and haue this custome, is by meanes of the Portugals, of the Castle of Myna, which shewed them this way, for before the Portugals came thither, the Negroes knew no such thing, but when they [ 30] bought any thing, they exchanged ware for ware, but the Portugals cd ming thither had no monie to pay them, when they bought fruits or other victuals to eate, an therefore they desi∣red to pay with Kacrawen, in stead of monie, & so it is the custome about the Castle of Myna, that they haue great store of Kacrawen, which they vse for paymēt more then in other places. In places where the Portugals are not known, the Negros vse not that kind of Mint, but sel their Gold as it commeth out of the Earth, for they know not how to melt or vse their Gold as the Negros do, that deale with the Portugals, and in stead of monie paid one the other in small stones: they vse also small pieces of Iron of a finger length, with a halfe Moone thereon, which they vse in stead of monie, and haue no other kind of monie in the Golden Coast of Guinea, then such as I said before, wherewith they pay each other. [ 40]

Although they are altogether wild, rough, and vnciuill, hauing neither Scripture nor Bookes, nor any notable Lawes that might be set downe, or declared to shew the manner of their poli∣cie and liuing, yet when they haue past the six daies of the weeke in labour and paines taking, to get their liuings, the seuenth day they leaue working, and reckon that to bee their day of ease, and abstinence from worke, or their Sunday, which they call Dio Fetissos, which in our * 1.125 speech, should signifie Sunday, but they obserue it not vpon our Sunday, nor vpon the Iewes Sab∣bath Day, but hold it vpon Tuesday, the second working day in the weeke; what law or opini∣on they haue to mooue them thereunto, I know not, but they hold Tuesday for their Sunday, and that day the Fishermen goe not to the Sea for fish: The women and Countrie people that day bring no Wine to the Market, but all the Wine which that day they draw out of the trees, [ 50] they deliuer it vnto the King, which in the euening hee giueth vnto his Gentlemen, and they drinke it among them. That day they doe no kind of worke, nor traffique with other but such as dwell on the Sea-side, refraine not for all that to goe aboord the shippes, and to buy wares of the Netherlanders. In their Markets they haue a square place foure foot euery way, supported with foure Pillars, and about two cubits high from the ground, flat on the top, and couered close with Reedes, and hanged round about Wispes or Fetissos of straw, whereon they lay Millia with * 1.126 Palme-oile or water, and giue their god that to eate and drinke to sustaine him withall, that he should not die for hunger or thirst, thinking that he eateth and drinketh it and liues by it, but the Birds of the Aire eate the graine, and drinkes the water, and when it is eaten they anoint the Altar with Oile, and set more meate and drinke vpon it, thinking thereby to doe their god [ 60] great sacrifice and seruice.

They haue also a Priest, who in their speech they call a Fetissero, hee vpon their Sabbath day * 1.127 sits vpon a stoole, in the middle of the Market before the Altar or place whereupon they sacri∣fice

vnto their Fetisso, then all the men, women and children come and sit round about him, and there he speaketh vnto them, & they sit stil to heare him: but what it is, or what it meaneth that cannot I learne, nor perceiue, neither can you get it from them, for I haue oftentimes asked them * 1.128 about it, but they will not tell, but are ashamed to declare it. But I haue seene this Fetissero, haue a pot with a certaine drink, (wherein there was a Snake) standing by him, and a Wispe, and some women with their little children went to him, which children hee stroaked with colour, or with some of that drinke, and so they went away, which I ghesse to be a kind of Salue against * 1.129 their Fetisso, for they esteeme their Fetissos to be both good and euill. And when their Fetissero hath made an Oration vnto them, then he stands vp and smeareth the Altar with his Wispe, and drinke out of his pot, and then the people vsing certaine words and making a great noise a∣mong [ 10] them, clapping their hands together, cry I. ou, I. ou, and therewith their preaching is done, and so euerie one goes home to his house.

They hang many straw Wispes vpon their heads, and thinke thereby to bee free and safe as * 1.130 long as they weare them, and that their Fetissos can doe them no harme. In the morning be∣times when they haue washt their bodies cleane, they stroake their faces with white stripes, made of earth like chalke, which they do in honour of their Fetisso, and vse it in stead of praiers in a morning; when they eat any thing they present their Fetisso (the straw Wispes which they weare about their legges) the first bit, and also the first draught that they drinke, giuing him to drinke, which if they doe not, they thinke they shall haue no good lucke that day, for they perswade themselues that their Fetisso would not otherwise suffer them to be quiet. When [ 20] the Fishermen take but small store of fish, then they thinke that their Fetisso is angrie, and there∣fore * 1.131 will giue them no fish, then they make a great crie among them, and goe to their Fetissero, and giue him Gold to coniure their Fetisso, to send them store of fish. This Coniurer presently goes, and makes all his Wiues (two, three or foure, or as many as he hath) put on their best ap∣parell and ornaments, and with them goes howling and crying round about the Towne, striking themselues vpon their brests, and clapping their hands flat together, and so making a great stirre and noise, goe to the Sea-side, and taking boughes from the trees, hang them about their neckes: those trees they esteeme to be their Fetissos Dusianam, who they thinke send them fish. Then, the Coniurer or he that should bewitch the Fetissos, comes with a Drumme, and plaies or sounds before the trees, which they esteeme to be good for that purpose, which done hee goes to his [ 30] Wiues vpon the strand, and when they haue spoken one vnto the other a good while, he casteth Millia into the Sea for his meate, with other colours, thinking that thereby their god is appea∣sed, and will let them take fish enough.

When the King receiueth not custome enough, to maintaine himselfe withall, then he goeth to a tree which he esteemeth to be his Fetisso, and sacrificeth vnto it, carrying it meat and drink; then the Coniurers come and coniures the tree, to tell them whether there will any Merchants come or not, which to doe they make a heape of ashes, in forme like a Sugar-loafe, and cutting * 1.132 a bough from the tree sticke that in it, then they take a Bason of water and drinke out of it, and therewith sprinkle the bough of the tree, which done they speake each to other, and then a∣gaine they sprinkle more vpon it, after that they take some of the ashes, and be-dawbe their fa∣ces [ 40] therewith, end in that manner vse many foolish and vaine Ceremonies, and not long after they shall heare a voice which is the Deuill, that saith something vnto them, and therewith they goe home againe, and bring word what their Fetisso hath said. They hang many of those things about their children for diseases, as is said before, as also of their drinke of iealousie. * 1.133

When any man dieth, they also make a Fetisso, and desire it to bring the bodie into the othe world, and not to trouble it in the way as it goeth, then the next our neerest kinsman killeth a * 1.134 Hen, and dresseth it ready to be sodden, which done, they goe and sit in a corner of their house: and with him take all his Fetissos, and place them in order, as their greatest god in the middle, and the rest of meaner sort by it, then he takes certaine beades, some made of shels, some of Beanes and great Pease, and others of feathers, mixed with Buttons made of barkes of trees, [ 50] and hangs them vpon the Fetissos. After that they take the bloud of the dead Hen, and therewith spinkle their Fetisso (for a dead man must offer bloud vnto his god) then hee fetcheth certaine Herbs out of the fields, and hangs them about his necke like a chaine. In the meane time, while the man is in this sort made readie. The Hen is sodden, and being sodden then he brings it, and putting it in a Platter, sets it in the middle of the Fetissos, which done, hee beginneth to coniure, vsing many words, and casteth water or wine of Palme vpon his Fetisso, then he takes two or three of the greene leaues, which he hath about his necke, and rolleth them betweene his hands, making a little bowle or bale thereof, which he takes in the two fore-fingers of both his hands, and thrusts it betweene his legges, twice or thrice one after the other, saying, to his Fetisso, Aucie, which is as much as if he should say, All haile. After this he wringeth the sap out [ 60] of that ball, and lets it drop vpon his Fetisso; which done he laies the ball vpon the ground, and takes two or three leaues more of the Herbs he hath about his necke, and rolles them in his hands, and hauing made them in a Ball, thrusts them betweene his legges, speaking certaine words as aforesaid, and then lets the sap drop vpon his Fetisso, and this he doth vntill such time

as he hath rolled and wrung all the greene Herbs in that sort, which he had about his neck; then he takes all the balls or leaues together in his hand, and thereof maketh a ball as bigge as a mans fist, wherewith he wipeth his face, and that also is a Fetisso, which being done the dead bodie shall rest in peace, and therewith he packeth vp all his trinkets, and laieth them aside vntill ano∣ther time, that some other bodie setteth him a worke. This kind of Superstition they esteeme * 1.135 for a great holinesse for their bodies, for when they goe to warre they hang such beades about their neckes, armes and legges, thinking that their Fetisso will defend them thereby, and pre∣serue them from killing, and thinke that they need not feare any thing. They esteeme the Pittoir also for a god, for when they goe from one Towne to another, and heare it call, they are exceeding ioyfull and glad, for they say that it is a Fetisso, which speaketh vnto them, saying, * 1.136 that all those that then trauell in the way, shall haue no hurt, nor need feare any danger, for he [ 10] will defend them from all men that seeke to molest them, and wheresoeuer they heare it crie, there they set Millia for him to eate, and pots full of water to drinke, and dare not passe that place without giuing it something, whereby in some corners of streets, and in the Woods you shall see a number of pots, and other meates as Millia, Mais, &c. which they set there to ho∣nour the Fetisso the Petoir, whereby it appeareth that they make great account of Birds and al∣so of some fishes, as of the Tonny, which they by no meanes will take, but esteeme it to be their Fetisso or Sea-god. They take many Sword-fishes, and cutting of the Swords they drie them, * 1.137 which they also esteeme for a great Fetisso. Others put their trust in some trees, and when they desire to know any thing they goe to those trees, where the Deuill oftentimes appeares in forme * 1.138 [ 20] of a blacke Dogge, or of such like things, and many times inuisibly, and maketh answere vno such things as they aske him. So that if you aske them any thing touching their beliefe, and they giue you no answere, which maketh any shew of truth, then they say that their Fetisso said so, and willed them to doe it, for they esteeme him for their god, and vse many foolish toyes and vaine shewes when they pray to him, and serue him, thinking that it doth them good, and that they merit much thereby, yet it helpeth them not. But they rather find themselues decei∣ued, and as they deale with the Deuill, and put their trust in him, so he rewardeth them, and yet they desire not to heare of him, but feare him much.

There are some hils in those Countries, whereon oftentimes it thundereth and lighteneth, and thereby manie times some Fishermen, or other Moores, are cast away or receiue some great * 1.139 [ 30] hurt, which causeth them to thinke that their god is angry, and would haue some meate and drinke, or wanteth some other thing, and by that meanes they hold manie hils to be their gods, and set meate and drinke vpon them to pacifie them withall, and they dare not passe along by them, without going vp and giuing them something, fearing that if they did it not, they would doe them some hurt, and make each other beleeue such things, and whatsoeuer they beleeue, and once conceiue in their heads, it will neuer be extirped, but haue as firme an opinion of their Fetissos as possible may be. But when the Netherlanders saw them vse such vaine toyes, which were so foolish, and laught and iested at them, they were ashamed, and durst make no more Fe∣tissos in our presence, but were ashamed of their owne apishnesse.

We asked them of their Beliefe, and what opinion they had of diuers things; as first, when * 1.140 [ 40] they died what became of their bodies and soules. They made vs answere, that the bodie is dead, but they knew not what any resurrection at the latter day meant, as wee doe: but when they die they know that they goe into another World, but they know not whither, and that there∣in they differ from brute beasts, but they cannot tell you to what place they goe, whither vn∣der the Earth or vp into Heauen, but when they die, they vse to giue the dead bodie something to carrie with him, whereby it is to be marked that they beleeue that there is another life after this, and that there they haue need of such things as they haue here on Earth; for when they lose any thing, or when any of their friends die, then they thinke that those that are dead came and fetcht it away, and that they had need of it, but they know not what the Soule nor the Resurrection is. [ 50]

Secondly, asking them of their god, they made answere, that hee is blacke like themselues, * 1.141 and that he was not good, but did them much hurt. Whereunto we said, that our God is white as we are, that he is good, that he doth vs much good, that he descended downe vpon Earth to saue vs, and how he was put to death by the Iewes for our sakes, that when wee die wee goe to dwell with him in Heauen, and that there we neither need meat nor drink, whereat they won∣dred, and willingly heard vs speake of those things, and said that we were Gods children, and that he told vs all things, but yet they murmured, saying, why doth not your God tell and giue vs all things (as well as he doth to you) and why doth he not also giue vs Linnen, Cloth, Iron, Basons, and other kinds of wares; whereunto we made answere, that our God sent vs all those things, and yet that he forgot not them, (although they knew him not) and sent them Gold, Palme-wine, Millia, Mais, Hennes, Oxen, Goats, Bannanas, Iuiamas, and other fruits, to su∣staine [ 60] them withall, but that they denied, or else they could not conceiue that such things came from God; but to the contrarie said that God gaue them no Gold, but that the Earth gaue it them, wherein they digge to find it: that hee gaue them no Millia nor Corne, but that they

sowed it, and reapt it themselues, and that the Earth gaue it them; that the trees which they had planted gaue them their fruits, and were first brought thither by the Portugals; that yong beasts came of the old, that the Sea gaue them fish, which they tooke themselues, with many other such like things, which they would not acknowledge came from God, but from the * 1.142 Earth and the Sea, each according to their natures, but they acknowledge that Raine came from our Sauiour Christ, and that by meanes of our God they had much Gold, for that by meanes of the Raine they found their Gold, and their Fruits and Plants grew, and waxed ripe by meanes of the moysture, and for that we brought them euerie thing readie made to their hands, therefore they thinke that wee find ••ll such things, and need but goe into the fields to fetch them, as they doe their Fruits. [ 10]

And when it happened that some of our Hollanders being in their Houses, when it beganne * 1.143 to Raine, Blow, Thunder and Lighten (whereof they are in great feare) went forth through the streets, not once shunning the Thunder and Lightning, neither did it once hurt them, they wondred thereat, for they were afraid that if they should come out of their Houses at that time, that it would not be good for them, for that many times, (when it Thundreth and Light∣neth there) it hapneth that some of them that are trauelling abroad, are carried away by the Deuill, and throwne dead vpon the ground, whereby they are as much afraid thereof, as any man possible can be. And for that they know that our God dwels aboue in Heauen, when it Thunders and Lightens they point vpwards, and call him Iuan Goemain. And once wee had a Negro aboord our ship, whom we kept prisoner because he brought false Gold, and gaue it out [ 20] for good, which Negro euerie morning tooke a Tub with water in it, and washt his face there∣in, which done, he tooke his hands full of water, and cast it ouer his head, speaking diuers words vnto himselfe, and after that spit in the water, and vsed many other Apish toyes, which wee seeing, asked him why hee did it, and hee made answere, that hee prayed his Fetisso that it might raine, that so his friends might find much Gold to release him, that hee might goe home againe.

They circumcise their young children, therein following the Mahometicall Law, with * 1.144 diuers other opinions which they hold thereof, as thinking it euill to spit vpon the Earth, be∣sides many other Superstitions which they vse, but affirme, that they altogether vse those toyes, and only trust in their Fetissos, were an vntruth, for many of them that can speake [ 30] Portugall (as hauing dealt with them and also daily traffique with vs) beginne to leaue those foolish toyes, and to haue some vnderstanding of Gods Word, which they doe by reason that wee mocke and iest at their foolish Ceremonies, and for that they say that wee are Gods Chil∣dren, therefore they beleeue much of that which we say vnto them, and begin to know God, but it is without any ground, for they grounded in their owne Superstitions, because they are not otherwise instructed.

But the Negros which dwell among the Portugals, know much of God, and can speake of his * 1.145 Commandements, as I haue found some among them, that could tell of the birth of Christ, of the Lords Supper, of his bitter Passion, and death of his Resurrection, and diuers other such like points, concerning our Christian faith; specially, one whom I knew well, and that was my good [ 40] friend: for he could write and read Portugall, and was indifferent well learned in the Scriptures. And which is more, when we spake vnto him, and argued vpon some points against the Romish faith, or against the Religion which the Portugals had taught him (for he had dwelt with a Monk in the Castle of Mina) he would dispute the contrary with vs, and shew that it was otherwise set downe in such a Gospel, and in such an Epistle of the Apostles, & that it must so be vnderstood: whereby we may perceiue, that those among them that haue any vnderstanding of the Christian faith, are sharpe witted, and will soone comprehend any thing: but it seemeth, that it hath not pleased God tocall them to the vnderstanding of the Christian faith, and therefore we are much bound to prayse and thanke God, that it hath pleased him to vouchsafe vs the knowledge of his holy Word, and to vnderstand and know what belongeth vnto our saluation. [ 50]

§. V.

Of their Houses, Townes, Countrey wayes, Warres, Armes, State of their Kings, Iudgements, Lawes, Iustice, Thefts, Promises, Oathes, and other Rites.

THeir Houses are not very curiously made, but altogether slight, much like to a num∣ber * 1.146 [ 60] of Hog-sties, and I am of opinion, that in many Countreys, there are better Hog-sties then their Houses are; I cannot liken them better to any other thing, then to Souldiers Cabins in Sconces and Bulwarkes: for a man might say, that they haue taken a paterne by them. To build them first, they take foure Posts or Trees, which they thrust

deepe into the ground, which stand foure square; that done, they lay other Beames or Trees vpon them, and bind them fast together; then they take a number of thin small stickes, and in∣close their Houses round about, and those they bind very close together, so that you can hardly thrust your hand in betweene them: then they make Morter of a certaine kind of yellow earth, which they find in the fields, and that they beat very small and thin, so long till it be like vnto Pot-earth, which they take in their hands, and dawbe it vpon the smal stickes round about their Houses, from the foot to the top, where they desire to haue it close, and with their hands thrust it in betweene the chinckes of the stickes, that it may hold fast, as if it were betweene Lathes, and when they haue made their Houses close in this manner, which is almost halfe a foot thick in the walles; then they let it stand and d〈…〉〈…〉e, so hard that it is like vnto stone, and being well [ 10] dried, then they make an other kind of Morter of Red earth, which is as thin as water, and take a wispe of straw in their hands, and therewith wash all their house round about within; which serueth them in stead of Painting, whereof they make great account, and take a great pride to paint their houses in such sort, some with white, some with red, and others with blacke, as best liketh them; for the first thing they shew you when you come into the Countrey is their houses. To couer them, they take two foure square Couerings of Palme tree leaues: they tie fast together, and so close, that they are able to hold out the Raine, which they lay vp∣on their houses for the Roofe thereof, and bind them fast together, and when it is faire cleare Sunne-shine weather, then they open the Roofe of their house, like two wings, vnder-propping it with stickes, and so let the Sunne shine into their houses, and when it raineth, they let them fall downe againe close together. Before their house they make a fouresquare hole, like a doore, [ 20] and make a doore of Reeds, which they open and shut, and bind it too with Withes. The floores are flat and very euen, couered with Red earth, as if they were paued, and in the middle thereof commonly they make a round hole to set their pot with Palme wine in, when they drinke to∣gether: in this sort they make two or three houses close together, which are placed foure square; and in the middle of them, there is a place wherein the women dresse their meat, in which houses they dwell together, as the women in the one, the man in the other, for they are asun∣der one from the other, and make as many as they haue need of, and those houses they inclose round about with a pale of Reeds, or straw of Mais, a mans height, or as high as the walles of their houses, which are also but a mans height: so that if it were not for the couering of the house, which standeth paint-house wise, a man could not goe vpright in their houses. Their [ 30] houses stand altogether in a heape; but because they separate them one from the other by those pales of Straw, by that meanes they shew like streets, and are somewhat separated one from the other. Their streets are so little and narrow, that but one man alone can goe in them, and when it raineth it is very slipperie to goe in their Townes, because the earth is so fattie, but when the Sunne shines, it drieth vp againe, and becomes as hard as a stone.

When you will goe into one of their houses, you must goe so long through the streets, till you find a doore open, wherein being entred, you must passe through all the Roomes, till you find the place where you would be. Their houses are not very full of House-hold stuffe, but com∣monly they haue woodden Chests, which they buy of the Netherlanders, wherein they locke [ 40] vp their things, so that you see but little of their House-hold stuffe abroad. * 1.147

The Kings or Gouernors houses are commonly in the Market places, which are paled alone by themselues, and separated from all the rest, hauing no other neighbours dwelling by him, but onely his wiues and children (for he is commonly better furnished thereof, then the meaner sort of men.) His house is greater and higher then the rest, and hath many roomes which passe one into the other, couered ouer with Reeds, each chamber by it selfe, wherein his men dwell, and his watch stayeth all the day long. In the middle of his house he hath a foure square place all open, but couered ouer for the Sunne, where in the day time he sitteth, with his Gentlemen that come to speake with him and to passe the time away; at the Kings doore there are alwaies two pots set deepe into the ground, which are full of fresh water, and euery day are fild with [ 50] new water, which I thinke are set there for their Fetissos to drinke. * 1.148

Their Townes that stand vpon the Sea-side are not very faire, but rather filthie places, and stinke like carrions, by reason of the filth which they carry and lay without, not farre from them; and many times, when the wind blowes from the Land, you may smell the stinke of them, aboue a mile and an halfe into the Sea. The Townes that lie inward to the Land, are richer of Goods and Gold, then the Sea-townes, and fuller of Houses and Men; besides that, they haue more Merchants dwelling in them: for, those on the Sea-side are not so rich, nor of so great power, as being for the most part Interpreters, Rowers, Pilots, Seruants, Fisher-men, and Slaues to the Inhabitants of the Townes. The King keeps his Court in the neerest Towne, [ 60] that standeth within the Land whereof he is King, and placeth a Captaine in the Sea-townes which are vnder his command. The Land-townes are very great, but they haue no Gates, Walls, nor Forts, nor any strength to resist the force of Enemies. I haue heard some of the Negroes that dwell within the Land, say, that there are many great Townes within the Land, much and farre exceeding the Hauen or Sea-townes.

They vse to reckon the Gold Coast to begin from Cape De tres punctas, to Rio de Volta. This Cape De tres panctas lieth vnder foure degrees and an halfe; and because it hath three Points or Heads, which reach into the Sea, therefore it is called the Cape De tres punctas; but, for that the Portugals haue a Castle there, called Aziem, the Negroes are not suffered to deale with the Hol∣landers. * 1.149

Eastward fiue miles lower there lieth a place, called Anta, and there the ships commonly cast foorth their Anchors; for there the Negroes buy much Iron, and are very expert to make Iron∣worke. * 1.150 Those People traffique much with Palme-wine, whereof they haue great store, as of Hens, Goats; and diuers Fruits, Iugnamas, and Annanasos; and when the time commeth that they draw their Wine out of the Trees, then the Canoes come thither with their Negroes [ 10] and Merchants, at the least, ten or twentie miles from within the Land to buy Wine, so that it is carried almost all the Coast along, and great traffique made therewith. This Wine they e∣steeme very good for their men to drinke, because it is not so sweet as the Wine which is far∣ther within the Countrie, which is not mixed with Water, as this Wine is. The other Wine they esteeme to be good to be drunke by their women because it is not mixed, but is exceeding sweet, and soone makes the women merrie. A mile lower lieth Rio de St. Georgio, and a place, called Iabbe, and Cama, where the Portugals also haue a House: and because this Quarter is very * 1.151 fruitfull, there dwells three or foure Portugals there, which receiue the Custome of the Fish, which is taken by the Negroes in the Riuer, and buy great store of other victuals, which they send continually to the Castles of Aziem and Mina, to victuall them withall. Before this Ri∣uer [ 20] there is a great Sand, which stretcheth farre into the Sea, whereby you cannot enter into it with any ships, but onely with great Canoes. And a mile lower there lieth a Village, by the Negroes, called Agitaky: by the Portugals, Aldea de Torto; and by the Netherlanders, Comando: but yet it is not Comando, although we call it so; for Comando lieth vpon the Hill, where the * 1.152 Kings dwell. They of Edom, Wassa, Comando, and other Townes, come to this Hauen to buy their Wares: there we sell many Venetian Madrigetten, and Corals (for the common people traff••que much therewith by grinding and selling them one vnto the other) small Copper Basons, and blue Cloth: broad Linnen is well sold there. In this place men sell not any Wares in great quantities, but all in small parcels; & for that there are so many small parcels sold there, therefore it is the worst place of all that Coast for giuing of Dachios: and for that their Gold, for the most [ 30] part, is molten, and cut in smal pieces, therefore there is much deceit therein, for they mixe much yellow Copper among it, and many times bring Copper in stead of Gold; and for those two Points it is the worst place to deale in throughout all the Coast. They haue the greatest num∣ber of Canoes in all the Countrie besides; for many times they goe to Sea early in the morning, with seuentie or eightie Canoes, and enter as farre into the Sea as you can well discerne them, and about noone-time they come home againe with their Fish, for there they are very expert in fishing. It is likewise no lesse prouided of Fruits, for there is no place in all the Land, where a man may haue greater store, nor better cheape Fruit, then there, especially a kind of Fruit, called, Bannana; and for that cause it is by vs called, the Fruit Market. When you saile some∣what lower, and are North North-east from the high Hill of Comando, there is a place called, [ 40] Terra pekina. Neere to that is the Castle of Mina, with a Portugall Garrison to prohibite * 1.153 Trade.

Sailing a long mile lower, you come to a place called, Cape Crosso; this Cape or Point is a great place of traffique, where the French men in time past vsed much to lie with their ships, and to traffique in the Countrie, and in the yeare 1590. or 1591. there was a ship of Deepe set vp∣on, by them of the Castle of Mina, whereof most of the men were slaine, and the rest made * 1.154 Slaues; and when we began first to traffique there, in the yeare 1592. there were some of our Hollanders slaine in a Boat at the same place; but now the ships begin to traffique there againe, because of the great quantitie of Gold which is brought thither from Foetu, Abrenbon, and Mandinga, and other Townes, which lie aboue two hundred miles within the Countrie. Sai∣ling [ 50] a mile lower, you come to the chiefe place of Traffique in all the Countrie, called Mourre. * 1.155 A mile lower there lieth a place called, Infantin, and two miles farther there lieth a towne called * 1.156 Cormantin, vnder the King of Foetui. There the Hollanders fetch their hoops, to bind their water vessels withall; for there are the best. Sayling foure miles lower, you come to the high hill of Mango, whereon the Negros offer sacrifice to the Deuill, but there is no Traffique. A mile lower there is a Village called, Biamba, where they keepe good store of Cowes, for it is good * 1.157 Pasture ground. The Inhabitants vse great Traffique along the Coast, by selling their Cattle; and because that there, there are many proper women; diuers of the Negroes come from other places of the Countrey thither to buy women, and to fetch slaues to serue their turnes withall; The Countrey people thereabouts are good husbandmen, and sow much Millie, presse good store [ 60] of Palme wine, and bring great number of yong Cattle vp. Three miles lower, there lieth a place called, Berqu, the Village lieth vpon a hill, there the French men vsed much to Anchor * 1.158 with their ships. Those people speake another Language, and to that place all the people for∣wards speake one Language. The people are very Ingenious to make all kind of things, special∣ly

of gold, for they can make faire Chaines of gold, with other faire things, as Rings, &c. There they brew a kind of drinke called Pitouw, which is much like small Beere. They haue great store of Hens, and better cheape then in other places: there also they take the greene Birds, called Parrots. The Inhabitants in their time vsed to buy great store of Iron, for they haue many Smithes, whereby they make faire Armes, but now there comes no more ships thither, they goe with their Canoes to Ackra, which lieth foure miles lower; which is a low land vpon the Strand, hauing a halfe tree made in forme of a Gibet, which they esteeme to be their Fetisso. The Portugalls were wont to haue a Castle there; but for some mischiefe that they had done to the Inhabitants, the Negroes tooke their Castle by force, slew all the Portugalls, and brake downe the Castle. There againe they vse another Language, they are a craftie and subtle people, and the [ 10] subtillest of all that Coast, both for Traffique and otherwise. They haue very few Canoes to fish or goe to Sea withall; but those they haue are very great, for I haue seene one that was cut out of a tree, which was fiue and thirty foot long, and fiue foot broad, and three foot high, which was as bigge as a Shallop; so that it would haue held thirty men at the least. They come not often to buy wares, but obserue certaine dayes in the weeke to that purpose, and then they come with great store of money, bringing the gold as it is found in the hilles. Two miles below that, there lieth a place, called Neugo. A mile lower, lieth Temin; And a mile lower then that, another place, called Chinka, where the Hollanders begin to place boats to traffique with the Negroes, which from the yeere one thousand sixe hundred, was first begun to be known vnto vs.

They make warre for a small matter, for the Kings are so enuious and angry one against the * 1.159 [ 20] other, and so proud, that they cannot endure their equalls; whereupon they challenge one the other to the Battell, and to fight together in the field. The King giues warning to the Townes vnder his command, to will the Captaines with their men to come to him, to fight against the enemies: their enemies likewise doe the like, and so make preparation to fight one against the other. The Kings of those Townes haue certaine men, that are their Souldiers or slaues (which are as much as Souldiers) who euery day watch in the Kings house, and are as it were his guard. They are very proud of their offices, and in the streets they goe stately, looking vpon them∣selues, some times striking with their armes ouer their heads, and sometimes leaping backe∣ward and forwards, and round about; looking fiercely, as if they would deuoure all the world. They goe to the warres with the King, and if not then, they stay continually with [ 30] him, to guard his person: and when the time commeth that they must fight, euery one prepa∣reth himselfe thereunto, in the best manner that hee can. First, they paint their faces with colours, some Red, others White, and others Yellow; and also their brests and the whole bodies with Crosses, Strikes, and Snakes, and many such like things; They also take their Beads with them, wherewith they make their Fetissos, and hang them about them, and thinke when they haue them about them, that their Fetissoes will defend them, and that they shall not be slaine. They make and wreath a Ring of boughes of trees, as thicke as a mans arme, which they put a∣bout their neckes, to beare off the blowes of their Kniues, in stead of Gorgets; on their heads they weare Caps made of Libards or Crocodiles skins: on their bodies they weare a Cloth Gir∣dle which they thrust betweene their legges with a peece of Cloth of a handfull broad, to couer [ 40] their priuities withall; for then they weare as few clothes on their backes as they can, that they may not be cumbred therewith when they fight, in their Girdles they sticke a hewing Knife or a Poniard; in their left hands bearing their shields, which are almost as long and as broad as themselues, in their right hands they hold their Assagaies, wherewith they fling each at other, some of them haue two, some three, foure, or more as they are able, and such as are not * 1.160 able, to haue shields and Assagaies, they carrie Bowos and sheaues of Arrowes, made of skins, full of smal Arrowes with Iron heads at the ends, wherewith they wil shoot most cruelly.

The Boyes or Seruants carrie the Drums into the warres, whereon they play, others haue hornes of Elephants Teeth, wherewith they blow. When all is prepared, and euerie Morinni or Gentleman with his men are readie, they all meet at the Kings Court, and so goe with their [ 50] Wiues, Children, and all their Houshold together to the Warres, where the battaile should bee fought, and if it be a Warre which concerneth them much, and wherewith they are much mo∣ued, and prouoked to ouercome their Enemies, then they burne their owne Houses, and all their Townes, that their Enemies may haue no such aduantage against them, as also because their minds should not be moued to looke and harken home-ward, but rather to giue them the better courages to set vpon their Enemies. But if it be a Warre of no great importance, and that will be soone ended, then they burne not their Houses nor take not their wiues and children with them, but they leaue their Townes, and send their wiues and children to the next place, with whom they haue no enmitie, which take all their houshold-stuffe with them, leauing their Houses emptie, without any kind of thing in them, as if they had wholly abandoned their Townes, and when their Warre is ended, then their wiues and children rtturne againe to their [ 60] owne Townes withall their stuffe.

The Souldiers on both sides meeting together in the fields, doe the best they can to destroy their enemies, both by casting at each other with their Assagaies, and by blowes. They can cast so

exceeding straite, right and sure with their Assagaies, that they will not faile to hit a Stiuer or * 1.161 piece of monie as bigge as a Groat, the rest shoot with poisoned Arrowes. The Drummes and Hornes are heard to make a great noise when they fight together, and in this Warre whosoe∣ner is taken Prisoner they make him a slaue all his life long, and such as are slaine, their bodies are drest and eaten as good meate. Their Warres are not so cruell as they seeme, nor according to the noise and preparation by them made, and their Warre continueth not long, but is soone ouer-past and ended. They also burne each others Houses and Townes, and driue the Inhabitants out of them.

It hapneth oftentimes, that although they haue no great controuersie with each other, they * 1.162 make peace together, promising not to warre one against the other, and to assure and confirme [ 10] their promises, they beleeue no words, but they send each other a man for a suretie, whom they keepe by them, and this man whom they deliuer in this sort for a suretie, is one of the chiefe of their Towne, who being brought to the place where he must remaine by the Kings slaues, he himselfe being brauely drest, and sitteth vpon a slaues sholder, and in that sort is carried to the King, and to him they shew much honour, and yet they watch him narrowly.

They also buy many Peeces, and begin to learne to shoot in them, and haue the vnderstanding to know that a long Peece carrieth further then a short, which both the Portugals and wee also teach them. They are very expert in making of Armes, for they make Poniards of an ell long without hilts and foure fingers broad, with two edges, the handle being of wood, with a pum∣mell at the end, they couer the handle ouer with a plate of Gold, or with the skinne of a cer∣taine [ 20] kind of fish which they take, which with them is esteemed as much as Gold is with vs, they make sheathes of Dogs or Goates skinnes, and aboue at the end of the sheathe, in stead of a chape they put a great red shell, as broad as a mans hand, which is in great estimation with them, others that haue not the abilitie to buy such shels, make or buy hewing Kniues in fashion like a Gammon of Bacon, broad at the end and narrow before, which cut but, on the one side, and in stead of a red shell, they trimme them with an Apes or a Tygres head, and those they sticke in their Girdles, on the one side, and weare them as they goe along in the streets, and car∣rie their Assagaies in their hands, and if they haue a seruant or a slaue, they make him beare their Assagay and Shield before them, and they follow them with a staffe in their hands. The Mer∣chants trauell in the Countrie with their Armes, and their seruants or slaues likewise carrie [ 30] Armes with them, who commonly haue Bowes and Arrowes, because they are Weapons which are least cumbersome to bee carried, for they can carrie them about their neckes. * 1.163

Their Assagaies are made of diuers fashions and of many sorts, but for the most part of Iron, at least two foot at both ends, and that part which they hold in their hands is of wood, both the ends are as heauie of Iron one as the other, because they should weigh an euen weight, and for that one should not be heauier then the other, for if it should they could not strike nor cast right with them. They are very curious of their Armes, for they will alwaies haue sixe or se∣uen of those Assagaies in their Houses, which stand in the ground one by the other, with their Shields hanging by them; those Shields they make of woodden hoopes, which they fold one within the other, and so make them foure square, but some-what bowing like a Buckler, and they are commonly six foot long, and foure foot broad, in the middle they make a crosse of wood, [ 40] and bind it vpon the rest of the hoopes, to hold them the faster together, thereof also they make their handles whereon they beare their Shields: some of them of the better sort couer their Shields ouer with an Oxe-hide, and put a plate of Iron vpon it two foot long, and a foot broad. They make great account of their Shields, thinking that vnder them they haue a great safe∣guard for their bodies. They make their Bowes of very hard wood, the stringes are made of the barkes of trees, their Arrowes are of thinne and tuffe wood, the Feathers are made of the haire of a Dogges skinne, wherewith they couer almost halfe their Arrowes, and on the ends they put small Iron heads, which heads when they goe to warre one against the other, they [ 50] anoint with poison, which is the iuyce of certaine greene Herbs, but they must not carrie such poisoned Arrowes but in time of warre, and that vpon paine of a great forfeit, or some other punishment to be inflicted vpon them that beare such Arrowes about them, their sheafes they make of Goats skinnes, which they hang about their neckes, and put their Arrowes into it. Their Drums are made of hollow trees, which are couered ouer with Buckes skinnes, with woodden pinnes, and strike vpon them with woodden stickes made like Spoones or Ladels. Those Drums commonly lie before the Kings Captaines and Guards Houses, and are sometimes twentie foot long, whereon they play when the King makes a Feast. They also make smaller Drums of hollow trees, which they hang about their neckes, and goe about the Towne, playing on them, those Drums are round aboue, and vnder very narrow like a funnell, no man may vse them; but Gentlemen. They make Hornes of Elephants Teeth, and race them finely with ma∣nie [ 60] stickes in them, and in the middle of the Horne they make a small hole which is foure square, and blow at that, but no man may vse them but only the King or the Captaine.

They choose their Kings by the most voices and consents of the common people, for their * 1.164

Kingdomes are not successiue to any of their children or Kinsmen, but when their King is dead, they choose another to gouerne them, and to possesse the Kingdome, and hee dwelleth in the de∣ceased Kings Court, and possesseth all that he findeth therein, at his first entrie into the King∣dome, he must buy good store of Cowes, and Palme-wine, and bestow a Banket vpon his sub∣iects, for they make great account of a King that is liberall, and feasteth them, but if their King be couetous, and seeketh to heape vp good store of Gold, they hate him, seeking all the meanes they can to find some cause to driue him out of his Kingdome, and to choose a better according to their minds. As it hapned in my time to the King of Sabae, (who had beene King of Infan∣tin) and was made King of Sabae, whom they draue out of his Kingdome, and taking all his goods from him, made him goe to Infantin againe, from whence he came, and chose another in his place that pleased them better. And for that cause, the King that will bee well beloued of [ 10] his subiects, euerie three monethes when his Guard or Customers come to pay him that which they haue receiued at the Sea-side, and of the Countrie people for custome, he must make a Ban∣quet, and spend more then he receiueth at that time, and then he biddeth his Morrinnis (which is as much to say as a Gentleman or one of his Counsell) and buyeth many Cowes or Oxen, and also all the Palme-wine in the Countrie, that he can get which is giuen by him to the common * 1.165 people, who at that time are very merrie and ioyfull, singing and playing vpon their Drums. The heads of the Cowes are made cleane and fairely painted and hanged full of Fetissoes, which done, they are hang'd very orderly in the Kings thamber one vnder the other, instead of Pictures, and for a great honour vnto the King, whereby such strangers as come to the Kings Court, may perceiue that he is a good King, and for that cause is much esteemed and beloued of his people. [ 20] Besides this, they hold another Feast day euerie yeare, as being the day of their Coronation or their Fetissoes day, then the King inuiteth his Neighbour Kings and Captaines, with all his Gentlemen to a Banquet, and makes a great Feast, and that day he prayeth to his Fetisso, and he himselfe sacrificeth vnto him, which he doth but once a yeare. This Fetisso is the highest tree in the Towne, which is the Kings Fetisso, vpon this Festiuall day they vse manie Apish Toyes, as Fen∣cing, Drumming, singing and leaping, the women also are verie merrie and dance, and euerie King holdeth his Feast day apart, and they doe it one soone after the other, which they doe in their Summer time.

On their Sunday at night the King makes a Feast, and buyes vp all the Palme-wine which is drawne out of the Trees that day, and biddeth his wiues and children to Supper, and his chie∣fest [ 30] Gentlemen, at which time they are verie merrie, for hee eates but one day in a weeke with his wiues and children, and that is vpon their Sunday. These women are verie seruicea∣ble to the King their Husband, and euerie one of them feasteth him to winne his loue, so that he * 1.166 wanteth no seruice at their hands: euerie one of his wiues hath his goods and riches apart by her selfe, and keepeth and feedeth her owne children, and shee that is in fauour with the King, wanteth nothing.

When the Kings wiues go abroad, they leane vpon the shoulders of other women that serue them, and are their slaues, and their children are also carried vpon the shoulders of other of the Kings slaues, hee himselfe commeth little abroad, but stayeth alwayes in his House, sometime he sitteth at his doore but not often, his House is watcht both day and night by his slaues, which [ 40] watch armed in his Court, and in his Chamber, and when he goeth out they attend on him and * 1.167 goe round about him. In the morning betimes and late in the euening, his slaūes blow those Hornes of Elephants Teeth, which make a prettie sound, for they haue the slight to draw their breath in and out as they list, and can answere one the other when they blow, when the King comes out of his Chamber, his wiues stand readie to attend on him, to wash his bodie all ouer, and then to anoint it with Palme-oile, after that hee eateth some-what, and so sets himselfe downe vpon a stoole, and in his hand hee holdeth a Horse or an Elephants tayle to keepe the Flies from his naked bodie, he is brauely drest after this manner; his Beard is knotted with gol∣den Corals, and other costly things, on his armes and legges hee hath Rings of Gold and other faire Beades of Corall, and the like also about his necke, and so hee sitteth all the day talking [ 50] with one or other, for he wanteth no company to passe the time away, they haue one attending on them, whom they call Uiador (which word they haue learned of the Portugals), hee is the * 1.168 Kings Treasurer, and keepeth his Gold and other Riches, receiueth and payeth all, and doth all other businesses for the King. This man is next vnto the King, and he commonly hath more gol∣den Rings about his necke, armes and feet, then the King himselfe. When the Kings children are of some yeares, if they will haue any thing they must looke to get it, for the King may giue them nothing to liue idly vpon, for the common people would murmurre at it, if the King should giue somewhat vnto them, he might doe wrong to his Gentlemen, but hee giueth them * 1.169 their Patrimoniall goods when they marrie as their custome is; and besides, that he giueth them euery one a slaue to serue their turnes with all, and they haue nothing else of their Fathers, [ 60] whereby it falleth out, that when they waxe old, and seeke not to doe any thing, they are no more respected then another man is. The King keepes them with him to serue him, and when he maketh peace with any other Towne or King, then he imploreth his children, and sends his

sonnes for hostages, that they may begin to be honored, and thereby attaine to great estate: the reuenues of the Fruits, Fish, Wine, and Palme-oile, which the King hath, are sufficient to main∣taine the King, and his Wiues, and Children. His Millie, whereof he maketh Bread, is sowed and reaped for him, at other mens charges; whereby he hath a good life (but yet miserable in respect of ours.) When the King dies he is honourably buried after their manner, and then pre∣sently they choose another, one that is not of the last Kings kindred; but they choose a strange man, whom they thinke good; and by no meanes they will choose any that in any point held with, or fauoured the last King. Hauing made him King, they bring him to the Palace, and he taketh the gouernment vpon him, and hath all the treasure and goods of the dead King, which he got during the time of his Raigne; and that he holdeth, so that the dead Kings Children en∣ioy [ 10] not a penie: but that which he had when he was chosen King, that they take and part a∣mong them, as their custome is.

They vse no Counsellors nor Attorneyes, but euery man must tell his owne tale to the Iudge, who sends for the accused partie; after whose answere, the Plaintiffe speaketh againe: and in * 1.170 this sort they are each of them heard to speake foure or fiue times, and when the one speaketh the other must hold his peace till he hath done, for they must not interrupt one the other when they speake, vpon paine of corporall punishment, so that although they bee wild men, and without any ciuilitie or good behauiour; yet therein they vse a very good and laudible custome. When the Iudge hath heard them say what they can, according to his owne mind, hee giueth Iudgement, which they must stand vnto without appeale. If it bee any thing concerning the [ 20] King, whereby he is to haue any forefeiture or otherwise, the Iudge receiueth it, and demandeth it of him that is to pay it, in the Kings name, which he must pay presently without delay, and if he be not able to doe it, he must presently depart from thence to another Towne, or some o∣ther Kings Iurisdiction, and there stay till he hath contented his King, & payed his Fine. If it be a controuersie which is to be determined among them, and they cannot agree thereon, then they will seeke to kill each other, or challenge their aduerse parties to fight with them, appointing a day and place when they will meet with their Armes to end or determine their controuersie. * 1.171 In themeane time they make their cause knowne to some of their friends, and desire their helpe, (for each of them may haue three or foure men to helpe them) and commonly they are of their neerest friends and kindred; and when their appointed day is come, each of them goeth with his [ 30] companions to the same place, and when they meet together with their Shields and Assagaies to defend themselues withall, they place themselues orderly in the field one right ouer against the other, the Plaintiffe and the Defendant standing in the middle, and so begin to cast and shoot at each other with their Assagaies, and shoot in that sort so long vntill that some of them on both sides are hurt, and fall to the ground. Then they cease their Fight, and so their quarrell endeth. But his side on whom the dead man is found to be slaine, or that hath lost the victorie, come to the other partie and desire to haue the man out of their companie, that was the cause of that Combat, in stead of the dead man that is slaine. And if he runneth away, and getteth to ano∣ther Towne, they will follow him, and will neuer leaue before they haue gotten him into their hands, and none of their Kings may giue such a man freedome, nor keepe him secretly in his [ 40] Towne, but if he can find him in his Towne, he must deliuer him to those that seeke after him, and if he doth it not, then they make complaint to their King, and so, many times one King makes warre vpon another for that cause; when they haue found him, he is deliuered to the wife the dead man, and shee keepeth him for her Slaue, or else shee sells him to another: but if hee hath any meanes to pacifie the woman, or the friends of that man, and to redeeme himselfe out of bondage, he may doe it, and goe freely abroad. They are very great controuersies that are ended in this manner, for they are no common men that end their quarrels in such sort.

The Plaintiffe certifies the Captaine, who causeth a Drum to be sounded by one of his Slaues, and he goeth round about the Towne with the Drum about his necke, and with him there go∣eth * 1.172 two boyes more, each with a Cow-bell in their hands, without Clappers, and they strike [ 50] vpon them with stickes made of wood, and when they haue gone in this sort round about the Towne (which is a signe vnto the people that Iustice is to be executed) then the Captaine with his Gentlemen comes and sit round together in the Market-place, each man with his Armes, wherewith all the people assemble together, knowing not what the matter is, and goe to the Market-place, where their common assemblies are made, the women standing in one place, the men in another, to heare what the Captaine will say; and he that is accused is presently taken, and kept prisoner in the Captaines house, and if it be a weightie matter, he is bound; if other∣wise, he is onely kept by the Executioner, and he must not depart from thence before his cause be tried, in the meane time, the Captaine with his Gentlemen sit still in the Market-place, to heare the complaints made against the Prisoner, and send him word by his Slaues what accusa∣tions [ 60] are laid against him, whereunto he must presently, without delay, make answere; other∣wise, if he cannot excuse himselfe, he must pay the penaltie which he hath incurred; and if he cannot pay it, he must in the Kings behalfe be sold as a Slaue, towards the payment of his Fine, and euer after, while he liueth, he must be a Slaue: but if he hath done any offence that deser∣ueth

death, he may redeeme his life with money, if hee can agree with the King, and content him; which money is diuided among the Morinni, which haue the one halfe, and the King the other halfe, without giuing any to the friends of the dead man. And if it be one that hath in∣curred the danger of paying a Fine for lying with another mans wife, being accused to haue won her thereunto by false promises or by force, and hath not kept his promise with her; then the King first taketh all his goods from him, as forfeit vnto him; and the woman must pay two or three ounces of gold for a Fine vnto her husband, or as he fauoreth her, and she can agree with him; otherwise he may put her away, and take another wife, and the womans friends goe and burne, or pull downe the mans house that hath done the fact, and doe him all the mischiefe they can, to make him to leaue the Towne, that they may heare no more of him. In my time, while [ 10] I lay there, it hapned that a man came from one Towne to another, to gather vp his debts, which man a yeere before had layne with another mans wife, and the same woman was then by chance come to the same Market, and seeing him, went straight and complained to the Aene, (which is the Captaine) who presently caused him to be taken; and their Counsell being assem∣bled, there before them the woman complained that he had forced her, and had not paid her ac∣cording to his promise: he made answere, that he did it with her good-will, and although nei∣ther of them both were of that Towne, yet their cause was heard, and as good Iustice vsed to∣wards them, as if they had beene Inhabitants of that place, and after long disputation by them made, the Fetissero (which is the Priest that coniureth their Fetissos or gods) came thither with a certaine Drinke in a pot, and set it downe before the Captaine, the woman tooke the pot and [ 20] drunke thereof, to iustifie that he had not contented her for the losse of her honour; and if hee would haue drunke thereof before the woman drunke, to iustifie that he had paid her, and owed her nothing, then he had beene quit from paying any thing; but knowing himselfe to be guil∣tie, he durst not drinke, but was found guiltie, and was iudged to pay a Fine of three Bendaes, which is sixe ounces of gold.

This Drinke among them is as much as an Oath, and is called Enchionkenou; which they * 1.173 make of the same greene herbs whereof they make their Fetissos; and as they say, it hath such a force, that if a man drinketh it falsely, their Fetisso causeth him presently to die; but if they [ 30] drinke it innocently, then their Fetisso suffereth them to liue. By reason of the great hatred and enuie which they beare one vnto the other, they accuse each other, although it bee for a thing that hath beene done ten yeeres before, so that there is no quarrell but it is called in que∣stion. And if a man hath married or bought the sister of that man that is to pay a Fine vnto the King, and is not able to doe it, then his sisters husband must ioyne with him to doe it, and helpe him to pay his Fine, so they dwell both vnder one Iurisdiction, and for that they must agree to∣gether; for before all things the King must be paid his Fines, by one meanes or other, or else they must goe out of his Countrey, and dwell in another place; and so if he be not able to pay his Fine, then he taketh all his Wiues and Children, and goeth to another Towne, and which is more, all the friends they haue dwelling in that Towne must also goe with him, and dwell all [ 40] in that place, vntill they haue agreed with, and paid the King his Fine: and when they come againe, then they goe to all their acquaintance and aske them forgiuenesse, and seeke and make peace and friendship with them, as they had before; the man going to his friends, and the wo∣man to hers. The cause why their friends also depart and leaue the Towne, is, because they should not bee molested nor troubled by the King for the same. The Fine which they pay for Theft, is sixe ounces of gold, or three Bendaes of their weight; for in that Countrie they are not put to death for it. But if they steale any thing from the Netherlanders, they pay no Fine, but onely when they steale one from another. If any man hath falsified Gold, and carried it to the Netherlanders, and that they complaine thereof vnto the King; he must pay a Fine for it, as the case requireth. If much Gold bee falsified, many times they are sold for Slaues. And all these Fines are the Kings, to maintaine his expences. If it be a case wherein any man hath de∣serued [ 50] death, and that he cannot pay the King but with his life, then he is iudged to die, and without any more delay, the Executioner, or hee that is appointed to doe it, taketh him, and bindeth his hands behind him, and then couering his eies, leadeth him into a Field, or a Wood, or where he thinketh best, (hauing no place purposely appointed to doe it in) and being there, maketh him kneele downe, and stoope with his head, and taking an Assagaie, steppeth backe, and strikes him into the bodie, wherewith he falleth downe, then he takes his cutting Knife, and cuts off his head, and then hee is dead; for they beleeue not that a man is dead before his head is cut off, and therefore when they put any man to death, they cut off his head; which done, hee cuts his bodie in foure quarters, and casts them into the field, to bee deuoured by Beasts and Birds. But their friends come and fetch the head, and keepe it for a great Present, [ 60] seething it in a Kettle, and then eate the broth thereof; which done, they take the bare Scull, and hang it by their Fetisso. The women at that time make a great noise with crying and how∣ling, and take the quarters, and carrie them into the fields: when the execution is done, there are no Officers by, but onely the Executioner and the Partie that is to be executed; but when it is done, then they come about him, and lament the dead man, as aforesaid.

For stealing, I am of opinion, that of all the Nations in the World, they haue not their Ma∣sters. They esteeme it a shame to steale one from another, but when they haue stolne any thing * 1.174 from the Netherlanders, they esteeme it to be a credit vnto them and bragge thereof, for they esteeme vs to be craftie and subtill men, and when they haue stolne any thing from vs, they thinke themselues to be the subtiller and craftier, and seeke to bee honoured for doing so braue an action.

Lead, that is nayled without vpon the ships, to keepe them from being eaten by Wormes, rustie Nayles, Grease, Weights (which they hide in their Haire, Mouthes, or Eares) any other small matters are exercise of their Theft; yea, although they be neuer so great Merchants, and * 1.175 bestow two or three pound of Gold with you for Merchandize, and haue no need to steale, but [ 10] if any thing bee taken from them, they make so many words and such a noyse, as if it were a matter worthy of death.

They say that they may steale, and we not: I askt them the cause why; they made answere, that we are rich and had great store of wares, and brought ships full vnto them, and tooke great paines and labour to sell it, and were so long before we sold it, that they thought it fit to helpe vs therein, that we might the sooner be rid thereof, that we might fetch others, and that wee were clothed, and they went naked, and had nothing vpon their bodies, and that therefore it was freer for them then for vs to steale. When they haue taken any thing and that you misse it, you must presently search them all, for they steale very cunningly, and giue it one vnto the other, and when they come together they part it among them; when you haue found it, and know who stole it, then you must beat him well, be he neuer so great a Merchant, and the rest of the Negroes will laugh at him and mocke him, because hee did his businesse no better: but when they perceiue that their Theft is discouered, then they leape ouer-boord and get away, fearing to be beaten, and if you let them goe and beate them not at that time when you take them, then they feare a greater matter and expect more blowes, and that you will intrap them, and therefore they will commonly euer after shunne that ship and goe aboord another: but if you beate them for their labours when they doe it, they will not hate you for it, nor shunne the Ship, but will come the next day againe to deale and traffique with you.

In their Promises or Oathes which they make vnto vs, they are vnconstant and full of vn∣truth, * 1.176 but such promises as they make among themselues, they keepe and obserue them well, [ 30] and will not breake them: when they make any Oathes or Promises, specially, when they will shew it to our Netherlanders. First, they wipe their faces vpon the sole of your foot, and * 1.177 then doe the like vpon their shoulders and brests, and vpon all their bodies, speaking thrice each to other, saying, Iau, Iau, Iau, euerie time clapping hands together, and stamping with their feet vpon the ground, which done, they kisse their Fetisso, which they haue vpon their legges and armes: some for the more assurance of their Promises and Oathes, will drinke cer∣taine drinke, as I haue said before: but he that should repose much trust therein, should soonest find himselfe deceiued, because they are not to be credited further then you see them.

§. VI. [ 40]

Of their Summer and Winter; And of their manner of Tilling and Sowing the Land; Their Corne, Rents, Raines; Beasts and Hunting: Fowles, Trees, and Fruits.

ALthough it is alwayes warme in those Countries, yet they haue a difference in the time of the yeare, and so they account some monethes for their Summer, and some for their Winter. The difference which they haue therein is the weather; for both [ 50] * 1.178 in Summer and Winter the trees are greene, and some of them haue leaues twice a yeare. In Summer their fields are bare, and in Winter they are full of Corne, and are very greene, so that they haue their Haruest in Winter. The Dayes and Nights are of one length, or else there is little difference: for the Sunne riseth and goeth downe there, commonly at sixe of the clocke, but it is risen at least halfe an houre aboue the Horizon, before it sheweth it selfe, so that you shall seldome see it cleerely rise and goe downe. The Fruits are there as plentifull and a∣bundant in Winter, as in Summer. When the weather is warmest, and that the Sunne is aboue their heads. They esteeme that time to be their Winter, which beginnes in the monethes of April, May, and Iune; because as then it raineth and is very foule weather there with Thunder * 1.179 and Lightning, (which the Portugals call, Trauados, and they Agombretou) which foule wea∣ther and raine followeth the Sunne, and riseth vp with his highth, at that time they are most [ 60] cumbred with raine: but in their Summer they are not so much troubled with it, but then the Earth dryeth and is hard and vnfruitfull, and therefore they shunne that time to sow their Millie and Mais in, but when that time is gone, to beginne their Husbandrie, they goe into the Woods or Fields, and there seeke out a good place, which they thinke fit for their

purpose to sow their Corne in, to serue to maintaine their Wiues and Children. * 1.180

No man hath any Land to himselfe which he can or may keepe to his owne vse, for the King hath all the Woods, Fields, and Land in his hands; so that they may neither sow nor plant therein but by his consent and licence, which, when they haue obtained, and haue a place per∣mitted them to sow their Corne in, then they goe with their slaues and burne the Woods, trees, roots and shrubs with all the rubbish downe to the ground: then they goe with their long chop∣ping-kniues which they call, Coddon, and scrape and raze vp the ground with Colen (and all that serueth them to fatten their ground) about a foot deepe, and let it lye eight or ten dayes, and when all of them haue tilled their ground, euery man makes readie his seed to sow it with∣all, vpon their Sunday, and then they go to their Kings or Gouernors House, of that quarter: for, [ 10] first, they helpe to till his ground, and to sow his Corne, and go all together to his field, and take all the rubbish out of the Earth and cast it into the middle of the field, and then once againe ••ake the Earth and sow their Corne in the field. They begin vpon a Sunday, and first serue their Gouernour or King, and when they haue done his worke, the Captaine sendeth into the field a great number of Pots with Palme-wine, and a sod Goat, with good store of other meat, accor∣ding to the number of Workmen, and there they sit downe together and make good cheare, and at that time they burne the roots, and sit and sing and make a great noise about them, all in the honour of their Fettsso, to the end that he should let their Corne grow well and prosperously vp. When their Captaines or Kings Land is tilled and sowed, the next day they goe to another mans ground, and doe with it as they did with the Kings ground, and there also make good [ 20] cheere as they did before, and are merrie together, and so forth-with the rest whome they helpe. The Corne soone groweth vp, and lyeth not long in the ground: when it is as high as a mans head, and beginnes to sprout, then they make a woodden House in the middle of the field; couered ouer with Reeds, and therein put their Children to watch the Corne, and to driue a∣way the Birds, wherewith they are much cumbred. They weed not their Corne, but let it grow vp weeds and all.

The Millie hath long eares, and is a seed of colour like Hempe-seed, and long like Canarie∣seed, * 1.181 it hath no shels, but groweth in a little huske, and is very white within. This kind of graine they alwayes had, and serue their turnes therewith before the Portugals came thither. It groweth and is ripe in three months, and when it is cut down, it lyeth a month after in the fields [ 30] to dry, and then the eares are cut off and bound in sheases, and so carryed home to their Houses. They vse the straw to couer their Houses withall. This Millie is a verie excellent graine, hath a good taste and is wholsome to eate, it is sweet in your mouth, but gnasheth in your teeth, which commeth of the stone wherewith they grind it. When they haue vsed the Land, and their Haruest done, then they sell part of their Corne to other men, which are no••••able to ••ow it, and by that meanes get a good quantitie of Gold; they giue some to their King for the rent of his Land, and carrie it home to his House, euery one as much as he thinketh good. For there is no certaine summe appointed for them to pay, but euery one giueth according: to his abilitie, and the quantitie of ground that he hath vsed, and bringeth it vnto the King, so that hee hath at least fiue or sixe Bendas of Gold of them at one time, which they carrie altogether to their King, who welcommeth them, and thanketh them for their Dache or Gift, and for their la∣bours [ 40] giueth them their bellies full of meate and drinke, and that they pay to the King for the farme of his Land, and no more.

The Corne by the Indians called Mais, by the Portugals or Spaniards, Indian-wheat, and by the * 1.182 Italians, Turkish-corne, is a Graine almost knowne throughout all the World, and was brought out of West India into Saint Thomas Iland, and they of Saint Thomas (after they had built their Castle) brought it thither for to serue their necessitie withall, and sowed it there, for before the Portugals came into those Countries, the Indians knew it not, but they sowed it first in that Countrey, and dispersed it abroad among the wild Indians, so that now the Countrey is full thereof, and at this present there is great abundance in Guinea. They vse to mixe it with their Millie, and sometimes take halfe Millie and halfe Mais. The Negroes that dwell among [ 50] the Portugals, grind it alone without any Millie, and make excellent bread thereof, where with they sustaine themselues, and sell it to the Portugals: they know how to bake it in such sort, that it will endure good three or foure monethes. The Children also eate it in stead of bread, which they set awhile vpon the fire, and then crush the Corne out of the huskes, such as eate much thereof and are not vsed vnto it, vse to bee Scuruie and Itchie, or else to bee troubled with great bloud Veines, for it increaseth bloud: it is no lesse ••ourishing then Corne in the Netherlands, and in a manner tasteth like our Corne.

The people of the West Indies can make Wine of Mais, which they call, Chicka, wherewith they will make themselues drunke, as if it were of Wine made of Grapes, and for that they know, that Corne sodden or steept in water maketh a kind of drinke, wherewith a man [ 60] may make himselfe drunke. Therefore they lay this kind of Graine to soake in the water till it is soft, and then they brew thereof, as some of the Negroes in Guinea, which deale with the Portugals, also doe, and call it Poitou.

This Mais will grow in a moyst fatty and hot ground, and beares twice a yeere: it is not sowed like other Corne, but it is thrust into the ground, as we vse to doe Beanes in our Coun∣trey: it lieth not long in the ground, but soone springeth vp, and groweth higher then a mans length aboue the ground, like to great Reeds that grow in the water, or in drowned land, where∣with husbandmen vse to couer their shades: euery Reed hath his eares whereon the Corne groweth, and notwithstanding, that they are heauy eares, as big as youg Cucumbers, and sharpe aboue like the top of a Steeple, yet euery Reed hath seuen or eight eares vpon it. I haue told fiue hundred and fiftie Graines vpon one Reed, which came of one Graine alone. They are of diuers colours, as White, Blacke, Yellow, Purple, &c. and sometimes you shall haue three or [ 10] foure colours thereof in one eare. There are two sorts thereof, great and small, the great Graine is stronger then the small. They vse the Reed to couer their houses.

They shun the Raine, and esteeme it to be very ill and vnwholesome to fall vpon their naked * 1.183 bodies, which they doe not without great reason, for wee find our selues to bee much troubled therewith, when we trauell, specially when it raineth much, and maketh great Trauado••, as it doth once a yeere. In those Countries, which is in Aprill, May, and Iune; at which time there * 1.184 are such Tempests of Thunder, Lightning, wind, and Raine, that it is incredible, specially the Raine vnder the Equinoctiall Line, is so vnwholesome and rotten, that if a man hath beene in the Raine, and is thorow wet, and so lieth downe to sleepe in his Cabin, in his wet clothes, with∣out putting them off, he is in danger to get some sicknesse; for it breedeth Feuers: and againe, if you drie not your wet clothes presently in the Sun, but forgetting them, chance to let them [ 20] lie, they will rot with the force of the water, in such sort, that you may plucke them in peeces with your fingers. And they find no lesse vnwholesomenesse therein; for when it begins to Raine, they get them out of the way, and if any drops of water fall vpon their naked bodies, they shiuer and shake, as if they had a Feuer, and cast their armes ouer their shoulders to keepe the Raine from them: which they doe not, because the water is cold, for often times it is as warme as if it were sodden: but because of the vnwholesomenesse for their bodies, which they find thereby. And when they haue troden in the day time in the water with their feet, at night they make a fire, and lie with their soles of their feet against it, which they doe, to draw the moysture of the water, which is gotten into their bodies, out againe at their feet: then they anoint their bodies with Palme Oyle, which they vse also for a beautifying to make their bo∣dies [ 30] shine, and that they doe to shunne the Raine water within those Countreys (as many * 1.185 men write) is very vnwholesome, and thereof many and dangerous diseases are ingen∣dred.

They haue Elephants, Leopards, Tigers, Cats of the Mountaine, Monkies, Foxes, Harts and * 1.186 Hinds; it is said, that in this Countrie there are white Elephants: but I could neuer vnderstand it from the Negros themselues.

There are the greatest and most venimous Snakes that euer was seene, there was one in my time taken there (as the Negroes told me) which was thirty foot long, and as much as sixe men could carrie; There is also a beast like a Crocodile, but it neuer goeth into the water, as the Cro∣codile doth; which is called Languad. [ 40]

There are, Spiders as big as the palme of a mans hand, and great store of them. Camelions and * 1.187 Agtissen a great number, but they esteeme not them to be venimous, for they drie many of them & eat them. There are many Dogs & Cats, such as we haue, but their Dogs haue sharper snowts then ours, and their chaps full of wooll, they cannot barke nor make a noise, they are very faire beasts for colour, as blacke, red, white, and yellow Spaniels, &c. They are also a little smaller foo∣ted * 1.188 then ours, so that they are not much vnlike the Dogs in our Countrey, but they are vnlike to ours in one thing, for when you strike them, they run away, and make no noise, nor once offer to bite you; but when you run away from them, and are afraid of them, they will leape at you, and bite you by the legges: those Dogs they vse for their necessitie, and eate them, and in many places of the Countrey they are brought and driuen to the Market like sheepe or hogges, being [ 50] tied one to the other with strings, they are called Ekia, or Cabra de matto, which is a wild sheepe, it is the first gift which a man of that Countrie giueth when he buyeth his Gentilitie, they make much of our Dogs in these Countries, for when they barke, they thinke they speake; and for that cause esteeme greatly of them.

Cats also are there much esteemed, because they take Mice, wherewith the Inhabitans of the Townes are much troubled, they are called Ambaio, they haue very faire skins, and * 1.189 are very good Mousers, they vse also to eate them, they were first carried hither out of Europe.

If they know where any Elephants are, they vse all the meanes they can to take them, for they eate them also, although they should stinke like a Carrion, and that a thousand Maggots [ 60] * 1.190 crept out of them. Where they know that they vse often times to come, they make great pits, which they couer ouer with straw and foule leaues of trees, which the Elephant knowing no∣thing of, goeth that way as he was wont to doe, and falles into the pit, and cannot get out againe.

The Negroes hearing that hee is fallen into the pit, run thither with their weapons and smite him into the body with Assagaies, and so kill him; which done, they leape into the pit, and cut him in quarters, and euery one may go and fetch his part thereof when he will; of the hide they make ••tooles to sit on: the taile is giuen to the King to beat the Flies from his naked body, and are much esteemed off there; with no lesse subtiltie they take the Leopards, for they * 1.191 doe them more hurt then other beasts: and because it is a cruell beast to spoyle and destroy men, keeping in the way where men should passe along. In euery foure cornered way, or at the end of the street, they make houses with woodden pales, which are like to Rat traps, wherein they put Hens, Sheepe, and other things which he desireth to eate, where the Leopard com∣ming to eate his prey, is taken with the fall of the trap, and kild with an Assagaie; they esteeme much of the skin, whereof they vse to cut Girdles, and to make Caps. There are no Horses in [ 10] that Countrey, and when there were some brought vnto them for a great Present, they kild them, and eate them: because their flesh seemed sweet vnto them.

The Oxen and Cowes that are found in that Countrey are not very great; but of bignesse like * 1.192 great Calues: their hornes stand backeward on their heads, they are not milkt, for they giue none; they can hardly bring vp their yong Calues, by reason of the small moysture that the Cowes giue their Calues, by meanes of the drie Countrey wherein they are, and by reason of the heat of the land.

The Hens and Goats, (which with them are sheepe) that they haue there, were brought them thither by the Portugalls of S. Thomas, the Hens prosper and encrease well there, and are so * 1.193 [ 20] fat with the Millie that groweth there, as if they were Capons; but they are commonly smaller then ours, the Egges which they lay are no greater then Pidgeons Egges. The Doues which * 1.194 they haue there, were also brought them thither by the Portugals, and are called Abranama, which is as much to say, as Birds brought thither vnto them by white men. They are very like to our Pidgeons, but their heads are lesse, like Sea-mewes, there is no great store off, them in the Countrey.

The Hogs also were brought them by the Portugals, and are called Ebbio; they are very little, * 1.195 but very sweet and pleasant to eate, but not so good as the Hogs in Mosambique, where the Hogs flesh is as daintie as Hens flesh: and because it is a very vnwholesome place, they giue their sicke men Hogs flesh to eate, in stead of Hens flesh: they haue also not long since gotten some [ 30] Geese out of a ship of Holland, which they call Apatta, which are there much esteemed off, be∣cause they are but few.

The Countrey is full of Monkies, of diuers formes, for some of them haue white beards, and * 1.196 blacke Mustachoes, with speckled skins, their bellies white, and vpon their backes they haue a broad Tawnie stroke, with blacke Pawes and a black Tayle, and by vs are called Board-men. There are some called white Noses, because no part of them is white but onely their Nose, there is a third sort, called Boertkens, those shun men very much, and stinke filthily, by nature they are very crafty: the fourth, are very like to the Iacken, which are found in the Graine Coast; there are also many Monkies of diuers other fashions, they take the Apes and Monkies with springes * 1.197 which hang vpon the trees, where into the Apes and Monkies leape, and are taken by the Ne∣gros. [ 40] Muske Cats are there in great abundance, the Portugals call them Cato degulia, which is Agalia Cats; the Negroes call them Kankan, those kind of Cats are also found in East India, and in Iaua, but they are not so good as those in Guinea; or of the golden Coast, they are there called Castory, those Cats are much esteemed of by the Portugals, whereby they reape great profit, spe∣cially by their Agaly or Muske, which they take from them, and make them cleane, and then * 1.198 it is put into glasses, and carried into Lisbon, it is a kind of beast much giuen to bite, and to eate flesh; because they giue them flesh (as Hens, Pidgeons, Goats, and other costly meats) to eate. They ease themselues in a place apart, and leaue it; and neuer lie in it; it is almost like a Foxe, but their tayles are like other Cats, their skins are speckled like a Leopards skin: the Negroes take many of them in the woods when they are yong, and so bring them vp: but because they [ 50] haue no skill there how to vse them, they sell them to strangers. The Male Cats are the best, and yeeld the most Agalia, by reason that the Females pisse in the cod wherein the Muske groweth, and pisse it out with their water; when you perceiue that they teare their bagge, you must take their Agalia from them, for they doe it to be rid of it: the wilder and worse they are to rule, so much the costlier and better their Agalia is.

There are Hares also in this Countrey, specially in a place called Akra, in forme like ours, and * 1.199 because that Countrey is low Sandy Ground, therefore they are found more there then in any other part of that Coast: when the Negroes will take them, they goe a great number of them together, to the place where the Hares are, euery one taking with him two or three cudgels of wood, as long as a mans arme, and there they compasse the field round about, and standing about [ 60] their holes, make such a noyse and crying, and clapping their stickes one vpon the other, that the Hares are so feared therewith, that they leape out of their holes, and are by them kild with those Cudgels, which they cast at them, and by that meanes get many of them. Harts and * 1.200 Hinds are sometimes found there also, but in some places more then others, they are of the same

fashion that ours are in the Low-countreyes, but they haue another kind of hornes then ours, they haue no expresse kind of Instruments to take them withall: but when they see them goe to the water to drinke, they strike them into the bodie with an Assagaie and kill them. Hun∣ting to take wild beasts is lawfull for any man to vse in those Countreys, if they can take them, without punishment for doing it: There are many other kinds of beasts of such seueral sorts, that a man cannot tell what to make them, but for that the Netherlanders that vse to Guinea, dare not goe farre into the Countrey to take wild beasts, least they should be taken and intrapped by the Portugals or their adherents, and made slaues all their liues long: therefore there are many wild beasts that are not knowne by vs, and which the Inhabitants themselues know not, nor can not tell by what names to call them. [ 10]

The Birds that are found there, are of diuers sorts, and are little birds like vnto ours; first, there are blew Parrots, whereof there are great store, which being yong, are taken out of their * 1.201 nests, and made tame, hauing not flowne abroad, they are better to teach, and to learne to speake; but they will not prate so much as the greene Brasilian Parrots doe. They haue also an other kind of greene Birds, as big as Sparrowes, like the Catalinkins of West India, but they cannot speake. Those Birds are called Asuront, and by our Netherlanders, called Parokites. They are * 1.202 taken with Nets, as you vse to take Sparrowes. They keepe much in low Land, where much Corne or Millie groweth; for they eate much thereof. Those Birds are very kind one to the o∣ther; for when you put a male and a female in a Cage, they will alwaies sit together without making any noyse. The female is of such a nature, that when she is coupled with the male, she [ 20] respecteth him much, and letteth him sit on the right hand, setting her selfe on the left hand; and when he goes to eate, shee followeth him; and so they liue together quietly, being almost of the nature of the Turtle-doues. They are of a very faire greene colour, with a spot of orange∣townie vpon their Noses.

There are another kind of Parokitan, which are much like them, being of the same nature and condition, but are of colour as red as bloud, with a spot of blacke vpon their Noses, and a black Taile, being somewhat greater then the Parokites. There are other Birds not much vnlike to Gold-finches, all their bodies being yellow, those Birds make not their Nests in the field, for feare of Snakes, and other venimous beasts; but make their nests very craftily vpon the bran∣ches of high trees, and there lay their egges to keepe themselues from venimous beasts. They [ 30] haue other small Birds, not much vnlike to hedge Sparrowes; but they keepe in the Fields a∣mong Corne, those Birds they thrust into their mouthes aliue, and eate them Feathers Bones and all: they haue store of Muschen, with many other kind of small Birds.

The haue a kind of Birds like Eagles, which haue heads like Turkle-cocks, those Birds are hurtfull, and very fierce, and doe much harme to the Negroes, whereby they are much troubled, * 1.203 and therefore they carry them meat vp to the hilles, and call them Pastro de Diago: which is the Birds of their god, and therefore they doe them no hurt, knowing well that they would reuenge themselues well enough: they lie alwayes in myre and durt, and stinke as ill as a prime, and you may smell them afarre off. They haue some water Snites, but not many. And Turtle-Doues, which haue a blacke stroke about their neckes like a crowne. There are many Phesants, [ 40] not much vnlike ours for fashion, but haue not such feathers, for they are speckled blacke and * 1.204 white, and without long tayles as ours haue, they are not of so good a taste as other common Hens are Peake-cockes also I haue soone there, not much vnlike our Peake-cockes; but there * 1.205 is some difference in the Feathers, for some of them are of other colours. Pittoirs I haue seene there, as I said before, which they esteeme for a great Fetisso, and a South-sayer. Cranes also there are many, and Kites also of the same fashion that our Holland Kites are. There is a kind of Birds also there, which are like Storkes, but they haue not so long red Bils, and make not such a noise. Speckled Crowes, and gray Sea-mewes are there in great abundance, with diuers other kinds * 1.206 of Birds, not much vnlike ours, but if you marke them well, there is difference betweene them, as some in their feathers, others in their Bils, the third in their feet, and the fourth in their [ 50] heads, so that there is some difference, although they resemble much; and because Birds are litle taken and shot in those Countreyes, for that they haue no kind of Instruments to doe it withall, there are great store in the Countrey, and by that meanes, both the beasts and the Birds waxe very bold. There are many Owles and Bats which flie by night, and store of great greene Frogs, * 1.207 and gray Grashoppers, and many great land Crabs, which keepe in the earth, and are of a purple colour, which they esteeme for a great present. When I went by night to walke in the fields, I saw things in the grasse that shine like firie coales, which I tooke vp and tied them in my hand∣kercher, which made it show with the light of the beast as if it had burnt: and when I went into the Towne to the Negroes, and shewed it them, they wondered thereat, and the next day [ 60] when I lookt on them, they were small blacke Flies, like Spanish Flies, but were as blacke as Pitch: Flies, Mothes, and Bees are there also to be seene. The Bees make their Hiues vp∣on trees. There are great store of blacke Ants, which make holes in the earth, like field Mice, those Ants doe much hurt to the Bees, and eate vp there Hony and Waxe.

Bannana, in Brasilia, Pacona; and the tree Paguouer, in Malabar, Patan, &c. is the fruite * 1.208 whereof Iohn Huyghen writeth, and calleth it Indian Figs, this tree hath no branches, the fruit groweth out of the tree, and hath leaues at least a fathome long, and three spannes broad. Those leaues among the Turkes are vsed for Paper, and in other places the Houses are couered there∣with, there is no wood vpon the tree, the out-side (wherewith the tree is couered when it be∣ginneth to waxe old) is like the middle part of a Siue, but opening it within, there is nothing but the leaues, which are rolled vp round and close together, it is as high as a man, on the top the leaues begin to spring out, and rise vp an end, and as the young leaues come forth the old wi∣ther away, and begin to drie vntill the tree comes to his growth, and the fruit to perfection: the leaues in the middle haue a very thicke veine, which diuideth it in two, and in the middle of [ 10] the leaues, out of the heart of the tree, there groweth a flowre as bigge as an Estridge Egge, of a russet colour, which in time waxeth long like the stalke of a Colewoort, whereon the Figges grow close one by the other, when they are still in their huskes, they are not much vnlike great Beanes, & so grow more and more vntill they be a span long, and foure thumbes broad like a Cu∣cumber, they are cut off before they are ripe, and are in that sort hanged vp in bunches, which oftentimes are as much as a man can carrie. It also yeeldeth good Trennuelis like Milke (when the tree is cut downe) which commeth out of the bodie thereof, hauing hanged three or foure dayes, they are through ripe, the tree beares but one bunch at a time, whereon there is at least one hundred Figges and more, and when they cut off the bunch of Figges, the tree also is cut downe to the ground, the root staying still in the Earth, which presently springeth vp againe, [ 20] and within a moneth hath his full growth, and all the yeare long no time excepted. The tree beareth fruit, the fruit is very delicate to eate, you must pull off the huske wherein the fruit lyeth, very delightfull to behold, the colour thereof is whitish and some-what yellow, when you bite it, it is soft, as if it were Meale and Butter mixed together, it is mellow in byting, it cooleth the maw, much thereof eaten maketh a man very loose and raw in the throate, it ma∣keth women lecherous if they eate much thereof. Some are of opinion, because it is so delicate a fruit, that it was the same tree that stood in Paradise, whereof God forbad Adam and Eue to eate. It smels like Roses, and hath a very good smell, but the taste is better. The Portugals will not cut it through with a Knife, but breake it, by reason of a speciall obseruation which they haue in the cutting thereof, which is, that then it sheweth like a crosse in the middle of [ 30] the fruit, and therefore they thinke it not good to cut it.

The Bachouens (by vs so called) are very like the Bannanas, for the condition and forme is * 1.209 all one, only that the fruit is smaller, shorter, white of colour within and sweeter of taste, and is esteemed to be wholsomer to be eaten then the Bannanas, but there is no such great quantitie of them, and for that they were first brought out of the Kingdome of Congo, into other Coun∣tries, they haue gotten the name thereof.

The Annanas is also a delicate and pleasant fruit for smell, and of the best taste that any fruit * 1.210 can be, it hath also diuers seuerall names, there are two sorts, the Male and the Female, the Ca∣narians call it, Ananasa; the Brasilians, Nana; those of Hispaniola, Iaiama, and the Spaniards in Brasilia, Pinas, because one of them found that and the Pinas first in Brasilia, it is as great as a [ 40] Mellon, faire of colour, some-what yellow, greene and carnation, when it begins to bee ripe, the greenenesse thereof turneth into an Orange colour, it is of a pleasant taste, and hath a fine smell like an Apricocke, so that it is to be smelt farre off, when you see the fruit afarre off, being greene, it shewes like Artichokes, and is eaten with Wine, it is light of disgesture, but eating much thereof it inflameth a mans bodie. In Brasilia there is three forts thereof, each hauing a seuerall name: first, Iaiama, the second, Boniama; the third, Iaiagma: but in Guinea there is but one sort. The time where they are in their flowre is in Lent, for then they are best, it growes halfe a fathome about the ground, the leaues thereof are not much vnlike Semper Viuum, when they are eaten, they are cut in round f••ices, and sopt in Spanish wine; you cannot eate enough thereof, it is verie hot of nature, and will grow in moist ground, the sops that you take out of the Wine tastes like sweet Muske, and if you doe not presently wipe the Knife wherewith [ 50] you cut the fruit, but forgetting it let it lye halfe an houre, it will bee eaten in, as if there had beene strong water laid vpon it, being eaten in abundance and without knowledge, it causeth great sicknesse.

There are great store of Iniamus growing in Guinea, in great fields, which are sowed and * 1.211 planted like Turnips, the root is the Iniamus, and groweth in the Earth like Earth-nuts, those Iniamus are as great as a yellow root, but thicker and fuller of knots, they are of a Mouse-co∣lour, and within as white as a Turnip, but not so sweet, being put in a Kettle and sodden with flesh, and then peeled and eaten with Oyle and Pepper, they are a very delicate meate, in ma∣ny places it is vsed for bread, and is the greatest meate that the Negroes eate.

The Battatas are somewhat redder of colour, and in forme almost like Iniamus, and taste * 1.212 [ 60] like Earth-nuts, those two kinds of fruit are very abundant in Guinea, they are commonly rosted, or else eaten with a hodge-pot in stead of Parsenips or Turnips.

The Palme-wine tree is almost like the Cocos tree, or a Lantor, with diuers others, and are * 1.213

of three or foure sorts, most of them haue all one kind of leafe, but in manner of wood they are vnlike, for this tree is shorter of wood then the rest, the Wine is drawne out of those trees by boring them, from whence there issueth a sap like Milke, which is very coole and fresh to drinke, at the first when it is drawne, it is pleasant and sweet, hauing stood a while, it is as sowre as Vineger, so that you may vse it in a Sallet, but being drunke sweet and fresh, it causeth a man to void vrine well, whereby in those Countries, there are very few found, that haue the disease of the Stone; drinking much thereof a mans head will soone be light, the lightnesse which a man hath in his head thereby, causeth it not to ake. When it commeth first out of the tree it is sweeter of taste, then when it hath stood awhile, but yet it is esteemed to bee better when it hath stood awhile, and is some-what setled, then presently to bee drunke, for it standeth see∣thing [ 10] and bubling, as if it hung ouer the fire and sod, so that if it were put into a Glasse and stopt vp, without letting any ayre come into it, the force thereof would breake the Glasse in pieces, but being a meale tyde olde, it is nothing worth, because it is so sowre, and then it is of another colour verie waterish, therefore it is much mixed with water, and seldome comes pure to the Market, as it is taken out of the tree, which is done partly to increase their Wine, as al∣so that then it is the sweeter to drinke, and hath the taste of Syder, and the colour of Must, when the tree is old, and will yeeld no more Wine at the top, it is cut downe at the foot, and a fire made at the root thereof, where they set a pot, whereinto the Wine (by meanes of the heate) runneth, the tree beeing changed, and yeelding no more profit, there groweth another tree out of the roote thereof, but it is halfe a yeare old before it giueth any Wine. In the mor∣ning [ 20] betimes an houre before day, the Wine is drawne out and brought to the Market at noone∣time.

The Palmitas tree is not much to be seene in Guinea, but for that a Negro in that Countrey shewed me some of the fruit thereof, I thought good to say something of it in this place, it is * 1.214 a tree without branches, on the top of the tree the fruit groweth, and it is almost like the An∣nanas when it is ripe. It is outwardly of a faire gold colour, and within it hath graines like Pomegranates, they are of a very sweet taste, the other is hard and vnfit to eate.

§. VII. [ 30]

Of their Gentlemen, and how they are made; Their Dancings, Sports, Diseases, Cures, Visitations, Mournings, Funerals: and of their Gold.

THere are many Gentlemen in that Countrey, but of small meanes, for assoone as they * 1.215 haue bought their Gentilitie, they are then poorer, and in miserable estate then they were before, and for that they thinke to be men of great account when they are Gen∣tlemen, they seeke much after it, and begin to gather some wealth from their youths [ 40] vpwards to obtayne the place of a Gentleman. First, they giue three gifts to be made a Gen∣tleman, the first gift is a Dogge, which they call Cabro de Matto, which is as much to say, as a Field-sheepe. The second Gift, is a Sheepe or a Goat. The third Gift, is a Cow, with many o∣ther things, and then he is made a Gentleman. These Gifts are giuen among those that are * 1.216 Gentlemen, and are giuen the one now, the other at another time, as the man that is made a Gentleman can best doe it, and hath the meanes to performe it, and then hee makes the Cap∣taine acquainted with it, which done, he buyeth a Cow, which is carryed and tyed in the Mar∣ket place, and then it is made knowne to the people, that such a man shall bee made a Gentle∣man at such a time, in the meane time all those that are Gentlemen make themselues as fine as * 1.217 they can to goe with him, and to fight and shew many Apish Toyes. The man that is to bee made a Gentleman, makes all things readie, as meate and drinke to entertayne his Guests, [ 50] and to bid them welcome in good sort, he buyeth Hens and many pots of Palme-wine, and sen∣deth euery Gentleman a Hen and a pot of Palme-wine home to his House, to make merrie withall.

When the Feast day comes, the Inhabitants assemble together vpon the Market place, the men (as he masters) goe and sit on the one side, hauing many Instruments, as Drums, Hornes, Bels, and other things with them. The Captaine armeth himselfe, and with him hath many young Batchelors with Shields and Assagaies, their faces being coloured and their bodies pain∣ted with red and yellow Earth, which makes them looke like a company of yong Deuils. The man that is made a Gentleman is accompanied with a number of other Gentlemen, hauing a [ 60] Boy behind him which carryeth his stoole to sit vpon when hee goes to speake with any man, and his fellow Gentlemen come to salute him, and wish him good fortune in his new estate, at which time they take a great deale of straw in the one hand, and lay it vnder his feet, which he treadeth vpon (the like also they vse when their owne friends come to visit them, and bring

them any Presents, which they vse for a great honour.) The wiues of the Gentlemen goe to her, to doe all the honour they can to the wife of the Gentleman that maketh the Feast, and dresse her finely, folding her haire with many golden Fetissos, and Crosses, putting about her necke a Ring of gold, and in the one hand shee carrieth a Horse-taile, and on her right arme shee hath a Ring of gold, at each end thereof hauing a round thing like the Lid of a Pot, all made of gold; and being readie, they are placed in order, as their manner is, one after the other; then the Cow is led forth, and then all the Gentlemen in the Towne come and follow them, as it were on Procession, dancing and leaping round about the Towne, and when they come againe into the Market-place, the Cow is bound to a stake, and there they make a great noise with Drummes and Pipes, and the young Bachelors with fencing and leaping, with their Shields and Assagaies, now in one place, then in another, making, as they thinke, great ioy about the [ 10] Gentleman; euery man seeking to excell each other, and to get most praise and commen∣dation.

The women also make no lesse adoe with singing and dancing, sometimes carrying both the Gentleman and his wife, vpon a stoole, round about the Towne, casting white Meale in their faces, and in that sort make great pastime three dayes together, and euery night they are led home to their houses, and watcht by the other Gentlemen. The next day he is fetcht by a great number of people, and great honour done vnto him as before; at which time hee hangs a white Flag out of his house, which doth signifie ioy, or open house. The third day, the Cow is killed by the Executioner, and quartered, and euery man hath a piece of the flesh thereof, that they also may be participants of the Feast: but the man and the woman that maketh the Feast, [ 20] may not eate of the Cow; for they make them beleeue, that if they eate any thereof, they shall die within a yeere after. The Feast day being ended, the head of the Cow is carried home to his house, which he hangeth vp, and painteth it with diuers colours, hanging many straw Fe∣tissoes vpon it, which is a signe of his Gentilitie, and a warrant to proue him to be made a Gen∣tleman.

Then he hath great priuiledge, for he may buy Slaues, and doe other things which before he * 1.218 might not haue done. When he is made a Gentleman he is very proud thereof; for, the first thing that they will tell vnto a Stranger, is, that they are Gentlemen, and that they haue many Slaues, esteeming themselues to be great Masters; but it falleth out oftentimes, that after their feasting is done, and he made a Gentleman, that then hee is poorer then he was before, because [ 30] he disbursed all his money to get it, and then he must goe out to fish againe and doe other things, if he will get his liuing. This kind of Gentilitie costs him about eight Bendas, which is a pound of gold; but deducting that which is giuen for Presents of other men which bring them to him, each man according to his meanes and abilitie, it standeth him not in aboue halfe a pound of gold. Those Gentlemen haue a Fellowship among them, and euery yeere make a Feast, and then bid their Friends to be merrie with them, and make good cheere; at which time they hang their * 1.219 Cowes or Sheepes heads, with Millie strawes, and paint them with white colour, signifying thereby the remembrance of their Feast. Besides this, the Gentlemen haue an other Feast a∣mongst them, vpon the sixth day of Iuly, at which time they paint their bodies with white and red stripes, and hang a Garland made of greene boughs and straw about their necks, which they [ 40] weare all that day, that you may know the Gentlemen from the rest, and then also they hang their Cowes and Goats heads full of Fetissoes, as before; in the euening they meet together at a Banket, in the house of the Captaine, where they are very merrie together, eating and drin∣king their heads and bellies full, till they are drunke.

They make themselues very fine, especially the women, when they goe to dance, wherein * 1.220 they take a great pride. They hang many Copper, Tin, and Iuorie Rings about their armes, and on their legs they put Rings with many Bells, that they may sound when they dance. Their heads are frizled, and dressed with a tuft of haire. They wash their bodies faire with water, and then anoint them with Palme-oile, to make them shine. Their teeth also they rub with a hard sticke: then they put a piece of white linnen about their bodies, which hangs from vnderneath [ 50] their breasts, downe below their knees; and commonly about euening they assemble together, and goe to the Market-place to dance there. Others haue instruments whereon they play, as some Copper Basons, whereon they strike with woodden Stickes. Others haue woodden Drums, cut out of an hollow Tree, couered ouer with a Goats Skin, and play vpon them. O∣thers haue round Blockes, cut very handsomly and euenly, whereon also they strike with wood∣den Stickes. Others haue Cow-bells. Some haue small Luits, made out of a piece of wood like a Harpe with sixe strings of Reeds, whereon they play with both their hands, euery one hauing their seuerall Instruments, and each keeping good correspondence with their fellowes Instruments. Others sing, and begin to dance two and two together, leaping and stamping with one of their feet vpon the ground, knocking with their fingers, and bowing downe their heads, [ 60] and speaking each to other; in their hands carrying Horse-tailes, which they cast sometimes on the one shoulder, then vpon the other, vsing certaine order in their sports, one following the other, and each doing as the other doth. Other women take straw, which they let fall to the

ground, and then dancing vpon it, cast it vp againe into the aire with their feet, and catch it as it fa••••eth with their hands, so that they play many apish and childrens sports, thinking that they doe excellent well; but they desire not to be seene by strangers, because they laugh and iest at them, and then they are ashamed.

This continuing an houre or an houre and an halfe, euery one goes home againe, as hauing en∣ded * 1.221 their sports. There are houses also among them, wherein young men and maids vse to dance and play. The young Bachelors vse to drinke themselues drunke, and by night runne through the streets with their Armes and Assagaies, making a great noise with crying and showting, as if a companie of young Deuils ran about the streets; and meeting with other companies, with whom hauing some words, they fight together; wherein they are so earnest one against the other, that they are almost readie to kill each other, and many times cannot leaue off. They [ 10] will not lightly beginne to quarrell, for they are not so hastie, but will indure much, specially of strangers, before they will quarrell; but if they once beginne, they are not easily pacified, but are very earnest and hastie to set vpon their aduerse Parties, and to be reuenged, though it should cost them their liues, and they haue very quicke hands to thrust and to strike.

Their bodies are subiect to many sicknesses and diseases, which they esteeme but little, and * 1.222 make no account of wounds or hurts. The sicknesses wherewith they are most troubled, are Poxe, Clap-dollars, Botches, Wormes, paine in the head, and burning Feuers. These diseases they get from foule and filthie women, whereunto they are much addicted, and although they haue any diseases by such meanes, which are not without much danger, yet they esteeme not much of them, but passe them away as if they ayled nothing, and are not faint-hearted, but of [ 20] a hard complexion, suffering their wounds to swell and putrifie, without any meanes of reme∣die applied thereunto; for they neither haue nor vse any Physicke among them, to ease them in their sicknesse, nor Surgeons or Physicians to heale their wounds, but suffer their wounds and diseases to haue their course, vnlesse any of our Surgeons giue them any Physicke or Surgerie, For the Pox and Clap-dollers they vse much Salsaparillia, which the Hollanders ships bring them; which Salue they seethe with salt water, and drinke the water for drinke against the Pox, and such like diseases, and also against the Wormes that are in their legs, (as I will declare * 1.223 more at large) wherewith also we are much troubled, whereunto they vse no remedie at all, but suffer their legs to continue so, vntill they heale and waxe better of themselues. For the [ 30] paine of the head they vse certaine Pap, which they make of greene leaues, and therewith anoint the place where their paine is; and if they haue any swelling about their bodies, which breaketh not out, then they take a knife and cut two or three long slashes therein, and so giue the * 1.224 wound a meanes to worke, and to heale vp, and grow together againe; which is the cause that they haue so much knobd flesh, and so many slashes in their bodies: but is well to be discerned, whether they be cut and made in their flesh to beautifie and set out themselues, or wounds and sores that are healed vp againe. They also vse no letting of bloud, but onely make a hole in their bodies with a knife to let their bloud come out: when they haue any other naturall sicknesses, they will not helpe nor comfort one the other; but if any of them be sicke, they will shun him as it were the plague, and spurne the sicke man like a Dog, and not once helpe him with a drop of Oyle or Water, although they haue neuer so much need; no, not the Father to the Sonne, [ 40] but let them lie like Beasts; and die with hunger and sicknesse; so that they are not skilfull to helpe sicke persons.

They make difference betweene the word Morian and Negro, for they will not bee called Morians, but Negroes or Prettoes, (which is as much to say) as Blacke men; for they say that * 1.225 Morian is as much to say, as Slaue or Captiue, and also a man that knowes nothing, or that is halfe a Foole; and therefore they will not be called Morians, but Negroes or Prettoes; for if you call them Morians, they will hardly speake vnto you, nor make you any answere. They make one the other Slaues, but in other sort then in Congo or Angola, for there you can lade no ships full of Slaues; but to the contrarie, they desire much to haue them, and buy them: yet there are both Slaues and Captiues; and for that in those Countries they take no great paines, nor [ 50] need any great number of Slaues, therefore there is no great quantitie of them to be had, to sell them as they doe in other Countries, but onely among them of the Land, that haue need of them. Againe, no man may buy or sell them, but such as are of great account and Gentlemen. They are marked with an Iron in their bodies, that if they chance to runne away, they may be knowne againe by their markes.

Such as are blind, or haue any other imperfections in their bodies, as being lame or Criples, and by reason thereof cannot get their liuings, the King placeth them with Smiths, to blowe their Bellows; others with those that presse Palme-oyle, or grind Colours, whereunto such de∣formed [ 60] persons are fit; or to such Occupations and labours wherewith they can helpe them∣selues, and get their victuals; so that there you see none such as begge their victuals, but they are put in some place or other to earne their meate; so that the Inhabitants giue no meate one to the other. The Kings of the Townes haue many Slaues, which they buy and sell, and get much by them; and to be briefe, in those Countries there are no men to be hired to worke or

goe of any errand for money, but such as are Slaues and Captiues, which are to spend their dayes in slauerie.

Hatred and enuy is much vsed in those Countries, and to whomsoeuer they once beare hatred and enuie, they will hate them cruelly, and doe them all the hurt and villany that they can; on the other side, they beare a villany long in their minds, and will keepe malice in their hearts seuen or eight yeeres, and when time serueth them, then show it openly; no lesse hatred and en∣uy is borne by one Towne vnto an other, speaking all the villany they can, and extolling themselues as much as they may, to haue the honour of Traffique, and to the end that the ship should come and Anchor before their Townes, and by that meanes to bring the Countrie Mer∣chants to Traffique there, wherein they are very diligent: and although one Towne lyeth but three or foure miles one from the other; yet they are as enuious one against the other as possi∣ble [ 10] they can be, and report as hardly of their neighbours as they can imagine; that so they may get the Netherlanders to Traffique with them: and to that end, they striue to shew more friend∣ship to the Netherlanders, one then the other, to draw vs to affect them, and bring the trade of Merchandize vnto them.

The men commonly liue there till they be old, as it seemeth by their faces and outward appa∣rance, * 1.226 and as we conceaue; but they cannot reckon their owne ages, nor tell how many yeeres they haue liued. When they begin to be old, then they are not well proportioned nor seeme∣ly; but looke euill fauouredly, with gray beards, yellow wrinckled skins, like Spanish Leather, which proceedeth of the anointing of their bodies with PalmeO-yle. They are likewise leane [ 20] of Legs and Armes, and wholly mishapen, specially olde women, with their long breasts, which then shew and hang vpon their bodies like old Hogs bladders, they would not willingly be old; because as then they are not esteemed of, but much despised, and not respected, and as from their youths vpwards, to the best time of their liues, they still waxe of a fairer blacke colour, so when they are past that time, they begin to decay, and to lose their perfect blacknesse.

In their winter time, they are very sickly, & then commonly there is a great mortalitie among them, by meanes of the vnwholesomenesse of the aire, which they then endure: and when they * 1.227 die, their friends come to the dead mans house, and weepe and sorrow grieuously for him, spea∣king vnto him, & asking him why he died, with many such like foolish Ceremonies, They take the dead body and lay it on a mat vpon the ground, & wind it in in a woollen, purposely made in [ 30] that Countrey, of colour red, blew, blacke and white. Vnder his head they lay a woodden stoole, and couer or dresse his head with a Goats skin, and strew all the body ouer with ashes, and dust of Barkes of trees; they close not his eyes together, they lay his armes downe by his sides, and so let him lie halfe a day in the aire. If it be a man, his best beloued wife goes and sits downe by the body, and if it be a woman, the man goes and sits downe by her, crying and weeping, ha∣uing in their hands a wispe of straw, or of Barkes of trees, wherewith crying and howling ouer the dead body, he or she wipeth his face, sometimes saying vnto it, Auzy, and making a great noyse; in the meane time, the friends or neighbours come to visite the dead, and to mone him for his misfortune, others (as the neerest friends) being women, goe round about the house, singing and beating vpon Basons, sometimes comming to the dead body, and goe round about [ 40] him singing and leaping, and kincking of hands, making a great noyse, and then againe goe round about the house singing and playing vpon Basons, which they doe twice or thrice one af∣ter the other.

In the meane time, preparation is made for the buriall, and to make good cheere together, af∣ter it is ended; to the which end, they dresse certaine Hens, and a Sheepe, and other meats which * 1.228 they are accustomed to eate, and while the dead bodie is aboue the ground, the eldest Morinni of that quarter, goes about from house to house with a Bason, whereon euery one must put the value of twelue pence in gold, with the which money they buy a Cow, which Cow is giuen to a Fetissero that vseth to coniure their gods, to will him to coniure the Fetisso, to suffer the dead body to remaine and rest in peace, and to bring him into the other world, and not to mo∣lest [ 50] him in the way, with this Cowes blood hee coniureth his Fetisso; (for a dead man must smeare his Fetisso with blood) then they bind the dead body vpon a planke, and carry him to the graue singing and leaping: the bodie is carried by men, and the women follow after one by one, about their heads hauing a Crowne or Garland of straw, and a staffe in their hands: the man, if it be a woman, goes next to the dead body crying to the graue, else there goes no man after it, vnlesse the dead body chanceth to be borne to another place to be buried; as sometimes it hapneth that they carry the dead body twenty miles off, from the place where he died, to be buried there: and then many men go armed with the body, to conuey it to the buriall: the body is carried to the earth, & the graue-maker maketh a graue about foure foot deepe, and therein he is laid; ouer the graue there are many stickes of wood aid, close one by the other: the women [ 60] creepe to and fro ouer the graue, making a great noyse, with howling and crying, and ouer that, they lay the earth, and place it, and bind it about the same, as if it were a Chest: all his goods, as Apparell, Weapons, Pots, Basons, Tooles, Spades, and such Houshold-stuffe, wherewith he earned

his liuing, are carried to the graue, and buried with him, which are set round about the graue, to serue his turne withall in the other world, as they did when he liued vpon the earth; o∣ther of the dead mans friends, bring some thing also to set in the graue for a memory, which is put into the graue with the rest of his goods. If he were one that delighted much in drinking, & loued Palme well when he liued: they will set a pot of Palme-wine by him in his graue, because hee should not die for thirst, and what in his life he vsed, that is giuen him, and buried in his graue with him. If it be a woman that died in trauell of her child, the child is laid in the mothers right arme, and buried with her; aboue vpon the graue, there is a straw house made like a Sepul∣chre, wherein all the houshold-stuffe and other things are set. The graue-makers fee, is to haue halfe the goods that are set into the graue, but the friends of the dead content him, and he is paid [ 10] for it; because they should let the goods stand still vntoucht: for it is a great credit to the friends of the dead to leaue good store of goods vpon the graue with the dead body; which they let stand there so long, till it be cleane consumed, and none of them will euer offer to take any of it away by any meanes whatsoeuer. The body being buried, they goe altogether to the Sea-side, or * 1.229 to some other Riuer, where the women goe in, & stand vp to their middles in waters, and taking vp water in their hands, cast it in their owne faces, and vpon their bodies, and wash their breasts, and all their bodies. Other women in the meane time play vpon Basons, and such like instru∣ments, one of those women take the man or woman, whose husband or wife is dead, and lea∣ding them into the water, laid them therein flat vpon their backes, and take them vp againe; which they doe diuers times, speaking one vnto the other, and making great complaints. When [ 20] he or she is well and cleane washt from the head to the foot, she leadeth them out of the water againe, and puts their clothes vpon their bodies again, & then they go together to the dead mans house to make good cheere, and to drink themselues drunk. If it be a man that died that had chil∣dren, the women must not retaine nor keepe any of his goods for the behoofe of the children: but must giue all the mans goods (both that which he had to his marriage, and which he got by his labour while he liued) vnto his Brethren, if he hath any liuing, and must not keepe any thing from them. If he hath no brethren, then the father if he be liuing, taketh all his sonnes goods, and inioyeth it. If it be a woman that dieth, then the husband must deliuer her marriage goods to her brethren, as aforesaid, without keeping any thing thereof for his children, so that no chil∣dren in those Countreyes inherite their Fathers good, neither are they their Fathers heires: No more; may the wife inherite any of her husbands goods, but it is all diuided among his bre∣thren; [ 30] but while their wiues liue, they giue her what they thinke good of that which they gaine, so yong maids and men must endeuour themselues to get some thing in their youths, that they may haue some thing when they marry and keepe houses.

For the Kings death, more sorrow is made by some of the Gentlemen, who in the Kings life serued him: when he is dead, giue him a slaue to serue him, & other men one of their wiues to wait * 1.230 on him, and to dresse his meat: others bring one of their sonnes to goe with the King into the o∣ther world; so that there are a number of people that are appointed to goe with the King to the other world: which are killed, and their heads cut off, but they know nothing thereof, for such men and women as giue them to the King when he is dead; tell not them that they shall be put to death, to goe into the other world with the King; but when the time comes, that the buri∣all [ 40] is to be solemnised, they send them on some message, or to fetch water, and so following them, strike them through the body with an Assagaie, and kill them in the way: which done, they carry the dead body to the Kings house, whereby they shew what faithfull seruants they were vnto their King while he liued: others also doe the like, and those dead bodies are smeared with blood, and buried with the King in his graue, that they may trauell together. If any of his wiues loued him intirely, they suffer themselues to be kild with the rest, and are buried with him, that they may raigne together in the other world. The heads of the dead men and women, are set round about the Sepulchre and graue of the King, for a great brauerie and honour vnto him. Vpon the graue they set all kinds of meat and drinke, that they may eate some thing, and verily beleeue that they eate and drinke it, and that they liue thereby, [ 50] and for that cause the pots of Palme-wine, and of water, are continually fild vp: all his stuffe, as Armes and Clothes are buried with him, and all his Gentlemen that serued him, haue euery one of them their Pictures made of Clay, after the life, and fairely painted, which are set and placed orderly round about his graue, one by the other so that their Kings Sepulchers are like houses, and as well stu••t as if they still liued: which Sepulchres are so much esteemed off, that they are watcht both by night and by day, by armed men: to the end, that if he desireth to haue any thing, they should straight bring it him.

Gold at this day is as much esteemed off by them, as it is with vs, (of whom they say, Gold, * 1.231 is our God) and more too, for they are greedier and earnester to haue it then we are, because they [ 60] marke and see that the Hollanders take so much paines for it, and giue more Merchandise for it in Exchange, then euer the Portugals did.

For I am of an opinion, that there are few Negroes that dwell on the Sea side, that know where the Mines are, or that euer saw them, also there was neuer any Portugall or Netherlan∣der

at them, or neere them, but the Mines are well kept, and lookt vnto by the owners thereof; so I haue heard by some Negroes, that each King hath his Mines, and causeth the gold to be digged by his men, and selleth it to other Merchants, and so it passeth from one to a∣nother.

In what manner the gold is found in Guinea, I know not, but as some Negroes haue told me, they finde gold in deepe pits, which they digge vp, and that with the water it is driuen downe like Sand, at which waters and running springs, many people sit with spoones in their hands, and take vp the gold, sand and all, and put it into a Bason.

Some peeces are couered ouer with Chalke, and Earth, wherein they are found, the small gold, which is found in the Sand, they purge and make cleane in cleare running water, but yet they [ 10] let some Sand and Grauell remaine among it, it is found in no great quantities, (as they themselues say) but with great paine and labour, for it costs many men their liues, which are smothered in the Mines; and a man that can find two or three Englishen of gold in a day, hath done well, and hath earned a good dayes hire. The halfe which is found is the labourers, and the other halfe is for the King, or for him that oweth the Mine; This I haue beene told by some of the Negroes. Gold by them is called Chika, and some great Merchants that dwell a∣bout the Maine, bring the gold aboord the ships to buy wares, as it comes out of the Mine, and that is esteemed to be the best gold, wherein there is left deceit, but the receiuer must looke well to it, to blow the sand cleane out of it, and to beat the yeallow earth with the stones out of it, with a hammer, and so he cannot lose by it? neuerthelesse, the gold that is brought [ 20] rough out of the Mine, is esteemed to be better and richer, and more worth in euery Marke then the other.

It falleth out oftentimes, that some gold is more worth then others, which hapneth by meanes of the receiuers negligence, and many times as the Mines of gold fall out; for some of them are finer gold then others: and also the deeper that the Mines are digged, the gold falls out to be worse, and is more mixed with siluer, euen in the earth it selfe, then the gold that heth higher in the earth.

Besides this, meane Merchants bring much molten gold, as Crakawen, arme Rings, Iewels, * 1.232 and other things, wherein there is most falshood vsed: for such Negroes as haue but small meanes to Traffique with vs, are more vsed and addicted to the falsifying of gold, then others [ 30] are, wherein they vse great subtiltie, but we our selues are oftentimes the cause thereof; for we bring and sell them the matter, and the Instruments which they vse therein; and so deceiue our selues, and make a rod for our owne breeches: but they were wont to falsifie it more then now. For the Portugals hanged vp some for it. They haue good knowledge in Gold, and can soone per∣ceiue whether it be good or falsified; but of other Iewels, as Pearles, Diamonds, Rubies, Emralds, and such like precious stones, they haue no knowledge; but they know fine red Corals wel, which are much esteemed off by them.

Siluer also is well, and too much knowne among them; because they vse it to falsifie Gold withall, and to make it of lesse value then it is. They learned of the Portugals to melt gold. They also haue found the meanes to put an edge of gold round about siluer, and Red Copper [ 40] mixed together, letting the false mettle remaine in the middle of the peece, and so when hee that receiueth it, is in haste, and toucheth it but on the edge thereof, (where it is not falsified) with his Touch-stone, it passeth for good: but such must bee cut in sunder with a hammer, and then the falsifying is perceiued, and when they could find no meanes to falsifie the small fine Chika Foetu Gold, so that the receiuers had no suspition thereof, and tooke the lesse heed there vnto, wee our selues brought them tooles to doe it withall: for wee brought them Files, and Sawes to sell, so that they filed the yellow Copper, and mingled it among the smal gold, that it could hardly be perceiued: because it was no smal, which was the subtillest falsi∣fying of gold by them vsed, but when we blew the sand & dust out of it, then the Copper shewed it selfe, whereby it appeareth that the Negroes haue many wayes and deuises to falsifie gold, but such as looke narrowly vnto them, will not be deceiued: but to trie their falsifyings, the [ 50] best way is to touch their gold, and to be warie of deceit, and of receiuing bad gold. An other way is to looke speedily vnto the Negroes themselues; To see if they haue bad gold or not, for when they bring bad gold, they will be in great feare, with your handling thereof, and when you offer to trie their gold, they will refuse it, and alter their colours, and shake and quiuer withall.

The wormes in the legges and bodies, trouble not euery one that goeth to those Coun∣treyes, * 1.233 but some are troubled with them, and some not, and they are found in some men sooner then in others, some haue a worme before the Voyage is done, and while they are still vpon the Coast, some get them while they are vpon the way, others haue them after their Voy∣age is full ended, some foure moneths after, some nine moneths after, and some a yeere after they [ 60] haue made a Voyage thither: others haue made two or three Voyages thither, and neuer were troubled with those wormes.

The Negroes themselues are much troubled with them, specially those that dwel about the castle of Mina, and it is a thing to be wondered at, for the Negroes that dwel but 25. miles lower East∣ward, are not troubled with wormes as their neighbors are. And another * 1.234 (whereof Iohn Huyghen speaketh in his Itiner ario) are troubled therewith, for the Ilands of East India, West India, China, Brasilia, and other strange Countries are not troubled therwith, nor know not thereof, and which is more; They of the Iland of Saint Thomas, which men esteeme to be the vnwholesomest place in the world; and wherein so many men are sicke, and lose their liues, know not what those wormes meane, but wondred much thereat, when it was shewed them of such as had beene with the Hollanders in Guinea. The Negroes themselues knew not whereof they are ingendred, but the greatest presumption is, that they proceed and breed of the water which men buy of [ 10] the Negroes, which they take out of Wels or Pits, and it is very likely (as we find by the ex∣perience) that they breed of the water; for in Ormus, or in those parts, the fresh water is fetcht vp in pots by diuers, eighteene fathome deepe vnder the salt water, which those people drinke, because they are there also troubled with wormes, and as some men write: the Indians themselues say, that they come of the water. Such as haue them are in great paine, for some of them can neither goe nor stand; some neither sit nor lie, others lie wholy in dispaire, as if they were sence∣lesse, and somtimes are faine to be bound; some haue them with a feuer, or shaking, as if they had a feuer; some get them on a sudden, others haue them before they know it, and haue little paine therewith; so that the wormes shew themselues diuers wayes: they appeare with a lit∣tle Blain, others with a spot like a Flea-biting, others with a litle swelling; so that you may often [ 20] see the worme betweene the skin and the flesh, others shew themselues with bloody vains, &c. It must shew it selfe before men vse any remedie for it: neuerthelesse, it sheweth it selfe many times too much, and too soon, for it were better that it came not so soon, nor appeared at all, but suffered men to be at ease, it will seeke to helpe itselfe, and thrust out his nose, which a man must then take hold on, least he creepe in againe: he sheweth himselfe in diuers places, as in a mans legges, in the sole of the foot, in the armes, knees, buttocks, and commonly in places of a mans bodie, where there is much flesh; and some men haue them in their priuie members, and which is more, in their cods, with great griefe and paine: for those that haue them there, indure extreme paine. But it is true, that one man hath lesse paine with them then another, and shal also be sooner healed of them then another: which commeth by the handling or dealing with them, [ 30] for it is very good, when a man findeth himselfe to be troubled with them, to be quiet, specially being in his legs, and not go much, and to keepe the place warme where they begin to appeare; for thereby they shall indure lesse paine, for they come better out of a mans flesh with warmth, then with cold and disease. For some men haue little respected themselues when they haue had the wormes, so that they appeared with a great swelling, whereby they indured much paine, and were in hazard to loose their legges or their armes. When it comes foorth so farre, that a man may lay hold on it, then they must draw him out till hee stayeth, and then hee must let it rest till hee beginneth to come forward againe; and as much thereof as is come out of the bodie, must bee woond vpon a sticke, or bound close to the hoole, with a thrid that hee creepeth not in againe. When hee commeth out [ 40] euery time, he bringeth good store of matter with him, and a man must euery day looke vnto it, and draw him so long, till he be out, but you must not draw him too hard, least he should breake, so that by reason of the poyson that is in him, the wound will fester: It hapneth oftentimes, that after there is one worme drawne out of a mans body, that there commeth another in the same place, & hath his issue out at the same hole. Some men are soner rid of them then another, for some are eased in three weeks and lesse time, and some are three months in healing of them, some men haue more wormes then others, for some haue but one worme, and others ten or twelue, as I my self knew one that had ten wormes, hanging out at his body all at one time; and I haue known men that had wormes that began to open themselues, and crept in againe, and consumed away, so that they had no more trouble therewith but the next Voyage after. They are of diuers lengths, [ 50] and greatnesse, some are of a fathome long, some shorter, as it fals out; in thicknesse they differ much, some are as thicke as great Lute-strings, and like common peare wormes, others like small Lute-strings, and some as small as silke or fine thred, some say that they are not liuing, and that they are but bad sinowes and no wormes. I haue not long since seene a man that had certaine wormes which shewed themselues, and the Surgeon drew a worme out with one pull, and the worme being drawne out, and held vp on high, wrung and writhed it selfe, as if it had beene an Eele, and was about fiue quarters long, and as thicke as a Lute-string, if it were but a sinow, it would haue no life in it, and therefore they are naturall wormes. The Negroes vse no kind of Surgerie for them, but suffer them to haue their course, and wash the sore with Salt-water, which they say is very good for it. [ 60]

Note that our returne backe from Moure, we vse to put off from that place, from whence you must set sayle with a wind from the land, and hold your course as neere by as you can, losing no wind, and yet you shall hardly get aboue S. Thomas, or Rio de Gabom, because of the ••••reame which driueth you East & by North, & East North-east towards the land. To the Bouthes of

Fernando Poo, which you must beware off, for he that falleth into that Bouthe, will hardly get out, because of the streame, and is in danger to be cast away in that place, or else he must haue some stormes or winds out of the North, and so come out Southward, otherwise it is hardly to be done; for there are some, who hauing had the wind a little contrary, were sixe or seuen weekes before they could get to Cape Lope Gonselues. Heere you must note, that the neerer you come to the Equinoctiall line, the wind bloweth the more Southerly, so that as you passe vnder the line, the wind bloweth South, and South and by East, and somewhat higher, you must also note, when you see great flying Fishes, that you are not farre from Saint Thomas, or aboue Ile De Principe.

§. VIII. [ 10]

The passage from the golden Coast to the Kingdome of Benni, or Rio de Benni, and Rio Floreado: The Citie, Court, Gentry, Apparell: also other places adioyning, described.

FOR that the gold Coast reacheth no further then from Cape De tres Punctas, to Rio de * 1.235 Uolta, therfore those that will goe from the golden Coast, to the Kingdome of Ben∣ni, hold their course along by the land, and along by the Riuers of Rio de Ualto, Rio de Ardra, and Rio de Lago. These Riuers were neuer entred into, because there is [ 20] nothing to be had in them, but a little quantitie of Elephants Teeth; so that the labour to fetch it, is not worth the paines, by meanes of the dangers that a man incurreth by entring into the Riuers, by reason of Sands. Before at the mouth of the Riuer of Focrado, there lieth an Iland, and the Riuer is so indifferent great, that a man may well know it. The land reacheth most (being about forty miles) to Rio de Ardra. This Riuer is much vsed to be entred into by the Portugals, and is well knowne, not because of any great commoditie that is therein to be had; but because of the great number of slaues which are bought there, to carry to other places, as to Saint Thomas, and to Brasilia, to labour there, and to refine Sugar: for they are very strong men, [ 30] and can labour stoutly, and commonly are better slaues then those of Gabom, but those that are sold in Angola are much better. In this Riuer there is no speciall thing found, which is of any value, but some Blew, Greene, and Blacke stones, wherewith they grind colours, and for their fairenesse are desired of other Negroes, specially in the golden Coast of Guinea, where they are much esteemed of by them. There both the men and women are starke naked, vntill they be sold for slaues, so that they are not ashamed to shew themselues one to the other, as they them∣selues affirme, and by reason proue, saying, that a man more coueteth and desireth a thing that he seeth not, or may not haue, then that he seeth or may borrow or haue, and for that cause they hide not their priuie members. There the Portugals Traffique much with Barkes to buy slaues, [ 40] and the Inhabitants are better friends with them, then with any other Nation; because they come much there, and for that no other Nations come to buy slaues there, but the Portugals one∣ly. And there are some Portugals dwelling there, which buy much wares and Merchandizes, such as there to bee had. From Rio de Ardra, to Rio de Lago, is ten miles, and in that Riuer there is nothing else to buy, and therefore it is not much vsed, so that Rio de Ardra, is more vsed then Rio de Uolta, and Rio de Lago; from Rio de Lago to Rio de Benni, is about twenty miles, , so that Benni is esteemed to be part of the golden Coast, that is about one hundred miles from Mourre, so that in two dayes with helpe of the streame, a man may get thither, where as men are wont to be sixe weekes: before they could turne backe againe from whence they came.

The Towne seemeth to be very great, when you enter into it, you goe into a great broad * 1.236 [ 50] street, not paued, which seemeth to be seuen or eight times broader then the Warmoes street in Amsterdam; which goeth right out, and neuer crooketh, and where I was lodged with Mat∣theus Cornelison, it was at least a quarter of an houres going from the gate, and yet I could not see to the end of the street, but I saw a great high tree, as farre as I could discerne, and I was told the street was as much longer. There I spake with a Netherlander, who told me that he had beene as farre as that tree, but saw no end of the street; but perceiued that the houses thereabouts bee much lesse, and some houses that were falling downe: so that it was to be thought, that the end thereof was there abouts, that tree was a good halfe mile from the house where I was lodged, so that it is thought that that street is a mile long besides the Suburbs. At the gate where I en∣tred on horse-backe, I saw a very high Bulwarke, very thicke of earth, with a very deepe * 1.237 [ 60] broad ditch, but it was drie, and full of high trees; I spake with one that had gone along by the ditch, a good way, but saw no other then that I saw, and knew not well whither it went round about the Towne or not, that Gate is a reasonable good Gate, made of wood after their manner, which is to be shut, and there alwayes there is watch holden. Without this Gate, there is a

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The Gentlemen goe with great Maiestie to the Court, hauing diuers kinds of Musicke with * 1.238 them, and are waited on by diuers other Negroes, one hauing a Drum whereon he playes, others with other Instruments; vpon the Horse there is a little woodden Stoole set, and on the Horse necke they hang a Cow-bell, which rings when the Horse goes; there goes two Negroes by him, on either side one, on whom he leaneth. Those Negroes that attend on him, come euery morning to the Gentlemans doore, and stay there till he comes out, to wait on him. Their Hor∣ses are very little, not much greater then Calues in our Countrie, which is the cause that our * 1.239 Horses are so much esteemed of in that Coast. The King hath many Souldiers which are sub∣••••ct vnto him, and they haue a Generall to command ouer them, as if he were their Captaine: This Captaine hath some Souldiers vnder him, and goes alwaies in the middle of them, and [ 10] they goe round about him, singing and leaping, and making great noise, and ioy. Those Cap∣taines are very proud of their Office, and are very stately, and goe exceeding proudly in the streets. Their Swords are broad, which hang about their necke in a leather Girdle which reacheth vnder their armes: they also vse Shields and Assagaies, as they in the Golden Coast doe.

They cut their Haire diuersly, each after the best manner that they can. Their apparell also * 1.240 is the like, and vse strange customes, not one like vnto another, all finely made of Cotton, ouer the which they commonly weare Holland Cloth. The young Maides and Boyes goe starke na∣ked, vntill they marrie, or that the King giueth them licence to put on some Apparell; then they make great ioy, because of the friendship the King therein sheweth vnto them, and then [ 20] they make their bodies very cleane, and strike it ouer with white Earth, and are very stately, sitting in great glorie and magnificence. Their friends come vnto them, to congratulate them, as if shee were a Bride. They are circumcised, both Boyes and Girles. They cut three great streakes in their bodies on either side, each streake being three fingers broad, which they doe from their shoulders downe to their wastes, which they thinke to be a great good deed tending to their saluation. They are very conscionable, and will doe no wrong one to the other, neither will take any thing from strangers, for if they doe, they should afterward be put to death, for they lightly iudge a man to die for doing any wrong to a stranger, wherein they vse strange * 1.241 Iustice: they bind the Offenders armes behind at his backe, and blind his eyes, then one of the Iudges comes and lifts him vp with his armes, in such manner, that his head lieth almost vpon [ 30] the ground, then comes the Executioner and cuts off his head; which done, his bodie is quar∣tered, and the quarters cast into the fields to bee deuoured by certaine Birds, which Birds they * 1.242 feare much, and no man dares doe them any hurt, nor chase them, for there are men purposely appointed to giue them meat and drinke, which they carrie with great magnificence, but no man may see it carried, nor bee present, but those that are appointed to doe it; for euery man runnes out of the way when they see those men come to carrie the Birds meate, and they haue a place where the Birds come purposely for it. They respect strangers very much, for when any man meeteth them, they will shun the way for him and step aside, and dare not bee so bold to goe by, vnlesse they be expressely bidden by the partie, and prayed to goe forward, and although they were neuer so sore laden, yet they durst not doe it; for if they did, they should be punished [ 40] for it: They are also very couetous of honour, and willingly desire to be praised and rewarded for any friendship they doe.

Vpon the Iland of Corisco, or about Rio de Angra, in the mouth whereof the Iland of Corisco * 1.243 lieth. The Iland of Corisco is a bad place to dwell in, for no man dwelleth in it, for there is no∣thing to be had in it but fresh Water and Wood, so that the ships that come from the Golden Coast, and fall vpon it, prouided themselues there, of Water and Wood. Within the Riuer there lieth three other small Ilands, which also are worth nothing, because they yeeld no profit, and there is nothing abounding in them but Wood. Those Ilands at this day are called (for be∣fore they had no names) the Ile De Moucheron, because one Balthasar de Moucheron had by his * 1.244 Factors found them, wherein he caused a Fort to be made, in the yeere 1600. thinking to dwell there, and to bring great Traff••que from other places thither. But they of Rio de Gabom, vnder∣standing [ 50] that there were Strangers inhabiting in them, sought all the meanes they could to murther them, and to take both the Fort and their Goods from them, which they did, before they had dwelt foure moneths there, (vnder a Captaine called Edward Hesius) and tooke the Sconce from them by force, murthering all the men that were in it, and called it the Iland of Corisco, which name it had of the Portugals, because vpon that Iland there are many Tempests of thunder and lightning, and great store of Raine, and therefore it is not good to inhabite in, and there will nothing grow therein but Cucumbers. It is well prouided of fresh Water, excel∣lent faire red Beanes, and Brasill wood, so exceeding faire and glistering, when it is shauen, as any Glasse can be, which is so hard, that without great paine and labour it cannot be cut [ 60] downe. The Iland is almost a great mile in compasse, but it is a bad anchoring place, when the Trauadoes come.

From Rio de Angra, to Rio de Gabom, is fifteene miles. The Inhabitants of Rio de Gabom, are not friends with them of Rio de Angra, for they oftentimes make warre one against the other, and

great Suburbe: when you are in the great Street aforesaid, you see many great Streets on the sides thereof, which also goe right forth, but you cannot see to the end of them, by reason of their great length, a man might write more of the situation of this Towne, if he might see it, as you may the Townes in Holland, which is not permitted there, by one that alwaies goes with you, some men say, that he goeth with you, because you should haue no harme done vnto you, but yet you must goe no farther then he will let you.

The Houses in this Towne stand in good order, one close and euen with the other, as the Hou∣ses in Holland stand, such Houses as Men of qualitie (which are Gentlemen) or others dwell in, * 1.245 haue two or three steps to goe vp, and before, there is, as it were, a Gallerie, where a man may sit drie; which Gallerie euery morning is made cleane by their Slaues, and in it there is a Mat [ 10] spred for men to sit on, their Roomes within are foure-square, ouer them hauing a Roofe that is not close in the middle, at the which place, the raine, wind, and light commeth in, and therein they lie and eate their meate; but they haue other places besides, as Kitchins and other roomes. The common Houses are not such, for they haue but one Wall before, wherein there is a wood∣den Doore, they know not how to make Windowes, but such light and aire as they haue, comes in at the roofe of the House.

The Kings Court is very great, within it hauing many great foure-square Plaines, which round about them haue Galleries, wherein there is alwaies watch kept; I was so farre within * 1.246 that Court, that I passed ouer foure such great Plaines, and wheresoeuer I looked, still I saw Gates vpon Gates, to goe into other places, and in that sort I went as farre as euer any Netherlander [ 20] was, which was to the Stable where his best Horses stood, alwaies passing a great long way: it seemeth that the King hath many Souldiers, he also hath many Gentlemen, who when they come to the Court ride vpon Horses, and sit vpon their Horses as the women in our Countrie doe, on each side hauing one man, on whom they hold fast; and the greater their estate is, the more men they haue going after them. Some of their men haue great Shields, wherewith they keepe the Gentleman from the Sunne; they goe next to him, except those on whom hee lea∣neth, the rest come after him, playing some on Drums, others vpon Hornes and Fluits, some haue a hollow Iron whereon they strike. The Horse also is led by a man, and so they ride play∣ing to the Court. Such as are very great Gentlemen haue another kind of Musicke, when they ride to the Court, which is like the small Nets wherewith men in our Countries goe to the [ 30] Fish-market, which Net is filled full of a certaine kind of thing, which they strike vpon with their hands, and make it rattle, in like sort as if their Nets were filled full of great Nuts, and so a man should strike vpon it: those great Gentlemen haue many Seruants, that goe after them striking vpon such Nets. The King hath very many Slaues, both men and women, whereof there are many women Slaues seene, carrying of Water, Iniamus, and Palme-wine, which they say is for the Kings wiues. There are also many men Slaues seene in the Towne, that carrie Water, Iniamus, and Palme-wine, which they say is for the King; and many carrie Grasse, which is for their Horses; and all this is carried to the Court. The King oftentimes sendeth out Presents of Spices, which are carried orderly through the streets, and as the other things afore∣said are carried, so they that carrie them goe one after the other, and by them, there goeth one [ 40] or two with white Rods, so that euery man must step aside and giue them place, although hee were a Gentleman.

The King hath many Wiues, and euery yeere goes twice out of his Court, and visiteth the Towne, at which time he sheweth all his Power and Magnificence, and all the Brauerie he can, then he is conuoyed and accompanied by all his Wiues, which are aboue sixe hundred in num∣ber, * 1.247 but they are not all his wedded Wiues. The Gentlemen also haue many Wiues, as some haue eightie, some ninetie and more, and there is not the meanest Man among them but hath ten or twelue Wiues at the least, whereby in that place you find more Women then Men.

They also haue seuerall places in the Towne, where they keepe their Markets; in one place they haue their great Market day, called Dia de Ferro; and in another place, they hold their [ 50] * 1.248 little Market, called Ferro: to those places they bring all things to sell, as quicke Dogs, where∣of they eate many, roasted Apes, and Monkies, Rats, Parots, Hens, Iniamus, Manigette in bon∣ches, dried Agedissen, Palme-oyle, great Beanes, diuers sorts of Kankrens, with many other kinds of Fruits, and Beasts, all to eate. They also bring much Wood to burne, Cups to eate and drinke in, and other sorts of wooden Dishes and Cups for the same purpose, great store of Cot∣ton, whereof they make Clothes to weare vpon their bodies. Their Apparell is of the same fa∣shion as theirs of the Golden Coast is, but it is fairer and finelier made; but to shew you the manner thereof it would be ouer-long. They also bring great store of Iron-worke to sell there, and Instruments to fish withall, others to plow and to till the land withall; and many Weapons, as Assagaies, and Kniues also for the Warre. This Market and Traffique is there very orderly [ 60] holden, and euery one that commeth with such Wares or Merchandises to the Market, knowes his place where to stand, to sell his Wares in the same, they also sell their Wiues as they doe in the Golden Coast.

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then againe make peace, so that the friendship betweene them is very small, they haue a King among them, but they are not so mightie as those of Rio de Gabom, but better people to deale withall then those of Gabom, for since the time that they of Gabom, tooke the Skonce and the goods of Moncherom, and kild the men, they of Rio de Angra would haue nothing to doe with them, but were grieued that it was done, but because they feared them of Rio de Gabom, and of Pongo; they durst not withstand them: with those Negroes there is much Traff que to be had, and there are many Teeth to buy, but not so many as in Rio de Gabom, but when you Traffique there you must not stay long with your shallop or boate there, for if you deale not with them for their Teeth in two or three dayes, you shall not deale with them at all, for by reason that few Pinnasses or shallops come thither to Traffique, therefore the Negros bring all their Teeth [ 10] thither at the first, to barter for other Wares. Their speech is not like theirs of Gabom, but for opinion and religion they are almost one, and agree therein.

The Riuer of Gabom, lyeth about fifteene miles Southward from Rio de Angra, and eight miles North-ward from Cape De Lopo Gonsalues, and is right vnder the Equinoctiall Line, a∣bout * 1.249 fifteene miles from Saint Thomas, and is a great Land well and easily to bee knowne. At the mouth of the Riuer there lyeth a Sand three or foure fathome deepe, whereon it beateth mightily, with the streame which runneth out of the Riuer into the Sea. This Riuer in the mouth thereof is at least foure miles broad, but when you are about the Iland called Pongo, it is not aboue two miles broad, on both sides the Riuer there standeth many trees. The Iland lyeth * 1.250 neere to the North, then the South, and a little further there is an Iland wherein there is good [ 20] prouision to be had, as of Bannanas, Iniamus, and Oranges; about two miles within the Riuer you haue eight fathome deepe, good anchor ground. This Coast reacheth North and South, the depth a good way from the Land about a mile or a mile and an halfe; is, twelue and thirteene fathome, and halfe a mile from the Land, it is foure, fiue, sixe, and seuen fathome, you may goe neere about it, because all along that Coast it is good anchor ground, by night you haue the wind off from the Land, and by day from the Sea. This Riuer hath three mightie Kings in it, which raigne therein, as one King on the North point, called Caiombo, and one vpon the South point, * 1.251 called Gabom, and one in the Iland, called Pongo, which hath a monstrous high hill; hee of Pongo is strongest of men, and oftentimes makes warre vpon him of Gabom, he of Caiombo, is a great friend to him of Pongo, and the Inhabitants of the South point of the Riuer, are great [ 30] friends with those of Cape De Lopo Gonsalues.

The twelfth of December, we got to Cape Lopo Gonsalues, where we found three ships lying at anchor, two of Zeland, and one of Schiedam. Touching their Religion, they neither know * 1.252 God nor his Commandements, some of them pray to the Sunne, others to the Moone, others to certaine trees or to the Earth, because they receiue food from thence, so that they esteeme it a great fault to spit vpon the Ear••h, they goe little abroad in the streets, but when they goe a∣broad, they carrie a great broad Knife in their hands: both the men and the women haue their bodies pinkt in diuers sorts, strange to behold, wherein they put certaine Grease, mixt with colour, they will not drinke before they first put some of it out of the Pot or Kan, and when they eate they vse not to drinke, but when they haue dined, then they drinke a great draught of water, or of Palme-wine, or else of Malaffo, which is mixed or made of Honey water. In the [ 40] morning as soone as it is day, they goe to salute their Commander, or Chaueponso, and to bid him good morrow, and when they come to him they fall downe vpon their knees, and clapping both their hands together, say, Fino, Fino, Fino, whereby they wish peace, quietnesse, and all good vnto him.

They are much addicted to Theeuerie, and to steale some-thing, specially from Strangers, whereof they make no conscience, but thinke they doe well, but they will not steale one from another. The women also are much addicted to Leacherie and Vncleannesse; specially, with strange Nations, whereby they thinke they get great credit, and which is more, the men offer [ 50] their wiues vnto strangers that come thither, and the King himselfe presenteth and honoureth Strangers with some of his Wiues, whereof he hath a great number. They haue a filthy custome among them, which is, that the King when any of his Daughters waxe great, hee taketh and keepeth them for his Wiues, and the vse of their bodies. The like is done by the Queenes his Wiues, when their Sonnes beginne to be great, for they lie with them, as well as the King doth * 1.253 with his Daughters. Their apparell is fairer then theirs on the Golden Coast, for they trimme their bodies more; about their middles to hide their Priuities. They weare a Mat made of barkes of trees, which is coloured red, with a kind of red wood wherewith they dye it, vpon those Mats, they hang some Apes and Monkeyes skinnes, or of other wild beasts, with a Bell in the middle, such as Cowes and Sheepe haue about their neckes. They paint their bodies red, with a colour made of red wood, which is verie good. but much lighter then Brasil-wood, oftentimes [ 60] they make one of their eyes white, the other red or yellow, with a streake or two in their fa∣ces, some weare round Beades about their neckes made of barkes, some small, some great, not much vnlike the Boxes, which men in Hamborough hang vp to put money in for the poore, but they will not suffer you to looke what is in them. The men and women also for the most part * 1.254

goe bare-headed, with their haire shoared and pleated diuersly, some of them weare Caps made of the barkes of Cocos or Indian Nut-trees, others weare bunches of feathers made fast to their haire with little Irons, some of them haue holes in their vpper lips, and through their Noses, wherein they put pieces of Elxen bones, as thicke as a Doller with a stalke, which shutteth the hole, which being thrust in comes out at the Nose, and ouer their mouthes, which serueth their turnes well and to good purpose, when they are sicke and fall into a swound, and that men can∣not open their hands by force, then they take that bone and crush the sap of some greene herbe through it, wherwith they come to themselues again, so that they serue them for two purposes. Some weare Rings in their lips and in the middle part of their Noses, some thrust small Hornes or Teeth through them, and weare them so, which they thinke to bee a great ornament vnto them, others boare a hole in their neather lips, and play with their Tongues in the hole; many of [ 10] their men and women weare Rings in their eares, whereof some weigh at least a pound weight, some haue stickes thrust through them, of fiue or sixe fingers long, most of them, specially the men weare a Girdle about their middles made of Buffols skin, with the haire still on it, which meeteth not together before by almost a hand breadth, with a piece thereof sticking out at each end, which is tyed together with a small cord of Threed, vpon their bellies they carrie a broad Iron Knife, the sheath thereof also being of Iron: some of those Girdles are a hand broad, and some two or three-handfuls broad. Besides those, they vse another sort of Kniues, with two or three points, which are very fearefull to behold, wherewith they cast at a man, and wheresoe∣uer they hit they take hold. [ 20]

They are better armed for weapons then they of Myna, or the Golden Coast, their Armes * 1.255 are Pikes, or Assagaies, Bowes, and Arrowes, long Targets made of barkes of Trees. Their Drummes are narrow below and broad aboue, their Pikes are very cunningly made, for they are very curious Workmen in Iron; the women carrie their Husbands Armes for him, and when they will vse them, their Wiues giue them: they are cruell and fierce against their Enemies, and fight one against the other by Land and by Water in Canoes, and when they take any of their Enemies (they were wont in times past to eate them, but now they doe it not) they put them to great torture.

The women also set themselues out verie faire (as they thinke) and weare many red Copper and Tinne Rings vpon their armes and legges, some one, others two; which many times weigh three or foure pound weight, which are so fast and close about their armes, that men can hardly [ 30] imagine how they get them on; those Rings also are worne by some men, but more by women. The women weare Aprons made of Rushes, which I haue seene them make. Touching their * 1.256 clothes and setting forth of their bodies, it is beastly and vnseemely. They haue no lesse vn∣seemelinesse in their eating and house-keeping, for they liue like beasts, and sleepe vpon Mats laid vpon the ground, which they make very cunningly. The chiefe meate they eate is Iniamus, Batates, and Bannanas. The Bannanas they vse in stead of bread, when it is well dryed, they al∣so eate fish and flesh, with Roots and Sugar-canes: they lay all their meate in one dish, and sit round about it, and eate like a company of beasts. Their King called, Mani, eateth his meate out of a Tinne Platter, but the rest in woodden Platters, sitting vpon a Mat spread vpon the ground. [ 40]

The greatest labour the women doe, is to fetch water, to gather fruit, and to dresse their * 1.257 meate: their Houses are finely made of Reeds, and couered ouer wi••h Bannanas leaues, and bet∣ter and cle••ner then the Houses in the Golden Coast. The King hath a faire House greater then any in all the Towne, he is called Golipatta, hee is brauely set out with many Beads made of beanes and shels, which are dyed red, and hanged about his necke, and vpon his armes and legs, they strike their faces with a kind of white colour, they are very much subiect to their Kings, and doe him great honour when they are in his presence: before his House there lyeth an Iron Peece, with certaine Bases which he bought in former time of the Frenchmen. They are verie subtill to learne how to vse all kind of Armes; specially, our small Gunnes. Their Winter is from April to August, at which time it is exceeding hot, and few cleere daies, and then it raineth [ 50] mightily with great drops, which fall so hot vpon the stones that they presently dry vp, by which meanes also the waters are thicke and slimie, in the Riuers and also vpon the shoare. There is good fishing, Oysters grow on the branches of the Trees, which hang downe into the * 1.258 water. They draw their speech long, so that it is better to learne then theirs in the Golden Coast. The Cape is low Land, and is well to be knowne, for there is no Land thereabouts, that reacheth so farre Westerly into the Sea as that doth, it lyeth about a degree Southward from the Equinoctiall Line. When you are at the Cape, there is a Riuer which lyeth South-east from it, about three miles, whereinto the shallops commonly saile, to barter for some Teeth, which are there to bee had in the Village, which lyeth about foure miles vpwards within the Riuer: [ 60] In this Riuer: there are many Sea-horses, and Crocodiles, so that it is thought that hee Ri∣uer of Nilus ioyneth thereunto, and hath an issue there into the Sea: In this Countrey there are many cruell and strange beasts, as Elephants, Buffols, Dragons, Snakes, Apes, Monkeyes, which are very fearefull to behold, and very hurtfull.

Those people are better to be dealt withall, then they of Gabom, and we find not, that they * 1.259 beare any spight or malice to the Netherlanders, (as they of Gabom haue done) in Anno 1601. to a ship called the Palme-tree, and to another, called the Moorein of Delft, as also to a Spanish Barke, who in short time, one after the other they fell vpon, and taking them, kild all the men * 1.260 and eate them, with diuers other such trickes more by them done: but for that it is good for the ships in that place to lie and refresh themselues, to fetch water, and to Calke them: therefore all the ships lie most at this place, to make themselues ready, and fit to returne backe againe. A∣bout this Cape there lie many Sands, whereon a ship might soone smite, but behind the bankes there is no feare, the Lead will giue a man meanes to find his way well enough. [ 10]

CHAP. III.

The strange aduentures of ANDREW BATTELL of Leigh in Essex, sent by the Portugals prisoner to Angola, who liued there, and in the adioyning Regions, neere eighteene yeeres.

§ I. [ 20]

ANDREW BATTELL, his Voyage to the Riuer of Plate, who being taken on the Coast of Brasill, was sent to Angola.

IN the yeere 1589, Abraham Cocke of Lime-house, began his Voyage toward the Riuer of Plate, with two Pinnasses of fiftie Tuns a peece: The one was called, the * 1.261 May-morning; the other, the Dolphine. We sailed from the Riuer of Thames, the twentieth of Aprill; and the sixe and twentieth of the same moneth, we put in∣to Plimmoth, where we tooke in some prouision for the Voyage. The seuenth [ 30] of May we put to Sea, and with foule weather were beaten backe againe into Plimmoth, where we remained certaine dayes, and then proceeded on our Voyage: and running along the Coast of Spaine, and Barbarie, we put into the Roade of Sancta Cruz, and there set * 1.262 our Light-horse-man together, which we carried in two pieces; Abraham Cocke made great ac∣count hereof, thinking that this Boat should haue made his Voyage. This done, we put to Sea, * 1.263 and running along the Coast of Guinea, wee were becalmed; because wee wer so neere the Coast.

Heere our men fell ficke of the Scuruie, in such sort, that there were very few sound. And * 1.264 being within three or foure Degrees of the Equinoctiall line, we fell with the Cape De las Pal∣mas, where we had some refreshing, wherewith our men recouered. The people of the Cape de [ 40] las Palmas made much of vs, saying, that they would trade with vs: but it was but to betray vs. For they are very trecherous, and were like to haue taken our boat, and hurt some of our men. * 1.265 From this Cape we lay South-west off, but the Current and the Calmes deceiued vs; so that we were driuen downe to the Ile of Saint Thome, thinking that we had beene farther off to the Sea then we were. And being in distresse for wood and water, we went in on the South end betweene San Tome, and the Ilands Das Rolas: where we rode very smooth, and with our * 1.266 Light-horse-man went on shoare, thinking to haue watered: but wee found none in the Iland. Heere we had great store of Plantans and Oranges. We found a Village of Negroes, which are sent from San Tome, for the Portugals of San Tome do vse, when their slaues be sicke or weake, to send them thither to get their strength againe. For the Ilands are very fruitful; and though there [ 50] be no fresh water, yet they maintaine themselues with the wine of the Palme trees. Hauing refreshed our selues with the fruit of this Iland, we burned the Village. And running on the East * 1.267 side of San Tome, we came before the Towne; but we durst not come neere: for the Castle shot at vs, which hath very good Ordnance in it.

Then we lay East and by South toward the Maine, and in foure and twentie houres, we had sight of the Cape De lopo Gonsalues: and being within three Leagues of the said Cape, we cast a∣bout and stood againe toward the Iland of San Tome, and turned vp on the West side of the I∣land: * 1.268 and comming to a little Riuer, which runneth out of the Mountaines, we went on shore with our Light-horse-man, with sixe or seuen Buts to fill with water. But the Gouernour had imbosked one hundred men of the Iland; and when we were on shore, they came vpon vs, and [ 60] killed one of our men, and hurt another: wherefore we retired to our Boat, and gate aboord. * 1.269

Then Abraham Cocke determined to fetch the Coast of Brasil, and lay West South-west into the Sea: and being some fiftie Leagues off, we fell into a Scull of Dolphins, which did greatly * 1.270 relieue vs: for they did follow our ship all the way, till we fell with the land: which was some

thirtie dayes. And running along the Coast of Brasil, till we came to Illha Grande, which stan∣deth * 1.271 in fiue Degrees Southward of the line: we put in betwixt the Iland and the Maine, and haled our ships on shoare, and washed them, and refreshed our selues, and tooke in fresh water. In this Iland are no Inhabitants, but it is very fruitfull. And being heere some twelue dayes, there came in a little Pinnasse, which was bound to the Riuer of Plate, which came in to water, and to get some refreshment: and presently we went aboord, and tooke the Portugall Merchant out of the Pinnasse, which told Abraham Cocke. that within two moneths there should two Pinnasses come from the Riuer of Plate, from the Towne of Buenos Aieres. * 1.272

From this Towne there come euery yeere foure or fiue Carauels to Bahia in Brasil, and to An∣gola in Africa: which bring great store of Treasure, which is transported ouer land out of Peru, [ 10] into the Riuer of Plate. Then Abraham Cocke desirous to make his Voyage, tooke some of the Dolphins men into his ship, and sent the Dolphin home againe, which had not as yet made any * 1.273 Voyage. This Portugall Merchant carried vs to a place in this Iland, where there was a banished man, which had planted great store of Plantans; and told vs, that we might with this fruit * 1.274 goe to the Riuer of Plate: for our bread and victuals were almost all spent.

With this hard allowance we departed from this Iland, and were sixe and thirty dayes before we came to the Ile of Labos Marinos, which is in the mouth of the Riuer of Plate. This Iland is halfe a mile long, and hath no fresh water; but doth abound with Scales and Sea-morsses: in such sort, that our Light-horse-man could not get on shoare for them, without we did beat them with our Oares: and the Iland is couered with them. Vpon these Seales we liued some * 1.275 [ 20] thirty dayes, lying vp and downe in the Riuer, and were in great distresse of victuals. Then we determined to run vp to Buenos Aires, and with our Light-horse-man to take one of the Pinnas∣ses that rid at the Towne. And being so high vp the Riuer as the Towne, wee had a mightie storme at South-west, which draue vs backe againe, and we were faine to ride vnder Isla Verde, * 1.276 that is, the Greene Iland, which is in the mouth of the Riuer on the North side.

Here we were all discomfoted for lacke of victuals, and gaue ouer the Voyage, & came to the * 1.277 Northward again, to the Ile of Sant Sebastian, lying iust vnder the Tropicke of Capricorne. There we went on shoare to catch fish, & some went vp into the woods to gather fruit: for we weare all in a manner famished. There was at that time a Canoe fraught with Indians, that came from the Towne of Spiritu Sancto. These Indians landed on the West side of the Iland, and came [ 30] through the woods, and tooke fiue of vs, and carried vs to the Riuer of Ianeiro. After this mis∣chance, our Captaine Abraham Cocka went to Sea, and was neuer heard of more.

When wee that were taken had remained foure moneths in the Riuer of Ianeiro, I and one Torner were sent to Angola in Africa to the Citie of Saint Paul, which standeth in nine De∣grees to the Southward of the Equinoctiall line. Heere I was presently taken out of the ship, and put into prison, and sent vp the Riuer Quansa to a Towne of Garrison, which is one hun∣dred and thirtie miles vp the Riuer. And being there two moneths, the Pilot of the Gouernors Pinnasse died: then I was commanded to carrie her downe to the Citie, where I presently fell sicke, and lay eight moneths in a poore estate: for they hated me because I was an English-man. But being recouered of my sickenesse, Don Iohn Hurtado de Mendoça, who then was Gouernor, [ 40] commanded me to goe to the Riuer of Congo, called Zaire, in a Pinnasse, is to trade for Elephants teeth, Wheate, and Oyle of the Palme-tree. The Riuer Zaire is fiftie Leagues from the Citie to the Northward, and is the greatest Riuer in all that Coast. In the mouth of this Riuer is an Iland, called the Ile De Calabes, which had at that time a Towne in it. Heere we laded our Pinnasse with Elephants teeth, Wheate, and Oyle of the Palme, and so returned to the Citie againe.

§. II.

His trading on the Coast, offer to escape, imprisonment, exile; escape, and new [ 50] imprisonment: his sending to Elambo, and Bahia Das Vaccas; Many strange occurrents.

THen I was sent to Longo, which is fifteene Leagues to the North-ward of the Riuer Zaire: and carried all Commodities fit for that Countrey; as long Glasse-beads, and round Blew beads, and Seed beads, and Looking-glasses, Blew and Red course cloth, and Irish Rugs, which were very rich Commodities. Heere wee sold our cloth at a * 1.278 great rate, for we had for one yard of cloth, three Elephants teeth, that weighed one hundred [ 60] and twenty pound: and we bought great store of Palme-cloth, and Elephants tayles. So in little time, we laded our Pinnasse. For this Voyage I was very welcome to the Gouernour; who promised me my liberty, if I would serue him. So I went in his Pinnasse two yeeres and a halfe vpon the Coast.

Then there came a ship of Holland to the Citie, the Merchant of which ship promised to carrie me away. And when they were readie to depart, I went secretly aboord; but I was be∣wrayed * 1.279 by Portugals, which sailed in the ship, and was fetched on shoare by the Sergeants of the Citie, and put in Prison, and lay with great bolts of Iron two moneths, thinking that the Gouernour would haue put me to death: but at last, I was banished for euer, to the Fort of Mas∣sangano, to serue in the Conquest of those Parts. Here I liued a most miserable life for the space of sixe yeeres, without any hope to see the Sea againe.

In this Fort there were Egyptians and Moriscoes, that were banished as my selfe. To one of these Egyptians I brake my mind, and told him, that it were better for vs to venture our liues for our libertie, then to liue in that miserable place. This Egyptian was as willing as my selfe, [ 10] and told me, he would procure ten of his consorts to goe with vs. So we got three Egyptians, and seuen Portugals. That night, we got the best Canoe that we could find, and went downe the Riuer Coanza: and being as farre downe as Mani Cabech, which is a little Lord in the * 1.280 Prouince of Elamba, we went on shoare with our twelue Muskets, Powder, and Shot. Heere we sunke our Canoe, because they should not know where we went on shoare. We made a little fire in the Wood, and scorched Ginie Wheat, which we brought from Massangano to relieue vs, for we had none other food.

Assoone as it was night, wee tooke our iourney all that night, and the next day without any water at all. The second night, we were not able to goe, and were faine to digge and scrape vp rootes of Trees, and sucke them to maintaine life. The third day, wee met with an old Negro, [ 20] which was trauailing to Mani Cabech, we bound his hands behind him, and made him leade * 1.281 vs the way to the Lake of Casansa. And trauiling all the day in this extreme hot Countrie, we came to the Bansa, or Towne of Mani Casansa, which lieth within the Land twelue leagues from the Citie of San Paulo. Here we were forced to aske water: but they would giue vs none. Then we determined to make them flee their houses with our shot: but seeing that we were de∣sperately bent, they called their Lord Mani Casansa, who gaue vs water and faire speeches, de∣siring vs to stay all night, onely to betray vs: but we departed presently, and rested that night in the Lake of Casansa.

The fourth day at night, we came to the Riuer which is toward the North, and passed it * 1.282 with great danger. For there are such abundance of Crocodiles in this Riuer, that no man dare [ 30] come neere the Riuer side, where it is deepe. The fift day at night, wee came to the Riuer Dande, and trauailed so farre to the Eastward, that we were right against the Serras, or Moun∣taines of Manibangono, which is a Lord that warreth against the King of Congo, whither wee intended to goe. Here we passed the Riuer, and rested halfe the night. And being two leagues from the Riuer, we met with Negroes, which asked vs, whither we trauailed. Wee told them, that we were going to Congo. These Negroes said, that we were in the wrong way, and that they were Masicongos, and would carrie vs to Bambe, where the Duke of Bambe lay.

So wee went some three miles East vp into the Land, till wee perceiued that we were the wrong way: for we trauailed by the Sunne, and would goe no farther that way: and turned backe againe to the Westward, they stood before vs with their Bowes, Arrowes and Darts, [ 40] readie to shoot at vs. But we determining to goe through them, discharged sixe Muskets toge∣ther, and killed foure; which did amaze them, and made them to retire. But they followed vs foure or fiue miles, and hurt two of our companie with their Arrowes. The next day, we came into the borders of Bamba, and trauailed all that day. At night, we heard the surge of the Sea. The seuenth day in the morning, we saw the Captain of the Citie come after vs with Horsmen, * 1.283 and great store of Negroes. Hereupon our companie being dismayed, seuen of our faint-hearted Portugals hid themselues in the Thickes. I and the foure Egyptians thought to haue escaped: but they followed vs so fast, that we were faine to goe into a little Wood. Assoone as the Cap∣taine had ouertaken vs, he discharged a volley of shot into the Wood, which made vs lose one another.

Thus being all alone, I bethought my selfe, that if the Negroes did take me in the Woods, [ 50] they would kill me: wherefore, thinking to make a better end among the Portugals and Mul∣latos, * 1.284 I came presently out of the Wood with my Musket readie charged, making none account * 1.285 of my life. But the Captaine, thinking that we had beene all twelue together, called to me, and said, Fellow Souldier, I haue the Gouernours pardon, if you will yeeld your selues, you shall haue no hurt. I hauing my Musket readie, answered the Captaine, that I was an Englishman, and had serued sixe yeeres at Massangono, in great miserie; and came in companie with eleuen Portugals and Egyptians, and here am left all alone; and rather then I will be hanged, I will die amongst you. Then the Captaine came neere vnto me, and said; Deliuer thy Musket to one of the Souldiers, and I protest, as I am a Gentleman, and a Souldier, to saue thy life, for thy reso∣lute [ 60] mind. Whereupon I yeelded vp my Musket and my selfe. * 1.286

Then the Captaine commanded all the Souldiers and Negroes to search the Woods, and to bring them out aliue or dead; which was presently done. Then they carried vs to the Citie of San Paulo: where I, and the three Egyptians lay in Prison three moneths, with Collars of Iron, and great Bolts vpon our legs, and hardly escaped.

At that time the Gouernour sent foure hundred men, that were banished out of Portugall, vp * 1.287 into the Countrey of Elambe. Then I was with Proclamation through the Citie banished for euer to the Warres, and marched with them to Sowonso, which is a Lord, that obeyeth the Duke of Bambe: from thence to Samanibansa, and then to Namba Calamba, which is a great Lord, who did resist vs: but we burned his Towne, and then he obeyed vs, and brought three thou∣sand warlike Negroes to vs. From thence to Sollancango a little Lord, that fought very despe∣rately with vs, but was forced to obey: and then to Combrecaianga, where we remayned two yeares. From this place wee gaue many assaults, and brought many Lords to subiection. Wee were fifteene thousand strong, and marched to the Outeiro, or Mountaine of Ingombe. But first * 1.288 we burned all Ingasia, which was his Countrey, and then we came to the chiefe Towne of In∣gombe, [ 10] which is halfe a dayes iourney to goe vp.

This Lord came vpon vs with more then twentie thousand Bowes, and spoyled many of our men. But with our shot we made a great spoyle among them, whereupon he retyred vp into the Mountaine, and sent one of his Captaines to our Generall; signifying, that the next day hee would obey him. The next day he entred our Campe in great pompe with Drums, Petes, and Pongoes, or Waytes, and was royally receiued: and he gaue great Presents, and greatly inriched the Generall, and them which marched vp. Vpon the toppe of the Mountaine is a great Plaine, where he hath his chiefe Towne; verie fresh, full of Palme-trees, Sugar-canes, Potatos, and other roots, and great store of Oranges and Limons. Here is a Tree that is called Engeriay, that beareth a fruit as big as a Pome-water, and hath a stone in it, present remedie for the Wind * 1.289 Cholicke, which was strange to the Portugals. Here is a Riuer of fresh water, that springeth [ 20] out of the Mountaine, and runneth all along the Towne. Wee were here fiue dayes, and then we marched vp into the Countrey, and burned and spoyled for the space of sixe weekes; and then returned to Engombe againe with great store of slaues, sheepe and Goates, and great store of Margarite stones, which are currant money in that Land. Here we pitched our Campe a league from this pleasant Mountaine, which remayned twelue monethes: but I was shot in my right legge, and many Portugals and Mullatos, were carryed to the Citie to be cured.

Then the Gouernour sent a Frigat to the South-ward with sixtie Souldiers, my selfe beeing * 1.290 one of the company, and all kind of Commodities. We turned vp to the South-ward till wee [ 30] came into twelue degrees. Here we found a faire sandie Bay. The people of this place brought vs Cowes and Sheepe, Wheate and Beanes; but we stayed not there, but came to Bahia das Vac∣cas, that is, the Bay of Cowes, which the Portugals call, Bahia de Torre, because it hath a rocke like a Towre. Here wee roade on the North-side of the Rocke in a sandie Bay; and bought great store of Cowes, and Sheepe bigger then our English Sheepe, and very fine Copper. Also * 1.291 we bought a kind of sweet wood, called Cacongo, which the Portugals esteeme much, and great store of Wheate and Beanes. And hauing laded our Barke wee sent her home: but fiftie of vs stayed on shoare, and made a little Fort with rafters of wood, because the people of this place are treacherous, and not to to bee trusted. So in seuenteene dayes wee had fiue hundred head of [ 40] Cattell: and within tenne dayes the Gouernour sent three shippes and so wee departed to the Citie.

In this Bay may any ship ride without danger, for it is a smooth Coast. Here may any shippe * 1.292 that commeth out of the East Indies refresh themselues. For the Portugals Carracks now of late come along that Coast, to the Citie to water and refresh themselues. These people are called, Endallanbondos, and haue no gouernment among themselues: and therefore they are verie treche∣rous, and those that trade with these people must stand vpon their owne guard. They are very simple and of no courage, for thirtie or fortie men may goe boldly vp into the Countrey, and fetch downe whole Heards of Cattell. We bought the Cattell for blue glasse-beads of an inch long, which are called, Mopindes; and payd fifteene beads for one Cow.

This Prouince is called, Dombe, and it hath a ridge of high Serras, or Mountaines, that * 1.293 [ 50] stretch from the Serras, or Mountaines of Cambambe, wherein are Mines; and lye along that Coast South and by West. Here is great store of fine Copper, if they would worke in their Mines: but they take no more, then they weare for a brauerie. The men of this place weare skinnes about their middles, and beads about their neckes. They carrie Darts of Iron, and Bow and Arrowes in their hands. They are beastly in their liuing, for they haue men in womens * 1.294 apparell, whom they keepe among their wiues.

Their women weare a Ring of Copper about their neckes, which weigheth fifteene pound * 1.295 at the least, about their armes little Rings of Copper, that reach to their elbowes, about their middles a cloth of the Insandie Tree, which is neither spunne nor wouen, on their legs Rings of Copper, that reach to the calues of their legs. [ 60]

§. III.

Discouerie of the Gagas; Their Warres, Man-eating; Ouer-running Countries: His Trade with them, betraying, escape to them, and liuing with them, with many strange Aduentures. And also the Rites and manner of life obserued by the Iagges or Gagas, which no Christian could euer know well but this Authour.

IN our second Voyage turning vp along the Coast, we came to the Morro, or Cliffe of [ 10] Benguele, which standeth in twelue degrees of Southerly latitude. Here we saw a * 1.296 mighty Cāpe of men on the Southside of the riuer Coua. And being desirous to know what they were, we went on shore with our Boat; & presently there came a troop of fiue hundred men to the water side. We asked them, Who they were? then they told vs, that they were the Gagas, or Gindes; that cames from * 1.297 Serra de Lion, and passed through the Citie of Congo; and so trauelled to the East-ward of the great Citie of Angola, which is called Dongo. The great Gaga, which was their Generall, came downe to the waters side to see vs. For hee had neuer seene white men before. He asked, wherefore we came? we told him, that wee came to trade vpon the Coast: then he bade vs welcome, and called vs on shoare with our Commo∣dities: [ 20] we laded our ship with slaues in seuen dayes, and bought them so good cheape, that ma∣ny did not cost one Riall a piece, which were worth in the Citie twelue Millie-reys.

Being readie to depart the great Giaga stayed vs, and desired our Boat to passe his men ouer the Riuer Coua: for he determined to ouer-runne the Realme of Benguele, which was on the North-side of the Riuer Coua. So we went with him to his Campe, which was very orderly intrenched with piles of wood. We had Houses prouided for vs that night, and many burthens of Palme-wine, Cowes, Goats, and Flowre.

In the morning before day the Generall did strike his Gongo, which is an Instrument of War that soundeth like a Bell; and presently made an Oration with a loud voice, that all the Campe might heare, that he would destroy the Benguelas, with such couragious and vehement speeches, [ 30] as were not to be looked for among the Heathen people: and presently they were all in armes, and marched to the Riuers side, where he had proūided Gingados. And beeing readie with our Boat and Gingados, the Generall was faine to beate them backe, because of the credit who should be first. We carried ouer eightie men at once; and with our Muskets we beat the enemie off, and landed, but many of them were slaine. By twelue of the clocke all the Gagas were ouer.

Then the Generall commanded all his Drums, Tauales, Petes, Pongos, and all his Instruments of warlike Musicke to strike vp, and gaue the on-set, which was a bloudie day to the Bengue∣las. These Benguelas presently broke and turned their backes, and a very great number of them * 1.298 were flaine, and were taken Captiues, man, woman and child. The Prince Hombiangymbe was slaine, which was Ruler of this Countrey, and more then one hundred of his chiefe Lords, and [ 40] their heads presented, and throwne at the feet of the great Gaga. The men, women, and children, that were brought in captiue aliue, and the dead Corpses that were brought to bee eaten, were strange to behold. For these Gagas are the greatest Canibals and Man-eaters that bee in the * 1.299 World, for they fed chiefly vpon mans flesh, hauing all the Cattell of that Countrey.

They setled themselues in this Countrey, and tooke the spoile of it. Wee had great Trade with these Gagas fiue monethes, and gained greatly by them. These Gagas were not conten∣ted to stay in this place of Benguela, although they lacked almost nothing. For they had great store of Cattell and Wheate, and many other Commodities, but they lacked Wine: for in these [ 50] parts there are no Palme-trees.

After the fiue monethes were expired, they marched toward the Prouince of Bambala, to a * 1.300 great Lord, that is called Calicansamba, whose Countrey is fiue dayes iourney vp into the Land. In these fiue monethes space we made three Voyages to the Citie of San Paul, and comming the fourth time we found them not.

Being loth to returne without Trade, wee determined to goe vp into the Land after them; So we went fifty on shore, and left our ship riding in the Bay of Benguela to stay for vs: and mar∣ching two dayes vp into the Countrey, we came to a great Lord, which is called Mofarigosat: * 1.301 and comming to his first Towne, we found it burned to the ground, for the Gagas had passed and taken the spoyle. To this Lord we sent a Negro, which we had bought of the Gagas, and liued with vs, and bid him say, that he was one of the great Gagas men, and that hee was left to car∣rie [ 60] vs to the Campe. This Lord bade vs welcome for feare of the great Gaga: but hee delayed the time, and would not let vs passe, till the Gaga was gone out of his Countrey. This Lord Mofarigosat, seeing that the Gagas were cleere of him, began to palter with vs, and would not let vs goe out of his Land, till we had gone to the warres with him; for hee thought himselfe a

mightie man hauing vs with him. For in this place they neuer saw white man before, nor Gunnes. So we were forced to goe with him, and destroyed all his Enemies, and returned to his Towne againe. Then we desired him, that he would let vs depart: But he denyed vs, with∣out we would promise him to come againe, and leaue a white man with him in pawne.

These Portugals and Mulatos being desirous to get away from this place, determined to draw lots who should stay: but many of them would not agree to it. At last they consented to∣gether that it were fitter to leaue me, because I was an Englishman, then any of themselues. * 1.302 Here I was faine to stay perforce. So they left me a Musket, Powder, and shot; promising this Lord Mofarigosat, that within two monethes they would come againe, and bring an hundred men to helpe him in his Warres, and to trade with him: but all was to shift themselues away, [ 10] for they feared that he would haue taken vs all Captiues. Here I remayned with this Lord till the two monethes were expired, and was hardly vsed, because the Portugals came not according to promise.

The chiefe men of this Towne would haue put me to death, and stripped me naked, and were * 1.303 readie to cut off mine head. But the Lord of the Towne commanded them to stay longer, thin∣king that the Portugals would come. And after that I was let loose againe, I went from one Towne to another, shifting for my selfe, within the liberties of this Lord. And beeing in feare of my life among them, I ranne away, purposing to goe to the Campe of the Gagas.

And hauing trauelled all that night, the next day I came to a great Towne, which was cal∣led, Cashil, which stood in a mightie ouer-growne thicket. Here I was carried into the Towne * 1.304 [ 20] to the Lord Cashil; and all the Towne great and small came to wonder at mee, for in this place there was neuer any white man seene. Here were some of the great Gagas men, which I was glad to see, and went with these Gagas to Calicansamba, where the Campe was.

This Towne of the Lord Cashil is very great, and is so ouer-growne with Olicondie Trees, Ce∣dars, and Palmes, that the streets are darkened with them. In the middle of the Towne there * 1.305 is an Image, which is as bigge as a man, and standeth twelue foot high: and at the foot of the Image there is a Circle of Elephants Teeth, pitched into the ground. Vpon these Teeth stand great store of dead mens skuls, which are killed in the warres, and offered to this Image. They vse to powre Palme-wine at his feet, and kill Goats, and powre their bloud at his feet. This Image is called Quesango, and the people haue a great beliefe in him, and sweare by him; and doe [ 30] beleeue when they are sick, that Quesango is offended with them. In many places of this Towne were litle Images, and ouer them great store of Elephants Teeth piled.

The streets of this Towne were paled with Palme-canes very orderly. Their Houses were round like an Hiue, and within hanged with fine Mats very curiously wrought. On the South-east end of the Towne was a Mokiso, which had more then three Tunnes of Elephants Teeth piled ouer him.

From this Towne of Cashil, I trauelled vp into the Countrey with the Gagas two dayes, and came to Calicansamba, where the great Gaga had his Campe, and was welcome to him. A∣mong the Camball people, I determined to liue, hoping in God, that they would trauell so farre to the West-ward, till we should see the Sea againe; and so I might escape by some ship. These [ 40] Gagas remayned foure monethes in this place, with great abundance and plentie of Cattle, Corne, Wine, and Oyle, and great triumphing, drinking, dancing, and banquetting with mans flesh, which was an heauie spectacle to behold.

At the end of foure monethes they marched toward the Serras, or Mountaines of Cashind∣cabar, which are mightie high, and haue great Copper-mynes, and they tooke the spoyle all the way as they went. From thence they went to the Riuer Longa, and passed it, and setled them∣selues in the Towne of Calango, and remayned there fiue or sixe monethes. Then wee arose, and entred into the Prouince of Toudo, and came to the Riuer Gonsa, and marched on the South∣side of the Riuer to a Lord that was called Makellacolonge, neere to the great Citie of Dongo. Here we passed ouer mightie high Mountaines, and found it very cold.

Hauing spent sixteene moneths among these Canibals, they marched to the Westward againe, [ 50] and came along the Riuer Gonsa, or Gunza, to a Lord that is called Shillambansa, Vnkle to the King of Angola. We burned his chiefe Towne, which was after their fashion very sumptuous∣ly builded. This place is very pleasant and fruitfull. Heere we found great store of wild Pea∣cockes, flying vp and downe the Trees, in as great abundance as other Birds. The old Lord Shillambansa was buried in the middle of the Towne, and had an hundred tame Peacockes kept vpon his Graue: which Peacockes he gaue to his Mokeso, and they were called Angello Mo∣keso, that is, The Deuils or Idols Birds, and were accounted as holy things. He had great store of Copper, Cloth, and many other things laid vpon his Graue; which is the order of that Countrey. [ 60]

From this place we marched to the Westward, along the Riuer Coanza, and came right a∣gainst the Serras, or Mountaines of Cambanbe, or Serras de Prata. Here is the great fall of wa∣ter, that falleth right downe, and maketh a mightie noyse, that is heard thirtie miles. Wee entred into the Prouince of Casama, and came to one of the greatest Lords, which was called

Langere, He obeyed the Great Gaga, and carried vs to a Lord, called Casoch, which was a great Warrier; for he had some seuen yeeres before, ouerthrowne the Portugals Campe, and killed * 1.306 eight hundred Portugals, and fortie thousand Negroes, that were on the Portugals side. This Lord did stoutly withstand the Gagas, and had the first day a mightie battaile: but had not the victorie that day. So wee made a Sconse of Trees after their fashion, and remayned foure mo∣neths in the Warres with them. I was so highly esteemed with the Great Gaga, because I kil∣led many Negroes with my Musket, that I had any thing that I desired of him. He would al∣so, * 1.307 when they went out to the Warres, giue charge to his men ouer me. By this meanes I haue beene often carried away in their armes, and saued my life. Here we were within three dayes Iourney of Massangano, before mentioned, where the Portugals haue a Fort: and I sought [ 10] meanes, and got to the Portugals againe with Merchant Negroes, that came to the Campe to buy Slaues.

There were in the Campe of the Gagas, twelue Captains. The first, called Imbe Calandola, their Generall a man of great courage. He warreth all by enchantment, and taketh the Deuils coun∣sell in all his exploits. He is alwaies making of sacrifices to the Deuill, and doth know many times what shall happen vnto him. Hee beleeueth that hee shall neuer die but in the Warres. There is no Image among them, but he vseth certaine ceremonies. He hath straight Lawes to his Souldiers: for, those that are faint-hearted, and turne their backes to the Enemie, are presently condemned and killed for cowards, and their bodies eaten. He vseth euery night to make a war∣like Oration vpon an high Scaffold, which doth encourage his people. * 1.308 [ 20]

It is the order of these people, wheresoeuer they pitch their Campe, although they stay but one night in a place, to build their Fort, with such wood or trees as the place yeeldeth: so that * 1.309 the one part of them cutteth downe trees and boughs, and the other part carrieth them, and buildeth a round Circle with twelue Gates. So that euery Captaine keepeth his Gate. In the middle of the Fort is the Generals house, intrenched round about, and hee hath many Porters that keepe the Doore. They build their houses very close together, and haue their Bowes, Ar∣rowes, and Darts, standing without their Doores: And when they giue alarme, they are so∣dainly all out of the Fort. Euery companie at their Doores keepe very good watch in the night, playing vpon their Drums and Tauales.

These Gagas told vs of a Riuer that is to the Southward of the Bay of Vaccas, that hath great [ 30] * 1.310 store of Gold: and that they gathered vp great store of graines of Gold vpon the Sand, which the fresh water driueth downe in the time of raine. We found some of this Gold in the handles of their Hatchets, which they vse to engraue with Copper, and they called it Copper also, and doe not esteeme it.

These Gagas delight in no Countrie, but where there is great store of Palmares, or Groues of Palmes. For they delight greatly in the Wine, and in the Fruit of the Palme, which serueth to eate and to make Oyle: and they draw their Wine contrarie to the Imbondos. These Palme-trees are sixe or seuen fathoms high, and haue no leaues but in the top: and they haue a deuice * 1.311 to goe vp to the top of the Tree, and lay no hands on it, and they draw the Wine in the top of the tree in a Bottle. [ 40]

But these Gagas cut the Palme-trees downe by the roote, which lie ten dayes before they * 1.312 will giue Wine. And then they make a square hole in the top and heart of the Tree, and take out of the hole euery morning a quart, and at night a quart. So that euery Tree giueth two quarts of Wine a day for the space of sixe and twentie dayes, and then it drieth vp.

When they settle themselues in any Countrie, they cut downe as many Palmes as will serue * 1.313 them Wine for a moneth: and then as many more. So that in a little time they spoile the Coun∣trie. They stay no longer in a place, then it will affoord them maintenance. And then in Haruest time they arise, and settle themselues in the fruitfullest place that they can find; and doe reape * 1.314 their Enemies Corne, and take their Cattell. For they will not sowe, nor plant, nor bring vp any Cattell, more then they take by Warres. When they come into any Countrie that is strong, [ 50] which they cannot the first day conquer, then their Generall buildeth his Fort, and remayneth sometimes a moneth or two quiet. For he saith, it is as great warres to the Inhabitants to see * 1.315 him setled in their Countrey, as though he fought with them euery day. So that many times the Inhabitants come and assault him at his Fort: and these Gagas defend themselues and flesh them on for the space of two or three dayes. And when their Generall mindeth to giue the on∣set, he will in the night put out some one thousand men: which do emboske themselues about a mile from their Fort. Then in the morning the great Gaga goeth with all his strength out of the Fort, as though he would take their Towne. The Inhabitants comming neere the Fort to defend their Countrey, being betweene them, the Gagas giue the watch-word with their Drummes, and then the embosked men arise, so that very few escape. And that day their Generall ouer∣runneth * 1.316 [ 60] the Countrey.

The great Gaga Calando hath his haire very long, embroydred with many knots full of Ban∣ba shels, which are very rich among them, and about his necke a Collar of Maloes, which are also shells, that are found vpon that Coast, and are sold among them for the worth of twen∣tie

shillings a shell: and about his middle he weareth Landes, which are Beades made of the Ostridges Egges. He weareth a Palme cloth about his middle, as fine as Silke. His body is car∣ued * 1.317 and cut with sundry workes, and euery day anointed with the fat of men. Hee weareth a peece of Copper crosse his nose, two inches long, and in his eares also. His body is alwaies pain∣ted red and white. He hath twenty or thirty wiues, which followed him when he goeth a∣broad; and one of them carrieth his Bow and Arrowes, and foure of them carry his Cuppes of * 1.318 drinke after him. And when hee drinketh, they all kneele downe, and clap their hands and sing.

Their women weare their haire with high trompes, full of Bamba shels, and are anointed with Ciuet. They pull out foure of their teeth; two aboue and two below for a brauery: And * 1.319 [ 10] those that haue not their teeth out, are loathsome to them, and shall neither eate nor drinke with them. They weare great store of Beades about their neckes, armes and legs; about their middles, Silke cloathes.

The women are very fruitfull, but they enioy none of their children: For as soone as the wo∣man * 1.320 is deliuered of her Childe, it is presently buried quicke; So that there is not one Childe brought vp in all this Generation. But when they take any Towne, they keepe the Boyes and Girles of thirteene or foureteene yeares of age, as their owne children. But the men and wo∣men they kill and eate. These little Boyes they traine vp in the warres, and hang a collar about their neckes for a disgrace, which is neuer taken off till he proueth himselfe a man, and bring his enemies head to the Generall: And then it is taken off, and he is a Free-man, and is called Gonso, or Souldier. This maketh them all desperate, and forward to be free, and counted men: [ 20] and so they doe increase. In all this Campe there were but twelue naturall Gagas that were * 1.321 their Captaines, and foureteene or fifteene women. For it is more then fiftie yeares since they come from Serra de Lion, which was their natiue Countrey. But their Campe is sixteene thou∣sand strong, and sometimes more.

When the great Gaga Calandola, vndertaketh any great enterprize against the Inhabitants of * 1.322 any Countrey, he maketh a sacrifice to the Diuell, in the morning before the Sunne riseth. He sitteth vpon a stoole, hauing on each side of him a man Witch: then he hath fortie or fiftie wo∣men which stand round about him, holding in each hand a Zeueras, or wilde horses tayle, where * 1.323 [ 30] with they doe flourish and sing. Behind them are great store of Petes, Ponges, and Drummes, which alwaies play. In the midst of them is a great fire; vpon the fire an earthen pot with white powders, where-with the men Witches doe paint him on the forehead, temples, thwart the breast and belly, with long ceremonies and inchanting tearmes. Thus he continueth till sunne is downe. Then the Witches bring his Casengala, which is a weapon like an hatchet, and put it into his hand, and bid him bee strong against his enemies: for his Mokiso is with him. And presently there is a Man-childe brought, which forth-with he killeth. Then are foure * 1.324 men brought before him; two whereof, as it happeneth, he presently striketh and killeth; the other two, he commandeth to be killed without the Fort. [ 40]

Here I was by the men Witches commanded to goe away, because I was a Christian. For then the Diuell doth appeare to them, as they say. And presently he commandeth fiue Cowes to be killed in the Fort, and fiue without the Fort: And likewise as many Goates, and as many Dogges; and the bloud of them is sprinkled in the fire, and their bodies are eaten with great feasting and triumph. And this is vsed many times by all the other Captaines of their Armie.

When they bury the dead, they make a valut in the ground, and a seate for him to sit. The * 1.325 dead hath his haire newly imbroydred, his body washed, and anointed with sweete powders. He hath all his best robes put on, and is brought betweene two men to his graue, and set in his seate, as though he were aliue. He hath two of his wiues set with him, with their armes bro∣ken, and then they couer the vault on the top. The Inhabitants when they dye, are buried after [ 50] the same fashion, and haue the most part of their goods buried with them. And euery moneth there is a meeting of the kindred of the dead man, which mourne and sing dolefull songs at his graue, for the space of three daies; and kill many Goates, and powre their bloud vpon his graue, and Palme-Wine also; and vse this ceremony as long as any of their kindred be aliue. But those that haue no kindred think themselues vnhappy men, because they haue none to mourne * 1.326 for them when they dye. These people are very kind one to another in their health; but in their sicknesse they doe abhorre one another, and will shun their company. [ 60]

§. IIII.

His returne to the Portugals: inuasions of diuers Countries, abuse, flight from them, and liuing in the Woods diuers moneths: His strange Boate, and comming to Loango.

BEing departed from the Gagas, I came to Masangano, where the Portugals haue a * 1.327 Towne of Garrison. There was at that time a new Gouernor, which was called, Sie∣nor Iuan Continbo: who brought authority to conquer the Mines or Mountaines of [ 10] Cambamba: and to performe that seruice, the King of Spaine had giuen him seauen yeares custome, of all the Slaues and Goods that were carried thence to the West-Indies, Brasil, or whither soeuer: with condition, that he should build three Castles; one in Demba, which are the salt Mines; the other, in Cambamba, which are the Siluer Mines; and the other * 1.328 in Bahia das Vaccas, or The Bay of Cowes. This Gentleman was so bountifull at his comming, that his fame was spread through all Congo, and many Mulatos and Negroes came voluntarily to serue him. And being some sixe moneths in the Citie, he marched to the Outaba of Tombe: and there shipped his Souldiers in Pinnasses, and went vp the Riuer Consa, or Coanza, and landed at * 1.329 the Outaba of Songo, sixtie miles from the Sea. This Lord Songo is next to Demba, where the Salt Mines be. In this place there is such store of Salt, that most part of the Countrey are [ 20] perfect cleere Salt, without any earth or filth in it: and it is some three foot vnder the earth as it were Ice: and they cut it out in stones of a yard long, and it is carried vp into the Coun∣trey, and is the best commoditie that a man can carry to buy any thing whatsoeuer. * 1.330

Here the Gouernour stayed ten daies, and sent a Pinnasse to Masangano, for all the best Souldiers that were there. So the Captain of the Castle sent me down among an hundred Souldi∣ers, and I was very well vsed by the Gouernor; and he made me a Sergeant of a Portugall Com∣pany, and then he marched to Machimba; from thence to Cauo, and then to Malombe, a great Lord. Here we were foure daies, and many Lords came and obeyed vs. From thence we mar∣ched * 1.331 to a mightie Lord, called Augoykayongo, who stood in the defence of his Countrey, with more then sixtie thousand men. So we met with him, and had the victory, and made a great [ 30] slaughter among them. We tooke captiues all his Women and Children, and setled our selues in his Towne, because it was a very pleasant place, and full of Cattle and victuals. And being * 1.332 eight daies in this Towne, the Gouernour sickned and dyed, and left a Captaine in his roome to performe the seruice.

After we had beene two moneths in the Countrey of Angoykayongo, we marched toward Cambambe, which was but three daies iourney, and came right against the Serras da Prata, and * 1.333 passed the Riuer Coanza, and presently ouer-ranne the Countrey, and built a Fort hard by the Riuers side. Here I serued two yeares. They opened the Siluer Mines: but the Portugals did not like of them as yet; because they yeelded small store of Siluer. This new vp-start Gouer∣nour, was very cruell to his Souldiers, so that all his voluntary men left him; and by this meanes [ 40] he could goe no farther. At this time, there came newes by the Iesuites, that the Queene of England was dead; and that King Iames had made peace with Spaine. Then I made a petition * 1.334 to the Gouernour, who granted me licence to goe into my Countrey: And so I departed with the Gouernor and his Traine to the Citie of Saint Paul.

But he left fiue hundred Souldiers in the Fort of Cambambe, which they hold still. Then I went with a Portugall Marchant to the Prouince of Bamba: and from thence to the Onteiro, or * 1.335 Citie standing vpon a Mountaine of Congo: from thence to Gongon and Batta: and there wee sold our commodities, and returned in sixe moneths to the Citie againe. Then I purposed to haue shipped my selfe for Spaine, and thence homewards. But the Gouernour denyed his word, and commanded me to prouide my selfe within two daies, to goe vp to the Conquest againe. [ 50] This Gouernour had serued his three yeares, and the Citizens looked euery day for another out of Portugall. So I determined to absent my selfe for ten or twentie daies, till the other Gouer∣nour came, and then to come to the Citie againe. For euery Gouernour that commeth, maketh Proclamation for all men that be absent, to come with free pardon.

The same day at night, I departed from the Citie, with two Negro Boyes that I had, which carried my Musket, and sixe pounds of Powder, and an hundred Bullets, and that little proui∣sion of victuals which I could make. In the morning I was some twentie miles from the Citie, vp along the Riuer Bengo, and there I stayed certaine dayes; and then passed Ben∣go, and came to the Riuer Dande, which is to the North-ward; purposing to know what newes was in the Citie, for I was neere the high-way of Congo: And one of my Negroes [ 60] inquired of those that passed, and brought me word; That it was certaine, that the new Gouernour came not that yeare. Now I was put to my shifts, whether I would goe to the * 1.336 Citie againe and be hanged, or to stay and liue in the Woods: for I had runne away twice be∣fore. So I was forced to liue in the Wood a moneth, betwixt the Riuers of Dande and Bengo.

Then I went to Bengo again, to Mani Kaswea, & passed ouer the Riuer, and went to the lake, of Ca∣sansa. * 1.337 Here is the greatest store of wild beasts, that is in any place of Angola. About this lake I staid six monethes, & liued only vpon dried flesh, as Buffes, Deere, Mokokes, Impolancas, and Ro-bucks, and other sorts which I killed with my Musket, and dryed the flesh, as the Sauages doe, vpon an * 1.338 Hurdle three foot from the ground, making vnderneath it a great fire, and laying vpon the flesh greene boughes, which keepe the smoke and heate of the fire downe, and dry it. I made my fire with two little stickes, as the Sauages vse to doe. I had sometimes Guiney Wheate, which my Negro Boy would get of the Inhabitants for pieces of dryed flesh. This Lake of Casanze doth abound with fish of sundry sorts. I haue taken vp a fish, that hath skipped out of the water on shoare, foure foot long, which the Heathen call Sombo. Thus after I had liued sixe monethes [ 10] with dryed flesh and fish, and seeing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 end of my miserie, I wrought meanes to get away.

In this Lake are many little Ilands, that are full of trees, called Memba; which are as light as * 1.339 Cocke, and as soft. Of these trees I built a Iergado, with a Knife of the Sauages that I had, in the fashion of a Boat, nayled with woodden pegs, and rayled round about because the Sea should not wash me out, and with a Blanket that I had, I made a sayle, and prepared three Oares to row withall. This Lake of Casanza is eight miles ouer, and issueth into the Riuer Bengo. So I entred * 1.340 into my Gi••gado, and my two Negro Boyes, and rowed into the Riuer Bengo, and so came, downe with the current twelue leagues to the barre. Here I was in great danger, because the Sea was great, and being ouer the barre, I rowed into the Sea, and then sayled afore the wind along the Coast, which I knew very well, minding to goe to the Kingdome of Longo, which is [ 20] toward the North: and being that night at Sea, the next day I saw a Pinnasse come before the wind, which came from the Citie, and was bound to San Thomo, and shee came neere to mee. The Master was my great friend, for we had beene Mates together, and for pitie sake he tooke * 1.341 me in, and set me on shoare in the Port of Longo; where I remayned three yeares, and was well beloued of the King, because I killed him Deere and Fowles with my Musket.

§. V.

Of the Prouince of Engoy, and other Regions of Loango, with the Customes [ 30] there obserued by the King and people.

FRom the Point of the Palmar, which is the North-side of the Riuer Zaire, is the * 1.342 Port of Cabenda, where many ships vse to water and refresh themselues; and it is fiue leagues Northwards. This place is called Engoy, and is the first Prouince of Longo, and is full of Woods and Thickets. And seuen leagues North-wards of that place is the Riuer Cacongo; a very pleasant place and fruitfull. Here is great store of Elephants Teeth: and a Boat of ten tunnes may goe vp the Riuer.

The Mombales haue great Trade with them, and passe the Riuer Zaire in the night, be∣cause * 1.343 then it is calme; and carrie great store of Elephants Teeth to the Towne of Mani Sonna, [ 40] and sell them in the Port of Pinda to the Portugals, or any other stranger, that first commeth.

And foure leagues from Cacongo, is the Riuer of Caye, or Longo Leuyes. This Towne of Caye * 1.344 is one of the foure Seates or Lordships of Longo: and then the Angra, or Gulfe das Almadias. In this Gulfe or Bay are great store of Canoes and Fishermen, because the Sea is smoother there, then vpon the Coast. And two leagues North-ward is the Port of Longo. And it is a sandie Bay, and a ship may tide within a Musket shot of the shoare in foure or fiue fathomes.

The Towne of Mani Longo is three miles from the waters side, and standeth on a great Plaine. This Towne is full of Palme and Plantan Trees, and very fresh; and their Houses are builded vnder the Trees. Their streets are wide and long, and alwayes cleane swept. The King hath his Houses on the West-side, and before his doore hee hath a Plaine, where hee sitteth, when hee hath any feasting or matters of warres to treate of. From this Plaine there goeth a great wide [ 50] street some Musket shot from the place; and there is a great Market euery day, and it doth begin at twelue of the clocke.

Here is great store of Palme-clothes of sundry sorts, which is their Merchandizes: and great store of Victuals, Flesh, Hens, Fish, Wine, Oyle and Corne. Here is also very fine Logwood, * 1.345 which they vse to dye withall: it is the root of the Logwood, which is the best, and Molangos of Copper. Here is likewise great store of Elephants Teeth, but they sell none in the Market place. The King hath ten great Houses, and is neuer certaine to be found, but in the afternoone, when he commeth to sit. And then he keepeth alwayes one House. The House is very long, and at twelue of the clocke it is full of Noblemen. They sit vpon Carpets vpon the ground. The [ 60] House is alwayes full of people till mid-night. The last King Gembe, neuer vsed to speake in the day, but alwayes in the night. But this King speaketh in the day: howbeit hee spendeth most of the day with his Wiues. And when the King commeth in, he goeth to the vpper end of the House, where hee hath his seate, as it were a Throne. And when the King is set, they clap

their hands and salute him, saying in their Language; Byani Pemba, Ampola, Moneya, Quesinge.

On the South-side of the Kings Houses he hath a circuit or Village, where his Wiues dwell: * 1.346 and in this circuit no man may come in paine of death. He hath in this place one hundred & fifty Wiues and more. And if any man be taken within this Circuit, if he be with a woman, or doe but speake to her, they be both brought into the Market place, and their heads bee cut off, and their bodies quartered, and lye one day in the streets. The last King Gymbe, had foure hundred children by his women.

When the King drinketh he hath a cup of wine brought, and he that bringeth it hath a Bell * 1.347 in his hand, and assoone as he hath deliuered the cup to the King, hee turneth his face from the [ 10] King, and ringeth the Bell: and then all that be there fall downe vpon their faces, and rise not till the King haue drunke. And this is very dangerous for any stranger, that knoweth not the fashions: for if any seeth the King drink, he is presently killed, whatsoeuer he be. There was a Boy of twelue yeares, which was the Kings Sonne; This Boy chanced to come vnaduisedly when his Father was in drinking: presently the King commanded he should be well apparelled, & victuals * 1.348 prepared. So the youth did eat & drink: afterward the King commanded that he should be cut in quarters, and carryed about the Citie; with Proclamation that he saw the King drinke. Likewise for his Dyet, when it is dinner time, there is an House of purpose, where hee alwayes eateth; and there his Dyet is set vpon a Bensa, like a Table: then hee goeth in and hath the doore shut. So when he hath eaten, then he knocketh and commeth out. So that none see the King eat nor [ 20] drinke. For it is their Beliefe, that if hee bee seene eating or drinking, hee shall presently dye. And this is an order with all the Kings that now are, or shall succeed, vnlesse they abolish this cruell custome.

This King is so honoured, as though hee were a God among them: and is called Sambe and Pongo, that is, God. And they beleeue that he can giue them raine, when hee listeth. So once a * 1.349 yeare when it is time to raine; which is in December, the people come to begge raine, and bring their gifts to the King: for none come emptie. Then he appointeth the day, and all the Lords farre and neere come to that Feast with all their troupes, as they goe in the warres. And when all the troupes of men be before the King, the greatest Lord commeth forth with his Bow and Arrowes, and sheweth his skill with his weapons, and then he hath a merrie conceit or iest, that [ 30] he speaketh before the King, and kneele that his feet, and then the King thanketh him for his loue: and in like manner they doe all. The King sitteth abroad in a great place, and hath a Car∣pet spread vpon the ground, which is some fifteene fathomes about of fine Ensacks, which are wrought like Veluet, and vpon the Carpet his seat, which is a fathome from the ground. Then he commandeth his Dembes to strike vp, which are Drums, so great that they cannot carrie them, and others that are very great. He hath also eight Pongos, which are his Wayters, made of the greatest Elephants Teeth, and are hollowed and scraped light: which play also. And with the Drums and Waytes they make an hellish noyse. After they haue sported and shewed the King pleasure, he ariseth and standeth vpon his Throne, and taketh a Bow and Arrowes in his hand and shooteth to the Skie, and that day there is great reioycing, because sometimes they haue raine. I was once there when the King gaue raine, and it chanced that day to raine migh∣tily, * 1.350 [ 40] which made the people to haue a great beliefe in their folly.

Here are sometimes borne in this Countrey white children, which is very rare among them, * 1.351 for their Parents are Negroes. And when any of them are borne, they bee presented vnto the King, and are called Dondos. These are as white as any white man. These are the Kings Wit∣ches, and are brought vp in Witchcraft, and alwayes wayte on the King. There is no man that dare meddle with these Dondos. If they goe to the Market, they may take what they list, for all men stand in awe of them. The King of Longo hath foure of them.

This King is also a Witch and beleeueth in two Idols, whch are in Longo. The one is called, [ 50] Mokisso à Longo, the other is called, Checocke. This last is a little blacke Image, and standeth in * 1.352 a little house, at a Village that is called, Kinga, which standeth in the landing place of Longo. This house of Checocke standeth in the high-way, and they that go by clap their hands, which is the courtesie of the Country. Those that be Crafts-men, as Fishermen, Hunters & Witches do, of∣fer to this Idol, that they may haue good lucke. This Checocke doth sometimes in the night comea and haunt some of his best Beloued: sometimes a man, sometimes a Boy, or a Woman. And then they be franticke for the space of three houres. And whatsoeuer the franticke Person speaketh, that is the will of Checock. And they make a great Feast and dancing at his house.

There is another Mokisso, which is also in Kinga, and it is called, Gomberi. It is the name of a woman, and is in an house, where an old Witch dwelleth, and shee is called, Ganga Gomberi, * 1.353 which is, the Priest of Gomberi. Here once a yeare is a Feast made, and Ganga Gomberi speaketh [ 60] vnder the ground. And this is a common thing euery yeare. I haue asked the Negroes what it was, and they told me, that it is a strong Mokisso, that is come to abide with Checocke. * 1.354

The children in this Countrey are borne white, and change their colour in two dayes to a perfect blacke. As for example, the Portugals which dwell in the Kingdome of Congo, haue

sometimes children by the Negro Women, and many times the Fathers are deceiued, thinking when the child is borne that it is theirs, and within two dayes it proueth the sonne or daughter of a Negro; which the Portugals doe greatly grieue at: for they reioyce when they haue a Mu∣lato child, thought it be a bastard.

The Towne of Longo standeth in the middest of the foure Lordships; and is gouerned by * 1.355 foure Princes, which are the Kings sisters sonnes. For the Kings sonnes neuer come to be Kings. The first is, Mani Cabango. The second, Mani Salag. The third Mani Bock. The fourth, Ma∣ni Cay. This Mani Cay is next to be King, and hath his Traine and Court as a Prince. And when the King dieth, he commeth presently into the seat of the King. Then Mani Bock com∣meth to Gay: Mani Sabag commeth to Bock, and Mani Cabango commeth to Salag. And then [ 10] they prouide another to goe to Cabango. So there be foure Princes that wait to be Kings, when their turnes come. The Mother of these Princes is called, Mani Lombo: and shee is the high∣est and chiefe woman in all the Land. Shee maketh choice of her husband, and when shee is wearie of him, she putteth him away, and taketh another. Her children are greatly honoured; and whosoeuer passeth by them, kneele downe and clap their hands, which is the curtesie of the Countrie. These Lordships are champaine grounds, and full of Corne, and Fruit. The men in this Kingdome make great store of Palme-cloth of sundrie sorts, very fine and curious. They are neuer idle: for, they make fine Caps of needle-worke, as they goe in the streets.

There is a place two leagues from the Towne of Longo, called Longeri, where all their Kings * 1.356 be buried: and it is compassed round about with Elephants teeth pitched in the ground, as it [ 20] were a Pale, and it is ten roods in compasse.

These people will suffer no white man to be buried in their Land. And if any Stranger or * 1.357 Portugall come thither to trade, and chance to die, he is carried in a Boat two miles from the shoare, and cast into the Sea. There was once a Portugall Gentleman, that came to trade with them, and had his house on shoare. This Gentleman died, and was buried some foure moneths. That yeere it did not raine so soone as it was wont, which beginneth about December: so that they lacked raine some two moneths. Then their Mokiso told them, that the Christian which was buried, must be taken out of the earth, and cast into the Sea. And so he was taken vp, and east into the Sea; and within three dayes it rained: which made them haue a great beliefe in the Deuill. [ 30]

§. VI.

Of the Prouinces of Bongo, Calongo, Mayombe, Manikesocke, Motimbas: of the Ape-monster Pongo, their hunting, Idolatries; and diuers other obseruations.

TO the Eastward of Longeri is the Prouince of Bongo, and it bordereth vpon Mocoke, * 1.358 the Great Angeca is King. In this place is great store of Iron, and Palme-cloth, and [ 40] Elephants teeth, and great store of Corne. To the North-east, is the Prouince of Cango, an•• it is fourteene dayes iourney from the Towne of Longo. This place is full of Mountaines and rockie ground, and full of Woods, and hath great store of Copper. The Elephants in this place doe excell. Here are so many, that the people of Longo fetch great store of Elephants teeth, and bring them to the Port of Longo.

To the Northwards of Longo three leagues is, the Riuer Quelle: and on the North side is, the * 1.359 Prouince of Calongo. This Countrey is alwaies tilled, and full of Corne: and is all plaine and champaine ground, and hath great store of Honie. Here are two little Villages, that shew at Sea like two homocks: which are the markes to know the Port of Longo. And fifteene miles Northward is the Riuer Nombo: but it hath no depth for any Barke to goe in. This Prouince, toward the East, bordereth vpon Bongo; and toward the North, vpon Mayombe, which is nine∣teene [ 50] leagues from Longo, along the Coast.

This Prouince of Mayombe is all Woods and Groues; so ouergrowne, that a man may tra∣uaile * 1.360 twentie dayes in the shadow without any Sunne or heat. Here is no kind of Corne nor Graine: so that the people liueth onely vpon Plantanes, and Roots of sundrie sorts very good, and Nuts, nor any kind of tame Cattell, nor Hens. But they haue great store of Elephants flesh, which they greatly esteeme; and many kind of wild Beasts; and great store of Fish. Here is a great sandy Bay, two leagues to the Southward of Cape Negro, which is the Port of Mayombe. * 1.361 Sometimes the Portugals lade Logwood in this Bay. Here is a great Riuer, called Banna: in the Winter it hath no barre, because the generall winds cause a great Sea. But when the Sunne [ 60] hath his South declination, then a Boat may goe in: for then it is smooth because of the raine. This Riuer is very great and hath many Ilands, and people dwelling in them. The Woods are so couered with Baboones, Monkies, Apes, and Parrots, that it will feare any man to trauaile in them alone. Here are also two kinds of Monsters, which are common in these Woods, and very dangerous.

The greatest of these two Monsters is called, Pongo, in their Language: and the lesser is cal∣led, * 1.362 Engeco. This Pongo is in all proportion like a man, but that he is more like a Giant in sta∣ture; then a man: for he is very tall, and hath a mans face, hollow eyed, with long haire vpon his browes. His face and eares are without haire, and his hands also. His bodie is full of haire, but not very thicke, and it is of a dunnish colour. He differeth not from a man, but in his legs, for they haue no calfe. Hee goeth alwaies vpon his legs, and carrieth his hands clasped on the nape of his necke, when he goeth vpon the ground. They sleepe in the trees, and build shelters for the raine. They feed vpon Fruit that they find in the Woods, and vpon Nuts, for they eate no kind of flesh. They cannot speake, and haue no vnderstanding more then a beast. The Peo∣ple of the Countrie, when they trauaile in the Woods, make fires where they sleepe in the [ 10] night; and in the morning, when they are gone, the Pongoes will come and sit about the fire, till it goeth out: for they haue no vnderstanding to lay the wood together. They goe many together, and kill many Negroes that trauaile in the Woods. Many times they fall vpon the Elephants, which come to feed where they be, and so beate them with their clubbed fists, and pieces of wood, that they will runne roaring away from them. Those Pongoes are neuer taken aliue, because they are so strong, that ten men cannot hold one of them; but yet they take ma∣ny of their young ones with poisoned Arrowes. The young Pongo hangeth on his mothers bel∣lie, with his hands fast clasped about her: so that, when the Countrie people kill any of the femals, they take the young one, which hangeth fast vpon his mother. When they die among themselues, they couer the dead with great heapes of boughs and wood, which is commonly [ 20] found in the Forrests.

The Morombes vse to hunt with their Countrie Dogs, and kill many kinds of little beasts, and great store of Pheasants. But their Dogs be dumbe and cannot barke at all. They hang woodden clappers about their neckes, and follow them by the ratling of the clappers. The Huntsmen haue Petes, which they whistle their Dogs withall. These Dogs in all this Coun∣trie are very little, with prickt eares, and are for the most part red and dunne. The Portugall ma∣stie Dog, or any other great Dog are greatly esteemed, because they doe barke. I haue seene a Dog sold vp in the Countrie for thirtie pounds.

In the Towne of Mani Mayombe is a Fetisso, called Maramba: and it standeth in an high bas∣ket made like an Hiue, and ouer it a great house. This is their house of Religion: for they be∣leeue [ 30] onely in him, and keepe his lawes, and carrie his Reliques alwaies with them. They are for the most part Witches, and vse their witchcraft for hunting and killing of Elephants, and fishing, and helping of sicke and lame men: and to fore-cast iourneyes, whether they shall speed well or euill. By this Maramba are all thefts and murthers tried: for in this Countrie they vse sometimes to bewitch one another to death. And when any dieth, their neighbours are brought before Maramba: and if it be a great man that dieth, the whole Towne commeth to sweare. The order is, when they come before Maramba, to kneele and claspe Maramba in their armes, and to say; Emeno, eyge bembet Maramba: that is, I come to be tried, O Maramba. And if any of them be guiltie, they fall downe starke dead for euer. And if any of them that sweare hath killed any man or child before, although it be twentie yeeres past, hee presently [ 40] dieth. And so it is for any other matter. From this place as farre as it is to Cape De lopo Gon∣salues, they are all of this superstition. I was twelue moneths in this place, and saw many die after this sort.

These people be circumcised, as they be through all Angola, except the Kingdome of Congo, for they are Christians. And those that will be sworne, to Maramba, come to the chiefe Gan∣gas, which are their Priests, or Men-witches; as Boyes of twelue yeeres of age, and men and women. Then the Gangas put them into a darke house, and there they remaine certaine dayes with very hard diet: after this they are let abroad, and commanded not to speake for certaine dayes, what iniurie soeuer they be offered: so that they suffer great penurie before they bee sworne. Lastly, they are brought before Maramba, and haue two markes cut vpon both their [ 50] shoulders before, like an halfe Moone; and are sworne by the bloud that falleth from them, that they shall be true to him. They are forbidden some one kind of flesh, and some one kind of fish, with many other toyes. And if they eate any of this forbidden meate, they presently sicken and neuer prosper. They all carrie a relique of Maramba in a little boxe, and hang it about their necks, vnder their left armes. The Lord of this Prouince of Mayombe, hath the Ensigne or shape of Maramba carried before him, whithersoeuer he goeth; and when he sitteth downe, it is set before him; and when he drinketh his Palme-wine, the first cup is powred at the foote of the Mokiso, or Idoll; and when he eateth any thing whatsoeuer, the first piece he throweth to∣ward his left hand, with enchanting words. * 1.363

From Cape Negro Northward is a great Lord, called Mani Seat; which hath the greatest [ 60] store of Elephants teeth of any Lord in the Kingdome of Longo: for, his people practise no∣thing else but to kill Elephants. And two of those Negroes will easily kill an Elephant with their darts. And here is great store of Logwood. * 1.364

There is another Lord to the Eastward, which is called Mani Kesock, and he is eight dayes

iourney from Mayombe. Heere I was with my two Negro Boyes, to buy Elephants haires * 1.365 and tayles; and in a moneth I bought twentie thousand, which I sold to the Portugals for thir∣tie Slaues, and all my charges borne. From this place I sent one of my Negro Boyes to Mani Seat with a Looking-glasse: he did esteeme it much, and sent me foure Elephants teeth, (very great) by his owne men; and desired me to cause the Portugals, or any other shippe, to come to the Northward of the Cape Negro, and hee would make fires where his landing place is: For there was neuer yet any Portugall, or other stranger in that place.

To the North-east of Mani Kesock, are a kind of little people, called Matimbas; which are no bigger then Boyes of twelue yeares old, but are very thicke, and liue onely vpon flesh, which they kill in the Woods with their Bowes and Darts. They pay tribute to Mani Kesock, and [ 10] bring all their Elephants teeth and tayles to him. They will not enter into any of the Marom∣bos houses, nor will suffer any to come where they dwell. And if by chance any Maramba, or people of Longo passe where they dwell, they will forsake that place, and go to another. The Women carry Bow and Arrowes as well as the Men. And one of these will walke in the Woods alone, and kill the Pongos with their poysoned Arrowes. I haue asked the Marombos, whether the Elephant sheddeth his teeth or no? And they say no. But sometimes they finde their teeth in the Woods, but they find their bones also.

When any man is suspected for any offence, he is carried before the King, or before Mani Bomma, which is as it were a Iudge vnder the King. And if it be vpon matter that hee deny∣eth, and cannot be proued but by their oath; then the suspected person is thus sworne. They [ 20] haue a kind of roote which they call Imbondo. This roote is very strong, and is scraped into * 1.366 water. The vertue of this roote is, that if they put too much of it into the water, the person that drinketh it cannot voyd vrine: and so it striketh vp into the braine, as though hee were drunke, and he falleth downe as though he were dead. And those that fall are counted as guiltie, and are punished.

In this Countrey none of any account dyeth, but they kill another for him: for they be∣leeue they dye not of their owne naturall death, but that some other hath bewitched them to death: And all those are brought in by the friends of the dead which they suspect, so that ma∣ny times there come fiue hundred men and women to take the drinke, made of the foresaid root, Imbonda. They are brought all to the High-streete or Market place, and there the master of the [ 30] Imbonda sitteth with his water, and giueth euery one a cup of water by one measure: and they are commanded to walke in a certaine place till they make water, and then they be free: But he that cannot vrine, presently falleth downe, and all the people great and small fall vpon him with their kniues, and beate and cut him into pieces. But I thinke the Witch that giueth the water is partiall, and giueth to him whom he will haue to dye the strongest water, but no man * 1.367 can perceiue it that standeth by. And this is done in the Towne of Longo, almost euery week in the yeare.

§. VII.

Of the Zebra and Hippopotamus: The Portugals Warres in those parts: The [ 50] Fishing, Graine, and other things remarkable.

IN this Kingdome there is no kind of tame Cattle but Goats; for none other Cattle will liue here. Oxen and Kine haue beene brought hither, but they presently dye: The Hennes in this place doe so abound, that a man may buy thirtie for the worth of sixe pence in Beads. Heere is store of Pheasants, and great plenty of Partrid∣ges, and wilde Fowle. Here is a kind of Fowle that liues in the Land bigger then a Swan, and * 1.368 they are like an Heron, with long legges, and long neckes, and it is white and blacke, and hath in her breast a bare place without Feathers, where she striketh with her Bill. This is the right * 1.369 Pelican, and not those Sea Birds which the Portugals call Pelicans, which are white, and as [ 60] bigge as Geese, and those abound in this Country also.

Here is also the Zeuera or Zebra, which is like an horse; but that his mane, his taile, his strakes * 1.370 of diuers colours downe his sides and legges, doe make a difference. These Zeueras are all wilde,

and liue in great heards, and will suffer a man to come within shot of them, and let them shoote three or foure times at them before they will runne away.

Moreouer, there are great store of Sea or Riuer Horses, which feed alway on the Land, and liue onely by Grasse, and they be very dangerous in the water. They are the biggest creature in * 1.371 this Countrey, except the Elephant: They haue great vertue in the clawes of their left fore∣foote, and haue foure clawes on euery foot, like the clawes of an Oxe. The Portugals make Rings of them, and they are a present remedy for the Fluxe.

[illustration] drawing of a zebra

The ZEVERA or ZEBRA. [ 10]

The Portugals make warre against the Negroes in this manner. They haue out of Congo a [ 20] [ 30] [ 40] Noble-man, which is knowne to be a good Christian, and of good behauiour. He bringeth out * 1.372 of Congo some one hundred Negroes that are his followers. This Macicongo is made Tandala, or Generall ouer the blacke Campe; and hath authoritie to kill, to put downe Lords, and make Lords, and hath all the cheefe doings with the Negroes. And when any Lord commeth to obey; * 1.373 first he commeth to the Tandala and bringeth his present; as Slaues, Kine, and Goats: Then the Tandala carrieth him before the Portugall Gouernour, and bringeth two Slaues for the Go∣uernours Page before he goeth in. Then he must haue a great gift for the Gouernour; which is sometimes, thirtie or fortie Slaues, besides Cattle. And when he commeth before the Gouer∣nour, he kneeleth downe and clappeth his hands, and falleth downe with his face vpon the [ 50] ground, and then he riseth and saith; I haue beene an enemy, and now I protest to be true, and neuer more to lift my hand against you. Then the Gouernour calleth a Souldier which hath deserued a reward, and giueth the Lord to him. This Souldier seeth that he haue no wrong: and the Lord acknowledgeth him to be his Master; and he doth maintaine the Souldier, and maketh him rich. Also, in the warres he commandeth his Masters house to be built before his owne: and whatso∣euer he hath taken that day in the warres, he parteth with his Master. So that there is no Por∣tugall Souldier of any account, but he hath his Negro Sona, or Lord.

They vse vpon this Coast to Fish with harping Irons, and waite vpon a great Fish that com∣meth once a day to feed along the shoare, which is like a Grampas. Hee runneth very neere the [ 60] * 1.374 shoare, and driueth great skuls of Fish before him: and the Negroes runne along the shoare, as fast as they are able to follow him, and strike their Harping Irons round about him, and kill great store of Fish, and leaue them vpon the Sand till the Fish hath done feeding; and then they come and gather their Fish vp. This Fish will many times runne himselfe on ground, but they

will presently shoue him off againe, which is as much as foure or fiue men can doe. They call him Emboa, which is in their speech, A Dogge; and will by no meanes hurt or kill any of them. Also, they vse in the Bayes and Riuers, where shoald water is, to Fish with Mats, which * 1.375 are made of long Rush as, and they make them of an hundred fathoms long. The Mats swim vpon the Water, and haue long Rushes hanged vpon one edge of the Mat, and so they draw the Mat in compasse, as we doe our Nets. The Fishes fearing the Rushes that hang downe, spring out of the water, and fall vpon the Mat that lyeth, flat on the water, and so are taken.

They haue foure sorts of Corne in Longo: The first, is called Masarga, and it groweth vpon * 1.376 a straw as bigge as a Reede, and hath an eare a foote long, and is like Hemp-seed. The second, is called Masembala. This is of great increase: for of one kernell there springs foure or fiue Canes, [ 10] which are tenne foote high, and they beare halfe a pinte of Corne a peece. This graine is as big as Tares, and very good. Thirdly, they haue another that groweth low like Grasse, and is very like Mustard-seed: and this is the best. They haue also the great Guiney Wheate, which they call Mas-impota. This is the least esteemed.

They haue very good Peason, somewhat bigger then ours: but they grow not as ours do. For * 1.377 the poodes grow on the rootes vnderneath the ground; and by their leaues they know when they be ripe. They haue another kind of Peason, which they call Wandos. This is a little tree; and the first yeare that it is planted, it beareth no fruit: but after it beareth fruit three yeares, and then it is cut downe.

Their Plantan trees beare fruit but once, and then are cut downe: and out of the root there∣of [ 20] spring three of foure young ones.

They haue great store of Hony, which hangeth in the Elicondy Trees. They gather it with * 1.378 an hollow piece of Wood or Chest, which they hang in the top of the Tree, and once a yeare it is full, by smoake rewarding the laborious Creatures with robbery, exile, death.

THIS Alicunde or Elicondy Tree is very tall, and exceeding great; some as big as twelue men * 1.379 can fathome, spreading like an Oake; some of them are hollow, and from the liberall skies re∣ceiue such plentie of water, that they are Hospitall entertainers of thousands in that thirstie Region. Once haue I knowne three or foure thousand remaine at one of those Trees, and thence receiuing all [ 30] their watery prouision for foure and twentie houres, and yet not emptie. The Negroes climbed vp with pegges of hard Wooke (which that softer easily receiueth, the smoothnesse not admitting other climb∣ing) and I thinke that some one Tree holds fortie tunne of water. This Tree affoords no lesse bountifull hospitality to the backe then belly, yeelding (as her belly to their bellies, so) her backe to their backes: excepting that this is better from the younger Trees, whose tenderer backes being more seasonable for Discipline, are soundly beaten (for mans fault, whence came the first nakednesse) whereby one fa∣thome cut from the Tree, is extended into twentie, and is presently fit for wearing, though not so fine as the Iuzanda tree yeelds. This tree yeelds excellent cloath from the inner backe thereof by like bea∣ting. * 1.380 Of their Palme Trees, which they keepe with watering and cutting euery yeare; they make Vel∣uets, Sattins, Taffataes, Damaskes, Sarcenets, and such like: out of the leaues cleansed and purged, dra〈…〉〈…〉ng long threads, and euen for that purpose. They draw Wine (as is said) from the Palme Tree; [ 40] there is another kind of Palme Tree, which beareth a fruite good for the stomacke, and for the Liuer most most admirable.

One Crocodile was so huge and greedy, that he deuoured an Alibamba, that is, a chained company of eight or nine Slaues: but the indigestible Iron paid him his wages, and murthered the murtherer, found after in his belly. I haue seene them watch their prey, haling in gennet, Man or other Creature into the water. But one Souldier thus wrapt in shallower water, drew his knife, tooke his Taker in the belly and slue him. [ 50] [ 60]

CHAP. IIII.

A report of the Kingdome of Congo, a Region of Affrica: Gathered by PHILIPPO PIGAFETTA, * 1.381 out of the Discourses of Master ED∣VVARD LOPES a Portugall, translated out of Italian into English, by Master ABRAHAM HARTVVELL, and here abreuiated. [ 10]

§. I.

The iourney by Sea from Lisbone to the Kingdome of Congo: Of the Ayre, Winds, Raines, Temperature thereof.

IN the yeare 1588. when Don Sebastian King of Portugall, embarked himselfe for the Conquest of the Kingdome of Morocco: Edward Lopes borne at Be∣neuentum. (a place foure and twentie miles distant from Lisbone, neere vpon [ 20] the South shore of the Riuer Tagus) sayled likewise in the moneth of Aprill towards the hauen of Loanda, situate in the Kingdome of Congo, in a ship cal∣led S. Anthony, belonging to an Vncle of his, and charged with diuers mar∣chandises for that Kingdome: And it was accompanied with a Patache (which is a small vessell) whereunto the ship did continually yeeld good guard, and ministred great releefe, conducting * 1.382 and guiding the same with lights in the night time, to the end it should not lose the way, which the shippe it selfe did keepe. He arriued at the Island of Madera, belonging to the King of Portugall, distant from Lisbone about sixe hundred miles, where he remained fifteene daies, to * 1.383 furnish himselfe with fresh Victuall and Wine; which in great abundance groweth in that Island, yea and in mine opinion the best in the world, whereof they carry abroad great store [ 30] into diuers Countries, and especially into England. He prouided there also sundry other Con∣fections and Conserues of Sugar, which in that Island are made and wrought both in great quantity, and also singular excellency. From this Island they departed, leauing all the Cana∣ries belonging to Castile, and tooke hauen at one of the Islands of Cape Uerde, called S. Anthony, without hauing any sight thereof before they were come vpon it: and from thence to another cal∣led S. Iacopo, which commandeth all the rest, and hatha Bishop & a Chaplaine in it, that rule and gouerne them: and here they prouided themselues againe of victuals. These Islands of Cape Verde were established by Ptolomee in the Tables of his Geography, to be the beginning of the West, toge∣ther with the Cape or Promontorie which he termeth Cornu vltimum, or the Islands Macarie or Blessed, which we commonly call Fortunate. In these Islands of Cape Verde: the Portugals do often [ 40] arriue, and in those Countries do Trafficke with sundry marchandises, as little balles of diuers coloured Glasse, and other such things, wherein those people doe greatly delight, and Holland cloath, and Caps and Kniues, and coloured Clothes: In exchange whereof they bring backe a∣gaine, Slaues, Waxe, Hony, with other kind of food, and Cotten-cloth of sundry colours.

Now the shippe called S. Anthony, holding on his course, met with the generall windes, * 1.384 and then turned their Prow and their Sayles, by North, and by North-west on the right hand towards the Kingdome of Congo. And sayling on-wards closely with the halfe shippe, they came in twelue dates and twelue nights, to the Island of S. Elena, not looking for the same, nor thinking of it. This Island was so called, because on the Feast day of S. Helena, which falleth [ 50] vpon the third day of May, it was by the Portugals first descried. And as it is very small, so is it (as it were) singular by it selfe: for being situate in the height of sixteene degrees towards the Antarctike, it containeth in compasse nine miles about, and is farre distant from the firme Land.

From the Island of S. Helena, they made sayle with the same weather, and so within the space of seuenteene daies came to the hauen of Loanda, which is in the Prouince of Congo, the winds being somewhat more calme then they were afore. This is a very sure and great hauen, so called of an Island of the same name, whereof we shall speake hereafter.

There are two courses of sayling from the Island of Cape Uerde to Loanda; the one of them now declared, which being neuer vsed afterwards, was at the first attempted and perfor∣med by the same shippe wherein Signor Odoardo went, being then guided by Francisco Mar∣tinez [ 60] the Kings Pilot, a man very greatly experienced in those Seas, and the first that euer con∣ducted vessell by that way: the other is atchieued by passing along the Coast of the firme Land. From the Island of San Iacomo, they came to Cape Das Palmas, and from thence direct them∣selues to the Island of San Thomas, which lyeth vnder the Equinoctiall; so called, because it

was discouered vpon that day, wherein the Feast of that Apostle is vsed to be celebrated. It is distant from the firme Land, one hundred and eightie miles, right against the Riuer, called Ga∣ban, which is so termed because it is in shape very like to that kind of Vesture, that it is called a Gaban, or a Cloke.

The Hauen thereof is fore-closed with an Iland that raiseth it selfe in the Channell of the Ri∣uer, * 1.385 whereunto the Portugals doe sayle with small Barkes from Saint Thomas Iland, carrying thither such things as vsually they carrie to the Coast of Guinea, and from thence carrying backe with them Iuorie, Waxe and Honey, Oyle of Palme, and Blacke-moore slaues. Neere to the I∣land of Saint Thomas, towards the North lyeth another Iland, called the Ile of the Prince, di∣stant * 1.386 from the firme Land one hundred and fiue miles, being of the same condition and Trafficke, [ 10] that the Ile of Saint Thomas is, although in circuit some-what lesse. This Iland of Saint Thomas is in fashion almost round, and in breadth contayneth sixtie miles, and in compasse one hundred and eightie. Very rich it is and of great trafficke, discouered at the first and conquered by the Portugals, at such time as they began the conquest of the Indies. It hath diuers Hauens, but the principall and chiefest of all, whereinto the Vessels arriuing there, doe with-draw themselues, is in the place, where the Citie standeth.

The Iland breedeth an infinite deale of Sugar, and almost all kinds of victuals. In the Citie * 1.387 there are some Churches, and a Bishop, with many Clerkes and one Chaplain or Priest. There is also a Castle, with a Garrison and Artillerie in it, which beate vpon the Hauen, beeing a verie great and a safe Port, where many ships may ride. But a very strange and admirable thing it is, that when the Portugals did first come thither, there was no Sugar there planted, but they brought [ 20] it thither from other Countries: as they did Ginger also, which tooke roote, and grew there in * 1.388 most abundant manner. The soyle indeed is moyst, and as it were appropriated to foster the Su∣gar-cane, which without any other watering, multiplyeth of it selfe, and fructifieth infinitely: the reason whereof is, because the dew falleth there like raine, and moysteneth the Earth.

There are in this Iland aboue seuentie Houses or Presses for making of Sugar, and euery Presse * 1.389 hath many Cottages about it as though it were a Village, and there may bee about some three hundred persons that are appointed for that kind of worke: They doe euery yeare loade about fortie great ships with Sugar. True it is, indeed, that not long agoe the Wormes (as it were a * 1.390 [ 30] plague to that Land) haue deuoured the roots of the Canes, and destroyed the fruits of their Su∣gar, in such sort as now of the fortie ships, they doe not loade aboue fiue or sixe Vessels with that Merchandize.

The Iland of Saint Thomas holdeth Trafficke with the people that dwell in the firme Land, which do vsually resort to the mouthes or entries of their Riuers: The first whereof (to begin withall) is named the Riuer of Fernando di Poo, that is to say, of Fernando Pouldre, who did first * 1.391 discouer the same, and lyeth in fiue degrees towards our Pole. Right against the mouth of it, ri∣seth an Iland of the same name, lying thirtie and sixe miles distant from it. The second Riuer is called Bora, that is to say, Filth: The third, La riuiera del Campo. The fourth, di San Benedetto. [ 40] and the fifth, that of Angra, which in the mouth of it hath an Iland, called di Corisco, that is to say, Thunder. All these doe Trafficke the same Merchandizes, which we mentioned before.

But to returne to the Voyage of Saint Thomas: departing from thence towards the South, we found the Cape of Lupo Gonzale, which standeth in the altitude of one degree beyond the Equi∣noctiall towards the Pole Antarctike, one hundred and fiue miles distant from the foresaid Ile. And from thence they saile with Land winds, creeping still all along the Coast, and euery day casting Anchor in some safe place either behind some point, or else in some Hauen, vntill they come to the mouth of the greatest Riuer in Congo, called in their Tongue Zaire, which signifieth in Latine, Sapio, (in English, I know.) From whence if yee will goe through to the Hauen of Lo∣anda, ye must saile the length of one hundred and foure score miles.

The Kingdome * 1.392 of Congo in the middle part thereof, is distant from the Equinoctiall [ 50] towards the Pole Antarctike (iust where the Citie called Congo doth lye) seuen degrees and two thirds: so that it standeth vnder the Region which ancient Writers thought to be vnhabitable, and called it Zona Torrida.

The habitation there is exceeding good, the Ayre beyond all credit temperate, the Winter nothing so rough, but is rather like Autumne in Rome. The people vse no Furres, nor change of apparell, they come not neere the fire, neither is the cold in the tops of the Mountaynes grea∣ter then that which is in the Plaines: but generally in Winter time, the Ayre is more hot then it is in Summer, by reason of their continuall raines, and especially about two houres before and after noone, so that it can hardly be endured. The men are blacke, and so are the women, and some of them also somewhat inclining to the colour of the wild Oliue. Their hayre is blacke [ 60] and curled, and some also red. The stature of the men is of an indifferent bignesse, and excep∣ting their blacknesse they are very like to the Portugals. The apples of their eyes are of diuers colours, blacke and of the colour of the Sea. Their lips are not thicke, as the Nubians and other Negroes are: and so likewise their countenances are some fat, some leane, and some betweene both, as in our Countries there are, and not as the Negroes of Nubia and Guinea, which are very

deformed. Their nights and their dayes doe not greatly differ, for in all the whole yeare yee shall not discerne the difference betweene them to bee more then a quarter of an houre. * 1.393

The Winter in th••s Countrey (to speake at large) beginneth at the same time, that our sping heere beginneth, that is to say, when the Sunne entreth into the Nor∣therne Signes, in the moneth of March. And at the same time that wee haue our Win∣ter, when the Sunne entreth into the Southerne Signes in the moneth of September, ber, then beginneth their Summer. In their Winter it rayneth fiue monethes almost continual∣ly, that is to say, in Aprill, May, Iune, Iuly and August. Of faire dayes they haue but a few, because the raine falleth so greatly, and the drops of it are so big, as it is a wonder to see. These waters doe maruellously supple the ground, which is then very dry, by reason of the heate of [ 10] the Summer past, wherein it neuer rayneth for the space of sixe monethes together, and after the ground is full, and as it were ingorged with water, then do the Riuers swell beyond all cre∣dit, and are so replenished with troubled waters, that all the Countrey is surrounded by them.

The winds which blow in these Moones through all this Region, are the very selfe-same * 1.394 that Caesar calleth by a Greeke word Etesij, that is to say, Ordinary euery yeare: whereby are meant those winds that in the Card are noted from the North to the West, and from the North to the North-east. These winds do driue the Cloudes to the huge and high mountaynes, where∣vpon they rush with very great violence, and being there stayed of their owne nature, they are afterwards melted into water. So that when it is likely to raine, you shall see the Cloudes stan∣ding [ 20] (as it were) vpon the tops of their highest hils.

And hence ariseth the increasing and augmentation of the Riuers that spring in Aethiopia, * 1.395 and especially of Nilus and others, that discharge themselues into the East and West Ocean. And in the Kingdome of Congo and Guinea, through which runneth the Riuer Niger, so called by the ancient Writers; and by the new, termed Senega, you shall see the said Riuer increase at the very selfe-same time that Nilus doth; but indeed carrieth his waters towards the West, di∣rectly against the Ilands of Cape Uerde, whereas Nilus runneth by the Ile of Meroe in Egypt to∣wards the North, refreshing and watering all those Regions that are full of scorching Heates, and Wildernesses, and Deserts.

Now, for as much as in the Regions of Congo and Aethiopia, it is alwayes woont to raine e∣ry [ 30] yeare at a certaine set time, the swelling and ouer-flowing of the Riuers there, is of no great consideration, nor any strange accident to make account of. But in the Countries, that are farre distant and very dry, as in Egypt, where it neuer raineth (sauing onely in Alexandria, and the Territories thereof) it is accounted a maruellous matter, to see euery yeare so great a quantitie of thicke troubled water come vpon them, from places so remote, at a certaine set time, with∣out missing: which water doth quicken the ground, and ministreth food both to man and beast.

This is then the cause of the increase of Nilus, and other Riuers in that Climate, whereof the Ancients of olde times made so great doubt, and inuented so many Fables and Errours.

But in their Summer, which is our Winter, there blow other winds that are quite opposite [ 40] * 1.396 to the former, euen in Diametro, and are noted in the Carde, from the South to the Southeast, which out of all question must needs be cold, because they breathe from the contrarie Pole Ant∣arctike, and coole all those Countries, euen for all the World as our winds in Summer doe coole our Countries. And whereas, there with them, these winds doe make the Ayre very faire and cleere, so doe they neuer come vnto vs, but they bring with them great store of raine.

And certainly, if the breath of these winds did not refresh and coole these Countries of Ae∣thiopia, and Congo, and other places neere about them, it were not possible for them to endure the heate, considering that euen in the night time they are constrayned to hang two couerings ouer them to keepe away the heate. The same cooling and refreshing by winds, is common also to the Inhabitants of the Ile of Candie, and of the Ilands in Archipelago, and of Cyprus, and of [ 50] * 1.397 Asia the lesse, and of Soria, and of Egypt, which doe liue (as it were) with this refreshing of the fore-said winds of the North-west, and of the West: so that they may well bee called as they are in Greeke, Zepheri, quasi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, breeders of life.

Let it be also remembred, that in the mountaines of Aethiopia, and of Congo, and the Regions neere adioyning, there falleth no Snow, neither is there any at all in the very tops of them, sa∣uing onely towards the Cape of Good Hope, and certaine other hils, which the Portugals call, Sierra Neuada, that is to say, the Snowie Mountaines. Neither is there any Ice or Snow to bee found in all the Countrey of Congo, which would be better esteemed there then Gold, to mingle with their drinkes: So that the Riuers there doe not swell and increase by melting of Snow, * 1.398 but because the raine doth fall out of the Cloudes for fiue whole Moones continually together, [ 60] that is to say, in Aprill, May, Iune, Iuly, and August: the first raine sometimes beginning on the fifteenth day, and sometimes after. And this is the cause why the new waters of Nilus, which are so greatly desired and expected by the Inhabitants there, doe arriue sooner or later in Egypt.

§. II.

Of the circuit of the Kingdome of Congo, and of the borders and confines thereof; As also of diuers bordering Nations: and remarke∣able Rarities therein.

THe Kingdome of Congo, is distinguished by foure borders: The first, of the West, which is watered with the Ocean Sea: The second, of the North: The third, of the East, and the last, which is towards the South.

And to beginne with the border lying vpon the Sea, the first part of it is in the Bay; * 1.399 [ 10] called Seno delle Uacche, and is situate in the height of thirteene degrees vpon the Antarctike∣side, and stretcheth all along the Coast vnto foure degrees and a halfe on the North-side, neere to the Equinoctiall; which space contayneth six hundred and thirtie miles. This Seno delle Vacche, is a Hauen but of a moderate bignesse, and yet a good one, and able to receiue any ship that arri∣ueth. It is called Seno delle Uacche, that is to say, The Bay of Cowes, because thereabouts there are pasturing very many Herds of that king of Cattle. The Countrey is plaine, and aboundeth wih allmanner of victuals, and there you shall find some kind of Metals to be publikely sold, especially siluer, and it is subiect to the King of Angola.

A little more forward lyeth the Riuer Bengleli, where a certaine Lord, beeing subiect to the * 1.400 King of Angola, doth specially command: and about the said Riuer is a great compasse of [ 20] Countrey, much like to the former. And a little further runneth the Riuer Songa, so called by the Portugals: wherein you may sayle fiue and twentie miles vpwards in a Countrey also like to the former.

Then followeth the Riuer Coanza, which issueth out of a little Lake, fed by a certaine Ri∣uer * 1.401 that floweth out of a great Lake, being the chiefe and principall Spring or Head of Nilus, whereof in the other part of this Discourse wee shall haue occasion to write. Coanza, at the mouth of it is two miles broad, and you may sayle with small Barkes vpwards against the streame a bout one hundred miles, but hath no Hauen. And here it is to bee noted, that all this Countrey which we haue here described, was woont to be subiect to the King of Congo: but a∣while [ 30] agoe the Gouernour of that Countrey is become the absolute Lord thereof, and professeth himselfe to be a friend to the King of Congo, but not his Vassall: and yet sometimes he sendeth the King some Present, in manner of a tribute.

Beyond the Riuer Coanza, is the Hauen of Loanda, being in ten degrees, made (as it is said) * 1.402 by a certaine Iland, called Loanda, which signifieth in that Language, Bald, or Shauen; because it is a Countrey without any hils and very low: for, indeed, is scarce rayseth it selfe aboue the Sea. This Iland was framed of the sand and durt of the Sea, and of the Riuer Coanza, whose waues meeting together, and the filthy matter sinking downe there to the bottome, in conti∣nuance of time it grew to be an Iland. It may be about twentie miles long, and one mile broad at the most, and in some places but onely a bow: shoot. But it is a maruellous thing, that in such [ 40] a sandie ground, if you shall digge to the depth of two or three hand-breadthes, you shall find sweet water, the best in all those Countries. Wherein also there is a very strange effect, that * 1.403 when the Ocean ebbeth, this water becommeth somewhat salt, but when it floweth to the top, it is most sweet. A thing that falleth out also in the Iland of Cadis in Spaine, by the report and testimonie of Strabo.

This Iland is the Mine of all the Money which the King of Congo spendeth, and all the peo∣ple * 1.404 thereabouts. For vpon the shoares you shall haue certaine women, that vse to diue and ducke into the Sea, two yards deepe and more, and fill their baskets with sand, and afterwards diuide the grauell from certaine small Shel-fishes that are among it, which are called Lumache: and when these Lumache are seuered by themselues, then doe they picke out the Males from the Fe∣males, which they may easily doe, because the Female is more fine then the Male, and greatly [ 50] esteemed for her colour, which is very neat, bright and pleasant to the sight. These Lumache * 1.405 doe breed in all the shoares of the Kingdome of Congo, but the best of all are those of Loanda, because they looke very fine, and of a very bright colour, some gray or ash-coloured, and some of other colours not so precious.

And here you must note that gold and siluer and metall is not of any estimation, nor in vse of money in these Countries, but onely these Lumache: so that neither with gold nor siluer, in * 1.406 masse or in coine you shall buy any thing there, but with these Lumache you shall buy both gold and siluer, or any thing else.

In this Iland there are seuen or eight Townes, called in that Countrey Language, Libata, the principall whereof is Spirito Sancto: and therein dwelleth the Gouernour which is sent from [ 60] Congo, to minister Iustice and to gather the treasure of the moneyes of these Lumache. Here * 1.407 are also Goates and Sheepe, and Bores in great numbers, which being tame at the first, doe af∣terwards * 1.408 become wild and liue in the Woods. Here groweth also a tree, called Enzanda, which

is a great one and alwayes greene, and endued with a singular qualitie. For from the boughes of it that sprout vpwards, there hang downe certaine threeds (as it were) which creeping in∣to the Earth doe take roots, and out from these roots doe rise other trees, and so they multiply. And within the outmost barke thereof, there groweth a certaine kind of Pill like fine Linnen, * 1.409 which being beaten and cleansed, they spread out in length and in breadth, and therewith they cloath their men and women, that are of the basest sort.

In this Iland they haue certaine vessels made of the bodies of Palme-trees, ioyned together and framed after the manner of our Boates, with a prow and a sterne, wherein they passe from * 1.410 place to place, both with Oares and Sayles. In these Boates they vse to fish about the Riuers, which are indeed exceeding full of fish, and sometime also they will goe ouer to the firme [ 10] Land.

In that part of this Iland, which is towards the maine Land, in certaine low places there grow certaine trees (which when the water of the Ocean ebbeth) discouer themselues: and at the feet thereof you shall find certaine other Shel-fishes cleaning as fast to the trees as may bee, ha∣uing * 1.411 within them a great fish as bigge as a mans hand, and very good meate. The people of the Countrey know them very well, and call them Ambiziamatare, that is to say, The fish of the Rocke. The shels of these fishes, they vse to burne, and thereof make very good Lime to build withall. And being like the corke or barke of the tree, which is called Manghi, they dresse their Oxe-hides withall, to make their shooe soles the stronger.

To be briefe, this Iland bringeth forth neither Corne nor Wine, but there is great store of vi∣ctuall [ 20] brought thither from all parts thereabouts, to fetch away these Lumache. For as in all o∣ther * 1.412 places all things may be had for money of metall, so all things here are had for Lumache. Whereby may be noted, that not onely here in this Kingdome of Congo, but also in her Neigh∣bour Aethiopia and in Africa, and in the Kingdome of China, and certaine others of the Indies; they vse moneyes of other matter then of metall, that is to say, neither gold, nor siluer, nor cop∣per, nor any other mixture tempered of these.

For in Aethiopia, their money is Pepper: and in the Kingdome of Tombuto, which is about * 1.413 the Riuer Niger, otherwise called Senega, their money is Cockles or Shel-fish: and among the Azanaghi, their moneyes are Porcellette: and in the Kingdome of Bengala, likewise they vse Porcellette, and metall together. In China they haue certaine Shel-fishes, called also Porcellette, [ 30] which they vse for their money: and in other places Paper stamped with the Kings Seale, and the barkes of the tree called Gelsomora.

Neere to this Iland towards the outward Coast to the Sea, there swimme an innumerable * 1.414 sort of Whales, that looke blacke, and fighting one with another doe kill themselues: which afterwards being by the waues cast vp vpon the shoare, as bigge as a midling Merchants ship; the Negroes go forth with their Boats to fetch them, and to take the Oyle out of them, which being mingled with Pitch they vse to trimme their Vessels withall. Vpon the ridges or backs of these creatures, there grow many Shel-fishes, made like Snailes, Cockles, and Whelkes: whereof Signor Odoardo affirmed, that he had seene great store. He was also of opinion that Amber commeth not from these fishes. For ouer all the Coast of Congo, where there is an infinite number of [ 40] them, you shall not find either Ambergriz, or any other Amber, blacke or white in any place.

Vpon the firme Land directly ouer against the Iland is a Towne, called Uilla di San Paulo, al∣together inhabited with Portugals, and their Wiues, which they brought with them out of * 1.415 Spaine: and yet it is not fortified. All this Channell is very full of fish, especially of Sardinaes, and of Anchioues; whereof there is so great store, that in the Winter time they will of them∣selues leape vp to Land. Other kinds of most excellent fishes there are, as Soles, and Sturge∣ons, * 1.416 and Barbelles, and all manner of daintie fish; and great Crabs, in strange abundance, and all very wholsome: so that the greatest part of the people that dwell about the bankes there, doe liue vpon them.

Into this Channell runneth the Riuer called Bengo, which is a very great one, and nauigable [ 50] vpwards twentie fiue miles. This Riuer with that other of Coanza, whereof I told you before, do * 1.417 make the Ile of Loanda, because when their waters doe meete together, they leaue their sand & filth behind them, and so increase the Iland. There runneth also into it another great Riuer cal∣led * 1.418 Dande, which will receiue Vessels of an hundred tunne: and then another Riuer called Lem∣ba, which neither hath Hauen, neither doe any ships enter into it. Very neere vnto this there is also another Riuer called Ozone, which issueth out of the same Lake, whence Nilus likewise springeth, and it hath a Hauen. Next to Ozone, there is another called Loze, without any Ha∣uen: and then another great one with a Hauen called Ambriz, which runneth within foure leagues neere to the Royall Citie of Congo. Last of all, is the Riuer Lelunda, which signifieth a Trowt fish, and watereth the roots of that great Hill, whereon the Palace of Congo standeth, [ 60] called by the Portugals, the Oteiro. This Riuer Lelunda, springeth out of the same Lake, from whence Coanza issueth, and taketh into it by the way another Riuer, that commeth from the great Lake: and when it doth not raine, then you may passe ouer Lelunda on foot, because it hath so little store of water in it.

Next vnto this is the Zaire, a huge Riuer and a large, and indeed the greatest in all the King∣dome * 1.419 of Congo. The originall of this Riuer commeth out of three Lakes: one is the great Lake from whence Nilus springeth; the second, is the little Lake aboue mentioned; and the third, is the second great Lake which Nilus engendreth. And certainly, when you will consider the a∣bundance of water that is in this Riuer, you will say, that there was no need to haue any fewer or lesser springs to make so huge a streame as this carrieth. For in the very mouth of it, which is the onely entrance into it, the Riuer is eight and twentie miles broad, and when it is in the * 1.420 height of his increase he runneth fresh water fortie or fiftie miles into the Sea, and sometimes eightie, so that the passengers doe refresh themselues withall, and by the troublesomenesse of the water they know the place where they are. It is nauigable vpwards with great Barkes a∣bout [ 10] fiue and twentie miles, vntill you come to a certaine straight betweene the Rockes, where it falleth with such a horrible noyse, that it may be heard almost eight miles. And this place is * 1.421 called by the Portugals, Cachuiuera, that is to say, a Fall, or a Cataract, like to the Cataracts of Nilus. Betweene the mouth of this Riuer, and the fall thereof, there are diuers great Ilands * 1.422 well inhabited, with Townes, and Lords obedient to the King of Congo, which somtimes for the great enmitie that is among them, doe warre one against another in certaine Boats, hollowed out of a stocke of a tree, which is of an vnmeasurable bignesse, and these Boats they call Lungo. * 1.423

The greatest Boates that they haue, are made of a certaine tree, called Licondo, which is so great, that sixe men cannot compasse it with their armes, and is in length of proportion answe∣rable to the thicknesse, so that one of them will carrie about two hundred persons. They row these Boates with their Oares, which are not tyed to any loopes, but they hold them at liberty [ 20] in their hands, and moue the water therewith at pleasure. Euery man hath his Oare and his Bow, and when they fight together they lay downe their Oare and take their Bow. Neither do they vse any other Rudders to turne and gouerne their Boats, but onely their Oares.

The first of these Ilands, which is but a little one, is called, the Ile of Horses, because there * 1.424 are bred and brought vp in it great store of those creatures that the Greekes call Hippopotami, that is to say Water-horses. In a certaine Village within this Iland doe the Portugals dwell, hauing withdrawne themselues thither for their better securitie. They haue their Vessels to transport them ouer the water to the firme Land, vpon the South banke of the Riuer, which Land is cal∣led [ 30] the Hauen of Pinda, where many ships doe ride that arriue therein. * 1.425

In this Riuer there are liuing diuers kinds of creatures, and namely, mightie great Crocodiles, which the Countrey people there, call Caiman, and Water-horses aboue named: And another kind of creature, that hath (as it were) two hands, and a tayle like a Target, which is called, Ambize Angulo, that is to say, a Hog-fish, because it is as fat as a Porke. The flesh of it is very * 1.426 good, and thereof they make Lard, and so keepe it: neither hath it the sauour or taste of a fish, although it be a fish. It neuer goeth out from the fresh water, but feedeth vpon the grasse that groweth on the bankes, and hath a mouth like the muzzell of an Oxe. There are of these fishes, that weigh fiue hundred pounds apiece. [ 40]

The fishermen vse to take them in their little Boats, by marking the places where they seed, and then with their hookes and forkes, striking and wounding them, they draw them dead forth of the water: and when they haue cut them in pieces, they carrie them to the King. For who∣soeuer doth not so, incurreth the penaltie of death, and so doe they likewise that take the Trowt, and the Tench, and another fish called Cacongo, which is shaped after the likenesse of a Salmon, sauing that it is not red: but indeed so fat it is, that it quencheth out the fire whiles it is rosted or broyled. Other fishes also there are that are called Fishes Royall, which are carried * 1.427 to the King, vpon very seuere and rigorous punishments.

Beyond this Riuer of Congo, there commeth downe another Riuer, which the Portugals call, * 1.428 La Baia de las Almadias, that is to say, the Gulfe of Barkes, because there are great store of them, that are made there, by reason of the abundance of Woods and Trees that grow thereabouts, [ 50] which are fit for that vse, and wherewith all the Countries round about doe furnish themselues. At the mouth of this Bay there are three Ilands, one great Ile in the middle of the Channell, which maketh a conuenient Hauen for small Vessels, and two other lesse, but none of them in∣habited.

A little higher runneth another streame, not very great, which is called, De las Barreras Rossas, * 1.429 of the red Clay-pits, because it floweth from among certaine Rockes of Hils, whose Earth is dyed with a red colour: where also there is a very high Mountaine, called by the Portugals, La Surra Complida, that is to say, the long Mountaine.

And yet going vp a little further, there are two Gulfes of the Sea in the likenesse of a paire of Spectacles, wherein is a good Hauen, called La Baia d'Aluaro Gonzales, that is, The Gulfe * 1.430 [ 60] of Aluaro Gonzales. Beyond all these, are certaine hils and shoares, not worth the remem∣brance, vntill you come to the Promontorie, that is called by the Portugals, Capo de Ca∣terina, * 1.431 which is the border of the Kingdome of Congo towards the Equinoctiall, and is distant from the Equinoctiall Line two degrees and a halfe, which is one hundred and fiftie Italian miles.

Now from Cape De Caterina on the North side, beginneth another Border or Coast of the * 1.432 Kingdome of Congo, which Eastward stretcheth it selfe to the place where the Riuer Vumba ioyneth with the Riuer Zaire, contayning the space of sixe hundred miles and more. Beyond this Coast of Congo towards the North, and vnder the Equinoctiall Line vpon the Sea shoare, and about two hundred miles within Land, (comprehending in that reckoning the aforesaid Gulfe of Lope Gonzales) the People called the Bramas doe inhabite in a Countrey, that is now * 1.433 called the Kingdome of Loango; and the King thereof, Mani Loango, that is to say, The King of Loango. The Countrey hath great abundance of Elephants, whose teeth they exchange for Iron, whereof they make their Arrow heads, their Kniues, and such other instruments. In this Countrie also, they weaue certaine Cloth of the leaues of Palme-trees, in sundrie sorts: as we [ 10] shall tell you in some other place of this narration.

The King of Loango is in amitie with the King of Congo, and the report is, that in times past * 1.434 he was his vassall. The People are circumcised after the manner of the Hebrews, like as also the rest of the Nations in those Countries vse to be.

Beyond the Kingdome of Loango, are the People called Anzigues, of whom wee shall deliuer * 1.435 vnto you a historie, which in trueth is very strange, and almost incredible, for the beastly and cruell custome that they vse in eating mans flesh; yea, and that of the neerest kins-folkes they haue. This Countrey towards the Sea on the West, bordereth vpon the People of Ambus; and towards the North, vpon other Nations of Africa, and the Wildernesse of Nubia; and towards the East, vpon the second great Lake, from whence the Riuer of Congo springeth, in that Part [ 20] which is called Anzicana; and from the Kingdome of Congo, it is diuided by the Riuer Zaire, wherein there are many Ilands (as before is told you) scattered from the Lake downewards, and some of them belonging to the Dominion of the Anzigues, by which Riuer also they doe traffique with the People of Congo. In this Kingdome of the Anzigues, there are many Mines of Copper; and great quantitie of Sanders, both red and grey: the red is called Tauilla, and the * 1.436 grey (which is the better esteemed) is called Chicongo, whereof they make a powder of a very sweet smell, and diuers medicines. They doe also mingle it with the Oyle of Palme-tree, and so anoynting all their bodies ouer withall, they preserue themselues in health. But the Portu∣gals vse it being tempered with Vinegar, which they lay vpon their pulses, and so heale the French Poxe, which they call in that Language, Chitangas. Some doe affirme, that this grey [ 30] * 1.437 Sanders is the very Lignum Aquilae, that groweth in India: and Signor Odoardo affirmed, that the Portugals haue proued it for the head-ache, by laying it on the coales, and taking the smoake of it. The pith and innermost part of the Tree is the best, but the outter part is of no estimation.

They make great store of Linnen of the Palme-tree, both of sundrie sorts and colours, and much Cloth of Silke, whereof wee will discourse more hereafter. The People are subiect to a King that hath other Princes vnder him. They are very actiue and warlike. They are readie to take Armes; and doe fight on foot. Their weapons are different from the weapons of all other people round about them: for, their Bowes are small and short, made of wood, and wrapped * 1.438 about with Serpents skins of diuers colours, and so smoothly wrought, that you would thinke [ 40] them to be all one with the wood: and this they doe, both to make the Bowe stronger, and also to hold it the faster. Their Strings are of little woodden twigs like reeds, not hollow within, but sound and pliable, and very daintie; such as the Caualieros of Portugall doe carrie in their hands to beate their Palfreyes withall. They are of an ash-colour, and of a Lion-tawney, somewhat tending to blacke. They grow in the Countrey of the Anzigues, and also in the Kingdome of Bengala, through which the Riuer Ganges runneth. Their Arrowes are short and * 1.439 slender, and of a very hard wood, and they carrie them on their Bow-hand. They are so quicke in shooting, that holding eight and twentie Shafts or more in their Bow-hand, they will shoot and discharge them all, before the first Arrow light on the ground: yea, and sometimes there haue beene seene diuers stout Archers, that haue killed birds as they flie in the aire. [ 50]

Other weapons also they make, as Axes and Hatchets, which they vse and frame after a * 1.440 strange manner: for, the handle is shorter by the halfe then the Iron is, and at the lowest end of it there is a pommell, for the faster holding of it in the hand; and all couered ouer with the foresaid skinne of a Serpent. In the vppermost end of it, is the Iron very bright and shining, fastned to the wood with plates of Copper, in the manner of two nailes, as long as the handle: it hath two edges, the one cutteth like a Hatchet, and maketh a wound after the fashion of an halfe roundell; the other is a Hammer. When they fight with their Enemies, or defend them∣selues from their Arrowes, they are so exercised with a wonderfull speed and nimblenesse to manage their weapons, that whirling them round about, as it were in a circle, they keepe all that compasse of the ayre which is before them; so that when the Enemie shooteth, and the [ 60] Arrow beginne to fall, it lighteth vpon the Hatchet, being so swiftly and vehemently whirled about, that it breaketh the force of the Arrow, and so it is repulsed: then doe they hang the Hatchet vpon their shoulder, and begin to shoot themselues. They haue also certaine short Dag∣gers, with sheaths of the Serpents skins, made like Kniues with an haft vnto them, which they

vse to weare acrosse. Their Girdles are of diuers sorts; but the Men of warre haue their Girdles of Elephants skin, three good fingers broad: and because they are at the first two fingers thicke, and very hard to handle handsomely, by the heat of the fire they bow them round, and so with certaine buttons tye them ouerthwart about them. The men are very actiue and nimble, and * 1.441 leape vp and downe the Mountaines like Goats. Couragious they are and contemne death: men of great simplicitie, loy〈…〉〈…〉tie, and fidelitie, and such as the Portugals doe trust more then * 1.442 any other. In so much as Signor Odoardo was wont to say, that if these Anzichi would become Christians (being of so great fidelitie, sinceritie, loyaltie, and simplicitie, that they will offer themselues to death, for the glorie of the world, and to please their Lords will not sticke to giue their owne flesh to bee deuoured) then would they with a farre better heart and cou∣rage indure martyrdome, for the name of our Redeemer Iesus Christ, and would most honou∣rably [ 10] maintaine our Faith and Religion, with their good testimonie, and example against the Gentiles.

Moreouer, the said Signor Odoardo did likewise affirme, that there was no conuersing with * 1.443 them, because they were a sauage and beastly people, sauing onely in respect that they come and traffique in Congo, bringing thither with them Slaues, both of their owne Nation, and also out of Nubia (whereupon they doe border) and linnen Cloth (whereof we will tell you hereafter,) and Elephants teeth: in exchange of which chaffare they recarrie home with them, Sal••, and these Lumache, which they vse in stead of money and Coyne; and another greater kind of Lu∣mache, which come from the Ile of Saint Thomas, and which they vse to weare for Brooches to [ 20] make themselues fine and gallant withall. Other Merchandises, also they carrie backe with them, which are brought out of Portugall, as Silkes, Linnen, and Glasses, and such like. They vse * 1.444 to circumcise themselues. And another foolish custome they haue, both men and women, as well of the Nobilitie, as of the Commonaltie, euen from their childhood, to marke their faces with sundrie slashes made with a knife, as in due place shall be further shewed vnto you.

They keepe a Shambles of mans flesh as they doe in these Countries for Beefe and other vi∣ctuals. For their Enemies whom they take in the Warres, they eate; and also their Slaues, if they can haue a good market for them, they sell: or if they cannot, then they deliuer them to the Butchers, to be cut in pieces, and so sold, to be rosted or boiled. And (that which a maruel∣lous historie to report) some of them being wearie of their liues, and some of them euen for va∣lour [ 30] of courage, and to shew themselues stout and venturous, thinking it to bee a great honour vnto them, if they runne into voluntarie death, thereby to shew that they haue a speciall con∣tempt * 1.445 of this life, will offer themselues to the butcherie, as faithfull subiects to their Princes, for whose sakes, that they may seeme desirous to doe them notable seruice, they doe not onely deliuer themselues to bee deuoured by them, but also their Slaues, when they are fat and well fed, they doe kill and eate them. True it is, that many Nations there are, that feed vpon mans flesh, as in the East Endies, and in Brasill, and in other places: but that is onely the flesh of * 1.446 their aduersaries and enemies, but to eate the flesh of their owne friends, and subiects, and kins∣folkes, it is without all example in any place of the World, sauing onely in this Nation of the Anzichi. [ 40]

The ordinarie apparell of these people is thus: The common sort goe naked from the girdle * 1.447 vpwards, and without any thing vpon their heads, hauing their haire trussed vp, and curled. The Noblemen are apparelled in Silkes and other Cloth, and weare vpon their heads, blue and red, and blacke colours, and Hats and Hoods of Portugall Veluet, and other kinds of Caps vsuall in that Countrie. And indeed, they are all desirous to haue their apparell handsome and neat, as their abilitie will suffer them. The women are all couered from top to toe, after the manner of Africa. The poorer sort of them doe gird themselues close from the girdle downewards. The Noble women and such as are of wealth, doe weare certaine Mantles, which they cast ouer their heads, but keepe their faces open and at libertie: and Shooes they haue on their feet, but the poore goe bare-foot. They goe very quicke and lightsome. Their stature is comely, and their conditions faire and commendable. Their Language is altogether different from the Lan∣guage [ 50] * 1.448 of Congo, and yet the Anzichi will learne the Language or Congo very soone and easily, because it is the plainer Tongue: but the People of Congo doe very hardly learne the Lan∣guage of the Anzichi. And when I once demanded what their Religion was, it was told mee they were Gentiles, and that was all that I could learne of them. * 1.449

The East Coast of the Kingdome of Congo, beginneth (as we haue told you) at the meeting of the Riuer Vumba, and the Riuer of Zaire; and so with a line drawne towards the South in equall distance from the Riuer Nilus, which lieth on the left hand, it taketh vp a great Moun∣taine which is very high, and not inhabited in the tops thereof, called the Mountaine of Crystall, because there is in it great quantitie of Crystall, both of the Mountaine and of the Cliffe, and of all sorts. And then passing on farther, includeth the Hills that are called Sierras de Sol, that is to [ 60] say, the Hills of the Sunne, because they are exceeding high. And yet it neuer snoweth vpon them, neither doe they beare any thing, but are very bare and without any trees at all. On the left hand there arise other Hills, called the Hills of Sal-Nitrum, because there is in them great

store of that Minerall. And so cutting ouer the Riuer Berbela, that commeth out of the first Lake, there endeth the ancient bound of the Kingdome of Congo on the East.

Thus then the East Coast of this Kingdome is deriued from the meeting of the two foresaid Riuers, Vumba and Zaire; vntill you come to the lake Achelunda, and to the Countrie of Ma∣lemba; contayning the space of sixe hundred miles. From this line which is drawne in the Easterne Coast of Congo to the Riuer Nilus, and to the two Lakes (whereof mention shall be made in conuenient place) there is the space of one hundred and fiftie miles of ground well in∣habited, and good store of Hills, which doe yeeld sundrie Metals, with much Linnen, and Cloth of the Palme tree.

And seeing wee are now come to this point of this discourse, it will be very necessarie to de∣clare * 1.450 [ 10] vnto you the maruellous Arte which the people of this Countrie, and other places there∣abouts doe vse in making Clothes of sundrie sorts, as Veluets shorne and vnshorne, Cloth of Tissue, Sattins, Taffata, Damaskes, Sarcenets, and such like, not of any silken Stuffe, (for they haue no knowledge of the Silke-wormes at all, although some of their apparell bee made of Silke that is brought thither from our Countries.) But they weaue their Clothes afore-named of the leaues of Palme-trees, which Trees they alwaies keepe vnder and low to the ground, euery yeere cutting them, and watering them, to the end they may grow small and tender a∣gainst the new Spring. Out of these leaues, being cleansed and purged after their manner, they draw forth their threeds, which are all very fine and daintie, and all of one euennesse, sa∣uing that those which are longest, are best esteemed: for, of those they weaue their greatest [ 20] pieces. These Stuffes they worke of diuers fashions, as some with a nappe vpon them like Veluet, on both sides, and other Cloth, called Damaskes, branched with leaues, and such other things; and the Broccati, which are called High and Low, and are farre more precious then ours are. This kind of Cloth no man may weare but the King, and such as it pleaseth him. The grea∣test pieces are of these Broccati: for they containe in length foure or fiue spans; and in breadth, three or foure spannes, and are called Incorimbas, by the name of the Countrey where it grow∣eth, which is about the Riuer Vumba. The Veluets are called Ensachas, of the same bignesse; and the Damaskes, Infulas; and the Rasi, Maricas; and the Zendadi, Tangas; and the Ormesini, Engombos. Of the lighter sort of these Stuffes they haue greater pieces, which are wrought by the Anzichi; and are sixe spannes long, and fiue spannes broad, wherewith euery man may [ 30] apparell himselfe according to his abilitie. Besides that, they are very thicke and sound to keep out the water, and yet very light to weare. The Portugals haue lately begun to vse them for Tents and Boothes, which doe maruellously resist both water and wind.

This Easterne Coast (as it is before set downe) endeth in the mountaine, called Serras de * 1.451 Plata, that is, the Mountaines of Siluer; and there beginneth the fourth and last border of the Kingdome of Congo, towards the South, that is to say, from the foresaid Mountaine to the Bay of Cowes on the West, containing in length the space of foure hundred and fiftie miles. And this Southerne Line doth part the Kingdome of Angola in the middle, and leaueth on the left hand of it, the foresaid Mountaines of Siluer; and farther beyond them towards the South, the Kingdome of Matama; which is a great Kingdome, very mightie, and absolute of it selfe, and [ 40] sometimes in amitie, and sometimes at vtter enmitie with the Kingdome of Angola.

The King of Matama is in Religion a Gentile, and his Kingdome stretcheth towards the * 1.452 South to the Riuer Brauagal, and neere to the Mountaines, commonly called the Mountaines of the Moone; and towards the East bordereth on the Westerne bankes of the Riuer Bagami∣dri, and so crosseth ouer the Riuer Coari.

This Countrie aboundeth in Vaults of Crystall and other Metals, and all manner of victuall, and good aire. And although the people thereof, and their neighbour borderers doe traffique together: Yet the King of Matama, and the King of Angola, doe oftentimes warre one against the other, as we told you before: And this Riuer Bagamidri diuideth the Kingdome of Matapa from the Kingdome of Monomata, which is towards the East, and whereof Iohn de Barros doth [ 50] most largely discourse, in the first Chapter of his tenth Booke.

§. VI.

Of Angola, the Warres betwixt Congo and Angola: their manner of warfare. The present Kingdome of Congo bounded. Of Bamba, one of the sixe Princes of Congo, and the Crea∣tures therein.

TOwards the Sea-coast there are diuers Lords, that take vpon them the Title of Kings: [ 60] but indeed they are of very base and slender estate: Neither are there any Ports or Hauens of any account or name in the Riuers there. And now, forasmuch as we haue oftentimes made mention of the Kingdome of Angola, this will bee a very con∣uenient place for vs to intreat thereof; because it hath beene heretofore said, that the King of

Angola, being in times past but a Gouernour or Deputie vnder the King of Congo; although, * 1.453 since that time he is become a Christian, he made himselfe a free and an absolute Prince, and v∣surped all that Quarter to his owne Iurisdiction, which before he had in regiment and gouern∣ment vnder another. And so afterwards in time conquered other Countries thereabouts; inso∣much, as he is now growne to be a great Prince, and a rich, and in power little inferiour to the King of Congo himselfe, and therefore either payeth tribute, or refuseth to pay tribute vnto him, euen at his owne good pleasure.

It came to passe, that Don Giouanni the Second, being King of Portugall, planted the Christian * 1.454 Religion in the Kingdome of Congo; and thereupon, the King of Congo became a Christian. After which time the Lord of Angola was alwaies in amitie, and (as it were) a Vassall of the forenamed King [ 10] of Congo, and the People of both Countriet did traffique together one with another, and the Lord of Angola did euery yeere send some Presents to the King of Congo. And by licence from the K. of Congo, there was a great trade betweene the Portugals and the People of Angola, at the Hauen of Loanda, where they bought Slaues, and changed them for other merchandises, and so transported all into the Ile of S. Thomas, Whereby it came to passe, that the traffique was here vnited with the traffique of S. Thomas: so that the ships did vse first to arriue at that Iland, and then afterward passed ouer to Loanda. And when this trade began in processe of time to encrease, they dispatched their ships from Lisbone to Angola of themselues, and sent with them a Gouernour, called Paulo Diaz of Nouais, to whom this businesse did * 1.455 (as it were) of right appertaine, in regard of the good deserts of his Ancestors, who first discouered this Traffique. To this Paulo Diaz, did Don Sebastiano King of Portugall grant leaue and authori∣tie [ 20] to conquer, for the space of three and thirtie leagues vpwards along the Coast, beginning at the Riuer Coanza towards the South, and within the Land also, whatsoeuer hee could get towards all his charges for him and his beires. With him there went many other ships that opened and found out a great trade with Angola, which notwithstanding was directed to the foresaid Hauen of Loanda, where the said ships did still discharge themselues. And so by little and little he entred into the firme Land, and made himselfe an house in a certaine Village, called Anzelle, within a mile neere to the Riuer Coanza, be∣cause * 1.456 it was the more commodious and nigher to the traffique of Angola. When the trade here began thus to encrease, and merchandises were freely carried by the Portugals, and the People of Congo to Cabazo, a place belonging to the Lord of Angola, and distant from the Sea, one hundred and fiftie miles, there to sell and barter them, it pleased his Lordship to giue out order, that all the Merchants should be slaine, and their goods confiscated, alledging for his defence, that they were come thither as spies, and to [ 30] take possession of his estate: but in trueth it is thought that he did it onely to gaine all that wealth to him∣selfe, confidering that it was a People that did not deale in the habite of Warriers, but after the manner of Merchants. And this fell out in the same yeere, that the King Don Sebastiano was discomfited in Barbarie.

When Paulo Diaz vnderstood of this course, he put himselfe in Armes against the King of Angola, * 1.457 and with such a troupe of Portugals as he could gather together, that were to be found in that Countrie, and with two Gallies and other vessels, which he kept in the Riuer Coanza, he went forward, on both sides of the Riuer conquering, and by force subdued many Lords, and made them his Friends and Sub∣iects. But the King of Angola perceiuing that his Vassals had yeelded to the obedience of Paulo Diaz, and that with all prosperous successe he had gained much Land vpon him, hee assembled a great Armie [ 40] to goe against him, and so vtterly to destroy him. Whereupon Paulo Diaz requested the King of Congo, * 1.458 that he would succour him with some helpe to defend himselfe withall, who presently sent vnto him for ayde, an Armie of sixtie thousand men, vnder the conduct of his Cousin Don Sebastiano Mani-bamba, and another Captaine, with one hundred and twentie Portugall Souldiers, that were in those Countries, and all of his owne pay for the atchieuing of this enterprise. This Armie was to ioyne with Paulo Diaz, and so altogether to warre against the King of Angola: but arriuing at the shoare, where they were to passe ouer the Riuer Bengo, within twelue miles of Loanda, and where they should haue met with many Barkes to carrie the Campe to the other shoare, partly because the said Barkes had slacked their comming, and partly because much time would haue beene spent in transporting so many men, the whole Armie tooke their way quite ouer the Riuer, and so going on forwards, they met with the People of the [ 50] King of Angola, that were readie to stop the Souldiers of Congo from entring vpon their Countrie.

The militarie order of the Mociconghi (for by that terme wee doe call the naturall borne People of * 1.459 the Kingdome of Congo, as we call the Spaniards, those that are naturally borne in Spaine) and the militarie order of the People of Angola, is almost all one: for both of them doe vsually fight on foot, and diuide their Armie into seuerall troupes, fitting themselues according to the situation of the Field where they doe encampe, and aduancing their Ensignes and Banners in such sort as before is remembred. The remoues of their Armie are guided and directed by certaine seuerall sounds and noyses, that proceed from the Captaine Generall, who goeth into the middest of the Armie and there signifieth what is to * 1.460 be put in execution; that is to say, either that they shall ioyne battell, or else retire, or put on forward, or turne to the right hand, and to the left hand, or to performe any other warlike action. For by these seue∣rall [ 60] sounds distinctly deliuered from one to another, they doe all vnderstand the commandements of their Captaine, as we here among vs doe vnderstand the pleasure of our Generall by the sundrie stroakes of the Drum, and the Captaines sounds of the Trumpet.

Three principall sounds they haue which they vse in Warre: One which is vttered aloud, by great Rattles, fastned in certaine Wooden Cases, hollowed out of a tree, and couered with Leather, which they * 1.461 strike with certaine little handles of Iuory. Another is made by a certaine kind of Instrument, fashio∣ned like a Pyramis turned vpward: for the lower end of it is sharpe, and endeth as it were in a point, and the vpper end waxeth broader and broader, like the bottome of a Triangle, in such sort, that be∣neath they are narrow and like an Angle, and aboue they are large and wide. This Instrument is made of certaine thinne plates of Iron, which are hollow and emptie within, and very like to a Bell turned vp-side-downe. They make them ring, by striking them with woodden wands: and oftentimes they doe also cracke them, to the end that the sound should be more harsh, horrible, and warlike: The third In∣strument is framed of Elephants teeth, some great, and some small, hollow within, and blowen at a [ 10] certaine hole which they make on the side of it, in manner of the Fife, and not aloft like the Pipe. These are tempered by them in such sort, that they yeeld as warlike and harmonious Musicke, as the Cornet doth, and so pleasant and iocond a noyse, that it mooueth and stirreth vp their courages, and maketh them not to care for any danger whatsoeuer. Now of these three seuerall sorts of warlike In∣struments, there are some bigger, and some lesse. For the Captaine Generall carrieth alwaies with him * 1.462 the greater sort, to the end that by them he may giue signification to the whole Campe what they shall doe. The particular bands and troupes of the Armie haue in like manner their smaller sort, and eue∣ry Captaine in his seuerall Regiment hath also one of the smallest, which they strike with their hands. Whereupon it falleth out, that when they heare the sound of the generall Rattle, or Cornet, or the other third kind of Instrument, euery part of the Army doth presently answere in the same [ 20] note, signifying thereby, that they haue well vnderstood the good pleasure of the Captaine, and so con∣sequently the vnder Captaines doe the like. Neither doe they onely vse these Instruments and sounds vniuersally, but also when they are in fight and in skirmish, the valiant and couragious Souldiers go be∣fore the rest, and with this kind of bells, which they strike with their woodden wands, they dance, and encourage their fellowes, and by the note doe signifie vnto them in what danger they are, and what wea∣pons they haue met withall.

The Military apparell of the better sort, and of the Lords of the Moci-Conghi, is this. On their * 1.463 heads they carry a Cap, which is garnished with sundry Plumes of the feathers of the Estridge, of the Pea∣cocke, of the Cocke, and of other kinds of Birds, which make them to seeme men of greater stature then they are, and terrible to looke vpon. From the girdle vpwards they are all naked, and haue hanging about [ 30] them from their necks, both on the right side and on the left, euen as low as to both their slankes, certaine chaines of Iron, with Rings vpon them as bigge as a mans little finger, which they vse for a certaine mi∣litarie pompe and brauery. From the girdle downe-wards they haue breeches of Linnen, or Sendale, which are couered with Cloath, and reach downe to their heeles, but then they are folded againe vp∣wards, and tucked vnder their girdle. Upon their girdle, which (as we told you) is made with exqui∣site and curious worke, they doe fasten certaine bells, very like to the instruments that are before named, which in moouing of themselues, and in fighting with their enemies, doe ring and make a noyse, and adde courage vnto them, while they are in combate with their aduersaries. Upon their legges they haue likewise their Buskins, after the Portugall fashion. Their Armour we haue already declared, that is * 1.464 to say; Bow and Arrowes, Sword, Dagger and Target: but yet with this caueat, that whosoeuer weareth [ 40] a Bow, he weareeh also a Dagger, but no Target: for those two weapons may not be worne together, but Sword and Target they may lawfully weare both at once.

The common Souldiers goe all naked from the girdle-stead vpwards, and haue the rest of their bo∣dies * 1.465 armed with Bow and Arrowes, and Daggers. These are they that doe first offer the skirmish, go∣ing out before the rest of the Army, as it were seuerally and dispersedly prouoking to fight, and receiuing the shot from a farre off, they turne and winde this way and that way, and doe nimbly leape from one side to another, to the end they may auoyd the lighting of their enemies Arrowes. Besides these, there are also certaine quicke and gallant young men, that runne out before the rest, which with the ringing of their bells (as before is said) are as it were comforters of their fellowes, and when they haue fought so much, that the Captaine thinketh them to be euen weary, then doth he call them backe with the sound of [ 50] one of those instruments aboue mentioned: so that perceiuing the medley to wax hot, they turn about and retyre themselues backe againe, and others succeede in their places, which course is still obserued and kept vntill such time, as both the Armies doe indeed ioyne all their maine forces together, and so fight it out.

In the place aboue described, there were sundry encounters on the one side, and on the other. And * 1.466 in the first battailes the people of Congo remained Conquerors: but afterward, when they had diuers times fought together with great losse on both sides, and victuals began now to faile, and consequently men waxed sicke and died, the Campe of the King of Congo was dissolued, and euery man returned to his owne home.

In this meane while Paulo Diaz, though he could not ioyne his forces with the Army of his friends that came to succour him, yet set himselfe forwards, and passing ouer the Riuer stayed at Luiola, be∣cause * 1.467 [ 60] it was a place very strong, and fit to resist the King of Angola. The situation of Luiola is this: The two Riuers, Coanza and Luiola doe ioyne together about one hundred and fiue miles from the Sea shore, and a little aboue the said ioyning, these Riuers doe seuer themselues, for the space of an Harquebusse shot, so that they make as it were an Iland betweene them. In which Iland, at the mee∣ting

of the two Riuers there riseth a hill, which Paulo Diaz surprized and fortified for his better safe∣tie. And whereas in times past, there was neuer any habitation there, now at this present it is growne to be a prety Countrey inhabited by the Portugals.

From this place thus surprized by Paulo Diaz, and called Luiola, you may saile along the Ri∣uer with certaine small vessels, euen to the Sea, and goe by land without any danger for the space of one hundred and fiue miles. Neere thereunto are the hills, that are called the hills of * 1.468 Cabambe, producing infinite store of Siluer: which the said Diaz doth euery day by little and little endeuour to conquer. And these hils are the grand quarrell betweene him and the people of Angolu. For knowing that the Portugals doe esteeme greatly of these hills, in regard of the Siluer pits which are there in great abundance; they doe vse all the force and skill they can to keepe the Portugals from them. They fight also with them in diuers other places: for the Por∣tugals [ 10] passing ouer the Riuer Coanza, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 continually make in-roades into the Countries that are subiect to the King of Angola.

The weapons of these peoples, are Bowes sixe handfull long, with strings made of the barks * 1.469 of Trees, Arrowes of Wood, lesse then a mans little finger, and sixe handfuls long. They haue Iron heads, made like a hooke, and feathers of Birds in the tops of them: and of these Arrowes they vse to carry to the number of sixe or seuen vpon their Bow hand, without any Quiuer at all. Their Daggers are fashioned with a haft after the manner of a Knife, which they weare at their girdle, on their left side, and hold them aloft in their hands, when they fight with them. By their Militarie actions and proceedings, you may obserue their great skill and good order in * 1.470 matter of warre. For in diuers batailes that were betweene them and the Portugals, it was [ 20] plainely seene how they could chuse their aduantages against their enemies, as by assaulting them in the night cime, and in rainy weather, to the end that their Harquebusses and Gunnes should not take fire; and also by diuiding their forces into many troopes, to trouble them the more. The King doth not vse to goe to the warre in his owne person, but sendeth his Cap∣taines in his stead. The people are also accustomed to flye and runne away incontinently, as soone as they see their Captaine slaine, neither can they be perswaded to stay by any reason or argument, but presently yeeld vp the field. They are all Foot-men, neither haue they any Hor∣ses at all: and therefore the Captaines, if they will not goe on foote, cause themselues to bee carried on the shoulders of their Slaues, after one of the three manners, which we will shew vn∣to you hereafter. [ 30]

This Nation goeth out to warre, in number almost infinite, and very confusedly: they leaue * 1.471 no man at home that is fit to carry a weapon: they make no preparation of victuals necessarie for the Campe: but such as perhaps haue any, conuey it with them vpon the shoulders of their Seruants, and yet they haue sundry forts of creatures that might bee managed, and serue their turnes to draw, and to carry, as in the second part of this Treatise shall be described vnto you. And thereupon it falleth out, that when they come into any Countrey with their whole Army, a••l their food is quickly quite consumed, and then hauing nothing left to feed vpon, they dissolue their hoast euen in the greatest necessitie of prosecuting their enterprise, and so are inforced by hunger to returne into their owne Countries.

They are greatly giuen to Diuination by Birds: If a Bird chance to flye on their left hand, or cry in * 1.472 such manner, as those which make profession to vnderstand the same, do say, that it fore-sheweth ill lucke [ 40] and aduersity, or that they may go no further forwards, they will presently turne backe and repaire home: which custome was also in the old time obserued by the ancient Romans, and likewise at this day by sun∣dry other Pagans.

Now if it shall seeme strange to any man, that so few Portugall Souldiers, as Paulo Diaz retai∣neth * 1.473 there with him, and others of the Portugall Nation, which Trafficke into the Realme, and releeue him with succours, being in number but three hundred at the most, accounting their Slaues, and also the Male-contents, the Rebels and Fugitiues of Angola, which daily resort vnto him, and amount not in all to the quantitie of fifteene thousand men, should be able to make so gallant a resistance against that innumerable rabble of Negroes, being subiect to the King of Angola, which are gathered there toge∣ther [ 50] (as it is said) to the number of a Million of soules. I answere, that great reason may be allead∣ged for the same. For the Armie of the Negroes is all naked, and vtterly destitute of all prouision and furniture for Armour of defence: And as for their weapons of offence, they consist onely but of Bowes and Daggers (as I told you.) But our few Portugals that are there, are well lapped in certaine Iackets that are stuffed and basted with bombaste, and stitched and quilted very soundly, which keepe their Armes very safe, and their bodies d••wne-wards as low as their knees: Their heads also are armed with cappes made of the same stuffe, which doe resist the shot of the Arrow, and the stroke of the Dag∣ger: Besides that, they are girt with long swords, and some Horsemen there are among them that carry speares for their weapons. Now you must vnderstand that one man on horse-backe, is of more worth then a hundred Negroes, because the Horsemen doe afright them greatly: and especially of those that [ 60] doe discharge Gunnes and Peeces of Artillarie against them, they doe stand continually in an ex∣treame bodily feare. So that these few being well armed, and cunningly and artificially ordered, must needs ouercome the other, though they be very many in number. This Kingdome of Angola, is full of peo∣ple

beyond all credite: For euery Man taketh as many Wiues as he listeth, and so they multiply infi∣nitely: But they doe not vse so to do in the kingdome of Congo, which liueth after the manner of the * 1.474 Christians.

This Kingdome also is very rich in Mines of Siluer, and most excellent Copper; and for other kinds of Mettall, there is more in this kingdome then in any other Countrey of the world whatsoeuer. Fruitfull it is in all manner of food, and sundry sorts of Cattell, and specially for great heards of Kine. True it is, that this people doe loue Dogges flesh better then any other meate: and for that purpose they feed and fatten them, and then kill them and sell them in their open shambles. It is constantly affirmed, that a great Dog accustomed to the Bull, was sold by exchange for two and twentie Slaues, which after the * 1.475 rate of ten Duckets a poll, were worth in all two hundred and twentie Duckets: in so high a price and ac∣count [ 10] doe they hold that Creature.

The Monyes that are vsed in Angola, are much different from the Lumache of Congo: for they of Angola doe vse Beads of Glasse, such as are made in Venice, as bigge as a Nut, and some of lesser quantitie, and of diuers and sundry colours and fashions. These doe the people of Angola make, not onely to vse them for money, but also for an ornament of their men and women, to weare about their necks and their armes, and are called in their tongue Anzolos: but when they are threeded vpon a string like a paire of Beads, they call them Mizanga.

The King of Angola is by religion a Gentile, and worshippeth Idols, and so doe all the people in his Kingdome. It is true, that he hath greatly desired to become a Christian, after the example of the King * 1.476 of Congo. But because there hath not beene as yet any possibilitie to send Priests vnto him, that might [ 20] illuminate and instruct him, he remaineth still in darknesse. The foresaid Signor Odoardo told mee, that in his time the King of Angola sent an Ambassadour to the King of Congo, requesting that hee would send him some religious persons to informe him in the Christian Religion: but the King of Con∣go had none there that he could spare, and therefore could send him none. At this day, both these Kings doe Trafficke together, and are in amitie one with another: the King of Angola hauing now clee∣red and discharged himselfe for the iniuries and slaughters that were committed vpon those of Congo, and vpon the Portugals at Gabazo.

The language of the people of Angola is all one with the language of the people of Congo, because * 1.477 (as we told you before) they are both but one Kingdome. Onely the difference betweene them is, as commonly it is betweene two Nations that border one vpon another.

We haue signified vnto you heretofore, that the Bay of Cowes doth diuide the Kingdome of [ 30] Angola in the middest; and hitherto we haue treated but of the one halfe thereof: Now wee * 1.478 will describe vnto you the second part of it, which lyeth from the said Bay of Cowes towards the South. From this Bay then, to the blacke Cape, called Cape Negro, by the Coast of the Ocean, they doe reckon two hundred and twenty miles, of such Countrey and soyle as the for∣mer is, and possessed by many Lords that are subiect to the King of Angola. From Cape Ne∣gro there runneth a line towards the East, through the middest of the Mountaines, that are called, Monti Freddi, that is to say, The cold Mountaines: which also in some certaine * 1.479 parts of them, that are higher then the rest towards the Equinoctiall, are tearmed by the Por∣tugals, Monti Neuosi, or Snowy Mountaines, and so endeth at the rootes of other Mountaines, [ 40] that are called the Mountaines of Crystall. (Out of these Snowy Mountaines doe spring the waters of the Lake Dumbea Zocche.) This foresaid line, from the Mountaine of Crystall, * 1.480 draweth on-wards towards the North through the Mountaines of Siluer, till you come to Ma∣lemba, where we told you the Kingdome of Congo was diuided, and parted the Riuer of Coari in the midst. And this is the Countrey possessed by the King of Angola, whereof I haue no more to say, then is already set downe, neither of the qualities of his person, nor of his Court.

Beginning therefore at the Riuer Coanza, and drawing towards the Equinoctiall three hun∣dred seuentie fiue miles, you shall finde the Riuer, that they call Las Barreas Uermellias, or the * 1.481 Redde Pits, which are indeed the ragged ruines of certaine Rockes worne by the Sea; and when they fall downe, doe shew themselues to bee of a red colour. From thence by a direct [ 50] line vpon the North, that which the King possesseth, is foure hundred and fifty miles. And then the said line diuiding it selfe towards the South, passeth by the hills of Crystall (not those that we told you before did belong to Angola, but others that are called by the same name) and so by the Mountaines of Salnitro, trauersing the Riuer Verbela, at the roots of the Mountaines of Siluer, it endeth at the Lake Aquelunda, which is the space of fiue hundred miles. The fourth * 1.482 line runneth along the Riuer Coanza, which issueth out of the said Lake, and containeth three hundred and sixtie miles. So that the whole Realme now possessed by Don Aluaro, the King * 1.483 of Congo is in compasse, one thousand sixe hundred eightie fiue miles. But the breadth thereof beginneth at the mouth of the Riuer Zaire, where the point is, which in the Portugall speech is called, Padraon, and so cutting the Kingdome of Congo in the middle, and crossing ouer the [ 60] Mountaines of the Sunne, and the Mountaines of Crystall, there it endeth, containing the space of sixe hundred miles, and within one hundred and fiftie miles, neere to the Riuer Nilus. * 1.484 Very true it is indeed, that in ancient time the Predecessors of this Prince did raigne ouer many other Countries there-abouts, which in processe of time they haue lost: and although they bee

now in the gouernment of others, yet doe the Kings of Congo, retaine still to this day the titles * 1.485 of those Regions, as for example, Don Aluaro, King of Congo, and of Abundos, and of Mata∣ma, and of Quizama, and of Angola, and of Cacongo, and of the seuen Kingdomes of Congere Amolaza, and of the Pangelungos, and Lord of the Riuer Zaire, and of the Anziquos, and An∣ziquana, and of Loango.

This Kingdome is diuided into sixe Prouinces, that is to say, Bamba, Songo, Sundi, Pango, * 1.486 Batta, and Pemba. The Prouince of Bamba, (which is the greatest and the richest) is go∣uerned by Don Sebastian Mani-Bamba, cousin to the King Don Aluaro last deceased, and it is si∣tuated vpon the Sea-coast, from the Riuer Ambrize, vntill you come to the Riuer Coanza to∣wards the South. This Don Sebastian hath vnder his Dominion many Princes and Lords, and [ 10] the name, of the greatest of them are these, Don Antonio Mani-Bamba, who is Lieutenant and Brother to Don Sebastian, and Mani-Lemba another, and Mani-Danda, and Mani Bengo, and Mani-Loanda, who is Gouernour of the Iland of Loanda, and Mani-Corimba, and Mani-Coan∣za, and Mani-Cazzanzi. All these doe gouerne all the Sea-coast but within Land, for that part which belongeth to Angola, there are another people called the Ambundos, who dwelling on the borders of Angola, are subiect to the said Mani-Bamba, and they are these, Angaza, Ching∣hengo, Motollo, Chabonda, and many others of baser condition.

Note, that this word Mani, signifieth a Prince or a Lord, and the rest of the word is the * 1.487 name of the Countrey and Lordship, where the Lord ruleth. As for example, Mani-Bamba signifieth the Lord of the Countrey of Bamba, and Mani-Corimba, the Lord of the Countrey of Corimba, which is a part of Bamba, and so likewise of the rest. This Prouince of Bamba confi∣neth [ 20] with Angola on the South, and vpon the East of it towards the Lake Achelunda, lyeth the Countrey of Quizama, which is gouerned like a Common-wealth, and is diuided among a number of Lords, who indeed liuing at their owne libertie, doe neither obey the King of Con∣go, nor the King of Angola.

And to be short, these Lords of Quizama, after they had a long time quarrelled with Paulo Diaz, yet at last they became his subiects, because they would auoyd the yoke of the King of Angola, and by their good aid and assistance, doth Paulo Diaz greatly helpe himselfe against the said King of Angola. [ 30]

Now, the aforesaid Countrey of Bamba, (as we haue told you) is the principall Prouince of all the Realme of Congo, and indeed the very Key, and the Buckler and the Sword, and the de∣fence thereof, and (as it were) the frontier which opposeth it selfe against all their Enemies. For it resisteth all the reuolts and rebellions of those quarters, and hath very valorous people in it, that are alwayes readie for to fight, so that they doe continually keepe their Aduersaries of An∣gola in great awe: and if it happen at any time that their King stand in need, they are alwayes at his command to annoy the other Countries whensoeuer. When need requireth, he may haue in Campe foure hundred thousand men of Warre, and yet that number is but onely the sixt part of the whole Kingdome, though indeed it be the better part and the stronger. The principall [ 40] Citie of this Prouince lyeth in the Plaine which is betweene the Riuer Loze and Ambrize, and is called Panza (which is a common name for euery Towne.) There dwelleth the Lord of the Prouince, and it is distant from the Sea one hundred miles. In this Signorie also doe the hils begin, where the Mines of siluer and other metals are found, and so stretch out towards the Kingdome of Angola. It is very rich, for vpon the Coast of the Sea there, they haue great store of the Lumache, which are vsed for moneyes ouer all the Kingdome of Congo: Besides, there is also a greater Trafficke and Market for slaues, that are brought out of Angola, then in any place else. For there are yearely bought by the Portugals aboue fiue thousand head of Negroes, which afterwards they conueigh away with them, and so sell them into diuers parts of the World.

The people of this Prouince, are in Armes the most valiant of all the Kingdome of Congo. [ 50] They goe armedlike the Slauonians, with long and large Swords, that are brought them out of Portugall. There are among them very mightie men, that will cleaue a slaue in the middest at one blow, and cut off the head of a Bull at one stroke with one of those Swords. And (that which is more, and will peraduenture seeme incredible) one of these valiant men did beare vpon his arme a certaine Vessell of Wine, which was the fourth part of a Butte, and might weigh a∣bout three hundred twentie fiue pound, vntill it was cleane emptied. Moreouer, they doe carrie Bow and Arrowes, whereat they are very quicke and nimble, and withall their long Targets made of the Dants skinne, whereof wee told you before, when wee made mention of the * 1.488 Anzichi.

The creatures that are found in this Prouince, are first the Elephants, which do breed ouer all [ 60] the Kingdome of Congo, but principally in the Countrey of Bamba, because it aboundeth in Woods, in pastures and in waters.

Signor Odoardo told mee, that hee had oftentimes taken the measure of an Elephants foot in the dust, and one of them was in plaine Diameter foure spannes broad. But in these quarters they say that the Elephants doe liue one hundred and fiftie yeares, and that vntill the middle of their

age they continue still in growing. And to confirme this truth he added, that hee had seene and weighed diuers of their Teeth (which are not of horne, as some thinke) and their waight a∣mounted * 1.489 to two hundred pounds apiece, after the rate of twelue ounces to euery pound. In the Language of Congo, the Elephants Tooth is called Mene-Manzao, that is to say, The Tooth of an Elephant.

Their Eares are greater then the greatest Targets that the Turkes vse to weare, in length sixe spannes, in shape like an Egge, and towards their shoulders they grow to be narrower and shar∣per. With their Eares, and with their Trunke, and with their Tayle, they beat away the Flies that trouble them.

They haue in their Tayle, certaine haires or bristles as bigge as Rushes or Broome-sprigs, of a [ 10] * 1.490 shining blacke colour. The older they be, the fairer and stronger they bee, and of great price a∣mong them.

And for the cause lately rehearsed, many there are, which wayting for the Elephants, when they ascend some steepe and narrow way, doe come behind them, and with very sharpe Kniues cut off their Tayles: the poore beast being not able in those straites to turne backe to reuenge it selfe, nor with his Trunke to reach his Enemie. And this they doe, onely to haue those haires, which they sell for two or three slaues a piece. Other light and couragious persons there are, that trusting much to their swiftnesse in running, doe lye in a waite, and set vpon the poore beasts behind, whiles they are in feeding, and at one blow attempt to cut off their Tayles, and so endeuour to saue themselues by running away in a round. For the greatnesse of the beast is such, [ 20] as out-right it is very swift, because it maketh very large strides, though indeed but slow, and in the plaine is farre quicker then any lustie Horse: but in turning round it loseth much time, and so the Huntsman escapeth in safetie.

In their feeding, they vse to shake and root vp the great Trees with the force of their shoul∣ders, and strength of their whole backes: But the smaller Trees they take betweene both their Teeth, and so bow them and plucke them downe, that they may feede vpon the leaues of * 1.491 them: insomuch, as sometimes they breake one of their Teeth with so doing. And this is the cause why you shall find diuers of them in the fields that haue lost their Teeth. They chawe their meate with their short Teeth, which are not seene as their two long Tuskes are: and they carrie it to their mouth by their long Snout, or Trunke, which is to them in stead of an arme [ 30] and a hand. The tip of their Trunke is fashioned and diuided into little slits, and (as it were) fingers, wherewith they will take vp very small things, as Nuts, and Strawes, and Berries, and so reach them to their mouth, as I, Philippo Pigafetta haue seene my selfe at Lisbon.

The Females of these Creatures, doe beare their brood in their wombe for the space of two * 1.492 yeares and no more: And for as much as the yong Elephant cannot so quickly be brought vp, (for it groweth very slowly) the Milke is kept from it, and so it waxeth apt to feed of it selfe. And therefore Mother Nature hath prouided that the Elephants are not great with young, but from seuen yeares to seuen yeares.

Their skinne is hard beyond all credit. For being foure fingers thicke, it cannot be pierced, no not with the shot of an Harquebusse. * 1.493

The people of that Countrey haue not the skill to tame these beasts. Whereby they might [ 40] reape great commoditie and profit, for carrying their stuffe from place to place for diuers other good vses. But yet they take them; by digging certaine deepe Trenches in the places, where they vse to pasture, which Trenches are very narrow at the bottome, and broad aboue, to the end the beast may not helpe himselfe, and leape out when hee is fallen into them. These Tren∣ches they couer with Soddes of Earth, and Grasse, and leaues, because the beast should not see their traine, but passing ouer them remayne there entrenched. Whereupon the Gentleman be∣forenamed * 1.494 told me, that he had seene with his owne eyes a very strange and admirable thing in Coanza; namely, that a young Elephant following his Damme, fell downe by chance into one [ 50] of these Pits, and after that she could not with all her skill and strength draw him out of it, she buried him therein, and couered him with Earth, with branches and with boughes, insomuch as she filled the pit vp to the top, to the end that the Hunters should not enioy her Calfe, choosing rather to kill it her selfe, then to leaue it to the mercie of the cruell Huntsmen. This louing and kind Mother, not fearing the people (that stood round about her, and shouted against her, and threatned her with sundry weapons, and vttered strange clamours and noyses to affray her, and cast many fires at her) but assuring her selfe in her owne strong and valiant nature, did labour and toyle from morning till night, that she might draw her Calfe out of the pit: and when shee found that it was not possible for her to atchieue what shee desired, then she couered it in manner as we haue told you.

The Elephant is a very gentle beast, and trusteth greatly in his naturall strength. Hee feareth [ 60] * 1.495 nothing, nor hurteth any man that doth not trouble him: and haunteth neere to mens houses, without doing any harme at all. If hee espie men that goe in his walke, hee will not meddle with them, vnlesse they seeke to molest him: sauing that sometimes peraduenture he will gent∣ly with his Snout, hoyse them vpwards into the Ayre, whom hee meeteth withall in his way,

and that is all the hurt he will doe vnto them. These Elephants doe greatly delight in waters. For Signor Odoardo affirmed, that in the way betweene Cazanza and Loanda, in a little grassie Valley he had seene about one hundred of them in a company, old and young that followed their Dammes: they vse to goe together in Heards, as Kine, and Camels, and other such like gentle Creatures doe, and not alone like Lions and other such wild beasts.

There are brought into the Countries of the Anzichi, some of the Hornes that grow vpon the nose of the Rhinoceros, that are both of great value and estimation, and also vsed for the * 1.496 helpe of diuers Diseases.

There are in the Region of the Anzichi, Lions also, like the Lions that breed in other parts of the World, but they doe not vse to haunt the Region of Bamba: But in Bamba there are verie [ 10] great store of Tygres, which are of the very same shape that those in Florence are, which Signor Odoardo saw there, and testified to be very Tygres indeed. They will not set vpon any men that * 1.497 are white, but onely such as are blacke: And it hath beene found, that when the white and the blacke haue slept together in the night-time, they haue slaine the black to deuoure them, and spared the white.

When they are hungry, they will be so bold as to fetch Cattle, euen out of the yards that are about the houses without any feare at all, when they cannot find any victuals abroad in the fields. They are very dangerous and hurtfull to all kinds of Creatures whatsoeuer they bee, and in that Language they are called, Engoi.

They are as fierce and cruell beasts as the Lion, and roare as the Lion doth. They are also al∣together [ 20] like the Lion, sauing onely in the colour of their haire; for the Tygre is spotted, but the Lion all of one colour. They vse to take and kill these Tygres after diuers manners. For * 1.498 besides that, which hath beene before spoken, they poyson them with Sublimate, or some other venome, mingled with flesh which is laid for them. Or else they tye young Goates at certaine Lines made like snares, and fastned about the stocke of a Tree, so that when the beast commeth to her prey, the Engine openeth it selfe, and the more the beast striueth withall, the more it is intangled, and so at last is hanged therein.

Signor Odoardo told me, that he had gotten one of them, that was fifteene dayes old, and hee * 1.499 brought it vp with Goats Milke: which being afterwards growne bigger would follow him like a Dogge: and although it were tame, yet it would not willingly suffer any other to touch [ 30] it, besides his Master. He would also roare mightily, and when hee was angry, his eyes would looke very terribly and fearefully. But in processe of time this Tygre killed a Dogge, belong∣ing to the house, and also a Zebra, that were very deare to their Master, and thereupon, percei∣uing how perillous a beast it was, he slue it with an Harquebusse shot. Hee reported, moreouer; that the Mostacchios of the Tygre are held in that Region to be mortall Poyson: for beeing gi∣uen in meates, it procureth a man to die, as it were in a m〈…〉〈…〉hesse: And therefore the King doth punish all those that bring him a Tygres skin without the Mostacchios.

There breedeth likewise in this Countey another Creature, which they call a Zebra, com∣monly found also in certaine Prouinces of Barbary and Africa, which although it be altogether * 1.500 made like a great Mule, yet is not a Mule indeed, for it beareth young ones. It hath a most singu∣lar [ 40] skin, and peculiar from all other Creatures. For from the ridge of the chin downe towards the belly, it is straked with rowes of three colours, blacke, white, and browne Bay, about the breadth of three fingers a piece, and so meet againe together in a Circle, euery row, with his owne colour. So that the necke, and the head; and the Maine (which is not great) and the eares, and all the legs are so interchanged with these colours, and in such manner and order, as with out all faile, if the first strake beginne with white, then followeth the second with blacke, and in the third place the Bay: and so another course beginning in white, endeth still in Bay. And this rule is generally and infallibly obserued ouer all the bodie. The Tayle is like the Tayle of a Mule, of a Morell colour, but yet it is well coloured, and hath a glistering glosse. The feet like the feet of a Mule, and so are the hoofes. But touching the rest of her carriage and qualities, she is very lu∣stie [ 50] and pleasant as a Horse: and specially in going, and in running••shee is so light and so swift, that it is admirable. Insomuch as in Portugall and in Castile also, it is commonly vsed (as it were for a Prouerbe) as swift as a Zebra, when they will signifie an exceeding quiknesse. These Crea∣tures are all wild, they breed euery yeare, and are there in such abundance that they are innume∣rable. If they were made tame, they would serue to runne and to draw for the warres, and for many other good vses, as well as the best Horses that are.

Necessitie hath taught them to vse men in steed of labouring Cattell. For either they lay * 1.501 themselues all along in certaine Litters (as it were) or else set themselues vpright, with shadowes ouer them to keepe them from the Sunne, and so they cause themselues to bee carryed too and fro, by their slaues, or by other men that for wages are alwayes readie at Poste-houses to that [ 60] purpose. They that meane to iourney with speed, doe take with them many slaues, and when the first number are weary, then doe the second number vndertake the burden, and so sucessiuely change one after another, as the Tartarians and Persians vse to doe with their Horses: and these men being thus accustomed to these labours, (and so often changing) will goe as fast as any Po∣stilion gallop.

There are also to be found in this Countrie, certaine other foure-footed beasts, somewhat lesse then Oxen, of colour Red, with hornes like Goats hornes, which are very smooth and glistring, * 1.502 and inclining to blacke, whereof they make diuers pretie knackes, as they doe likewise of the Buffes hornes. They haue their heads and their haires, like the heads & haires of Oxen: and their skins are of great estimation; and therefore they are carried into Portugall, and from thence in∣to Germanie, to be dressed, and then they are called D••••••es. The King of Congo is very desirous to haue some men that had skill to cleanse them, and dresse them, and to make them fit for vse▪ to end he might employ them for Armour of defence. And yet those Nations doe alreadie vse them for Shields and Targets; and doe find that they will resist the blow of a weapon, and espe∣cially the shot of an Arrow▪ They kill them with Harquebusses, and with Arrowes. But if [ 10] they doe espie the Huntsman, they will set vpon him, and being by nature very fierce, and cou∣ragious, they will so knocke him and thumpe him with their feet, and their Muzzle (because they cannot doe him any harme with their hornes) that they will leaue him either halfe dead, or starke dead. There is also an infinite number of wild Buffes, that goe wandring about the * 1.503 Desarts, in the Kingdome of the Anzichi; and wild Asses likewise, which the Greekes call Onagri.

There are besides these, other beasts, called Empalanga, which are in bignesse and shape like * 1.504 Oxen, sauing that they hold their necke and head aloft, and haue their hornes broad and croo∣ked, three hand-breadths long, diuided into knots, and sharpe at the ends, whereof they might make very faire Cornets to sound withall: and although they liue in the Forrests, yet are they [ 20] not noysome nor harmefull. The skins of their neckes are vsed for shoo-soles, and their flesh for meate. They might likewise be brought to draw the Plough, and doe good seruice in any other labour, and tilling of the ground. Moreouer, they feed great herds of Kine, and tame Oxen, * 1.505 tame Hogs, and wild Boares, flockes of Sheepe and Goats. Signor Odoardo affirmed, that the Goats and the Sheepe doe bring forth two, and three, and foure Lambs or Kids at a time, and two, when they haue fewest, and neuer one alone at any time.

There are Wolues also which loue the Oyle of Palmes, beyond all measure. They will smell * 1.506 this Oyle afarre off, and steale it in the night time out of their houses of straw, and sometimes from those that carrie it by the way, whiles the poore soules doe rest themselues and sleepe. The Oyle (as shall be told you) is made of the Palme-tree; it is thicke and hard, like Butter. And [ 30] it is a maruell to see, how these Wolnes▪ doe take a Bottle that is full of this liquor betweene their teeth, and so cast it on their shoulders, and runne away withall, as our Wolues here doe with a Sheepe. There are very great store of Foxes, that steale Hennes as our Foxes doe. And * 1.507 farther in this Countrie of Bamba, there is an innumerable quantitie of hunting game, as Stags, * 1.508 fallow Deere, Roe-buckes, and Gazel••, whereof he affirmed that he had seene exceeding great herds, as also of Conies and Hares, because there were no Hunters to kill them.

In the Region of Pemba there are many wild Ciuet-cats, which the Portugals call Algazia, * 1.509 and some of these, the people of that Countrie had made tame, that they might enioy their Ciuet, in the smell whereof they doe greatly delight. But this was before the Portugals did trafficke with those Countries. And in Manibatta there are caught many Sables, with very [ 40] * 1.510 white haires, and exceeding fine, called Incite but no man may weare these skinnes vnlesse the Prince permit him so to doe; for, it is held in great estimation, and euery Sable is worth a Slaue. Towards the Anzichi they catch. Marterns also, wherewith they apparell themselues, as in * 1.511 due place we will note vnto you. Apes, Monkies, and such other kind of beasts, small and great of all sorts there are many in the Region of Sogno, that lieth vpon the Riuer Zaire.

Of Adders and Snakes you shall find some that are fiue and twentie spanne long, and fiue span broad: and the bellie and the mouth so large, that they can swallow and receiue into their bellie a whole Stag, or any other creature of that bignesse. And it is called, that is to say, A great Water-adder. It will goe forth of the water vp to the Land to prey for his victuals, and then returne into the Riuers againe, and so it liueth in both the Elements. It will get it selfe [ 50] vp vpon the boughs and branches of Trees, and there watch the Cattell that feed thereabouts, which when they are come neere vnto it, presently it will fall vpon them, and wind it selfe in many twines about them, and clap his taile on their hinder parts, and so it straineth them, and biteth so many holes in them, that at last it killeth them. And then it draweth them into some Wood, or other solitarie place, where it deuoureth them at pleasure, skinne, hornes, hoofes and all. Now it falleth out, that when it is thus full, and (as it were) great with so monstrous a meale, it becommeth almost drunke, and very sleepie, so that any child may kill it. And in this sort will it remaine full and satisfied for the space of fiue or sixe dayes together, and then re∣turne againe to prey. These Adders doe change their skinnes in their ordinarie seasons; yea, and sometimes after they haue eaten so monstrously, and the said Sloughs, when they are found, [ 60] are gathered vp, and reserued for a shew of so vnmeasurable a Creature. These Adders are also greatly esteemed by the Pagan Negroes, for they doe vse to roast them, and eate them for meate, and make more account of them then they doe of Hennes, or any such delicate flesh. They find great store of them, when they haue occasion to burne their thicke Woods: for there they shall

haue them lying on the ground, rosted with the fire. Besides these there are Vipers also, well * 1.512 knowne vnto that People. Which Vipers are so venemous, that such as are bitten by them, doe die within the space of foure and twentie houres. But the Negroes are acquainted with certaine herbs that will heale their wounds.

There are also certaine other Creatures, which being as big as Rams, haue wings like Dra∣gons, * 1.513 with long tailes, and long chaps, and diuers rewes of teeth, and feed vpon raw flesh. Their colour is blue and greene, their skinne bepainted like scales; and two feet they haue, but no more. The Pagan Negroes, doe vse to worship them as Gods, and at this day you may see diuers of them, that are kept for a wonder. And because they are very rare, the chiefe Lords there doe curiously preserue them, and suffer the people to worship them, which tendeth greatly to their [ 10] profit, by reason of the gifts and oblations which the people offer vnto them. There are there also to be found Chamelions. * 1.514

Other Serpents there are that are venemous, that carrie vpon the tippe of their tayle, a cer∣taine little roundell like a Bell, which ringeth as they goe, so as it may be heard. * 1.515

Estridges are found in those Parts of Sundi, and of Batta, that are towards the Muzambi. * 1.516 The young Estridges doe spring out of their egges, being warmed and disclosed by the eye and heate of the Sunne. Their feathers are vsed in stead of Ensignes and Banners in Warre, mingled with some plumes of the Peacocke, and are fashioned in the likenesse of a shadow * 1.517 against the Sunne. And forasmuch as I am fallen into the speech of Peacocks, I must tell you by the way, that in the Parts of Angola, there are Peacocks brought vp priuately in a certaine [ 20] Wood that is compassed about with walls: and the King will not suffer any other bodie to keep those Birds but onely himselfe, because they are for the Royall Ensignes, as I told you before.

There are also Indie-cocks, and Hens, and Geese, and Duckes of all sorts both wild and tame: * 1.518 Partridges, so many as children take them with ginnes. Other Birds they haue likewise, as Phe∣sants, which they call Gallignoles, Pigeons, Turtles, and of these small Birds, called Becca-fichi, an infinite number. Birds of prey, as Eagles Royall, Faulcons, Gerfaulcons, and Sparrow-hawks, and others, great store, which notwithstanding the people neuer vse to hawke withall. Birds of the Sea, as Pelicanes (for so the Portugals doe call them) white and great, which swimme * 1.519 vnder the water, and haue their throats so wide, that they will swallow a whole fish at once. This Bird hath so good a stomacke, and naturally so•• hot, that it easily digesteth the Fish that it [ 30] swalloweth whole, and the skinne of it is so hot, that the people of that Countrie doe vse to weare them, and to warme their cold stomackes withall, and therefore make great reckoning of them. There are many white Herons, and grey Bittours, that feed in the Washes there, and * 1.520 are called, Royall Birds. Other Fowles there are of the likenesse of a Crane, with a red bill and red feet, as bigge as Storkes, and their feathers for the most part red and white, and some darke grey. Goodly Birds they are to looke to, and the people of the Countrie doe call them Flemmings, because they doe much resemble them, and are good meat to eate.

They haue Parrots of grey colour, great and very talkatiue: and others of greene colour, but * 1.521 they are little ones, and not so talkatiue. They haue likewise certaine small little Birds, which they call Birds of Musicke, and yet greater then the Canarie Birds, of feather and bill red: some greene, with their feet and bill onely blacke: some all white: some grey or dunne: some all [ 40] blacke, and this kind is more sweet in their notes then all the rest afore-named; for you would thinke that they talked in their singing. Others there are of diuers colours, but they doe all sing in sundrie sorts, so that the chiefe Lords of those Countries, from ancient times to this day, haue continually kept them in Cages, and greatly esteemed them for their song.

§. IIII.

Of the fiue other Prouinces of Congo, to wit, Sogno, Sundi, Pango, Batta, and Pemba. [ 50]

THis Countrie is bounded with the Riuer Ambrize, towards the North in seuen degrees * 1.522 and an halfe, and so trauersing the Riuer Lelunda, and the Riuer Zaire, it endeth at the Rockes, called Berreuras Vermellias, that is to say, the Red pits, which are in the Bor∣ders of the Kingdome of Loango. In the middest of this Prouince there is a certaine Territorie, called by the same name Sogno, where the Gouernour of the Countrie dwelleth. The chiefe Lords that rule this Prouince, are called Mani-Sogno, that is, Princes of Sogno, and are commonly of the bloud Royall. The Prince that gouerneth there at this day, * 1.523 is called Don Diego Mani-Sogno. He hath vnder his dominion many other petie Lords, and other Prouinces, that in old time were free, and liued by themselues, as the People of Mombalas, situate some∣what [ 60] neere to the Citie of Congo, which are now subiect to this gouernment. And on the other side of the Riuer Zaire towards the North, is the Prouince of Palmar, that is to say, of Palmes, because there is great store of Palme-trees growing therein. Other Lords there are, that bor∣der vpon the King of Loango, who was sometime subiect to the King of Congo; but in processe

of time he became a free Lord, and now professeth himselfe to bee in amitie with the King of Congo, but not to be his vassall. The people that are vnder these Lords in those borders, are cal∣led the Bramas: and they reach within the Land, vnder the Equinoctiall line towards the East, to the bounds of Anzicana, all along the Mountaines which diuide them from the Anzichi * 1.524 vpon the North. They are called by the people of Loango, Congreamolal, because they were sub∣iect to Congo.

In this Countrey of Loango there are many Elephants, and great store of Iuory, which they * 1.525 doe willingly exchange for a little Iron, so that for the naile of a ship (be it neuer so small) they will giue a whole Elephants tooth. The reason thereof, is either because there groweth no Iron in that place, or else they haue not the skill to get it out of the Mines where it groweth: But all [ 10] the Iron they can get, they imploy for the heading of their Arrowes, and their other weapons, as we told you when we spake of the Bramas.

They make great store of Cloth of the Palme tres, whereof we made mention before: but * 1.526 these are lesser, and yet very fine. They haue great abundance of Kine, and of other cattell, be∣fore named. They are in Religion Pagans: their apparell after the fashion of the people of Congo: They maintaine warre with their bordering neighbours, which are the Anzichi, and the Inhabitants of Anzicana; and when they enterprise warre against the Anzichi, then they craue ayde of the people of Congo, and so they remaine halfe in freedome, and halfe in danger of others. They worship what they list, and hold the Sunne for the greatest God, as though * 1.527 it were a man, and the Moone next, as though it were a woman. Otherwise euery man choo∣seth [ 20] to himselfe his owne Idoll, and worshippeth it after his owne pleasure. These people would easily embrace the Christian Religion: For many of them that dwell vpon the borders of Congo, haue beene conuerted to Christendome: and the rest, for want of Priests, and of such as should instruct them in the true Religion, do remaine still in their blindnesse.

Sundi, is the neerest of all to the Citie of Congo, called, Cittadi San-Saluatore, the Citie of * 1.528 Saint Sauiours, and beginneth about fortie miles distant from it, and quite out of the Territorie thereof, and reacheth to the Riuer Zaire, and so ouer the same to the other side, where the Ca∣duta or Fall is, which we mentioned before: and then holdeth on vp-wards on both sides to∣wards the North, bordering vpon Anzicana, and the Anzichi. Towards the South it goeth a∣long the said Riuer Zaire, vntill you come to the meeting of it with the Riuer Bancare, and all [ 30] along the bankes thereof, euen to the rootes of the Mountaine of Crystall. In the bounds of * 1.529 the Prouince of Pango, it hath her principall Territorie, where the Gouernor Iyeth, who hath his name from the Prouince of Sundi, and is seated about a daies iourney neere to the Fall of the Riuer, towards the South.

This Prouince is the chiefest of all the rest, and (as it were) the Patrimony of all the King∣dome * 1.530 of Congo: and therefore it is alwaies gouerned by the Kings eldest Son, and by those Prin∣ces that are to succeed him. As it fell out in the time of their first Christian King, that was cal∣led Don Iohn: whose eldest sonne, that was Gouernour heere, succeeded him, and was called Don Alfonso. And euer sithence, the Kings of Congo haue successiuely continued this custome, to consigne this gouernment to those Princes which are to succeed in the Kingdome: As did the King that now * 1.531 is called Don Aluaro, who was in this gouernment before Don Aluaro the King [ 40] his father died, and was called Mani-Sundi.

And heere by the way you must note, that in all the Kingdome of Congo, there is not any * 1.532 person that possesseth any proper goods of his owne, whereof he may dispose, and leaue to his heires: but all is the Kings, and he distributeth all Offices, all Goods, and all Lands, to whom∣soeuer it pleaseth him; yea, and to this Law, euen the Kings owne sonnes are subiect. So that if any man doe not pay his tribute yearely (as he ought) the King taketh away his Gouernment from him, and giueth it to another. As it happened to the King that now liueth, who at the time that Signor Odoardo was at the Court, being of his owne nature very liberall, and bountifull beyond measure, and one that bestowed much vpon his seruants, could not discharge those im∣positions [ 50] that the King had laid on him. Whereupon he was by the King depriued of his reue∣nues, of his gouernment, and of his royall fauour; that is to say, in that language, he was Tom∣b••cado, as we will declare more at full in the second part of this Discourse.

Many Lords there are that are subiect to the Gouernour of Sundi. The people doe Trafficke with their neighbour Countries, selling and bartring diuers things. As for example, Salt, and * 1.533 Cloathes of sundry colours, brought from the Indies, and from Portugall, and Lumachette, to serue for their Coyne. And for these commodities they doe exchange cloath of Palme Trees, and Iuory, and the skinnes of Sables and Marternes, and certaine girdles wrought of the leaues of Palme trees, which are greatly esteemed in those parts.

There groweth in these Countries great store of Crystall, and diuers kinds of Metall: but [ 60] Iron they loue aboue all the rest; saying, That the other Metals are to no vse: for with Iron they can make Kniues, and Weapons, and Hatchets, and such like Instruments, that are necessary and profitable for the vse of mans nature.

The Prouince of Pango in ancient time was a free Kingdome, that was gouerned of it selfe,

and bordereth on the North vpon Sundi, on the South vpon Batta, on the West vpon the Coun∣trie * 1.534 of Congo, and on the East vpon the Mountaines of the Sun. The principall Territorie, where the Gouernors dwelling is, hath the same name that the Prouince hath, (viz:) Pango. It stan∣deth vpon the Westerne side of the Riuer Barbela, and in old time was called, Pangue-lungos: and in time afterwards, the word was corrupted and changed into Pango. Through the midst of this Prouince runneth the Riuer Berbela, which fetcheth his Originall from the great Lake, (whence the Riuer Nilus also taketh his beginning) and from another lesser Lake, called Ache∣lunda, and so dischargeth it selfe into Zaire. And although this be the least Countrey of all the rest, yet doth it yeeld no lesse tribute then the rest.

This Prouince was conquered after the Countrey of Sundi, and made subiect to the Princes of Congo: and is now all one with it, both in speech and manners; neither is there any diffe∣rence [ 10] at all betweene them. The present Gouernor thereof is called, Don Francesco Mani-Pan∣go, * 1.535 and hath remained in the gouernment of this Region for the space of fiftie yeares, and no man euer complained of him.

The bounds of Batta are towards the North, the Countrey of Pango: on the East it taketh * 1.536 quite ouer the Riuer Barbela, and reacheth to the Mountaines of the Sunne, and to the foote of the Mountaines of Sal-Nitre. And on the South from the said Mountaines, by a line passing through the meeting of the Riuers Barbela and Cacinga, to the Mountaine Brusciato, that is to say, Scorched.

Within these bounds is Batta contained, and the principall Citie where the Prince dwelleth, * 1.537 is likewise called Batta. In ancient time it was called Aghirimba, but afterwards the word [ 20] was corrupted, and it is now called Batta. It was in old time a very strong and a great King∣dome, and voluntarily of it selfe, without any warre it ioyned it selfe with the Kingdome of Congo, peraduenture because there were some dissention among their Lords: and therefore it hath more preheminence then the rest of the Prouinces of the Kingdome of Congo, in priui∣ledges and liberties. For the Gouernment of Batta is alwaies assigned to one, that is of the * 1.538 blood of the Kings of that Countrey, at their choise and pleasure, hauing no more respect to one then to another, so that he be of the stocke and blood Royall, neither to the eldest sonne, nor to the second. Neither yet goeth this Gouernment by inheritance, but the King of Congo (as is told you before) doth dispose it at his owne pleasure to whom he thinketh best, to the end they should not vsurpe it by way of succession, or by rebellion. He dwelleth neerer the King [ 30] then any other Gouernour or Lord of the Kingdome of Congo, and is the second person therein, neither may any man gaine-say his arguments and reasons, as they may any of the rest, for it is so decreed among them. Now if the line of the King of Congo should chance to faile, so that * 1.539 there were none of that blood to succeed, the succession shall fall vpon the Gouernour of Batta. He that now gouerneth there, is called, Don Pedro Mani-Batta.

Sometimes he eateth at the Kings owne Table, but yet in a baser seat then the Kings seat is, and that also not sitting, but standing; which is not granted to any other Lord of Congo, no nor to the sonnes of the King himselfe. His Court and his traine, is little lesse then the Court and traine of the King of Congo. For he hath Trumpets and Drums, and other instruments going be∣fore him, as becommeth a Prince. [ 40]

He doth hold continuall warres with the Pagans that border vpon him, and he is able to ga∣ther together about seuentie or eightie thousand fighting men. And because he doth still main∣taine warre with the people that are next him, he hath libertie granted vnto him to entertaine Harquebusires, that shall be of his owne naturall subiects. For the King of Congo will not suffer * 1.540 any other Gouernor of any other Prouinces, nor any of their children, to haue any Harquebu∣siers that are borne within their Countrey, but onely the Portugals.

Towards the East of Batta, beyond the Mountaines of the Sunne, and of Sal-Nitre, vpon the bankes of the East and West of the Riuer Nilus, and in the borders of the Empire of Mo∣henbe-Muge there liueth a Nation, which by the people of Congo, are called Giaquas, but in their owne language they are called Agag: Very fierce they are and warlike, much giuen to fight and [ 50] pillage, and make continuall inroades into the Countries neere adioyning; and sometimes a∣mong the rest into the Prouince of Batta. So that this Countrey must needs be in continu∣all Armes, and stand vpon good guard, and maintaine Harquebusiers to defend themselues from them.

The Prince of Batta hath many Lords vnder him: and the naturall people of this Prouince are called Monsobos, and their language is well vnderstood by the Inhabitants of Congo. They are farre more rude and rusticall then the Moci-Congi, and the Slaues that are brought from thence, doe prooue more obstinate and stubborne, then those that come from other Coun∣tries.

The Prouince of Pemba is seated in the heart and middle of the Kingdome of Congo, com∣passed [ 60] and comprised within the bounds before described, whose Gouernor is called Don Anto∣nio Mani-Pemba, second sonne to King Don Aluaro, that dead is, and brother to the King that raigneth at this present. And for as much as his father did loue him dearely, he assigned vnto

him this Gouernment, because he knew not what better thing to giue him, sauing the Realme it selfe: which in deed he would willingly haue bestowed on him, for that hee was more like vnto him in quality and nature then his eldest sonne was. But it would not be by reason of the law of the Kingdome, which would not haue yeelded thereunto.

This Countrey is the very Centre, and middest of all the State of Congo, and the originall of * 1.541 all the ancient Kings, and the Territorie where they were borne, and the chiefe and principall seat of all the other Prouinces and Principalities. And therefore the chiefe and royall Citie of all that Empire, is assigned to this Prouince, whereof we will hereafter deliuer you a full infor∣mation. The Gouernor of Pemba dwelleth in a Territory of the same name, situate at the foote of the scorched Mountaine, along the Riuer Loze, which riseth out of the Lake, and runneth [ 10] through the Region of Bamba into the Sea. The Courtiers and Lords, and Seruitors belonging * 1.542 to the King of Congo, haue their goods and possessions, and reuenues in this Prouince; because it is neerest to the Court, and very conuenient for the conueighing of their victuals, and their o∣ther stuffe vnto the Court. Some of these Lords, in that part specially, that bordereth vpon the aforesaid Prouince of Bamba, haue much adoe to keepe fight and defend themselues from the people of Quizama, because they are neerest vnto them. For this people (as we told you) did rebell against the King of Congo, and reuolted from him, and doe professe that they will be at li∣bertie, and gouerned of themselues.

[illustration] map of the Congo

HONDIVS his Map of Congo. [ 20]

§. V.

Of the situation of the Royall Citie of the Kingdome of Congo: of their first conuersion and Warre, thence arising betwixt the Kings two Sonnes.

ALthough the chiefe and Royall Citie of the Kingdome of Congo be after a sort compre∣hended * 1.543 [ 60] within the Prouince of Pemba, yet notwithstanding for as much as the go∣uernment thereof, and the Territorie thereunto belonging, which may in compasse amount to the space of twentie miles about, doth depend wholly of the King of Con∣go himselfe, we will place it in a seuerall Regiment, and intreat of it by it selfe.

This Citie is called San Saluatore, or Saint Sauiour, and in times past in that Countrie Lan∣guage * 1.544 it was called Banza, which generally signifieth The Court, where the King or the Gouer∣nour doeth ordinarily soiourne. It is seated about one hundred and fiftie miles from the Sea, vp∣on a great and a high Mountaine, being almost all of a Rocke, but yet hauing a veyne of I∣ron in it, whereof they haue great vse in their housing. This Mountaine hath in the toppe of it a great Plaine, very well manured and furnished with Houses and Villages, contayning in circuit about ten miles, where there doeth dwell and liue, the number of one hundred thou∣sand persons.

The soyle is fruitfull, and the aire fresh, wholsome, and pure: there are great store of Springs, * 1.545 of indifferent good water to drinke, and at certaine times doe not harme any man: and of all sorts of Cattell great abundance. The top of the Mountaine is seuered and distinguished from [ 10] all the rest of the Hill which is about it, and therefore the Portugals doe call it, The Otheiro, that is to say, A view, or a Watch-tower, or a Singular heighth, from whence you may take a sight of all the Champaine round about: onely towards the East, and towards the Riuer, it is very steepe and rockie.

For two causes did the Princes of this Kingdom place this habitation in the foresaid heighth * 1.546 of this Mountaine. First, because it lieth in the very middest, and (as it were) in the Centre of all the Realme, from whence hee may presently send aide to any part of his Kingdome, that may stand in need of reliefe: and secondly, because it is situated in a Territorie that is by Nature mounted aloft, hauing a very good aire, and of great safetie; for it cannot be forced. By the [ 20] chiefe common high-way that goeth vp to the Citie, and looketh towards the Sea, being di∣stant from thence one hundred and fiftie miles (as hath beene told you) which way is very large and competent, though it goe some what about in compasse, you shall ascend fiue miles from the bottome to the top of the Mountaine. At the foot thereof on the East side there runneth a Ri∣uer, * 1.547 whereunto the women doe descend by the space of a miles waike to wash their clothes. In diuers other parts thereof there are sundrie valleys planted and manured: neither doe they suffer any part of the Countrie thereabouts to be left vntilled or vnused, because it is the Coun∣trie where the Court remaineth.

The Citie is seated in a corner or angle of the hill towards the South-east, which Don Alfon∣so the first Christian King did compasse about with walls, and gaue vnto the Portugals a seuerall [ 30] place for themselues, shut vp likewise within walls. Then did he also inclose his owne Pa∣lace and the Kings Houses with another wall, and in the middest between these two enclosures left a great space of ground, where the principall Church was built, with a faire Market place before it. The doores and gates as well of the Lodgings of the Lords, as of the Portugals Inha∣bitations, doe open on the side of the said Church. For, in the vppermost end of the Market place doe diuers great Lords of the Court dwell, and behind the Church doeth the Market place runne into a narrow street, where there is also a gate, and beyond that gate many houses towards the East. Without these walls, (which doe enclose the Kings houses, and the Citie of the Portugals) there are a number of other buildings, erected by diuers Lords, euery man making his seuerall choise of the place which he thinketh most fit and conuenient for his dwelling neere vnto the Court. So that the greatnesse of this Citie cannot well be determined or limited. Beyond these [ 40] walls also, that thus doe compasse this Citie; there is a great champaine Plaine, full of Villages, and sundrie Palaces, where euery Lord possesseth (as it were) a whole Towne within himselfe. The circuit of the Portugals Citie containeth about a mile; and the Kings houses as much. The walls are very thicke: the gates are not shut in the night time, neither is there any watch or ward kept therein.

And although that Plaine doeth lie very high and aloft, yet is there great abundance of wa∣ters * 1.548 in it, so that there is no want thereof. But the Court and the Portugals Citie doe all drinke of a certaine Fountaine that springeth continually, towards the North, and lieth downe the hill, as farre as a Gunne will shoot: and from hence they doe fetch all their water, and bring it to the Citie in vessels of Wood, of Earth, and Leather, vpon the backes of their Slaues. [ 50]

All this Plaine is very fruitfull, and well manured. It hath Meadowes full of Grasse, and * 1.549 Trees that are alwaies greene. It beareth sundrie sorts of Graine, but the principall and best of all is called Luco, which is very like to Mustard-seed, but that it is somewhat bigger. When it is grinded with Hand-querns (for so they vse to do) it yeeldeth a very white Meale, whereof they make Bread, that is both white, and also of a very good fauour, and wholsome withall: neither doth it giue place to our Wheat in any sort, sauing that they doe not celebrate the Sacrament with it. Of these Graines there now is great store, ouer all the Kingdome of Congo: but it is not long since that this Seed was brought thither from that part of the Riuer Nilus, where it falleth into the second Lake. There is also a white kind of Millet, called the Mazza of Congo, * 1.550 [ 60] that is to say, The Corne of Congo: and another Graine which they call Maiz, but they make no account of it, for they giue it to their Hogs: neither doe they greatly esteeme of Rice. The foresaid Maiz they commonly terme by the name of Mazza-Manputo, that is to say, the Por∣tugals Corne; for they call a Portugall Manputo.

There are moreouer diuers and sundrie sorts of Trees, that beare very great store of Fruits, * 1.551 insomuch as the greatest part of the people doe feed vpon the Fruits of the Countrie, as Citrons, Lymons, and specially Oranges, very full of liquor, which are neither sweet nor sowre, and are ordinarily eaten without any annoyance or harme at all. And to shew the fruitfulnesse of this Countrie, the said Signor Odoardo reported, that he had seene from a kernell of the fruit of a Pome-Citrone, which was left within the rind thereof, there sprung vp within the space of foure dayes a pretie tall sprig. Other Fruits there are, which they call Banana, and wee verily thinke to be the Muses of Aegypt and Soria, sauing that in those Countries they grow to be as * 1.552 bigge as Trees; but here they cut them yeerely, to the end they may beare the better. The Fruit is very sweet in smell, and of good nourishment. In these Plaines there grow likewise sundrie [ 10] * 1.553 kinds of Palme-trees; one that beareth Dates, and another that beareth the Indian Nuts, called Cocoes, because they haue within them a certaine shell that is like to an Ape: and thereupon they vse in Spaine to shew their children Coccola, when they would make them afraid. Another Palme-tree there groweth also very like to the former, but of a more strange and singular pro∣pertie: for it yeeldeth Oyle, Wine, Vinegar, Fruit and Bread. The Oyle is made of the shell * 1.554 of the fruit, and is of the colour and substance of Butter, sauing that it is somewhat greenish. They vse it, as other people doe vse Oyle and Butter, and it will burne like Oyle. They anoint their bodies withall; and besides, it is very good to eate. They presse it out of the Fruit, as Oyle is pressed out of the Oliues, and then they boyle it, and so preserue it. The Bread is made * 1.555 of the stone of the fruit it selfe, which is like to an Almond, but somewhat harder: and within [ 20] the same is there a certaine kernell or pith, which is good to eate: very wholsome and of good nourishment. The whole Fruit, together with the outter shell is greene; and they vse to eate * 1.556 it both raw and rosted. The Wine is drawen from the top of the Tree, by making an hole therein, from whence there distilleth a liquor like Milke, which at the first is sweet, but after∣wards sowre, and in processe of time becommeth very Vinegar, to serue for Sallets. This Wine they drinke cold, and it moueth to vrine very much: so that in those Countries, there is not a man that is troubled with Grauell or Stone in the bladder. It will make them drunke, that drinke too much of it: but indeed it is of a very good nutriment.

There are other Trees, that beare a certaine fruit, called Cola, as big as a Pine-apple, which hath within it other fruits like Chest-nuts, wherein are foure seuerall shells or skins, of red and [ 30] * 1.557 Carnation colour. These they vse to hold in their mouthes, and chaw them, and at last to eate them, for the quenching of their thirst, and better relishing of their water. They comfort and preserue the stomacke, but aboue all other qualities, they are singular good against the diseases of the Liuer. And it is said, that the Liuer of a Henne, or of any other like Bird, which is pu∣trified, * 1.558 and stinketh, being sprinkled ouer with the matter of this fruit, returneth into his for∣mer estate, and becommeth fresh and sound againe. This food is commonly and generally vsed among them all, and there is very great abundance of it: and therefore it is good cheape. O∣ther kinds of wild Palme-trees there are, which yeeld diuers fruits that are eaten: and their * 1.559 leaues reserued to make Mats, wherewith their houses are couered; and Baskets and Skeps, and such other like Instruments that are necessarie for their daily vses. Other Trees there are [ 40] * 1.560 likewise, called Ogheghe, which beare a fruit which is like a yellow Plumme, and is very good to eate, and hath a very sweet smell withall. Of these Trees they cut off the boughs, and plant them so thicke together, that they touch one another, and stand closely all in a ranke; so that when they are growne great, they make a strong Fence or wall about their houses, which being afterwards couered with Mats, it resembleth a handsome Court or Closse, wherein they vse to walke, (as it were) in an Arbour that maketh a great shadow, and defendeth them from the heate of the Sunne. In the middest of these enclosures, they vse to build certaine houses of wood, couered with straw, and diuided into sundrie conuenient roomes, all on the ground with∣out any Stories or Sollers aboue them. These they doe line with very faire and delicate Mats, and furnish them with other ornaments in very handsome manner.

There are to bee found among them many masses and lumpes of stone, which are of such [ 50] thicknesse and hugenesse, that you may cut out a whole Church, euen of one whole piece; yea, * 1.561 and of the same kind of stone, whereof the Obelisco is made, that is erected before Porta del Po∣polo in Rome. Besides this, there are whole Mountaines of Porphyrie, of Iasper, and of white Marble, and of other sundrie colours, which here in Rome are called, Marbles of Numidia, of Africa, and of Aethiopia: certaine Pillars whereof, you may see in the Chappell of Pope Gregorie.

Other Stone there is, that is speckled with graines or strakes, but among all the rest, that kind is most admirable, which hath in it faire Iacynthes, that are good Iewels. For the strakes being dispersed like veynes ouer all the bodie of their Mother-stone, if you shall diuide them, [ 60] and plucke them out as you would picke the kernels out of a Pomegranate, they will fall into graines and little pieces of perfect Iacynth. But if you please to make Pillars, or Obeliskes, or other such like memorials, of the whole masse, you shall see them shine and sparkle, full of most faire and goodly Iewels.

There are also other kinds of rare stones, which make a shew of metall in them, as of Copper, * 1.562 and of sundry other colours, that are very fresh, and bright, and smooth, whereof you may make Images, or any other worke of singular beautie. True it is, indeed, that they want Masons, and Cutters, and Playsterers, and Carpenters, and other such Artificers: for when the Churches, and the walls, and the other fabrickes in those Countries were built, the Workmen were brought thither out of Portugall.

There are also Tamarindes, and Cassia, and Ceders in such multitudes growing all along the Ri∣uer * 1.563 of Congo, besides other Trees of an vnmeasurable length and thicknesse, that an infinite num∣ber of ships and houses may be builded of them. Their Gardens doe beare all manner of Herbes and Fruits, as Pompions, Melions, Cucumbers, Coleworts, and such like, besides other sorts [ 10] that doe not agree with our Climates of Europe.

The King of Portugall, Don Giouanni the second, being desirous to discouer the East Indies, sent * 1.564 forth diuers ships by the Coast of Africa to search out this Nauigation, who hauing found the Hands of Cape Verde, and the Ile of Saint Thomas, and running all along that Coast, did light vpon the Riuer Zaire, whereof we haue made mention before, and there they had good Trafficke, and tryed the people to bee very courteous and kind. Afterwards hee sent forth (for the same purpose) certaine other Vessels, to entertaine this Trafficke with Congo, who finding the Trade there to bee so free and profitable, and the people so friendly, left certaine Portugals behind them, to learne the Language, and to Trafficke with them: among whom one was a Masse-priest. These Portugals conuer∣sing * 1.565 familiarly with the Lord of Sogno, who was Uncle to the King and a man well stricken in yeares, dwelling at that time in the Port of Praza (which is in the mouth of Zaire) were very well entertained [ 20] and esteemed by the Prince, and reuerenced as though they had beene earthly Gods, and descended downe from Heauen into those Countries. But the Portugals told them that they were men as them∣selues were, and professors of Christianitie. And when they perceiued in how great estimation the peo∣ple held them, the foresaid Priest and others began to reason with the Prince touching the Christian Re∣ligion, and to shew vnto them the errors of the Pagan Superstition, and by little and little to teach * 1.566 them the Faith which we professe, insomuch as that which the Portugals spake vnto them, greatly pleased the Prince, and so he became conuerted.

With this confidence and good spirit, the Prince of Sogno went to the Court, to enforme the King of the true Doctrine of the Christian Portugals, and to encourage him that he would imbrace the Christian Religion which was so manifest, and also so wholsome for his soules health. Hereupon the King comman∣ded [ 30] to call the Priest to Court, to the end he might himselfe treat with him personally, and vnderstand * 1.567 the truth of that which the Lord of Sogno had declared vnto him. Whereof when hee was fully infor∣med, he conuerted and promised that he would become a Christan.

And now the Portugall ship; departed from Congo, and returned into Portugall: and by them did the King of Congo write to the King of Portugall, Don Giouanm the second, with earnest request, that he would send him some Priests, with all other Orders and Ceremonies to make him a Christian. The Priest also that re nayned behind, had written at large touching this businesse, and gaue the King * 1.568 full information of all that had happened, agreeable to his good pleasure. And so the King tooke order for sundry Religious persons, to be sent vnto him accordingly, with all Ornaments for the Church and other seruice, as Crosses and Images: so that he was throughly furnished with all things that were ne∣cessarie [ 40] and needfull for such an action.

In the meane-while, the Prince of Sogno, ceased not day and night to discourse with the Portugall Priest, whom hee kept in his owne House, and at his owne Table, aswell that hee might learne the Christian Faith himselfe, as also instruct the people therein: so that hee began to fauour Christianitie with all his power.

At last the ships of Portugall, arriued with the expected prouisions (which was in the yeare of our Saluation 1491.) and landed in the Port which is in the mouth of the Riuer Zaire. The Prince of Sogno with all shew of familiar ioy, accompanied with all his Gentlemen, ranne downe to meete them, and entertayned the Portugals in most courteous manner, and so conducted them to their Lodgings. The next day following, according to the direction of the Priest that remayned behind, the Prince caused a kind of [ 50] Church to be builded, with the bodies and branches of certaine trees, which hee in his owne person, with the helpe of his Seruants, most deuoutly had felled in the Wood. And when it was couered, they erected therein three Altars in the worship and reuerence of the most holy Trinitie, and there was baptised him∣selfe and his young Sonne, himselfe by then me of our Sauiour, Emanuel, and his childe by the name of Anthony, because that Saint is the Protector of the C〈…〉〈…〉e of Li••bone.

The men and women before this had no proper names agreeable to reasonable creatures, but the com∣mon names of Plants, of Stones, of Birds a••d of Beasts. But the ••••••••ces and Lords had their deno∣minations from the Places and States which they gouerned. As for example the foresaid Prince, which was the first Christian in Congo was called Mani-Segno, that is to say, The Prince of Sogno, and when hee was christned, was called Emanuel, but at this day they haue all in generall such Christian [ 60] names as they haue learned of the Portugals.

After a Masse was celebrated and sung, one of the Priests that came from Portugall went vp, and

made a briefe Sermon in the Portugall Language, declaring the summe of the new Religion, and faith of the Gospell which they had receiued. This Sermon, the Priest that was left behind, hauing now lear∣ned * 1.569 the Congo speech, did more at large expound to the Lords that were in the Church: for the Church could not possibly hold the innumerable multitude of the people that were there gathered toge∣ther, at the conuersion of their Prince: who afterwards came abroad vnto them, and rehearsed the whole Sermon, with great loue and charitie, mouing and exhorting them to imbrace likewise the true beliefe of the Christian Doctrine.

When this was done, all the Portugals put themselues on their way towards the Court, to baptise the King, who with a most feruent longing attended the same. And the Gouernour of Sogno tooke order that many of his Lords should wait vpon them with Musicke, and singing, and other signes of wonder∣full [ 10] reioy sing; besides, diuers slaues which he gaue them to carrie their stuffe, commanding also the people, that they should prepare all manner of victuall to bee readie in the streets for them. So great was the number of people, that ranne and met together to behold them, as the whole Champaigne seemed to bee in a manner couered with them, and they all did in great kindnesse entertaine and welcome the Portu∣gall Christians, with singing and sounding of Trumpets and Cymbals, and other Iustruments of that Countrey.

And it is an admirable thing to tell you, that all the streets and high-wayes, that reach from the Sea, to the Citie of Saint Sauiours, being one hundred and fiftie miles, were all cleansed and swept, and a∣bundantly * 1.570 furnished with all manner of victuall and other necessaries for the Portugals. Indeed, they doe vse in those Countries, when the King or the principall Lords goe abroad, to cleanse their wayes and [ 20] make them handsome.

Three dayes iourney from the place whence they departed, they descryed the Kings Courtiers, that came to meet them, to present them with fresh victuals, and to doe them honour: and so from place to place they encountred other Lords, that for the same purpose were sent by the King to receiue the Christians, who were the Messengers and Bringers of so great a ioy. When they were come within three miles neere to the Citie, all the Court came to entertaine and welcome the Portugals, with all manner of pompe and ioyfulnesse, and with Musicke and Singing, as in those Countries is vsed vpon their solemnest Feast-dayes.

And so great was the multitude of people, which abounded in the streets, and that there was neither Tree nor Hillocke higher then the rest, but it was loden with those that were runne forth and assembled [ 30] to view these Strangers, which brought vnto them this new Law of their Saluation. The King himselfe attended them at the gate of his Palace, in a Throne of Estate erected vpon a high Seaffold, where he did * 1.571 publikely receiue them, in such manner and sort as the ancient Kings of that Realme were accustomed to doe, when any Embassadours came vnto him, or when his Tributes were payed him, or when any other such Royall Ceremonies were performed.

And first of all, the Embassadour declared the Embassage of the King of Portugall, which was expounded and interpreted by the foresaid Priest, that was the principall Author of the conuersion of * 1.572 those people. After the Embassage was thus deliuered, the King raysed himselfe out of his Seate, and standing vpright vpon his feet, did both with his countenance and speech, shew most euident signes of the great ioy, that he had conceiued for the comming of the Christians, and so sate downe againe. And [ 40] incontinently all the people with shouting, and sounding their Trumpets, and Singing, and other manifest arguments of reioycing, did approue the Kings words, and shewed their exceeding good liking of this Embassage. And further in token of obedience, they did three times prostrate themselues vpon the ground, and cast vp their feet according to the vse of those Kingdomes.

Then the King tooke view of all the Presents that were sent him by the King of Portugall, and the * 1.573 Uestments of the Priests, and the Ornaments of the Altar, and the Crosses, and the Tables, wherein were depainted the Images of Saints, and the Streamers, and the Banners, and all the rest, and with in∣credible attention, caused the meaning of euery one of them to be declared vnto him, one by one. And so withdrew himselfe, and lodged the Embassadour in a Palace made readie of purpose for him, and all the rest were placed in other Houses of seuerall Lords, where they were furnished with all plentie and [ 50] ease. * 1.574

The day following, the King caused all the Portugals to be assembled together in priuate: where they deuised of the course that was to be taken for the Christning of the King, and for effecting the full con∣uersion of the people to the Christian Faith. And after sundry Discourses, it was resolued and conclu∣ded, that first of all a Church should bee builded, to the end that the Christning, and other Ceremonies thereunto belonging, might be celebrated therein with the more Solemnitie: and in the meane-while the King and Court should be taught and instructed in the Christian Religion. The King presently comman∣ded, that withall speed prouision should be made of all manner of stuffe necessary for this Building, as Timber, Stone, Lime, and Bricke, according to the direction and appointment of the Work-masters and [ 60] Masons, which for that purpose were brought out of Portugall.

But the Deuill who neuer ceaseth to crosse all good and holy proceedings, raysed new dissentions and conspiracies, by procuring a rebellion among certaine people of the Anzichi, and of Anzicana, which

dwell vpon both the bankes of the Riuer Zaire, from the foresaid fals vpwards, to the great Lake, and are subiect and belonging to the King of Congo. Now this monstrous Riuer being restrayned and kept backe by these fals, doth swell there mightily, and spreadeth it selfe abroad in a very large and deepe chan∣nell. In the breadth whereof there are many Ilands, some small and some great, so that in some of them, there may be maintayned about thirtie thousand persons. In these Ilands and in other places adioyning to the Riuers thereabouts, did the people make an insurrection, and renounced their obedience to the King, and slue the Gouernours that he had sent thither to rule.

The King must needs goe himselfe in person to pacifie these broyles: howbeit, he resolued to bee bap∣tised * 1.575 before his going, and so was enforced to forbeare the building of the Church of Stone, and withall speed, in stead thereof to erect one of Timber, which Church hee in his owne person with the aduice of the Portugals, did accomplish in such manner and sort as it ought to bee, and therein did receiue [ 10] the Sacrament of holy Baptisme, and was named Don Giouanni, and his Wife Donna Eleonora, after the names of the King and Queene of Portugall, and the Church it selfe intituled and dedicated to Saint Sauiour.

The same day, wherein the King was baptised, diuers other Lords following his example were bapti∣sed likewise, hauing first learned certaine Principles of the Christian Faith. And when all this was done, the King went in person to disperse the turbulent attempts of his Aduersaries, against whom bee found the Prince his Sonne, and the Lord of Batta alreadie fighting with a formall Armie. But at the arriuall of the King, the Enemies yeelded, and submitted themselues to the obedience which before they performed: and so he returned in triumph to the Citie of Congo, and the Prince his Sonne with him, who presently was desirous to become a Christian, and was christned by the name of the first Prince [ 20] of Portugall, called Alfonso: and with him also were christned many Gentlemen and Caualieros, and other of his Seruants, that came with him out of his Prouince.

The Kings second Sonne, would not agree to receiue the new Religion, many other Lords fauoured him, who being addicted rather to the sensualitie of the flesh, then the puritie of the minde, resisted the Gospel, which began now to be preached, especially in that Commandement, wherein it is forbidden, that a man should haue any mo Wiues but one.

The eldest Brother Don Alfonso, did with great feruencie, defend Christianitie, and burned all the Idols that were within his Prouince. The second Brother (called Mani-Pango, because hee was Gouer∣nour of the Countrey of Pango) did resist it mightily, and had gotten the greatest part of the principall Lords of Pango to be on his side. For there were diuers of the new christned Lords, whose Ladies seeing [ 30] themselues seperated, and forlorne of their Husband-Lords by force of the Christian Law, did take it as a great iniurie and scorne done vnto them, and blasphemed and cursed this new Religion beyond all measure. These Lords vnited themselues together with others, and began to plot Trecherie against Don Alfonso, hoping that if they could rid him out of the World, the Christian Faith would vtterly cease of it * 1.576 selfe. And therefore Mani-Pango and his Complices gaue intelligence to his Father, that the Prince Don Alfonso fauoured the Christian Faction, onely to the end that vnder the colour of his countenance and fauor, they might rayse an Insurrection & Rebellion against him, & so driue him out of his Kingdom.

The King gaue credit to their informations, and depriued his Sonne of the Gouernment wherein hee was placed: But the Prouidence of God which reserued him for a greater matter, did relieue him by the * 1.577 good mediation and counsell of his friends, who entreated the King his Father, that hee would not be mo∣ued [ 40] to anger, before he had examined the Answeres and Reasons of the Prince his Sonne. Wherein the King was especially perswaded by Mani-Sogno, who (as wee told you) was before christned, and called, Don Emanuel, and by good hap was in Court at that present. This man (being the ancientest Courtier and Lord of that time, singularly well beloued of the King and all his people) did with sound reasons and * 1.578 dexteritie of wit, procure the King to reuoke the sentence, with a speciall charge, that hee should not pro∣ceed with such rigour against the Gentiles, for the propagation and exaltation of the Christian Religi∣on. But he being full of feruent charitie, and godly spirit, ceased not (for all that) to aduance the Faith of the Gospell, and to put the Commandements of God in execution.

Whereupon his Aduersaries who neuer rested from their former attempt, were continually at the Kings elbow, and sought by all cunning shifts and secret deuises, to destroy that which the good Prince [ 50] had builded, especially when they saw that the Prince of Sogno was departed from Court, and returned into his gouernment. So that no bodie being now left to protect and defend the Christian Religion, the * 1.579 King began to doubt of the Faith, which with so great zeale he had before imbraced: and therefore sent to his Sonne, that he should come againe to the Court, to make account of those Reuenues that hee had gathered within the Countrey of his Gouernment, with a full intent and meaning, indeed, to depriue him, when his accounts should be finished.

But he, in the meane-while, his Father being an old man, did by meanes of a naturall infirmitie de∣part out of this life. And his Mother who alwaies perseuered constant in the Catholike Faith, louing her eldest Sonne most entirely, concealed the Kings death for the space of three dayes, being therein ayded and assisted by some of her trustie friends, & gaue it out, that the King had taken such order as no man might [ 60] come vnto him to trouble him. In the meane season, she did secretly signifie to her Sonne, the death of his Father, which she would keepe close till his comming, and charged him without any delay, and in all haste to speed him to the Court.

This shee did by certaine Runners, that from place to place in conuenient distances and iourneyes, are alwaies readie like Postes, to conuey the precepts and commandements of the King ouer all the Realme. Whereupon he presently caused himselfe to be carried poste both day and night, by certaine Slaues accor∣ding to the vse of that Countrie, and in one day and two nights, with most exquisite diligence, accompli∣shed the iourney of two hundred miles, and so arriued at the Citie, before he was expected.

Now together with the death of the King, there was also published the succession to the Crowne of * 1.580 Don Alfonso, being then present, who in his owne person did accompanie the corps of his dead Father to the buriall, with all the Lords of the Court, and all the Christian Portugals, which was solemnized after the manner of Christendome, with seruice and prayers for the dead, and all this with such funerall pompe, as was neuer seene before among those people. But they which heretofore were aduersaries to this new [ 10] King, doubting of their owne safetie, if they should remaine in the Court, vnited themselues with Mani-Pango, who was now departed into the Prouince of his owne Gouernment, and while his father liued, was wholly employed in fighting against the Mozombi, and certaine other people that had rebelled a∣gainst * 1.581 him.

Mani-Pango and his forces set forwards to the besieging of the Citie, with so great a noyse of war∣like Instruments, and cryes, and showtings, and terrible threatnings, that the poore few, which were in the Citie, as well Christians as others, fainted in their hearts, and failed in their courage, and came and presented themselues before the King, saying, that he had not power enough to resist so powerfull an Ene∣mie, and therefore they thought it better for him to grow to some concord and composition, and to aban∣don the new Religion, which he had lately begun to professe, to the end he might not fall into the hands of [ 20] his cruell aduersaries. But the King being resolute, and full of religious constancie, reproued their cowar∣dise, * 1.582 and called them dastards, and base people; and willed them, if they had any mind or desire to forsake him, and goe to the Enemie, that they should so doe. As for himselfe, and those few that would follow him, he did not doubt, but assuredly trust, though not with the possibilitie or strength of Man, yet with the fauour of God, to vanquish and ouercome that innumerable multitude. And therefore hee would not request them either to ioyne with him, or to put their liues in hazard against his aduersaries for his sake, but onely they might rest themselues and expect the issue that should follow thereon.

He did presently cause a Crosse to be planted, and erected in the middest of the Market place, right * 1.583 against the Church, which his Father had builded. This Crosse was of a wonderfull length, for it was fourescore spanne long, and the Crosse-barre in proportion answerable thereunto. The Crosse is to be [ 30] seene in the same place, wherein it was erected, at the front of the Church, which Church was called Saint Crosses, of the Crosse there planted. This Crosse the last King, that dead is, Don Aluaro, Father to the King that now is, renewed and made another of the same bignesse that the first was of.

Mani-Pango terrified with visions, and not with his brothers forces, ouercome with feare and danger ranne away, and fell into the Snares and Nets which he himselfe had laid for the Christians; For, ligh∣ting among the foresaid Stakes, he was with one of them thrust into the bodie, and so being surprized with an euill death, he finished his life, as it were in a rage. For you must vnderstand, that the sharpe ends of the said Stakes, were enuenomed with a certaine poyson, which taking hold of the blood, and entring some∣what into the flesh, would kill without all cure or remedie. By this victorie and death of his brother, did the King remaine in securitie and libertie.

All things well established, the King Don Alfonso tooke order, that they should presently goe in hand [ 40] with the fabricke of the Principall Church, called Saint Crosses, which was so named of the Crosse that was there planted, (as wee told you before) and also because vpon the Feast day of the holy Crosse, the first stone was laid in the foundation thereof. Moreouer, he commanded that the men should bring stones, and the women should fetch sand from the Riuer, for the furthering of this worke. The King would needs be the first Porter himselfe, and vpon his owne shoulders brought the first basket of stones, which he cast into the foundation, and the Queene her basket of sand likewise, thereby giuing an exam∣ple to the Lords and the Ladies of the Court to doe the like, and to encourage and hearten the people in so holy an action. And so this fabricke being furthered by so good Work-masters and Workmen, in a very short time was fully finished, and therein were celebrated Masses, and other Diuine Seruice, with [ 50] great solemnitie, besides, a number of Lords and others, that were there baptised and christned: so that the multitude of such as came to be partakers of the holy Baptisme abounded so greatly, that there were * 1.584 not Priests enough to execute that office.

After this the King dispatched away the Portugall Embassadour, who till this time had remained at the Court, by reason of these troubles: and with him he sent also another Embassadour of his owne, cal∣led Don Roderico, and diuers others that were of kinne both to himselfe and to his Embassadour, to the end that they should learne, both the Doctrine of the Christians in Portugall, and also their Lan∣guage, and further declare vnto the King all these accidents that hapned.

Moreouer, hee caused the Lords of all his Prouinces to be assembled together, in a place appointed for that purpose, and there publikely signified vnto them, that whosoeuer had any Idols, or any thing else [ 60] that was contrarie to the Christian Religion, he should bring them forth and deliuer them ouer to the Lieu∣tenants of the Countrie. Otherwise, whosoeuer did not so, should be burned themselues, without remission or pardon. Which commanded was incontinently put in execution. And a wonderfull thing it is to be noted, that within lesse then one moneth, all the Idols, and Witcheries and Characters, which they

worshipped and accounted for Gods, were sent and brought vnto the Court. Many there were, that ca∣ried a deuotion to Dragons with wings, which they nourished and fed in their owne priuate houses, gi∣uing vnto them for their food, the best and most costly Uiands that they had. Others kept Serpents of horrible figures: Some worshipped the greatest Goats they could get; some Tygers, and other most monstrous creatures; yea, the more vncouth and deformed the Beasts were, the more they were honored. Some held in veneration certaine vncleane Fowles, and Night-birds, as Bats, Owles, and Scritch-Owles, and such like. To be briefe, they did choose for their Gods diuers Snakes, and Adders, and Beasts, and Birds, and Herbs, and Trees, and sundry Characters of Wood and of Stone, and the figures of all these things aboue rehearsed, as well painted in Colours, as grauen in Wood and in Stone, and in such other stuffe. Neither did they onely content themselues with worshipping the said Creatures, [ 10] when they were quicke and aliue, but also the verie skinnes of them when they were dead, being stuffed with straw.

The act of this their adoration, was performed in diuerssorts, all wholly addressed, and directed to ex∣presse * 1.585 their humilitie, as by kneeling on their knees, by casting themselues groueling vpon the earth, by defiling their faces with dust, by making their prayers vnto their Idols, in words and in actions, and by offering vnto them the best part of the substance which they had in their possession. They had moreouer, * 1.586 their Witches, which made the foolish people to beleeue that their Idols could speake, and so deceiued them: and if any man being in sicknesse or infirmitie, would recommend himselfe vnto them, and afterwards that man recouered his health, the Witches would perswade, him that the Idoll had beene angry with him, but now was appeased, and had healed him.

The King caused fire to be set vnto their Idols, and vtterly consumed them. When he had thus done, [ 20] he assembled all his people together, and instead of their Idols which before they had in reuerence, hee gaue them Crucifixes, and Images of Saints, which the Portugals had brought with them, and enioy∣ned euery Lord, that euery one in the Citie of his owne Gouernment and Regiment, should build a * 1.587 Church, and set vp Crosses, as he had already shewed vnto them by his owne example. And then he told them, and the rest of his people, that he had dispatched an Embassadour into Portugall to fetch Priests, that should teach them Religion, and administer the most holy and wholesome Sacraments to euery one of them, and bring with them diuers Images of Christ, of the Uirgin Mother, and of other Saints to di∣stribute among them. In the meane while, he willed them to be of good comfort, and to remaine constant [ 30] in the faith. But they had so liuely imprinted the same in their hearts, that they neuer more remembred their former beliefe in false and lying Idols.

He ordained moreouer, that there should be three Churches builded. One in reuerence of our Saui∣our, * 1.588 to giue him thankes for the victorie which he had granted vnto him, wherein the Kings of Con∣go doe lye buried, and whereof the Citie Royall tooke the name, (for as it was told you before, it is called, S. Sauiours.) The second Church, was dedicated to the blessed Virgin, the mother of God, called, Our Ladie of Help, in memorie of the succour which he had against his enemies: And the third, was con∣secrated to S. Iames: in honour and remembrance of the Miracle which that Saint had wrought by fighting in the fauour of the Christians, and shewing himselfe on Horse-backe in the heate of the [ 40] battaile.

Not long after this, the ships arriued from Portugall, with many men that were skilfull in the holy Scriptures, and diuers religious Friers of the Orders of S. Francis, and of S. Dominick, and of S. Austine, with sundry other Priests, who with great charitie and feruency of spirit, sowed and dispearsed the Catholike Faith ouer all the Countrey: which was presently embraced by all the people of the King∣dome, who held the said Priests in so high reuerence, that they worshipped them like Saints, by kneeling vnto them, and kissing their hands, and receiuing their blessing, as often as they met them in the streetes. These Priests being arriued into their seuerall Prouinces, did instruct the people in the Faith of Christ.

§. VI. [ 50]

The death of the King Don ALFONSO, and the succession of Don PIEDRO. How the Iland of S. THOMAS was first inhabited, and of the Bishop that was sent thither: The Kings linage extinct: Inuasion of the Iagges: Their sauage conditions.

WHile these matters were thus in working for the seruice of God, and that Christiani∣tie * 1.589 was now begun and increased with so happy successe, it pleased God to call a∣way to himselfe the King Don Alfonso, who at the time of his death, discoursed of the Christian Religion, with so great confidence and charitie, as it euidently appea∣red, [ 60] that the Crosse and Passion, and the true beliefe in our Sauiour Iesus Christ, was imprinted in the root of his heart. To Don Piedro, his sonne and successour, he did especially and principally * 1.590 recommend the Christian doctrine, which indeed following the example of his father, hee did maintaine and vphold accordingly.

In his time, there began to saile into these quarters a great number of vessels, and the Iland of S.

Thomas was inhabited with Portugals, by the Kings commandement. For before those dayes, * 1.591 it was all waste and desert within Land, and inhabited onely vpon the shoare by a few Saylers that came from the Countries adioyning. But when this Iland in processe of time was well peo∣pled with Portugals, and other Nations, that came thither by licence of the King, & became to be of great Trafficke, and was Tilled and Sowed, the King sent thither a Bishop, to gouerne the Christians that were in that Iland, and those also that were in Congo: which the said Bishop did accomplish presently vpon his arriuall, and afterwards in Congo, where hee tooke possession of his Pastorall charge. When he was come into the Kingdome of Congo, it was a thing incredi∣ble to see, with how great ioy he was entertained by the King and all his people.

For from the Sea side, euen vnto the Citie, being the space of one hundred and fiftie miles, he cau∣sed the streetes to be made smooth and trim, and to bee couered all ouer with Mats, commanding the [ 10] * 1.592 people, that for a certaine space seuerally appointed vnto them, they should prepare the waies in such sort, that the Bishop should not set his foot vpon any part of the ground which was not adorned. But it was a far greater wonder, to behold all the Countrey thereabouts, and all the Trees, and all the places that were higher then the rest, swarming with men and women that ran forth to see the Bishop, as a man that was holy and sent from God, offering vnto him, some of them Lambs, some Kids, some Chickins, some Partridges, some Uenison, and some Fish, and other kinds of victuals in such abundance, that he knew not what to doe withall, but left it behind him; whereby he might well know the great zeale and obedi∣ence of these new Christians. And aboue all other things it is to be noted for a memorable matter, that the Bishop going on his way, there met him an innumerable multitude of men, and women, and girles, and boyes, and persons of fourescore yeares of age, and aboue, that crossed him in the streets, and with [ 20] singular tokens of true reliefe required the water of holy Baptisme at his hands: neither would they suffer him to passe vntill he had giuen it them: so that to satisfie their desires, hee was greatly stayed in his voyage, and was faine to carrie water with him in certaine vessels, and Salt, and other prouision ne∣cessary for that action.

And now I will tell you, he arriued at the Citie of Saint Sauiours, where he was met by the Priests, and by the King, and by all the Court, and so in procession entred into the Church, and after due thankes * 1.593 giuen to God, he was conducted to his lodging, that was assigned vnto him by the King. And then pre∣sently he beganne to reforme and reduce to good order, the Church it selfe, and the Friers, and Priests that dwell therein: ordaining the said Church to be the Cathedrall Church of Saint Crosses, which at that time had belonging vnto it eight and twentie Canons, with their Chaplaines, and a Master of the [ 30] Chappell, with Singers, and Organs, and Bels, and all other furniture meete to execute Diuine seruice. But this Bishop who laboureth in the Lords Vineyard, sometimes in Congo, and sometimes in the Ile of Saint Thomas, going and comming continually by ship, the space of twentie daies, and still leauing be∣hind him his Uicars in the place where he himselfe was absent, at the last dyed, and was buried in the Iland of Saint Thomas. * 1.594

After this Bishop, succeeded another Bishop in Congo, being a Negro, and descended of the blood Royall, who before had beene sent by King Alfonso first into Portugall, and afterwards to Rome, * 1.595 where he learned the Latine tongue, and the Christian Religion, but being returned into Portugall, and landed out of his ship, to goe and enter vpon his Bishopricke of Saint Sauiours, he dyed by the way: [ 40] whereupon the Kingdome remained without a Pastor for the space of diuers yeares. Don Piedro also the King aforesaid, dyed likewise without Children; and there succeeded him his Brother, called, Don * 1.596 Francisco, who in like manner lasted but a while: and then was created the fift King, named Don Diego, who was next of all the race Royall: A man of haughtie courage, and magnificall, and wit∣tie, of a very good disposition, wise in counsell, and aboue all other qualities, a maintainer of Christian Faith: and in briefe, so great a Warriour he was, that in few yeares he conquered all the Countries ad∣ioyning. He loued the Portugals very much, so that he forsooke the vsuall garments of his owne natu∣rall Countrey, and attired himselfe after the Portugall fashion. He was very sumptuous, as well in his apparell, as also in the ornaments and furniture of his palace: he was besides very courteous and libe∣rall, * 1.597 and would bestow largely, both vpon his owne Subiects, and also vpon the Portugals. With great [ 50] cost would he prouide and buy such stuffe as pleased him, and would often say, that Rare things should not be in the hands of any but onely of Kings. He vsed to weare one suite of apparell but once or twice, and then he would giue it away to his followers. Whereupon the Portugals perceiuing, that he did so greatly esteeme cloath of Gold and Arras, and such other costly houshold-stuffe, they brought great store thereof out of Portugall, so that at that time, Arras-hangings, and Cloth of Gold, and of Silke, and such like Lordly furniture, began to be of great estimation in that Kingdome.

In the time of this King, there was a third Bishop of Saint Thomas, and Congo, by Nation a Por∣tugall, who with the vsuall ceremonies was entertained both by the way, and also in the Court at Saint * 1.598 Sauiours. And now euery man esteemed himselfe not onely to be as good as the Bishop, but also to be a farre better man then he was; and therefore would yeeld no obedience to their Prelate. But the King [ 60] like a good Catholike, and a faithfull, did alwaies maintaine the Bishops part, and to cut off these trou∣bles and stirres, he sent some of these Priests to prison into Portugall, and others into the Ile of Saint Thomas, and some others went away with all their substance of their owne accord.

Also after the death of this King, there started vp three Princes at once to challenge the suo∣cession.

The first was the Kings Sonne, whom few of them fauoured, because they desired to haue another, so that hee was slaine incontinently. The two other that remained were of the blood Royall: one of them was created King by his fauourites and followers, with the good liking of the greater part of the people, but vtterly against the minds of the Portugals, and certaine of the Lords, who aymed and endeauoured to set vp the other. In so much as the fore∣said Lords, together with the Portugals, went into the Church to kill the King elected: making this reckoning with themselues, that if they slue him, the other must of necessitie bee made King. But at that very selfe-same time, those of the contrary faction had slaine the King that was already made by the Portugals, perswading themselues assuredly, that he being dead, there would be no difficultie for them to obtaine the State for their King, because there was none o∣ther [ 10] left, that by law could challenge the Scepter Royall. And thus in an houre, and in two se∣uerall places, were these two Kings murthered at once.

In these conspiracies and slaughters, when the people saw that there were no lawfull persons * 1.599 left to enioy the Royall Crowne, they laid all the blame vpon the Portugals, who were the causers of all these mischiefes: and thereupon they turned themselues against them, and slue as many of them as they could find: Onely they spared the Priests, and would not touch them, nor any other that dwelt in other places.

Seeing therefore (as before is said) that there was none of the blood Royall left to be placed * 1.600 in the Gouernment, they made choise of one Don Henrico, Brother to Don Diego the King de∣ceased. And this Henrico going to warre against the Anzichi, left behind him in his stead for [ 20] Gouernour, vnder the Title of King, one Don Aluaro, a young man of fiue and twenty yeares of age, sonne to his Wife by another Husband. But Don Henrico dyed shortly after the warre * 1.601 was ended, and thereupon the said Don Aluaro was with the common consent of them all ele∣cted King of Congo, and generally obeyed of euery man. And thus failed the Royall stocke of the ancient Kings of Congo, in the person of Don Henrico.

But Don Aluaro was a man of good iudgement and gournment, and of a milde disposition, so that he did presently appease all these tumults in his Kingdome, and caused all the Portugals that by the last warres were dispearsed ouer all the Conntries there-abouts, to be gathered to∣gether, as well religious persons as lay men, and by their meanes he was much better confirmed in the Catholike Faith, then he was before. [ 30]

Moreouer, he vsed them very courteously, and cleared them of all faults that were laid to their charge, declaring vnto them by gentle discourses, that they had not beene the occasion of the former troubles, as euery man would confesse and acknowledge: and to that effect hee de∣termined with himselfe to write a large information touching all these accidents to the King of Portugall, and to the Bishop of Saint Thomas, which he did accordingly, and dispatched certaine Messengers vnto them with his letters.

When the Bishop of Saint Thomas vnderstood these newes, he was very glad thereof, and whereas * 1.602 before he durst not aduenture to goe into the Kingdome of Congo in the heate of all those troubles, he did now presently take ship and sayled thither, where he imployed himselfe wholly with all his authoritie, to pacifie his former dissentions, and to set downe order for all such matters as concerned the worship of [ 40] God, and the office of his Priests. And a while after he had so done, he returned to his habitation in the Ile of Saint Thomas, where by meanes of sicknesse he finished his daies. And this was the third time, that those parts remained without a Bishop.

Now it came to passe, that for want of Bishops, the King and the Lords, and the people likewise began * 1.603 to waxe cold in the Christian Religion, euery man addicting himselfe licentiously to the libertie of the flesh, and especially the King, who was induced thereunto by diuers young men of his owne age, that did familiarly conuerse with him. Among whom there was one principall man, that was both a Lord, and * 1.604 his Kinsman, called Don Francisco Bullamatare, that is say, Catch-stone. This man, because he was a great Lord, and wholly estranged from all instructions of Christianitie, walked inordinately after his owne pleasure, and did not sticke to defend openly, That it was a very vaine thing to keepe but one Wife, and therefore it were better to returne to their former ancient custome. And so by his [ 50] meanes did the Deuill open a gate, to the ouerthrow and destructions of the Church of Christ in that * 1.605 Kingdome, which vntill that time with so great paine and trauaile had beene there established. But afterwards the man did so wander and stray out of the way of truth, that he fell from one sinne to ano∣ther, and in the end quite relinquished and abandoned all true Religion. Yet at the last, the said Francisco died, and was solemnly buried.

For not long after, there came to rob and spoyle the Kingdome of Congo, certaine Nations that liue after the manner of the Arabians, and of the ancient Nomades, and are called Giachas. Their habitation or dwelling is about the first Lake of the Riuer Nilus, in the Prouince of the Empire of Moenemugi. A cruell people they are, and a murderous, of a great stature, and horrible [ 60] countenance, fed with mans flesh, fierce in battell, & valarous in courage. Their weapons are Pa∣uises or Targets, Darts and Daggers: otherwise they goe all naked. In their fashions and daily course of liuing, they are very sauage and wilde: They haue no King to gouerne them, and they leade their life in the Forrest vnder Cabbins and Cottages like Shepheards.

This people went wandring vp and downe, destroying, and putting to fire and sword, and robbing and spoyling all the Countries that they passed through, till they came to the Realme of Congo, which they entred on that side where the Prouince of Batta lyeth. Those that first came * 1.606 forth to make resistance against them, they ouerthrew, and then addressed themselues towards the Citie of Congo, where the King remayned at that time in great perplexitie, for this victorie that his enemies had gotten in the Countrey of Batta: yet some comfort he tooke to himselfe, and went out against his Aduersaries with such Souldiers as he had, and in the same place, where in times past Mani-Pango fought with the King Don Alfonso, he ioyned battell with them. In which encounter the King being halfe discomfited, retyred into the Citie, wherein when hee perceiued that he could not remayne in good safetie, being vtterly forsaken of the grace of God [ 10] by reason of his sinnes, and not hauing that confidence in him, that Don Alfonso had, he thought good to leaue it for a prey to his Aduersaries, and to betake himselfe to an Iland within the Ri∣uer Zaire, called Isola del Cauallo, that is to say, The Ile of Horse; where he continued with cer∣taine Portugall Priests, and other principall Lords of his Kingdome. And thus were the Giachi * 1.607 become Lords and Masters of the Citie Royall, and of the whole Realme. For the naturall Inha∣bitants fled away, and saued themselues in the Mountaynes, and desart places: but the enemies burned and wasted, Citie, and Churches, and all, and spared no mans life, so that hauing diuided themselues into seuerall Armies, they ruled and gouerned sometimes in one Prouince, and some∣times in another ouer all the Kingdome.

As for the poore people, they went wandring like Vagabonds ouer all the Countrey, and [ 20] perished for hunger and want of necessaries. And for the King with those that followed him, * 1.608 and had saued themselues in the Iland, they also, because the Ile was very little, and the multi∣tude great, were oppressed with so terrible a scarsitie of victualls, that the most part of them died by famine and pestilence. For this dearth so increased, and meate arose to so excessiue a rate, that for a very small pittance (God wot) they were faine to giue the price of a slaue, whom they were wont to sell for ten Crownes at the least. So that the Father was of necessitie con∣strayned to sell his owne Sonne; and the Brother, his Brother, and so euery man to prouide his victualls by all manner of wickednesse. The persons that were sold, for the satisfying of other mens hunger, were bought by the Portugall Merchants, that came from Saint Thomas with their ships laden with victualls. Those that sold them, said, they were Slaues; and those that were [ 30] sold, iustified and confirmed the same, because they were desirous to be rid of their greedie tor∣ment. And by this occasion there was no small quantitie gf Slaues, that were borne in Congo, * 1.609 sold vpon this necessitie, and sent to the Ile of Saint Thomas, and to Portugall, among whom there were some of the bloud Royall, and some others, principall Lords.

By this affliction, the King did manifestly learne and know, that all these great miseries and aduersities abounded for his misdeeds: and although he was not much punished with hunger, be∣cause he was a King, yet he did not escape the cruell infirmitie of the dropsie, that made his legs * 1.610 to swell exceedingly, which disease was engendred, partly by the aire, and very ill diet, and partly by the moystnesse of the Iland, and so it accompanied him euen vntill his death. But in the meane while, being stricken to the heart with these misfortunes and calamities, he conuer∣ted and turned to God, requiring pardon for his offences, and doing penance for his sinnes: and [ 40] then was counselled and aduised by the Portugals, that he should send to request succours of the * 1.611 King of Portugall, by certaine Embassadors, that might recount vnto him all the mischiefs which had lighted vpon him. This embassage was accordingly performed, at the same time that the King Don Sebastiano began his reigne, who with great speed and kindnesse sent him succours by a Captaine, called Francisco di Gouea, a man well exercised in diuers warres, both in India, and also in Africa, who lead with him sixe hundred Souldiers, and many Gentlemen Aduenturers, that did accompanie him.

This Captaine, Francisco di Gouea, carried with him a commandement from his King, that the [ 50] Iland of Saint Thomas should prouide him ships and victualls, and whatsoeuer else was requisite for this enterprise. And with this prouision he arriued at the last in the Ile of Horse, where the King of Congo was resident. In whose companie the Portugalls departing from thence, and ga∣thering together all the men of warre in that Countrey, with all speed possible, put themselues onwards against their Aduersaries, and fought with them sundrie times in plaine battell, so that at the end of one yeere and a halfe, they restored the King into his former estate. Which victo∣rie they atchieued indeed by the noyse and force of their Harquebusses, for the Giachi are excee∣dingly afraid of that weapon.

The Portugall Captaine stayed there for the space of foure yeeres, to sertle the King in his Kingdome, and then returned into Portugall with letters of request to his King, that hee would send ouer some moe Priests to vphold and maintayne the Christian Religion. And the King be∣ing [ 60] thus established in his former degree, and the Kingdome all in quiet and peace, became a ve∣ry * 1.612 good Christian, and married the Lady Katharina, who is yet aliue; by whom hee had foure daughters, and by certaine Maid-seruants, which he kept, two sonnes and one daughter. And because in those Regions the women doe not succeed: there remayned as Heire of his Kingdome his elder sonne, called also Don Aluaro, who liueth at this day, 1588.

During the time, that the foresaid Captaine stayed in Congo, the King of Portugall, Don Se∣bastiano vnderstanding, that there were in that Kingdome diuers Caues and Mines of Siluer, of * 1.613 Gold, and other Metals, sent thither two persons that were cunning and skilfull in that Arte, (for therein they had serued the Castilians in the West) to make search for them, and to draw so••e profit thereof. But the King of Congo was by a certaine Portugall, called Francisco Bar∣buto, that was his Confessor, and great familiar, perswaded to the contrarie, that he should not in any case suffer those Mines to be discouered: signifying vnto him, that thereby peraduenture the free enioying and possession of his Kingdome, might by little and little be taken quite from him, and therefore aduised him that he would cause these skilfull Masters to bee led and guided by some other wayes, where he knew there were no metall Mines to be found, which he did [ 10] accordingly. But assuredly, it grew afterwards to a great mischiefe: for, thereupon began the great trade and trafficke in that Countrie to cease, and the Portugall Merchants did not greatly care for venturing thither, or dwelling there any more. And so consequently, very few Priests resorted among them. So that as well vpon these occasions, as also for other such causes afore rehearsed, the Christian Religion waxed so cold in Congo, that it wanted very little of being vtterly extinguished. But the King Don Aluaro ceased not still to send new Embassadors into Portugall, with earnest re∣quest that he might haue moe Priests, and such as were skilfull in the holy Scriptures to maintaine the Catholike Faith, which was now almost vtterly forgotten in that Realme, onely for want of religious per∣sons, that should teach the people and administer the Sacraments. He had none other answere from him, but words and promises, that he would haue a care of the matter that was demanded: but in the meane while he prouided neither Priests, nor Diuines to be sent for Congo. Whereupon the King of Congo [ 20] dispatched againe another principall Embassadour, being his kinsman, called Don Sebastiano Aluarez, together with a Portugall, to beare him companie. But he was faine to returne home againe into Con∣go, without any Priests or Religious persons to goe with him.

Three yeeres after, the King Don Sebastiano dispatched a certaine Bishop (called Don Antonio de gli Oua, being a Castilian borne) principally to the Iland of Saint Thomas: but withall hee gaue him also a commission to visite the Kingdome of Congo: who being arriued at Saint Thomas, fell at iarre with the Captaine there, and so sailed into Congo; there he stayed eight moneths, and then departed a∣gaine, and left behind him in Congo, two Friars, and foure Priests. The Bishop being thus gone, and the King ouerthrowne in Africa, there was exalted to the Crowne of Portugall, Don Henrico the Cardinall, to whom the King of Congo did write, with great instance, and earnest request; that hee [ 30] would send him some religious persons, and Preachers.

After Don Henrico succeeded Philip King of Castile, who sent aduertisements to the Captaine of Saint Thomas, that he was inuested in the Crowne of Portugall, and Letters also to the King of Congo, to the same effect: and in his Letters proffered to discouer vnto him the metall Mines, which heretofore had beene concealed from all the other Kings his Predecessors: and withall sent him diuers trials of them; beseeching him especially withall affectionate entreatie, that (as soone as possibly he could) he would furnish him with some store of Priests: But Costa, which was sent, died by the way, the Vessell wherein he sailed being cast away vpon the shoare of Portugall, and euery man drowned that was in it: and the naughtie newes were knowne by the contents of the Letters, that were found in a little Chest, which was driuen on Land by the waues of the Sea. [ 40]

After this he made choise of one Odoardo Lopez a Portugall borne, from whose mouth Piga∣fetta tooke this present report, and put it in writing. This man had dwelt now a good time in those Re∣gions, and was well experienced in the affaires of the World.

The summe of his Embassage was this: That he should present his Letters to the King Don Phi∣lip, and at large discourse vnto him the state, wherein the Kingdome of Congo stood, touching matter of Religion, by the reason of the former Warres, and scarsitie of Priests, and thereupon request his Ma∣iestie to prouide him a competent number of Confessors, and Preachers, that might be sufficient to main∣taine the Gospell in those remote Countries, being but lately conuerted to Christianitie. Moreouer, that he should shew vnto him the sundrie trials of Metals, which he had made, and many other matters, which were worthie to be knowne: and withall, that he should proffer vnto him in his name, free and li∣berall [ 50] trafficke of them, which heretofore was euer denied to his Predecessors. Touching the Pope, That he should likewise on his behalfe kisse his feet, deliuer vnto him his Letters, and recount the miserable trouble and detriment that his people had suffered for the Christian Faith. That he should recommend those poore soules to his Holinesse, and beseech him, as the vniuersall Father of all Christians, to haue compassion vpon so many faithfull persons, who because they had no Priests to deliuer the holy Faith vnto them, and to administer the wholsome Sacraments, were by little and little falling into euerlasting perdi∣tion. And being thus dispatched he departed from the Court, and went about certain seruices for the King, wherein he spent about eight moneths. So that in Ianuarie, being then Sommer time in Congo, he em∣barked himselfe in a Vessell of one hundred Tunne burthen, which was bound with her lading for Lis∣bon. But forced by leakes and winds, the Pilot thought it better to turne his course, and ta∣king [ 60] * 1.614 the wind in the poope, to goe and saue themselues in the Ilands of Noua Hispania. And they arriued with much adoe, at a little Iland, called Cubagoa; and situate ouer against the Ile of Saint Margarete, where they fish for Pearles. From thence, when they had in some haste

amended their ship, and some-what refreshed themselues, they sayled with a short cut to the firme Land, and tooke Hauen in a Port, called Cumana, or (as it is called by another name) The * 1.615 new Kingdome of Granado in the West Indies. This battered and weather-beaten Vessell, was no sooner arriued in this safe Harbour, but it sunke presently.

While the foresaid Embassadour endeauoured in this place to recouer his former health, the company of ships, which is called La Flotta, that is to say, The Fleet, and vseth euery yeare to saile from that Coast for Castile, departed from thence, so that he was constrayned to stay for a new Nauie, and so consumed a whole yeare and a halfe without doing any good. In this meane time the King of Congo sent another Embassadour with the selfe-same commandements, called Don Piedro Antonio, the second person in all his Realm, & with him one Gasparo Diaz, a Portugal. [ 10]

But an infortunate end had this Embassadour, for he was taken at Sea by Englishmen, and his ship also, which being drawne towards England, when it was neere vnto the Coast, by great misfortune it ranne a-thwart the shoare, and there Don Piedro Antonio, and his Sonne were both drowned: but the Portugall and some few others with him escaped, and arriued in Spaine, at such time as the said Odoardo was come to the Court, and had entred vpon the charge of his Embassage.

There he was courteously entertained by his Catholike Maiestie, to whom he propounded the contents of his Commissions. But diuers great accidents there happened. For first, he heard the dolorous newes of the Kings death, that sent him on this message: and then the King Don Phi∣lip was wholly busied about the Conquest of England, so that his businesse went nothing for∣wards, [ 20] but was delayed from time to time: neither did he see any meanes of dispatch, but rather he was giuen to vnderstand, that for that time they could not intend to harken vnto him.

Now the foresaid Odoardo, being afflicted with so many aduersities, renounced the World with all the deceitfull pompe and glorie thereof, and in Madrill apparelled himselfe in a grey course habit, and so went to Rome, to declare to Sixtus Quintus the Pope, the Tenor and Com∣mission of his Embassage, because he would not altogether neglect the good intent and meaning of the King, that had sent him, although hee were now descended into a better life. Hee was kindly welcommed and receiued by his Holinesse, to whom he discoursed the miserable estate wherein the Christian people of the Realme of Congo did stand, for want of the worship and ser∣uice of God, and also the small number of Priests, that were there to instruct them in the Do∣ctrine [ 30] of the Gospel, and to deliuer vnto them the Sacraments of the Church, especially the multitude in that Countrey, being (as it were) innumerable, that euery day resorted together, to be baptised, instructed, confessed and communicated. Moreouer, he made a vow and resolued in his mind, that with such store of wealth, as God had blessed him withall in Congo, (which was not very small) he would build a house, wherein for the seruice of God, there should dwell certaine learned men, and sundry Priests, to instruct the youth of those Countries in all good Languages, and in the Arts Liberall, and in the Doctrine of the Gospel, and in the Mysteries of our Saluation. Out of which House, as it were out of a holy Schoole, there might come forth from time to time, many learned men and well studyed in the Law of God, that should be able in their owne naturall Countrey Tongue, to awaken and raise againe the Faith of Christ. which [ 40] was now asleepe, and dryed vp in those Regions: and thereby in processe of time there would spring vp many fruits of blessing, and vigilant soules in the Christian Faith. Hereunto hee meant also to adde an Hospitall, that might be a Recourse and Harbour for Gods poore, which comming and sayling out of strange Countries should haue reliefe and entertainement in that Hostelry, and the re be cured and restored of their infirmities and necessities. With this purpose therefore he went to Rome, to obtaine of his Holinesse a Licence to erect this Seminarie and Hospitall, and to beseech him also that he would grant him Iubilies, Indulgences, and other Di∣spensations, that for such Christian and wholsome workes are requisite, especially to the vse and benefit of those Countries, which are so remote from Christendome. He presented himselfe to the Pope, and deliuered vnto him his Letters of credence, and then declared vnto him at large [ 50] the Tenor of his Commissions, wherein hee had a gracious audience. But when the Pope did vnderstand that the Kingdome of Congo belonged to the King of Spaine, he remitted that mat∣ter * 1.616 wholly vnto him.

§. VII.

Of the Court of the King of Congo. Of the apparell of that people before they became Christians and after. Of the Kings Table, and manner of his Court. [ 60]

IN ancient time this King and his Courtiers were apparelled with certaine Cloth * 1.617 made of the Palme-tree (as wee haue told you before) wherewith they couered themselues from the Girdle-stead downewards, and girded the same straite vnto them with certaine Girdles made of the same stuffe, very faire and well wrought.

They vsed also to hang before them, like an Apron, certaine delicate and daintie skinnes, of lit∣tle Tygres, of Ciuet-cats, of Sabels, of Maternes, and of such like creatures for an ornament: and for a more glorious pompe and shew, they did weare vpon their shoulders a certaine Cape like a Hood. Vpon their bare skinne they had a certaine round Garment like a Rotchet, which they call Incutto, reaching downe to their knees, made after the manner of a Net, but the stuffe of it was very fine cloth of the said Palme-tree, and at the skirts there hung a number of threed∣tassels, that made a very gallant shew. These Rotchets were turned vp againe, and tucked vp∣on their right shoulder, that they might be the more at libertie on that hand. Vpon that shoul∣der also they had the tayle of a Zebra, fastned with a handle, which they vsed for a kind of brauerie, according to the most ancient custome of those parts. On their heads they wore Caps [ 10] of yellow and red colour, square aboue and very little, so that they scarcely couered the tops of * 1.618 their heads, and worne rather for a pompe and a vanitie, then to keep them either from the Aire or from the Sunne. The most part of them went vnshod: but the King and some of the great Lords did weare certaine shooes of the old fashion, such as are to bee seene in the ancient Images of the Romanes, and these were made also of the Wood of the Pasme-tree. The poorer sort and common people were apparelled from their middle downewards, after the same manner, but the cloth was courser: and the rest of their bodie all naked. The women vsed three kinds of Trauerses, or (as it were) Aprons: beneath their Girdle-stead. One was very long and reached to their heeles: the second shorter then that, and the third shorter then both the other, with frin∣ges about them, and euery one of these three fastned about their middle, and open before. From their brests downewards, they had another Garment, like a kind of Doublet or Iacket, that rea∣ched [ 20] but to their Girdle: and ouer their shoulders a certaine Cloake. All these seuerall Garments were made of the same cloth of the Palme-tree. They were accustomed to goe with their faces vncouered, and a little Cap on the head, like a mans Cap. The meaner sort of women were ap∣parelled after the same manner, but their cloth was courser. Their Maid-seruants; and the basest kind of women were likewise attyred from the Girdle downeward, and all the rest of the bodie naked.

But after that this Kingdome had receiued the Christian Faith, the great Lords of the Court * 1.619 beganne to apparell themselues after the manner of the Portugals, in wearing Cloakes, Spanish [ 30] Caps, and Tabbards, or wide Iackets of Scarlet, and cloth of Silke, euery man according to his wealth and abilitie. Vpon their heads they had Hats, or Caps, and vpon their feet Moyles or Pantoffles, of Veluet and of Leather, and Buskins after the Portugall fashion, and long Rapiers by their sides.

The common people, that are not able to make their apparell after that manner doe keepe their old custome. The women also goe after the Portugall fashion, sauing that they weare no Cloakes, but vpon their heads they haue certaine Veiles, and vpon their Veiles blacke Veluet Caps, garnished with Iewels, and Chaines of Gold about their neckes. But the poorer sort keepe the old fashion: for onely the Ladies of the Court doe bedecke themselues in such manner as we [ 40] haue told you.

After the King himselfe was conuerted to the Christian Religion, hee conformed his Court in * 1.620 a certaine sort after the manner of the King of Portugall. And first, for his seruice at the Table when he dineth or suppeth openly in publike, there is a Throne of Estate erected with three steps, couered all ouer with Indian Tapistrie, and thereupon is placed a Table, with a Chaire of Crimson Veluet, adorned with Bosses and Nayles of Gold. He alwayes feedeth alone by him∣selfe, neither doth any man euer sit at his Table, but the Princes stand about him with their heads couered. He hath a Cupboord of Plate of Gold and Siluer, and one that taketh assay of his meate and drinke.

He maintayneth a Guard of the Anzichi, and of other Nations, that keepe about his Palace, furnished with such Weapons as are aboue mentioned: and when it pleaseth him to goe abroad, [ 50] they sound their great Instruments, which may be heard about fiue or sixe miles, and so signifie that the King is going forth. All his Lords doe accompany him, and likewise the Portugals, in whom hee reposeth a singular trust: but very seldome it is that hee goeth out of his Palace.

Twice in a weeke he giueth audience publikely, yet no man speaketh vnto him but his Lords. * 1.621 And because there are none, that haue any goods or Lands of their owne, but all belongeth to the Crowne, there are but few Suites or Quarrels among them, sauing peraduenture about some words.

They vse no Writing at all in the Congo Tongue. In Cases Criminall they proceed but slen∣derly, * 1.622 for they doe very hardly and seldome condemne any man to death. If there be any Riot or Enormitie committed against the Portugals by the Moci-Conghi, (for so are the Inhabitants [ 60] of the Realme of Congo, called in their owne Language) they are iudged by the Lawes of Por∣tugall. And if any mischiefe bee found in any of them, the King confineth the Malefactor into some Desart Iland: for he thinketh it to be a greater punishment to banish him in this sort, to the end he may doe penance for his sinnes, then at one blow to execute him. And if it so happen, that those which are thus chastized doe liue ten or twelue yeares, the King vseth to pardon

them, if they be of any consideration at all, and doth imploy them in the Seruice of the State, as persons that haue beene tamed and well scooled, and accustomed to suffer any hardnesse. In Ciuill disagreements there is an order, that if a Portugall haue any Suite against a Moci-Congo, he goeth to the Iudge of Congo: but if a Moci-Congo doe impleade a Portugall, he citeth him be∣fore the Consul, or Iudge of the Portugals: for the King hath granted vnto them one of their owne Nation to be Iudge in that Countrey. In their bargaines betweene them and the Portu∣gals, they vse no Writings nor other Instruments of Bils or Bonds, but dispatch their businesse onely by word and witnesse.

They keepe no Histories of their ancient Kings, nor any memoriall of the Ages past, because they cannot write. They measure their times generally by the Moones. They know not the [ 10] * 1.623 houres of the day nor of 〈…〉〈…〉ight: but they vse to say, In the time of such a man such a thing happened. They reckon the 〈…〉〈…〉ances of Countries not by miles or by any such measure, but by the iourneyes and trauell of men, that goe from one place to another, eyther loden or vnloden.

Touching their assembling together at Feasts, or other meetings of ioy, as for example, when they are marryed, they sing Verses and Ballads of Loue, and play vpon certaine Lutes that are * 1.624 made after a strange fashion. For in the hollow part and in the necke they are somewhat like vnto our Lutes, but for the flat side (where wee vse to carue a Rose, or a Rundle to let the sound goe inward) that is made not of wood, but of a skinne, as thinne as a Bladder, and the strings are made of haires, which they draw out of the Elephants tayle, and are very strong and bright: and of certaine Threeds made of the wood of Palme-tree, which from the bottome of the Instru∣ment [ 20] do reach & ascend to the top of the handle, & are tied euery one of them to his seueral ring. For towards the necke or handle of this Lute, there are certaine rings placed some higher and some lower, whereat there hang diuers plates of Iron and Siluer, which are very thinne, and in bignesse different one from another, according to the proportion of the Instrument. These rings doe make a sound of sundry tunes, according to the striking of the strings. For the strings when they are stricken, doe cause the rings to shake, and then doe the plates that hang at them, helpe them to vtter a certaine mingled and confused noyse. Those that play vpon this Instru∣ment, doe tune the strings in good proportion, and strike them with their fingers, like a Harpe, but without any quill very cunningly: so that they make thereby (I cannot tell whether I should call it a melodie or no, but) such a sound as pleaseth and delighteth their sences well [ 30] enough.

Besides all this (which is a thing very admirable) by this Instrument they doe vtter the con∣ceits of their minds, and doe vnderstand one another so plainly, that euery thing almost which * 1.625 may be explaned with the Tongue, they can declare with their hand in touching and striking this Instrument. To the sound thereof they doe dance in good measure with their feet, and fol∣low the iust time of that Musicke, with clapping the palmes of their hands one against the o∣ther. They haue also in the Court, Flutes and Pipes, which they sound very artificially, and ac∣cording to the sound they dance and moue their feet, as it were in a Moresco, with great graui∣tie and sobrietie. The common people doe vse little Rattles, and Pipes, and other Instruments, that make a more harsh and rude sound, then the Court-Instruments doe. [ 40]

In this Kingdome, when any are sicke, they take nothing but naturall Physicke, as Herbes, * 1.626 and Trees, and the barkes of Trees, and Oyles, and Waters, and Stones, such as Mother Nature hath taught them. The Ague is the most common Disease that raigneth among them: and pla∣gueth them in Winter by reason of the continuall raine, that bringeth heat and moysture with it more then in Summer, and besides that the sicknesse which heere wee call the French Disease, and Chitangas in the Congo Tongue, is not there so dangerous and so hard to be cured, as it is in our Countries.

They heale the Ague with the poulder of a wood, called Sandale, or Sanders, whereof there is both red and grey, which is the wood of Aguila. This poulder being mingled with the Oyle * 1.627 of the Palme-tree, and hauing anointed the bodie of the sicke person two or three times with [ 50] all from the head to the foot, the partie recouereth. When their head aketh, they let bloud in the Temples, with certaine little boxing hornes: first, by cutting the skinne a little, and then applying the Cornets thereunto, which with a sucke of the mouth, will bee filled with bloud: and this manner of letting bloud is vsed also in Egypt. And so in any other part of a mans bodie, where there is any griefe, they draw bloud in this fashion and heale it. Likewise they cure the infirmitie, called Chitangas, with the same Vnction of Sanders: whereof there are two sorts, one red (as we told you) and that is called Tauila: the other grey, and is called Chicongo: and this is best esteemed, for they will not sticke to giue or sell a slaue for a piece of it. They purge them∣selues with certaine barkes of trees, made into powder, and taken in some drinke: and they [ 60] will worke mightily and strongly. When they take these purgations, they make no great ac∣count for going abroad into the Ayre. Their wounds also they commonly cure with the iuyce of certaine Herbes, and with the Herbes themselues.

§. VIII.

Of the Countries that are beyond the Kingdome of Congo, towards the Cape of Good-Hope: Of the Riuer Nilus, and of Sofala, Monomotapa, the Ama∣zones, Saint LAVRENCE, and other Aethiopian Countries.

QUimbebe (which is the Kingdome of Matama) from the first Lake, and the * 1.628 Confines of Angola, containeth all the rest of the Countrey Southwards, till you come to the Riuer of Brauagull, which springeth out of the Mountaines of [ 10] the Moone, and ioyneth with the Riuer Magnice, and that springeth out of the foresaid first Lake: These Mountaines are diuided by the Tropicke of Capri∣corne, towards the Pole Antarcticke, and beyond this Tropicke lyeth all the Countrey and borders of the Cape of Good-Hope, which are not ruled and gouerned by any one King, but by diuers and sundry seuerall Princes. In the middest betweene that Cape and the Tropicke, are the said Mountaines of the Moone, so famous and so greatly renowned among the ancient Wri∣ters, who doe assigne them to be the originall head and spring of the Riuer Nilus: which is ve∣ry * 1.629 false and vntrue, as the situation of the Countrey doth plainly shew, and as we a little here∣after will discouer vnto you. This Countrey is full of high and rough Mountaines: it is verie [ 20] cold, and not habitable: It is frequented and haunted with a few persons that liue after the manner of the Arabians, vnder little Cabbins in the open fieldes, and apparelled with the skins of certaine beasts. It is a sauage and rusticall Nation, without all faith and credite, neither will they suffer any strangers among them. Their furniture is Bowes and Arrowes. They feed vpon such fruits as the land breedeth, and also vpon the flesh of beasts.

Among these Mountaines of the Moone, there is a Lake called Gale: a very little one it is, * 1.630 and lyeth somewhat towards the West. Out of this Lake there issueth a Riuer, called Camissa, and by the Portugals, named, the Sweete Riuer, which at the point of the Cape of Good-Hope, voydeth it selfe into the Sea, in that very place that is termed, The False Cape. For the shippes of the Indies sayling that way, doe first discouer another greater Cape, which is called, The [ 30] Cape of the Needles, and then afterwards this lesser Cape: Whereupon they call it the False Cape, because it is hid and couered with the true and great Cape. Betweene these two Capes or Promontories, there is the distance of an hundred miles, containing the largenesse and breadth of this famous Cape: which being diuided into two points, as it were into two hornes, it ma∣keth a Gulfe, where sometimes the Portugall ships doe take fresh water, in the Riuer that they call the Sweete Riuer.

The Inhabitants of this Coast, which dwell betweene these two points, are of colour black, * 1.631 although the Pole Antarctick in that place be in the eleuation of fiue and thirtie degrees, which is a very strange thing; yea, the rude people that liue among the most cold Mountaines of the Moone are blacke also. [ 40]

Beyond the Cape or Point of the Needles, there are many competent Harboroughs and Ha∣uens, * 1.632 the principall whereof is Seno Formoso, the Faire Bay: and Seno del Lago, the Bay of the Lake: For there the Sea maketh a certaine Gulfe, wherein are sundry Ilands and Ports: and somewhat beyond there runneth into the Sea the Riuer of Saint Christopher, and at the mouth * 1.633 thereof there lye three pretie Ilets. And a little further forwards, the Coast runneth all along by a Countrey, which the Portugals call, Terra do Natal, the Land of the Natiuitie, because it was first discouered at Christmas: and so reacheth to the Cape, called Della Pescheria. Between which Cape and the Riuer Magnice, within the Land is the Kingdome of Buttua, whose Ter∣ritories are from the roots or bottome of the Mountaines of the Moone, vntill you come to the Riuer Magnice towards the North, where the Countrey of Monomotapa standeth, and West∣wards [ 50] from the Riuer Brauagul towards the Sea, all along the bankes of the Riuer Magnice. In this Kingdome there are many Mines of Gold, and a people that is of the same qualities and conditions, that the people of Monomotapa is, as hereafter shall bee shewed vnto you. And so going along the shoares of the Ocean, you come to the Riuer Magnice, which lyeth in the very entrance of the Kingdome of Sofala, and the Empire of Monopotapa.

The Kingdome of Sofala beginneth at the Riuer Magnice, which springeth out of the first * 1.634 Lake of Nilus, and conueyeth it selfe into the Sea in the middest of the Bay, betweene the Point Pescheria, and the Cape, called Cape Delle Correnti, situate in three and twentie degrees and a halfe of the Pole Antarcticke, vnder the Tropicke of Capricorne. With this Riuer neere * 1.635 vnto the Sea, there ioyne three other notable Riuers, the principall whereof is by the Portu∣gals, [ 60] called Saint Chrystophers, because vpon the day of that Saints Feast it was first discouered, but by the Inhabitants it is named Nagoa. The second tooke the name of one Lorenzo Mar∣gues, that first found it. These two Riuers doe spring originally from the Mountaines of the Moone, so greatly renowned among the ancient Writers, but by the people of the Countrey

they are called, Toroa: out of which Mountaines they did thinke, that famous Nilus tooke also his beginning: but they were vtterly deceiued. For (as wee haue already told you) the * 1.636 first Lake ariseth not out of those Mountaines, but lyeth a great way distant from it: and be∣tweene it and them, is there a very great and a huge low plaine. Besides that, the streames that flow from the said Mountaines, doe runne towards the East, and bestow their Waters vpon o∣ther great Riuers; so that it is not possible for them to passe into the foresaid Lake, much lesse into Nilus, considering especially that the Riuer Magnice, springeth out of that first Lake, and by a farre different course from the course of Nilus, runneth towards the East, and so ioyneth it selfe with the two Riuers aforesaid. The third, is called Arroe, and ariseth on another side * 1.637 out of the Mountaines of the Gold Mines of Monomopata: and in some places of this Riuer [ 10] there are found some small pieces of Gold among the Sand.

These three Riuers enter into the great Magnice, neere vnto the Sea, and all foure together doe make there a great Water, in a very large Channell, and so dischargeth it selfe into the Oce∣an. From the mouth of this Riuer all along the Sea Coast, stretcheth the Kingdome of Sofala, * 1.638 vnto the Riuer Cuama, which is so called of a certaine Castle or Fortresse that carrieth the same name, and is possessed by Mahometans and Pagans: but the Portugals call it, The mouthes of Cuama; because at the entry into the Sea, this Riuer diuideth it selfe into seuen mouthes, where there are fiue speciall Ilands, besides diuers others that lie vp the Riuer, all very-full, and well peopled with Pagans. This Cuama commeth out of the same Lake, and from the same springs from whence Nilus floweth. And thus the Kingdome of Sofala is comprised within the said two Riuers, Magnice and Cuama, vpon the Sea coast. It is but a small Kingdome, and [ 20] * 1.639 hath but a few Houses or Townes in it: The chiefe and principall head whereof, is an Iland that lyeth in the Riuer called Sofola, which giueth the name to all the whole Countrey. It is inha∣bited by Mahometans, and the King himselfe is of the same sect, and yeildeth obedience to the Crowne of Portugall, because he will not be subiect to the Empire of Monomotapa. And there∣vpon, the Portugals there doe keepe a Fort in the mouth of the Riuer Cuama, and doe trade in those Countries for Gold, and Iuory, and Amber, which is found vpon that Coast, and good * 1.640 store of Slaues, and instead thereof, they leaue behind them Cotton-cloath, and Silkes that are brought from Cambaia, and is the common apparell of those people. The Mahometans that at this present doe inhabite those Countries, are not naturally borne there, but before the Por∣tugals came into those quarters, they Trafficked thither in small Barkes, from the Coast of [ 30] Arabia Foelix. And when the Portugals had conquered that Realme, the Mahometans stayed there still, and now they are become neither vtter Pagans, nor holding of the Sect of Mahomet.

From the shoares and Coast, that lyeth betweene the two foresaid Riuers of Magnice and * 1.641 Cuama, within the Land spreadeth the Empire of Monomotapa, where there is very great store of Mines of Gold, which is carried from thence into all the Regions there-abouts, and into So∣fola, and into the other parts of Africa. And some there be that will say, that Solomons Gold, which he had for the Temple of Ierusalem, was brought by Sea out of these Countries. A thing in truth not very vnlikely: For in the Countries of Monomotapa, there doe remaine to this day many ancient buildings of great worke, and singular Architecture, of Stone, of Lime, and of [ 40] Timber, the like whereof are not to be seene in all the Prouinces adioyning.

The Empire of Monomotapa is very great, and for people infinite. They are Gentiles and Pa∣gans, * 1.642 of colour blacke, very couragious in Warre, of a middle stature, and swift of foot. There are many Kings that are vassals and subiects to Monomotapa, who do oftentimes rebell and make warre against him. Their weapons are Bowes and Arrowes, and light Darts. This Emperour maintaineth many Armies in seuerall Prouinces, diuided into Legions, according to the vse and customes of the Romanes. For being so great a Lord as he is, he must of necessitie be in continu∣all warre, for the maintenance of his estate. And among all the rest of his Souldiers, the most valourous in name, are his Legions of Women, whom he esteemeth very highly, and accoun∣teth [ 50] them as the very sinewes and strength of his militarie forces. These Women doe burne their left paps with fire, because they should be no hindrance vnto them in their shooting, after * 1.643 the vse and manner of the ancient Amazones, that are so greatly celebrated by the Historio∣graphers of former prophane memories. For their weapons, they practise Bowes and Arrowes: They are very quicke and swift, liuely and couragious, very cunning in shooting, but especially and aboue all, venturous and constant in fight. In their battailes they vse a warlike kind of craft and subtiltie: For they haue a custome, to make a shew that they would flye and runne away, as though they were vanquished and discomfited, but they will diuers times turne themselues backe, and vexe their enemies mightily with the shot of their Arrowes. And when they see their Aduersaries so greedy of the victorie, that they begin to disperse and scatter themselues, [ 60] then will they suddenly turne againe vpon them, and with great courage and fiercenesse make a cruell slaughter of them. So that partly with their swiftnesse, and partly with their deceitfull wiles, and other cunning shifts of warre, they are greatly feared in all those parts. They doe enioy by the Kings good fauour certaine Countries, where they dwell alone by themselues: and

sometimes they choose certaine men at their owne pleasure, with whom they doe keepe com∣pany for generations sake: So that if they do bring forth Male-children, they send them home to their fathers houses: but if they be Female, they reserue them to themselues, and breed them in the exercise of warfare.

The Empire of this Monomotapa lyeth (as it were) in an Iland, which is made by the Sea∣coast, * 1.644 by the Riuer Magnice, by a piece of the Lake from whence Magnice floweth, and by the Riuer Cuama. It bordereth towards the South, vpon the Lords of the Cape of Good-Hope, before mentioned, and Northward vpon the Empire of Mohenemugi, as by and by shall be shew∣ed vnto you.

But now returning to our former purpose, that is to say, to runne forwards vpon the Sea∣coast, [ 10] * 1.645 after you haue passed ouer some part of the Riuer Cuama, there is a certaine little King∣dome vpon the Sea, called Angoscia, which taketh the name of certaine Ilands there so called, and lye directly against it. It is inhabited with the like people, both Mahometans and Gentiles, as the Kingdome of Sofala is. Merchants they are, and in small Vessels doe Trafficke along that Coast with the same Wares and Commodities, where-with the people of Sofala doe Trade.

A little beyond, suddenly starteth vp in sight the Kingdome of Mozambique, situate in * 1.646 foureteene degrees and a halfe towards the South, and taketh his name of three Ilands, that lye in the mouth of the Riuer Meghincate, where there is a great Hauen and a safe, and able to re∣ceiue all manner of ships. The Realme is but small, and yet aboundeth in all kind of Victuals. [ 20] It is the common landing place for all Vessels that sayle from Portugall, and from India into that Countrey. In one of these Iles, which is the chiefe and principall, called Mozambique, and * 1.647 giueth name to all the rest; as also to the whole Kingdome, and the Hauen aforesaid, wherein there is erected a Fortresse, guarded with a Garrison of Portugals, whereupon all the other For∣tresses that are on that Coast doe depend, and from whence they fetch all their prouision: all the Armadas and Fleetes that sayle from Portugall to the Indies, if they cannot finish and per∣forme their Voyage, will goe and Winter (I say) in this Iland of Mozambique: and those that trauell out of India to Europe, are constrained of necessitie to touch at Mozambique, to furnish themselues with Victuals: This Iland, when the Portugals discouered India, was the first place where they learned the language of the Indians, and prouided themselues of Pilots to direct [ 30] them in their course. The people of this Kingdome are Gentiles: Rusticall and rude they bee, * 1.648 and of colour blacke. They go all naked. They are valiant and strong Archers, and cunning Fish∣ers, with all kind of hookes.

As you go on forwards vpon the foresaid Coast, there is another Iland, called Quiloa, in * 1.649 quantitie not great, but in excellency singular: For it is situate in a very coole and fresh Ayre: It is replenished with Trees that are alwaies greene, and affordeth all varietie of Victuals. It lyeth at the mouth of the Riuer Coano, which springeth out of the same Lake from whence Nilus floweth, and so runneth about sixtie miles in length, till it commeth neere to the Sea, and there it hath a mightie streame, and in the very mouth of it maketh a great Iland, which is peopled with Mahometans and Idolaters, and a little beyond that, towards the Coast on the [ 40] West, you may see the said Iland of Quiloa. This Iland is inhabited with Mahometans also, which are of colour some-thing whitish. They are well apparelled, and trimly adorned with Cloath * 1.650 of Silke and Cotten: Their Women doe vse ornaments of Gold, and Iewels about their hands and their neckes, and haue good store of houshold-stuffe made of Siluer. They are not altoge∣ther so blacke as the men are: and in their limbs they are very well proportioned. Their houses are made of Stone, and Lime, and Timber, very well wrought, and of good Architecture, with Gardens and Orchards, full of Hearbs and sundry Fruits. Of this Iland the whole Kingdome tooke the name, which vpon the Coast extendeth it selfe from Capo Delgado, (the Cape Deli∣cate, that bordereth Mozambique and Quiloa,) and is situate in nine degrees towards the South, and from thence it runneth out vnto the aforesaid Riuer of Coauo. In old time the Kingdome [ 50] of Quiloa was the chiefest of all the Principalities there adioyning, and stood neere to the Sea: but when the Portugals arriued in those Countries, the King trusted so much to himselfe, that he thought he was able with his owne forces not onely to defend himselfe against them, but also to driue them from those places which they had already surprised. Howbeit the matter fell * 1.651 out quite contrary. For when it came to Weapons, he was vtterly ouerthrowne and discomfi∣ted by the Portugals, and so fled away. But they tooke and possessed the Iland, and enriched themselues with the great spoyles and booties that they found therein. They erected there also a Fortresse, which was afterward pulled downe by the commandement of the King of Portugall, because he thought it not necessarie, considering that there were others sufficient enough for that Coast. [ 60]

And heere we may not leaue behind vs the Ile of Saint Laurence, so called by the Portugals, * 1.652 because they did first discouer it vpon that Martyrs feast day. It is so great, that it containeth in length almost a thousand miles, and standeth right ouer against the Coast which wee haue described, beginning directly at the mouthes of the Riuer Magnice, which are in sixe and

twentie degrees of the South, and so going forwards to the North, it endeth right against the mouths of Cuama in the Kingdome of Quiloa. Betweene this Iland and the firme Land, there is (as it were) a Channell, which at the entry West-ward, is three hundred and fortie miles broad: in the middest where it is narrowest, ouer against the Iland of Mozambiche, one hun∣dred and seuentie miles, and for the rest, it enlargeth it selfe very much towards India, and con∣taineth many Iles within it. The ships that goe from Spaine into India, or returne from India to Spaine, doe alwaies for the most part passe and sayle in, and through this Channell, if by time or weather they be not forced to the contrary. And surely, this Iland deserueth to be inhabited with a better people, because it is furnished with singular Commodities. For it hath many safe & sure hauens. It is watred with sundry Riuers, that cause the earth to bring forth fruits of diuers kinds, [ 10] as Pulse, and Rice, and other Graine, Oranges, Limons, Citrons, and such like fruit. Flesh of all sorts, as Hens, &c. and Venison, as wilde Boare, & Deere, and such like, and all this of a very good taste and relish, because the soyle is very fat: their Fish also is exceeding good. The Inhabitants * 1.653 are Pagans, with some of the Sect of Mahomet among them. They are of the colour which the Spaniards call Mulato, betweene black and white. Very warlike they are, and giuen to their wea∣pons, which are Bowes and Arrowes, and Darts of very light Wood, strengthned with Iron, whereof they make the heads of their Darts, which are crooked like hookes: and these they will cast and throw most slightly and cunningly. They vse also Targets, and Iackes that are made of certaine beasts skinnes, wherewith they saue themselues in fight from the blowes of their enemies.

This Iland is diuided among seuerall Princes, that are at enmitie one with another: for they [ 20] are in continuall Warres, and persecute one another with Armes. There are diuers Mines of Gold, of Siluer, of Copper, of Iron, and of other Metals. The sauage people doe not vse to Tayle out of the Iland, but onely from one side to the other they goe coasting along the shoares, with certaine Barkes that are made but of one stocke of a Tree, which they hollow for that purpose. The most part of them doe not willingly entertaine strangers, neither will they con∣sent that they should Trafficke or conuerse with them. Notwithstanding, in certaine Ports the Portugals doe vse to Trade with the Ilanders, for Amber, Waxe, Siluer, Copper, Rice, and such other things, but they neuer come vpon the Land. In the Channell before mentioned, there are * 1.654 diuers Ilands, some greater, and some lesse, inhabited with Mahometans. The chiefe of them is [ 30] the Ile of Saint Christopher, and then of Santo Spirito: and another, called Magliaglie, and so the rest, as the Iles of Comora, Anzoame, Maiotto, and some other.

But let vs returne to the Sea side, and prosecute the Coast of the Kingdome of Quiloa, where * 1.655 we left. Next vnto it, is the Kingdome of Mombaza, in the height of three degrees and a halfe towards the South, which taketh the name from an Iland inhabited with Mahometans, which is also called Mombaza, where there is a faire Citie, with houses that haue many Sollers, furnished Pictures, both grauen and painted. The King thereof is a Mahometan, who taking vpon him to resist the Portugals, receiued the same successe that hapned to the King of Quiloa, so that * 1.656 the Citie was ransacked and spoyled by his enemies, who found therein good store of Gold and Siluer, and Pearle, and Cloath of Cotton, and of Silke, and of Gold, and such other Commo∣dities. [ 40] This Kingdome lyeth betweene the borders of Quiloa, and Melinde, and is inhabited with Pagans and Mahometans, and yeeldeth obedience to the Empire of Mohenemugi.

A little beyond is the Kingdome of Melinde, which being likewise but a little one, extend∣eth * 1.657 it selfe vpon the Sea Coast, as farre as the Riuer Chimanchi, and lyeth in the height of two degrees and a halfe: and vp the streame of that Riuer, it reacheth to the Lake Calice, the space of one hundred miles within land. Neere vnto the Sea, along the bankes of this Riuer, there is a great deale of Countrey inhabited by Pagans and Mahometans, of colour almost white. Their houses are built after our fashion. But there is one particularitie to be admired, that their Muttons or Sheepe, are twice as great as the Sheep of our Countrey: for they diuide them into fiue quar∣ters, * 1.658 (if a man may so call them) and reckon the tayle for one, which commonly weigheth [ 50] some fiue and twentie, or thirtie pound. The Women are white, and sumptuously dressed, after the Arabian fashion, with Cloath of Silke. About their neckes and hands, and armes, and feet, they vse to weare lewels of Gold and Siluer: When they go abroad out of their houses, they couer themselues with Taffata, so that they are not knowne but when they list themselues. In this Countrey there is a very good Hauen, which is a landing place for the Vessels that sayle through those Seas. Generally, the people are very kind, true and trustie, and conuerse with Strangers. They haue alwaies entertained and welcomed the Portugals, and haue reposed great confidence in them, neither haue they euer offered them any wrong in any respect.

In the Sea betweene these two Capes of Mombaza and Melinde, there are three Iles: the first, is called Monfie; the second, Zanzibar; and the third, Pemba; all inhabited only with Moheme∣tans, [ 60] that are of colour white. These Iles abound in all things as the others do, whereof we made mention before. These people are somewhat enclined to Armes: but they are in deed more ad∣dicted to dresse and manure their ground: For there groweth much Sugar, which in small Barks they carrie away to sell into the firme Land, with other fruits of that Counerey.

Besides these three Realmes last described, Quiola, Melinde, and Mombaza, within the Land is the great Empire of Mohenemugi, towards the West. It bordereth vpon the South, with the * 1.659 Kingdome of Mozambique, and with the Empire of Monomotapa to the Riuer Coauo, vpon the West with the Riuer Nilus, betweene the two Lakes; and vpon the North it ioyneth with the Empire of Prete-Gianni. Towards the Sea, this Emperour standeth in good termes of peace with the foresaid Kings of Quiola, Melinde, and Mombaza, by reason of their trafficke together, and the better to secure the entercourse and trade by Sea: by meanes whereof they haue brought vnto them much cloth of Cotton, and cloth of Silke from diuers Countries, and other merchan∣dises that are well esteemed in these parts: and particularly certaine little balls, that are made in the Kingdome of Cambaia, of a kind of Bitumen or clammie Clay, like vnto Glasse, but that it is (as it were) of a red colour, which they vse to weare about their neckes, like a paire of [ 10] Beades in stead of Neck-laces. It serueth them also in stead of Money, for of Gold they make none account. Likewise with the Silkes that are brought vnto them, they doe apparell them∣selues from the girdle downewards. In exchange and barter of all these commodities, they giue Gold, Siluer, Copper, and Iuorie.

But on the other side towards Monomotapa, there are continuall warres; yea, and sometimes so bloudie, that it is hardly discerned who hath gotten the victorie. For in that Border there meet together two of the greatest and most warlike Powers and Forces that are in all those Re∣gions: that is to say, on the Partie of Monomotapa, there came forth into the field the Ama∣zones, of whom wee told you before; and on the other partie of Mohenemugi are the Giacchi, (as the Moci-Congi doe call them) but in their owne tongue they are called Agagi, who did * 1.660 [ 20] sometime so greatly afflict the Kingdome of Congo, as you may remember. Neither are these people lesse couragious or strong then the Amazones, but are of a blacke complexion, and pre∣sumptuous countenances. They doe vse to marke themselues aboue the lip vpon their cheekes with certaine lines, which they make with Iron instruments and with fire. Moreouer, they haue a custome to turne their eye-lids backwards: so that their skin being all blacke, and in that blacknesse shewing the white of their eyes, and those markes in their faces, it is a strange thing to behold them. For it is indeed a very dreadfull and Deuillish sight. They are of bodie great, but deformed, and liue like beasts in the field, and feed vpon mans flesh. In fight they shew themselues exceedingly couragious, and doe vtter most horrible showting and crying, of of purpose to daunt and affright their Enemies. Their weapons are Darts, and Pa••ises of [ 30] Leather that couer all their whole bodie, and so defend themselues therewith. Sometimes they will encampe together, and sticke their Pauises in the ground, which are vnto them instead a trench. Sometimes they will goe forwards in the battell, and shrowd themselues vnder them, and yet annoy their aduersaries with the shot of their Darts. And thus by warlike policie they doe ordinarily plague their Enemies, by endeauouring with all subtiltie to make them spend their shot in vaine, vpon their Targets: and when they see that they haue made an end of shoo∣ting, then doe they renew the battell a fresh, and driuing them to flight, make a cruell slaughter of them without all mercie. And this is the manner which they vse against their Enemies, and * 1.661 the Amazones. But the Amazones, on the other side, which are very well acquainted here∣withall, doe fight against them with other militarie stratagems (as we haue aboue declared) and [ 40] doe ouercome the forces of their Aduersaries with their swiftnesse, and great skill in matters of Warre. For, they doe assure themselues, that if they be taken, they shall be deuoured: and therefore with doubled courage they fight for life, that they might ouercome, and in any case saue their liues from that fierce and cruell Nation. And in this sort doe they maintaine conti∣nuall Warre, alwaies with great mortalitie on both sides. These Agags dwell at the beginning of the Riuer Nilus, (where it runneth Northwards out of the Lake,) vpon both the bankes of the Riuer, till it come to a certaine limite, wherein they are bounded; and then Westwards all ouer the bankes of the said Nilus, euen to the second Lake, and to the borders of the Empire of Prete-Gianni. Touching these Agags, I thought it conuenient in this place to adde this, which before I had omitted. Betweene the confines of this Mohenemugi, and Prete-Gianni, there [ 50] are sundrie other petie Lords, and people that are of a white colour, and yeeld obedience some∣times to one of these two Princes, and sometimes to the other. They are men of a farre greater stature then all the rest of the people in those Countries.

Towards the Cape of Guarda-Fuy, there are many places inhabited with Mahometans, all a∣long the Sea-side, of colour being white. Vpon this shoare there are diuers good Hauens, where * 1.662 the ships of sundrie Countries doe trafficke with the foresaid merchandises. The first of these places, is called Patee; the second, Braua; the third, Magadoxo; the fourth, Affion; and the last is, the famous Promontorie and Cape of Guarda-Fuy: which because it is very great, and * 1.663 iutteth out a good way into the Sea, is well knowne to all Sailers that come from India, and from Ormuz, and from Arabia Foelix. It is the place and harbour where the Portugals are wont [ 60] to attend, and yeerely with their Nauies to watch for the Vessels of the Mahometans, that be∣ing laden with precious merchandises, doe saile into those parts without their licence, they be∣ing the Lords of the trafficke and trade for Spicerie, and all other commodities that are brought

from India. So that euery yeere the Portugall Fleet doth take great prizes of Merchants ships in that place, as the English and the French doe at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Saint Vincent.

After you haue compassed about the foresaid Cape of Guarda-Fuy, toward the red Sea, you shall come to other Townes and Hauens of the Mahometans. The first of them is called Methe, * 1.664 and another beyond that, called Barbora. And this is the farthest place wherein you shall find any people with white skins: for here the men beginne to be all blacke. Then there is Ceila, and Dalaca, and Malaca, and Carachin: and all this Coast is called in that Countrie language, Ba∣ragiam. The People that inhabite therein are all blacke, valiant in Armes, and apparelled from the girdle downewards with cloth of Cotton: but those that are of the best account among them, doe weare vpon their shoulders certaine Clokes with Hoods, called Bernussi, such as the [ 10] old Romans vsed, and were termed Saga Romana. It aboundeth in Gold, and in Iuorie, and in * 1.665 Metals, and in Victuals of all sorts.

Then follow the Mouths or Entrances into the red Gulfe.

CHAP. V.

The Voyage of Sir FRANCIS ALVAREZ, a Portugall Priest, made vnto the Court of PRETE IANNI, the great Christian Emperour of Ethiopia.

[illustration] map of Abyssinia

ABISSI∣NORUM REGNŪ

IN the Name of Iesus, amen. I, Francis Aluarez, Priest of the Masse, which by espe∣ciall * 1.666 commandement of the King our Lord, Don Emanuel (whom God hath receiued into his glorie) went with Edward Galuano, a Gentleman of his house, and one of [ 60] his Counsellors; which was Secretarie vnto the King Don Alfonso, and vnto King Iohn, his Sonne, till his dying day; and by King Don Emanuel was sent Ambassa∣dour vnto King Prete Ianni, haue determined to write all things which hapned vnto vs in this Voyage, and to describe the Countries wherein we were, with the qualities, customes, andvsa∣ges

thereof, and how they agree with Christian Religion. Neither doe I here take vpon me to reprehend or approue their customes and vsages, but leaue them wholly vnto the Readers (which are able to instruct mee) to praise, amend, and correct whatsoeuer they shall thinke good. And because I may seeme some∣times speaking of one Countrie, and eftsoones of another, to confound the same together, I say, that wee were resident in these Countries for the space of sixe yeeres together, wherein I sought to know a great part of the Countries, Kingdomes, and Signiories of the said Prete Ianni, and their customes and vsa∣ges, some by sight, and some others by the report of credible persons. And euer, as I came to the know∣ledge of them, so I put them downe in writing, that is to say, deliuering such things as I saw, as hauing seene them; and things reported, as receiued by hearing: and therefore I sweare and protest vpon my conscience, that I will not wittingly report any vntruth. And euen as I hope and trust in our Lord God, [ 10] that my confession shall be true vnto my liues end, so likewise shall this my present writing be true: for he that lyeth to his neighbour, lyeth to God.

§. I.

MATTHEW the Ambassadour of PRETE IANNI, is conducted by the Portugals vnto the Hauen of Maczua in the red Sea, and what hapned to his death.

WHereas I said that I went with Edward Galuano (whom God pardon) true it is that * 1.667 I did so, and he died in Comoran, an Ile of the red Sea, neither tooke his Ambassage [ 30] any effect, during the time that Lopez Suarez was Captaine generall of the Indies. Diego Lopez de Sequeira succeeding Suarez in the gouernment of India, effected that which Lopez Suarez would neuer execute, to wit, the conducting of Matthew (who was sent Ambassadour from Prete Ianni to the King of Portugall) to the Hauen of Maczua, neere vnto Ercoco, being a Port-towne of Prete Ianni. This Diego Lopez prepared a goodly and great Fleet, wherewith we sailed into the red Sea, and arriued at the said Iland of Maczua on Mun∣day in the Octaues of Easter, the sixteenth of the moneth of Aprill, in the yeere 1520. which Iland we found abandoned and forsaken by the Inhabitants, because that fiue or sixe dayes be∣fore they had knowledge of our comming. This Ile is distant from the Continent about two Crosbow-shots, whither the Moores of the said Iland were fled with their goods. Our Fleet [ 40] therefore riding betweene the Continent and the Iland. The Tuesday following, there came vnto vs one Christian and a Moore from the Towne of Ercoco. The Christian said that the Towne of Ercoco belonged to the Christians, and was vnder the Iurisdiction of a great Lord, called Bar∣nagasso, being subiect vnto Prete Ianni; and that the Inhabitants of this Ile of Maczua, and of Ercoco, when the Turkes came thither, fled all into the Mountaines; but at this present they would not flee away, hauing vnderstood that wee were Christians. Our Generall hauing heard thus much, gaue thankes to God, that he was come to the happie knowledge of Chri∣stians; and this procured great fauour vnto Matthew, which before that time was little ac∣counted of.

2. The day following being Wednesday, the Captaine of the said Towne of Ercoco came to [ 50] speake with our Generall, and presented foure Oxen vnto him, and the Generall gaue him ve∣ry courteous and honourable entertainment.

Twentie or foure and twentie miles from this place standeth a very high Mountaine, with * 1.668 a famous Monasterie thereupon, which Matthew oftentimes made mention of, being called the Monasterie of Bisan, that is, Of the Vision. The Friars of this Monasterie hauing knowledge of vs, came seuen of them the Thursday after the Octaues, to visite vs; whom our Generall and all his people went on shoare to meet, with great ioy and gladnesse: and they seemed to re∣ioyce no lesse; and said, that they had long time looked for Christians, because they had certaine Prophesies in their written Booke, which foretold that Christians should arriue at this Hauen, * 1.669 and that a pit should there be digged, after the opening whereof, no more Moores should dwell in that [ 60] place: with many other Speeches tending to the like purpose. At all these things the Ambas∣sadour Matthew was present, whom the foresaid Friars did greatly honour, kissing his hands and his shoulders, according to their manner; and he, on the other side, tooke great delight in them also. These Friars said that they obserued then the Feast of Easter, and eight dayes next en∣suing,

and that during those eight dayes they vsed neither to trauell, nor to doe any other work; but so soone as they heard say that Christians were arriued at that Hauen (a thing which they * 1.670 so earnestly desired) they craued licence of their Superiour to vndertake this iourney for the seruice of God, and that Barnagasso was likewise informed of our arriuall, but that he would not set forward out of his house till eight dayes after Easter.

3. These Friars vse to carrie Crosses in their hands, and other people weare them about their neckes, made of blacke wood, and all our companie bought of the same Crosses which they weare about their neckes, because it was a new thing, and not vsuall amongst vs. While these Friars abode with vs, the Generall commanded one Fernando Diaz, which vnderstood the Arabike Tongue, to goe and view their Monasterie. [ 10]

4. On Tuesday the foure and twentieth of Aprill, Barnagasso came to the Towne of Er∣coco, * 1.671 and gaue vs aduertisement of his arriuall. Order was taken, that they should meet one an∣other in the mid-way. Barnagasso came thither first, but he would not come to the place which * 1.672 was prepared for him. The Generall being lighted, seing that he would not come thither, cau∣sed the preparatiues to be carried before neere vnto the place where he stood: which againe, to maintayne his grandure and reputation, would not once stirre with his people to come vnto the place prepared, so that the said Anthonie de Saldanza and Matthew the Ambassadour, were con∣strained to returne againe, which in the end resolued, that both of them at one instant, should set forward, that is to say, the Generall and Barnagasso, and so they did, meeting together and * 1.673 conferring in a large champaine field, as they sate on the ground vpon certaine Carpets. And [ 20] among many discourses that they had together, giuing thankes to God for this their enteruiew. Barnagasso taking a Crosse of Siluer in his hand (which was there readie for the same purpose) said, that he sware vpon the signe of the Crosse, vpon which our Lord suffered his Passion, in the Name of Prete Ianni his Master, that he would alwaies fauour and aide the people and af∣faires of the King of Portugals, and also assist his Captaines which should arriue at that Hauen, or in any other Hauens or Lands, where it lay in him to aide and assist them, and likewise that he would take into his protection the Ambassadour Matthew, and other Ambassadours, which it pleased the Generall to send into the Kingdomes and Dominions of Prete Ianni, with all such people and goods as they should carrie with them.

The Generall sware, on the other part, to doe the like for the Subiects and Affaires of Prete * 1.674 Ianni, and of Barnagasso, there and in euery place where he should find them, and that the rest [ 30] of the Captaines and Lords of the King of Portugall should doe the like. The Generall gaue vn∣to Barnagasso a faire Armour, and certaine pieces of cloth of Silke; and Barnagasso gaue vnto the Generall a faire Horse and a Mule: and so they departed glad and contented on either part.

This Barnagasso had in his traine two hundred persons mounted vpon Horses and Mules, and two thousand Footmen. Our Gentlemen and Captaines seeing these so good newes which God had sent vs, and that a doore was opened to exalt the Catholike Faith, whereof afore wee had small hope of any successe, all men holding this Matthew for no true Ambassadour, but for a false man and a Counterfeit, whereupon they were onely of opinion to put him on Land, and let him goe his way, when they had seene these things (as wee haue said before) they all rouzed vp [ 40] themselues, requesting the Generall of his fauour, that hee would suffer them to goe with the said Matthew to Prete Ianni, in that Ambassage; considering that by that which they had seene, it was perfectly knowne that the said Matthew was a true Ambassadour. And albeit, many re∣quested this charge, yet was it granted to Roderigo de Lima: and the Generall appointed cer∣taine * 1.675 that should goe with him, which were these, George de Breu, Lopez de Gama, Iohn Scolaro Secretarie of the Ambassage, Iohn Gonsaluez Interpretor and Factor of the same Ambassage, E∣munuel de Mares an Organist, Pedro Lopez, Master Iohn the Physician, Gaspar Pereira, Stephen Pagliarte, both Kinsmen of Don Roderigo, Iohn Fernandez, Lazarus de Andrada Painter, Alfonso Menzdez, and my selfe, Francis Aluarez Priest, though vnworthy. All we before mentioned * 1.676 went in the company of Don Roderigo, and likewise, three Portugals accompanied Matthew, [ 50] of whom, the one was named Magaglianes, another Aluarenga, the third, Diego Fernandez, Pre∣sents also were prouided.

We went to Ercoco, where we were appointed by Barnagasso, which caused vs to lodge two or three Crosse-bow-shoots, distant from the Towne in a certaine Plaine, which is at the foot of a Mountaine, whither immediately hee sent vs of free gift an Oxe, and Bread and Wine of the Countrie. We stayed there, because in that place they were to prouide vs of Horses and Camels to carrie our goods. This was vpon a Friday, and because in this Countrey they ob∣serue the old and the new Law, we rested the Saturday and the Sunday to keepe both those dayes holy. * 1.677

In this meane space, the Ambassador Matthew, dealt very effectually with Don Rodorigo, and [ 60] with vs all, not to stay with Barnagasso, although hee were a great Lord, but that it was farre better to goe vnto the Monastery of the Vision, where wee should haue farre better dispatch. Whereupon, giuing him to vnderstand, that wee were not to stay with him, hee departed and went his way, neuerthelesse hee gaue vs fourteene Horses and tenne Camels to carrie our goods.

6. We departed out of this Plaine, neere vnto the Towne of Ercoco; on Munday, the thirtieth of Aprill, wee trauelled not aboue two miles from that place, but that wee rested about noone, * 1.678 neere vnto a Riuer which was dryed vp, which had no water sauing in certaine small Pits. And because the Countrey through which we were to trauell, was dry and barren, and the heate ex∣treame; each of vs carried with him his Vessels and Bottles of Leather full of water. Vpon the bankes of this Riuer grew many trees of diuers sorts, among which were Sallowes, and trees of bearing the fruit, called Iuiuba, with other fruitlesse trees. While we rested by this Riuer, about * 1.679 noone there came a Gentleman vnto vs, named Framasgual, which in our Language signifieth, The Seruant of the Crosse, who in his blacknesse was so faire, that he seemed to be a Gentleman * 1.680 indeed, and they said that he was allyed to Barnagasso, that is to say, his Wiues Brother. Before [ 10] he came at vs, he lighted from his Horse, because this is their custome, and they vse it also for a courtesie. The Ambassadour Matthew, hearing of his comming, said he was a Thiefe, and came to rob vs, and that we should all betake vs to our Weapons; and Matthew himselfe caught vp * 1.681 his Sword, and put on his Head-piece. Framasqual hearing this noyse, sent to craue leaue to come vnto vs, and though he could not obtaine it of Matthew, yet neuerthelesse; he came vn∣to vs as a man well brought vp and very courteous, and as one that had beene conuersant at the Court. This Gentleman had a very good Horse before him, and a faire Mule whereon hee rode, and foure men which went by him on foot.

7. From this Lodging we departed all together, and the said Gentleman riding vpon his Mule with his Horse before him, accosted our Ambassadour, Don Roderigo with his Interpreter, and they rode a great while conferring and deuising together. Hee was in his conference and in his [ 20] answeres very gentle, and courteous, and the Ambassadour tooke singular delight in him. Wee * 1.682 found a Carauan of Camels and people, which came from Ercoco, because they trauell not but in Carauans for feare of theeues. Wee lodged all in a Wood where there was water, being an ordinary place for Carauans to lodge in, and the foresaid Framasqual remayned with vs, where we and those of the Carauan kept watch all night for feare of wild beasts. The next morning, * 1.683 we departed from this place, alwayes trauelling ouer dry Riuers and Brookes, most huge Moun∣taines standing on both sides of the way, with great Woods and Trees of diuers sorts, most beautifull and tall, the greatest part whereof were without fruit, and among them were some [ 30] which I my selfe knew, being called Tamarindi, which beare clusters of fruit like vnto Grapes, * 1.684 which being pressed are somewhat blacke, because they make Wine of them, some quantitie whereof they carrie vnto all their Faires, as they vse to make of Raisins. The Riuers and wayes whereby we passed, seemed to be high and ragged, which commeth to passe through the fury of * 1.685 the water of stormes and tempests mingled with Thunder, which waters hinder not the way, according as they told vs, and as we saw our selues in other places like vnto these. The remedie was at the time of these stormes to stay vpon the side of some Hill, the space of two houres, vntill the force of these stormes be runne downe. And how great and terrible soeuer these Ri∣uers became through the foresaid showres, the water is no sooner falne from the said Moun∣taines, [ 40] * 1.686 and come into the Plaine, but it is dispersed and soked vp, and neuer commeth vnto the Sea: neither could we learne that any Riuer of Aethiopia ente••••th into the Red Sea, but that all of them haue their ending, as soone as they come to the low and plaine fields.

Vpon these Mountaines and Rockes, are many beasts of diuers kinds, as we our selues saw, to * 1.687 wit, Elephants, Lions, Tygres, Buffes, Badgers, Ante, Deere without number, and other beasts of all sorts, sauing two, which I neither saw, nor heard to be in those parts, that is to say, Beares, and Conies. There are likewise all kind of singing Birds, which may be imagined, and also Par∣tridges, Quailes, wild Hens, Doues, and Turtles, in such incredible numbers, that they couered the Sunne, of all those sorts which are in our parts, sauing that I saw no Pyes, nor Cuckoes. All along these Riuers and Rockes I saw great plentie of sweet Herbes, which I knew not, sa∣uing * 1.688 onely Basill, whereof there was exceeding store, which yeelded a fragrant and sweet smell, [ 50] and had leaues of diuers sorts.

8. The time of resting our selues being come, Matthew determined to cause vs a-new to leaue the high way, and to trauel with him toward the Monasterie of the Vision, through Mountaines and Woods exceeding full of high Trees.

We departed from this Lodging, and trauelled through a more rough and craggie Countrey, * 1.689 and through farre greater and thicker Woods, being our selues on foot, and our Mules before vs, which were not able to trauell. The Camels yelled out as though they had beene possessed with Deuils. It seemed, to vs all, that Matthew had brought vs into this way, eyther to make vs lose our liues or our goods, for in that place we could doe no other but call vpon God to helpe vs; and the Woods were so darke and fearefull, that Spirits would haue beene afraid to passe [ 60] them. We saw many sauage and cruell beasts at noone-dayes, passing this way and that way, without being any whit afraid of vs. For all this we went forward, and began to find people of the Countrey, which kept their fields that were sowne with Millet, and came farre off to sow * 1.690 it vpon these high and craggie Mountaynes. We saw likewise many Herds of goodly Oxen, * 1.691 and Goats feeding. The said people which we found there, were all naked, and ••••d in a manner,

no part of their bodies. They were very blacke, and were said to be Christians. They had their Wiues with them, which couered their Priuities with a ragge of cloth halfe torne. These wo∣men weare vpon their heads a kind of attyre, made after the fashion of a Crowne, as blacke as Pitch, and their haire bound vp in round wreathes like Kandles of Tallow: the blacknesse of these attyres, with these Lockes of haire fastned vnto them, seemed a very strange thing to be∣hold. The men weare a piece of skinne before their Priuities.

Thus trauelling forward through many other Woods which could hardly be passed, and wee our selues lighting on foot, and vnlading our Camels there met vs tenne or twelue Friers of the Monasterie of the Vision, among whom, there was foure or fiue very aged, and one older then the rest, whom all the rest did reuerence, and kissed his hands; and our selues did the like, be∣cause [ 10] Matthew told vs that he was their Bishop, but afterward we knew that he was no Bishop; * 1.692 but that he had the Title of Dauid, which signifieth, a Warden; & that in the Monasterie there was another aboue him, whom they call Abba, which signifieth a Father, beeing like vnto a Prō∣uinciall, and in regard of their age and drynesse (for they were as dry as a stocke) they seemed to be men of a holy life at the first blast. The foresaid Friers trauelled through the Woods to gather their Millet which they had sowed, as also to gather vp their Roots, which are payed vnto them by such as sow Corne in those Mountaines and Woods. Their apparell was made of dressed Goat-skinnes, others weare apparell made of old yellow Cotton, and went bare-foot. From hence we departed not till our Camels had rested a little: afterward, within the space of halfe a mile, we came to the foot of a very rough and cragged Mountaine, vpon the which our Camels [ 20] * 1.693 could not ascend, and hardly the Mules without their burthens, and heere wee rested our selues at the foot of a Tree.

9. The next day the Ambassador Matthew commanded his goods to be laden vpon the backs of Negroes, to carry them into a small Monasterie, halfe a league distant from vs, called Saint Michael de Is••o. Here Framasqual departed from vs, and wee came vnto the Monasterie halfe dead, as well for the roughnesse and steepnesse of the way, as also because of the great heat. * 1.694

While we aboad there, the said Matthew came vnto vs with a counter-mand, and said vnto vs, that he had written vnto the Court of Prete Ianni, and to Queene Helena, and to Marke the Patriarke, and that the answere could not bee returned in lesse then fortie dayes, and that without the same we could not depart, because from that place they were to furnish vs, and to [ 30] haue Mules for vs, and for our goods; neither was he well assured of the performance of this, but said that Winter began to approach, which lasted about the space of three monethes, wherein we could not trauell, and that therefore it was needfull, that wee should prouide victuals for our selues: for three monethes in the Winter they trauell not in these Countries, to wit, from the midst of Iune to the midst of September, which is their ordinarie Winter. Within a * 1.695 short space after our arriuall here, our people as well Portugals as slaues fell so sick, that few or none escaped vntouched, and many were sicke to the point of death, insomuch that they stood in need often to be let bloud and to be purged. Among the first, Master Iohn our Physician fell sicke, which was all our humane helpe, yet it pleased God that he recouered, and from that time forward he laboured for vs with all his power. [ 40]

Among these, Matthew the Ambassadour fell sicke also, which had many Medicines mini∣stred vnto him, and when he seemed to be very well recouered and strong, he rose vp and com∣manded his goods to be carryed to a Towne belonging to the Monasterie of the Vision, where he yeelded vp his spirit vnto our Lord, which was the foure and twentieth of May, Anno Dom. * 1.696 1520. and I confessed him, and ministred the Communion vnto him, and he made his will in the Portugall Tongue, but it was also made in the Abassin Tongue, by a Frier of the said Monastery. We caused the corps to bee buried very honorably in the said Monastery, where wee said Ser∣uice and Masse for him according to our custome, and the Friers did the like according to theirs.

10. Wee determined, to send to request Barnagasso, that hee would giue vs some meanes to returne into our Countrey, to the end wee might not perish in that place. The Friers vn∣derstanding [ 50] this, tooke it in very ill part, and calling Don Roderigo aside, perswaded him not to send thither, praying him to attend the comming of the Prouinciall, which would bee within * 1.697 ten dayes, and if he come not, they would furnish vs with necessaries for our iournies. And because they are people of small trust themselues, they gaue no credit vnto vs, although the Ambassadour had promised them to doe so, but sought to minister an Oath vnto each of vs vpon a Crucifixe, that we would stay during those tenne dayes, and they likewise tooke an Oath to performe that which they had promised. [ 60]

§. II.

Of the manner and situation of the Monasteries, and of their holy Rites, Times, Places, and Things: And first of this of Saint MICHAEL.

11. FIrst, this Monasterie is situate vpon the cragge of a Mountaine, which is very wild, seated at the foot of another huge Mountaine, vpon the which no man can ascend. The stone of these Rockes is of the colour and graine of the stone, wherewith the wall of the Cities of Portugall are built, and the stones are verie [ 10] great. All the ground except these stones is couered with many great Woods, and the greatest part are wild Oliue Trees, and great store of Herbs grow among them, and the most part is Ba∣sill. The Trees which were not Oliues, were not knowne of vs, and all of them were without fruit. In certaine narrow Vallies, which belong to this Monasterie, were Groues of Orange∣trees, Limons, Cedars, Vines, and Figs of all sorts, as well of those which are found in Portu∣gall, as those of India, and Peaches: there were also Cabbages, Corianders, Cressis, Worme∣wood, * 1.698 Mirtles, and many other kindes of Herbes fragrant and medicinall: and all was ill husbanded, because they are people of no industrie; and the Earth bringeth forth the things aforesaid, as it bringeth forth wild things, and would bring forth much better, all they should plant or sow. The House of the Monasterie seemeth, indeed, to bee a Church-building beeing [ 20] made like vnto ours: it hath about it a circuit like to a Cloyster, and the couering aboue is fastned to the couering of the Church. It hath three gates, as ours haue, to wit, one chiefe gate in the fore-front, and one on each side in the midst. The couering of the Church, and of the circuit is made of wild Reed, which lasteth the life of a man.

The body of the Church is made with Iles, very well wrought, and the Arches are very well stored, it seemeth all to be made like a Vault: It hath a little Quire behind the great Altar, with a Crosse afore it, whereupon hang Curtaines which goe from one side to another; and likewise, * 1.699 there are other Curtaines before the Gates, passing from one Wall to another, and they are of [ 30] Silke, and the entrie by these Curtaines is at three places, and are fastned against the Walls: and at these three entrances or gates, are little Bels fastned to the Curtaines, about the bignesse of Saint Anthonies Bels; and a man cannot enter in at the gates, but these Bels will ring. There is but one Altar belonging to the whole Church, which standeth in the great Chappell. Aboue the Altar is a Cloath of Gold borne vp with foure pillars, and the Altar toucheth all these foure Pillars, and the said Cloath of Gold is hollow like a Vault, it hath his Super-Altare, or conse∣crated stone, which they call Tabuto, and vpon this stone standeth a very great Bason of Cop∣per, and it is flat in the bottome, and is low brimmed, which reacheth vnto all the foure Pillars of the Altar, because the Pillars are set in a square, and in the said Bason is set another lesser Ba∣son, and on euery side of this cloth of Gold, that is to say, behind and on both sides a Curtaine [ 40] hangeth downe which couereth the whole Altar downe to the ground, sauing that it is open before. * 1.700

Their Bels are of stone, that is to say, long and thin stones, hanged vp with Cords, and they beat them on the inside with a piece of wood, and they make a very strange sound, like to the sound of broken Bels when they are heard afarre off. And likewise on Festiuall dayes, they take * 1.701 Basons, and strike them with certaine small stickes, which make them sound very loud. They haue likewise Bels of Iron, which are not fully round, but haue two sides like vnto the Iacket of a Muletier, whereof the one part couereth him before, and the other behind; they haue a clap∣per which beateth the same first on the one side, and then on the other, and it maketh a sound like vnto a man that diggeth Vines. They haue also other Bels ill-fauouredly made, which they [ 50] carrie in their hands when they go on Procession, and ring them altogether vpon Festiuall dayes, * 1.702 on other dayes they vse their Bels of stone, and of Iron; they ring to Mattens two houres be∣fore day, and they say them by heart without light: onely there hangs a Lampe before the Al∣tar, wherein they burne Butter, for they haue no Oyle.

They sing and say with a loud and harsh voice, as of one that cryeth, without any art of sing∣ing: they say no Verses, but their speech is as it were in Prose, and yet they are Psalmes, and * 1.703 on their Holidayes, besides their Psalmes, they say Prose, and according to the Feasts so is their Prose, and alwayes they stand on their feet in the Church. They say not aboue one Lesson at their Mattens, with a harsh, disordered and vntuneable voice, and like vnto that wherein wee pronounce the words of the Iewes, in representing the Passion of our Sauiour Christ. And al∣though [ 60] their voice be so harsh, yet they speake it running, as fast as the tongue of a man can * 1.704 wagge, and a Clerke or a Frier saith the same; and this Lesson is read before the principall gate.

Which being ended on Saturday and Sundayes, they goe on Procession with foure or fiue cros∣ses, being carryed vpon certaine staues not very high; and they carrie the same in their left hands, because in their right hand they carrie a Censer, and alwayes there are so many Censers

as there be Crosses. They weare certaine Copes of Silke, but rudely made, for they be no broa∣der * 1.705 then the breadth of a piece of Damaske, or of any other piece of Silke from the vpper part to the neather part; and on the breast before, they haue a trauerse; and on both sides they sewe a piece of other Cloth of what colour soeuer, although it agree not with the principall; and of the principall Cloth they let a traine hang downe vpon the ground. They make this Procession in their Circuit, which is like vnto a Cloister. Which being ended on Saturdayes, and Sundayes, and Festiuall dayes, he which is to say Masse, with two others, enter into the Chappell, and take * 1.706 out an Image of our Ladie, which they haue in an old Cell (for in all Churches they haue of their * 1.707 Cells) and they put it on a Crozier, turning the face toward the principall gate, and this Image holdeth her hand before her breast, and they which stand on both sides of it hold lighted Can∣dles [ 10] in their hands, and then they which are before it beginne to sing in manner of prose, and * 1.708 they goe all crying and dancing as if they were in a Towne-dance. And going before this I∣mage with this their song or prose, they ring their little Bells and Cymbals with the like sound, and as often as any chanceth to passe before this Image they doe great reuerence to it, which seemeth to the beholder to be done with great desire of deuotion: and so they carrie in this Feast Crosses and Censers, as they did in their Procession.

When this is ended, which continueth for a long space, they salute the Image, and then they goe vnto a certaine closet, which standeth toward the North; and that part where the Gospell is said, according to our Masse, is without the circuit, wherein they make the Host, which they call Corbon, and they carrie Crosses, Censers, and Bells with them, and from hence they * 1.709 bring a Cake of Wheat-flowre vnleauened, newly made, very white and very faire, of the big∣nesse [ 20] and roundnesse of a great Paten, because there are but a few people in this Monasterie: but in other Monasteries and Churches (whereof there be many) they make this Cake great or small according to the number of the people, for all doe communicate, and according to the breadth so they make the thicknesse, either halfe a finger, or a whole finger, or a thumbe thicke: and they carrie this Cake in the little Bason which is one of them that belong to the Altar co∣uered with a cloth, with a Crosse and Censer, and a Bell ringing afore them. Behind the Church where that Quire is, which they hold as a Cloister, no man may stand which is not in holy Or∣ders * 1.710, but all of them must stand before the principall gate, where there is another great cir∣cuit which all Churches haue, but it is not couered, and there may stand any man that list. [ 30]

When they goe in Procession with this Cake, all they which stand in the Church and in the circuit, when they heare the little Bell, bow downe their heads vntill the Bell cease, which is, when they set it vpon the Altar in the lesser Bason which is set (as I said before) in the greater Bason, and they couer it with a blacke Cloth like vnto a Corporall. This Monasterie hath a Cha∣lice of Siluer, and likewise in all principall Churches and Monasteries they haue Chalices of Sil∣uer, and in some they haue Chalices of Gold. In the Churches of the poorer people (which they call the Churches of the Balgues, that is to say, of the Husbandmen) they haue brazen Chalices. These vessels are more wide then ours are, but euill made; but they haue no couers. They powre into the Chalice, wine made of Raisins in great quantitie; for, as many as receiue the Bodie, re∣ceiue also the Bloud.

Hee that is to say this Masse, beginneth, saying, Halleluia, with a lowd voyce, rather squea∣king [ 40] then singing, and all the companie answere him; and then he holdeth his peace, and begin∣neth to blesse them with a little Crosse which he carrieth in his hand; and as well they that are about, as those which are within beginne to sing, vntill a certaine time, when as one of them two that stand at the Altar take a Booke, and receiueth blessing of him that sayeth Masse, and the other taketh a Crosse, and a Bell, and goeth ringing the same toward the principall gate, where all the people standeth in that circuit; and there he readeth the Epistle running very fast * 1.711 with his tongue, and afterwards singing returneth backe to the Altar: suddenly he which sin∣geth the Masse taketh a Booke from the Altar, kissing the same, and giueth it to him which is [ 50] to say the Gospell, which boweth downe his head, and asketh him blessing; which when hee * 1.712 hath receiued, as many as stand at the Altar doe kisse the same, a candle is borne with this Booke, and he which reads the Gospell, readeth it as the Epistle was read, very hastily, and with as high a sound as his tongue can vtter, and his voyce can beare: and returning to the Altar, on the way he beginneth likewise another song, and those which goe with him follow him: and when they be come to the Altar, they giue the Booke to kisse to him that sayeth Masse, and so they put it in his place.

And suddenly, he which sayeth Masse, taketh a Censer, and censeth the vpper part of the Al∣tar, * 1.713 and they goe often about it and cense the same. When they haue done these censings, he turneth to the Altar, and blesseth it very often with the Crosse, and then hee vncouereth the Cake which he had couered in stead of the Sacrament, and taketh it vp in both his hands, and [ 60] * 1.714 lifting vp his right hand the Cake remayneth in his left hand, and with his thumbe he maketh fiue signes like prickes, that is to say, one in the top, another in the midst, another in the bot∣tome, * 1.715 and the other two on both sides; and therewithall he consecrateth it in his owne Lan∣guage, with the very words that we vse, and he vseth no eleuation. The very same he doth ouer

the Cup, and lifteth it not vp, he sayth ouer the same, the very words that wee vse in his owne Tongue, and he couereth it, and taketh the Sacrament of the Bread in his hands, and breaketh it in twaine, and of the part that is in his left hand, hee breaketh a little Morsell of the top of the same, and the other two pieces hee layeth the one vpon the other. The Priest taketh this little Morsell for himselfe, and likewise taketh part of the Sacrament of the bloud, and after∣ward he taketh the Bason with the couered Sacrament, and giueth it to him which hath said the Gospell, and likewise he taketh the Chalice with the Sacrament, and giueth it to him which read the Epistle: and suddenly they giue the Communion to the Priests which stand at the Al∣tar, receiuing a small piece of Sacrament out of the Bason, which a Deacon holdeth in his right * 1.716 hand; and while the Deacon giueth the same, a Sub-Deacon taketh of the bloud in a spoone of Gold, of Siluer, or of Copper, according to the abiltie of the Church, and giueth it vnto [ 10] him which receiueth the Sacrament of the body in very small quantitie: and on the other side, standeth another Priest with a little Vessell of holy Water, and powreth into the palme of his hand, which receiued the Communion, a litle of that water, wherewith he washeth his mouth, and afterward swalloweth it vp.

This being done, they all goe to the Altar with this Sacrament, before the first Curtaine, and in this sort they giue the Communion to them which stand there, and afterward to all those of the other Curtaine, and lastly, to the Secular people which stand at the principall gate, as well men as women, if the Church be such that women may bee suffered to come thither: at the giuing of the Communion, and at all other diuine Seruices all stand vpon their feet: and when * 1.717 they goe to receiue the Communion, all of them come with their hands lifted vp before their [ 20] shoulders, with the palmes of their hands spread abroad before them: and when any man recei∣ueth the Sacrament of the bloud, he receiueth of that Holy Water, as I said before. And also * 1.718 generally al such as are to receiue the Communion before the Masse, vse to wash their hands with water, which is placed in all Churches and Monasteries for this purpose. The Priest which saith the Masse, and they which stood with him at the Altar (the Communion being ended) returne vnto the Altar, and wash the Bason wherein the Sacrament was put with the water remayning in the Vessell, which they say is Holy Water: this Water is put into the Chalice, and he which said Masse drinketh it vp all. This done, one of the Ministers of the Altar taketh a Crosse and a sacring Bell, and beginning a little Song, goeth to the principall gate where the Epistle and Gospell were read, and where they ceased to giue the Communion, and all they which are [ 30] in the Church, and without the Church, incline their heads and take their leaues, saying, That this is the blessing, and that without this no man may depart. On Saturdaies and Sundaies, * 1.719 and Feastiuall daies, in all Churches and Monasteries, they vse to giue holy Bread. The forme of Ceremonies which this little Monasterie vseth (which hath not aboue twentie or fiue and twentie Friers) is obserued in all other Monasteries and Churches. The seruice of the Masse, (except the Processions) is very short, because the Masse in the weeke daies, is ended almost as soone as it is begun.

12. The manner how they make the Cake aforesaid, is this: The house where they make * 1.720 it in all Churches & Monasteries, is placed (as is said before) toward that part where the Gospel [ 40] is said without the Church, and the couered circuit, which is as a Cloyster in all Churches and Monasteries: and they vse the other circuit which is without and not couered, as a Church∣yard. This house is as bigge as the Quire behind the great Altar, and somewhat bigger, and in all Churches and Monasteries they haue nothing else in that house, but that which serueth for * 1.721 this businesse; to wit, a Staffe to beate the corne out of the eares, and an Instrument to grinde the Meale, because they make it very white, as is conuenient for such a purpose: because they make not the said Sacrament with Meale or Wheate, wherein Women haue put their hands. They haue Earthen Platters, wherein they knead the Meale, and they make the Dow harder * 1.722 then we make it, they make a little Ouen like a Still to Still Water, and vpon the same a plate of Iron, (and some Churches haue it of Brasse, and some others of Bricke) which is round, with a large compasse, and they put the fire vnderneath it, and when it is hot, they make it [ 50] cleane with a course cloath, and then lay a good piece of this Dow vpon it, and spread it abroad with a Woodden Knife, as broad as they will haue it, and make it very round, and when the Cake is baked they take it away, lay it aside, and make another after the same fashion; and this second Cake after it is likewise ready, they take the former, and lay it thereupon, to wit, that side which was vppermost they turne downe-ward, and so both these two Cakes are laid together, as they were one Cake, and they doe nothing all the while but turne and tosse them vpon this Plate, vntill they bee baked beneath and aboue, and on euery side, and so they make as many as they will. In the same house are also the Raisins where-with they make their * 1.723 Wine, and the Instrument where-with they presse the same. In these houses also is the Holy Bread made, which is distributed on the Saturdaies and Sundaies, and other Feastiuall dayes, [ 60] and when their great Feasts are held, as Christmas, Easter, and our Lady of August, they fetch out this Sacrament of Bread with a Vestment, * 1.724 Bels and Crosses, very deuoutly, and before they enter into the church therwith, they go once about the circuit, which is like vnto a Cloyster, but

when it is not Holy day they go strait into the Church. The Saturday before Ascension day when we vse to say our Letanies, these Friers made a Procession, and because we were strangers in the * 1.725 Countrey, it seemed a goodly sight vnto vs, and it was on this wise: they tooke Crosses and a consecrated stone of the Altar with great reuerence, couered with cloth of Silk, & a Frier which carryed it on his head, was likewise wholly couered with the like cloth of Silke: they carryed also Bookes, Bels, Censers, and holy water, and went into certaine fields sowed with Millet, and there they made their Deuotions, with cryes after the manner of Letanies, and with this Pro∣cession they returned vnto the Monasterie. And when we asked them wherefore they did this, they said, because the Wormes doe eate their Corne, therefore they went to sprinkle them with Holy Water, and pray to God to take them away. He which saith Masse, hath no other difference [ 10] * 1.726 in his apparell from a Deacon and Sub-deacon, sauing a long Stole slit in the midst, so that hee may thrust his head through it, and behind and before it reacheth downe to the ground. The Friers which say Masse weare their haires long, and the Priests weare it not, but are shorne, and so they say Masse, and are alwayes bare-footed, and no man may come shod into the Church, and * 1.727 for this purpose they alleage that which God said vnto Moses, Put off thy shooes, for the place where thou standest is holy ground.

13. In this Monasterie of Saint Michael, where we were, we said Masse euery day, not in the Monasterie, but in the circuit which is like a Cloyster: because in this Countrey they say but one Masse a day in euery Church or Monasterie. The Friers came vnto our Masse with great de∣uotiou, * 1.728 as they seemed, and supplyed our want with Censers and Incense, because wee had [ 20] brought none with vs: and they thinke it an ill thing to say Masse without Incense, and they said that all things seemed well vnto them, sauing that they thought it not commendable for one Priest alone to say Masse, because among them they vse not to say Masse, except they bee three, or fiue, or sixe, and all these stand at the Altar. Also, they misliked that we went with * 1.729 our shooes into the Church, and much more when we did spit in the Church. But wee excused our selues, saying; That this was the fashion in our Countrey. And so wee said Masse euery day vntill Trinitie Sunday, and when the Munday after the said Trinitie Sunday came, then they would suffer vs to say no more Masse in the morning, and we marueiling thereat, and not well pleased, and hauing at that instant no Interpreter to learne wherefore they would not suffer vs to say Masse, at length we vnderstood, that which by experience afterward we saw, to wit; [ 30] that they obserue the Old Testament in their fasting; for they fast very straitly in the Lent, which they begin the Munday after the Sunday of Sexagesima, which are ten dayes before our Shrouetide, and so they make their Lent of fiftie dayes, and say that they take those dayes be∣fore, for the Saturdayes on which they doe not fast: and their Fast is to eate at euen-tide, and e∣uery day they receiue the Communion, and therefore they say not Masse but in the euening, and when Masse is done, they receiue the Communion and then goe to supper. And like as they haue these fiftie dayes of fast, so they take as many dayes after Easter and Whitsontide, where∣in they fast not at all; and when it is not fasting day, they say Masse in the morning, and all those dayes they eate flesh without obseruing any one of them, and say Masse in the mornings, and strait way goe to dinner because they fast not. [ 40]

When this time is ended, and Trinitie Sunday past, all the Clerkes and Friers are bound to fast euery day sauing Saturdayes, Sundayes, and this Fast continueth vntill Christmasse day. And because they fast all, they say Masse at night, alleaging for proofe hereof the Supper of Christ, how that it was fasting time, and almost night when he consecrated his Bodie. But com∣monly, the Lay-people as well men as women are bound to fast weekly on Wednesdayes and Fridayes, from Trinitie Sunday vntill Aduent: and from Christmasse day till the Purification of * 1.730 the Virgin Marie (which they call the Feast of Saint Simeon) they fast not at all. The three dayes after the Purification being not Saturday nor Sunday, are an exceeding strait Fast for the Clerkes, Friers, and Lay-people, for they say that they eate but once in all these three dayes, and they call it the Fast of Niniue. These three dayes being ended, vntill the beginning of Lent, [ 50] they fast againe as they did before, vntill the Feast of the holy Trinitie. In the Aduent and all the Lent the Clearkes, the Friers, the Laitie, the men and women, small and great, sound and sicke doe all fast. And likewise, from Easter vnto Trinitie Sunday, and from Christmasse vnto the Purification, the Masse is said in the morning because there is no Fast, all the rest of the yeare it is said in the euening because they fast.

The Monasterie where we buried Matthew, is distant from this wherein we aboad three miles space of very bad way, & it is called, The Monastery of the Vision of Iesus. It is seated vpon the point * 1.731 of a Rocke exceeding high, and from euery part as a man looketh downward, there is a Valley which seemeth to be as deepe as Hell. The Church of the Monasterie is very great of bodie, & greater in reuenues, and is very well disposed and gouerned. It is built with three great allies [ 60] or walkes, which are very finely made with their Arches and their Vaults, which seeme to bee made of wood, because they are all painted ouer, so that a man cannot perceiue whether the Church be built of stone, or of wood. It hath two walking places in forme of a Cloyster about the bodie of the Church, which are both couered and painted with the Pictures of the Apostles,

and Patriarkes, and with the storie of all the Old Testament; and with Sa〈…〉〈…〉 George on Horse-backe, which is to be seene in all their Churches. And likewise, there is in the same a great Piece * 1.732 of Arras, wherein is wouen a Crucifixe, our 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the Apostles, the Patriarkes, and Prophets, and euery one hath his title or name in Latine, which sheweth that the same worke was nor made in those Countries. There are also many ancient Images, which stand not vpon the Altars, because it is not their fashion, but they keepe them in a Vestry lapped vp with many Bookes, and they bring them not forth but on Holy-dayes.

In this Monasterie there is a great Kitchin, with all things thereto appertayning, with a great roome to dine in, where they fate altogether, and they eat three and three in a Treen dish which is not very deepe, but plaine like vnto a wooden Platter. Their Dyet is very homely; their * 1.733 Bread is made of Millet and of Barley, and of another Seed which they call Tafo, which is [ 10] small and blacke. This Bread they make round; about the bignesse of an Apple of Adam, and they giue three of these to each one, and vnto the No〈…〉〈…〉es they giue three of them be∣tweene * 1.734 two, and I wonder greatly to thinke how they can liue with so little a quantitie. Like∣wise, they giue each of them a little fresh fish without Oyle or Salt. Of the selfe-same Dyet, they send so many aged and honorable Friers; towards whom they vse great reuerence, which * 1.735 come not vnto the dining hall. And if any man aske me how I know this, I answere, that besides that which I saw when we buried Matthew, the greatest part of the sixe yeares which wee a∣boad in Aethiopia, our Lodging was not farre from the said Monastery, so that I departed often∣times from our house vpon my Mule, and came in the euening to the Monasterie, and for the most part I went to passe the time with the Friers, and principally at their Festiuall times, and [ 20] I learned many things of them concerning their Affaires, Reuenues, Vsages, and Customes. An hundred Friers are commonly in this Monasterie, and the most part of them are very aged, and as dry as a stocke, few of them are young. There are also many little children, of eight yeares old and vpward, which they bring vp, and many of them are Iame and blind. This Monasterie is walled round about, and hath no entrie but by two gates which are alwayes shut.

14. This Monasterie is the head of sixe Monasteries, which stand about the same among these * 1.736 Mountaines, and that which is farthest, is not past nine and twentie or thirtie miles off, and all of them are subiect and yeeld obedience vnto this Monasterie. In euery one of them there is a Dauid, that is to say, a Warden placed by the Abbot or Prouinciall, and that Monasteries which hath a Dauid, that is to say, a Warden is subiect to the Abbot, which is as Pro〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 I al∣wayes [ 30] heard reported, that there were about three thousand Friers in this Monasterie, and be∣cause I doubted much thereof, I came once to their Feast of our Ladie in August, to see how many were assembled there together: and surely, I tooke pleasure when I beheld the riches of this place, in a certaine Procession which they made, and in my iudgement, the Friers were not a∣boue three hundred, and the greatest part of them were old men. I saw a great circuit, which this Monasterie hath about two places, which are like to Cloysters, which circuit is open; but at that time it was all couered ouer with great and small Clothes of Gold, Veluets of Mecca, all long pieces sewed one vnto another, to hang round about that circuit, through which they made a goodly Procession, all clad in Copes of the said Cloth of Gold, but made ill-fauouredly, as I haue said before. They carried fiftie Crosses of Siluer, small and badly made, and as many [ 40] Brazen Censers, when they said Masse I saw a great Chalice of Gold, and a Spoone of Gold, * 1.737 wherewith they gaue the Communion. And of the three hundred which were assembled in this Monastery, there were very few of mine acquaintance: I enquired of certaine of my friends, wherefore seeing so many Friers belonged to this Monastery, as they said, so few were present at so great a Solemnitie: they answered me, that the number was greater then they looked for, because they are diuided in other Monasteries, Churches, and Faires to earne their liuing as long as they be yong: for they cannot be maintayned in the Monastery, but by their owne industrie, and when they are so old that they cannot trauell, they come to end their dayes at this Monaste∣ry. This day I saw seuenteene yong men taken into Orders.

In this Monastery is the buriall of an Abbot or Prouinciall, called Philip, and his workes of * 1.738 [ 50] Holinesse were very great: for they say, that there was once a King or Prete Ianni, which or∣dained that they should not keepe the Saturday holy throughout all his Kingdomes and Domi∣nions. And this Philip repaired immediately vnto him with his Brethren and with many Bookes, and shewed him how God had commanded that the Sabbath Day should bee obserued, and that whosoeuer obserued it not should be stoned. This man disputed this question before all the religious men of Aethiopia, and was commended before the King: and therefore they take him to bee a Saint, and they obserue an Holy-day vnto him euery yeare in the moneth of Iuly, which they call the Fascar of Philip, which sinifieth the Testament or Memorie of Saint Philip. * 1.739 And therefore the Inhabitants of this Countrey and Monasterie are more infected with this Iewish Heresie, then any other part of the Dominions of Prete Ianni, although all of them bee in [ 60] part infected: but these are more then any others. I haue seene them with mine eyes seethe fish on the Sabbath, and bake bread also: and on the Sabbath in this Monastery, they make no fire at * 1.740 all▪ on the Sunday following, they make readie all things needfull for their Dyet, and I came

twiceto this Fascar of Philip, at which times they receiued me with great honour. And at this Feast yearely, they kill many Oxen, and at one of them I saw them kill thirtie, and at another * 1.741 eight and twentie, which were offered by the Inhabitants their Neighbours, for deuotion vnto this Philip, and they giue this flesh raw to all the people, that come to the Fascar without any bread at all. The Friers eate no kind of flesh.

They sent me yearely two great and fat quarters of beefe, with much bread and wine of Ho∣ney, which likewise the Friers drinke not in the Monastery, but when they are abroad with vs * 1.742 Portugals, they drinke wine and eate flesh if they be but one alone, but if they be two, they doe it not, for feare the one of the other. This Monastery and all the rest which are subiect to it, obserue an order, that no women may enter into it, nor shee Mules, nor Kine, nor Hens, nor any [ 10] other beast of the female kind. This I both learned and saw my selfe; for when I came thither a Crosse-bow shoot distant from the Monastery, they came to take my Mule, not suffering mee to come with her to the Monastery, and they sent her to a house of theirs, called Giangargara, where Matthew died. They kill their Kine and Hens, a certaine distance from the Monasterie. I saw but one Cocke in the Monastery with two bels at his legs, without Hennes, and they said, that they kept him to crow at the time of their Mattens. If any women come into the house, they know it, for oftentimes I asked certaine children which were brought vp there, whose Sonnes they were, and they named vnto me, the Friers for their Fathers, and so I know the yong Friers to be called the Sonnes of all the old Friers.

§. III. [ 20]

Of the Husbandry of this Countrey, and how they preserue themselues from wild beasts, and of the Reuenues of the Monasterie. Their departure, strange Riuers, Moun∣taines, Apes: BARNAGASSOES entertainment. Barua. Polyga∣mie, Marriages, Diuorces, Baptisme, and Circumcision. Their Branding, and Burying.

15. THese Friers or those of other Monasteries, their subiects might very well play the [ 30] good Husbandmen, and might cherish vp Trees, Vines, and Orch-yards with * 1.743 their diligence, yet neuerthelesse, they do nothing at all, and the soile is good and fit to bring forth euery thing, as may be gathered by that which is wild and sa∣uage, but they till nought else but fields of Mill, and keepe swarmes of Bees, and as soone as night is come, they goe not once out of their houses, because of the wild beasts which are in that * 1.744 Countrey, and they which keepe their Millet, haue their houses very high from the ground vp∣on Trees, where they lodge in the night. There are about this Monastery, and in the Vallies of these Mountaines, great Heards of Cattell kept by Arabian Moores, which goe fortie or fiftie together with their wiues and children, and the Captaine among them is a Christian, because the Cattell which they keepe, are Christian Gentlemens of the Countrey of Barnagasso. The [ 40] Moores receiue none other wages for their paines, but the Millie and Butter which they get of the Kine, and therewithall they sustaine themselues, their wiues, and their children. Certaine * 1.745 times it chanced vs to lodge neere these Arabians, and they came to know of vs whether wee would buy any Cattell, and offered them vnto vs at a reasonable price. It is reported, that they are all Theeues fauoured by the Lords which are Owners of the Cattell, and that men trauell not among them but in great Carauans.

The Reuenues of this Monastery of the Vision are very great, as I saw and vnderstood. First, * 1.746 this Mountaine whereon this Monastery is seated, containeth thirty miles in compasse, whereon they sow much Millet, Barley, Rye, and Tafi, and of all this they pay a portion vnto the Monastery, and also for the pasturing of their Cattell. In the Vallies of these Mountaines [ 50] are great Townes, and the most part of them belong vnto the Monastery, and within one or two dayes iourney, there are very many and sundry places which belong vnto the Monastery, and they are called, The Gultus of the Monastery, which signifieth, priuiledged places. Don Roderi∣go the Ambassador and I, on a certaine time trauelled towards the Court, departing from this Monasterie fiue dayes iourney at the least, and came to a certaine peopled place, called Zama, where we rested all Saturday and Sunday in a small Village, where there were to the number of * 1.747 twentie Houses. There they told vs that this place belonged vnto the Monastery of the Vision, and that there were one hundred places all belonging to the Monastery, and therewithall shewed vs many of them, and told vs that these one hundred places payed vnto the Monastery euery third yeare, one Horse apiece, which amount to thirtie foure Horses euery yeare. * 1.748 [ 60]

And to vnderstand the same the better, I enquired of the Alicasin, of the Monastery, which signifieth, The Anditour or Steward of the House, because hee receiueth and disbur∣seth * 1.749 all things. And hee told mee that it was true that they payed the said Horses. And I enquired of him why the Monasterie required so many Horses, considering

that they vsed not to ride; he said, That they payed not the Horses, but Kine in their stead, that is to say, Fiftie Kine for one Horse; and this tribute of Horses continued all the time that * 1.750 these places were in the Kings hands, which endowed the Monastery with these iurisdi∣ctions. And afterward the Inhabitants of those Countries compounded with the Monasterie, and changed the payment of Horses into so many Kine: besides which, they payed many o∣ther tributes of corne. This Monastery hath, aboue fifteene daies iourney distant within the Kingdome of Tigrimation, a great Territorie, which is sufficient to make a Dukedome, which is called Adetyeste, which payeth yearely sixtie Horses, and infinite tributes and rents. There goe * 1.751 alwaies vnto this Territorie, aboue one thousand Friers of this Monasterie, because therein are many Churches. Of these Friers some be very good, reuerent, and deuout; and other some as [ 10] bad and euill conditioned. Besides the tribute of the foresaid Horses, which are payed vnto the said Monasterie, are many other places which appertaine onely to the King, which pay tri∣bute of Horses according to their ancient custome; and these are places which frontier vpon the * 1.752 Countrey of Egypt, from whence come good and stately Horses, and other places of the Arabi∣ans, which likewise haue good Horses, but not so good as those of Egypt.

From this Monasterie of Saint Michael, we departed the fifteenth of the moneth of Iune, some went on foote, there were also but few people to carrie our goods, and the Oxen being not able to trauell through the Woods and Thickets, because all the way was rocky and craggy: the Gunners with their Skourers were left behind, and the Barrels of Gun-powder; and they had not trauailed past two miles from the Monasterie, but that the Embassadour and we which [ 20] were in his company ouer-taking them, found all the goods vnladen, and when we could not learne wherefore they had done so, we caused them to lade them againe. Hauing passed ouer * 1.753 these Mountaines, we found certaine dry Riuers, which in Winter time are very great and ter∣rible, that is to say, During the time of the stormes and Thunder; and as soone as the storme and tempest is ouer, suddenly the Riuers become dry, and on both sides of the said Riuers are most high and steepe Mountaines, as sauage as the rest which we passed. Along these Brookes are very mightie Forrests of Trees, which are very faire and tall, but such as we knew not: a∣mong which, vpon the bankes were certaine Palme-trees. Neere one of these Riuers we lodged one night, with very great showers of Raine and Thunder.

17. The day following, we went ouer another high Mountaine, exceeding wilde and sa∣uage, [ 30] so that we could not well trauell ouer the same, neither on our Mules nor on foote. In this Mountaine we found many Beasts of sundry sorts, and an infinite number of Apes in squa∣drons, * 1.754 and commonly they are not seene in all the Mountaine, sauing onely where there is some great rupture and hole, and some Caue; and they went not fewer then two or three * 1.755 hundred together, and where there is any plaine ground aboue those ruptures, they make their abode, and they leaue not any one stone vnremooued, and they digge the earth in such sort, that it seemeth to be ploughed. They are very great, and from the middle vpwards, are hairie like Lyons, and are as big as Weathers. After we had passed this Mountaine, we lodged in a place at the foote thereof, called Calote. From the Monastery whence we departed vnto this * 1.756 place, is about sixteene or eighteene miles. We passed a Riuer of running water, which was [ 40] very cleare.

The next day we said our Masse in the Church of the said place, which is called Saint Mi∣chael, * 1.757 and the house with the furniture thereof, are very poore. In this Church were three married Priests, and other three Zagonari, that is to say, Priests of the Gospell, and three other must be of necessitie, for with a letter number they cannot say Masse. This Sunday we depar∣ted about the Euening-tide, because the people of the Countrey, which were our guides, would haue it so: and from thence we began to trauaile through plaine Countries, sowed and manured after the manner of Portugall: and the Woods which were betweene these manured places, are * 1.758 all of wilde Oliues, exceeding faire without any other Trees. We lodged neere a running Ri∣uer, among many good Villages. [ 50]

18. We came vnto the Towne of Barua, which is about nine miles from the Towne of * 1.759 Calote, the eighteenth of the moneth of Iune: this is the chiefe Towne of the Countrey, and Kingdome of Barnagasso, where his principall Palaces are; which they call Bete-Negus, that is to say, The Houses of the King. The same day that we came thither, Barnagasso departed before we came into the Towne vnto another. Heere we were exceedingly well lodged, ac∣cording to the Countrey, and in great houses, very well furnished in the lower part, and aloft they were flat couered with earth.

The third day after our arriuall there, the Embassadour purposed to visite Barnagasso, who tooke fiue of vs with him in his company, all riding vpon Mules, and wee came to the place where he was about Euening; and from the place whence we departed vnto the Towne where [ 60] Bernagasso remained, was eleuen miles, or thereabout. Being come thither, we lighted before * 1.760 his Palace, neere vnto the Church doore, whereinto we entred and said our Prayers, according to our manner; which ended, we tooke our way toward his Palace, supposing all of vs that we should suddenly be admitted to his speach: but they would not suffer vs to enter in, saying, That

he was a sleepe, where staying a while to speake with him, they tooke no order for vs, but lodged vs in a Goats-coate, wherein hardly we could all stand: for our lodging, in stead of beds, they sent vs two Oxe hides with the haire on them; and for our Supper, they sent vs Bread and Wine of the Countrey in abundance, and one Sheepe.

The day following, wee stayed a great while, looking when they would send for vs to haue audience. At length, we were sent for, and entring into the first Gate, wee found three men like vnto Porters, hauing each of them a staffe in their hands, and when we would haue entred they would not suffer vs, saying, that we should giue them some Pepper, where they kept vs out for a long while. At length, being entred in at the first Gate, wee came to the se∣cond, where we found three other Porters, which seemed to be men of more account, who [ 10] made vs to stand wayting there aboue halfe an houre vpon a little straw, and the Sunne so scor∣ched vs, that we were almost smothered with heate; and we should haue stayed there much lon∣ger, had not the Ambassadour sent him word in choler, either to admit him into his presence, or that he would returne againe vnto his lodging. Then one more honourable then the rest, came and told vs, that we might come in. The said Barnagasso was in a great house in a lower roome, * 1.761 because in those Countries they build no houses with stories; and hee lay vpon a couch, as his manner was, compassed with certaine Curtaines which were very homely: hee had sore eyes, and his wife sate at his head. Here, after due salutations, the Ambassador offered him his physician to cure him: to whom he answered, That he needed no Physician, and that he madeno reckoning of him. Then the Ambassador besought him of his courtesie, to furnish him with meanes for the [ 20] performance of our voyage; Barnagasso replyed, That he could not giue him Mules, and that we must buy them our selues, but that hee would furnish vs with all other things, and would send a son of his with vs, which should accompany vs to the court of Prete Ianni, and so he dismissed vs.

19. Being come forth out of the house where Barnagasso remayned, they caused vs to sit downe vpon certaine Mats spread vpon the ground, whither they brought vs a treene dish full of Barly meale halfe kneaded into dowe, with an horne of Wine made of honey: and because wee were not vsed to eate nor to see such kind of meats, wee would not eate thereof, but af∣ter * 1.762 that we were vsed thereunto, we ate thereof willingly: and so at that time wee rose with∣out eating of ought at all, and returned to our lodging, and straight-way got to horse-backe two houres before noone; and being about two miles on our way, a man came running after vs, which [ 30] prayed vs to stay for him, because the Mother of Barnagasso had sent vs meat, and that she would take it in ill part, if we accepted not thereof, and so we stayed for him, and they brought vs fiue wheaten Loaues very great and good, and one horne of good Wine, which was made of honey. Let no man maruell, in hearing mention of a horne of wine, because the great Lords and Pret•• lanni himselfe, make their Vessels to drinke wine in, of hornes of Oxen: and some hornes there * 1.763 are that contayne fiue and sixe measures. Moreouer, shee sent vs a quantitie of the said meale in dowe; saying, that in that Countrey they take it for a good food. This food is made of parched Barly ground into meale, and they knead it with a little water, and so they eate it. After we had eaten we followed our iourney to the Towne of Barua, where we had left our goods, and where we were lodged. In this Countrey, and in all the Kingdomes and Dominions of Prete Ianni, they [ 40] reckon not by Leagues nor Miles: and if you aske them how farre it is to such a place, they will answere you, if you set forth at Sunne-rising. You shall come thither when the Sunne is there, poin∣ting * 1.764 to the place of the Sunne in the skie: and if you trauell softly, You shall come thither when the Kine be shut up, which is at night: and if the way be long, you shall come thither in one Sam∣bete that is to say, in one weeke. Between these two Townes is a very goodly Countrey, that is to say, very, well manured, and Fields of Wheat, of Millet, of Barly, of Chich-peason, of Lentils, and of many other kinds of graines, which are in that countrey vnknown to vs, to wit, Tafo di guza, and Millet-Zaburre, and this Tafo di guza, is a seed very good and delicate among them, and great∣ly esteemed, because the Wormes eateth not the same, which is wont to deuoure their corne and other Pulse, and it is of long continuance. On both sides of the way, a man may see aboue fiftie [ 50] great Villages which are very well inhabited, and all of them seated in goodly greene fields. Vp∣on the said manured grounds, Herds of wild Kine range vp and downe, fortie, fiftie, and sixtie in a * 1.765 companie, and we Portugals hunted them with great delight, and slue very many of them: for they of the Countrey will take no paines, although they receiue great damage by them in their Corne, but they know not how to kill them.

20. In this Towne of Barua, where we were, and where afterward we aboad a long time, are * 1.766 three hundred houses, and the greatest part of the Inhabitants are Women; for in this Towne is kept, as it were, a Court for many respects. One is, because it is neuer without people belonging to the Court of Prete Ianni; and those which come thither, hauing no Women with them, vse the Women of the Towne as their Concubines. Another is, because here the Court of Barna∣gasso * 1.767 [ 60] is kept, where for the greatest part of the yeere hee maketh his residence, and conti∣nually hath in his stable aboue three hundred Horses, and as many more, which daily come thither, to dispatch their businesse with Barnagasso, in regard of their affaires and suites. And few or none of them will bee without their Concubines; and hence it is that heere

many light young Women settle their abode, which after they be growne old, betake them∣selues to another kind of life: For in this Towne there is a great Market euery Tuesday, where * 1.768 there is three or foure hundred persons met together, and all the old Women and young Lasses carrie Measures in their hands, wherewith they measure in the Market all the Corne and Salt that is sold, and in this sort they earne their liuing. And moreouer, they lodge those that re∣maine in the Towne, and keep the goods which are left vnsold vntill the next Market day, and all things else in like sort. And because there are many women in this town, those which be rich * 1.769 and haue the meanes, take two or three Wiues, neither is it forbidden them by the King nor the Iustice, but onely by the Church; because all such as haue aboue one Wife may not come within the Church, much lesse communicate or receiue any Sacraments of the Church, and are [ 10] held for excommunicate persons.

During the time we abode in this place, a Cousin of mine and my selfe lodged in the house of a man, whose name was Ababitay, which had three Wiues, which were all of our acquain∣tance, * 1.770 and our good friends; and he told me that hee had seuen and thirtie children by them, and that no man had forbid him their company, sauing that the Church admitted him not to the Communion. Before our departure he had dismissed two of them, and held himselfe to one onely; namely, to her which he had last married, and for all this he was restored to all the Sa∣craments, and licensed to come to Church, as though he had neuer had but one Wife. And there∣fore there are many Women in this Towne, because Rich men and Courtiers, take two or three, * 1.771 or more of them, according to their pleasure. Their marriages are very vnstable, for they will be [ 20] diuorced for a small trifle.

I haue seene many of their Women married, and my selfe was present at a certaine marriage, * 1.772 made without the Church, which was celebrated on this manner. In a Court before a house, was placed a Litter or Couch, and they caused the Bridegroome and the Bride to sit downe thereon, and there came three Priests, which beganne to sing with a loud voyce, Haleluia, and thus singing as it were, certaine verses, they went thrise about the said Couch or Litter: after∣ward they cut off a locke of haire from the Bridegroomes crowne, and as much from the same place of the Brides head, bathing the said haires in Wine made of Honey, and the Bridegroomes haires they laid vpon the head of the Bride, and the Brides haires they laid vpon the head of the Bridgroome, in the same places where they were cut off; and vpon the same they cast holy [ 30] Water, and afterward they beganne to make a feast, after the manner of marriages, and at night the said married persons were accompanied home vnto their house. And for the space of one moneth no man entreth into that house, sauing onely one man which is the Bridegroomes God-father, who remaineth all the moneth with them, and the moneth ended hee departeth home. And if the Bride be a Woman of account, it is fiue or sixe moneths before she commeth out of her house, and she weareth continually a blacke veile before her face; and if she be with child before sixe moneths, she layeth off her veile, and if she proueth not with child within sixe moneths space, she layeth it aside.

21 Moreouer, I haue seene Abuna Marco, whom they call their Patriarcke, vse certaine * 1.773 blessings in the Church, that is to say; before the principall gate, where they caused the Bride∣groome [ 40] and the Bride to sit downe on a Litter, about which he went with Incense and a crosse, and comming vnto the said couple, he laid his hand vpon their heads, saying, That they should obserue that which God commanded in the Gospell, and that they should remember that they were no more two, but vnited together in one flesh, and that they ought so to bee in heart and mind, and they stayed there till Masse was done, where, after they had receiued the Com∣munion, hee gaue them his blessing. This I saw done in a Towne called Dara, which is in * 1.774 the Kingdome of Xoa. Another of these marriages I saw in a Village, being in the Parish of Coquete, being a place in the Kingdome of Barnagasso. And when these marriages are made, they are concluded by contract or couenant in this sort: If thou leaue me, or I thee, he which shall be the cause of this diuision, shall pay such or such a penaltie; which penaltie is appointed, accor∣ding to the qualitie of the persons, either in so much Gold or Siluer, or so many Mules, or so [ 50] many Kine or Goates, or so many Cloathes, or so many measures of Corne. And if any man would diuorce himselfe, immediatly he seeketh an occasion wherefore he may doe so: and by * 1.775 these meanes few doe fall into those penalties; and thus they diuorce themselues, as well the Husband as the Wife.

And if any obserue the order of Matrimony, they be the Priests which cannot be diuorced, * 1.776 and also the Husbandmen which loue their Wiues, because they be a great helpe vnto them in keeping of their Cattell, and bringing vp their Children, and in-digging their fields, and wee∣ding of their Corne, and because they find all things needfull made ready, when they come home at night, and therefore by reason of these commodities, they continue married as long as * 1.777 [ 60] they liue. And whereas I haue said, that in their contracts they put downe penalties; The first, Barnagasso, whom hee knew (whose name was Dari) was diuorced from his Wife, and payed for a penaltie one hundred ounces of Gold, which are one thousand Pardai, that is to say; One thousand duckats, and was married to another, and his Wife married vnto a Gentleman, called

Aron, brother to the said Barnagasso, and both these Brethren had Children by this Woman, whom we our selues knew. These are great Lords, and are Brethren to the Mother of Prete Ianni, whom all of vs did very well know, and we Portugals knew also Romana Orgue a noble Lady, the sister of Prete Ianni, which was married vnto a great and noble young Gentleman; and in our time shee was diuorced from this her husband, and was married to a man aboue fortie yeeres of age, a person of great credit in the Court, whose name was Abucher, and his Father had the Title of Cabeata, which is one of the great Lords that remayne in the Court: thus I haue both seene and knowne many of these diuorcements, and I thought good to put downe these, because they fell out among great personages. And whereas I haue said, that Aron tooke to wife the wife of his brother Dori, maruell not awhit thereat, because it is the manner of this [ 10] Countrey, and seemeth not any strange thing, that a brother should lye with his brothers wife, for they say, that the brother rayseth vp seede vnto his brother, as was accustomed. * 1.778

22. Any man may circumcise that listeth, without any ceremonie; onely they say, that-they finde it written in their Books, that God commanded them to be circumcised. And let no man * 1.779 maruell which heareth this, for they circumcise women as well as men, which thing was not v∣sed in the old Law. They baptize in manner following; men children they baptize within * 1.780 fortie dayes, and the female sexe after sixtie, and if they die before, they goe without baptisme. And I often told them, and in sundrie places, that herein they committed a great error, and that they did against the Gospell of our Lord, which saith: That which is borne of the flesh, is flesh; and that which is borne of the Spirit, is Spirit. Whereuuto they answered me very often, that the faith [ 20] of the Mother, and the communion which shee receiued, while shee was with child of them, was sufficient for them. And this Baptisme they minister in the Church as wee doe, but not in * 1.781 the christning Fount, but at the Church-gate with a pot of water, and so they blesse them, and they powre O••le as we doe vpon the top of their fore-heads, and vpon their shoulders; neither * 1.782 doe they vse the Sacrament of the Chrisome, nor the Oile of extreme Vnction. Their forme of Baptisme is not so long as that which is vsed in the Archbishoprick of Bragança, but seemeth to be about the length of that which is vsed in the Church of Rome.

At the time when they wil baptize the Infant with this water, one which is there as a God∣father, * 1.783 taketh the Infant out of the hands of the Midwife which beareth the same, and he taketh it vnder both the armes, and so holdeth it hanging downe, and the Priest which baptizeth it [ 30] hath the pot in his one hand, and sprinckling the water vpon the child with the other hand, hee washeth it, saying the same words that we vse, to wit: I baptize thee in the Name of the Father, and of the Sonne, and of the holy Ghost. They alwayes minister this Sacrament on the Saturday, or on the Sunday, and it is done in the morning at the Masse, and all that they baptize, as well Males as Females, they cause to receiue the Sacrament of the Lords Supper in small quantitie, * 1.784 and by force of water they constraine them to swa low it. Touching this point, I said, that this Communion was very dangerous and nothing necessary. And whereas I haue said, that they powre oile vpon the crowne of the childs head, this is because all the Infants are brought to bee baptized with their heads shauen.

And those markes which wee see certaine Negro slaues to haue on their noses, and betweene their eyes, or on their eye-browes, are not made with fire nor for any token of Christian Reli∣gion, * 1.785 [ 40] but onely for a brauery, with a cold Iron; and they say, that these markes are very beauti∣full to behold. And there are women which are very skilfull in making these markes. And they make them in this sort: they take an head of Garlicke, which is great, cleane washed, and somewhat stale, and they lay it to the eye or to the other part where they will make the marke, and then they cut round about it with a sharpe knife, to wit, about the said head of Garlicke, and then they widen the said cut, and powre vpon it a little waxe; and vpon the waxe they clap a little dowe, and binde it with a cloth, and so bound, they let it alone for one night, and this marke remayneth as long as the partie liues, which seemeth to be made with fire, because the co∣lour [ 50] of that marke is blacker then any part of their bodies.

When any one dyeth, I haue seene them carried, as well persons of Honour, as them of the middle and poorest degree, all after one sort. First, at the time of their death, they are not accu∣stomed * 1.786 to light candles, but after they be dead, they bestow vpon them much censing, and wash them, and then winde their whole bodies in linnen cloth. And if it be a person of Honour, they lay an Oxe-hide ouer the street, spreading it ouer the Litter: and the Priest comming to carry him to the buriall, saith a short seruice, and they take him and carry him to the Church, with a Crosse, a Censer, and holy Water, running as fast as euer they can, so that a man cannot ouer∣take them: and when they are come to Church, they bring not the dead corps into the same, but * 1.787 streight way set him downe at the graue, neither say they any of our seruice for him, that is to say, no seruice for the dead, nor any Psalme of Dauid, nor of Iob. And when I inquired what it [ 60] was which they said, they answered me, that it was all the whole Gospell of Saint Iohn, which being ended, they put the corps into the graue, but first they cense it and sprinkle it with holy water. Neither say they any Dirige or Masse at all for the dead, and much lesse for deuotion of any man liuing, onely they say one Masse a day in euery Church, and euery body which commeth thither receiueth the Communion.

§. IIII.

Of the situation of Barua, the chiefe Towne of the Kingdome of Barnagasso, and of their Houses, and of the wild Beasts, and Fowles. Of his Dominion and Gouernment; of their two Winters, Churches, Church-yards, and Priests marriages: their departure to Timei, and qualitie of that place.

THis Towne of Barua is a very commodious and pleasant place, and standeth vpon a * 1.788 very high Rocke, on the side whereof runneth a Riuer. The Kings houses are built vp∣on the said Rocke, very well made, in forme of a Fortresse: all the rest of the countrey is mightie champion, manured fields, wherein are exceeding many Townes to bee [ 10] seene, and the soile is very fertile to reare vp Cattell, to wit, Oxen, Goates, Sheepe, and many * 1.789 other wild beasts, apt for hunting. Much good fish is in the Riuer, many wild Geese, and wild Duckes; here are likewise great store of wild beasts of all sorts, to wit, wild Oxen, and Hares in great number, so that euery morning we killed twentie or thirtie of them without Dogs, on∣ly with Nets. Partridges there are of three sorts, which differ not from ours, but in their big∣nesse, * 1.790 and in the colour of their feet and beacks; for they are as big as Capons, and of the colour that ours are of, but their feet and beaks are yellow. There are other like Hennes, but their feet and beaks are red. There are also certaine others, in nature like vnto our Partridges, but haue their feet and beaks gray; which although they differ in colour and greatnesse from ours, yet all of them taste like ours, sauing that they are more delicate. Turtles there are without num∣ber, [ 20] * 1.791 which in flying darken the Sunne, and are very fat and good, and likewise Hennes, and wild Geese, and infinite numbers of Quailes, and all sorts of fowles that may bee named or knowne, as Popingayes, and many other kind of birds vnknowne to vs, both great and small, of infinite sorts and colours. There are likewise birds of prey, to wit, royals Eagles, Faulcons, Le∣nards, Sparrow-hawkes, and great store of Girfaulcons, and Faulcons for the Riuers, and Cranes, and of all sorts that may be named.

In the mountaines are wild Swine, Stags, Roes, beasts called Ante, wild Goats, wild Oxen, * 1.792 Lions, Luzerns, Tygres, Foxes, Wolues, Porcupines, and diuers other sorts of knowne and vn∣knowne beasts, and all wild. If any man shall aske mee how it is possible, that there should be so many wild beasts in this Countrey, and fishes in the Riuers, seeing the same is so well peo∣pled: [ 30] I say that no man hunteth, nor fisheth, nor hath any engine or way to take them, nei∣ther * 1.793 delight they to feed vpon them: and therefore it is a very easie matter to goe on hunting, and to kill as much game as a man list, because the beasts and the fowles are not molested by the people: and the wild beasts (as it hath beene told me) hurt no person, yet the people of the * 1.794 Countrey stand in great feare of them. At one time onely, at a place called Camarua, a mile di∣stant from Barua, while a man slept in the night at the gate of his Oxe-cote, with his little son, there came a Lion and killed the said partie, so that no man perceiued it, and hurt not the child at all, but eat the mans nose, and opened his heart. The people of this Towne were greatly a∣mazed hereat, saying, this Lion hath begunne to sauour mans flesh, he will doe much mis∣chiefe, and no man shall escape him: yet (blessed be God) it was not perceiued that hee did [ 40] any more harme; and wee at the same time went often on hunting neere the same place, and neuer found any Lions. Wee found indeed Panthers, Ounces * 1.795, and Tygres, which we hurt not, nor they vs.

24. The authoritie of Barnagasso is in manner following. By his title hee is called a King: for, Nagas signifieth, a King; and Bar, the Sea: and so Bar-nagas signifieth King of the Sea. And when they giue him this gouernment, they giue it him with a Crowne of gold vpon his head, * 1.796 and it is giuen according to the will of Prete Ianni, and lasteth as long as it pleaseth him. For in sixe yeeres space while we remayned there, I saw foure Barnagassos. At our comming into the Countrey, Dori was Barnagasso, and he died of his naturall death, whose Crowne was giuen to * 1.797 his sonne Bidla, a child of ten or twelue yeeres old, which after hee was made Barnagasso, was [ 50] straightway called to the Court of Prete Ianni, whom he depriued of the gouernment, and gaue the same to a noble Lord, called Arraz Annubiata. This man held it two yeeres, and then it was taken from him, and he was made the chiefest Lord of the Court, which in their Language is called, Bettude; and he gaue the gouernment of Barnagasso, to another Lord, named Adibi, a * 1.798 very gentle person, which is now Barnagasso. Vnder his gouernment are many great Lords, which are called Xuus, which signifieth Captaines, and these Xuus are men of great author••••ie. And it is said, that two gouernments of this Land was wont to bee the Kingdome of Queene * 1.799 Candace, which in her time had no other dominion, and shee was the first Christian that this Land had.

Also there are two other Gouernments, to wit; Daffila, and Confila. These border vpon E∣gypt, [ 60] and these Captaines and Lords remaine vpon the Frontiers and haue Trampets carried be∣fore * 1.800 them, which they call Vgardas, which none can haue but such as are great Lords; and all these attend vpon Barnagasso to the warres, when he goeth forth, and wheresoeuer he goeth. He

hath many other Lords vnder him, which are called Arrazes, which signifieth Captains; & one of them we knew, whose name was Arraz Aderao, that is to say, Head of the men at Armes, whereof he had fifteene thousand vnder him, which are called Cauas. And I haue seene the said Arraz Aderao twice at the Court, and both those times walking before the gate of the * 1.801 King, without any shirt, and with a cloth of Silke girt from the middle downwards, and a Li∣ons skin vpon his shoulders, and in his right hand a Dagger, and in his left hand a Target. I as∣ked why so great a person went on that fashion; it was told me, that that was thought to be the most honourable habite that could be imagined, for him that was Arraz di Caual, that is, Head of the men at Armes. And in the very same habite there followed after him twentie or thirtie Foot-men with Daggers and Targets, but alwaies the Arraz marched before.

The said Barnagasso hath other two, namely, Arraz Tagale, and Arraz Iacob, Lords of great [ 10] Countreyes, which I knew, and many other Xuus Captaines, and Lords of other Countreyes, but without any titles of honour; and so he is Lord of many people, and of many Countreyes. And as well he, as the other Lords are subiect vnto Prete Ianni: and he it is that giueth and ta∣keth away their offices, when he seeth good, and it pleaseth him: and to him they pay the Gui∣bre,, that is to say, the Tribute of the Countrey. And all these Lordships are towards the parts of Egypt and of Arabia, from whence come the good Horses, cloth of Gold, and Silks, whereof they pay him tribute; that is to say, all of them pay to Barnagasso, and he payeth it ouer againe * 1.802 to Prete Ianni for himselfe, and for the rest euery yeere, to wit, one hundred and fiftie Horses, and a great quantitie of Silke, and cloth of Gold. They pay likewise great store of Cotton∣cloth of India, for the customes which are gathered in the Hauen of Ercoco. [ 20]

25. The people of this Towne of Barua, and their neighbours round about them haue a cu∣stome * 1.803 to enclose themselues, ten, twelue, or fifteene of them in a Court all walled and strong∣ly enclosed, which Court hath not past one gate, and herein they shut vp their Kine, of which they haue their Milke and Butter: they shut vp likewise their small cattell, as Seepe, Mules, and Asses; and besides the locking vp of their gate in the night, they make fires also at the gate, and place men to watch there, for feare of wild beasts which range about their lodgings. And if they should not take this course, no beast of theirs should escape vndeuoured. And of this Towne of Barua, and the other Townes adioyning, are the men which goe to sowe Millet vnto the Mountaines of the Vision, and they goe thither three moneths before the Geuerall Winter: and the cause why they goe thither, are two: the first is, because they are neere to the Sea, whereby [ 30] all victuals are transported to Mecca, to Ziden, to Toro, and to all Arabia, and India. And ha∣uing many sorts of Corne, they seeke a fit place for the vent thereof. The second cause is, for * 1.804 that in this Countrey there are two Winters, diuided into rainy stormes; neither do the Cornes grow, but with abundance of water: therefore they depart from Barua, and goe to sowe their Corne in the Mountaines of the Vision, where at that time it is Winter, which lasteth all the time of Februarie, March, and Aprill, and the selfe same Winter is in another Countrey, which is vnder the gouernment of Barnagasso, called Lama, distant from the Mountaines of the Vision, at least eight dayes iourney. At this very time also it is Winter in another Countrey, which is * 1.805 called Dobas, being thirtie dayes iourney from this place. And because these seeds of Millet re∣quire [ 40] much raine, therefore these Winters being out of the ordinarie season of the places aboue mentioned, they goe to sowe them where it raineth, and so they make their profit of the two foresaid Winters.

In this Towne of Barua are two very great and goodly Churches, wherein are many Priests, * 1.806 the one fast by the other: one is for the men, called Saint Michael; and the other for the women, called, The Church of the Apostles, that is, of Saint Peter, and Saint Paul. They say that the Church belonging to the men was built by a great Lord that was Barnagasso, who gaue it this priuiledge, that no woman should enter therein, saue the wife of Barnagasso with one maide on∣ly, and that onely when shee went to receiue the Communion; and yet might shee not enter in∣to the Church, for women come not into the Church, but stand at the gate in the circuit before [ 50] the Church, and there they receiue the Communion with the Lay people; and so likewise doe the women in the other Church of the Apostles, which receiue it in the forme aforesaid before the gate. And in the womens Church I haue alwaies seene the wife of Barnagasso goe to com∣municate with the other women, not vsing the priuiledge granted vnto her, to goe to commu∣nicate in the Church of the men.

These two Churches haue the circuit of their Church-yards, which toucheth one another, * 1.807 and are compassed about with high walls, and they make the Sacrament, that is to say, the Bread, for both of them in one house, and both of them say their Masses at one and the selfe same time, and the Priests that serue in one Church doe serue in the other, that is to say, two parts of the Priests in the Church of the men, and the other part in the Church of the women, and being [ 60] thus diuided, they say their Diuine Seruice. These Churches haue no manner of Tithes, onely * 1.808 they haue great possessions which belong vnto the Priests, and they cause them to be tilled and manured, the reuenues whereof are diuided among them, and the Barnagasso alloweth them whatsoeuer is needfull in the Churches, that is to say, Reparations, Ornaments, Waxe, Butter,

Incense, and all things else belonging thereunto. At these Churches are twentie Priests, and ten or twelue Friers continually resident, and I neuer saw Church of Priests where there were * 1.809 not Friers, nor Monasterie of Friers, where there were any Priests, for the Friers are so many, that they couer the World: both in the Monasteries, the Churches on the wares, and in all Markets, and lastly, in all places are Friers.

26. The Priests, marrie with one Wife, and obserue Matrimonie better then the Laytie. They * 1.810 continue alwaies in House with their Wife and children, and if perhaps their Wife die, they marrie no more; and likewise if the Priest die, his Wife marrieth not a second Husband, but she may become a Nunne if she will. And if a married Priest lie with another woman, hee entreth no more into the Church, neither is he partaker of the Reuenues thereof, but becommeth as it * 1.811 [ 10] were, a Lay-man, And this I know to bee true, for I saw a Priest accused before the Patriarke, that he had lien with another woman, and I heard him confesse the fault, and straight way the Patriarke, commanded, that he should neuer carrie Crosse more in his hand, nor come any more into the Church, but should become a Lay-man. And if any Priest being a Widdower doe marrie againe, he becommeth a Lay-man, as it hapned to Abuquer, whom I mentioned before, which being a Widdower was married to Romana Orque, the Sister of Prete Ianni. This man hauing beene a Priest and principall Chaplaine to Prete Ianni, after hee had beene Widdower many yeares marryed againe, and Marke the Patriarke digraded him, and made him become a Lay-man, and he came no more into the Church, but stood at the Church-porch, to receiue the Sa∣crament, as the Lay-people doe.

The Priests Sonnes for the most part become Priests; for in this Countrey no Schooles are vsed * 1.812 [ 20] to teach children to reade or write, neither are there any Schoolemasters: and the Priests teach their children that little which they know, and so they make them Priests, being admitted in∣to Orders by Abura Marke, that is to say, Their Patriarke: for through all Aethiopia there is none other, neither Bishop nor any bodie else that giueth Orders, and Orders are giuen to these * 1.813 Priests, twice in the yeare, as I will hereafter declare, hauing my selfe oftentimes beene present at their taking of Orders. In all these Countries the Church-yards are enclosed with very strong wals, that beasts may not come and digge vp the dead bodies. They vse great reuerence * 1.814 [ 30] to their Churches: and no man is so hardy as to rule on horse-backe by a Church, but lighteth, and walketh on foot, till he be gone a great way beyond the Church, and the Church-yards.

27. We aboad in this Towne of Barua, and could not at the first, for many daies space, get * 1.815 any order for our dispatch: yet at the last, we departed the eight and twentieth of Iune, 1520. being verie glad and well appayed of our dispatch: and the people which carried our stuffe would carrie them but two miles onely from the Towne, saying, that they were not bound to carrie them any farther, because there ended the limits of their Countrey. Beeing thus in the wide fields in the moneth of Iune, and in the depth of the Winter of these Countries with our said goods, and induring most huge raines and showres, the Ambassadour with three of vs in his company returned to Barua, to speake with Barnagasso. He alwaies gaue vs good words but bad [ 40] deeds; yet at last after foure daies he sent for the sa•••• goods.

28. The next day, a Gentleman came thither from Prete Ianni, whom Barnagasso so highly * 1.816 intertained, that he forgot vs, and went forth of the Towne to receiue him as far as a little hill without the Suburbs, accompanied with much people, and the said Barnagasso was naked from the middle vpward. As soone as the Gentleman was come thither, he mounted vp that little hill aboue all the rest, and the first speech that hee vsed was this: The King greets you well; at * 1.817 which words the whole company bowed downe their heads, touching the ground with one of their hands, which is the honour and reuerence that they vse in this Countrey. These words ended, the Ambassage which he brought him from Prete Ianni, followed. After he had ended his speech, Barnagasso clad himselfe in verie rich array, and brought the Gentleman to his Palace. This is the manner of hearing the message which Prete Ianni sendeth, to wit, abroad without [ 50] doores, and on foot; and naked from the Girdle vpward, vntill the same be ended: And if it be an acceptable message from Prete Ianni, he which receiueth it clotheth himselfe; but if the mes∣sage bee sent in dispieasure, then hee which receiueth it abideth still naked, shewing himselfe to bee in disgrace of his Soueraigne. This Barnagasso was Brother to the Mother off Prete Ianni.

After many delayes, the Ambassador prayed him to lend him twelue Mules: he answered, that he could not lend vs them, and that if he would haue them he must buy them; and as we would haue bought them of the Countrey people, which willingly would haue sold them vnto vs, his Seruants came and threatned them, that if they sold vs any they would punish them, and take the Gold from them: for no other money runneth currant in this Countrey. When we sought to buy vs Mules, all the Countrey people refused to sell vs any, saying, That they were afraid [ 60] of Barnagasso, because he himselfe would haue the selling of their Mules. The Custome of all the Realme of Prete Ianni, is, that there is no other coined money currant, but onely Gold, and it * 1.818 passeth from man to man by waight, and the principall waight is an ounce, which maketh ten Pardaos, or ten Cruzados the next is halfe an ounce; and the least money is a dramme, and ten drammes make an ounce; and the value of a dramme is according to a dramme in the Kingdome

of Portugall, or in India. Their Gold differeth in finenesse three quarters of a Ducate, so that one ounce of Gold is sometimes worth but seuen Ducates and a halfe. Moreouer, the said Barnagas∣so had commanded that none but himselfe and his Officers, should keepe any Waights to weigh * 1.819 Gold withall; and whosoeuer would buy and sell must come to intreat them for their Waights, and by this meanes he and his Factors vnderstood to whose hands the Gold came, which Gold afterward he would take from them at his pleasure, as it was told mee by themselues.

29. In this Towne of Barua, there is a Church of our Ladie, which is great, new, and verie well painted, and notably furnished with many Ornaments, and Cloth of Gold, Cloth of Silke, Crimson and Veluet of Mecca, and red Chamblets. In this Church the Seruice is the selfe-same which is vsed in the Church of Barua, before mentioned, sauing that here it is something more [ 10] * 1.820 solemne, because Barnagasso is here resident, and many more Priests, and great numbers of Friers. The Church is gouerned by Priests, and one time while I was there, I saw a Procession made a∣bout * 1.821 the Church in the greatest Circle which is in the Church-yard, wherein were many Priests and Friers, men and women (for in this Church, the women receiue the Commnnion with the Lay-men) in which Procession were the rich Ornaments aforesaid; and they compassed the Church at least thirtie times, singing, as it were, Letanies, and ringing many Basons like vnto Drums and Cymbals.

In this Towne is a great Market, as there is at Barua, and likewise, once a weeke, there is a Market kept in al those places which are head-towns. In these Markets they vse to exchange one * 1.822 thing for another; namely, to giue an Asse for a Cow, and that which is wanting of the worth, is [ 20] supplyed with two or three measures of Corne or Salt. Moreouer, they change Goates for Bread, and for Bread they buy Cloth; and for Cloth, Mules and Kine: but especially they may haue what they will for Salt, for Incense, for Pepper, for Myrrhe, and for small Pearles, all which are things much esteemed and had in price, and make account of them as of Gold, and these runne as currant through all the Kingdomes of Prete Ianni, and of the Gentiles: for euery small thing, they change Hens and Capons. To be short, whatsoeuer a man would buy is here to be had in the Market by exchange, for no money is here currant. Neither vse they many words in their bargaines, but are soone agreed, whereat we greatly maruelled.

The greatest Chapmen in these Markets, are Priests, Friers, and Nunnes. The Friers goe de∣cently apparelled, with their Habit downe to the ground: some weare yellow apparell of [ 30] course Cotton-cloth, others weare Goats-skins drest like Chamois. The Nunnes also weare the like Habit. Moreouer, the Friers weare Cowles, like the Cowles of the Dominican Friers, made of the said skins or of yellow Cotton-cloth, and also weare their haue long. The Nunnes weare neither Cowles nor long haire, but onely a Gowne, and haue all their heads shauen, and haue a thong of Leather tyed strait about their heads, and when they be old, they weare a cer∣taine attire vpon their heads and Veiles ouer the same. They are not inclosed in Monaste∣ries, but dwell in certaine seuerall Townes; and because all the Monasteries are of one order, therefore they are obedient vnto the Monasterie that is next them, from whence they receiue their Habit. These Nunnes enter not into the Church, but doe as other women doe. The number of them is very great, and in a manner, as great as the number of the Friers: they say that some of them are women of a very holy life, Againe, some of them haue children. The [ 40] Habit which the Priests weare, is little differing from the Habit of the people, for it is made all of one Cloth, and they are girded like the common people; their difference is, in that they carrie a Crosse alwaies in their hands, and their heads are alwaies shauen. And contrariwise, the * 1.823 Lay-people weare their Lockes long, and the Priests shaue not their Beards, but the Lay-men are shauen vnder the chinne, and cut off their Mustaches. There are also certaine other Priests, called Debeteras, which is as much to say, as Canons, these are Priests of great Churches, as a man would say, of Cathedrall, or Collegiate Churches: and these men goe very well apparel∣led, so that they well declare what manner of men they bee: and these goe not vp and downe the Markets as the rest doe.

30. The state of this Barnagasso (although he be a great Lord, and hath the title of a King) [ 50] * 1.824 is very poore. Whensoeuer we spake with him, we found him sitting in a Litter couered with a Quilt, the Testerne was of Cotton-cloth, which they call Basuio; it is very good according to that Countrey. There bee some verie deare, and behind the said Litter or Couch, the wall was hanged with foure verie rich Swords, fastned to foure pieces of wood, fastned to the wall, and two great Bookes likewise hanged thereon: before the Litter vpon the ground were spread cer∣taine Mats, on which they sit which come to see him. They sweepe not their Houses very of∣ten. His Wife alwaies sitteth at his elbow vpon a Mat, which is layed at his beds head. Also many people and men of account are alwaies before him, which sit vpon the said Mats. Ouer against him, right before his Litter, stand alwaies foure Horses, one of which is alwaies sadled, [ 60] and the rest are onely couered with Couerings, and there they stand eating.

In all his Houses are two round places inclosed as it were Courts; each circuit hath his gate, * 1.825 and euery gate hath his Porters, with their staues in their hands. In the gate next vnto him stand the principall Porters, and betweene these two gates is alwayes one of his Alicazi, which

signifieth an Auditour or Steward of the House; and he it is that ministreth Iustice when he hath heard both the parties. And if the cause be of great importance, he heareth both the parties till they haue made an end of speaking, then he relateth the whole matter to Barnagasso, and hee himselfe decideth the matter: and if it be but a small matter, and the parties agree together, and the said Alicaxi giue sentence thereof, the cause is so ended. Moreouer, their must needs be there present, a man of honour and account, which by his office, is called Mallagana, which signifieth the Notary of Prete Ianni, at all sentences which Barnagasso or this Alicaxi giueth. And if any of the parties will appeale to Prete Ianni, or vnto his Auditors, in such cases they * 1.826 send vnto him the state of the cause, and by this meanes Prete Ianni vnderstandeth all the com∣plaints of his subiects, as well great as small: and all the Lords of the Dominions of Prete Ian∣ni, [ 10] haue each of them one Alicaxi, and one Mallagana, placed by himselfe, and the Captaines subiect to Barnagasso haue the like.

The great Lords which remaine in the Court of Barnagasso, and others which come vnto * 1.827 him for their affaires, come in this manner. Departing from their houses, they ride vpon a Mule, with seauen or eight men on foote, which goe before him vnto the first gate, and there hee lighteth, if he be a greater Lord, he rideth with seuen, or eight, or ten Mules, his whole com∣pany riding, or with more, according to his quality, and commeth vnto the first gate; and be∣ing come thither, they all alight, and then they go to the second gate, and if peraduenture they cannot get in, they sit there without, as Bees doe in the Sunne, all in a cluster. All these ho∣norable persons, weare Sheepe-skinnes about their necks and shoulders, and those which weare [ 20] Lions, Tygers, or Leopards skinnes, are more honourable, and when they come before Barna∣gasso, they put them off to honour him, as we put off our hats.

While wee were in this Towne of Barua, on a Market day was a great Proclamation * 1.828 made, that Barnagasso would goe to warre against the people of Nubia. The order of this Proclamation was in this wise: One carried a Cloath like a Banner vpon a Iauelin, and another went crying warre against the Nubians, which they say are very farre off in the vtmost Con∣fines of their Countrey, fiue daies iourney towards Egypt, and border vpon the Countries of Canfila and Daffila, as hath beene before mentioned, being subiect to the said Barnagasso. These people of Nubia, are neither Moores, Iewes, nor Christians; but they say at sometimes they * 1.829 were Christians, and that through default of euill Ministers they lost their Faith, and are be∣come [ 30] Iufidels, and without Law.

Moreouer, they told me, that they had slaine one of Barnagasso his Sonnes not long before, for which cause he purposed to goe into those parts, to be auenged of them. And it was told me, that in this Countrey of Nubia, is found abundance of fine Gold, and that vpon the Fron∣tiers * 1.830 thereof, are alwaies foure or fiue hundred Horse-men kept, which are excellent men of Armes, and that their Countrey is very fruitfull, and aboundeth with all sorts of Victuals and Cattell, and it cannot be otherwise; because it lyeth on both sides of the Riuer of Nilus, which passeth farre many miles space through the midst of the same. The Proclamation said, That within fiue daies space, Barnagasso would set forward, but as yet there was no furniture of Weapons prepared: for in that Countrey there is no great store of them, saue onely the Cauas, * 1.831 [ 40] which are the men of Armes, were there present, which carrie a Iauelin, a Target, and a Bow, with store of Arrowes, and persons of more honour weare an arming Sword, and a Iacke of Male, but not many of them. Vpon this occasion of going to warre, Barnagasso begged a Sword of our Embassadour, which gaue him his owne sword which he weare in that expedition, which * 1.832 was very faire and good, and this notwithstanding, with great importunitie he begged another, which he knew that he had, being very well garnished, and very rich, saying; That hee had great need thereof. Our Embassadour being not able to shift him off, was forced to buy one for him among his Company, which had a Veluet skabberd, and the Hilts gilded, and so he gaue it him in exchange for one of his. And in the house where we kept our goods, and where wee lodged, which was without gates: the night following, they robbed vs of two Sallets, and [ 50] one head-piece, you may well thinke, that they pilfered the same vpon occasion of this warre.

31. In this Towne we bought Mules for our iourney, and Barnagasso gaue vs three Ca∣mels, * 1.833 and with much paine wee departed from thence, through the great Thunders, Tem∣pests, and Raines, which terribly troubled vs; for at this season is the fury of Winter, which beginneth about the fifteenth of Iune, little more or lesse, (as we haue said before) and endeth the fifteenth of September, and at the end thereof is their Summer, as it is with vs: and what it taketh of the one, it leaueth of the other. During all this Winter-season in some of these Countries, they trauaile not, but we notwithstanding proceeded on our iourney, because wee knew not the custome of the Countrey, and much lesse the danger whereinto we thrust our selues. And so we set forward on our iourney with part of our goods, because we left the grea∣test [ 60] part at Barua with our Factor, and came to a place called Temei, which is in the Countrey * 1.834 of Maizada, distant from the Towne of Barua whence we came, about twelue miles, wee spent three daies in this iourney, by reason of the cruell Winter and huge raines, our goods which we carried, being spoyled with water.

At this place where we arriued, we found a Xuum, that is to say, A Captaine, whose name was Primo, and hee was one of Barnagasso his Brothers, an honourable person, and of great worth, who vsed vs very courteously. They said, that he was likewise Brother to the Mother of Prete Ianni, and that he had in his Xumeta, or gouernment of the Countrey of Maizada, twen∣tie Townes, and not aboue, because it is the least Shire within the Kingdome of Barnagasso. This town is seated vpon a steepe hill, not of Stone, but all of arable ground, with certaine small Villages thereon; and vpon three sides a man may see the Champaine Countrey, for fortie or * 1.835 fiftie miles about; and on the fourth side, by the space of three miles, beginneth an huge bot∣tome or downe-fall, which the ground maketh toward a great Riuer, neere vnto which a man may behold most goodly champaine fields, all manured and fruitfull, wherein are seated aboue [ 10] one hundred Villages; in so much, that I thinke in no part of the world is any Countrey so well inhabited, nor so full of all sorts of Graine, as this is. Neither doe the raines in Winter any harme thereunto, for this is the best season they can wish for, for at that time the Corne groweth best, and becommeth most beautifull. And I thinke there is no Countrey wherein * 1.836 such abundance of Cattell, as well tame as wilde, may be found, and where a man may catch such store of Wilde-fowle, as in these champaine fields; but of wilde Beasts there, none other sorts but Tygers, Wolues, and Foxes, which also are common in all the Countrey. They eate not many sorts of beasts, as Hogges, Hares, Wilde-Geese, and Ducks, and all because they are * 1.837 not clouen-footed: neither eate they any other kind of Beast, if it chanceth to dye, before it be eaten; and by this meanes so many beasts doe multiply, which neither are molested nor cha∣sed, [ 20] because they haue no Dogges for this purpose. And when we went on Hunting without Dogges, we caught sometimes twentie Hares in our Nets at a time, in the space of an houre, and as many Partridges we droue vnto the snares, as though we had driuen Hens into an house, * 1.838 because they are not very wilde, nor much afraid of men, for as much as they see them all the day long; and in this manner we killed as many of them as we would desire. Those kinds of Beasts which they eate not of, we fed vpon in secret, that they should not report any euill of vs.

§. V. [ 30]

Of the infinite number of Locusts, and of the harme which they do, and how we made a Procession, and the Locusts dyed. The incredible hurts done by them. Of TI∣GREMAHON, MARABON, and of CHARVMA, the Queene of Sheba, and the Eunuch. The rare Buildings and Pillers at Caxumo.

32. IN this Countrey, and in all the Dominions of Prete Ianni, is a very great and horri∣ble plague, which is an innumerable company of Locusts, which eate and con∣sume [ 40] all the Corne and Trees, and the number of these Creatures is so great, as it is * 1.839 incredible, and with their multitude they couer the earth, and fill the ayre in such wise, that it is an hard matter to be able to see the Sunne. And againe, I say, that it is an incre∣dible thing to him which hath not seene it. And if the damage which they doe, were generall * 1.840 through all the Prouinces and Realme of Prete Ianni, they would perish with famine, and it were impossible to inhabite the same, but one yeare they destroy one Prouince. Sometimes in two or three of those Prouinces; and wheresoeuer they goe, the Countrey remaineth more rui∣nate and destroyed, then if it had beene set on fire. These Vermine are as great, as a great Gras∣hopper, and haue yellow wings. We know of their comming a day before, not because wee * 1.841 see them, but we know it by the Sunne, which sheweth his beames of a yellow colour, which [ 50] is a signe that they draw neere the Countrey, and the ground becommeth yellow, through the light which reuerberateth from their wings, whereupon the people become suddenly as dead men, saying; We are vndone, for the Locusts come.

Neither will I omit to declare what I haue seene three times, and the first time was in the Towne of Barua, where we remained three yeares; and here, oftentimes we heard say, Such a Countrey, or such a Realme is destroyed with Locusts. During our abode in this Towne, we saw the signe of the Sunne, and the shadow of the earth, which was all yellow, whereat the peo∣ple were halfe dead for sorrow. The next day, the number of these Vermine which came, was * 1.842 incredible, which to our iudgement, couered foure and twentie miles in compasse, according as we were informed afterward. [ 60]

This plague of God being come vpon vs, the Priests of this place repaired vnto me, besee∣ching mee to giue them some remedy to chase them away; to whom I answered, That I could tell them none other remedie, saue only to pray deuoutly to God, that he would chase them out of the Countrey. And I went my selfe vnto the Embassadour, and told him, that peraduenture

it would doe well to goe on Procession, and to pray to God to deliuer the Countrey, and that * 1.843 it might be that he would heare vs, for his mercies sake. This motion highly pleased the Em∣bassadour.

The next day we assembled the people of the Towne, and all the Priests, and taking a conse∣crated stone and a Crosse, according to our custome, all wee Portugals sung the Letanie, and I commanded those of the towne to cry vnto God like as we did, saying, in their language: Zio Marina Christos, that is, Oh Lord God haue mercy vpon vs. And with this our cry, we went through one field, whereas there grew store of Corne, for the space of one mile, vnto a little hill, and there I caused them to take vp a quantity of these Locusts, and made of them a coniuration, * 1.844 which I carried with me in writing, which I had made the night before, Requiring them charging [ 10] them, and excommunicating them, willing them within three houres space to begin to depart toward the Sea, or toward the Land of the Moores, or toward the desert Mountaines, and to let the Christians * 1.845 alone; and if they obeyed me not, I called and adiured the Fowles of the Heauen, the Beasts of the field, and all the Tempests, to scatter, destroy, and consume their bodies. And for this purpose I tooke a quantitie of these Locusts, and made this Admonition to them which were present, in the name of themselues, and of those which were absent; and so I let them goe, and gaue them libertie. It ples∣sed God to heare vs Sinners; for as we returned homeward, there came so many of them behind vs, that it seemed they would breake our heads, and our shoulders, they strucke vs so hard, that they seemed to be blowes of stones and of staues, and went from this part toward the Sea. The Men, Women, and Children which stayed in the Towne, were gotten vp to the roofes of the [ 20] houses, praising God, because the Locusts began to depart and fly before vs, and part of them followed after vs. In the meane while, arose a great storme and Thunder toward the Sea, which came right against them, which lasteth three houres, with an exceeding great shower and tem∣pest, which filled all the Riuers, and when the water ceased, it was a dreadfull thing to behold * 1.846 the dead Locusts, which we measured to be aboue two fathomes high vpon the bankes of the Riuers, and in some Riuers there were exceeding great Mountaines of them, in such wise, that on the next morning there was not one of them found aliue vpon the ground.

The people of the Townes adioyning, hearing heereof, many men came to make inquiry by what meanes this thing came to passe. The Countrey people said: These Portugals are holy * 1.847 men, and by the power of God haue chased away, and killed the Locusts. Others said, (chiefe∣ly [ 30] the Priests and Friers of the places adioyning) that we were Witches, and that by witch∣craft we had chased the said Vermine, and that thereby also, we were not afraid of Lyons, or of any other wilde beasts. Three daies after this acte, comes vnto vs Xuum or Captaine of a * 1.848 place, called Coiberia, with Men, Priests, and Friers, beseeching vs for Gods sake to helpe them, saying, That they were vndone by the Locusts, and this place was a daies iourney distant to∣wards the Sea.

They came vnto vs at Euentide, and at that instant I and foure Portugals departed with them, we trauailed all night, and came thither an houre after day-breake, where wee found all the people of that place gathered together, with many of the places neere adioyning, and they also were troubled with the Locusts, and suddenly vpon our arriuall, we made our Proces∣sion [ 40] round about the Towne, which is seated vpon an high hill, from whence wee saw many Villages and Townes all yellow with the multitude of Locusts. Hauing ended our Ceremonies, as in the former place we went to dinner, and the people adioyning besought vs instantly to goe to them, promising vnto vs a great rewards. It pleased God, that as soone as euer we had di∣ned, we saw the ground cleane, so that one Locust appeared not in their sight, to their great ad∣miration. When they saw this, not wholly trusting in the Grace of God receiued, they be∣sought vs to goe with them to blesse their fields, for yet they were afraid least they would re∣turne againe.

33. At another time while we were in a Towne, called Albuguna, Prete Ianni sent vs to * 1.849 this Towne, that here we might furnish our selues of victuals, which is in the Kingdome of An∣gote, [ 50] and is distant from the Towne of Barua, where wee abode thirtie daies iourney. When we came hither. I went with the Embassadour Zaga Zabo (which afterward came into Portugall) and fiue Genoueses, to a Towne and a Mountaine, called Agoan, and we trauailed fiue daies iour∣ney * 1.850 through places wholly waste and destroyed, wherein Millet had beene sowen, which had stalkes as great as those which we set in our Vineyards, and we saw them all broken and beaten downe, as if a Tempest had beene there, and this the Locusts did. The Trees were without leaues, and the Barkes of them were all deuoured, and no Grasse was there to be seene, for they had eaten vp all things, and if we had not beene warned and aduised to carrie victuals with vs, we and our Cattell had perished. This Countrey was all couered with Locusts without wings, * 1.851 and they told vs, that those were the seede of them which had eaten vp all, and that as soone [ 60] as their wings were growne, they would seeke after the old ones. And the number of them was so great, that I will not speake of it, because I shall not be beleeued: but this I will say, That I saw Men, Women, and Children, sit as forlorne and dead among these Locusts; and I * 1.852 said vnto them, Why stand yee as dead men, and will not kill these Vermine, to be reuenged of

the mischiefe of which their fathers and mothers haue done vnto you, seeing that those which you shall kill shall neuer be able to doe you more harme? They answered, that they had not the heart to resist the plague which God sent vpon them for their sinnes. And all the people of this Countrey departed, wee found all the wayes full of men and women, trauelling on foot with their children in their armes, and vpon their heads, going into other countries where they might find food, which was a pitifull thing to behold.

While wee abode in the said Signorie of Abuguna, in a place called Aquate, at another * 1.853 time came such an infinite swarme of Locusts, as it is incredible to declare. They began to come about three of the clocke in the after-noone, and ceased not til night, and as they came they ligh∣ted, and the next day in the morning, they began to depart, so that by nine of the clocke there was not one of them left, and the Trees remained without leaues. The same day and houre, [ 10] there came another Squadron of them, and these left neither bough nor Tree vnpilled, and so they continued for the space of fiue dayes, and they said, they were the yong ones which went to seeke the old ones, and they did the like, where wee saw them that were without wings, * 1.854 and the compasse which these Locusts tooke, was nine miles, wherein was neither leaues not barke on the Trees.

This Countrey seemed not to bee burnt vp, but rather to bee couered with Snow, by rea∣son of the whitenesse of the Trees, which were all pilled, so that all the Countrey re∣mayned bare. It pleased God that the Haruests were alreadie gathered in, but wee could not vnderstand whether they went afterward, for they came from the Sea-coast out of the King∣dome of Dancali, which belongeth to the Moores, which are continually in warre, neither could [ 20] * 1.855 we learne where at last they lighted.

34. The next day after our comming to this Towne of Timei, before our goods remayning in Barua, were brought thither our Ambassadour, departed with sixe on Horse-backe in his company, to goe to the Court of Tigremahon, which hath the title of a King, and vnder his Go∣uernment * 1.856 and Iurisdiction, are many great Lords and Townes. The Ambassadour requested him to giue him aide: and while we here stayed two dayes for people to carrie our goods, a Cap∣taine came vnto vs, with many people to carrie the same, and hence wee departed the third of August, with great Thunders and a terrible storme of raine, and trauelled for the space of * 1.857 three miles through manured fields. Then beganne we to descend downward, by a very rough craggie, and steepe wayes, many miles more, and at euening lodged in a Church-yard, where [ 30] wee abode in great feare of Tygres, and maruelled much at the Winter and stormes. De∣parting thence the day next following, wee trauelled through craggie Mountaines full of Woods and Trees without fruit, but very greene and faire, and such as wee knew not, and came vnto a Riuer, which because it was Winter, was swollen and very dangerous to passe, which is callled Marabo: and vpon this Riuer is seated the Towne of Barua, as I haue said before, and it runneth towards Nilus: and this Riuer parteth the Iurisdictions of Barnagasso, * 1.858 and Tigremahon, and from this Riuer vnto the place where we lodged, are about sixe miles, and albeit the Mountaines be craggie and full of Woods, yet are they inhabited with store of peo∣ple, and haue many places manured in them. [ 40]

35. When we were come vnto the Riuer, they which were with vs layed downe our goods, and suddenly we heard on the other side the Riuer a great noise of Drums, and of people. We de∣manded * 1.859 what the matter was, it was told vs that it was a Captaine of Tigremahon, which came to carrie our goods. And hauing passed the Riuer, we found a goodly company which came to meet vs, and they were betweene six or seuen hundred men. Suddenly we saw a great contenti∣on fall out betweene these people, and those which come thither with vs: for they which be∣longed to Tigremahon said, that they were not bound to take charge of the goods vntil they were past the Riuer: and the others said, that they were not bound to carrie them further then the waters side. While they were in this contention, because the Riuer was greatly swollen, they a∣greed * 1.860 all together to transport the goods vpon a raft, and that this should be nothing preiudiciall [ 50] at all, but that, it should remaine free for them as before, and so wee passed the Riuer with our goods. These people trauelled so lastily with our stuffe, that we could not stay them back, with our Mules.

During that little part of the day which remayned, wee trauelld ouer most craggie Moun∣taines, * 1.861 and saw wilde Hogges in diuers Herds, and they were aboue fiftie in a compa∣nie, Partridges innumerable, and other sorts of Birds of diuers colours most beautifull to behold, which couered the Ground and the Trees: and wee were informed, that in these places were all kinds of rauenous beasts, and it cannot bee otherwise, as it seemeth by the terrible Mountaines.

This night wee lodged abroad in the field in places enuironed with people and many fires, [ 60] beeing informed, that they made these fires for feare of wild beasts, and here immediately wee * 1.862 found great difference in the People and in the Soyle, and in the Trees, as also in the qualitie of the Countrey, and in the Traffique of the Inhabitants: and here wee began to trauell ouer cer∣taine Mountains so exceeding high & craggie, that they seemed to touch the Skies, & in regard * 1.863

of their heighth they winded a little at the foote, and all of them were porportionably situate, and they are diuided one from the other, and stretch in length a very great way: and all those which are accessible, although there be great danger in trauelling of them, haue Chappels buil∣ded * 1.864 on the tops of them, and the most part of them are dedicated to our Lady; and on many of the tops of these Hills we saw Chappels, where wee could not imagine how they could ascend vp to build them. We lodged at a place, in the midst of these Mountaynes, called Abafacem, * 1.865 whereon standeth a Church, dedicated to our Lady, very well builded, with an Ally in the midst, mounted higher then the other two, on both sides, and the windowes thereof aboue the other Allies are vnder the middle Roofe, and the whole Church is vaulted; and in all this Coun∣trey wee haue not seene a fairer nor better builded Church then this, which is like vnto those [ 10] Churches of Badie, situate betweene the Riuers of Duore and Minio in Portugall.

Hard by this Church, standeth a mightie, huge, and a goodly Tower, as well for the heighth as the compasse thereof, and for the making of the wall, which seemed to stand as though it would fall; and it is of free stone finely hewed, which seemed well to bee a Princely worke; neither haue wee seene any other the like building, and it is enuironed with most beautifull houses, which are very answerable vnto the same, as well in regard of their walls, as of their Roofes and Lodgings, which seeme to haue belonged to some great Princes. They say that Queene Candaces dwelt in this place, and that her House was not farre from thence, and this is * 1.866 not vnlike to be true. This Towne, Church, and Tower, are seated in the midst of those crag∣gie Mountaynes, in very beautifull and goodly greene fields, all watered with Fountaynes of [ 20] water, which fall from the feet of those Mountaynes, and all these Fountaynes are made of free stone. The Graines which here are watered, are Wheat, Barly, Beanes, Chiches, Lentils, Pea∣son; and all the yeere long they haue Garlicke, and exceeding great Leekes, and Mustard∣seede, and Cresses grow about their houses; and on those Rockes grow great store of a kind of herbe, called Crescioni, and certaine other kindes of herbes which they feed on. In the said Church are very many Priests, very well apparelled, which seeme to be men of vertuous conuersation.

36. We lodged in another Towne, which is named, The houses of Saint Michael, because the Church is called Saint Michael; and comming hither, they would giue vs no lodging, say∣ing, * 1.867 that they were priuiledged and exempted from such kinde of molestation: and because of [ 30] the great raine, we lodged in the circuit of the Church as well as we could, and set vp our Mules in the other circuit, which serueth for a Church-yard, because there was great store of grasse, which was growne very much; by reason of the winter and the showers, which grasse in Portu∣gall, is called Wild Panick and it was very long and high, because it was made lustie by reason of * 1.868 the dead bodies there buried. In this Countrey they vse not to eate but once a day; that is to say, at euen-tide; certaine moneths of the yeere when they doe fast, and so is the custome throughout * 1.869 all the Realme of Prete Ianni: and as they refused to giue vs lodging, so they were slow to giue vs food, in which meane space we were almost dead for hunger. Our Factor seeing this, said, I haue two sodden Hens, if it please you, let vs eate them. The Secretarie and I maruelled much, that he wished vs to eate flesh without bread; howbeit, we were compelled to eate them. Af∣terward [ 40] they seemed so good vnto mee (I thinke by reason of mine extreme hunger) that I would oftentimes eate the like againe, to wit, bread without flesh, and flesh without bread, and bread dipped onely in Salt, Water, or Pepper. And thus by reason of these diuers sorts of dyet, I forgat that, which at the first I so wondred at. Howbeit, in the euening they brought vs meate after their manner, and wee lodged in the foresaid circuits. And because we would be more cleane, we got neere to the place where they vse to receiue the Commu∣nion. Here hauing with vs a candle lighted, the Doues began to flie about the same, which * 1.870 when we perceiued, we ran to shut the gates, because they could escape none other way, and so running vpon them there escaped not one of them, for we tooke them all, euen to the young ones that were in the nest, so that we filled a sacke with them. And this was the cause, [ 50] that at another time, when after certaine yeeres wee returned thither, they gaue vs lodging, that the second time wee should not take all the Doues of their Church, which by that time were replenished anew.

The difference of the people of this Countrey from those of Barnagasso, is, that the men weare certaine aprons two spannes long bound about them, and these are of Cloth, or of tanned Lea∣ther, * 1.871 full of plights, like vnto those which our women weare, which when they stand vp, doe couer their secrets; but when they sit downe, or goe in the wind, they hide nothing. The mar∣ried women were their aprons much shorter, so that all their secrets are seene. Young maides and other vnmarried women, and such as haue no Suters weare girdles of Beades about their [ 60] middles, and about their priuities, which other women weare about their neckes. They weare also many garlands full of Timaquetes, which are a little round kind of fruit of trees, which * 1.872 make a noise like vnto Lupines. And such as can get any small Bells weare them vpon their priuities for a brauerie, and some weare sheep-skins about their neckes, where with they couer but one part of their bodies, and not the other, because they weare them loose, and bound onely * 1.873

about their neckes, with one foot hanging before, and another behind, and with neuer so little mouing of it, a man may see from one side of the bodie to the other, whatsoeuer he listeth. They wash themselues euery day once at the least, and sometimes twice or thrice, and by this meanes they are very cleane, and this manner of attire is for the base people, for the wiues of Gentle∣men and Lords goe all couered. The way which they trauell in this Countrey of Prete Ianni, * 1.874 is this: he which trauelleth from the red Sea, commeth to Barua; and he which commeth from Egypt, arriueth at Suachen, and suddenly turneth his backe to the North, and beginneth to tra∣uell Southward, vntill he come to the gates, called Baba Baxe.

37. Caxumo, is two dayes iourney distant from the Towne of Saint Michael, alwaies tra∣uelling ouer these rough Mountaines, in which place wee abode at another time eight moneths, [ 10] by the commandement of Prete Ianni. This place was in old time, the Citie Chamber, and resi∣dence of the Queene of Saba, whose proper name was Maqueda, and this was shee which * 1.875 brought Camels laden with Gold to Salomon, when he was to build the Temple in Ierusalem. In this Towne is a very noble Church, wherein we found a most ancient Chronicle, written in the Abissine Tongue; in the beginning whereof it was declared, that first it was written in the Hebrew, afterward translated into the Chaldean Tongue, and lastly out of that, into the the A∣bissine Language. And it began in this manner: Queene Maqueda hearing of the great and rich buildings which Salomon had begun at Ierusalem, determined to goe and visite him, and laded certaine Camels with Gold to bestow vpon his work-men. And being come neere to the Citie of Ierusalem, and being to passe a Lake ouer certaine Bridges, suddenly inspired by the holy Ghost, shee lighted, and knee∣ling downe, worshipped the timber of those Bridges, and said: God forbid, that my feet should touch those [ 20] beames on which the Sauiour of the World shall suffer.

38. In this very Towne of Caxumo, was also the chiefe residence of Queene Candaces, whose proper name was Iudith, and from her sprang the beginning of Christianitie in these parts: and from the place where the said Queene was borne vnto Caxumo, are two miles; which is a little Towne, being at this time inhabited with people, which by their trade are Carpenters. The Christian Faith beganne here in this manner. Their bookes in the Abissine Tongue say, (as also is written with vs, in the Acts of the Apostles.) And they say, that the Prophesie was here∣in fulfilled, wherein it is said, that Ethiopia shall stretch out her hands vnto God. And thus they say, that they were first conuerted vnto the Christian Faith, and that the Eunuch returned sud∣denly to Ethiopia with ioy, vnto the house of his Ladie and Mistresse, and conuerted and bap∣tized [ 30] her with all her houshold; for he declared vnto her all which had hapned vnto him by the way, and so the Queene caused all the people of her Kingdome and Dominions to be bapti∣zed, and the Faith began in a Kingdome which is now called Burro, being situate in the Eastern part of the Kingdome of Barnagasso, which is now diuided into two Signiories: and in this Towne of Caxumo, she built an exceeding goodly Church, which was the first, which is said to haue beene made in Ethiopia, and it is called Saint Marie of Sion, because that from Sion, the con∣secrated * 1.876 stone of the Altar was sent; for in these Countreyes they call the Churches by no o∣ther name, but by the Altar-stone, wherein is written the name of the place from whence it was fetched. [ 40]

This Church is very large, and hath fiue allies of sufficient breadth, and very long, made like * 1.877 a Vault, and aboue the Vault is a Tarraz, and vnder the Vault, and on the walls it is painted, and the Church is built of free stone exceeding faire, and ioyned together: it hath seuen Chap∣pels, which are all situate with their shoulders toward the East, and their Altars very well ador∣ned; it hath a Quire like vnto ours, sauing onely that it is so low, that with the top thereof it reacheth onely to the Vault; and there is another Quire built ouer the Vault, but they vse it not. This Church hath a great compasse builded with very great free-stones, as big as the stones wherewith we couer graues, which circuit is enuironed with very great walls, and is vncoue∣red, contrarie to the rest of the Churches of this Countrey. And besides this circuit, it hath ano∣ther as great as the compasse of a Castle or a Towne, within which are goodly houses of one [ 50] storie, and each of them hath Fountaines, which send forth their water through the Ima∣ges of certaine Lions, made of stone of diuers colours. Within this great circuit are two faire Palaces made of diuers stories high, the one on the right hand, the other on the left, which be∣long to the Two Gouernours of the Church; the other houses belong to the Canons and the Friers. Within this great circuit, neere vnto the gate which is next vnto the Church, is a square * 1.878 field of ground at this day lying waste, which in times past was full of houses, wherein in each corner is a square Pillar of free-stone, very high, and c〈…〉〈…〉ningly carued with diuers workes, and in the same are in letters grauen to bee seene, but no 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vnderstands them; neither doth any man know of what Tongue they be, and there are many of these kinds of Epitaphs, and this place is called, Ambacabete, which signifieth, The house of Lions, because in times past Lions [ 60] were kept bound there.

Before the gate of the great circuit is a great Court, wherein groweth a mightie Tree, which * 1.879 is called, The Fig-tree of Pharao; and from the one end to the other are certaine faire Cisterns made of free-stone, well wrought, and well seated, whereunto the Tree doth some harme, one∣ly

where it reacheth vnto them with his roots. Ouer these Cisterns are twelue Seats of stone placed, raised in order one behind the other, as well wrought as if they were of wood, with * 1.880 their feet and seats beneath, and they are not made of one entire stone, but of diuers pieces; which seats (they said) serued for the twelue Auditors or Iudges of the Law, which at this day are resident at the Court of Prete Ianni. Without this circuit are many goodly houses, the like whereof for beautie and greatnesse are not to be seene in all Ethiopia; there are also many goodly Wells of water, adorned with very goodly stones, and likewise in the most part of the houses are antique Images, as of Lions, Dogs, and Birds, and all of them are made of exceeding hard and fine stone. Behind the backe of this mightie Church, is a Lake of springing water at the foot of a little Hill, where at this day the Market is kept, and about the same are many Chaires, wrought in such sort as those are which belong to the circuit. [ 10]

This Towne is situate vpon the entrance of a faire Medow, betweene two small Hills, and the greatest part of this Medow is replenished with most ancient buildings, wherein are many of * 1.881 those Chaires with many Pillars, which haue letters on them, whose Language no man vnder∣standeth; but they are very well ingrauen. At the entrance of the said place are many Ruines of stone, part standing vp, and part ouerthrowne to the ground, which are very high and goodly, with faire antique-worke, whereof one standeth as yet vpright, built vpon another beeing wrought like vnto an Altar-stone, and as it were carued into the same; and this which is built vpon the other is exceeding great, being sixtie foure yards * 1.882 in length, and sixe in breadth, and three in the flankes, and very straight and well wrought, all carued with windowes from the foot to the top, to wit, one window aboue another, and the top of the said stone is like vnto an [ 20] halfe Moone, wherein are fiue nayles in the part which standeth towards the South, nayled in∣to the said stone in forme of a Crosse, the rust of which nayles running downe in rainy weather along the said stone, a spanne distance from the said nayles, seemeth to bee like vnto fresh bloud. This Pillar of stone standing yet so high from the ground toward the South, hath the forme of a gate in it, wrought in the very stone, with a chaine which seemeth to bee lockt, and the stone vpon which this same is seated, is a fathome thicke, and very square, and this stone is also set vpon other great and little stones, wherein I could not discerne how farre this stone entred in∣to them, or whether it went downe into the ground. Neere vnto these are a very great num∣ber of stones, very faire and well wrought, which (as it seemeth) were brought hither to be [ 30] framed in some piece of building, and also those other which were so great, and set vpright. Of these stones, some were fortie fathoms * 1.883 long, and some thirtie, and in the most part of these stones, are very mightie letters ingrauen, which none of the Countrey is able to reade. And among the stones which lie vpon the ground, there are three very great and very fairely wrought, and one of them is broken into three pieces, and euery piece is aboue eight fathoms long, and ten fathoms broad; neere vnto which, are other stones, whereon these should haue beene set.

39. Neere vnto this Towne of Caxumo standeth a little Hill, from whence descendeth a great deale of ground on all sides. A mile distant from the Citie are two houses builded vnder∣neath * 1.884 the ground, wherein a man cannot enter without light. These houses are not made with [ 40] vaults, but are made of very goodly hewen stone, all euen, as well on the sides as ouer the head, and are twelue fathom high, and the said stones are so well couched together, that they seeme to be all one piece, for the ioynts thereof cannot bee discerned. One of these houses is diuided into many roomes. At the entrance of the gates are two holes, wherein they put the post where∣with they fasten the gates. In one of the chambers of this house are two great Arches of foure fathoms long, and one and an halfe broad, and as much in heigth, to wit, the hollownesse with∣in, and albeit they lacked their couer, yet seeme they to haue had one. They say that these were the Chists of the treasure of the Queene of Saba. The other house is somewhat broader, * 1.885 and hath but one chamber and a porch, and from one gate to the other is the distance of a stones cast, and the open field is vpon the top of the houses. In our companie were certaine Genoueses and Catalans, which had beene slaues vnto the Turkes, who sware that they had seene many [ 50] goodly buildings, but that they neuer saw such huge buildings as these of this Towne of Caxu∣mo. And we iudged that Prete Ianni sent vs hither to solace our selues of set purpose, that we should see these kind of buildings, which are farre greater then I haue written.

In this Towne and in the fields thereof, which are wholly in their season sowed with all kind of Corne, when the stormes come with abundance of raine, neither man, woman, nor * 1.886 child, of what age soeuer, stay within the Towne, but goe out to seeke for Gold in the manured fields, which, they say, is discouered by the raine, whereof they find great store; and likewise they goe through all the wayes where the water runneth, turning the earth vp with staues. Hauing heard them speake of so much Gold, I purposed to make a Table, like those which I [ 60] haue seene made in the Towne of Foz de roca in Portugall, and at the Bridge of Muzella, and so I began to wash the earth, and to lay it vpon Tables; but I found no Gold at all: I wot not whether it fell so out, because I knew not how to wash the earth; or else, because I knew not the Gold; or, that there was none at all; but the fame thereof was very great.

They say, that the Church of this Citie is the most ancient Church in all Ethiopia. And it see∣meth * 1.887 to be no lesse, for it is more honoured then the rest, and Diuine Seruice is said therein very solemnely after their manner, and there are in it one hundred and fiftie Debeteres or Canons, and as many Friers. And it hath two principall Gouernours, which in their Language are cal∣led Nebreti, that is to say, Masters of instruction, one of which two is ouer the Canons, and the other ouer the Friers, and these two are lodged in the Palaces which are within the circuit of the Church, and the Nebret of the Canons lodgeth in the Palace on the right hand, and this is the greater and more honorable of the two, and hath authoritie to execute iustice, not only vpon the Canons, but also vpon the Lay-men of the Countrey, and the Nebret of the Friers executeth iu∣stice vpon the Friers only, and both of these haue Trumpetters in their Courts, and others which play vpon certaine Instruments like vnto Drums, and haue exceeding great Reuenues. Besides [ 10] these, there is giuen them daily out of the Countrey a portion of Bread, and a portion of the Countrey-wine, called Mambar, which is giuen vnto them when Masse is ended; and they giue it vnto them in two parts; to wit, one vnto the Friers, and another to the Canons, and this their portion is so great, that seldome the Friers eate any more then this, for this sufficeth them for all the day. And hereof they faile not euery day, except Good-friday; for, on that * 1.888 day they neither eate nor drinke. The Canons receiue not their portion in the circuit of the Church, and seldome times they stay in it, sauing onely when they say Diuine Seruice; as al∣so the Nebrets stay not in their Palaces, saue onely when they giue audience to the peo∣ple: and thus they doe because they bee married, and liue with their wiues and children in [ 20] their houses, which houses be very good, and are without the circuit of the Church, wherein∣to women are not suffered to enter, neither may the Lay-people come into the Churches. But there is another very faire Church, whereunto the Lay-people and women repaire to receiue the Communion.

40. There is an high Mountaine, and small as well at the bottome as at the top, which * 1.889 seemeth to reach vp to Heauen, which hath three hundred steppes to the top, and vpon the same stands a very holy and faire Chappell, which hath about it a circuit of stone, wrought very well, as high as the breast of a man, from whence a man would be afraid to looke downe. The circuit of this Church is so broad, that three may walke in it together in a ranke, and is cal∣led by the name of Abbot Pantaleon, which was a most deuout and holy man, and there lies his [ 30] bodie; and this Church hath great reuenues, and hath in it fiftie Canons all honourable persons, and well apparelled, and their chiefe Gouernour is called, Nebret.

41. From this Citie of Caxumo Westward men trauell toward Nilus, where there are great * 1.890 Cities and Lordships: and they say that toward this part is the Citie of Sabaim, of which the Queene of Saba tooke her name, from whence shee had that blacke wood which shee sent to Sa∣lomon, * 1.891 to polish the works of the Temple. And from this Towne of Caxumo, vnto the begin∣ning of the Townes of Sabaim, are two dayes iourney; and this Signiorie is subiect to the Kingdome of Tigremahon: and the Lord and Captaine of the same is Cousin to Prete Ianni; and it is reported to bee a good and large Sigmorie. Toward the North is a Countrey, called Torrate, all full of Mountaines, toward which within the space of twelue miles, is an high Moun∣taine, which is great at the bottome, on which is a Plaine of two miles long, full of Woods of [ 40] * 1.892 exceeding straight and beautifull Trees, neere vnto which Woods, there is a Monasterie which hath large reuenues, and great number of Monks, which is called, The Monasterie of Alleluiah, and the cause of this name is said to be this, that at the first building thereof, there liued a Frier * 1.893 of most holy life, which spent the most part of the night in prayers, and hauing heard the An∣gels in Heauen sing Alleluiah, Alleluiah, he told the same vnto his Superiour, and thus was this Monasterie called by that name. And as this Frier was very holy and good, so the report is, that * 1.894 they which liue there at this present are as bad and wicked.

About this Hill whereon this Monasterie is seated, are Riuers to be seene, which are dried vp, which run not, but in the time of great tempests & thunders. But now to returne to our voyage, about eight miles distant from Caxumo, is another Monasterie on a Mountaine, which is called, [ 50] * 1.895 The Monasterie of Saint Iohn: and sixe miles beyond this is another, which is called, Abba-Gariman, whom they report to haue beene King of Grecia, and that forsaking his Kingdome and Gouernment, he came hither to doe penance, and here he ended his life deuoutly, and yet, they say, hee doeth many Miracles, and wee were there present on the day of his solemnitie, where wee saw about three thousand persons, some blind, some lame, and some sicke of the French Poxe. [ 60]

§. VI.

Departure from Saint Michael, to a place called Bacinete: Their visiting TIGREMAHON. Of diuers Monasteries, and other places in the way which they passed.

42. WE departed from the Church of Saint Michael, with the people of the Coun∣trey, * 1.896 which carried our stuffe, and came to our lodging in a Towne, called An∣geba, in a Bctenegus, which is an house of the King, wherein before in other * 1.897 [ 10] places we had oftentimes beene lodged, which no body else may vse, but such Noblemen as represent the Kings person, and they vse such reuerence to these houses, that the gates thereof stand alwaies open, and no man dare presume to enter, or to touch them, saue one∣ly when the Gouernour is within, and when he is gone out, they leaue the gates open, and the beds whereon they sleepe, and their prouision to make their fire, and their Kitchin. Departing from this place, we trauailed about fifteene miles, and lodged vpon an high Mountaine, which standeth neere vnto a great Riuer, called Bacinete, and so likewise is the Towne and Territorie called, whereof the Grand-mother of Prete Ianni was then Gouernesse; and at the time when we were there, it was taken from her, because she had done wrong vnto the Inhabitants, and Prete Ianni beareth as great affection and respect vnto his Subiects, as to his Kinsfolkes, and this [ 20] Countrey is subiect to the Kingdome of Tigremahon, and in euery part is very well peopled, and manured in all parts: but especially it is full of fruitfull Mountaines, and Riuers which runne continually towards Nilus. All their habitations are seated and built vpon high places, and out of the way, and this they doe, because of the Trauailers, which take away such things as * 1.898 they haue perforce. They which carried our goods for feare of wilde beasts, made a hedge with Fagots of Thornes very strong, and lay within the same, and we with our Mules, and that night we had no harme.

We departed from Bacinete, and trauailed sixe miles vnto our lodging, vnto a place called Malue, which is compassed with many goodly manured fields, full of Wheate, Barley, and [ 30] Millet, and Pulse of all sorts, the like whereof, so faire and so thicke, we had not seene in any place together. Neere vnto this Towne, is an exceeding high Mountaine, but at the foote not * 1.899 very great, for it is as great in a manner at the top as beneath, because it is as steepe as a Wall or fortresse right vp, all bare without Grasse, or any greene thing; and it is diuided into two parts, to wit, the two outward sides are sharpe, and the midst is plaine, and on one of those sharpe tops, trauailing vp into the same, aboue two miles, there is a Monasterie of Friers of our Ladie, called Abba Mata, and they are men of an holy life. The order of Friers heere, is all one, because through the Realme of Prete Ianni they are all of one order; namely, of the or∣der * 1.900 of Saint Anthonie the Hermite, and out of this order is sprung another, which is called Estefarruz, which is taken rather to be an Hebrew, then a Christian order: and they say, that oftentimes they burne some of them, because there are many heresies among them; namely, [ 40] because they will not worship the Crosses which they themselues make, because all the Priests and Friers carry Crosses in their hands, and the Laity at their neckes: and the cause why they * 1.901 will not worship them, is, because they say, That Crosse is onely to be worshipped, whereon Christ dyed for vs, but that those which they and other men make, are not to be worshipped, because they are the workes of mens hands: and for other like heresies, which they say, hold, and maintaine, they are greatly persecuted. The place where this Abba Mata is, seemeth to be three miles distant from Malue, I would haue gone thither, but I was wished not to goe; for though it be but a daies iourney thither, yet I should be driuen to spend foure daies in the same, and to climbe vp thither vpon my hands and my feete, for otherwise a man cannot come thither. [ 50]

In the midst of this Mountaine, which is as flat as a Table, standeth another Church of our Lady, wherein very great deuotion is vsed; and on another sharpe Mountaine, is another little Church, called Saint Crosses. And beyond these, foure miles and an halfe, there is another Moun∣taine, like vnto that of Abba Mata, and there is another Monasterie, called Saint Iohn. The young Women are much out of order, and if they be twentie, or fiue and twentie yeares of age, they haue their breasts so long, that they reach downe vnto their waste, and this they take for * 1.902 a goodly thing, and they goe naked, and from the girdle vpwards they weare Cordans of Beads for a brauery. Others more in yeares, weare Sheepe-skinnes tyed about their neckes, which couer but one side of their bodies: and because this is the custome of their Countrey, a man is no more ashamed to shew his secrets, then if yee saw his hands and his feete; and this is vsed a∣mong [ 60] * 1.903 the baser sort, for the Gentlewomen are all couered.

Tigremahon, was about two miles distant from this place in a Betenegus, or house of the King. The same day that we came thither, Tigremahon sent for the Embassadour, which went thither with his Company, but when we were come vnto his Palace, it was told vs that he was gone

to the Church with his Wife to receiue the Communion, and this was about halfe an houre past two and twentie * 1.904 of the clocke; for about that time they say Masse in this Countrey, except it be Saturday or Sunday. And we went to meet him as he came from Church with his Wife, who rode vpon two Mules richly furnished, as is requisite for persons of great Estate, and such as are accompanied with men of great Nobilitie.

This Tigremahon is an old man, of a goodly pretence, and his Wife was wholly couered with Blue Cotten-cloath, and that in such sort, that we could see neither her face, nor any other part of her body. When we came neere vnto him, he prayed me to giue him a Crosse which I had in my hand, which he kissed, and gaue vnto his Wife to kisse, and she not vncouering her face, kis∣sed it vpon her veile, and he made vs good cheare, and vsed vs with great courtesie. This man hath a great Court of men and women alwaies with him, and greater furniture then Barnagas∣so [ 10] had.

In this Kingdome Prete Ianni placeth and displaceth, when it seemeth good vnto him, and when he pleaseth, with cause or without cause the Kings, and those which are vnder the Kings, * 1.905 and therefore when they are depriued of their gouernment, they make no shew of melaneholy or sadnesse, and if they take it euill, they keepe it secret. While I was in these parts, I saw great Lords depriued of their States, and they which were placed in their roomes, oftentimes talking and conferring with them as good friends, but God knowes the heart. In this Country, whatsoeuer thing happen vnto them, whether prosperitie or aduersitie, they say, That God sends it. These Lords which are as Kings, pay tribute vnto Prete Ianni, which tribute is in Horses, in Gold, in Silke, in Imbroidered Cloath, and in Cotton-cloath, according to the abili∣tie [ 20] of the Countries. And these Countries are so greatly inhabited and peopled, that their re∣uenues must needs be great, and when the Noblemen liue in the Townes, they liue at the com∣mon charges of the poore people.

After the deliuerie of Presents, Tigremahon suddenly tooke order for the carriage of our goods before denyed, and that through all his Dominions they should furnish vs of Bread, Wine, and Flesh, on free cost. Hauing receiued this newes vpon the ninth of August, we departed, and came to our lodging in certaine small Villages, enclosed as the former, for feare of Tygers. And that night which we lodged there, being about two of the clocke in the night, two men went out of the Towne to goe to a certaine stall of Kine, and on the way they were assaulted by Ty∣gers, * 1.906 [ 30] and one of them was wounded on the leg. It pleased God that we heard them cry, and ran out to succour them, for otherwise they would haue slaine them. In this Country are diuers Vil∣lages, inhabited by Moores, diuided from those of the Christians, who (as they say) pay great * 1.907 tribute of Cloath, of Silke, and of Gold, to the Lords of the Countrey, but they are not put to other troubles which the Christians are put too; and these Moores haue no Church at all, for they will not suffer them to vse any. All these Countries ar fertill, as well in Pasture, as in Wheate, and other Corne.

Neere vnto our lodging was a Church of Saint George, very well gouerned, after the manner * 1.908 of our Churches, it was vaulted, and well painted with their pictures; to wit, with the Apo∣stles, Patriarks, Noah, and Elias, wherein serue ten Priests, and ten Friers. And till wee came hither, we saw no Church gouerned by Priests, without hauing Friers with them, but where [ 40] the Friers be the chiefe, there are no Priests. Three miles distant, is the Monasterie of the Holy * 1.909 Ghost, where the Friers were grieued, because it was Saturday, whereon they might not ga∣ther fruits to giue vnto vs as they desired, and prayed vs to excuse them, and said; They would giue vs such things as they had in the Couert, and so going into the house, they gaue vs dryed Garlick & Limons, and at last prepared for vs in the Refectorie, Cabbages cut in manner of a Sa∣let, and mingled with Garlick. Behind the Towne where we lodged, for the space of six miles, is a Towne called, Agro, wherein Tigremahon hath a Palace, where we were oftentimes lodged, * 1.910 and here is a Church of our Ladie digged out of a Rock by force of mans hand, very well made, with three Iles or Allies, and with pillers hewed out of the said Rocke, and the great Chapell, [ 50] the Vestry, and the Altar, are all likewise of the same Rocke, and the principall Porch, with the Pillers thereof, as though it were made of sundry pieces, it cannot be fairer then it is. In the sides it hath no gate, for on each side is the mightie and terrible Rocke, and it is very plea∣sant to heare them sing Diuine Seruice, for the voyces of them which sing, make a wonderfull resounding.

45. On the thirteenth of August, we departed from this place, where wee rested all Satur∣day * 1.911 and Sunday, and came to a place, called Angugui, where there is a Church like a Bishoppes See, very great and faire with Allies, and with Pillars of stone very faire and well wrought, and it is called Chercos, that is to say, Saint Quirico. The place is very faire vpon a very goodly Ri∣uer: the Inhabitants haue a priuiledge, that none may enter the Towne on horse-backe, but [ 60] onely on Mules.

Bellette, where stands a Betenegus, a very good Lodging. The situation of the place is very pleasant, and hath abundance of good waters, and wee were lodged in the said Palace. During our abode here, there came vnto vs a great Lord, named Robel, beeing Gouernour of a Prouince,

named Balgada, wherof taking his name, he is called Balgada Robel. This Nobleman had with him * 1.912 a great train all on horse-back, and many other Horses and Mules led by hand, which they vse to do for authority and reputation, and there were many Drums in his company: it is said that he is subiect to Tigremahon. And comming to the Palace where our Ambassador was, he sent to request him to come out and speake with him, because he might not enter into the house in Tigremahons absence. The Ambassador hearing this request, sent him word backe againe, that he had trauelled aboue fifteene miles, and that if he would see him or speake with him, he should come into the house, for he would not come forth. Then this Nobleman sent him an Oxe, a Sheepe, a Vessell of Honey as white as Snow, and hard as a stone, and a Horne full of very good Wine. And sent him word, that he would come and see him although the penalties were very dangerous, and * 1.913 [ 10] that he hoped that he should be pardoned of the penaltie, because Christians were lodged in that Betenegus.

As he was come neere vnto the Palace, there fell such store of raine, that hee was constrained to enter into it, and there he talked with the Ambassadour and vs, enquiring of the state of our Voyage, and of our Countries, which till that time he had neuer knowne nor heard off, and then discoursed of the Warres which he made against the Moores, which ioyne vpon his Countries toward the Sea-coast, saying, that he neuer ceased to warre with them, and he gaue a very good Mule for a Rapier to one of our company. The Ambassadour seeing his courtesie, gaue him an Helmet.

And they say, that his gouernment is very great, and that he hath the best commoditie in all Aethiopia, to wit, Salt, which goes currant in stead of mony, as well in the Kingdomes of Prete * 1.914 [ 20] Ianni, as in the Dominions of the Moores and Gentiles, and they say, that it passeth from thence as farre as Congo, vpon the West Sea. And this Salt they digge out of Mountaines, as it is reported, as it were out of Quarries; the length of euery stone is a handfull and an halfe, the breadth foure fingers, the thicknesse three, and so they carie them in little Carts, and vpon beasts backes, like short cliffes of Wood. In the place where they digge this Salt, one hundred or one hundred and twentie of these stones are worth a dramme of Gold, which dram (in my iudge∣ment) is worth three hundred Reais, which are three quarters of a Ducate in Gold. And as soone as it commeth vnto a certaine Faire which is in our way, in a Towne, called Corcora, a * 1.915 dayes iourney distant from the place where the Salt is digged, fiue or sixe stones lesse make a dramme; And so it diminisheth in passing from Faire to Faire. And when it commeth to the [ 30] Court, sixe or seuen stones onely make a dramme: and I haue also seene them in the Winter time buy fiue for a dramme. Great bargaines are made with this Salt, and it is very deere in the Court. They say, by that time it commeth to the Kingdome of Damute, they buy a good slaue * 1.916 for three or foure stones, and passing farther into the Countries of the Moores, they say, that they may buy a slaue for one stone, and in a manner, waight for waight in Gold. Wee found in this way, three or foure hundred beasts in a company, laden with Sale, and as many more emp∣tie which went to fetch Salt, and they said that these belonged to Noblemen, which send thi∣ther euery yeare for their necessarie expenses in the Court, and other twentie or thirtie beasts laden, which belong to driuers of Mules. Also we met men laden with the said Salt, who car∣ried the same from Faire to Faire, which valueth, and runneth currant for money, and whosoe∣uer [ 40] hath it, may haue by way of trucke, whatsoeuer he needeth.

46. Departing from this Betenegus, we lodged in certaine poore and ill-prouided Villages in a Countrey, called Bunace. And the next day wee departed from thence following our stuffe, which was sent before vs, which we found vnladen in the midst of a Medow, which was full of * 1.917 water, and seeing the same so badly conueyed, wee maruelled greatly: and while wee were in this muse, there met vs fiue or sixe riding vpon Mules, hauing tenne or twelue foot-men with them, among whom was a Frier; which comming to the place, caught the Captaine of Tigre∣mahon, * 1.918 who conducted our goods by the haire of the head, and beat him with a Cudgell, where∣vpon all of vs ranne to him to know wherefore hee did so. Our Ambassadour seeing the Cap∣taine so beaten and hardly handled, falling into Choler with the Frier, tooke him by the brest to [ 50] stab him, but I know not whether he hurt him or no, and all of vs likewise came vpon his back. The poore Frier began to speake a little Italian, which George de Breu one of our company vn∣derstood, which if he had not done, it had gone hard with the Frier. When euery one was pa∣cified, the Frier said, that he was come thither by the Commission of Prete Ianni, to see our goods conueyed, and whereas he had beaten him, he did it for the negligence which hee vsed in conueyance of them.

The Ambassadour answered, that it was no time to make any tumult, especially in his pre∣sence, for hee tooke it as if hee had done the same to his owne person. And thus being pa∣cified, the Frier said, that he would goe to Signior Balgada Robel, which dwelt behind vs, and that from thence he would bring vs Mules and Camels to carrie our stuffe, and that wee should * 1.919 [ 60] goe before and stay for him in a Betenegus, halfe a daies iournie distant from this place. This was the same Frier which was afre••ward sent by Prete Ianni, as his Ambassador into Portugal withvs. And so we departed, each man his way, he forward, and we toward the said Betenegus, and that

night we lodged in a little Village, where was a goodly Church, called Saint Quiricus, and that night we feared least we should haue beene deuoured of Tygres. The day following, wee trauel∣led about two miles, and found the Betenegus which the Frier told vs of, which is in a Town, cal∣led Corcora, hauing good Lodgings, and in that place there is a very faire Church, and here wee * 1.920 stayed all Saturday and Sunday, wayting for the Frier vntill the Munday. Eastward of this place, they say, there is a faire and rich Monastery, called Nazareth, which hath great Reuenues and many Friers. And West-ward towards the Riuer of Nilus, they say there are many Mines of Sil∣uer, but they know not how to digge it, nor to take any profit of the same.

§. VII. [ 10]

Departure from Corcora, the pleasant Countrey which wee passed through, and of another Forrest: how the Tygres set vpon vs. Dofarso, the Moores of Dobas: Ancona, Angote; Salt, and Iron Money. Other Monasteries and Churches.

47. ON Tuesday morning, seeing the Frier came not, wee went forward on our iour∣ney along the banke of a passing goodly Riuer, for the space of sixe miles, through a very pleasant and goodly Countrey, and full of greene Herbs, and [ 20] * 1.921 Trees fruitfull and fruitlesse, and on both sides were Ridges of Mountaines ex∣ceeding steepe, which are all sowed with Wheat and Barley, and replenished with wild Oliue Trees, which shew like yong Oliues, for they often cut them, that they may the better sow their Corne. In the midst of this Valley is a passing faire Church of our Ladie, about which are many Houses, Lodgings and Habitations of Priests. There are also infinite abundance of Cy∣presse Trees so tall and great, as it is strange to speake of, and many Thickets of Trees of sundry sorts which we knew not. * 1.922

Neere vnto the principall gate of the Church, was a very goodly and cleere Fountaine, which enuironed the Church, and afterward spread it selfe into a great Champaigne field, which may be watered throughout with the streames thereof, and therefore is sowed euery moneth of the [ 30] * 1.923 yeare, with all kind of Seeds: as Barley, Millet, Lentils, Fitches, * 1.924 Beanes, Chiches, Taffo di Guza, which is very good, and withall other Pulse, which are in this Countrey, and at the ve∣same instant some Seeds are sowen, others are sprung vp in the blade, some are full ripe, some are new cut downe, and some threshed, a thing not seene in our parts of Europe. At the head of this Valley, there is a great ascent, and so craggie a Mountaine, that sixtie miles beyond the same, there is none other passage, and it seemeth verie likely to be so, by the great store of people that alwayes passe that way.

Hauing gotten vp to the top of that Mountaine, wee descended into a goodly Champaigne Countrey, full of all kind of Cornes, which they sow all the yeare long, as that was which I spake of before, and there is a World of Medowes for pasture. This Champaigne and Valley, [ 40] may be in length about sixe miles, and in breadth two, and it hath on euery side high Moun∣taines, * 1.925 and at the foot of euery Mountaine, are many Townes and Churches to bee seene, how∣beit, they be but smal, among which there is one, named Saint Crosses, and another Saint Iohn, and each of them hath twentie Friers. When we had passed this Valley, we beganne to change the soile, and entred into certaine rough Mountaines not very high, but very steepe, the greater part whereof we passed by night, by meanes whereof we lost one another, and the Ambassadour re∣mained * 1.926 with foure onely in his company, and my selfe with fiue, and another of our number, with two, and our stuffe was left in these wild places with one man onely, as it pleaseth God. And in that part where I was, we saw a fire, which because it was night, seemed neere vnto vs, but was aboue three miles distant from vs. And while wee sought to goe that way, there [ 50] followed vs such a sort of Tygres, as was wonderfull, and if we entred into any Thicket, they came so neere vs, that wee might haue thrust them through with a Pike, and none but one in * 1.927 our companie had a Pike, the rest had Rapiers. At length wee concluded, to stay in certaine Corne-fields for our more securitie, and here wee tyed our Mules together, and kept watch and ward all night with our naked Rapiers.

The next day about noone-tyde, wee met with our Ambassadour in a Towne well-peopled, distant from that where we lodged, aboue sixe miles, and it is called Manadeli, which hath one thousand Housholds in it, and the Inhabitants thereof are Moores, Tributaries to Prete Ianni, and * 1.928 among them are fifteene or twentie Families of Christians, which dwell there with their wiues, and take vp the Tributes. Whereas I said before, that wee beganne to change the soile of the [ 60] Countrey, it is to be vnderstood; that vnto this time, which is two monethes space since we be∣gin to trauell, it was alwayes Winter, and when wee entred into the Valleyes betweene these Mountaines, it was not Winter but very hot at that season, and the Countrey is called Dobba, and it was Summer there, and this is one of the Countries, which I spake of before, where I * 1.929

said it was Winter in Februarie, March and Aprill, contrarie to the other. The like is also from the Monastery of Vision vnto the Sea, and in another Countrey of the Realme of Barnagasso' * 1.930 called Carna. These Countries which haue the Winter altered, are very low, and lye vnder the Mountaines: and the length of this Territorie is about fifteene dayes iourney, the breadth is vnknowne, because it entreth into the Countrey of the Moores. The generall and common * 1.931 Winter is from the midst of Iune, to the midst of September. There are very goodly Oxen in this Countrey of Dobba, and in such multitudes that they cannot well be numbred, they are of greater stature then Oxen of any other place. But many miles before wee came to this Towne Manadeli, we met many Christian people in the fields with their Tents set vp, which said vnto vs, that they were come thither to pray to God for water from Heauen for their Catle, which dyed for thirst, and to sow their Millet and their Corne, which had indured great want of * 1.932 [ 10] water. Their Cry and Prayer was this: Zio Marina Christos, which is, Oh, Christ, haue mercie vpon vs.

Now, to returne to this Towne of Manadeli, I say, that there is Traffique vsedas it were in a great Citie, and there are infinite sorts of Merchandize, and a wonderfull number of Merchants, * 1.933 and there be Moores of all Languages, as namely, of Giadra, of Marocco, of Fez, of Bugia, of Tunis, of Turkie, of Rumes, that is to say, White Men of Grecia, * 1.934 Moores of India, which are heere as free Denizens of Ormuz, and of Cairo, which from all the Countries aboue-named, bring Merchandize of all sorts. While we were here, the Moores of the Towne complayned, saying, that Prete Ianni, had taken from them one thousand ounces of Gold perforce, adding, that Ti∣gremahon also, as Lord of the Countrey, sought also to draw his maintenance from them, so that [ 20] they were no longer able to hold out. In this Towne euery Tuesday is a Market.

48. Assoone as the Frier was arriued, wee departed, and the same euening wee went two miles from thence to a Betenegus, seated on a Hill. The next day wee came to a great Towne inhabited by Christians, and contayning one thousand Families, which is called Dofarso. And * 1.935 there is a Church, wherein are aboue one hundred Priests and Friers, and as many Nunnes, which haue no Monasterie, but dwell in priuate houses like Lay-women, sauing, that the Friers dwell alone by themselues in two Courts seperated one from another, wherein are many Cottages of little value. And the number of these Priests, Friers and Monkes is so great, that the rest of the Laytie cannot stand in the Church, for which cause they haue set vp a Tent of Silke before the Church, wherein the Lay-people receiue the Communion: and heere they vse those Solemni∣ties, [ 30] which they cannot in the Church, as sounding of their Drummes and Cymbals, during the time of ministring the Communion. While we lodged here two nights, the Nunnes came and washed our feet, and after they had washed them, dranke off that water, and washed their faces with part of it, saying, that we were holy Christians of Ierusalem.

In this place, the Master of the house said vnto me, that yeare wherein we gather but a smal crop * 1.936 of Corne, sufficeth vs for three yeares. And farther he told me, if it were not for the Locusts and the Tempests which sometimes doe them harme, they would not sow halfe so much Seed as they doe. We saw great Herds of Oxen comming toward the Towne, and those of our company iudged them to be aboue fiftie thousand. The Tongue of this Countrey differeth from the Tongue of the other Countrey which we had passed, for here beginneth the Tongue of the Kingdome of [ 40] Angote, the Towne is called Angotina. * 1.937

In all this Countrey they make bread of all sorts of Graine, namely, of Wheat, Barley, Mil∣let, Chiches, Peason, Fitches of diuers colours, of Beanes, of Lin-seed, and of Taffo di Aguzza. Likewise they make Wine * 1.938 of these Seeds, but the Wine made of Honey is better then any of the rest. This people after the Frier was come vnto vs gaue vs victuals, and defrayed our charges of this kind of bread, by the commandement of Prete Ianni, but we could eat none of it, but that which was made of Wheate, and they brought vs these their victuals out of due season, that is to say, (according to their custome) at Euen-tyde, for they eate but once a day, and that in the Euening, and their Dyet is raw flesh, and a certaine sawce made of the Gall of the Cow, * 1.939 which we could not looke vpon, and much lesse feed vpon, but we ate that little which our slaues [ 50] dressed for vs, and wheaten bread, and so we continued vntill the Frier vnderstanding our Dyet and custome, caused them to send vs flesh, which was rosted and sodden by our slaues, to wit, Hens, Partridges, Mutton, Beefe, and such like.

49. Departing from this Towne, we trauelled through the midst of certaine fields of Millet growing high, and hauing stalkes as bigge as small Canes. Towards the Sea-coast, all the Inhabi∣tants are Moores, called Dobas, and it is no Kingdome, but this Prouince is diuided vnder foure and twentie Captaines, and sometimes the one halfe is in peace, and the other halfe in warre, and the same time while wee were in those Countries, they were all in a manner at continuall warres: yet we saw twelue of them in the Court of Prete Ianni, which came to craue pardon for a new Rebellion moued by them. [ 60]

And when they came neere the Pauilion of Prete Ianni, which liueth alwayes in the field, * 1.940 euery one of these Captaines carried a great stone vpon their heads, laying both their hands vp∣on the same, which Ceremonie is a signe of peace, and of comming to craue mercie. Whom

Prete Ianni curteously receiued, and shewed them good countenance, and they brought with them aboue one hundred Horses, and faire Mules, which they led in their hands, but they came into the Court on foot, with stones on their heads, where they stayed aboue two moneths with∣out their dispatch; and they had daily giuen them Oxen, Sheepe, Honey, and Butter. At length Prete Ianni sent them aboue three hundred miles from their Countrey, namely, into the Kingdome of Damute, with a very great Guard. As soone as the people of these Captaines vn∣derstood, * 1.941 that they were banished into those Countreyes, they rose vp in Armes, and made as many moe new Captaines, beginning to make warre and breake the peace.

This warre and contention (they say) beganne with this Prete Ianni, which now raigneth, * 1.942 more then with his Predecessors, both because these Moores were of ancient time Tributaries [ 10] to the former Prete Ianni, and also because the Ancestors of him, which now raigneth haue al∣waies had fiue or sixe wiues, the daughters of the Moorish Kings, his neighbours; and not the * 1.943 daughters of the Pagan Kings, and also one or two wiues of the Signiories of the said People cal∣led Dobas. If they were of age, and one of the daughters of the King of Dancali, and another of the King of Adel, and another of the King of Adea. And this present Prete, hauing promised to take for wife a daughter of the King of Adea, when hee saw that her fore-teeth were very great, he would none of her; neither would he deliuer her to her father, because shee was now become a Christian, but married her vnto a great Lord of his Court: and they say, that since that time vntill this present day, he would neuer take wiues of this Moorish Kings race; and he married a daughter of a Christian, and would marrie but one wife, saying, that he would liue [ 20] according to the commandement of the Gospell, and still he requireth the tribute, which these Moores are bound to pay him: and they, because they payed it not before, in regard of the marriages which they made with his Predecessors, therefore they will not now pay it to him, and hereupon these warres arise.

These Moores of Dobas are very valiant men, and haue a Law among them, that none of * 1.944 them may marrie, vnlesse he can proue that he hath killed twelue Christians; and for this cause, no man trauelleth alone this way but in Carouan, which they call Nagada, and first one great * 1.945 companie assembleth together, which passeth that way twise a weeke, for one halfe of them goe, and another come, and none of these companies are fewer then one thousand persons with their Captaine; and these Carouans goe from two Faires, to wit, of Manadeli, and Corcora, vn∣to [ 30] Angote; and though they goe in great companies, yet notwithstanding the Moores assault them, and sometimes murther many of them.

50. Departing from hence wee trauelled through the said Plaine along by certaine Moun∣taines, * 1.946 which belong vnto the Christians, all inhabited by these Giannamori: and wee passed ouer certaine Riuers which fall from those Mountaines, hard by which Riuers wee found cer∣taine very shadie places, by reason of the abundance of Willowes which were there, being very pleasant to rest vnder at mid-day, and so we rested a little, because it was exceeding hot, and a very cleere day, and this Riuer had not so much water in it as might driue a Mill, and we stood talking, one part on the one side of the water, and another part on the other; and while wee were thus reasoning, suddenly we heard a great thunder, and it seemed to be farre off, and they told vs, that it was so drie, as sometimes it was wont to bee in India. And being thus out of [ 40] feare of raine or wind, and that the thunder was ceased, wee began to set our stuffe in order, to set forward on our Voyage, and had newly lapped vp a Tent wherein we dined, and Master Iohn * 1.947 going vpward the Riuer about some businesse, began to cry vnto vs, take heed, take heed, and as we turned our selues about, we beheld the water comming as high as a Lance, with exceeding great furie, which carried away part of our goods, and if by good fortune wee had not taken downe our Tent, it had carried the same and vs quite away, and many of vs were constrained to climbe vp into the Willowes. And this furious streame of water came running downe be∣tweene certaine Mountaines, where it had thundred; and it brought downe with it exceeding great stones, and the noise and furie of the water was so great, and the cluttering of the stones which beat one against another, that the Earth trembled, and the Skie seemed to be readie to [ 50] fall. And as it was sudden in comming, so it suddenly passed away; for we passed the same that * 1.948 very day, and we saw a great number of other exceeding great stones, tumbled vpon those stones which were there before, which came downe with the water from those Mountaines. Depar∣ting from hence, wee tooke vp our lodging in certaine poore Cottages; when wee came neere them, we saw our selues constrained to lodge without doores, and that without our supper, and that night about the breake of day, we heard of exceeding great thunders and raines in that Plaine, as it fell out the day before vpon the Mountaines.

51. Wee departed all from this place for want of food. And thus wee trauelled without * 1.949 our stuffe all that day, and came at night vnto a great Riuer, called Sabalette, which endeth the [ 60] Kingdome of Tigremahon, and is the beginning of the Kingdome of Angote. And in a very * 1.950 high Mountaine Westward, out of which this Riuer springeth, is a Church, called Saint Peter of Angote; and they say, it is the chiefe of this Realme, and the Church of the Kings, and that when this Kingdome is newly giuen to any, they goe thither to take possession thereof, and to∣ward

the East, in another exceeding high Mountaine sixe miles out of the way, there is a very great Monasterie with many Friers, whereof we saw nothing but the high Trees which are a∣bout the same, and here endeth, the Countrey of the Moores. And on Saturday, we rested by this Riuer, and on Sunday at night about our first sleepe the Tygres assaulted vs, although wee had * 1.951 made great fires, so that the greatest part of our Mules brake loose for feare. On Tuesday, de∣scending downe from the top of the Mountaines, we came into the way where our stuffe was, neere vnto a Church called, Our Ladie, enuironed wholly with shade of most pleasant and state∣ly Trees, (and here by reason of the heate wee rested about noone) which Church hath many Priests, Friers, and Nuns, and is gouerned by Priests: and the Towne is called, Corcora, of An∣gote. With much trauell we passed that night a very high Mountaine, where sometimes wee [ 10] were faine to goe on foot, and sometimes we were faine to crawle vpon our hands and feet, and hauing passed this bad way on the top of the Mountaine, we found certaine other Mountaines, and Hills, which make valleys, where small streames runne; but among the rest there is one Hill very great, on both sides full of Pastures, and of Corne-fields, wherein all the yeere long * 1.952 they sowe and reape all kind of seeds; for at all times when wee walked that way, we found them at that instant sowing of Corne, and some newly sprouted, and some in grasse, some eared, some ripe, and some cut downe, and that which I speake of Wheat, is also to be vnderstood all * 1.953 kind of Corne and Pulse. In this Countrey they conuay not streames to water the same, be∣cause it aboundeth with Riuers, and is as it were a Marish, and all Countreys which are like vn∣to this, or which may bee watered beare fruit as this doth, that is to say, they are sowed in all [ 20] moneths of the yeere, and yeeld their haruest. This Countrey round about is peopled, and full of Villages, because it is exceeding fat and fruitfull, and in euery Towne there is a Church, which hath about it great store of Trees.

52. On Wednesday the fift of September, we trauelled but a little way, but that we began to descend into a pleasant and wide Valley full of exceeding great Millet, and abundance of Beanes, through the midst whereof passed a great Riuer, the fields on both sides being sowed. And this Riuer is called, The Riuer of Ancona; and in the highest part of this Valley is a beauti∣full * 1.954 Church, called Saint Marie of Ancona, which hath exceeding great reuenues, wherein are many Canons, whose head is called Licanate, and besides the Canons there are many Priests and * 1.955 Friers, and in all great Churches from this place forward, which are called the Kings Churches, [ 30] there are Canons, and their Head is called Licanate. This Church hath two Bells of Iron badly * 1.956 made, and hanging low neere the ground: and in this Countrey wee saw no more but these two. Wee stayed in this place vntill Thursday, for on that day here is kept a great Market, which they call Gabeia. In this Towne, and in all the Kingdome of Angote, Iron runneth cur∣rant for money, which is in fashion of Bullets, and it cannot be wrought so round in any thing, but they breake them as they haue need, and giue ten, eleuen, and twelue, of them for a dram, which dram amounteth to three quarters of a Ducat in gold. Moreouer, Salt in this place run∣neth currant for money, as it doth through all the Countrey, and here they giue sixe or seuen stones of Salt for one piece of this Iron.

Here beginneth towards the West a Countrey called, Bugana, which is a very cold Countrey, by reason of the exceeding high Mountaines which are there, whereupon groweth great store * 1.957 [ 40] of that herbe whereof they make ropes, that is to say, Hempe; whereof at one time I brought a certaine quantitie to certaine Genoueses which were here with vs, who told me, that they had neuer seene any so good, and that it was better then that of Alicante. The food of these Moun∣taines is great store of Barley, and in the Valleys is abundance of Wheat, the fairest that euer I haue seene in any place. The Cattell are small of stature, like those which are in the Coun∣trey of Maia, betweene the Riuers of Minius and Dorius in Portugall. The Lord of this Land is called, Abunaraz; the Countrey is sixe dayes iourney in length, and three in breadth. They say, that after the Land of Caxumo was conuerted vnto the Christian Faith, this was the second, and that the Kings here kept their Court, as the Queenes kept theirs in Caxumo, although the * 1.958 same be barren by reason of the Mountaines. The buildings which I saw, are these: first, in an [ 50] high Mountaine there is an exceeding mightie Caue, wherein is builded a very goodly Mona∣sterie and Church of our Ladie, not so much for the greatnesse thereof, as for the goodly propor∣tion which it hath, which is called, Icono Amelaca, which is as much to say, as, God, be praised. The seat of the Countrey where it is builded, is called Acate. It hath poore reuenues, but ma∣ny * 1.959 Friers and Nuns, the Friers dwell in an Hill aboue the Caue, which Hill is enclosed. They haue but one way to come to their Church. The Nuns dwell beneath in the side of the Caue, and are not enclosed: they till and digge the fields, and sowe them with Barley and Wheat, for the Monasterie affordeth them little sustenance. The faire proportion of this Monasterie cau∣seth it to be inhabited, because it is builded in this great concauitie or caue of the Hill, and it is [ 60] made like a crosse, and is well compassed about, and they may goe on Procession round about it, and all the Friers may goe afront in this circuit, if they were more then they bee; before the gate of which Monasterie there is a place enclosed with a wall, as high as the brimme of the Caue, which is not a Church, and here stand the Nuns to say Diuine Seruice, and here likewise

they receiue the Communion. This Roome for the Nunnes looked toward the South, because the Church standeth East and West; and toward the right side ouer this Caue falleth a Brooke, made of diuers Springs, downe from the Mountayne, which runneth continually, and when it commeth to the top of the Caue, is diuided into three branches; and one falleth right vpon the midst thereof, which is a goodly sight; the other two branches runne in Gutters, made by hand, on both sides of the Caue, and ioyne themselues toward the place of the Nunnes, hard vnto a Wall which stoppeth them, and these branches water their Gardens. The body of this Church hath three Gates, one which is principall, and two on the sides, as though it were builded vpon a Plaine; and because the mouth of the Caue is great, therefore there is light enough.

53. As we departed from this Monasterie or Church before mentioned, trauelling toward [ 10] the West two dayes iourney, there is another great and rich Church, made in another Caue, wherein, to my iudgement, three great Ships with their Masts may stand vp-right, but the en∣trance * 1.960 is no bigger then the space whereby two Carts may enter with their Ladders, and it is sixe good miles to the top of the Mountayne: and I would needs goe thither, for the desire I had to see that Church: but surely, I thought, I should haue died, the way was so hard and rough, but * 1.961 God assisted me, for it was very coole, and I had with me one of my Slaues; which holpe me to goe, and drew me vpward with a cord, and another behind which led our Mules by hand, lest they should fall and cast vs backward. I set forward from the bottome of the Mountayne before day, and could not get vp to the top before noone. The Woods and Trees, which I saw, are of sundrie sorts, which I knew not, sauing store of Broome, whose yellow flowers made a goodly [ 20] shew, and great store of Hempe to make Ropes withall. The Church which is within this Caue, is as great as a Bishops Sea, and hath goodly Allies well adorned and wrought, and all are vaulted; it hath three Chappels exceeding faire and stately adorned. The entrance of this Caue * 1.962 is towards the East, and the Chappels are vaulted towards the same entrance, and when you be passed the third Chappell, there is no light, and they say seruice by candle-light. The Church * 1.963 hath two hundred Canons, and there be no Friers, but it hath a Licanate, and very great Reue∣nues and Possessions, and they liue like honorable Gentlemen, by reason of their wealth; and this Church is called Imbra Christos, that is to say, The way of Christ.

As you enter into this Caue, the said Chappels are right before you: and on the right side are two little Chambers finely painted, which, they say, a King caused to be built, which ended his [ 30] life in that place, and caused the same Church to be builded. As you enter in on the left hand, are three most honorable and stately Tombs, neither haue I seene the like in all Ethiopia, where∣of * 1.964 one is chiefe and very high, and hath fiue steps round about it, and is all ouer-cast with white chalke, which was couered ouer with a great cloth of Gold, and of Veluet of Mecca, to wit, * 1.965 part thereof of Gold, and part of Veluet, and it was so large, that on euery side it touched the ground, which cloth the same day they had layed vpon the said Tombe, because it was a festiuall day: and this was the Tombe of that King which dwelt there, whose name was Abraham. The rest are like vnto this same, sauing that the one hath three and the other hath foure steps, all of them are in the midst of the said Caue. The greatest is the Tombe of a Patriarke, which came from Ierusalem, to visite the said King for his holinesse, and after his death was buried [ 40] * 1.966 here. The least is a Daughters of the said King, who, they say, was aboue fortie yeeres a Priest of the Masse, which euery day did minister the same, which thing I found written in a Booke of this Church, wherein the life of this King was recorded. Among other miracles, they say, that * 1.967 when he ministred the Communion, the Angels brought him Bread and Wine, and in the be∣ginning of the Booke, the King is painted like a Priest apparelled at the Altar, and it seemeth that one hand reacheth out of a Window, with an Host and with a Chalice of Wine, and after * 1.968 the same sort he is painted in the greatest Chappell.

When I came to the top I found a quarrie of the like blacke stones, and the place where∣hence they were digged, and I was much astonied, considering how so many of them should bee digged vp by them of so hard a graine, which haue no kinde of meanes nor skill to cut and polish [ 50] them. In the same Booke was also written, that the said King neuer tooke money nor Tribute of his Subiects, and if they brought him any, he caused the same to be distributed to the poore, and maintaine himselfe of the Reuenues of his Lands, which he caused to be tilled. Likewise, * 1.969 that it was reuealed vnto him, that if he would keepe his Kingdom in quiet, all his sonnes should be shut vp, sauing his first borne, as hereafter shall be declared. This day being the day of his Feast, I was desirous to goe to the said Church to see, if that which was told mee were true: and I saw twentie thousand persons, who all come thither for deuotion, and to receiue the * 1.970 Communion; and this Feast was kept vpon the Sunday, and they said Masse very early, and Masse being said, they began to giue the Communion in all three Porches of the Church, and it continued vntill the Aue Maria, which thing I saw, for I was there from the beginning, and [ 60] afterward going to dinner, I returned, and found that it continued vntill that houre.

§. VIII.

Of the stately buildings of the Churches which are in the Countries of ABVGANA, which King LVLIEELLA made, and of his Tombe in the Church of Golgota. ANGOTERAZ his entertainment.

54. A Dayes iourney distant from this Church, are such kind of building, that in my iudgement, I beleeue, the like are not to be found in all the World, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 are Churches all hewen in free-stone out of sort Mountaynes, very well wrought: [ 10] and the names of the Churches, are these: Emanuel, Saint S〈…〉〈…〉our, Saint Mary, * 1.971 Holy Crosse, Saint George, Golgota, Bethlehem; M••••corius; and The Marty••. And the principal, is called Lulibolla: and they say, that this was the name of a King of this Countrey, which * 1.972 reigned before Abraham the aforesaid King, about eightie yeeres, and caused the said building to be erected. His Sepulture is not in the Church of his name, but in that of Golgota, which is of lesse capacitie, being wholly he wen out of a mayne Rocke, being one hundred and twentie spannes in length, and sixtie in breadth, the Roofe is built vpon fiue Pillars, two on each side, * 1.973 and one in the midst, as it were, in a square, which Roofe is flat and smooth as the floore be∣neath; on both sides it is well wrought, the Windowes and Gates are most excellently engra∣uen, so cunningly, that no Siluer-smith could make them more faire. The Kings Tombe is like [ 20] vnto the Sepulchre of Saint Iames of Galicia, in Compostella. This Church hath another body vnderneath it, hewen out of stone, as bigge as all the floore aboue, and of the heighth of a Speare or Launce. The Kings Tombe is directly before the Altar of the vpper Church: In the floore whereof is the entrie to goe downe beneath, which is shut with a stone, made like vnto a Graue∣stone, layed in very euen and closely, but no man goeth into it, because (mee thinkes) the said stone cannot be remooued, which stone is bored through the midst, with a hole that passeth quite through, of three handfulls wide, wherein the Pilgrimes (which in exceeding great number come thither for deuotion) doe put their hands, and say, that there are seene many * 1.974 miracles.

About this Church is a way like a Cloyster, but fiue steps lower then the Church, wherein [ 30] toward the East are three Windowes, which giue light to the Church that is beneath, which Windowes are as high as the floore of the vpper Church, which is higher then that Way or Cloyster, by as much as the fiue steps doe contayne, and if you looke through the said Win∣dowes, you may see the said Tombe placed right before the Altar, as I haue said. Before the great Chappell is a Tombe hewen out of the same stone which the Church is of, and they say, it is like vnto the Tombe of Christ in Ierusalem, whereunto they doe great honour and reue∣rence: * 1.975 and in the same stone, on the right hand, are two Images carued and engrauen out of the same stone, so well made that they seeme to haue life: one is of Saint Iohn, and the other of Saint Peter, which they shewed me as a rare thing, and I tooke great delight to behold them, whereunto they doe great reuerence. [ 40]

This Church hath also on the left hand a Chappell, made after their manner, which seemeth to be a Church, because it hath Allies. It hath sixe Pillars about it, cut out of the same Rocke, * 1.976 well and finely made; and the middle Ally is very well arched or vaulted. The Gates and Windowes are very well wrought, to wit, the principall Gate, and one side-gate, for the other serueth for the great Church. This Chappell is as long as it is broad, to wit, two and fiftie spans euery way; and on the right side, it hath hard vnto it another small Chappell very high, but nar∣row, after the manner of a Bell, with very faire Windowes: and the said small Chappell is sixe and thirtie spannes high, and twelue broad. All the Altars of the said Churches haue their clothes of silke, and their Pillars made out of the said Rocke. There is about the Church a very great circuit, hewen out of the selfe same Rocke of the Mountayne by force of Maso••••ie, which [ 50] is square, and all the walls thereof haue holes in them, as bigge as a Cube, and all these holes are * 1.977 stopped with small stones, and they are burials, for a man may see that they are but newly stop∣ped. The entrance of the circuit is thirteene spannes deepe beneath the Mountaine, and all made by force of Masonrie.

55. The Church of Saint Sauiour, is hewen out of a Rocke of a great Mountaine, the body of * 1.978 the Church is two hundred spans long, and one hundred and twentie broad, and it hath fiue Iles, and euery Ile hath seuen pillers, which are square, &c.

The open circuit of the Church which is the Cloyster, is all hewen out of the same Rocke, * 1.979 and is sixtie spans broad in euery part, and in the front of the principall Porch, it is one hun∣dred fathome wide, and aboue the Church, where it should be couered, where nine great Arches [ 60] stand on each side, they all reach from the top vnto the ground, where the Tombes are on each side, placed like those in the other Church. The entry to passe into the circuit or Cloyster of * 1.980 the said Church, is hewen vnder the Rocke, the space of eightie spans, wrought artificially, so broad, that ten men may goe side by side, and is a Lance high, and it ascendeth by little and lit∣tle.

This way or entry hath foure holes aloft, which giue light vnto the passage. And on the * 1.981 top of this Mountaine, round about the Church, is a champaine field, wherein they sow Barley, and there are also many dwelling houses.

I take God to witnesse, in whose hands I am, that all that I haue written is most true, with∣out adding any thing thereunto: for hauing heard report of the maruels of these Churches, I would needs goe thither twice, to see them and describe them, so great was my desire to make the excellency of them knowne vnto the world.

This place is seated on the side of a Mountaine, and to go vp to the top thereof is a very great ascent, which I thinke cannot be performed in a day and a halfe, such is the height thereof, and yet notwithstanding, aboue the same, there seemeth to be another Mountaine, and that this hill [ 10] is separated from the other. And to goe downe from this place into the plaine, is about fifteene miles space, and in the way are mightie fields, which seeme to continue a good daies iourney and more, all which stretch toward the Riuer Nilus, wherein are as great store of habitations as in the Towne of Caxumo, built exceeding stately with square stones, for here they say, the Kings were wont to haue their dwellings: and that the worke of these Churches cut into the hils, was made by Gibetes, that is to say, White men: for they know well, that themselues can∣not turne their hands to make any such worke: and that the first King which caused them to * 1.982 be made, was called Balibela, which signifieth a Miracle: because at his birth he was couered with Bees, which made him cleane, without doing him any hurt: and he was the Sonne of the Sister of a King, which King dyed without heire, and therefore his Nephew was made King, [ 20] and that he was a Saint; and their deuotion is so great, that all Ethiopia hath concourse hither, and here they see very many miracles.

This Signiory of Abugana, where these buildings are, before our departure the Prete I〈…〉〈…〉i bestowed vpon the Frier, which afterward came with vs as Embassadour into Portugall: and * 1.983 therefore I say, that I was twice to view these Churches and buildings; and the second time that I came thither, was when the Embassadour came to take possession of the same Lordship. During whose aboade in that place, there came thither two Calacenes, that is, Messages or Com∣mandements of the King, and they told the said Embassadour or Captaine, that the Prete Ianni sent him word, that he should send him certaine tributes, which his Predecessour ought to haue paied him; which was one hundred and fiftie, Oxen for the Plough, thirtie Dogges, thirtie [ 30] * 1.984 Ianelins, and thirtie Targets. He answered them, that hee would see what goods there remai∣ned of his Predecessour, and that he would pay it all very willingly, although he found none at all.

Returning now vnto our Voyage, we departed from the Church and faire of Ancona, and * 1.985 hauing trauailed nine miles, we came with our goods to certaine Villages, where they would not lodge vs, saying; That they were places which belonged to the Mother of Prete Ianni, and were subiect to no body else but to her. And they would haue beaten the Frier which guided * 1.986 vs. They basted well a Seruant of his. Leauing our stuffe here, wee came to our lodging at a place called Ingabela, which is great, and replenished with goodly houses, and situate vpon a lit∣tle * 1.987 hill, in the midst of a field, enuironed round about with Mountaines, at the bottome of which Mountaines there are so many peopled Townes, that I haue not seene the like in any [ 40] place; there are also great store of Fountaines and Brookes, which runne downe on euery side, which water a great part of the Countrey, which is called Olaby. And while we were heere, * 1.988 I saw them building a most beautifull Church, wee found heere exceeding great abundance of Hennes, whereof we might haue had an infinite number in exchange, of a few Graines of Pep∣per, so small account they make of Hennes, and so highly they esteeme of Pepper. In this place were infinite store of Limons, Citrons, and Orenges. We abode here Saturday and Sunday, on * 1.989 which day the Tygres assailed vs, and we could not so well defend our selues, but they deuoured an Asse of ours.

56. On Thursday, the foureteenth of September, we went with our goods to a dry Riuer, three miles off where the Lord of this Kingdome of Angote had his residence, which is called Ange∣teraz. [ 50] Before we came thither, we saw much people assembled together, and we supposed that * 1.990 they were assembled to carrie our goods: but they came to doe vs small pleasure, for they enclo∣sed vs betweene them, getting vp into three small hils, and we were in the bottome, and vpon euery top of the said hils, were about two hundred persons assembled, the greatest part with * 1.991 slings to fling stones, the rest flung at vs with their hands, so that the number of the stones was such, as it seemed to raine stones, and we stood in great feare of our liues. And all of vs which were in company with the Frier, were aboue fortie persons; to wit, the Captaines which waighted vpon him, with certaine of their Men, and some of our Slaues; and all saue my selfe, and a young man which was with vs, which was sicke of the Measels, were very shrewdly [ 60] stoned and wounded: but God of his Grace vouchsafed to preserue him and me. They tooke some of vs also Prisoners, and wee which fled in the Euening, came to our lodging where our stuffe was, without our Suppers.

On Saturday Angoteraz sent for vs to his house, where at our entrance wee found no hinde∣rance

at all of guard, but entred freely, and found him with his Wife, and certaine of his famili∣ar friends, and he gaue vs good intertainment as well in countenance as in speach. Foure Iarres of excellent Wine made of Hony were standing by him, and by euery ••arre was set a Cup of Crystall-Glasse, and so we began to drinke, and his Wife and two other Women in the compa∣ny * 1.992 inuited vs.

On Sunday next wee went to Church, where we found Angoteraz, which came to meete vs with great courtesie, and then he beganne to speake of matters concerning our Faith, and * 1.993 called vnto him two Friers, besides the Interpreter and the Frier that conducted vs; And his first question was, Where Christ was borne, and which way he went, when he went into Egypt, and how many yeares he abode there, and how old he was when our Lady lost him, and found him in the Temple, and where he made of Water, Wine. It pleased God to helpe me, so that [ 10] I answered him according to the truth, better then I knew. The Interpreter told me, that the Frier which guided vs, informed the other two Friers, that I was a man that vnderstood much, vpon which speaches they fell downe vpon the ground, and whither I would or no, would needs kisse my feet, & Angoteraz embraced me, and kissed me on the face, who, as I was informed after∣wards, * 1.994 is one of the best, and most learned Priests in all Ethiopia: and at our returne, wee saw him honoured with the Title of Barnagasso. Afterward, he desired vs to heare Masse with them, which being ended, he inuited vs to dinner, but the Embassadour hauing vnderstood before hand what meate they would set before vs, thought good to send for our owne dinner, which * 1.995 was certaine fat rosted Hens, and fat Beefe, and fresh Fish.

The house where we dined, was great, and made with earth, which is (as wee haue said) a [ 20] Betenegus. Before the bed, whereat Angoteraz sate, many Mats were spread vpon the ground, and he came downe from his bed and sate downe vpon them, where many skins of blacke sheepe were spread, and two great platters of exceeding white wood, with low brims, like those which we vse to picke Wheate in, which they call Ganetus, and they were very faire, great, and large, with a brim of two fingers broad, the greatest was about eighteene spans in com∣passe, and the lesser foureteene, and these be the Tables of great Lords. And heere wee sate round about with the said Angoteraz: we had water brought vs, and washed our hands, but they brought vs no Towell to dry them with, much lesse to set our bread vpon: but in the said plat∣ters were loaues brought, made of sundry sorts of Corne, to wit, of Wheate, of Barley, of Mil∣let, * 1.996 of Fitches, and of Taffo. Before we beganne to eate, Angoteraz commanded one to bring [ 30] him a great piece of the coursest bread, and with his owne hand laying a piece of raw Beefe vp∣on the same, he sent it to the poore which stood without the gate, waiting for an almes. Wee indeed said Grace after our manner, whereat he seemed to take great delight.

Then came there in the Imbandigioni, whereof I dare not in a manner speake, but yet they * 1.997 are ordinary dishes in that Countrey, and these were their sauces or broaths, wherein were cer∣tain pieces of raw flesh with warme bloud, which in this Country is esteemed for a most delicate dish, and none but great personages eate thereof. These sauces were brought in certaine little dishes, very finely made of blacke earth, and they strewed vpon them certaine crums of bread, and alwaies powred butter vpon them. We would not taste at any hand of these their meats, but fed of that, which our Ambassadour had caused to be brought for vs, as I said before. And like as [ 40] we could not eate of their meats, so neither would they taste of ours. But as for their wine, in truth it walked about with great furie, and the wife of Angoteraz dined hard by vs, vpon such a Table as we vsed, and we sent vnto her of our meats, and we could not see whether she tasted thereof, because there was a Curtaine betweene her and vs, but in drinking she brauely seconded vs. After al other dishes, a breast of Raw Beefe was brought to the boord, which we did not once touch, but Angoteraz fed thereof, as if he had eaten Marchpane or Comfits after dinner. After * 1.998 we had dined, and giuen thankes vnto Angoteraz, we returned home vnto our lodging.

57. On Munday morning, we went to take our leaue of Angoteraz, & the Frier led vs through a mightie thicke Wood, so that we knew not whither we went, but wee came to the place where we were stoned: and hither he would needs goe to see Iustice done. We were eight vp∣on [ 50] Mules, and fifteene on foote, and comes to our lodging in the house of one of them, which were the principall that made the assault, and we found them all fled vnto a Mountaine neere ad∣ioyning, but there was good prouision for our selues, and for our Males. This night the Frier returned, and brought with him a couple of Mules, one Oxe, and eight pieces of Cloath, which they had giuen him, in recompense of the blood which they had shed. And the Iustice vsed in this Countrey, is to take the goods of Malefactors; as namely, their Oxen, and their Mules. These places are called, Angua, and Mastano, and belong to the Patriarke Abuna Marke.

Heere we began to enter into a pleasant and delectable Countrey, lying among very high Mountaines, but infinitely peopled, at the foote thereof, with great Townes, and very Noble * 1.999 [ 60] Churches, which was tilled and sowed with all kind of Corne. Here we saw infinite store of In∣dian Figges, Limons, Orenges, and Citrons, without number, and Pastures with an incredible multitude of Cattle. And because I trauailed another time this way with the foresaid Frier,

which then was called the Embassadour, and stayed a Saturday and a Sunday, in the house of an honourable Canon, and euery day went to Church with him, where wee saw very great num∣ber of Canons, We asked him, how many Canons there were in all; He told vs, aboue eight * 1.1000 hundred. We inquired farther, what reuenues they had? He told vs, very little among so ma∣ny: We replyed vnto him, Why are you so many, seeing your reuenue is so small? He answe∣red vs, that at the beginning when these Churches were first founded, they were not many, but that in processe of time they were increased: because that all the sonnes of the Canons, as many as doe descend of them, become all Canons: and this custome is obserued in the Kings Churches: and that the Prete Ianni, as often as he buildeth any new Church, sendeth for Ca∣nons hither, and so he diminisheth their number, as hee did when he built the Church, called [ 10] Machan Celacem, when he tooke away two hundred, and that in this same Signiory there were eight Churches, wherein were about foure thousand Canons: and that if the Prete Ianni should not take them away for the furnishing of these new Churches, and those of his Court, they * 1.1001 should be driuen to eate one another.

§. IX.

Of the exceeding huge Mountaine, whereupon the Sonnes of PRETE IANNI are kept, where we were almost stoned to death: The greatnesse, guard, [ 20] manner of sending, punishments; Of the PRETES Kindred.

58. THE foresaid Valley, reacheth vnto a most huge Mountaine, whereon the Sonnes of Prete Ianni are continually kept, as it were in prison. And they haue accor∣ded in their old Bookes, that in the daies of a King of Ethiopia, called Abraham, * 1.1002 it was reuealed vnto him one night in a dreame, That if he desired to keepe his Realme in quiet and obedience, he should shut vp his Sonnes, which were many, in a Mountain, and suffer none of them to come abroad, sauing him which he would haue to be his Successour, [ 30] and that this order should alwaies be obserued, as a thing which came from God, otherwise E∣thiopia * 1.1003 being large and great, some part thereof would fall to insurrection, and would bee diso∣bedient vnto the heire, or else perchance would kill him. The King standing doubtfull concer∣ning this relation, where such a Mountaine might be found; it was againe reuealed vnto him, That he should send to search out all the Countrey, till he found a place where they should finde Goates vpon the cragges and cliffes of Rockes, so high, that it should seeme they would fall downe, and that in this place he should shut them vp. Which being done, this Mountaine was found out, which is so huge, that they say a man must spend many daies in compassing the foote thereof.

This Mountaine is exceeding steepe, round about from the top to the bottome, so that it see∣meth to be a wall that riseth vpright, and to a man that looketh vpward, the sky seemeth to [ 40] rest vpon it. It hath onely three entrances or gates, and no more, whereby a man may ascend vp to it, and of these I saw one, vpon this occasion. We came from the Sea vpon a time, to goe to the Court, and one of those Seruants of Prete Iauni, whom they call Calacem, was our guide, which was not very well acquainted with the Countrey, and when we sought to lodge in a Vil∣lage the Inhabitants would not receiue vs, because they said, It belonged to a Sister of Prete Ianni, and we were inforced to trauaile forward: the night was farre spent, and this guide began to ride a great pace, and hasted vs forward, saying; That he would bring vs to a good lodging. I caused Lopez de Gama, which had a good Mule, to ride in sight of the said Calacem, and my selfe followed him, and the Embassadour and the rest kept me in sight. And hauing trauailed a∣boue three miles out of our way, toward the Mountaine where the Sonnes of Prete Ianni are [ 50] kept, as soone as we were perceiued by the trotting of our horses, in a moment there assem∣bled * 1.1004 so great a multitude of the people of all those Townes, that they had almost killed vs with stones, and we were inforced to diuide our selues. The Embassadour stayed behind, and I went forward, because I could not otherwise choose, to a place where it rained stones on all sides, and the night was exceeding darke, and because they should not perceiue me, I alighted, and gaue my Mule to a Slaue of mine.

It was my chance, that a Warder of this Mountaine, a very honest man, rode next vnto mee, who enquired of me what I was, I told him I was a Gaxia Negu, that is to say, a stranger of the King. This man causing me strait-way to ride neere him, held one of his armes ouer my [ 60] head, saying vnto me, Ate fra, Ate fra; that is to say, Feare not, feare not; and brought me into an Orch-yard neere vnto his house, where stood many long pieces of Timber set vp against cer∣taine Trees, vnder which he caused me to goe, because they were in manner of a Cabin, where being as I thought in securitie, I caused a Candle to be lighted, and immediatly they beganne to

raine stones, whereupon I suddenly caused it to bee blowne out. This honest man afterward brought me to his house, and gaue me a very good Supper, to wit, rosted Hennes, and Bread and Wine; and on the morning taking me by the hand, he led me to shew me the way whereby they goe vp into the Mountaine and Rockes, which were rent on euery side, and there stood a verie * 1.1005 high gate, which is kept shut, within the which is a very great Garrison of Souldiers. And hee told mee, that if any man should presume to enter, hee should suddenly haue his hands and his feet cut off, and his eyes bored out, and that wee were not in fault for comming so neere vn∣to that gate, but that they which were our guides deserued to be punished.

59. The manner of the sending of the Sonnes of the Prete into this Mountaine, is this: that * 1.1006 whereas all the Prete Ianni, the Predecessors of this Dauid were wont to haue fiue or sixe Wiues, [ 10] and many Sonnes by them, at their death the first-borne did inherit. Others say, that he inhe∣rited which seemed to be most fit, and of most vnderstanding: and others, hee which had most Followers, and greatest authoritie. Touching this point, I will say, that which I haue heard spo∣ken by many Courtiers of experience and wisdome. King Alexander, the Grand-father of this * 1.1007 present King Dauid, dyed without Sonnes, and although hee had Daughters, yet notwithstan∣ding the great men of the Court went vnto this Mountaine, and fetcht from thence Nahu his Brother, which was the Father of this Dauid. This Nahu brought with him from the Moun∣taine a lawfull Sonne of his, which was a very noble and valiant Prince, but he was something head-strong and proud. After he was setled in the Kingdome he had other Wiues, and Sonnes, and Daughters, and after his death they would haue made his eldest Sonne King, which came [ 20] from the Mountaine with his Father, but it was obiected, that because he was so proud and ob∣stinate, he would intreat all the people badly.

Others were of opinion, that he could not inherite, being borne in captiuitie, where he had no right of succession, and so they made this Dauid King, which was the first borne, after his * 1.1008 father was made King, and was eleuen yeares old. The Patriarke Abuna Mark did tell mee, that he and Queene Helena made him King, because they had at their commandement, all the great Lords of the Court; and so also it seemeth vnto me, that next after the Title of first borne, the adherences, friendships, and treasures may doe much. The rest of the sonnes of Nahu, the Brethren of the said Dauid, which were young, were sent to bee kept in the said Moun∣taine with that eldest Sonne of his, which was brought with him from thence: and so all the [ 30] Sonnes of the Prete haue beene vsed from the time of that King Abraham vnto this present day. They say it is very cold on the top of this Mountaine, and that it is round, and that it * 1.1009 cannot be compassed about in lesse then fifteene dayes. And in my iudgement, it appeareth so to be. In this part where our way lay we trauelled almost two dayes, and then we left it, which reacheth vnto the Kingdome of Amara, and Bogamidri, which confineth vpon Nilus, which Kingdome is very farre from hence.

Vpon this Mountaine are other Mountaines which make certaine Vallies, wherein are very * 1.1010 many Riuers and Fountaines, and Fields which are manured by the Inhabitants. There is also a Valley betweene two Mountaines, which is very strong, so that by no meanes a man can goe out of the same, because the passage is closed vp with exceeding strong gates, and in this Valley [ 40] which is very great, and hath many Townes and Dwellings in it, they keepe those which are of the Bloud-Royall, and it is but lately since they haue found this meanes to keepe them in the said Valley, thinking that they be safer here: but the Kings Grand-children and Nephewes, and such as are almost forgotten are not kept with so great a Guard, notwithstanding, this Mountaine is guarded round about with exceeding great Garrisons, and grand Captaines; and the fourth part of the people which come vnto the Court are of the Captaines and Garrisons of this Mountaine, which haue their Lodging separate from all others, neither doe they come to any other, nor others vnto them, because they will not haue any bodie else to know the se∣crets of the said Mountaine. And when they come to the Court of the Prete, immediately hee sendeth his message to them, and euery man with-draweth himselfe, and all other businesse [ 50] whatsoeuer ceaseth, while these Affaires are handled.

60. Touching the state of these Sons of the Prete, I saw a Frier of thirtie yeares of age, which * 1.1011 was brought vnto the presence of the Prete, and aboue two hundred men with him, who was said to haue brought a Letter to Prete Ianni, from those of the Mountaine; and these two hundred men were part of the Garrisons of the same. They beat this Frier euery other day, and in like sort they beate these men, diuided into two parts; and that day when they beate the Frier, they beate the one halfe of them, and alwayes they begun with the Frier, and all the rest were continually present, and still they inquired of the Frier who gaue him that Letter, and for what cause, and whether hee had euer carryed any more Letters, and of what * 1.1012 [ 60] Monastery he was, and where he was made Frier. The naughtie wretch answered, that sixteene yeares past he came out of the Mountaine, and that then the Letter was deliuered vnto him, and that he neuer after returned thither, and that he neuer durst deliuer the same till now, that the Deuill had prouoked him thereunto. And this might be true, seeing it is not the manner in this Countrey, to put any date vnto their Letters, neither of yeare, nor moneth, nor day. The men were demanded nought else, but how they had let the said Frier get out.

The manner of beating them was after this sort, they throw the Malefactor on the ground vpon his belly, and bind his hands vnto two stakes, and a cord about both his legs, and two men * 1.1013 hold this cord and draw it out strait, and two Ministers of Iustice stand by, one at the head, and another at the feet, neither do they alwayes strike them, but betweene whiles, for if they should beat them continually, they would die, they lay on so cruelly. I saw them carrie one away, and before they could couer him with a cloth, he gaue vp the ghost; whereof the Prete being infor∣med (because this execution was done before his Tents) he commanded that the dead man should be carryed backe vnto the place where he was beaten, and that they which were beaten, should lay their heads vpon the feet of the dead corps. This execution lasted a fortnight, wherein this * 1.1014 order of beating the Frier, and halfe of the Guard from two day••••, to two dayes neuer ceased, [ 10] sauing onely vpon Saturday and Sunday, whereon they punish no Malefactors.

During the time of our abode in this Country, a Brother of the Prete, of sixteene yeares of age, fled out of the Mountaine, and came at length to his Mothers house, which was Queene Helena, and was Wife to the Father of this King. And because no man might receiue any that came out of the Mountaine vpon paine of life, the Mother would not harbour her Sonne, but tooke him and brought him to Prete Ianni, who asked him why hee fled away, which answered, because that he was starued for hunger; and that he came thither for nothing else, but onely to giue him witting thereof, because no bodie else would bring him this message. It was giuen out, that the Prete apparelled him in rich array, and gaue him much Gold and cloth of Silke, and sent him backe into the Mountaine. It was also giuen out through all the Court, that this yong man fled, thinking to escape away with the Portugals. This Nobleman which fled and was sent backe a∣gaine [ 20] into the Mountaine, while we abode with the Ambassadour of Prete Ianni, which came into Portugall, in the Countrey of Lulibella, (where the Churches are which are hewen into the Rockes) passed that way with a Calazen, and with a great traine of people, which conducted him vpon a Mule, and he rode all couered ouer with blacke clothes, so that no part of him might be seene, neither could any part of the Mule bee seene, saue her eyes and eares. It was reported, that he fled away the second time in a Friers Weed with another Frier, and that this Frier his companion discouered him the same day, that they should haue departed out of the Countrey of Prete Ianni, and so they led him away Prisoner with the Frier, neither would they suffer them to speake to any bodie, and two men alwayes went hard by his Mule. Euery bodie reported, that hee should bee put to death, or haue his eyes put out. I know not what became of him. [ 30]

We heard reported of another, which would haue fled out of the Mountaine, and hid him∣selfe vnder many boughes and leaues of trees, and certaine Husbandmen which passed that way, * 1.1015 seeing the said boughes stirre, went to behold what the matter was, and laid hold on him, and the Guard, assoone as they had him in their clutches put out his eyes, and yet he liueth till this present, and is great Vncle to this Prete Ianui. It is reported, that there are great numbers of the Bloud-Royall in this Mountaine, whom they call Israelites, or the Sonnes of Dauid, for they are all of the same Kindred and Bloud that Prete Ianui is of. In the same Mountaine are many Churches and Monasteries builded hauing many Priests and Friers in them, and many In∣habitants which neuer come downe out of that place. [ 40]

61. The Prete Ianni hath no Kinsfolkes at all, for those which came of the Mothers side, are not * 1.1016 taken nor named for his Kinsfolkes, and those of the Fathers side are shut vp in the said Moun∣taine, and held as dead men. And although they marrie, and haue great store of children there, yet none of the male-children may come forth, except (as I haue said before) the Prete die with∣out heire: then they fetch out of that place the next of Kindred, and fittest to gouerne. Some of the Females come out to be married, but are not esteemed as the Kinswomen, Daughters, or Sisters of the Prete, but are honoured during the life of their Father or Brother, and as soone as he dyeth, they become like to any other Ladie. All of vs saw a Ladie in the Court, which was the Daughter of a Prete, which albeit, when shee went abroad, had a Canopie carried ouer her, yet notwithstanding, she had a very simple Traine. We knew also a Sonne of hers, which was in as meane a case as any poore foot-man, so that in a very short space the fame of his Paren∣tage [ 50] was extinguished.

This King Dauid which now liueth, at our departure had two sonnes, and three daughters, to whom he allotted out great reuenues, which he intended to bestow vpon them, and the place was shewed me, where one of them possessed these reuenues: but the report was generall, that as soone as the father should decease, and that one of them was made King, the other should be sent vnto the Mountaine, whither hee should carrie nothing but his person with him, And it * 1.1017 was told me, that the third part of the charges which the Prete is at, is spent in the keeping of these Israelites, to whom he maketh better allowance, then any of his predecessors haue done. And besides the great reuenues which belong vnto them, he sendeth them much Gold, cloth of [ 60] Silke, and fine clothes, and much Salt, which runneth for currant money in these Kingdomes. And at our comming thither, hauing presented him with our Pepper, wee vnderstood of a cer∣taintie, that he sent the one halfe thereof vnto them, willing them to reioyce and be merrie, because the King of Portugall, his father, had sent to visite him, and had sent him that Pepper.

Wee vnderstood also of a suretie, and as eye-witnesses in many places, that Prete Ianni hath great lands and possessions, manured by his owne slaues and Oxen; and that these Slaues are ap∣parelled by the King, and are exempted from other people, and marrie together, and are alwaies Slaues. The whole reuenues of these Possessions which are about the Mountaine are carried vp * 1.1018 into it, the reuenues of other places goe vnto the Monasteries, Churches, and the poore, and specially to certaine poore and aged Gentlemen, which in times past haue beene in go∣uernment, and at this present are out of authoritie. Twise also hee sent of this Wheat vnto our companie, to wit, once fiue hundred burthens in Caxumo, and fiue hundred more in Aquate, neither keepeth hee any part of these possessions vnto himselfe, but bestoweth all in manner abouesaid. [ 10]

§. X.

Of the end of the Kingdome of Angote, and of the beginning of the Kingdome of Amara, and of diuers Lakes; the Church Machan Celacen; Endowments of Churches: Of ABRAHAM. Strange trenches and gates in the entrance to Xoa: and what hapned before the PRETE called for them. [ 20]

62.REturning to our Voyage, I say, that wee went along the foot of this Moun∣taine by a Riuers side, and the Countrey is very goodly and faire, sowed with much Mill and other Corne of the Countrey, but there is very little Wheat. There are many Villages on both sides of this Riuer, and on the side of the Mountaine, and at the end of the Valley we left this Riuer, and began to find a wooddie Coun∣try full of stones. Here are no Mountaines, but certaine small Valles sowed with Wheat and Bar∣ley, * 1.1019 and Pulse of the Country: and here endeth the Kingdome of Angote, and the Kingdome of A∣mara beginneth. In the beginning whereof towards the East, is a great Lake, whereby we lod∣ged, which is eight miles long, and three miles broad. It hath a little Iland in the mid∣dest, [ 30] and a Monasterie of Saint Stephan with many Friers, wherein are many Limons, Oran∣ges, and Citrons and to passe ouer to the Monasterie, they vse a raft made of Timber and * 1.1020 Bull-rushes, with foure great Gourds, and they make it in this former: They take foure Poles of wood, and lay Bull-rushes vpon them, standing vpon these Bull-rushes, being ve∣ry well bound together, and vpon these they lay other foure Poles well bound and faste∣ned, and at euery corner there is a great Gourd, and in this manner they passe ouer to the Ile. This Lake runneth not but in Winter time, when the water ouerfloweth, and it issueth out at * 1.1021 two places. There are in this Lake certaine great beasts which they call Gomara••, which are Sea-horses, and also a fish like vnto a Congre, which is very great and long, and hath the most mis-shapen head that may be imagined, made after the manner of a Toad, and the skinne vpon * 1.1022 [ 40] the head thereof seemeth to be like the skinne of a Snake, and all the rest of the bodie is smooth like a Congre, and it is the fattest and most delicate fish that is in the world. There are great store of Villages about this Lake, which reach downe to the brinke of the water, and there are fifteene Xu••••etes or Captainships, and most pleasant fields of Wheat and Barley. We haue seene * 1.1023 many Lakes in these Countreys, but this is the greatest of all that I haue seene. The Countrey is very faire and fruitfull.

Wee trauelled from hence aboue sixteene miles, through a Countrey very well sowed with Millet, and replenished with Fountaines. The three and twentieth of September, wee went from thence to a Towne, called Azzel, which is seated vpon a small Hill, betweene two Riuers, * 1.1024 and all the field was sowed with Wheat, Millet, and all kind of pulse, and it is a place wherein [ 50] a great Faire is kept. Beyond one of these Riuers there is a Towne of Moores, rich and of great trafficke, as of Slaues, cloth of Silke, and of all other sorts of merchandise, as it is in the Towne of Manadeli vpon the Confines of Tigremahon. These Moores pay great tribute to the Prete, and here the Christians and the Moores are very familiar together, for they bring them water, they wash their cloth, and daily in this place the Christian women keepe companie with the Moores, of which their doing we thought not well. Wee stayed all Saturday and Sunday at the * 1.1025 foot of this Towne, where all night our men fought with their Lances against the Tygres, which would haue carried away our Mules, and slept not a winke. The next day, we trauelled through a plaine Countrey, well peopled, and well manured for the space of sixe miles. Then wee ascended vp an high Mountaine, without all kind of Rockes and Woods, but was all plow∣ed [ 60] and sowen, and rested our selues about noon-tide. While I stayed here, ten or twelue men of account, and our Interpreter were with me, and wee began to discourse of the heighth of this Mountaine whereon we stood, and the waste Countrey which we viewed with our eyes. They shewed me the Mountaine where the Sonnes of the Prete are kept, which seemed not past

twelue miles from vs, and we might see the Rocke which was all ragged on euery side, which stretcheth so farre toward the Riuer Nilus, that wee could not discerne the end thereof, and it was so high, that the Mountaine where we were, seemed to bee vnder the foot thereof. Heere they informed me particularly of the great Garrisons, which were maintained for the keeping of * 1.1026 the Kings Sonnes, and of the abundance of victuals and apparell which they had. They told me moreouer, that this high Mountaine whereon we stood, diuided the Countrey where the Millet growes, from that where the Wheate groweth, and that from hence forward we should find no more Millet, but Wheate and Barley.

63. We trauelled ouer the top of this Mountaine, hauing a plaine way about nine miles, and on euery side were fields sowed with Wheat and Barley. Here wee found another Lake but not so great, it might be some three miles long, and two miles abroad. Wee lodged in a field all full [ 10] * 1.1027 of goodly pasture, where we found such a multitude of Flies, which were very great, that we thought they would haue killed vs. This field was not sowed, because it was halfe ouer-flowne with water, for they know no meanes to conueigh away the water, and cause it to passe downe from the Mountaine.

We began afterward to enter into a Countrey, wherein the day time it was very hot, and in the night exceeding cold, and we saw the Inhabitants weare about them before their priuities, a * 1.1028 piece of an Oxe-hide. The women likewise weare a piece of cloth twice as bigge as the mens * 1.1029 was, and couered as much as they could therewith, yet the greater part was seene neuerthelesse, the rest of their bodie was all naked. Their haire was diuided in two parts, the one hanging downe to their shoulders, and the other to their eares, and they say, that these Lands belong vn∣to [ 20] the Trumpetters of Prete Ianni. A little out of the way is a great Wood of Trees, vnknowne * 1.1030 to vs, but exceeding high, neere vnto which there is a Church of many Canons, built by a King that lyes there buried. Hauing passed this day ouer very huge Mountaines, we came to our lodging being gotten out of them, at the enterance of a passing goodly field.

The sixe and twentieth of September, in the morning we trauelled through the said Cham∣paigne field, descending still for the space of six miles, and came to a faire and mightie Church, called Machan Celacen, which signifieth, The Trinitie, which we saw afterward with Prete Ian∣ni, * 1.1031 when he remoued his Fathers bones. This Church hath two great circuits, one compassed a∣bout with an high wall of plankes, and the other paled round about, and the paled circuit, con∣tained aboue two miles in compasse. We went thither very ioyfull, thinking to haue seene the [ 30] said Church, but when we came neere it within a Crosse-bow-shoot, two men came vnto vs to cause vs to light: for this is the custome when any man commeth neere to a Church. And when we were come to the gate of this circuit, they would neither suffer vs to enter, nor yet the Frier that was our giude, and with their fists they thrust him in the brest, telling him, that he had no * 1.1032 authoritie to bring vs in.

This Champaigne field, and the situation of the Church are very beautifull: for all the Coun∣trey is manured for the space of ten or twelue miles, neither is there any one spanne of ground, which is not manured and full of all kind of Corne, except Millet: and in all monethes of the yeare here Corne is reaped and sowed, so that alwayes here is some Corne ripe, and some * 1.1033 greene. On both sides of this Church, runneth an exceeding faire Riuer, without any Trees [ 40] growing on the bankes, and they fetch water out of the same to water the fields, and out of cer∣taine hils adioyning, descend also many Fountaines of water, which water all the Countrey. There are likewise many Houses and Towns, the one separated from the other with their Chur∣ches; for wheresoeuer the King hath a Church, there also must be Churches for the Hubandmen. * 1.1034

64. After we were passed through these Champions, we trauelled in greater fields about thir∣tie six miles Eastward, where they shewed vs a Church of S. George, wherein the Grandfather of this Prete Ianni lyeth buried. Heere they informed vs, that the ancient Kings which came * 1.1035 out of the Kingdomes of Barnagasso and Tigremahon, when they had their first beginning, en∣larged their Kingdomes through these Countries of the Moores and Gentiles, and passing through [ 50] the Countrey of Tigrai, and so through Angote they came into the Kingdome of Amara, but before they came thither is the Kingdome of Xoa, wherin are certaine exceeding great trenches, and here they dwelt a long time, & builded many Churches and houses, endowing the same with great Reuenues, neither is there any span of ground which belongeth not to the Churches. And Nahu the Father of this Prete began the Church of Machan Celacen, and his Sonne afterward furnished and endowed it. This Realme hath no more the name of a Signiorie, for the title thereof was Amara Taffila, which signifieth King of Amara, as Xoa Tafila, King of Xoa.

And when the bones of this Nahu was remoued, into the said Church of Machan Celacen, at * 1.1036 which Translation we Portugals were present. This present Prete finished, and confirmed the * 1.1037 Donations made of all this Signiory vnto this Church. There is neuer a Monastery in all this [ 60] Kingdome, but all are Churches. The Canons and Priests of which, and those of the other Churches of the rest of the Kingdomes before spoken of, serue the Prete in all seruices, sauing in war. And in these Countries Iustice is executed vniuersally, vpon the Canons, Priests, and Friers. And the Frier which guided vs for the conueiance of our stuffe, if he were not obeyed, caused

both Friers and Priests to be beaten. As we trauelled through these mightie Champaine fields, we thought wee passed through a Sea, being not able to see any Mountaine at all. The last of * 1.1038 September, we came to a small Village, where was a Church of our Ladie. Heere toward the East, beginne certaine ragged and strong Mountaines, with certaine Vallies so wonderfull deepe, that a man would thinke they descend downe to Hell, neither would any man easily beleeue how deepe they be. And euen as the Mountaines, where the Sonnes of the Prete are kept, are * 1.1039 craggy from the foote vnto the top, so these are craggy, for a very great depth, in some places twelue miles downe; in others fifteene, and in others lesse, about nine miles: and it is said, that these Vallies stretch vnto Nilus, which is very farre from this place toward the West. Wee knew perfectly, that they stretch vnto the Countries of the Moores, where they bee not so [ 10] rough and wilde as they be here. In the bottome of these Vallies, are great Townes and places manured, and infinite number of great Apes are there, which are hairy on the fore-part of their * 1.1040 breasts, like Lyons.

65. The first of October, 1520. we trauelled still through a plaine Countrey, till we came to these Vallies, in which our trauell wee found an infinite number of small Lakes and Fountaines, for the space of twelue miles, and came to our lodging in a certaine place, where wee were to passe ouer these low bottomes. The third of October, hauing trauelled two miles, we came to certaine gates vpon a craggy Rocke, leauing one of them on the right side; and the other on the left, and it was so narrow, hard by these gates, that with much adoe a Cart could passe vpon the passages which the Mountaine made, and they are stopped vp, where these Gates are so * 1.1041 [ 20] streight in euery Valley: and passing through this gate, you descend downe a Speares length through a narrow way, made as steepe as a Dart in the midst, so that you can passe it neither on foote, nor on horse-back, and this way is so steepe and down-right, that a man cannot go downe vnlesse it be on all foure: and it may easily bee perceiued, that it was made by arte of man, for the safe keeping of that passage, and after we were passed through this narrow way, wee tra∣uelled for a certaine space, by a way made almost as steepe as a Dart, for the space of six spans, and on both sides are exceeding great downe-fals, and if I had not seene our Mules and people passe before me, I would haue sworne that Goates could not haue passed that way: and so wee put our Mules before vs, as thinking them lost, and wee came after them. This rough way la∣steth the space of a Crosse-bow shot, and this place is called Aquifagi, which signifieth, The [ 30] death of Asses. They pay Toll there. Many times afterward we passed by these gates, and neuer * 1.1042 came that way, but we found Mules and Oxen dead. Besides this passage, there are sixe miles more of very bad way, all of Rocke, descending downe-ward. In the midst whereof is a Caue digged into the Rocke, out of the top whereof, water continually droppeth, which continu∣all dropping, maketh proportions in the stone of diuers formes.

At the end of these sixe miles, we found a great Riuer, which is called Anecheta, wherein, as they say, is store of great and goodly Fish. Afterward we trauelled still vp the hill for three * 1.1043 miles space, vntill we come to a little gate, which when we had passed, we found another Ri∣uer, where are certaine other gates, which are not vsed. And they which passe these bottomes * 1.1044 and deep Vallies, come hither to their lodging, because they cannot passe in one day from one end [ 40] to the other. Heere the Frier which guided vs, vsed such crueltie towards a Xuum or Captaine, * 1.1045 as a man would not haue vsed to a Moore. This Captaine sent not his men to carrie our stuffe so so soone as he should, therefore he destroyeth certaine fields of Beanes, and vtterly spoyled them, of which Beanes they liue in these Vallies, because here groweth nothing but Millet and Beanes. And because we spake against his doing, he said; That this was the Law of the Coun∣trey, and daily he caused many of them which carried our stuffe to be beaten, and sometimes he tooke away their Mules, Oxen, and pieces of Cloath, saying, That whosoeuer serued badly, was so to be vsed.

The fourth of October, we trauelled still by these bad waies, and came to a Riuer, by which * 1.1046 [ 50] we lodged, which is very great and faire, and is called Gemma, and aboundeth with Fish, as the Countrey people say: and these Riuers ioyne together, and fall into Nilus. Wee descended downe this Mountaine for sixe miles space, at the end whereof we found other gates, where we also payed for our passage. From these gates we came to our lodging in a Champaine field, where we found no Vallies nor any thing else, but all was plaine & euen ground. The distance between both the gates aforesaid, is aboue fifteene miles, and here is the diuision of the Kingdomes of A∣mara and Xoa. And these gates are called Baba Bassa, which signifieth, The new Land. In these Vallies and rough grounds, are infinite numbers of all sorts of Fowles. * 1.1047

66 The fifth of October, wee trauelled through Champaines, not farre distant from the said Rockes and deepe Vallies, and we lodged in the mid-way towards a Monasterie, called Bilibra∣nos, [ 60] * 1.1048 whereof I will speake that which I saw Prete Ianni doe three times. The first was, when he came to performe a yearely solemnitie for a Prelate of that Monasterie, which was deceased, * 1.1049 whose name was Gianes, and was taken for a Saint. His Title was Ichee, and he is the chiefest Prelate of all Ethiopia, sauing the Patriarke Abuna Marke. The second time, hee came to the election of another Ichee, whose name was Iacob, a man of wonderfull holy life, which some∣times

had beene a Moore. This Ichee was our great friend, and he told vs, that he was admoni∣shed in a night by a Vision, that he was not in the right way, and that hee should repaire vnto the Patriarke Abuna Marke, who receiued him graciously, and made him a Christian, and in∣structed him in all points of our Faith, as if he had beene his Sonne. Ichee, in the tongue of Ti∣grai, signifieth an Abbot, which is vsed in the Kingdome of Barnagasso, and Tigremahon. In this Champaine through which we trauailed, were certaine small houses, made almost vnder-ground, and so were the yards likewise round about them, where they keep their Cattel, & they said they builded their houses so low, because of the huge Winds, which are rise in those parts. Heere wee saw the people badly apparelled, but such store of Oxen, Mules, and Mares, as it is * 1.1050 incredible. [ 10]

67. The Wednesday following, we found a better Countrey, sowed with Wheate and Bar∣ley, and in some of these fields wee saw some Corne ripe, some newly cut downe, and other which seemed newly to be sowne. This Countrey is called Tahagun, and is very well peopled, with many great Townes, and hath infinite heards of all kinds of Cattell, to wit, of Oxen, * 1.1051 Horses, Mules, and Sheepe. In these Countries many are sicke of Agues, vnto whom, as wee perceiued, they ministred no remedy, expecting onely the helpe of Nature, and if any man * 1.1052 hath paine in his head, they let him bloud in the head; and if he be sicke in his breast, sides, or shoulders, they seare him with a red-hot Iron, as we vse to seare our Cattell.

On Wednesday, to our great comfort, we began to behold a farre off, the Campe and Pauili∣ons of Prete Ianni, which seemed to be infinite, and to couer all the fields, and heere we lodged. On Thursday, we made no great iourney. From Friday at noone, we rested all Saturday and Sun∣day [ 20] in a little Towne, where there was a new Church, which was not yet painted, (for they paint all their Churches) neither was it very curiously wrought, which was called Auriata, that is to say, The Church of the Apostles, and they said it belonged to the King, vnto whose Tents was some three miles distance: and from this place vnto the Church where Abuna Marke was lodged, is a mile and a halfe, which Abuna Marke is his great Patriarke.

68. There came vnto vs a great Lord, who by his office was called Adrugaz, that is to say, Great Master of the Houshold, who told vs, that the Prete Ianni vnderstanding of our comming, had * 1.1053 sent him to guard vs, and prouide vs of all things that wee stood in need of, and streight-way willed vs to take Horse and goe with him, and supposing hee would haue led vs to the Court, we prepared our selues. He caused vs to goe backe againe, not the same way which we came, [ 30] but made vs compasse certaine small hils, and turned vs backe againe aboue three miles, willing vs not to take it in ill part, because Prete Ianni came that way whether we went, as indeed hee did: we saw also sixe or seuen men, mounted vpon very goodly Horses, ride skirmishing and playing before vs, hauing their faces wholly couered, so that one could not bee discerned from the other, and many followed after them vpon Mules, and wee iudged that this Caualca∣da was made of purpose for our sakes, because the Prete was desirous to see vs, and they led vs on the backe-side of certaine small hils, where this Gentleman was lodged in his Tent, and caused vs also to be placed hard by him, in another goodly Tent, and saw vs plentifully proui∣ded of all things, which we stood in need of. We were not farre distant from the place, where [ 40] Prete Ianni himselfe was lodged, the Frier also came and lodged neere vs. On Wednesday, in * 1.1054 the morning, they brought vs another goodly great Tent, which was white and round, saying, That Prete Ianni sent vs the same, and that no man might haue the like Tent, sauing the Prete and the Churches, and that himselfe lodged in the same when he trauailed: and so we stayed vn∣till Friday, without vnderstanding what we should doe, but were alwaies well prouided of vi∣ctuals. The Gentleman which guarded vs, and the Frier likewise admonished vs to haue a good eye vnto our stuffe, because in that Countrey there were many Theeues; and the Frankes, that is, The White men, which were in the Court, gaue vs the like warning, and told vs that there were Captaines, and others like Toll-masters ouer the said Theeues, which payed a Tribute to Prete Ianni, of such goods as were stolne. [ 50]

§. XI.

How the Embassadour and we were called for by the Commandement of PRETE IANNI, and of the order which we found, and of the State and Maiestie of PRETE IANNI. His conference, allowance, remoue; The Embassadours Audience.

69. ON Friday, the twentieth of October, about three of the clocke, the Frier came [ 60] vnto vs, and told vs in great haste, that the Prete Ianni had called for vs. The Embassadour commanded all the goods to be laden, which the Captaine Ge∣nerall had sent, and charged vs to put our selues in order, which we did in ve∣ry * 1.1055 good sort by the help of God, and many people as well on foote as on horse-backe, came to

waite vpon vs, with whom we came in good order vnto a Gate, from whence we beheld on all sides, an infinite number of Pauilions and Tents, like vnto a Citie, and those which belonged * 1.1056 to Prete Ianni, were set vp in a wide field, all White, (as I haue said, it is their generall vse) and before the same was a very faire Red Tent, which they say, is neuer set vp, but on daies of great Feasts, or of some great audience. Before the said Red Tent, were two rankes of Ar∣ches * 1.1057 erected, couered with White and Red Cloath of Silke, to wit; one arch couered with Red, and another with Silke, and they were not couered, but had the Cloath of Silke round a∣bout them, as it were a piece of Wood, which supporteth a Crosse, hauing a Stole wrapped a∣bout it: and so these Arches stood on one front, and were about twentie: their bignesse and breadth was like vnto the arch of a little Cloyster, and one ranke was distant from another, [ 10] about a stones cast.

Here were an infinite number of people placed together, which to my iudgement seemed * 1.1058 to be aboue fortie thousand persons, and all of them stood in good order on either tides with∣out stirring, and the people which were best apparelled, were next vnto the arches, among whom were certaine Canons and Church-men very honourable, with great hoods on their * 1.1059 heads, not like vnto Miters, but with certaine sharpe points on the top, painted with Colours, and were of Cloath of Silke, and Crimzon, and other people in very rich array, before whom stood foure Horses, to wit, two on the one side, and two on the other, which were sadled, and richly couered with Embroydered Cloath downe to the ground: the Ar∣mour which they ware vnder the same, was not to bee seene: These Horses had high * 1.1060 [ 20] Crownes vpon their heads, which mounted aboue their eares, and went downe to the Bits of their Bridle, with great Plumes of Feathers of sundry Colours, and vnder the said Horses stood many other good Horses, sadled and couered with Silke and Veluet, and the head of each one was equall, and as it were in order with the people: next vnto these Horses, behind them (because the throng of people was so great) stood many honou∣rable persons, which were apparelled onely from the girdle downe-ward, with very fine and White Cotton cloath. The rest of the people which were basely apparelled, stood be∣tweene them and the rest.

It is a Custome, that before the King and great men of Commaundement, there alwaies goe men which carrie Whips, that is, A little staffe with a large Thong of Leather, and [ 30] when they ••ash in the Ayre, they make a great noyse, to make the people giue backe. A∣boue * 1.1061 one hundred of these Fellowes came to meete vs, all apparelled in certaine small Iac∣kets of Silke, which made such a noyse with lashing, that one man could not heare another. The men on Horse-backe, and vpon Mules which were with vs, lighted a farre off, and wee were led on Horse-backe yet a great way farther, and lighted within a Crosse-bow shot of the great Tent, and here they which conducted vs, beganne to doe their accustomed reuerence, * 1.1062 and we likewise, because wee were so instructed, which is, to stoope downe with the right hand vnto the ground.

Likewise, in this place, within a Crosse-bow shoote, there met vs at least sixtie men, which were, as it were, Porters with Maces, and they came halfe running, for so they are wont to [ 40] runne with all Messages which the Prete sendeth. They were apparelled in white Iackets, * 1.1063 of good Cloath of Silke, and vpon their shoulders they had certaine skinnes, of Roane or Tawny colour, very hairie, which they said, were Lyons skinnes, and reached downe to the ground. And vpon those skinnes they had certaine Chaines of Gold, rudely wrought, with Iewels set in them, and likewise other Iewels about their neckes. They weare cer∣taine Silke Girdles of diuers Colours, in breadth and making, like to the Girts of Horses, sauing that they were long with Flakes and Tassels downe to the ground, and they went halfe on the one side, and halfe on the other, and waited vpon vs to the first ranke of the arches, where we stayed.

But before we came to the said Arches, there stood foure great Lyons, tyed with their * 1.1064 Chaines in the way which wee were to passe, and hauing passed them in the midst of the [ 50] fields: vnder the shadow of the said Arches, stood foure men of Honour, among which, was * 1.1065 one of the two greatest Lords which are in the Court of Prete Ianni, which is called Betu∣dete, * 1.1066 that is to say, The Grand Captaine, and there are two of them, whereof one wai∣teth on his right hand, and the other on his left. He which waited on his right hand, was (as they said) in warre against the Moores; and hee that waited on his left hand, was the same which stood there; the other three were great Personages. When wee came vnto them, we stood a great while without speaking any word, neither we to them, nor they to vs. In the meane while there came an old Priest, which was (as they say) the Kinsman and Confessor of Prete Ianni, wearing a white Bonet, like vnto a Bernusso, and a great hood of Silke. [ 60]

This man by his Office, is called Cabeata, and is the second person in these Kingdomes; and he came out of the Prete his Tent, from whence we were distant two stones cast. Three

of the foure that stayed with vs, went halfe way to meete him, and the Betudete stayed with vs, and when they drew nigh vnto vs, the Betudete moued three or foure steppes toward them, and so all fiue of them came vnto vs.

The Cabeata being arriued, demaunded of the Ambassadour, what hee would haue, and whence he came: The Ambassadour answered, That he came from India, and brought an Am∣bassage vnto Prete Ianni, from the Grand Captaine and Gouernour of the Indies, vnder the King of Portugall. Herewithall, hee returned to the Prete from whom he came, and retur∣ned three times with the very selfe-same Questions and Answeres. To all their demaunds, * 1.1067 the Ambassadour answered after one sort. The fourth time, the Cabeata said, Say what you will, and I will declare the same to the King. To whom the Ambassadour answered, That He and his whole Companie kissed his Highnesse hands, and greatly thanked God, which had fulfil∣led * 1.1068 [ 10] their holy desires, in ioyning Christians together with Christians, and that they were the first which had performed the same. With this answere, the Cabeata departed hence, and straight∣way returned with another Message, and alwaies the foresaid foure Honourable persons went to meete him, in such sort, as we haue before already declared, and comming vnto vs, he said, That we were right welcome to Prete Ianni, and that we should go to our lodging and rest our selues.

At this first Audience, he vseth no other words, neither in his Maiestie to bee seene, for * 1.1069 the better maintaining of his reputation. Then the Ambassadour deliuered out by seuerall parcels, all the Presents which the Grand Captaine sent vnto his Highnesse, and ouer and besides the same, foure bagges of Pepper, which we brought to defray our charges. All [ 20] the particulars were forth-with conueyed to the Tent of the Prete, and afterward brought backe againe to the Arches where wee stood, and they hanged vp the Cloathes of Arras which we gaue them, vpon the Arches: and likewise, euery parcell of the rest of the goods and things; and while they hung vp in the sight of all men, all men were commaun∣ded to keepe silence, and one which is called the Lord Chiefe Iustice of the Court, spake * 1.1070 with a lowd voyce, and declared piece by piece, what the things were which the Grand Captaine had sent to Prete Ianni, and willed all men, To giue thankes vnto the Lord God, for hauing caused Christians to meete together, and that if any Man were there that were grie∣ued thereat, hee might weepe and howle; and whosoeuer reioyced thereat, might sing. Then all the people that were there assembled, gaue a mightie shoute in manner of praising God, [ 30] which continued for a great space. This beeing ended, they licensed vs to depart, and brought vs to our lodging, a great Crosse-bow shoote distant from the Tents of the Prete, where our Pauillion, which hee had sent vs, was set vp, and where the rest of our stuffe remained.

70. In the remoouing of these our goods, we beganne to see by experience, the aduise which was giuen vs concerning the Theeues, for suddenly on the way, they tooke by * 1.1071 force from one of our Seruants, foure Basons of Latton, and foure Dishes of Porcellan, and certaine other small things belonging to our Kitchin, and because the Seruant would haue defended himselfe, they gaue him a great wound on the Legge. The Ambassadour could doe no more, but cause him to be healed, and of these goods could neuer after recouer [ 40] any whit. As soone as wee were lodged, Prete Ianni sent vs three hundred great White Loaues of Wheate, and many Iarres of Wine of Hony, and tenne Oxen, and the Mes∣sengers which brought these things, said; That Prete Ianni had commaunded, that wee should haue fiftie Oxen giuen vs, and as many Iarres of Wine. The Saturday following, * 1.1072 which was the one and twentieth of October, he sent vs great store of Bread and Wine, and many Haggasses of Flesh, of diuers sorts, which were very well made and dressed, and the like was done vpon the Sunday, whereon among other many and sundry Haggasses, a young Calfe was brought vnto vs, all whole laid in Paste, so well dressed and seasoned, with Spices and Fruits put in the belly thereof, that we could neuer satisfie our selues with fee∣ding * 1.1073 [ 50] thereon.

On Munday following, there was a rumour spread through all the Court, that wee had kept backe many bagges of Pepper, which the Grand Captaine had sent vnto the Prete, * 1.1074 which was vntrue; and because they make exceeding great account of Pepper, and that it is the greatest merchandize that runneth through Ethiopia, therefore the Frier came vnto vs, with a cunning, saying vnto vs, That if the Ambassadour would giue all his Pepper to Prete Ianni, that he would giue order, that our charges should be defrayed during our a∣bode there, and vntill our returne vnto Maczua: and thus they ceased to giue vs Victuals, neither were the fiftie Oxen sent vnto vs, nor the Iarres of Wine. Likewise, they for∣bade all the Frankes in the Court, that they should not speake with vs. [ 60]

They willed vs also, not to depart out of our Tent, because it was the Custome, that all they which come vnto this Court, should speake with no man, till they had talked with the King, and that for breaking this order, they had cast in prison a Portugall of Acugna,

which came to speake with vs on the way with another Franke, laying to their charge, that they came to reueale vnto vs the secrets of the Court. This Portugall fled on a night with his manacles on his hands from an Eunuch, which kept him, and came to our Tent to saue himselfe. The next morning with speed they came to seeke him, but the Ambassador would not deliuer him, but sent his Factor and the Interpreter to speake with the Betudete on his behalfe, and to aske him, why hee cast the Portugalls into fetters, and handled them so badly by Eunuchs which were Slaues. The Betudete answered nothing to the purpose, saying: Who sent for you hither? and added further, That Matthew went not into Portugall by Prete Ianni his commandement, nor by the commandement of the Queene Helena. And that if this Slaue had put the Portugalls into fetters, the Portugalls likewise might put this Slaue againe into fet∣ters, [ 10] for such is the iustice in those countries.

71. On Tuesday, the foure and twentieth of October, wayting, while the Prete would * 1.1075 send for vs to speake with him, hee departed with all his Court toward the same place from whence hee came, which was about sixe miles off. In the meane season the Frier came vnto vs, and wished vs if wee would goe to the place where the King lay, that wee should buy our selues Mules to carry our stuffe, and told the Ambassador, that if hee would buy or sell hee might so doe. The Ambassador answered him, That wee were not come thither to play the Merchants, but onely to serue God and both the Kings, and to vnite one Christian people with another, and this they did onely to sift out what our iutention and pur∣pose was. Vntill this present they had forbidden all Christians in the Court to speake with vs, * 1.1076 [ 20] or to come vnto our Tents, and if they came thither they came very secretly, because the Frier was alwayes with vs as our Guardian.

72. When Lopez Suarez, grand Captaine and Gouernour of India, came with his Fleet to the Hauen of Ziden; in which Fleet I my selfe was, wee found in the same place sixtie * 1.1077 Christian men, which were Slaues vnto the Turkes, and they were of diuers Nations, who were part of these which at this present we found in this Court, who say, that they wayted for the grace of God, to wit, while the Portugalls should come into this Hauen of Ziden, that they might escape away with vs; and because the people of our Fleet could not goe on Land, therefore they stayed behinde; and few dayes after, fifteene of these white men, with as many more Abissines of the Countrey of Prete Ianni, which likewise were Slaues, found two Bri∣gandines, [ 30] and fled away to get vnto our Fleet; and being not able to come vnto the Ile of * 1.1078 Camaran, they came to the Ile of Maczua, which is neere vnto Ercoco, a Towne of Prete Ianni. And comming on land they sunke the Brigandines, and came vnto the Court of the Prete, whom we saw more honorably and courteously vsed then our selues, till this present. And they haue giuen them Lands and Slaues which serue them and maintayne them. These are the Frankes, the greatest part whereof were Genoueses, two Catalanians, one of Sio, one a Biscaien, and one an high German, which afterward came all into Portugall, and they call vs Portugalls also Frankes. All other white people, to wit, those of Syria, of Grecia, and of Cairo, they call Gibetes. These Frankes preuailed with vs to giue foure bags of Pepper, and * 1.1079 foure Chests couered with leather, for a present to the Prete, which wee carried the thirtieth of [ 40] October, which was but collusion of the Courtiers for their owne aduantage. The Frankes which were in the Court came after to our Tent and told vs, that the great men of the Court were our enemies, and that this Frier had put into their heads, to counsell Prete Ianni to suf∣fer vs not to returne, nor to depart out of his Kingdome. Because wee reported euill of the Countrey, and that wee would speake much worse when wee were departed out of the same, and that was alwayes the custome of these Kingdomes, not to suffer Strangers to depart which came into the same. Wee suspected thus much by that which wee had heard, and they confirmed the same. For wee knew very well, that Iohn Gomez, and Iohn Prete, Portugalls, (which were sent hither by Tristan de Acunna, Lord Gouernour of India, together with a Moore, which yet liueth and dwelleth in Manadeli) were not suffered to depart; because they [ 50] threatned to kill them, if they departed: and likewise one Peter de Couillan a Portugall, and two Venetians.

On Tuesday, the last of October, Prete Ianni came downe from the Tents where hee lay, toward this Circuit where wee aboad; and when hee passed by hee saw our Tent, not farre distant from his, and sent a man to the Ambassador, to wish him to remooue his Tent, because the ayre was bad where the same stood, and yet our Tent stood in the same place which they had appointed vs the day before. The Ambassador sent him word, that he had no people to re∣mooue his Tent nor his stuffe, and that if he might haue people, he would cause it to be remoo∣ued, whither soeuer it pleased his Highnesse. This day at euening came a message from the Prete, [ 60] saying, That if the Ambassador or his companie, had any Crosse of gold or of siluer, that hee * 1.1080 should send it him, for hee desired to see it. The Ambassador sent him word, that neither hee nor his companie had any, and that one which he had brought with him he had giuen to Barna∣gasso, herewithall the Page departed, but suddenly returned againe, saying, That we should send him any that we had.

Wee sent him a Woodden Crosse of mine, with a painted Crucifixe, which by the way I carried in my hand, according to the custome of the Countrey. Immediatly he sent it backe vn∣to vs, saying; That he tooke great pleasure in beholding of it, because he perceiued that wee were good Christians.

The Ambassadour sent word vnto the Prete by the said Page, that he had yet a little Pepper, to defray his owne and his companies charges, which hee desired to bestow vpon his Highnesse, and also foure Chests to keepe apparell in, and that when it pleased him, he might send for them. The Page departing with this message, returned suddenly, saying; That the King desired no Pepper nor Chests, and that the Cloathes which he had giuen him, were bestowed vpon Chur∣ches, and that the Pepper was giuen to the poore. For so it had beene told him, that the Grand [ 10] Captaine of India had done, in giuing all the cloathes sent him by the King of Portugall, vnto Churches. The Ambassadour answered, That whosoeuer had told him any such thing, had not told the truth, because it was all laid vp together, and kept in safetie. This answere beeing sent, there came another message, saying; That Prete Ianni commanded, that the Ambassadour without all delay, with his whole Company should come vnto him, and it was three houres at least within night. Forthwith we all beganne to put on our best Apparell, to goe whither we were sent for. When we were ready, another came which brought vs word, that wee must not go; and thus we stayed at home in our dumps.

74. On Wednesday the first of Nouember, two houres within night, Prete Ianni sent * 1.1081 for vs by a Page, and hauing put our selues in order, we went our way, and comming to the gate or entry of the first circuit or hedge, we found Porters, which caused vs to waite there a [ 20] good houre, in the cold and dry winde. From the place where we stood, we saw many lighted Torches, standing before the other part of the circuit of the hedge, and men held them in their hands. While wee stayed thus in this entry (for they would not suffer vs to passe) our men shot off two Harquebusses, and suddenly there came a word from the King; demanding, why we had not brought many Harquebusses from the Sea. The Ambassadour answered, that we came not as Warriors, and that therefore wee brought not the said Armour with vs; but that we brought onely these three or foure Harquebusses, to shew pleasure and pastime. While we waited heere, fiue principall men came vnto vs, among whom was one called Adrugas, to whom we were appointed at our first comming to the Court. As soone as they were come with the word of the Prete, forthwith they did their wonted reuerence, and we in like manner, and [ 30] began to set forward, and hauing gone fiue or six paces, but we and they stood still. They went on the side of vs, as if they had led vs by the hand, & on the one side of them, went two men with * 1.1082 two Torches lighted in their hands, & two before them on the other side, and as they guided vs, each of them in his course began to cry with an high voyce, Hurcha, Hiale, Huchia, Abeton, which signifieth; Him which you haue commanded me (Sir) heere I bring vnto you. And when one had made an end, another beganne, and so they followed one after another, and vsed this speech so long, vntill we heard a voice from within, vttered by diuers, which was, Cafacinelet, that is to say, Come yee in?

We went a little farther, and they began againe to stay, and vttered the foresaid words a∣gaine, [ 40] vntill they heard an answere from within, as at the first. They made aboue ten of these pauses, from the first entrance vnto the second, and euery time when they said within Cafaci∣nelet, because it is the word of the King, they which were our guides, and wee with them, bowed downe our heads and our hands to the ground. And hauing passed the second entry, they began to make another song, which was this; Caphan, Hiam, Caynha, Afrangues, Abeton, which signifieth; The Frankes which you commanded me here, I bring them, my Lord. And these he vttered as often as the other words before, and attended an answer from within the house, which was like vnto the former, and so from pause to pause, we came vnto a Bed or Table, be∣fore * 1.1083 which stood many burning Torches, which we saw in the first entry, and told them to bee eightie on euery side, in euen ranke, and that no man might goe out of the ranke: Those which [ 50] held them, had before them certaine long Canes in their hands, which went ouer-thwart breast∣high, and the said Torches stood all equall.

This Bed was placed within the entrance of a great house of earth, whereof we spake be∣fore, which is built vpon very great Pillers of Cipresse; the roofe standing vpon these Pillers, was Painted with certaine goodly colours, and it was Wainscoted directly downe from the top to the bottome. The couering of the roofe, was of the Grasse of the Countrey, which lasteth (as they say) the life of a man. In the entry of the house, that is to say, at the vpper part thereof, were fiue Curtaines prepared, which hung before the said bed, and the middle∣most of them was embroidered with Gold, and the others were of fine Silke. Before these Curtaines, on the floore was laid a great and rich Carpet, and neere vnto it, two great cloaths [ 60] of shaggy Cotton, like Carpets which they call Basutos: all the rest was couered with painted Mats, so that no part of the bare floore could be seene. And likewise from the one end vnto the other, the whole roome was full of lighted Torches, like those which we had seene while wee were without.

While wee thus stood still from behind the Curtaines, there came a word from Prete Ianni, * 1.1084 saying, abruptly, that he sent not Matthew into Portugall, though it were granted that hee went thither with his Licence, seeing the King of Portugall, had sent him many things, what was become of them, and wherefore were they not brought as the King had sent them? And that those things which the Grand Captaine had sent him from India, were alreadie deliuered? The Ambassadour answered, that if it pleased his Highnesse to vouchsafe to heare him, he would satisfie him in all points; and sudden∣ly he began to say, those things which the Grand Captaine sent him were alreadie presented, and ouer and aboue, that he had giuen him part of that Pepper which he brought with him for his expenses. Tou∣ching the goods sent vnto him by the King of Portugall, the cause why they were not brought vnto his Maiestie was, because the Ambassadour which brought them, named Edward Galuan, deceased in [ 10] Camaran, and besides that certaine Portugals deceased in the Ile of Delaca, among whom were the Factor and Interpreter, that should haue deliuered the same; and finally, the Grand Captaine, being not able to recouer the Hauen of Maczua, through contrary winds, returned into India, and from thence de∣parted home vnto Portugall; to the Captaine which succeeded in his place. The King of Portugall not knowing of the death of the said Edward, but thinking he had beene come to the Court of your High∣nesse, gaue no further Commission, but only to come into the Red Sea to destroy the Moores, and to har∣ken after his Ambassadour; which Grand Captaine, doubting that he should bee able to recouer no Ha∣uen, as at other times they could not, would not bring the goods which the King of Portugall had sent him which are preserued in India, layed vp together, and that hee desired onely to conduct Matthew thi∣ther with him, that if it were his chance to recouer any Hauen on the Coast of the Abissini, hee might there put him on shoare, and afterward send him those goods. And because it pleased God, that they ar∣riued [ 20] at the foresaid Hauen of Maczua, which is in his Territories, although it bee in the hands of the Moores, the Grand Captaine determined to send vnto him himselfe, Don Roderigo with these goods and Peeces wherewith he had preserued him, and that he should come in company with Matthew, onely to see him, and to learne the way against another time, when it should please him to send the Ambassador of the King of Portugall, and that Matthew was departed out of this life at the Monasterie of the Vision. At the end of this Answere, returned another Message; saying, If three were slaine in Delaca, how escaped Matthew? Hereunto it was answered, that Matthew escaped because hee would not stirre out of the ship. And the Ambassadour besought him very humbly, to vouchsafe to giue him audience, because he should vnderstand the truth, and that likewise, hee would deliuer [ 30] him in writing, that which the Grand Captaine had sent him by word of mouth, besides the Letters, and that by this meanes he should vnderstand the whole matter. Questions and Answeres passed too and fro, without any conclusion, and so they dismissed vs. The next day hee sent vs great store of Bread, Wine and Flesh, and two men which said, that they had charge to giue vs euery day our dyet and other necessaries.

75. On Saturday the third of Nouember, the Prete Ianni sent for vs, and we went at twen∣tie * 1.1085 foure of the clocke, and comming to the first gate or entrance, while we stayed a while, there came a message, that we should shoot off our Peeces, but without Bullets for hurting no bodie, and within a while after, they let vs come in, and we vsed the like respite that we did before, and comming in betweene the Gates and the Curtaines, where we stood at the first, we saw the [ 40] place of the Bed very richly trimmed, and decked as before, and all behind and before, was coue∣red with embroydered cloth, and the people were more richly arrayed, and stood on both sides all in a ranke with their naked Swords and Daggers in their hands, and placed, as though they had bin to fight one with another. There were two hundred Torches lighted on both sides standing in a ranke, as they did the other day, and when wee were come in; he began to aske vs questions, and send vs Answeres by the Cabeata, and by a Page called Abdenago, which is Captaine of all the Pages, with these his Messages he carryed his naked Sword in his hand, and the first which he brought was this, How many we were, and how many Harquebusses wee had brought? and strait way there came another; demanding, Who had taught the Moores to make Hand-gunnes, and great Ordnance, and whether they shot at the Portugals with them, or the Portugals at them, and who were [ 50] most afraid of the Moores or the Portugals?

Each of these Questions came at seuerall times, and we made a seuerall Answere vnto each * 1.1086 of them. And touching the feare of the great Ordnance, wee said, that the Portugals were so well armed in the Faith of Iesus Christ, that they were not afraid of the Moores, and had they feared them, they would not haue come so farre off, without any necessitie to seeke them. Tou∣ching the making of Calieuers, and great Ordnance, they said, that the Moores were men, and that they had wit and vnderstanding as well as any of vs.

He sent to enquire whether the Turkes had good Artillery? The Ambassador answered, that their great Ordnance was as good as ours, but that wee were not one whit afraid of them, because wee fought for the faith of Iesus Christ, and they against the same. Then he demanded who had taught [ 60] the Turkes to make great Ordnance? Wee answered him as before, to wit, that the Turkes were men, and had vnderstanding and capacitie of men in all perfection, sauing in the Faith. Then hee sent to know, whether there were any in our company that could play at Rapier and Dagger, for that he would gladly see them play. The Ambassador appointed George de Breu and another tall fellow * 1.1087

to play, which both did very well, and performed as much as was to bee expected, of men ex∣ercised and trained vp in Armes, and the Prete might very well behold them from behind the Curtaines, and tooke great pleasure at them, as we were informed.

When they had done, the Ambassadour sent to Prete Ianni, beseeching him to giue him au∣dience, and to vnderstand the message which the Grand Captaine of the King of Portugall had sent vnto him, and that he would dispatch him, that he might returne to their Fleet against the time of their arriuall, and not to put him to any more expenses without profit. An answere was returned, that wee were but newly come thither, and had not seene one third part of his Lands and Do∣minions, and that we should take our pleasures: For assoone as the Grand Captaine should come to Mac∣zua, he would send to speake with him, and then we should depart, and if the said Captaine would build a Fortresse in Maczua, or in Suachen, or in Zeila, that hee would see the same forth-with furnished [ 10] all things necessary. And because the Turkes are many and we few, when such a Fortresse were builded with on the Red Sea, wee might very well finde out a way whereby wee might passe to Ierusalem, and the Holy Land with an Armie. The Ambassadour answered, that all these were the very things which the King of Portugall desired, and that still hee besought him to giue him Au∣dience, and if hee were minded not to giue him audience, that bee might send him to the Grand Captaines Letters, and all the whole Message in writing, which he sent him to deliuer by word mouth. He tooke order that all things should be interpreted and written in the Abissin Tongue, and sent vnto him: which the Ambassadour did, requesting him instantly to giue him his dis∣patch. After this, the Prete Ianni sent him word, that Seeing hee had brought him a paire of Or∣ganes, * 1.1088 he should send him one to play thereon, and to sing, and so hee did. Then hee desired thatwe [ 20] should dance before him after our manner. When the Dance was done, wee signified vnto him that we were Christians, & prayed him to giue vs leaue to sing Masse after our custome, according to the Church of Rome. Suddenly we receiued an Answere, that He knew well that we were Chri∣stians, and that since the Moores which were wicked and trecherous had their Prayers after their man∣ner; wherefore should not we haue the same after ours? And that hee would send vs all things necessarie thereunto. Assoone as wee were come to our Lodging, they brought vs three hundred great Loaues of Bread, and twentie foure Iarres of Wine, and the Bearer told vs, that there were hirtie Iarres appointed for vs, but that the Porters on the way had broken sixe of them.

§. XII. [ 30]

Of the Questions moued to the Ambassadour, by the appointment of PRETE IANNI, at seuerall times by Interlocutors, and lastly, in pre∣sence: wherein many points of their Reli∣gion are opened.

76. THe Sunday following many Questions came vnto our Tent from Prete Ianni, to the Ambassadour, and all of them were concerning the Armour which hee vn∣derstood, that the King of Portugall had sent him, and whether it should bee sent him out of India. The Ambassadour said, that the Armour and all things [ 40] else which the King had sent him, should come the yeare following, and that the Grand Cap∣taine would either send them or bring them himselfe, and so hee sent him word, and wrote him his Letters. Then he willed our men to shoot with their Calieuers, within the great hedge, and that certaine of his people should shoot also, and whether any of vs could make Gun-powder? It was told him, that there was none that could make the same, but that the Grand Captaine would send men with their Instruments to make Salt-peeter, and that hee would bring Brim∣stone with him in his shippes. Hee said that Brimstome might bee found in his King∣dome, so that there were Masters to make Salt-peeter, and that his Armies wanted nothing else, but the vse of Artillerie, and men to teach them to make the same, because hee was able to [ 50] bring vnto the field an infinite number of Harquebusses, wherewith hee might subdue all the Moorish Kings about him.

And to this purpose a certaine Genoues which liued in the Court, told me, that hee had consi∣dered, that more Salt-peeter might be made in these Kingdomes, then in any other place of the World, by reason of the infinite number of Cattell which were there, and that heere bee also Mountaines that yeeld Brimstone. He sent vs word afterward, that he would haue vs shew him how we did put on those white Armours, which the Grand Captaine had sent him. Our men forth-with armed one of the company, where he might well see him. Then he sent for the Swords and Curasses, which the Ambassador and his company had brought, that hee might view them. [ 60]

77. On Munday at Euening, he sent for me, Francis Aluarez, to bring the Hosts vnto him, * 1.1089 which he desired to see. I brought him eleuen of them very well made, not in boxes or pixes, because I knew the great reuerence which they vse to their Hosts, which is one Cake onely. And these Hosts had a Crucifixe vpon them, and therefore I carryed them in a very faire Dish

of Porcellan couered with Taffata. I brought him the Surplice, the Chalice, the Altar-stone, the Ampull; and he viewed all, piece by piece, and willed me to open the Cloth wherein the Altar-stone was (which was sewed in a white Cloth) and so he did: which when hee had seene he willed to be couered. This stone on the vpper side was very smooth, square, and well made, and on the nether side was somewhat vneuen, according to the nature, and proportion of stones. He sent me word, that seeing in Portugall there were so good Masons, why had they not polished it on that side also; sayng, that the things which belonged vnto Gods Seruice, ought to be perfect and not imperfect.

The night being come, he sent for me that I should come to his Tent, and willed I should come in, and so I did. They set me in the midst thereof, which was all spread on the ground [ 10] with exceeding fine Carpets. I stood foure yards distant from Prete Ianni, which sa••e behind those Curtaines: he commanded me to apparell my selfe, as if I should say Masse, which I did. When I was apparelled, he caused me to be asked, Who gaue vs that apparell, whether they were the Apo∣stle, or some other Saints? I answered him, that the Church had taken it out of the Passion of Christ. * 1.1090 He willed me to tell him what euery one of those pieces signified; and so I beganne with euery part, to shew him what they signified, according to the Passion of our Lord. And when I came to the Manipulum, I told him, that it was a little Cord, wherewith they bound the hands of Ie∣sus Christ. Then comming to the Stole, I told him, that that signified the great Cord, which they cast about his necke to lead him this way and that way, and that the Planet signified the apparell which they put vpon him, for to mocke him * 1.1091 withall; Which when I had ended, he [ 20] said againe with a very loud voyce, that we were true Christians, because we knew the Passion of Christ so perfectly. And whereas I had said, that the Church had taken this out of the Passion of Christ, he demanded, which was that Church? Because we held two head Churches in Chistendome, the first of Constantinople in Greece, and the second of Rome in France. a 1.1092 I answered him, there was but one Church: and though it were granted, that Constantinople was the head in the be∣ginning, yet it ceased now to be, because the Head of the Church b 1.1093 is there where Saint Peter was; be∣cause Iesus Christ said; Thou art Peter, and vpon this Rocke I will build my Church. And when S. Peter was at Antiochia, the Church was there, because the Head was there, and when hee came to Rome hee abode still there, and there the Head shall alwayes hee: and this Church ruled by the Holy Ghost hath ordayned things necessary to say Masse. Moreouer, I proued this Church vnto him, telling [ 30] him, that in the Articles of our Faith, which the Apostles made, the Apostle Simon c 1.1094 saith: I beleeue in d 1.1095 the holy Catholike Church. But in the great Creed which was made in the Nicene Councell by three hundred and eighteene Bishops, against the Heresie of Arrius, they say: I beleeue in one Catholike and Apostolike Church; and this is the holy Roman Church, wherein Saint Peter sate, vpon whom God founded his Church, as he saith. And Saint Paul, a chosen Uessell and Doctor of the Gentiles, calleth it Catholike and Apostolike, e 1.1096 because in it are all the Apostolike powers, which God gaue to Saint Pe∣ter, and to all the rest of the Apostles of binding and loosing. They answered mee, that I gaue a good reason for the Church of Rome; but what could I say for the Church of Constantinople, which belonged to Saint Marke, and for the Cherch of Greece, which belonged to Saint Iohn the Pa∣triarke of Alexandria? Hereunto I answered them, that their reason strengthened mine, because [ 40] Saint Peter was Saint Markes Master, and he sent him into those parts, and so that neither Marke nor Iohn f 1.1097 could plant any Churches, but onely in the name of him which had sent them, which Chur∣ches were members of the Head, which sent those Preachers, to which Head all Authorities were giuen. And many yeares after, when Saint Ierome, and many other holy men had separated themselues, they ordaind Monasteries of austere and holy life, wherein they might serue God, and that the said Mo∣nasteries could not be established without the Authoritie of the Apostolike Church, which is that of Rome; and how can they make Churches in preiudice of the chiefe Head, if they were not builded, and made by our Lord Iesus Christ? They yeelded hereunto, and the Interpreter said that Prete Ianni tooke exceeding great pleasure hereat.

Then they asked me whether in Portugall, the Priests were marryed? I told them, no. They demanded, whether we held the Councell of Pope Leo g 1.1098 which was made at Nice? I told them, yea, [ 50] and that I had alreadie declared, that the great Creed was made there. They asked me againe, how many Bishops were then with the Pope? I answered, that I had alreadie told them, that there were three hundred and eighteene. They replyed againe vnto mee, that it was ordained in this Councell, that Priests might marrie, and if this Councell were sworne and confirmed, wherefore were they not marryed? I told them that I knew nothing else of that Councell, but that the Creed was made there, and that our Lady might be called the Mother of God.

Afterward, they told me many other things which there were ordained and sworne, which Pope Leo brake, and prayed me to tell them what they were: I answered them, that I knew them not, but that in mine opinion if he had broken any of them, they might be some of those, which con∣cerned [ 60] Heresie, which at that time was very great, but that he had approued things necessarie and pro∣sitable,

and that otherwise he should not haue beene allowed, and canonized for a Saint as he is. Againe, he asked me concerning the Marriage of Priests, inquiring of me, whether the Apostles were mar∣ried? I told him, that I neuer had read in any Booke, that the Apostles had Wiues; after that, they went in company with Iesus, and although Saint Peter had a Daughter, yet he had her by his wife, be∣fore he was an Apostle, and that Saint Iohn the Euangelist was a Virgine: and that I had read, that after the death of Christ, the Apostles preached constantly the Faith in him, and doubted not to dye for the same: And that the Church of Rome, which is the true Church, hath ordained and confirmed, that after the imitation of the Apostles, no Priest should haue a wife, to the end they should bee more cleane, and more pure in their consciences, and should not bee busied all their time in bringing vp their children, and prouiding for their liuing. Hereunto answer was returned me, that their Bookes com∣manded, * 1.1099 [ 10] that they should be married, and that Saint Peter said euen so.

They caused me to sing Gloria in excelsis, and certaine Verses of the Creede. At this confe∣rence, an Interpreter stood continually, and hard by him the Frier, which had conducted vs in our way. This Frier had beene sometimes in Italy, and vnderstood a little Latine. The Prete Ianni caused him to be asked, whether he vnderstood that which I spake? He answered him, yea, and that I had said, Gloria in excelsis, and the Creed, as they say it.

78. The night that I stayed so long with the Prete, before morning, the Ambassadour was robbed in the Tent where wee lodged, and they stole away two Cloakes of cloath, two rich Hats, seuen fine Shirts, &c. In the morning, the Ambassadour willed me and the Secretary to go to the Tent of Prete, to complaine and craue Iustice for this robbery, and so I did. But because [ 20] the Ambassadour had taken two Theeues, therefore while we were before the Tent of the Prete, a Woman came crying and crauing Iustice, and said; That the Ambassadour and his Company, the last night, by meanes of an Arabian, that knew the language of the Countrey, had taken away her Daughter by force, and led her to their Tent, of whom they had had their pleasure. And because her Sonne complained for the forcing of his Sister, they had taken him with the Arabian, which had deceiued the Maid, and laid to their charge that they were robbed. When they had heard vs and this woman, they made vs both all one answer, that is, that Iustice should be done, and so they dismissed vs. The same day, the Frier which was with me before the Prete, the night past, came with a rich Tent, but halfe worne, saying; That the Prete had sent vs it to say Masse in, and that immediatly it should be set vp, because the next day was the Feast of the [ 30] Angell Raphael, and that we should say Masse in it euery day, and pray to God for him. This Tent was Embroidered, and of Veluet of Mecca, lined within with very fine Cloath of Chaut. They told me, that foure yeares before the Prete had wonne it in the warre, which he made a∣gainst the King of Adel, who was a Moore, and Lord of Zeila, and Barbara: and the Prete sent vs word, that we should hallow the same before wee said Masse in it, because of the sinnes committed therein by the Moores. The same night it was presently set vp, and on the morrow, we said Masse therein, and all the Frankes which were in the Court, for fortie yeares space, came thither to heare it, as also many people of the Countrey.

79. The eight of Nouember, the Prete sent for vs, and forthwith we repaired thither, the Ambassadour would needs carrie the Chests and bagges of Pepper, which hee had promised him. [ 40] When we were come vnto the entry of the first hedge, they held vs with certaine friuolous questions, cōcerning the Negroes which we had taken, for the goods which they had stolne from vs: and the demands continued so long, that in the meane while they sent to loose the said Ne∣groes, without any conclusion or remedy for the theft, and the Prete sent vs three hundred Loaues, and thirtie Iarres of Wine, and certaine victuals of flesh from his owne Table, and so we returned to our Tent. They sent another time for vs, and when we were come, we stood a great while vpon certaine questions, why we tooke not our way from the Sea coast, toward the Kingdome of Dancute, which is farre the neerer way: and seeing we were Seruants to the King of Portugall, why wee had not Crosses marked in our flesh vpon our shoulder, because such is their custome, that all the Seruants of the Prete haue a crosse marked vpon their right shoulders? [ 50] They asked rarther: seeing we had giuen away our Pepper, wherewith we would buy our Vi∣ctuals for our iourney, &c.

80 The twelfth of Nouember, the Prete sent vs fiue very great and goodly Horses to our Tent, praying the Ambassadour to come with foure others of his company vpon the said Hor∣ses, to skirmish before his Tent: and it was very late, and the Ambassrdour was not very well * 1.1100 pleased that it was so late and darke: but streight-way there were so many Torches lighted, that it was as light as day. And here they skirmished in such sort, that they delighted the Pre∣te very much, which skirmish being ended, wee returned to our Tent; whither suddenly the Prete sent vs three Iarres of Wine, much better then any he had sent vs before. The next day, he sent to the Ambassadour a Cup of Siluer, very curiously gilt, and made after our manner, as [ 60] well in the foot, as in the Bowle. On the foote were the Apostles grauen, standing vpright, * 1.1101 and in the Bowle were certaine Latine letters, containing these words: Hic est calix noui Testa∣menti: A cloath of Gold for the Altar of our Church, and a Bason and Ewer made of black∣wood, with red and white veines, as faire as euer we saw, to powre water vpon our hands, and

sent vs word, that we should send him all our names in writing. They were suddenly carried him: he sent backe to know, what Roderigo signified, and what Lima signified, and likewise * 1.1102 what was the signification of all the other names. The cause of this demand was, because in this Countrey they neuer giue any proper name, which hath not some signification. The next morning, in the Tent of the Ambassadour, there was another theft committed; for while George * 1.1103 de Breu was a sleepe, he had a Cloake stolne that cost him twentie duckats, and from vs also were stolne certaine bagges of stuffe, neither vse they any diligence to cause these things to bee restored vnto vs, because (as wee haue said) there is a Captaine of the Theeues, which for the setting of the Prete his Tents, hath no other reward, but such things as they steale. This day the Prete sent vs a Saddle for a Horse, wholly beset with stones of Cornallin, (this Saddle, be∣sides [ 10] that it was very heauy, was also very badly made) saying, That the Ambassadour should ride thereon.

81. The Saturday following, the Prete commanded all the Lords and great men of his Court, to goe and heare our Masse, which they also did the Sunday following; but there were farre more on the Saturday; for besides our Masse, we baptized also: and as farre as we could gather by their gestures, and as the Frankes told vs which we found in this Countrey and the Inter∣preters which were with vs, they marueiled much, and greatly praised our seruice; saying, That they could not speake against it, but onely because we gaue not the Communion to all those that were present at the same, and likewise to those which were baptized. The eighteenth of the said moneth, the Prete sent for me, and moued many questions vnto me, and among others, how many [ 20] Prophets had prophesied of the comming of Christ. I answered him, that in my iudgement all of them had spoken of the same, to wit; one of his comming, another of his Incarnation, ano∣ther of his Passion and Resurrection; all which concerned Christ. Likewise, how many bookes Saint Paul had made? I answered him, That it was one Booke onely, diuided into many parts, that is to say, Into many Epistles. Hee asked me likewise, how many Bookes the Euangelists had made? And I made him the same answer. Also, he asked, whither we had a Booke diui∣ded * 1.1104 into eight parts, which all the Apostles, being gathered together at Ierusalem, had written, which they call Manda and Abetilis? I answered, that I neuer had heard of any such Booke, and that it was not to be found amongst vs. Hee said, That they obserued all the Commande∣ments written therein. [ 30]

82. On a Tuesday, we were sent for vnto the Prete, and it was the nineteenth of Nouem∣ber, and being come to the first gate or entry, we stayed a great while, the weather being verie cold, and the night well spent. Then we entred with the like pauses and stayes, as we had vsed twice before, and there was a farre greater assembly then before. And the greatest part had their weapons. There were also a great number of Candles and Torches light before the gates, so * 1.1105 that it seemed as light as day, neither made they vs to waite any long while, but that the Am∣bassadour and nine of vs Portugals went suddenly in, euen hard vnto the first Curtaines: which when we had passed, we found others farre richer, and those also we passed, where wee found certaine rich and great Thrones, couered ouer with rich Tapistry. Before these Thrones, hung other Curtaines of farre greater riches, which they opened on both sides, wee standing neere [ 40] vnto them. And heere we saw the Prete Ianni sitting vpon a skaffold, very richly adorned with sixe steps to ascend thereunto. He had vpon his head an high Crowne of Gold and Siluer, that * 1.1106 is to say; One piece of Gold, and another piece of Siluer, and a Crosse of Siluer in his hand. His face was couered with a piece of Blew Taffata, which was to bee mooued vp and downe, so that sometimes all his face was seene, and sometimes all couered. On his right hand stood a Page, cloathed in Silke, with a Crosse of Siluer in his hand, whereon certaine Pictures were engrauen, standing vpright, which from the place where we stood, we could not perfectly dis∣cerne: but afterward I had this Crosse in my hand, and saw those Images. The Prete was appa∣relled with a rich garment, Embroydered with Gold, and his Shirt was of Silke, with wide sleeues, which were like vnto a Surplice. Before him downeward, hee was girded with a rich cloath of Silke and Gold, like the Rochet of a Bishop spread abroad, and he sate in Maiestie, af∣ter [ 50] the manner that they paint God the Father vpon the wals. Besides the Page which held the Crosse, there stood on each side another Page in like apparell, each of them holding a naked sword in their hands.

In his age, colour, and stature, he seemeth to be young. Hee is not very blacke, but of the * 1.1107 colour of a Chest-nut, or of ruddy Apples, which are not very Tawny, and sheweth a great grace in his colour and countenance, and is of a meane stature, and is said to be three and twen∣tie yeares old, and so he seemeth to be. Hee hath a round visage, great eyes, an Hawkes nose, and his beard began to bud. In his presence and pompe, he seemeth to be a great Lord, as in ve∣ry deed he is. We stood the space of two speares length from him: questions and answeres pas∣sed [ 60] too and fro, and all by the Cabeata. On euery side of this Throne, stood foure Pages in rich array, euery one holding a burning Torch in his hand. When these questions and answers were ended, the Ambassadour deliuered the Grand Captaines Letters to the Cabeata, which were translated into the Abyssin tongue, and he presented them to the Prete, who read them very rea∣dily,

and when he had read them, he said: As these be the Letters of the Grand Captaine, so would to God they had beene the Letters of the King of Portugall his Father; howbeit, that these Letters were most welcome vnto him, and that he gaue God most hearty thankes, for hauing granted that great gift vnto him, to behold that which his Ancestors had neuer seene, neither did he thinke he should haue seene himselfe, and that his desires should be fully accomplished, if the King of Portugall would build Fortresses vpon the Ile of Maczua, and in the Towne of Suachen; because he doubted greatly, that the * 1.1108 Turkes our enemies would fortifie in them, which if it came to passe, they would greatly disturbe both him and vs Portugals: and for this purpose he would giue vs all things necessarie, as well people to worke, as Gold and Victuals: and to be short, whatsoeuer wee should stand in need of: And that in his opinion, besides the building of the said Forts, it was needfull to take the Citie of Zeila, and to build a [ 10] Fort in the same, because it is a place which aboundeth with all kind of Uictuals: and hauing taken this Citie, they might make sure worke, that no Victuals should passe to the Cities of Aden, Zidem, Mecca, and into all Arabia; and vnto Toro and Suez: which Townes being depriued of these Uictu∣als, should be in a manner vndone, seeing they cannot haue Victuals but onely from these parts: that he would binde himselfe to finde all kind of Victuals, Gold and People, to defray all this charge, and for our Fleete: And on condition, that some meanes might be found to open a way, whereby hee might ioyne himselfe with Christian Princes, he would spare nothing that he had in the world. And in this discourse of taking these Townes, and making of these Forts, we spent a great time with exceeding great delight of the Prete.

83. The next day, being the twentieth of Nouember, I was called for by the Prete, and a∣mong [ 20] others, he moued these questions; that I should declare vnto him the liues of Saint Ierome, and Saint Dominicke, and Saint Francis, and of what Countrey they were, and wherefore in the Let∣ters of the Grand Captaine mention was made, that the King of Portugall had builded Churches vnto these Saints, in the Townes which he had taken in the Kingdomes of Congo, Benin, and of the Indies. I answered, that Saint Ierome was borne in Sclauonia, and Saint Dominicke in Spaine, and gaue him large information of their orders, referring my selfe to the Booke which I had of their liues. Sud∣dainly there came an answere, that I should shew him the liues of these Saints, seeing that I said that I had them. After this, they came with another question, whether wee did all things * 1.1109 that the Pope commanded vs? I said, yea; for so wee were bound by the Article of our holy Faith, which confessed One holy and Catholike Church. Hereupon they answered me, that if the [ 30] Pope would command them any thing which the Apostles had not written, they would not doe it: and likewise if their Abuna or Patriarke would commaund them any such thing, they would burne such a Commandement. After this, came another question, Why there are not so many bodies of Saints in Ethiopia, as there be in Italy, Germany, and France? I answered him, That in those Prouinces many Emperours had raigned, whose Ministers being Pagans, were very cruell, and that they which were conuerted to the Faith of Christ, were so constant in the same, that they chuse rather to dye for it, then to worship Idols, and that therefore there were so many Martyrs and Virgins. Touching this point an answer was returned, that I said the truth, which he greatly delighted to heare so plain∣ly deliuered, and asked whether we knew, How long it was since Ethiopia receiued the Christian Faith? I sent him word, that I thought, that within a short time after the death of Christ, this land was conuerted by the Eunuch of the Queene Candaces, which was baptized by * 1.1110 the Apostle Saint [ 40] Philip. An answere was sent me, that by this Eunuch there was no more conuerted but the Country of Tigrai, which is in Ethiopia, and that the rest was conuerted by force of Armes; as also he procee∣deth in daily conuerting of diuers Kingdomes by the said force of Armes, and that the first conuersion * 1.1111 of the Queene Candaces, was ten yearet after the death of Christ, and that from that time vnto this present, it had beene conuerted by Christians, &c.

84. The next day, the Prete sent for my Booke, which is called, Flos Sanctorum, saying; That I should shew them the liues of the said Saints: I sent him my Booke, which presently they sent me backe againe by two Friers, saying, That the Prete willed them to write the name of euery Saint, in the Abissin tongue, and to place the same vpon euery figure. The next day, [ 50] the said Friers were with their Booke to translate these liues. I durst not go to speake with the Prete, vnlesse I carried with me the Booke of the Kalender, because they asked me the day of e∣uery Saint, and would needs haue me tell it them immedia••ly. On Saint Katherines day, being Sunday, the Prete sent certaine Canons and Priests, which (a Venetian Painter, called Nicholas Brancaleon, which had liued aboue fortie yeares in this Countrey, and vnderstood the Abyssin tongue, was their Interpreter) and that euery thing was excellently well handled, saying, That * 1.1112 one alone said Masse, and that they gaue not the Communion to all the standers by.

This very day being Sunday, when wee were gone to bed, the Prete sent for vs, and being come vnto the first Curtaines, he caused vs all to put on our best apparell, and to come into the presence of the Prete, who sate vpon his Throne in the very same sort that he sate before. And [ 60] here he talked with vs of many matters, and among other things, that the Frankes which were in his Court might depart this Realme, when it pleased them, and the Ambassa••our also with his Company, and that one Franke should stay behind, called Nicholas Muzza, by whom hee would send his Letters, which were to be made in Gold, and that therefore he could not write so soone.

§. XIII.

Of the Progresse of PRETE IANNI. Their Wrestling, Baptisme, Masse passage; of the dangerous Straits comming to Saint GEORGES Church. Many other Questions. The PRETES preparations in his Trauell.

85.THe fiue and twentieth of the said moneth of Nouember, the Prete remooued in this order. He mounted on horse-backe with two Pages onely, and passed be∣fore our Tent, skirmishing and managing of his horse. And suddenly a brute [ 10] went through the Campe, that the Negue was departed. And euery man hast∣ned to follow after as fast as they could. He caused fiftie Mules to bee deliuered vs, thirtie fiue to carrie our Meale and Wine, and fifteene to carrie our other Stuffe, with certaine slaues, and we were recommended to a certaine Lord, called Aiaz Raphael. Aiaz is the title of his Lord∣ship, and Raphael his name, who gaue vs euery day an Oxe. Wee departed, and on the Wed∣nesday came vnto the Court, and lodged in a great open field vpon a Riuers side: Est-soones, there came a very honorable Frier to visit vs, which is the chiefe of the Kings Secretaries, and a great Diuine, and also the Nebret of the Friers of Chaxumo, and said, that hee came to visit vs on the behalfe of his Lord.

86. The second of December, Lazarus de Andrada, our Portugall Painter, being neere the [ 20] Kings Tent, was asked whether he would wrastle; and hee wrastled, misdoubting no danger at all: and at the first bowt his legge was broken, he brake another Portugals arme. This Wrastler of the Prete, was called Gabmariam, which signifieth, The Seruant of Mary, and was a Moore, and is broad-shouldred, and a strong fellow, and worketh cunning with his hand in Silke and Gold. This day came newes from his Grand Betudete, which was in Warre against a King of the Moores, that he had vanquished him; and sent much Gold and slaues, and the heads of cer∣taine great men which he had slaine.

At this time one Master Peter Cordiero a Genoues, had a Sonne borne of his Wife, which was * 1.1113 a Negro, who requested me to baptize him within eight dayes, because they baptize not their male children before the end of fortie dayes. I baptized this childe the tenth of December, and [ 30] thither repayred great store of people, and those of the most honourable and principall of the Court.

87. Departing from this Countrey, we tooke our iourney by that way, by which wee came * 1.1114 vnto the Court. And so great was the throng of people which trauelled on all sides, that for ten or twelue miles space, the people were so neere one another, that it seemed to bee the Pro∣cession on Corpus Christi day: and scarcely the tenth part are well apparelled. The rest are all clad in skinnes and other base apparell, and carrie all their riches with them, which are onely certaine pots to make Wine in, and Dishes to drinke in. And if they make no long iourney, these * 1.1115 base people, carrie their poore Cottages all whole and couered as they are, and if they goe any long iourney: they carrie nought but the rafts onely, which are certaine small Poles; and the rich [ 40] men cause their Tents to be carryed with them, which are very good and of great price. I speake not of the great Gentlemen and Lords; for with euery one of them is mooued as it were a Citie or a good Towne, as namely, their Tents carryed partly vpon slaues backes, and partly vpon Mules. We Portugals, and the Frankes haue oftentimes considered the number of these Mules, and take them to be aboue fiftie thousand. The Horses are but few, for albeit there are very faire ones, yet because they know not how to shooe them, they quickly marre their feet: and if the Prete trauell any long iourney, all the Townes are full of furbated Horses, which are faine to fol∣low softly after. The Mules of carriage are innumerable, and they ride as well on Male as Fe∣male Mules. There are great store of Hacknies which carrie burthens, and yet their feet are not furbated as the Horses be. There are many He-asses more seruiceable then Hacknies. They make [ 50] many Oxen also to carrie burthens, and in the plaine and Champaigne Countries, the Camels carrie burthens.

88. The Prete seldome trauelleth in the high way, neither doth any man know whether hee goeth; but the Altar-stones, that is, their Churches, which are thirteene doe keepe the high * 1.1116 way, although the Prete goe out of the way, and all the people commeth after in the way, vn∣till they find a white Tent set vp, and straite way euery man taketh vp his lodging in his place, and many times the Prete comes not to this Tent, but lyeth in Monasteries and other Religious Aouses. In this Tent which is erected, they vse continually to sing and play vpon Instruments, as though the Prete were there in person, but not so cunningly as when he is there present. The Altar-stones are carryed with great reuerence, and alwayes by Priests that say Masse, and there * 1.1117 [ 60] be foure of them which carrie the same on their shoulders vpon a square Table, and foure Priests come behind to change courses in carrying of the same. They are couered with rich Embroyde∣red Clothes and cloth of Silke, and two Clerkes goe before with a Censor and a Crosse, and ano∣ther

goeth ringing with a small Bell, and euery man and woman that heareth the same, goeth out of the way: and if hee bee on horse-backe hee strait-way lighteth, and giueth place, that the Church may passe. Likewise there alwayes goe with the Court foure Lions, each of them led with two Chaines, one before and another behind, and euery bodie maketh roome for them. We wayted on the Court till the twentieth of December, and came vnto those terrible Mountaines where the gates are, whereby we passed when we came first into the Countrey, and there they lodged vs.

After that the Tents of the Prete were erected, strait-way they beganne to make a very high Scaffold neere one of his Tents, because the Prete would shew himselfe to his people on Christ∣mas day. And commonly he sheweth himselfe thrice a yeare, that is to say, on Christmas day, [ 10] on Easter day, and on Holy Rood day in September. And the cause why he thus sheweth him∣selfe * 1.1118 thrice, is, because his Grand-father, whose name was Alexander, was kept three yeares se∣cret after his death by his Seruants, who gouerned the Countrey all the meane-while: for vntill that time, none of the people might see their King, neither was he seene of any, but a few of his Seruants. And at the request of the people, the Father of this Dauid shewed himselfe these three dayes, and this King also doth the like: They also say, that when he goeth to warre, he al∣wayes goeth open, that all men may see him, and also when he trauelleth.

89. On Christmas Euening at after-noone, the Prete called for me, and asked mee what Feast kept the day next following? I sent him word, wee kept the Feast of the Natiuitie of Christ. He asked me, what Solemnitie we vsed? I answered, that we kept our vsuall manner, and the solemnitie of three Masses. Hee said, that they did all things like vnto vs, saue that they vsed [ 20] but one Masse, and willed me to stay one of those three Masses which I would my selfe. Six of vs went and we prolonged the Mattins with Lessons, Hymnes, Psalmes and Prophesies, and searched all such things as wee could best sing and thunder out: and the Prete neuer departed from the gate of his Tent, which was as I haue said, neere vnto our Church: and two Pages ne∣uer ceased to goe and come, and to inquire what it was the which we sung, specially when they perceiued vs to change the tune of the Psalmes, Hymnes, and Responsories. When this was done, and one man confessed, it began to be broad day, and I sent them word, that I would say Masse, and strait way we began a Procession, with a Crosse carryed vp before vs, and an Image of our Lady, and two Torches about the Crosse: and wee beganne the Procession neere the Circle [ 30] within our Tent. Suddenly the Prete sent vnto vs to make our Procession about his Tents, and sent vs foure hundred great Candles of white Waxe, to carry them lighted before vs, and would haue vs beginne our Procession with our Portugals, and the white people, and that his owne people should follow after. When the Procession was ended, which reached a great Circuit, wee began our Asperges, and I went to giue Holy Water to Prete Ianni, which I might easily fling from our Church, because he was neere vnto vs. There were with him, as I was informed, the Queene his Wife, Queene Helena his Mother, and the Cabeata, with other his familiar friends. In the Tent of our Church stood all the great Nobles and Lords of the Court, which could stand in the roome, and the rest stood without: and from our Altar vnto the Prete his Tent all the way was open, because he desired to see the whole Seruice of the Masse. [ 40]

90. The Procession, Masse, and Communion being ended, the Ambassadour and all the rest of his company were permitted to goe home vnto their Dinner, and I onely with mine Interpre∣ter was stayed behind. Strait way that old Father, the Kings Schoole-master came vnto mee, and said, that the Prete Ianni greatly commended our Seruice, but desired to know what reason we had to suffer the Lay-people to enter into the Church, as well as the Clergie, and that hee was informed, that women also came into the Church. I answered him that the Church of God was not shut vp against any Christian, and that if Christ stood alwayes with open armes to receiue all that come vnto him into his glory in Paradise, why should not wee receiue them into the Church, which is the way to passe into Paradise? and as touching women, although in old time they entred not into Sancta Sanctorum, yet the merits of our Lady were such and so [ 50] * 1.1119 great, that they were sufficient to deserue, that the feminine sexe might enter into the House of God.

They sent me word, that they had fourescore and one Bookes of the old and new Testament, and would know whether we had any more, or no? I sent them word, that wee had aboue ten times fourescore and one Bookes, which were drawne out of the aforesaid Workes, with many and more perfect Expositions. They told mee that they knew well, that wee had more Bookes then they, and therefore he desired me to tell him the names of those which they had not. And so they held me with Questions and Answeres vntill night, with Messengers that ceased not to trot vp and downe. I stood on my feet leaning vpon a staffe, and Questions came vnto mee not onely from the Prete Ianni, but also from his Wife and from his Mother Queene Helena: and I [ 60] answered them as God assisted me. At length, I became so wearie and hungry, that I could not stand any longer vpon my legs, and they gaue mee leaue to depart. I was no sooner gone away, but a Page came running after me, and said, that the Prete requested mee very instantly to giue him the Canopie that was ouer my head, prayng me to pardon him, that he had stayed me so

long without meat, and requested me so soone as I had dined, to returne vnto him, because he de∣sired to know other things of me. After I was come to our Tents, and had scarce dined, there came a message vnto mee to pray mee to returne, and so I was constrained to goe thither, and brought them with me which had sung Masse, and there we sung a Complen, as well as we could. And the Prete with the Queene continually shewed exceeding great attentiuenesse.

The Seruice being ended, he commanded the Tent of the Church to be taken downe, because he meant to depart that night to passe those bad passages, which are on these mightie high Moun∣taines * 1.1120 whereof we haue spoken before, and so hee did: for at mid-night wee heard a great noyse of Horses and Mules, and euery body saying, The Negus marcheth. And forthwith wee put our selues in order, and followed him. And when we came to the first passage, we were constrayned [ 10] with Lances to make our way behind and before vs, so great was the furie and the throng, and the multitude of people which pressed vs behind. Wee trauelled till wee ouer-tooke the Kings Tents, which were pitched in the midst of those great Trenches, which are betweene the Ri∣uers before mentioned: heere wee rested vntill mid-night, and till the Prete beganne againe to march, and we with him: and before morning, we were gotten out of those ill passages. And we heard afterward, that the same night in those passages there perished very many men, wo∣men, Asses, Mules, and laden Oxen: and in this second passage, called Aquiafaghi, as wee haue * 1.1121 said before, it was told mee that a great Lady being vpon a Mule, beeing led by two of her Ser∣uants, all of them being tyed together, fell downe from that great heigth, and were torne in pieces before they came to the bottome: so terrible and fearefull are those Rockes and downe∣fals, [ 20] that it seemes they goe downe to Hell, to him that beholdeth them. This was our iour∣ney * 1.1122 without keeping holy the Octaue of Christmas, which in that Countrey is not obserued. I haue said before, that the Court stayed in other places fiue or sixe dayes in remoouing, but at these passages they stayed three weekes, and the stuffe of the Prete was aboue a moneth in pas∣sing, although they passed euery day.

91. The eight and twentieth of December, 1520. we drew neere vnto a Church which wee saw before, as we came into the Countrey, but we were not thereat, which is called S. Georges, * 1.1123 vnder which they set vp the Pauilion of the Prete, and we lodged in our appointed place. The next day very early, the Prete sent to call vs, and signified vnto vs that wee should see the Church, which is great and all painted round about, the walls and paintings are very conue∣nient, where are many goodly Histories well set forth, and made in due proportions by a Uene∣tian, [ 30] called Nicholas Brancaleon, of whom we spake before, and here his name is so put downe in writing, although in this Countrey they call him Marconius. The walls which are without the body of the Church, and meet vnder the couered circuit, which is like a Cloyster, were all couered from top to the bottome with whole pieces of Embroydered Cloth, of Veluets, and o∣ther * 1.1124 rich Cloth of Silke. When we came into the gate of the open circuit, and were entring in∣to the couered circuit, they caused the Clothes to be lifted vp, which were hanged ouer the prin∣cipall gate, which seemed to bee couered ouer with plates, which at the first blush wee tooke to be of Gold, because they told vs so, but when we came neerer, wee perceiued, that they were but plates of Siluer, but gilt ouer, and it was laid so cunning as well vpon the gates, as in the [ 40] Windowes, that it could not be mended.

The Cabeata, which is so great a Lord, was the man that went with vs and shewed vs euery thing. And the Prete also was present, but enuironed with his Curtaines: yet when we passed by him he might see vs and we him. Whereupon when he saw vs, hee could not containe him∣selfe, but needs he must send to know of vs, what we thought of that Church and of those pain∣tings. We answered him, that they seemed vnto vs to bee things that belonged to a great Lord and King, which answere pleased him not a little. The roofe or couering of this Church is fra∣med vpon thirtie six Pillars of wood, which are very thicke, and as high as the Masts of Gal∣lies, and couered all ouer with Wainscot, which are painted, like as all the wals round about.

After diuers fashions, hoping that I should haue beene dispatched, there were fetched out of the Church foure great and rich Canopies, which so soone as I saw them, I greatly wondred at [ 50] although before I had seene many great and rich ones in India, which doe shadow those Kings, * 1.1125 but none of that greatnesse and richnesse, whereat they reioyced that brought them, and ranne to tell it vnto the Prete, who suddenly sent for me vnto him, and standing in the gate of his Pa∣uilion with the Frankes, which remayned in the Court, he willed them againe to be shewed vn∣to one in their presence, commanding me to view them well, and to tell him what I thought of them. I answered him, that they were exceeding faire, and that I neuer had seene in India, where many of the Kings vse them, neither fairer, nor richer. Then he commanded, that they should be set vp on the ground against the Sunne, so that they made a shadow like vnto a Tent, and willed them to tell me, that when he trauelled, and would rest himselfe and his wife toge∣ther, [ 60] he rested himselfe vnder the shadow of one of those Canopies, and tooke his repast, and slept vnder the same. These Canopies might well be of the bignesse of a great Cart-wheele, so that ten men might well stand vnder the shadow of one of them, & were couered all ouerwith Silk. After all these Questions and Answeres, hee sent to know what hee desired most to drinke, whether

Wine of Grapes or of Honey, or of Zauna, which is made of Barley. His trauelling was after this manner: he rode vncouered aloft, with a Crowne vpon his head, compassed with redde * 1.1126 Curtaines, very long and high: onely behind him and on both sides, and he was in the midst. They which carryed the said Curtains, were on the outside of the same, & bare the same aloft vpon smal Speares. Within the said Curtaines goe six Pages, which they call Lag••meneos, which signifieth, Pages of the head, because the Mule which the Prete rideth on, hath a very faire ornament aboue her bridle, which hath in the cheekes of the bridle, two Cordons of Silke with goodly Tassels, and one of these Cordons, one Page holdeth on one side, and another on the other side, which lead the Mule, as it were by the head: then follow two other Pages likewise, one on the one side, and another on the other side, which lay their hands on the necke of the Mule, and two follow after [ 10] in the same manner with their hands vpon the buttockes, almost vpon the Crouper. Without the Curtaines and before the Prete March twentie of the principall Pages in very good array, and before the said Pages goe sixe Horses, very faire and richly furnished, each of them being led by foure men, very well apparelled, to wit; two by the head, & two behind, with their hands vpon the Crouper, in such sort as the Prete his Mule was led. And before these Hor∣ses goe sixe Mules, sadled and very well furnished, and euery one of them likewise haue foure men to lead them as the Horses were led. And before the said Mules, goe twentie prin∣cipall Gentlemen riding vpon other Mules, with their fine Serges * 1.1127 about their bodies. And then wee Portugals went before the said Gentlemen, for this place was appointed vnto vs. Neither may any Footmen or Horsemen, either on horse-backe or vpon Mules approach [ 20] neere him by a great distance, for there bee Curriers which alwayes runne before vpon horse∣backe, * 1.1128 and if their Horses be tyred, they light and take others, which cause the people to stand out of the way, so that there is no bodie to be seene in the way. The Betudetes march with their * 1.1129 Guard a great distance out of the way, and one goeth on the one side, and another on the other, at the least a Caleeuer-shot distance off: and if the way be Champaigne, sometimes they goe a mile and an halfe off, according to the qualitie of the Countrey. And if the way bee rockie and strait, and so continue any long space, and that it bee necessary that euery man must passe that way, the said Betudetes diuide themselues a mile and an halfe asunder, and one goeth before, to wit, hee which is on the right hand, and hee on the left hand commeth behind, with each of * 1.1130 which Officers may be about sixe thousand persons, and as I said before; with these men alwaies [ 30] goe foure Lions chained with great Chaines, both before and behind. They march also which carrie the Churches and the Altar-stones, whereunto they doe great honour and reuerence. Ano∣ther thing the Prete carryeth with him whithersoeuer he goe, for hee neuer stirreth without it, which are one hundred Iarres of Wine of Honey, and as many of Wine of Raisins, euery one of which Iarres may containe sixe or seuen draughts of Wine, and they are as blacke as Iet, and are very smooth and finely made with a couer of Earth, and then stopped vp, and no man dare bee so hardie as to come neere or to take any of them without the Prete his licence. They carrie likewise one hundred Paniers painted ouer and closed, full of Wheaten bread, and these came after the Prete, not farre distant from him, and they carry them in a ranke, and they came one after another, that is to say, first a Iarre, and then a Panier, and behind them came sixe men [ 40] which are as it were Stewards of the house. And when they are come to the Prete his Pauilion, they vnlade all these things, and carry them in, and afterward he sendeth some part thereof to whom he pleaseth.

§. XIIII.

How the PRETE came to the Church of Machan Celacem, and of the Procession where∣with they receiued him; Diuers Messages: Their twelfth Baptisme of the ABVNAS Circumcision, Orders, Consecration of the Church [ 50] and Translation of NAHV. Diuers Questions and Discourses.

93. THe first of Ianuary, 1521. we came vnto a great Church, which when wee came that way first, and passed neere the same, they would not suffer vs to see. The Church is called Machan Celacem, which signifieth, The Trinitie. Three miles before wee came at the Church, the Prete commanded eight Horses well furni∣shed * 1.1131 to be giuen vnto vs, wherewith we should ride before him skirmishing, managing and tur∣ning our Horses far better then they could, whereat he took great delight. When we were come within a mile of the Church, there came forth an infinite multitude of people to receiue vs, and [ 60] there were so many Crosses, Priests and Friers of diuers Monasteries and Churches, that they could not be numbred, and to our iudgement they were aboue thirtie thousand. And we thought that the Friers came from farre Countries, because in this Kingdome of Amera, there were no Monasteries, because all the great Churches are the burials of their Kings. There were aboue

two hundred with Miters, which are made like vnto great and high hoods of Silke. And like∣wise * 1.1132 sixtie foure Canopies of those great ones, which might well be told, because they carried them aloft aboue the people: but they were not so faire and rich, as those of the Church of Saint George. All these Canopies belonged vnto Churches, where Kings were buried, because at their death they leaue the same vnto them. This great multitude of people assembled, belonged part∣ly to the Churches and Monasteries, and part of them were of the Countrey, which came to see the Prete, who rid all open, whom they neuer saw ride so before.

The Prete hauing lighted at the Church, and hauing made his Prayers, returned to his Paui∣lion, * 1.1133 and straight-way sent for me, and willed that the Ambassadour and his Company should goe to their lodging. Heere he demaunded of me, What I thought of this great meeting and enter∣tainment, [ 10] which was giuen vnto him by this great multitude, and whether the King of Portugall had any such great entertainment, and of so great number of people? And that this people were farre more then they seemed to be, because the most part of them were naked, and therefore appeared not to the be∣holders so many as they are, and that our people in France are well apparelled, and in order, and seeme to be many more then they be; and that I should goe rest me with the Ambassadour, whom I met vpon the way. Againe, hee sent me word, that this Church was newly built, and that there was ne∣uer any Masse said in it, and that it was the Custome, that as many as entred thereinto, should * 1.1134 giue some offering, and that the Ambassadour should giue his Weapons, and I should giue my Cap which I wore, and likewise each man should giue somewhat.

94. The day following, the Prete sent vs word, that we should come and see the foresaid * 1.1135 Church, whither he was gone before. This Church is very great and high, and the Wals are of [ 20] white stone, wrought with Iron Chizels, with very goodly worke, vpon which they lay no Transames, because they would not beare them, for the stones are not ioyned one with ano∣ther, nor seamed together, but onely laid one vpon another, without any Ligaments or firme∣nesse: and they seeme very faire, to a man that knoweth not how they are framed within. The chiefe gate is made all of plates, as the gate of the Church of Saint George is, and beweene these platts are counterfeit stones, and Iewels set with very good Pearles, all very well set in. Aboue the wall of the principall gate, are two Pictures of our Lady: very reuerendly, and well made, with two Angels, all drawne with Pensill. They say, that a certaine Frier drew them very liuely, and I my selfe was acquainted with that Frier. In this Church are three Iles [ 30] built vpon sixe Columnes, and the said Columnes are built of pieces of Free-stone, laid one vpon another, and very well wrought: and the circuit without, and couered like a Cloyster, is built vpon sixe Columnes of Wood, as great as the Masts of Gallies, and very high, and vp∣on the said Columnes, is Timber laid very flat, which maketh a very thicke Roofe; and doubt∣lesse, * 1.1136 it is a wonderfull thing to thinke, how these people which are without any great wit, were able to set vp these Pillers of Wood which are so high. About the Church are sixteene Curtaines hanged, running which way so euer you will, and they are as deepe as the whole * 1.1137 piece is, which are Embroydered Cloathes, very rich and stately, and euery Curtaine is of se∣uenteene pieces fastned together.

95. The fourth of Ianuary, the Prete sent vs word, that wee should remooue our Tent, and * 1.1138 [ 40] our Church, and should cau••e it to bee carried a mile and an halfe from thence, where they had made a Poole like a Pond or Lake, full of Water, wherein they went to baptize themselues vp∣on twelfth day, because this is their custome to baptize themselues euery yeere, on the same day that Christ was baptized. And so the next day being the Vigil, we went and saw a great cir∣cuit enclosed with an hedge in a very large field, and they sent to know, whether we would be baptized or no? I sent them word, that the manner of our Church was to baptize vs once only in our Infancy.

All that night an exceeding great number of Priests, ceased not to sing, vntill the morning ouer the said Lake, saying, that they blessed the said 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ake. About midnight they beganne the baptisme, and they say (which I beleeue also to be true) that the first which was baptized, was [ 50] the Prete, and next vnto him the Patriarke, Abuna Marke, and the Queene the Prete his Wife. And these three persons had cloathes about their priuities, but all the rest were starke naked, as they came into the world: And about the rising of the Sunne, when the baptisme was in the greatest heate, the Prete sent fór me to come and see him, I went thither, and stayed there till three of the clock, to see how they were baptized, and they placed me at an end of the said Lake, ouer against the Prete, and they were baptized in this manner.

The Lake hath a great bottome, and it is plaine, and cut into the ground, very right downe * 1.1139 and square, and boorded round about, and in the bottome with Plankes, and ouer those Plankes, it is couered with course Cotton-cloath, made like a Cers-cloath. The Water was conueyed [ 60] thitherby a little Gutter, such as they vse to Water Gardens withall, and ranne into the Lake through a Pipe, at the mouth whereof hung a great Sacke, to straine the Water which ranne into the Lake. And at my comming thither, the Water ceased running, because it was already full of Holy Water, whereinto they had cast Orle. This Lake had on the one side one or sixe steppes, and ouer against them about sixe yards distant, was made a little

enclosure of wood, wherein stood the Prete, which had a Curtaine of blue Sindall before him, being halfe slit in twaine, and through this slit he might see those that were baptized, for his face was turned toward the Lake: in which stood that old Father, the Schoole-master of the Prete, with whom I had conference on Christmas-day at night. This old man was naked as hee came out of his Mothers wombe, and almost dead for cold, because that night was a great Frost, and * 1.1140 hee stood in the water vp to the shoulders, for of that depth the Lake was where they entred, which were to be baptized, downe by the said steps starke naked with their backes toward the Prete, and when they went out, they shewed their fore-parts as well women as men. These people came, neere to the said Schoole-master, and he laid his hand vpon their heads, and thrust them downe thrice vnder the water; saying, in his owne Language: I baptize thee in the name of [ 10] * 1.1141 the Father, of the Sonne, and of the Holy Ghost, crossing of them in stead of blessing. And if they were little children, they went not downe all the said steps, but the said Schoole-master came vnto them, and dipped them downe after the manner aforesaid. And as I haue said, I stood on the other side ouer against the Prete, so that when he saw their backes, I saw the fore∣parts of those which were baptized.

This Poole or Lake was compassed and couered with Tents of diuers colours, so well placed and ordered with such store of boughes, of Orenge-trees, Limons, and Citrons, that it seemed to be an exceeding faire Garden. The great Tilt that hung ouer the said Lake was very long, and all full of red and blue crosses of Silke, which gaue a great grace thereunto.

96. The next day after the baptisme, I went to visit the Abuna, whom till then I had nei∣ther [ 20] spoken withall, nor seene, but onely at the Baptisme, beeing almost dead for cold, where I could not speake vnto him. He tooke exceeding pleasure at my visiting of him, and would not * 1.1142 let mee kisse his hand, but rather would haue fallen downe vpon the ground to kisse my feet. And being set downe vpon a Couch, the beginning of his speech was, that he gaue most heartie thankes to God for our meeting together, and that hee conceiued exceeding great pleasure when those things were told him which I had so often spoken vnto Prete Ianni, and especially con∣cerning that Baptisme, in that I hhd vttered the truth so freely in his presence, wherein hee would not beleeue the Abuna himselfe, because he alone was of that opinion, and that if he had me companion or two to helpe to backe him in aelling of the truth, that hee would draw the * 1.1143 Prete from many faults and errours, wherein he and all his people were plunged. And while we [ 30] were talking of this matter, there came in a white Priest, the Sonne of a Gibete, that is to say, of a white man borne in this Countrey, and he asked me why we were not circumcised, seeing that Christ was circumcized: I answered him, that it was true, that Christ was circumcised, and that he would haue it so, because he would fulfill the Law which at that time was vsed, because hee would not be accused before the time for breaking of the Law, but that shortly after, hee com∣manded that Circumcision should cease. This Priest forth-with replyed, that he was the Sonne * 1.1144 of a Franke, and that his Father would not suffer him to be circumcized, and that when he came to the age of twentie yeares after the death of his Father, on an Euening going to bed vncir∣cumcised, the next morning he found himselfe circumcised: and how might this come to passe, if God would not haue Circumcision? I answered him, that this was a notable deceit▪ for though [ 40] it were granted that God had not forbid Circumcision, yet hee was not so worthy a person, that God would shew this Miracle vpon him, that is to say, of an imperfect man to make him perfect: and that if it were as he had said, that going to bed whole, he was found the next mor∣ning circumcized, it might be the Deuill that had done the same to doe him dishonour. The A∣buna, and as many as were in the house laughed exceedingly at this speech, and tooke great plea∣sure thereat: and this Priest afterward became an especiall friend to me and to all the Portugals, and came daily to heare my Masse.

After this the Abuna caused Wine and Fruits of the Countrey to bee brought in, and would needs make vs a little Banquet, and sent vnto our Tents good store of Bread and Wine and one Oxe. The eighth of Ianuary, the said Abuna, determined to giue Orders, and I went thither to [ 50] see the manner which hee vsed in giuing of the same; which was in this wise: A white Tent was erected in a great Champaigne field, where were assembled betweene fiue and sixe thousand * 1.1145 persons to receiue Orders. Hither came the Abuna, riding vpon a Mule, and my selfe was in his company with an infinite number of others. And sitting on his Mules backe in the midst of that so great Assembly, hee made, as it were, a Sermon in the Arabian Tongue, and one of his Priests * 1.1146 expounded it in the Abassin Language. I asked my Interpreter, what it was that the Abuna said: he told me that he said, that if any man there had two Wiues or more, although any of them were dead, he should not become Priest, and if he did take Orders he did curse and excommune him with the curse of God.

This speech being ended, hee sate him downe in a Chaire before the said Tent, and three [ 60] Priests sate downe before him vpon the ground, euery man with his Booke, and certaine others which directed this businesse, caused all those which were to take Orders, to set downe on the ground vpon their heeles, and all of them stood in three very long rankes or allies, and euery ranke had one of those Priests which held the Bookes and examined them shortly, so that some

reade not past two words: and after this man went another Priest, with a Basorrfull of a white tincture, and with a plate made like vnto Seales dipped in the said tincture, and with the same * 1.1147 they made a marke vpon the bare of their right arme, which beeing done, they rose from that place, and went and sate downe in the midst of the fields vpon certaine Hillockes of Earth, where they that were examined must stand, and there were very few which went not ouer thi∣ther. This Examination being ended, the Abuna went into his Tent and sate in a Chaire, and this Tent had two gates, through which they caused all the Examinates to passe, one after ano∣ther, and as they were presented before the Abuna, comming in at the one gate strait-wayes, he layed his hand vpon their heads, and said certaine words which I vnderstood not, and then pas∣sed out by the other gate: neither was there any one of them to whom this Ceremonie was not [ 10] done.

Then he tooke a Booke in his hand, and read a great while on the same, holding a little crosse of Iron in his hand, and made many signes of the Crosse therewith vpon the whole Companie. This ended, a Priest went out of the gate with a Booke and read, as it might bee, the Epistle or the Gospel, and strait-way the Abuna said a Masse, which continued no longer time, then a man * 1.1148 might thrice say ouer the Psalme of Miserere mei Deus: and strait-way he ministred the Com∣munion to all those Priests which were Massing Priests, and were in number two thousand three hundred fiftie sixe, for they make these Priests of the Masse by themselues, and the Clerkes by themselues another day. And the Abuna told mee, that the Clerkes were ordayned to the de∣gree of Deacon, as Saint Stephen was. Yet I saw him make Clerkes and Priests altogether in [ 20] one day, and that at oftentimes, because hee made them and gaue them Orders, very often, and * 1.1149 alwayes in great numbers, because they come to him out of all the Kingdomes and Territories of the Prete, for there is none that can giue Orders but he. They are not registred nor haue any Letters of Testimonie or Certificate of their Orders. And because I haue spoken of the num∣ber of two thousand three hundred fiftie sixe, I could not haue knowne the same, vnlesse I had beene told it by him which had the charge to count them, and I thinke he told me true.

97. The next day being the ninth of Ianuarie, the Prete sent for me; When I was come vn∣to him he said, that he vnderstood that I had beene to see his Priests consecrated, and asked mee what I thought of them. I answered, that I had seene two things, which though they had bin told me and confirmed by Oath, yet I would neuer haue beleeued them, to wit, the multitude of the Clergie, the Crosses and Miters which were at the receiuing of his Highnesse, and the en∣tertainment [ 30] which he made them. The second, was this so great and infinite number of Priests, which receiued Orders altogether, and that he thought that Ceremonie was very well perfor∣med; but that the dishonestie of the Priests wherein they came to take Orders, displeased mee not a little. Strait-way I was answered, that I needed not to maruell at any of these things: for as touching their meeting of him, there were no Priests that came thither, but onely those which belonged to the Churches of his Grand-father and Predecessor, which were builded in those parts,, and that they bare those Miters, Canopies, and Crosses which were left vnto them: and that the Priests which receiued Orders were but a few, in comparison of the number that they were wont to be, for alwayes they are wont to make fiue or sixe thousand, and that now they were so few, because they knew not of the comming of the Abuna, and that I should tell [ 40] him what dishonestie I had seene: which was contrarie to the Order of the Church? I answered, that it seemed to mee a very dishonest and shamefull thing, that the Priests which were to bee admitted to the ministration of the Masse, and were to receiue the bodie of Christ, should come almost all naked, shewing their Priuities: and that Adam and Eue so soone as they sinned saw themselues naked, and when they were to appeare before God did hide themselues: and that these beeing to receiue the Sacrament, which is much more, are not ashamed to shew all their dishonestie, and that I had seene a Frier which was starke blind, which neuer had eyes, and ano∣ther which was lame of his right hand, and foure or fiue which were lame of their legs, to haue receiued Orders of Priest-hood, which ought to haue beene sound, and to haue all their limmes sound and perfect. Suddenly hee sent me word againe, that he was highly pleased, that I had mar∣ked * 1.1150 [ 50] euery thing particularly to tell him my opinion, that afterward things might be amended, saying, that hee would take order for the Priests, that they should not goe naked, and that touching those which were lame, I should conferre with Aiaz Raphael, which was present at this giuing of Orders. This Aiaz Raphael, is that honourable Priest and great Lord, to whom wee were recommended when wee came first vnto the Court.

The tenth of Ianuarie, the Abuna made Clerkes. These are not examined, because they make them of all Ages, euen children that are carryed in the armes and cannot speake, vntill they bee fifteene yeares old, whiles yet they haue no Wiues, but if they haue Wiues they cannot bee * 1.1151 Clerkes: and those which take Orders to be Priests of the Masse, while they bee Clerkes, may take Wiues, and so become Priests: for if they become Priests before they take Wiues, after∣ward [ 60] they may not marry. The men beare the children in their armes, and cannot speake nor goe, because the women may not come within the Church. Their crying seemeth to bee like the crying of so many young Kids, because they are there without their Mothers, and are halfe

starued for hunger: for this Ceremony is not ended vntill night, and they are enforced to con∣tinue without eating or sucking, because they must receiue the Communion. It is certainely * 1.1152 knowne, that these little ones are not able to reade, and the great ones also can reade but little.

And they make them after this sort. The Abuna sitting in a Chaire, which is in a Tent pla∣ced in a Church, caused these Clerkes to passe along before, and hauing read a while in a Booke, he pulleth from each of their Temples a tuft of haire: then hee readeth a Booke, and causeth them to passe by a second time, and to touch the Keies wherewith they open the gate of the Tent, and they put a Cloath vpon their heads, and at euery one of these actions they must once passe by: and likewise another they put a blacke Earthen Dish in their hands, in stead of the Ampulle, because they haue no Ampullas to serue at the Masse, and at each of these Ceremo∣nies [ 10] they read a little while, which being ended, the Abuna saith Masse. And it is a fearefull thing to behold the danger which these little Infants suffer, which perforce they make to swal∣low downe the Communion, by powring water downe into their throats, as well because the * 1.1153 Host is made of course Dough, as also by reason of their tender age, and the continuall mourning which they make.

In the end, the Abuna prayed me to goe and dine with him at his Tent, and heere hee desired me to tell him, what I thought of this Ceremony, whereat I was present all the while, and had seene euery thing particularly, and said that the Prete had sent him word to talke with mee concerning this Ceremony: I said, that his Ceremony liked me very well, But to admit Infants new borne vnto Orders, and great Lubbers without learning, me thought it vnseemely to thrust Asses [ 20] into the house of God. He answered mee, That God had sent him hither to tell the truth, and * 1.1154 that he did nothing, but as He was commaunded, and that the Prete had willed him to make all the Children Clerkes, and that they would learne in time to come, because he was now very old, and they wist not when they should haue another Abuna, seeing this Countrey heretofore had beene three and twentie yeares without an Abuna, and that not long since, they had sent two thousand ounces of Gold to Cairo, to haue an Abuna, and by reason of the Warres betweene the Soldan and the Turke, they had sent none, and yet they had detained the Gold, and that now God had caused me to come thither to tell them the truth, that this Countrey might speedily be prouided of an Abuna, because hee was not of any long life. After this, I went many times to see these Ceremonies, of giuing Orders to these Priests and Clerkes, because euery day in a manner they receiued Orders, in great multi∣tudes, [ 30] which came thither daily, and they obserued not the Ember-weekes, nor the Lent. And if at any time there were any intermission of giuing these Orders, straight-way some would come vnto me, and take acquaintance of me, although I knew them not, beseeching mee for Gods sake, to pray the Abuna to giue them Orders, because they dyed for hunger while they waited there: and I befought him in the Euening, and straight-way he commaunded the Tent to bee set vp, to giue Orders the next day following. And certainly, I neuer requested him, but immediatly he did the same, for he bare me exceeding good will, and tooke me as if I had beene his owne Brother.

98. The cause why this Countrey continued three and twentie yeares without an Abuna, they say was this; That in the time of the great Grand-father of this present King, whose [ 40] * 1.1155 name was Ciriacus, the Father of Alexander, which was the Father of Nahu, the Father of this present Prete Ianni, the Abuna dyed: and the said Ciriacus stayed ten yeares, and would send for none, saying; That he would take none from Alexandria, and that if none came from Rome, he would haue none at all, and that he would rather haue all the soules of his people to perish, then to receiue an Abuna from the Countrey of Hereticks: and at the end of ten yeares he dyed, without hauing of any Abuna; and his Sonne Alexander stood stifly in the same pur∣pose, for the space of thirteene yeares. At length the people complained vnto him, saying, That now there were scarce any Priests or Clerkes remaining to serue the Churches, and that if they were decayed, the Churches also would grow to decay; and consequently, the Christian Faith. And the said Alexander sent for an Abuna to Cairo, where at that time the Patriarke [ 50] of Alexandria remained, which sent him two, that the one might succeede the other, and both of them were liuing while wee were there. And during our aboad there, Abuna Iacob dyed, which was to succeed this man who now liueth: who told me, that he came into this Country fiftie fiue yeares past, and that he was as white and hoary-headed, as he was at that instant, and when he departed out of Cairo he was about fiftie, or fiue and fiftie yeares old, so that he think∣eth he is about one hundred and ten yeares of age. And truly, he that beholdeth and considereth him well, would take him to be no lesse. * 1.1156

And farther he told me, that the Prete which sent for him, was a most Christian Prince, and that the Saturdaies were not kept holy as long as he liued, nor any of these Iewish Ceremonies * 1.1157 were obserued, and that they did eate Hogges flesh, and flesh although it the throat were not cut: [ 60] for all these things belong vnto the old Law: and that it was not long, since two Frankes came vnto this Court, to wit: one Venetian, called Nicholas Brancaleon; and one Portugall, called Peter de Couillan, which when they came into the Countrey, before they came into the Court, began to fast and keepe the customes of the Countrey, (for as yet in many places, the Saturday was * 1.1158

kept holy) and did not eate meates that were forbidden. The Priests and Friers seeing this, which tooke vpon them to know the things continued in the Bible, much better then of any other Bookes; came to complaine to the Prete, saying; What thing is this, that these Frankes which now come from the Kingdomes of France, being both of them of seuerall Countries, do obserue the ancient customes of the Abyssines: how then commaundeth this Abuna, which is come from Alexandria, that we should obserue those things which are not in our Bookes, and hereupon the Prete Ianni forth-with commanded, that they should againe obserue the ancient * 1.1159 customes of the Abyssines. Abuna reported all these things vnto me, giuing many thankes to God for our arriuall. This Abuna liued in his Tent after this manner, (for I neuer saw him in an house but once.) He sitteth continually vpon a Couch, couered with a faire Cloath, as the [ 10] great Lords of this Countrey vse to doe. He hath his Curtaines about the said Couch, and like∣wise ouer the same. His apparell is White, that is to say, Made of most pure and fine Cotton Cloath which commeth out of India, where they call it Cacha: and it is made like a Cardinals * 1.1160 Cloake or Pauiell, which is ioyned and buttoned together on the breast. He hath also a Scapo∣rall, * 1.1161 which is like wise closed before, made of Blew Silke Chamblet, and on his head a great broad Miter made likewise of Blew Silke. Hee is, as I haue said, a very old man, of small sta∣ture, and bald: his Beard is very white, but small, and long in the midst, for in this Countrey the Church-men shaue not their Beards: he is very gracious in his speech and gestures, as any man may be: he neuer speaketh, but he giueth God thankes. When he goeth forth to the Tent of the Prete, or to giue holy Orders, he rideth vpon a goodly Mule, being very well accompa∣nied, [ 20] as well with men riding vpon Mules, as others following him on foote; he carrieth a little * 1.1162 Crosse of Siluer in his hand, and they carrie three Crosses vpon staues on each side of him, which reach vp higher then he is on his Mule. He carrieth with him whither soeuer he goe, two high Canopies which are to be set on foote, as great as those of the Prete, but not so rich. Moreouer, foure men goe before him with Whips, which make the people giue way on both sides: the ground is couered wheresoeuer hee trauaileth with Children, Young men, Friers, and Priests, which all runne crying after him. I enquired what they said, and I was answered; that they said, May it please your Lordship to make vs Clerkes, and God Grant you a long life. * 1.1163

99. The twelfth of Ianuary, 1521. was a very great assembly of Clerkes and Priests in the said Church, and they continued all that night with Singing and Musicke, and said, That they [ 30] did consecrate the same, wherein as yet no Masse had beene said, but they said it in another lit∣tle * 1.1164 Church which was neere adioyning, wherein the Father of this Prete was buried, and that they would remooue and carrie him into this great Church, which he begunne in his life time, and his Sonne had finished, and that they were thirteene yeares since he deceased, and on a Sun∣day in the morning, they said Masse there. This Church hath now at the first foundation there∣of, about foure hundred Canons, with great reuenues, but when the number shall increase, as it is fallen out in other Churches, they shall not haue sufficient to sustaine themselues. The fif∣teenth of the said moneth, wee were called for, and they caused vs to goe to the said Church, where there were gathered together aboue two thousand Priests, and as many Clerkes, which * 1.1165 were assembled before the principall Porch of the great Church, and in the circuit which is like [ 40] a Cloyster, and the Prete stood compassed in his Curtaines within a Clozet, which vseth to bee placed vpon the steppes of the principall gate, and all the Clergie stood before him, which said along Seruice, with singing, musicke, dancing, and leaping. Which being ended, he caused all the people, and the Clergie, and vs, to goe forth of the Church, and they placed vs toward the North, willing vs not to stirre from that place: and all the Clergie and people went to the little Church, where the Kings Father was buried, which also was towards the North, and therein * 1.1166 entred as many as could stand. And as we stood heere, an exceeding great Procession in very good order, beganne to passe betweene vs and the Church, and they carried the bones of the * 1.1167 dead King to the great Church, and the Patriarke Abuna Marke went in this Procession, being very feeble, and two men held him vp vnder the armes, by reason of his old age. Then followed [ 50] the Queenes, to wit, Queene Helena, the Prete his Mother, and the Queene his Wife, each of them vnder a blacke Pauilion, in mourning wise, (for before they vsed white Pauilions) and likewise all the people were clad in blacke cloath, weeping and howling with mightie cryes, saying; Abeto, Abeto, that is to say, Our Lord, Our Lord. And they pronounced the same with so abrupt and pitifull a voyce, and with so great abundance of teares, that they made all the multitude to weepe. The Coffin wherein the bones lay, was carried vnder a Pauilion of Em∣broydered cloath of Gold, compassed about with Curtaines of Damaske, and so they entred into the Church by the side-gate, where we stood, and as many people as the place would hold; and we went to this Ceremony at the Sunne rising, and returned to our lodging at night, by Torch-light. [ 60]

100. Straight-way we were led into a Tent which was newly set vp, and was placed on the backe side of the great Church in that circuit, and it was very long and flat, and all the Roofe was couered with Crosses, made of Silke, like those of the Tent which was placed ouer the Lake, where they were baptized, and within it was dressed with exceeding faire Tapistries, so

that it seemed to be a Hall very well furnished: and here he sent vs word to recreate our selues * 1.1168 a little for his sake, refreshing our selues, and discoursing of our priuate matters. And while we thus discoursed a good while, we saw comming in very good order, many Iarres of Wine, and a great basket of fine Bread, and great store of meate borne in great Platters, made of black earth, very faire, and excellently wrought, which seemed to be of blacke Amber. The meate was made of diuers sorts of Flesh, dressed after sundry fashions, somewhat after our manner, among which, were Hennes all whole, great, and fat, some sodden, and some roasted: and in other * 1.1169 Platters came other Hens, which seemed to be Hens indeed, but were onely the skins, in such sort, that they had taken out the flesh and all the bones, with wonderfull diligence, so that the skinne was not broken in any part, but was perfectly whole, and then mincing the flesh verie [ 10] small, and mingling it with certaine delicate Spices, they filled the same againe with it, which, as I haue said, was perfectly whole, and wanted nothing but the necke and the feete, from the neather ioynt downe-ward, neither could we at any time discerne how they could get out the bones, or how they might flay them, and yet could perceiue no rupture at all. We fed very well of these Hens, to our contentment, because they were so good and delicate. Then brought they in grosse and fat meate, so handsomly drest, that wee knew not whether it were sodden or roa∣sted. Afterward certaine White-meates were brought in, in other Platters, and meats of other colours, made partly of flesh stamped, with the sinewes taken out, and part of Birds, and diuers Fruits of the Countrey, and in some of them was store of Butter, in others Hennes suet: of e∣uery one of them we tasted, which seemed vnto vs very good and delicate: and we wondred how it was possible, that they should haue so good Cookes in that Countrey. Among the Iarres [ 20] of the Wine of Raisins, which were all of that Earth like blacke Amber, there was one of * 1.1170 Crystall Glasse, with a great Bowle of Crystall, all gilded ouer, and another great Bowle of Sil∣uer, Enamuled all ouer with foure exceeding fine stones, which seemed to be Saphires set in the same, standing in a square case, beset with many Rubies, and this Bowle was very faire and rich. When we had eaten as much as we thought good, the Prete sent vnto vs, requesting vs to sing and dance, and to recreate our selues after our owne manner.

101. The eight and twentieth of Ianuary, he willed vs to come vnto the great Church, and caused vs to be placed before his Curtaines, which were aboue the place of the steps, which are * 1.1171 neere vnto the principall gate. Here was an infinite multitude of Clerkes, which, as they did at the moouing of his Fathers bones, did nought else but sing, dance, and leape, and in their lea∣ping, [ 30] did alwaies touch their feete with their hands, first one foote, and then another: and when we had stayed there a good while, he sent to aske vs, whether they sung after this manner in our Countrey? We answered him, no: because our singing was more quiet and plaine, as well in voyces as in body: for we neither danced nor stirred a whit. He replyed: Seeing that our custome was such, whether we thought that his was ill done? We sent him word, that the things belon∣ging vnto God, after what manner soeuer they be done, seemed alwaies to be wel done. This ce∣remonie being ended, they began to goe about the Church with fiue and twentie Crosses, and fiue and twentie Censers, carrying their Crosses in their left hands, as it were Standards, and the Censers in their right hands, casting Incense vpon them without any spare. And vpon the [ 40] steppes where we stood, were two great Latton Basons, gilded and wrought about, full of a kind of Incense, sweeter then that which is brought into these parts: and as often as they passed by, they cast great quantity thereof into the Censers, and they which went about in Processi∣on, were clad in very rich Copes, and Hoods, made after their fashion, and so were they which danced and sung.

102. The nine and twentieth of Ianuary, the Ambassador and all the Frankes (whereof some were come to this Court before vs) with all his Company, went to visite the Abuna Marke, because he had not as yet spoken with him. We found him as before, sitting vpon a Couch. The Ambassadour would haue kissed his hand, but he would not suffer him, but gaue him the Crosse to kisse, which he alwaies carried in his hand, and so he did to all the rest. As soone as we were [ 50] set, the Ambassadour said, that hee was come to visite him in the name of the Grand Captaine, and prayed him to pardon him, that hee came no sooner to him, because they would not suffer him to visite any body. The Abuna answered him, that he ought not to maruaile thereat, for it was the custome of that Court, not to suffer any stranger to goe vnto any mans house, and that this was not by the consent of the Prete, which was a good and godly man, but of the Courti∣ers which are malicious. The Ambassadour told him, that the King of Portugall was informed of his bounty and holinesse, by his Brother Matthew, and also by others, and that therefore he besought him to keepe the Prete Ianni constant and immutable in this enterprize, of chasing and destroying of the Moores. The Abuna answered, That he was no Saint, but a poore Sinner, and that Matthew was none of his Brother, but was a Merchant, and his friend, and although hee [ 60] came with lies, yet was it manifest, that his comming was ordained by God, seeing it turned to * 1.1172 so good seruice and profite, &c.

§. XV.

A Discourse of PETER COVILLAN: Of the PRETES gifts and presents, and the Portugals quarrels, and their licence to depart out of the Countrey.

103. WHereas I haue spoken often in this Booke of Peter de Couillan Portughez, being * 1.1173 an honourable person, and of great credite with Prete Ianni, and all the Court, it is conuenient that I should declare how he came into this Countrey, and the cause thereof, as he hath oftentimes told me himselfe. But first I will say, [ 10] that he is my spirituall sonne, and that I haue oftentimes confessed him, because in three and thirtie yeeres while he liued in this Countrey, he told me that he neuer was confessed, because * 1.1174 the custome here is not to keepe that secret which is vttered in confession, and that therefore he went into the Church, when he confessed his sinnes vnto God. His beginning was thus: he was borne in the Towne of Couillan in the Kingdome of Portugall, and being a boy, he went into * 1.1175 Castile, and gat into the seruice of Don Alfonso, Duke of Siuile; and when the warre began be∣tweene Portugall and Castile, hee returned home with Don Iohn de Gusman, brother to the said Duke, which placed him in the house of Alfonso King of Portugall, who for his valour presently made him a man at Armes, and hee was continually in that warre, and serued also abroad in [ 20] France. After the death of King Alfonso, he was one of the Guard of the King Don Iohn his sonne, vntill the time of the treasons, when he sent him into Castile, because hee spake the Ca∣stilian Tongue very well, to spie out who were those Gentlemen of his Subiects, which practi∣sed there against him. And returning out of Castile, he was sent into Barbarie, where he stayed a time, and learned the Arabian Tongue, and was afterward sent to conclude a Peace with the King of Tremizen: and being returned, he was sent againe to the King Amoli bela gegi, which restored the bones of the Infant Don Fernando. At his returne he found, that the King Don Iohn desiring by all meanes that his ships should find out the Spiceries, had determined to send by land certaine men to discouer as much as they might. And Alfonso de Paiua was chosen for * 1.1176 this enterprise, a Citizen of Castle Blanco, a very skilfull man, and very expert in the Arabian [ 30] Tongue.

When Peter de Couillan was returned, King Iohn called him vnto him, and told him secretly, That hauing alwayes knowne him loyall and his faithfull seruant, and readie to doe his Maiestie good seruice, seeing he vnderstood the Arabian tongue, he purposed to send him, with another * 1.1177 companion, to discouer and learne where Prete Ianni dwelt, and whether his Territories rea∣ched vnto the Sea, and where the Pepper and Cinamon grew, and other sorts of Spicerie, which were brought vnto the Citie of Venice from the Countries of the Moores; seeing hee had sent for this purpose one of the House of Monterio, and one Frier Anthony of Lisbon Prior of Por∣ta de Ferro, which could not passe the Citie of Ierusalem, saying, That it was impossible to tra∣uell this way without vnderstanding the Arabian tongue, and therefore seeing he vnderstood the [ 40] same well, hee prayed him to vnder-take this enterprize, to doe him this so principall seruice, promising to reward him in such sort, that he should be great in his Kingdome, and all his Poste∣ritie should alwayes liue contented. Peter answered him, That he kissed his Maiesties hands for the great fauour which he had done him, but that he was sorry, that his wisedome and sufficien∣cie was not answerable to the great desire he had to serue his Highnesse, and yet neuerthelesse, as his faithfull seruant he accepted this message with all his heart.

And so in the yeere 1487. the seuenth of May, they were both dispatched in Saint Arren, the * 1.1178 King Don Emanuel alwayes there present, which at that time was but Duke, and they gaue them a Sea-Card, taken out of a generall Map of the World, at the making whereof was the Li∣centiate Calzadilla, Bishop of Viseo; and the Doctor Master Roderigo, inhabitant of 〈…〉〈…〉ietre Nere; [ 50] and the Doctor Master Moyses, which at that time was a Iew: and all this worke was done ve∣ry secretly in the house of Peter de Alcazoua, and all the forenamed persons shewed the vtter∣most of their knowledge, as though they should haue beene Commanders in the Discouerie, of finding out the Countries from whence the Spices come, and as though one of them should haue gone into Ethiopia to discouer the Countrey of Prete Ianni, and as though in those Seas there * 1.1179 had beene some knowledge of a passage into our Westerne Seas; because the said Doctors said, they had found some memoriall of that matter. And for the charges of them both, the King ap∣pointed foure hundred Cruzadoes, which were giuen them out of the Treasurie of the Garden of Almarin: and (as I haue said) the King Emanuel was alwayes present, who at that time was Duke. Besides this, the King gaue them a Letter of credit in all parts of the Leuant, that if they * 1.1180 [ 60] fell into any necessitie or perill, they might be succoured and aided thereby. One halfe of these foure hundred Cruzadoes, they desired to haue in readie money, and the other halfe they gaue to Bartholmew Marchioni a Florentine, to be payed them in Naples.

And hauing receiued the Kings blessing, they departed from Lisbon, and came vnto Barçelona

on Corpus Christi day, and thence vnto Naples on Saint Iohns day; when their Bills of Ex∣change were payed them, by the Sonne of Cosmo de Medices. From Naples they went vnto the Ile of Rhodes, and here they found two Portugall Knights, the one called Frier Gonsaluo, and the other Frier Fernando, in whose house they lodged; and after certaine dayes, they tooke their voyage for Alexandria, in a ship of Bartholmew de Paredez; hauing first bought many Iarres of Honey to shew that they were Merchants. When they were come to Alexandria, they both fell grieuously sicke of an ague; and the Cadi tooke all their Honey from them, supposing they would haue dyed. But being recouered, they were payed as they would themselues, and hauing bought sundrie sorts of merchandize, they went to Cairo, where they stayed till they found * 1.1181 companie of certaine Moores, called Magabrini, of the Kingdome of Fez and Tremizen, which [ 10] went to Aden, and in their companie they went by Land to Tor; where taking ship, they sailed to Suachen, vpon the Coast of the Abyssins, and from thence vnto Aden. And because it was the time of the Monsons or Motions, when those Seas cannot be sailed, they diuided them∣selues the one from the other, and Alfonso passed into Ethiopia, and Peter made his choice to goe into India, as the time serued him for to doe. And they agreed together, to meete at a certayne time in the Citie of Cairo, that they might be able to aduertize the King of their discouerie.

Peter de Couillan, when time serued, tooke shipping, and sailed directly to Cananor, and passed thence to Calecut, and saw the great quantitie of Ginger and Pepper which grow there, and * 1.1182 vnderstood, that the Cloues and Cinamon were brought thither from farre Countries. Then he went toward Goa, and passed thence to the Ile of Ormuz, and hauing informed himselfe of cer∣tayne [ 20] other things, he came in a ship toward the Red Sea. Hee landed at Zeila, and with cer∣tayne * 1.1183 Merchants, which were Moores, he trauelled those Seas of Ethiopia, which were shewed him at Lisbon in a Sea Chart, to the intent hee should vse all his industrie to discouer them. And * 1.1184 he went so faire, that he came vnto the Towne of Cefala, where he learned of the Mariners and certayne Arabians, that the said Coast might be sailed all along toward the West, and that they knew no end thereof, and that there was a great Ile very rich, which was aboue nine hundred miles in length, which they call, The Ile of the Moone. And hauing vnderstood these things, be∣ing very glad thereof, he determined to returne vnto Cairo, and so he came backe to Zeila, and from thence passed to Aden, and then to Tor, and lastly to Cairo, where he stayed a great time, wayting for Alfonso de Paiua, and at length, had newes that he was dead. [ 30]

Whereupon he determined to returne into Portugall: but it pleased God, that two Iewes, which went to seeke him, by good lucke found him, and deliuered him Letters from the King of Portugall. One of these Iewes was called, Rabbi Abraham, borne in Beggian. The others name was Ioseph de Lamego, and was a * 1.1185 Shoo-maker. These hauing beene before in Persia and in Bagadet, told the King many great matters, which they had learned concerning the Spiceries, and the riches which were found in the Ile of Ormuz, wherof the King conceiued great pleasure, and commanded them to returne thither againe to see the same themselues; but first, that they should seeke out Peter de Couillan, and Alfonso de Paiua, which hee knew were determined to meet together at a time appointed in Cairo. The contents of the Kings Letters were, that if all the things giuen them in commission, were searched out by them, then they should returne, [ 40] because hee would reward them; but if they were not all discouered, that they should send him particular information of those things that they had seene, and then should doe their best endea∣uour to search out the rest, and aboue all things, to discouer the Countrey of Prete Ianni, and to cause Rabbi Abraham to see the Ile of Ormuz. For which cause, Peter de Couillan, purposed to ad∣uertise the King of all which hee had seene along the Coast of Calicut, touching the Spiceries, and of Ormuz, and of the Coast of Ethiopia, and of Cefala, and of the great Iland of the Moone, concluding, that his ships which traded into Guinea, sayling along the Coast, and seeking the Coast of that Iland, and of Cefala, might easily enter into these Easterne Seas, and fall vpon this Coast of Calicut, for all along there was Sea: he had vnderstood, and that he would returne with Rabbi Abraham to Ormuz, and after his returne he would seeke out Prete Ianni, whose Countrey [ 50] stretched vnto the red Sea.

And with these Letters, he dispatched Ioseph de Lamego the Iew. And he and the other Iew going againe to Ormuz, and returning to Aden, hee willed him to goe and carrie newes to the King that hee had seene the Ile of Ormuz with his owne eyes. And himselfe passing into Ethio∣pia, came into the Court of Prete Ianni, which at that time was not farre from Zeila. And ha∣uing * 1.1186 presented his Letters vnto him, who at that time was called Alexander, hee was very courteously entertained, and had great honour done vnto him, and was promised that he should speedily be dispatched. But in the meane while, he departed this life, and Nahu his brother suc∣ceeded in his stead, which saw him, and made very much of him, but would neuer giue him * 1.1187 leaue to depart. Afterward Nahu died also, and his sonne Dauid succeeded him, which raigneth [ 60] at this present, which would not suffer him to depart, saying, that hee came not thither in his * 1.1188 time, and that if his Predecessors had giuen him so great Lands and Reuenues, he ought to enioy them, and to lose none of them: and therefore, seeing they had not giuen him licence, neither might he giue him leaue to depart; and so he remained still in the Countrey: and they gaue him

a wife, with very great riches and possessions, by whom he had children, whom we also saw. And in our time, when he saw that we would depart, he was exceeding desirous to returne into his Countrey, and went to craue leaue of the Prete, and we with him, and were very instant on his behalfe, and besought him very earnestly, yet for all that wee could not obtaine leaue. Hee is a man of great spirit and wit, and of his qualitie hee hath not the like in all the Court, and can speake all the Languages, as well of the Christians as of the Moores, Gentiles, and Abassins: and of all things which hee hath knowne and seene, hee can yeeld as particular account, as if they were present. And therefore he is very gracious with the Prete, and all the Court.

104. Returning to our Voyage, or rather to our Historie; The dayes following, the Secreta∣ries ceased not to write the Letters, which wee were to carrie with vs to the King and to the * 1.1189 [ 10] grand Captaine, and they bestowed much time and labour in making them: for their manner is not to write one to another, but their demands, answers, and messages, are all done by word of mouth. And while we were there, they beganne by little and little to learne to write; and when they wrote, they alwaies held before them the Epistles of Saint Paul, of Saint Peter, and of Saint Iames; and those which studied in them, were taken for the most learned and wise a∣mong them. They wrote the Letters to the King in three Languages, The Abassin, the Ara∣bian, and the Portugall; and after the same manner were the Letters made vnto the Grand Cap∣taine. The Grand Betudete comming vnto vs, which is the Lord that standeth on his left hand, brought mee a Crosse of Siluer, and a passing faire Staffe wrought with inlayd worke, saying, * 1.1190 that the Prete sent me these things in token of the gouernment which he had giuen mee in the [ 20] Iles of the red Sea; I gaue his Highnesse thankes in the best manner that I could. There came another message from the Prete, that he had giuen order that thirtie Mules should be giuen vnto vs to carrie our goods. And moreouer, that he had sent thirtie ounces of Gold to the Ambassa∣dour, * 1.1191 and fiftie for his companie; and that George, and those which were with him, had recei∣ued their part; and withall, that he had sent one hundred loads of Meale, and as many hornes of Wine of Honey, to serue vs in our Voyage, and willed that we should not trouble the poore Husbandmen by the way, because he was enformed, that in our comming to the Court we had wasted the Countrey through which we trauelled, and that certaine Captaines were appointed for vs, which should conduct vs from place to place, euen to the Sea side, to wit, that euery one should furnish vs through their Countreyes with all things necessarie: and forthwith they ap∣pointed [ 30] vs to a sonne of the Cabeata, because we were to trauell a great way through his fa∣thers Territories, which are those where the great Church standeth, wherein the bones of the Prete his father were layd: which Church (as I haue said) hath foure hundred Canons, and ouer the said Canons there is a sonne of the said Cabeata, which is a Licanate, that is to say, The head ouer all the rest of the heads.

105. This day at euening, were thirtie ounces of Gold brought to our Tent for the Ambassa∣dour, and fiftie for vs, and a great Crowne of Gold and Siluer which was the Crowne of Prete Ianni: and it was not so faire for the worth thereof as for the bignesse, and it was in a round Chist lined with Cloth, and without with Leather, and it was presented by Abdenago, the Captaine of the Pages, which said vnto the Ambassadour, that the Prete sent that Crowne to the * 1.1192 [ 40] King of Portugall, and that he should say vnto him, that a Crowne is not wont to be taken from the Fathers head, but onely for the Sonne: and that he was his Sonne, and that he had taken the same from his owne head to send it to the King of Portugall, which was his Father, and that he sent him the same as the most precious thing that he had at that instant, offering him all the fauours, ayde, and succours, as well of Men as of Gold, and Victuals, which he should stand in need of for his Fortresses and Fleets, and for the Warres which he would make against the Moores in these parts of the red Sea, euen vnto Ie∣rusalem.

The first day of Lent, wee beganne our Voyage, and the sonne of the Cabeata went with vs, through whose Countreyes we were to passe, and Abdenago Captaine of the Pages; for, after∣ward * 1.1193 we were to passe through his Territories. And we trauelled the next day, farre distant [ 50] one companie from the other, vntill we came to Manadeli, a Towne in the Kingdome of Ti∣gremahon.

106. Being come to this Towne of Manadel, which is wholly inhabited by Moores, who are peaceable Tributaries to the Prete: and one Stephen Pagliarte, as it seemeth, fell out with a Moore, which strooke out two of his teeth, and certaine of our people comming running thi∣ther at the noise of this garboile, they brake one of our mens heads with a stone. Abdenago ran downe, and caused certaine of these Moores to bee apprehended, which had done the harme: but because it was night, there was nothing else done. The next day he sent vs word to come vnto the place where he held these two Moores prisoners, and caused vs to sit downe on the * 1.1194 grasse: and hee sate downe likewise, leaning with his shoulders against his Chaire. And there [ 60] causing the prisoners to be brought, he began after their manner to demand Gold of them. Then he caused them to be stripped and cruelly beaten, demanding how much they would giue vs: they began to promise one ounce of Gold, two, and three; but still beating of them, they asked how much they would giue; at length they came to seuen ounces, and herewithall they ceased

to beat them, and the Gold was giuen to those that were hurt, and the parties which were bea∣ten were sent bound to Prete Ianni. Wee went on still on our Voyage vnto Barua, where wee lodged, when we came into this Countrey. While wee stayed here a long while, there came a * 1.1195 Messenger of the Prete, and one of the Moores which were beaten with him, with the head of the other, saying vnto vs, that the Prete would needs vnderstand and examine the whole mat∣ter * 1.1196 concerning those Moores, for the hurt which they had done vnto the Portugals, and that he had caused his head to be cut off which he found to haue done the wrong, the which he had sent vs, that we might be assured of the trueth, and might know whether that were it or no: and the other which hee had not found in fault, hee had also sent vs; and that wee might doe with him what we thought good, either kill him, or free him, or make him a Slaue. [ 10]

107. Two Great men were sent to vs from the Court, which seeing the enmitie and rancour that was betwixt the Ambassadour and Bren, which came from words to blowes, they wist not what course to take concerning our matter, seeing it is a custome in that Conutrey, that no great personage may goe from the Court without licence, nor come to the Court vnlesse he be called * 1.1197 for: therefore the said Lord stood in doubt, what they should doe concerning vs; because, on the one side, they durst not leaue vs; and on the other side, to bring vs to the Court in such great * 1.1198 rancour, being not sent for, they feared they might incurre some great punishment; yet at length, they chose rather to returne to the Court, although they should suffer some great punishment.

108. These Noblemen hauing considered that the Monson was past, wherein the grand Cap∣taine was to come for vs, and that they could not pacifie vs, determined to carrie vs backe to the Court: and we set forward altogether with the Franks, and as we came to the Towne of [ 20] Bacinete, before mentioned, whither the fame of our falling out was come, all the Countrey∣people put themselues in Armes, and would not suffer vs to passe, and such numbers of Friers * 1.1199 came downe an hill, with Bowes, Arrowes, and Staues, that they seemed to be flocks of Sheep; and here we had a great skirmish, and many of both sides were wounded, howbeit wee beat them backe, and made them runne away. The aforesaid Noblemen, while we were lodged here, put the place to the sacke, as if they had beene Moores, and tooke away their Barley, Hens, Capons, Sheepe, and whatsoeuer they found in the houses. And departing from hence, we tra∣uelled in two companies; to wit, George de Bren, and all those that were with him; and the Frier, and we with the Ambassadour, and the Lords, Andrugaz and Garueta, and wee came to [ 30] Manadeli, where they wounded our men, and here we found the Moore which fled from the Ambassadour, who was nothing at all afraid: and hauing past two miles beyond this place, we met with Barnagasso, which came from the Court, and brought order from the Prete, what the said Lords should doe with vs. Which while we sought to know, we assembled all together in a Corne-field vnder a great Tree, where the said Lords were highly rebuked of Barnagasso, be∣cause of our returning without licence, saying, that they should goe to the Court, and receiue their punishment there. Then he began to crie out vpon the Ambassadour, and George de Bren, commanding the Ambassadour to giue him the Crowne and the Letters, which he carried vnto the King and the Grand Captaine. The Ambassadour and George de Bren vttered very vnciuill and dishonest speeches one against another: for which cause the Barnagasso committed vs to cer∣taine [ 40] Captaines, to conduct vs seuerally one from the other, in such sort as wee came to that place, and so we returned with him toward his Territories. By this time the Winter was be∣gun, which was exceeding terrible and cruell with huge raine.

Here the Authour ceaseth to speake any more of his Voyage.

§. XVI.

Of the time and day when their Lent beginneth in the Countrey of PRETE IANNI: and strange abstinences, and other bodily exercises, with other their holies. [ 50] Of the Troglodites, and Goraises.

109. IN the Countrey of Prete Ianni, they beginne their Lent in the Munday after Sexagesima, which is ten dayes before our Shrouetide; and after the day of * 1.1200 the Purification is past, the Priests, Friers, and Secular men generally obserue a great Fast for three dayes, and they say, they doe fast the penance of the Ci∣tie of Niniue. And many Friers eate not aboue once in these three dayes, and then they eate but Herbs without Bread: and they say, that there are many women, which then will not giue sucke to their children past once a day. The generall Fast of the Lent is Bread and Water; for although some would eate Fish, yet they could not haue it, because they haue not the Sea neere [ 60] them. In the Riuers there is great abundance of Fish, which are very good, but they know not how to take them. They eate no Milke nor Butter, neither drinke Wine of Grapes, nor of Honey; but their common drinke is of Zauna, which is made of Barley, or of Millet, or of A∣guza: for of each of these Graines they make a seuerall Wine, which in taste is like vnto Ale. * 1.1201

There are also many Friers, which for deuotions sake eate no bread all the Lent, and others all the yeare, and all their life time.

As I went on a time with the Ambassadour toward the Court, in a place called Iannamora, a * 1.1202 Frier fell into our companie: and because I would pleasure him, I caused him to ride vpon a Mule, and lodged him in my Tent. The first day, I inuited him to eate with me, because it was Euen∣tide * 1.1203 and supper time, and he excused himselfe, that he had no lust to eate. In the meane space, the Nouices (sixe or seuen of which went with him to receiue orders) came with Agriones, which are Herbs of that Countrey, and gaue him an handfull without Salt, or Oyle, or any o∣ther mixture, and those he eate alone without Bread or any thing else. Whereof when I had as∣ked the said Nouices, they told me that they neuer vsed to eate any bread. When I doubted of [ 10] this, I caused him diligently to be watched night and day; for, on the day he went on foot by my Mules side like vnto a Lackey, and on the night he slept by my side; and lay on the ground in his apparell, and I alwaies saw him eate Herbs called Agriones and Rabasas, and when they * 1.1204 could find none, sometimes he tooke Mallowes and Nettles, and when they passed by any Mo∣na sterie, he sent the Nouices to gather some Garden-herb, and if they found none, the Noui∣ces brought him Lentiles, so long steeped in a gourd of water, that they began to grow, and he fed of them: which I would needs taste of, and found them to be the worst meat in the world. This man trauelled thirtie dayes with vs vnto the Court, and afterward stayed three weekes with vs in our Tent, and neuer eate any thing else but the things aforesaid. Afterward I saw him in the Towne of Caxumo, where the Prete caused vs to stay eight moneths, and when hee [ 20] vnderstood that I was there, he came to visite me, and brought me certaine Limons. Hee wore an habite of Leather without sleeues, and his armes were naked; whereas I embraced him, by chance I thrust one of my hands vnder his arme, and found that hee had about him a girdle of Iron of foure fingers broad, and I led him by the hand into our chamber, and shewed him to Peter Lopez my cousin, and wee saw the said girdle, which was ioyned the one end with the other, with certaine points, as if they had beene to peg in a piece of wood * 1.1205: and this girdle was fastned vpon his flesh: and the said Frier tooke it in very ill part, and seemed as though hee had receiued great wrong, and suddenly departed, so that wee neuer could see him after.

After this, we saw many other Friers which wore the like girdles of Iron in the Lent; And [ 30] we heard say, that there were others also, which during all the time of Lent, did neuer sit, but * 1.1206 alwaies stood vpright. When we heard that there was one of these in a Caue sixe miles off, we rode thither, and found him in a frame made of wood, of that bignesse, that he only might stand within it. And it looked like an old Chist without a couer, and his hips were besmeared with Chalke and Oxe-dung, and where his buttocks stood, he had an open place three fingers broad: * 1.1207 he had likewise another open place where his knees touched, and before him hee had a little Deske of wood, whereon lay a Booke. His habite was an Haire-cloth, made of the haire of an Oxe tayle, and vnderneath the same, vpon his flesh he wore an Iron girdle like to that aboue∣said, and he shewed vs the same willingly. In another Caue adioyning, dwelt two young little Nouices, which prouided him victuals, which was nothing but Herbs, and for this our visita∣tion, [ 40] he became our great friend. These Caues seemed to haue beene made in old time to doe the like penance; for there were Graues in them.

In the Towne of Barua, in another Lent, I saw two Friers in the Church of the said Towne, * 1.1208 that is to say, without the Church gate, which were in the like Tabernacles, one on the one side of the Church, and another on the other side, which did eate the said Herbes, and steeped Lentiles, and I went to see them often times, wherewith they seemed highly to be pleased; and if I went not to them, they sent to visite me, and they wore vpon their flesh a Sack-cloth, and a girdle of Iron. And it was told mee, that one of them was a kinsman of the Prete, and they continued in this penance vntill Easter day, and when Masse was sung, they went out of the same. [ 50]

Hauing heard report, that in the aforesaid Towne of Caxumo, euery Wednesday and Friday * 1.1209 in the Lent, many Friers, Priests, and Nuns stood all night in the water vp to the necke, when we could not be perswaded to beleeue the same, Iohn Scolaro, my cousin Peter Lopez, and I, went thither on a Wednesday at night, and were astonied, beholding so great a multitude of them, which were in the water vp to the necke, and it was told vs, that they were Canons, and the wiues also of Canons, with Friers and Nuns, and there were seats of stone made by the waters side, and where the water was shallow, there was one stone, whereupon they sate vn∣till the water reached vp to their necke, and if the water were more deepe, they layed another stone there, and so all the said Lake was full of people, which came from all the Countrey round about: and in this time of Lent, there are great frosts and cold in the night. And hauing * 1.1210 [ 60] talked with Peter de Couillan, concerning this matter, he assured me, that they vsed to obserue this custome in all the Dominions of the Prete, and also, that there bee many which doe not onely eate no bread all that time, but also went into mighty Forrests, and into certaine mon∣strous

deepe Valleyes, lying betweene exceeding high Mountaines, where they may finde water, whereas no other people come, and there they doe their Penance all the time of Lent, and for proofe hereof. * 1.1211

I was on a time with the Prete, in a Towne called Dara, which is neere those great and deep Trenches (whereof I haue spoken before) into the which, a great Riuer falleth downe head∣long from an high Mountaine into a Bottome, and the water of this Riuer, breaking in the Ayre, became as white as Snow. As we stood aloft, Peter de Couillan shewed mee a Caue in this Bottome, which we could hardly discerne, and said, that in the same there was a Monke which they held for a Saint, and vnder this Caue, there seemed to bee a Garden: On the side of this * 1.1212 Bottome, and not farre off, hee shewed mee such another Caue, wherein a white Man was [ 10] dead, which was knowne to haue beene twenty yeeres in that Desart, and that the time of his death was not knowne. Onely when they saw him no more in this Mountaine, they went to see his lodging or Caue, and they found it closed vp on the inside with a good Wall, so that none might goe in or out thereat: and the Prete being aduertised hereof, commanded, that by no meanes it should be opened or touched.

110. The generall fast in Lent, which the most part of the Friers and Nunnes, and the Priests also doe obserue, is to eate once, from two dayes to two dayes, and that alwayes in the * 1.1213 night time. They fast not on Sundayes: The like doe many old Women when they are going out of the world; and so they reported that Queene Helena did, as often as shee fasted at any time in the yeere, that shee did not eate aboue thrice in the weeke; to wit, on Tuesday, Thurs∣day, [ 20] and Saturday. In the Kingdome of Tigrai, which is a Kingdome subiect to Barnagasso, and in the Kingdome of Tigremahon, euery body eateth flesh in the Lent, on Saturday and Sun∣day, and they kill more Oxen on these two dayes, then in all the yeere beside. And if they will marry their first or second Wife, they marry them the Thursday before our Shrouetide, for vp∣on * 1.1214 their marriage they haue licence to eate Flesh, Milke, and Butter, for two moneths space, at what time soeuer they will. And therefore, that they may eate the same, they marry Wiues, and drinke Wine. In all the other Territories, Kingdomes, and Signiories, they fast all the Lent, as * 1.1215 well great as small, Men as Women, Male-children as Female, without breaking the same in any point, and so they doe almost all the Aduent.

On Palme-Sunday they say their Seruice after this manner: They beginne to say Mattins [ 30] about Mid-night, and they continue their singing and dancing, carrying painted Images vnco∣uered * 1.1216 in their hands, vntill broad day, and at the houre of Prime, they all get boughes and hold them in their hands at the Gate, for the Women and Lay-men may not come into the Church, and the Priests stand singing in the Church, with boughs in their hands, and sing very loud, making oftentimes the signe of the Crosse, with the said Boughs, and going about without the Church, they come vnto the principall Gate, into which, sixe or seuen of them enter, as we are wont to doe, which they shut, and he stands without which is to say Masse, and they sing both within and without the Church, as wee doe: and then hee which stood without, com∣meth in and sayeth Masse, and giueth the Communion vnto all. On the holy Weeke, or Weeke before Easter, no Masse is said, saue on Thursday and Saturday. And their ordinary custome, [ 40] * 1.1217 which all Noblemen and Gentlemen vse at all times in the yeere, of saluting one another, is: When they meete together once a day, they kisse their shoulders, and embrace one another, and one kisseth the right shoulder, and the other the left. These salutations are not vsed this weeke, but when they doe meete, they speake not one to another, but passe by without lifting vp their * 1.1218 eyes; and men of any quality, are apparelled all in Blacke or in Blew, and they doe no kind of worke, but all the whole day is spent in great deuotions, and singing in the Churches, and al∣wayes * 1.1219 there is no Candle lighted.

On Holy-thursday at Euentide, a they make the Maunday, that is to say, the Ceremonie of washing of Feet, and all the people assembleth together vnto the Church, and the chiefe Priest * 1.1220 of the Church, sitteth on a Chaire like vnto a Treuit, girded with a Towell, and a great Bason [ 50] full of water before him, and beginneth to wash the Feet of the Priests; which being done, they beginne to sing, and sing all night, and the Priests, Friers, and Clerkes goe not out of the Church, neither eate, nor drinke, vntill Saturday after they haue said Masse.

On Good-Friday about noone, they trim vp the Churches according to their abilitie and riches, for there be some Churches which are hanged all with cloth of gold and crimson, and * 1.1221 chiefely, they decke vp the principal Gate, because there is the standing place of all the people, and they hang vp a Crucifixe vpon the Cloth, made of printed Paper, and ouer the same is a little Curtaine which couereth it, and they sing all night and all day, and reade the Passion; which being done, they vncouer the Crucifixe, and straightway all the people fall pro∣strate * 1.1222 [ 60] on the ground, beating one another with Wandes, and Cuffes, and Fists, with great fury, jowling their heads one against another, and also against the Wall, and make so bitter mourning, that any heart of Flint would bee mooued to teares with pure de∣notion. This lamentation and sorrow continueth two houres at the least. After this, two

Priests goe to euery gate of the circuite, which are three, which goe into the Church∣yard, and stand at all these gates, one on the one side, and another on the other side, with a little Whip in their hands, which hath fiue great thongs of Leather vpon it. And all they that were before the principall gate came out through one of these three gates stripped from the waste vp∣ward, * 1.1223 and as they passe, they bow downe their bodies, and these Priests with the Whips doe nothing else but lay on them as hard as they can, as long as they stand still: some passe by, and haue but few stripes, others stay and receiue many: but the old men and old women stand there halfe an houre, vntill the bloud trickle downe their bodies, and so they lye all night in the Cloy∣ster * 1.1224 of the Church. And at mid-night they begin their Songs, which continue vntill the next day at Euening, and then they begin Masse, and all receiue the Communion. [ 10]

On Easter day at mid-night, they begin their Mattens, and before day they make a Processi∣on, and at breake of day they say Masse: And they obserue this weeke vntill the Munday fol∣lowing, the Apostles Sunday, and so they keepe seuenteene dayes holy, that is to say, from the Saturday before Palme-sunday, vntill the said Munday.

111. Vpon a time we were in the Lent at the Court of Prete Ianni, which lay on the bor∣ders of a Countrey of Gentiles, called Gorages, a Nation (as they say) very malicious, and none * 1.1225 of these will be made slaues, for they had rather die or kill themselues, then serue the Christi∣ans. The place where the Court lay was out of the Countrey of the said people: which, as it was told vs, haue their Habitations vnder the ground, that is to say; they make Caues wherein they liue. But the Court was lodged by a goodly Riuer, the chanell whereof ran low in a deepe bottom, and on the banks on either side the Countrey all was a most goodly greene Champaigne, [ 20] but the Earth within a foot deep was a sandie Rock, like the Rocke Di glali de Charnache in Por∣tugall. On all places on the sides of this Riuer, were exceeding store of Houses digged in the Mountaine, one aboue another: and the biggest of them had their doore no larger then the mouth of an Hogshead, whereby they might easily creepe in, and ouer the doore was an hole made where they fastened a Cord, whereby with their hands they climbed vp. In which Hou∣ses abundance of the poore people of the Court were lodged: and they said, that these Houses were able to receiue twentie or thirtie persons with their stuffe.

There was also by this Riuer a very strong Towne, which on the side toward the Riuer was hewen into the mightie Rocke, and toward the Land there was a Ditch cast, fifteene fathomes * 1.1226 deepe, and six fathomes broad, and both the ends thereof reached vnto the Riuer: and in this [ 30] Trench all round about it were Houses digged like to those aforesaid, but in the midst of this circuit which was like a plaine field, there were little Houses made with wals and roofes, where∣in at this time Christians dwell, and there is also a good Church. The entry into this Towne is digged vnder the ground, through this sandie Rocke, all made like a Vault, where a man would not thinke, that any Mule or Oxe could enter in, and yet neuerthelesse they passe well enough.

Not farre from this Towne, going vp the Riuer is a great Rocke very steepe from the top to the bottome, and on the top thereof is a plaine field, and in the mid-way vp this Rocke, there is a Monasterie dedicated to our Ladie, and here they say, was the Palace of the King of this * 1.1227 Countrey of Gorages. This Mountaine or Rooke looketh toward the East, and they goe vp to this Monasterie with a woodden Ladder, which may bee placed and remooued, for they take it [ 40] away euery night for feare these people Gorages, when the Court is not there, Afterward they goe vp a paire of staires of stone, and on the left hand is a Ladder, and fifteene Cels of Friers, which all haue windowes very high ouer the Riuer. Then there are their Batterie, their dining roome, and Chambers to lay vp their Corne; and turning on right hand, passing through a darke way, a man commeth vnto a great height, where the principall gate of their Church is, which is not made of the said Rocke, but it seemeth in ancient time, that there hath bin a great Hall with wals about it, which is very lightsome and broad, for it hath many windowes ouer the Riuer; To this place come some small number of Friers. Many people come hither from the Court to receiue the Communion, both for the deuotion of this place, and also by reason of the fame, which these Friers haue to be men of good life, and because they suffer many miseries, by reason [ 50] of the wrongs which these bad Neighbours of theirs, the Gorages doe continually vnto them. And because the Court doth alwayes lodge after one manner, that is to say, all the people of the Court, that part on the left hand which belonged to the great Betudete, lay ouer against these Gorages: and very few dayes passed, wherein we heard not this newes: This night, the Gorages haue slaine fifteen or twenty men of the great Betudete, and no man would succour them, because * 1.1228 that being in the Lent by reason of the seuere Fast, no man had any courage to fight for weak∣nesse, and faintnesse of body, neither would they breake the season vpon any occasion.

On the holy weeke, and Easter day being hard at hand, the Prete sent vs word to prepare our selues to say Masse before his Tent, because he would heare the same. I sent him word, that all should be readie, but that we lacked a Tent, because that which we had before was all broken [ 60] and spoyled by the raine. He sent vs word, that he would send vs a Tent, and cause the same to be set vp, and that as soone as he called for vs, we should come presently with all things necessary to say Masse. And it was not past mid-night, but hee sent for vs, and strait-way wee went thi∣ther,

and were brought before the gate of the Prete, which wee found in this manner: A great part of the circuit of the hedge was broken and taken away, and from the Tent of the Prete to the Church of holy Crosse, stood aboue sixe thousand Waxe Candles lighted, and all in a * 1.1229 ranke, and the distance might bee as farre as a Peece of great Ordnance might shoote: and the breadth from the one side to the other of them that held these Candles, was as farre as one could strike a Ball at twice, and all the way was plaine and equall. And there stood aboue fiftie thou∣sand persons behind them, which held the Candles, so that they which held the Candles, made as it were, an hedge that could not be broken, holding Canes before them bound all along toge∣ther, and the Candles fastned vpon them round about the way. Before the Tent of the Prete, rode foure Gentlemen on horse-backe, solacing themselues, and they placed vs next vnto them. [ 10]

In the meane while, came the Prete forth of his Tent, mounted vpon a Mule as blacke as a * 1.1230 Crow, and as bigge as a great Horse (whereof they say, he maketh great account: and alwayes when he trauelleth, will haue this Mule come after him, and if he ride not vpon the same, hee sit∣teth on a Litter which is carryed on mens shoulders) and he came forth clad in an Embroyde∣red Robe, which reached downe to the ground, and likewise his Mule was couered all ouer. The Prete wore his Crowne on his head, and held a Crosse in his hand, and on both sides of him went * 1.1231 two other Horses, and they went euen with the head of the Mule, but not hard by him, for they went afarre off, and were adorned and couered all ouer with Embroydered Cloth of Gold, and seemed to bee enclosed in Gold, by reason of the great glittering thereof. They had great Crownes vpon their heads, which came downe to their very bits, and in the tops thereof were [ 20] great plumes of Feathers. As soone as the Prete was come forth, those foure Noblemen which rode before, departed away, and were seene no more, and those which came to call vs. As soone as the Prete was past, placed vs after him, so that no bodie else could come there, nor passe the raile of the Candles, sauing onely twentie Gentlemen, which went a good space before the Pre∣te on foot: and in this order we came to the Church of holy Crosse, where the Masse of the Re∣surrection * 1.1232 was to be said: and here alighting and going into the Church, he entred into his Cur∣taines, and we stayed at the gate, out of which great numbers of Church-men immediately comming, were accompanied with a farre greater number then that which was without, and they began to make a great procession, placing vs in the end of the same next vnto the first de∣grees * 1.1233 and states of honorable calling: and after the Procession was done, as many went into the [ 30] Church as could stand therein, and the rest stayed in the fields, and they caused vs also to enter in, placing vs hard by the Curtaines of the Prete.

As soone as Masse was done, and that they began to giue the Communion, the Prete sent vs word, that we should make our selues readie to goe and say Masse, because the Tent was now set vp, and that he would come presently. We went our way with those which called vs, which * 1.1234 brought vs where there was a blacke Tent set vp, hard by the Tent of the Prete, which when we saw to be blacke, we thought that they had done it to disgrace vs: and suddenly the Am∣bassador said vnto me; Father, yee shall do well not to say Masse: for this is done to try vs: an∣swered; neither doe I meane to say Masse, let vs goe hence to our Tents; And this was done at the breake of the day. [ 40]

After our refusall and expostulations, the Prete sent vs word to haue patience, because hee would see condigne punishment executed on them which had done the same, and prayed vs to goe into that blacke Tent, because that seeing it was not good to say Masse in, yet it was good e∣nough to dine in; and so we went into it: And hither was sent vnto vs a royall Dinner, with infinite and excellent viands of sundrie sorts of flesh, and excellent Wine both white and red, which were very strong, and of an excellent smell. Peter de Couillan was with vs, and was pre∣sent at all which passed that night. And at Dinner, he told vs, that all this was done of pur∣pose, to trie what estimation we had of Gods matters, and of the Church, and that from hence∣forth, they would take vs for very good and perfect Christians. All this Lent, we were very well prouided of meat and drinke, and of good store of Fish, and of store of Grapes which were then [ 50] ripe in that Countrey. As soone as we had dined, That old Father which baptized the people, came vnto vs, and told vs, that the Prete sent vs word, that though wee had said no Masse that day, yet at least he would haue vs say Masse the next Sunday, and that he would take order, that * 1.1235 we should haue a good Tent prouided for vs, wherein we should say Masse according to our man∣ner for the soule of his Mother, which was deceased a full yeere past; and that they likewise did say the Tascar, that is to say, The commemoration for the dead, and that we also should say the same after our manner. [ 60]

§. XVII.

Don LEWIS de MENESES Letters: King EMANVELS death; Their Rites of mourning, Fatigar and Xoa. MAFVDI his many mis∣chiefes and death in battell.

112. ON the Sunday, being the Octaue of Easter, we went thither, and found a great white and new Tent set vp, with Curtaines all of silke, below ouerthwart the midst thereof, after their manner, and it was placed very neere the Tent of the Prete, and there the Frier, which now commeth Ambassadour with vs; and o∣ther [ 10] Priests, sang a Nocturne for the dead with vs, and we said Masse, and before we had finished the same, there came vnto vs two packets of Letters, which Don Lewis de Meneses had sent, vs, * 1.1236 which was come with a Fleet for vs to the Hauen of Maczua, and the Letters came by two wayes, and the Messengers arriued at one instant. There were also Letters directed to the Prete, wherein he requested him of all fauour, that he would dispatch vs without delay, that we might be at Maczua the fifteenth of Aprill, because he could stay for vs no longer, as well because the moouing of the Sea, which is the fit time to depart out of the Red Sea, would passe away, as al∣so because there was great need of his presence in India. And it so fell out, that the same day * 1.1237 whereon the Letters were deliuered, the terme of the fifteenth of Aprill expired. It was also written in the said Letters, that the King Don Emanuel was departed this life. [ 20]

And because it is the fashion of this Countrey, when their friends die, to shaue their heads, * 1.1238 and not their Beards, and to cloath themselues in blacke apparell, wee beganne to shaue one ano∣thers head, and while wee were doing this, in came they which brought vs our di••••er: who when they saw this, they set downe the meate vpon the ground, and ranne to tell it vnto the Prete, which suddenly sent two Friers vnto vs, to vnderstand what was fallen out. The Ambas∣sadour could not answere him for the great lamentation which he made, and I told them as well as I could, that the Sunne which gaue vs light was darkned, that is to say, that the King. Don Ema∣nuel was departed this life, and suddenly all of vs began to make our moane, and the Friers went their way. Immediately at that instant were cryes made, that all places where Bread, Wine, and other Merchandize were sold, and all other Tents of Officers and Iudges should be shut vp, [ 30] and this continued for three dayes, in the end whereof his Highnesse sent for vs, and his first * 1.1239 message vnto vs was; who did inherit the Kingdomes of the King his Father? The Ambassadour said, the Prince, Don Iohn his Sonne. As soone as he vnderstood this message, they say, that hee reioyced greatly, and sent vs this word, Atesia, Atesi••, that is to say, Be not afraid, be not afraid, for yee are among Christians, the Father was good, the Sonne will also be good, and I will write vnto him. At length hee was content, that wee should send Iohn Gonsalues our Factor to the Sea, with a Letter of his owne and ours also, and gaue him a very goodly Mule and rich apparell, and ten ounces of Gold, and with him went two of the Prete his Kinsmen.

As for our selues which did solicit him with all importunitie, hee drew vs along for the space * 1.1240 of sixe weekes, and in the end he gaue vs very rich Garments, and to foure of vs he gaue chaines [ 40] of Gold, with Crosses hanging at them, and euery man his M••le: I had one of those Mules which went as though she would flie in the Aire, and that without any hardnesse in the World: and for the rest of the company, fourescore ounces of Gold, and one hundred Loaues for our iour∣ney which we were to make. Being departed from the Court, we had not trauelled very farre, but the Messengers returned which wee had sent vnto the Sea, and signified vnto vs, that Don * 1.1241 Lewis was departed a good while since, and though we knew that we could not ouer-take him, because the motion of the Sea would not suffer him to stay for vs, yet neuerthelesse wee went thither, and found that he had left vs great store of Pepper, and certaine goods for our mainte∣nance, and there were Letters of his directed to the Prete, and vnto vs.

It was determined by the greater part of vs, to send halfe of the Pepper to the Prete, and [ 50] that the other halfe should remayne for our vse, and that the Factor and I should goe on this mes∣sage. For all this, Don Roderigo would needs goe himselfe, and would carrie all the P••pper, hoping that the Prete would giue him some great present, because it is a thing most esteemed, which may be brought into these Countries. And with these our Commodities we departed the first of September, and went faire and softly with our Mules, and these carriages of our goods, * 1.1242 and came to the Court about the end of Nouember, and found the Prete in the Kingdome of Fatigar, which is in the vttermost part of the Kingdome of Adel, vnder which Adel, is Barba∣ra and Zeila. This King is greatly esteemed among the Moores, and counted for a Saint, because he maketh continuall warre against the Christians, and is furnished by the Kings of Arabia, and the Lords of Mecca, and by other Kings which are Moores, with Armour. Horses, and w••at••o∣euer [ 60] he will haue, and he on the other side sendeth them infinite numbers of Abissin slaues, which he taketh in warre. From the place or field where wee found the Court vnto che first Mart∣towne of Adel, is a dayes iourney, and from that Mart-towne to Zeila, are eight dayes iourney.

This Kingdome of Fatigar, for as much as we haue seene thereof in our going and comming, is for the most part Champaigne, that is to say, all low hils; wholly manured, and sowed with * 1.1243 Wheate, Barley, and other Seeds, and there are mightie Champaigne fields sowed all ouer with Corne. There are also infinite Herds of Cattell of all sorts, to wit, Goates, Sheepe, Oxen, Mares, and Mules. From this Champaigne we saw a far off, a Mountaine higher then all the rest, not of stone, but couered all ouer with Trees, and also manured, wherein are many Monasteries and Churches enuironed with manured fields; in the top of which Mountaine there is a Lake twelue miles in compasse, from whence were brought vnto the Court great store of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of sun∣dry sorts, and those very good, and I saw not such store in any other place. He•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sweet Oranges, Citrons, and Indian Figs, in such abundance, as it is incredible. Peter de Couillan told [ 10] * 1.1244 me, that the said Mountaine was so great, that he trauelled eight dayes iourney about the foot thereof, and that he tooke measure thereof, and that the Lake on the top of the Mountaine was twelue miles in circuit. When the Court departed, we trauelled two dayes and an halfe, before we came to the foot of this hill, and when we came neere it, it seemed very high, and in euery part fruitfull. Many Riuers fall downe from the same, wherein is taken great store of fish.

We trauelled a day and an halfe on the back-side at the foot of this Mountaine, and leauing the same, we went out of the Kingdome of Fatigar, and entred into the Kingdome of Xoa, and here we deliuered the Pepper to the Prete, and the Letters of Don Lewis, which we had trans∣lated * 1.1245 into the Abissin Tongue, and could not receiue any Answere at all. This Voyage which the Prete made into this Kingdome, grew vpon occasion of making certaine partitions and diuisions, [ 20] betweene him and two which were his Sisters, by Father and Mother: for Nahu his Father had fiue Wiues. These partitions were of the Lands and Goods, which remayned by the death of * 1.1246 his Mother. Here we stayed foure daies, wherein they cast Lots, what part should fall to each one of them. And Peter de Couillan assured mee, that there were Countries in these portions, which could not bee trauelled about in ten daies iourney. When this diuision was made of the portion, which fell vnto the Prete, he caused the same to be diuided in two parts, which he gaue vnto two of his little Daughters. The hils were couered with Oxen, Goates, Horses, and Sheepe. The Clothes of Silke and Gold, were likewise diuided, whereof there was great q〈…〉〈…〉∣titie, and he gaue the greatest part of the Clothes of Silke vnto the Monasteries and Churc〈…〉〈…〉, which belonged to his Mother, in this Territorie. From hence we came to the Towne of D〈…〉〈…〉, [ 30] * 1.1247 where Peter de Couillan shewed the Woods vnto vs, wherein I said, that the Friers led so strait a life, and where that white man dyed, whose Caue was closed vp.

113. This Storie was told me by many, and especially by Peter de Couillan, of a Moore Cap∣taine, * 1.1248 called Mafudi, a man of such courage and valour, that of his great Prowesse after his death, many Songs were made, which are sung euen to this day by many people in the Court. They say, that for the space of twentie fiue yeares together in the Lent, euery yeare he made in-roads, and spoyled the Countrey of Prete I〈…〉〈…〉, and because in this time, the Fast which is great, ta∣keth away the strength of the people, so that they are not able to fight, therefore hee made in∣roads without any danger through those Countries, and sometimes hee entred aboue threescore miles. And one yeare he came into the Kingdome of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or into the Kingdome of X••a, [ 40] or into the Kingdome of Fatig••r, and sometimes in one part, and sometimes in another: and he began to make these in-roads in the life of King Alexander, which was Vncle to the King, for the space of twelue yeares together, who being dead without Sonnes, his Brother Nahu succee∣ded him, which was the Father of this present King, and he did the like in his daies. This pre∣sent Prete Ianni, began to raigne when he was twelue yeares of age, & til he grew to be seuenteen yeares old, Mafudi ceased not to make these in-roads, and warres in the Lent: and they say, that they were so great, that in one of them he led away nineteene thousand Abissins Captiues, whom hee sent all to the house of Mecca, causing them to bee presented to the Kings of the * 1.1249 Moores, where being enforced to become Renegados, they grow to bee very couragious and va∣liant men, because they get out of the straitnesse of fasting, and enter into the fatnesse, and a∣bundance [ 50] of the vices of the Moores. Hee also carryed away a great multitude of all sorts of Cattell.

On the foure and twentieth yeare of his Inuasions, when hee entred into the Kingdome of Fatigar, all the people fled vnto a Mountaine, and Mafudi enuironed them about, and tooke them, and burnt all the Churches and Monasteries therein. I haue said before, that through all the Countrey of Prete Ianni, there are certaine called Cauas, which are men at Armes, because the Husbandmen in these Countries goe not to warre. There were many of these Cauas in these * 1.1250 Kingdomes, which together with the Husbandmen were retyred into the said Mountaine. Ma∣fudi tooke them altogether, and put them by themselues, and the poore Husbandmen he dismis∣sed, sending them away that they might sow the fields with Corne the next yeare, for him and [ 60] his Horses: and to the men of Armes, he said; Ye•• Cowards, which eat the bread of your King, and so badly defend his Territories, passe by the sword; and so fiue thousand men at Armes were ••laine, and he returned with great victorie, and without any impeachment at all.

The Prete being much moued with this Act, and especially at the burning of the Churches

and Monasteries sent Spies into the Kingdome of Adel to know by what part Mafudi meant to enter: and vnderstood, that he meant to come with great troupes into the Kingdome of Fa∣tigar, in the time of Wheate and Barley Haruest to destroy them. The Prete hauing learned, that he came not in the time of Lent, at which time they are forbidden * 1.1251 to fight, resolued to wait for him by the way, and this he did against the minds of all his great Courtiers, he set for∣ward with his people and Court onely, without sending for any from farre Countries, because he would not be discouered, and trauelled day and night: and on a morning at breake of day, hee set vp his Pauilions, in a Towne where the first Market of the Kingdome of Adel is held, which is a dayes iourney from the Citie of Adel, where we found him when we carryed him the Pep∣per. Here (they say) is a great passage, which the King of Adel had passed the day before, and [ 10] was entred three miles into the Countrey of Prete Ianni, and was gone out of the way; when it began to be broad day, they saw one another.

Mafudi, which was a man of great valour, and was neuer knowne to flee, as the Abissins vse to sing of him; as soone as he saw the Pauilion of the Prete, and the red Tents, which are neuer wont to be set vp, but at great Feasts, and entertainments of Princes, said vnto the King of A∣del: Sir, the Negus of Ethiopia is here in person; and this is the day of our death, doe what you can to saue your selfe, for my part I meane here to die: and the said King being fearefull, esca∣ped * 1.1252 with foure others on horse-backe, among whom was the sonne of a Betudete, which then remayned with the King of Adel, and is now with the Prete in his Court (for they make no great account to run away, and become Moores, and if they will returne againe, they are bapti∣zed [ 20] anew, and are pardoned for their fault, and become Christians as they were before) and hee told vs all these things particularly. As soone as the King of Adel was gotten to a safe place, which was with great speed; the Prete Ianni signified to his Armie, after hee knew that the * 1.1253 King was fled, that they should receiue the Communion, and recommend themselues vnto God, and after breake-fast, should set themselues in order: and at nine of the clocke they began to arrange themselues in battell array, and to march against the Moores, keeping alwayes their Tents and Pauilions armed.

Mafudi, which was resolued not to flee, and saw death before his eyes, desired to end his dayes with some notorious and honourable action, and therefore spake vnto certayne Christi∣ans, inquiring of them, whether there were any Knight so hardie among them, that hee durst [ 30] fight with him. Hereunto a Frier offered himselfe, called Gabriel Andreas, which flue him in * 1.1254 combat, and strooke off his head, and for this his victorie, he is much honoured in the Court, and we our selues were acquainted with him. The rest of the Armie gaue the onset vpon the Moores, and discomfited them, which could no way escape, because the Prete his Tents were placed in the principall passage; and another passage which was farre off, and whereby the King of Adel fled, was by this time also taken.

After this victorie, the Prete Ianni rested in his Tents, and the day following made an in∣••oad through the Kingdome of Adel, vntill he came to certayne Palaces of the said King, which he found quite abandoned, the Gates whereof the Prete strooke thrice with his Launce, and * 1.1255 would suffer no man to enter in or come neere them, because it should not be said, that hee came [ 40] thither to rob; for if the King had beene there, or any body else, h••e would haue beene the first that should haue entred in, and made them faire warre: and when he found no body therein, he would suffer none to enter into them, and so returned backe. This battell was in the moneth of Iuly; and it is said, that it was on the very same day, that Lopez Suarez destroyed and burnt the Citie of Zeila, at the sack whereof I my selfe was, and the Moores which were taken told * 1.1256 vs, that the Captaine of Zeila was gone with the King of Adel, to warre against the Negus of Ethiopia. And oftentimes the Prete sent to shew vs foure or fiue bundles of Swords, with hiles of siluer, but grossely made, and told vs, that he had won them in the Warre against the Soldan of Adel; and the Tent which he sent vs of embroidered cloth and veluet of Mecca, he also wan in the said Warre, and wished vs to hallow it before we said Masse therein, because the Moor••s [ 50] had committed many sinnes in the same.

The head of this Mafudi was carried for three yeeres space with the Court, euen vntill our comming thither, and on euery Saturday, Sunday, and other Holy-dayes, which the common people keepe; all the Boyes and Girles did nothing else but sing Verses, made after their man∣ner, in the praise of this Victorie, and at this day their singing passeth throughout all the Court, and I thinke it will continue to the worlds end. Gabriel Andreas, as I haue said, is a Frier, and a very honorable Person, and a Gentleman of very great reuenue; and besides this worthy Act which he did, he hath done many other; and the report is, that he is very eloquent, and a friend to the Portugalls, and vnderstandeth very well the holy Scriptures, and the things that concerne the Christian Faith, and hath great delight to talke of them, although King Nahu caused the tip * 1.1257 of his tongue to be cut off, for his ouer-much talking. [ 60]

114. He sent vs word, that he purposed to write to the Pope of Rome, whom they call, Rumea Negus Lique Papas, which signifieth, King of Rome, and head of the Pope, and that I should make him the beginning of the Letter, because they are not wont to write, and knew not how they

should write to the Pope. I sent him word, that I would make the beginning for him, and that they should adde the rest which they meant to write, or request at his hands. When wee came thither, we found all those which they hold most learned and wise with many books, and they asked me where mine were. I answered, that I had no need of books, but onely to know his Highnesse purpose, and that we were to bee gouerned according thereunto. Forthwith, by a chiefe man, as well in authoritie as in knowledge, which was there present, and by his office is called Abucher, which signifieth, A chiefe Chaplaine; the Prete his intention was deliuered to the Frier, and he told it me, and I set my selfe to write, and made a briefe Preface, which forthwith was carried to his Highnesse in my hand-writing. Which hauing seene, hee sent mee back againe, and forthwith we translated it into his language, and returned it againe vnto him. [ 10] Within a while there came a Page, which said, That the King liked very well of that which I had written, and maruelled much, that it was not taken out of books; commanding, that it * 1.1258 should be written in a faire hand, and in two Papers, and that his learned Priests should studie their books, for the rest which should be added to these Letters. The Copie of the Letter which I made, is written in a Paper by it selfe, and beginneth in this manner: Right happy and holy Fa∣ther, &c. Three dayes they bestowed in making of the other Letter, and aboue fifteene in ma∣king a little Crosse of gold, which weigheth one hundred Cruzadoes, which also I was to carrie to the Pope.

115. At this time the Prete Ianni determined to send an Ambassadour into Portugall, be∣cause that hitherto he had sent none, and he sent for Don Roderigo and me, and told vs, that hee [ 20] purposed to send a man of his with vs vnto the King of Portugall, to the end, that his desires might sooner take effect: and asked vs, whether we thought, that Zaga Zabo the Frier, who * 1.1259 alwayes kept vs companie, were sufficient for this Ambassage, seeing hee vnderstood our lan∣guage, and had beene before-time in our Countries. We answered him, That he was most suffi∣cient, and was a man which vnderstood vs, and we him. He sent vs word, that wee should take him with vs in our companie. The next day he sent vs againe very honorable apparell, and thir∣tie ounces of gold, and one hundred loaues of bread for our voyage, and yet wee stayed a good while after: The Prete sent a Messenger vnto vs, appointing vs to returne vnto the Towne of Chaxumo, where (as I said before) we had beene a long time: and here he furnished vs with fiue hundred loades of Graine, with one hundred Oxen, and one hundred Sheepe, with one hundred [ 30] earthen Pots of Honey, and another hundred of Butter, and sent for the Ambassadour which went with vs, twentie loades of Corne, twentie Oxen, twentie Sheepe, twentie pots of Ho∣ney, and as many of Butter.

116. While we aboade in the Towne of Chaxumo, the said Zaga Zabo was aduertized, that a certayne little Lordship, which he had, was taken from him: whereupon he prayed me, that I would goe with him to the Court to demand iustice. When we came thither, we found, that his Aduersarie was Abdenago, Captaine of all the Pages of Prete Ianni, for here is no office but hath an Head aboue all the rest. And because all Suites and Answeres are made to the Prete by Pages, we had no meanes at all to make the Prete acquainted with our suite; howbeit, wee were aided by one Aiace, which is a great Lord: and though he were a great friend of Abde∣nago, [ 40] yet made he the Prete acquainted with the cause of our comming. Our Iudges were ap∣pointed, Aiaz Daragote, and Aiaz Caite, to whom we imparted our request; and they appoin∣ted * 1.1260 vs a time the next day, when the Sunne should be in such a place, shewing vs the place in the skie: and the Proctor of Abdenago was there present, and Zaga Zabo the Ambassadour was there in person. When the day was come, both parties disputed and alleaged greatly for them∣selues, and they concluded in words, for in their Courts they write nothing at all; and the Iudges gaue sentence by word of mouth, after this manner; That the Mannor and Lordship, * 1.1261 which Zaga Zabo demanded, was a very small thing, and in former times subiect to another great Lordship, whereof Abdenago was Lord, and that it was right, that as the great Winde passeth ouer all the Earth, so Abdenago, which was a great Lord, might not be hindred from en∣tring [ 50] vpon this, but that he ought to enter vpon this little Signiorie.

When we heard this sentence, we were much amazed, and went to complaine vnto the Prete, which sent vs word to goe to our lodging, and be of good cheere, for all should be well, and that the next day we should repaire to the chiefe Iustice, which should see vs dispatched, and here∣withall we departed. The next day we waited vpon him at his Tent, who receiued vs with a cheerfull countenance, saying, That he had a commandement from the Prete to dispatch vs, and that we should stay for him at his Tent; howbeit, wee would needs goe with him vntill hee went to speake vnto the Prete. Where, after he was gone in, and had 〈…〉〈…〉ayed a while, hee came out with two Pages, which led him to the place where offenders are beaten, and there calling two which doe this office, they stripped him, and throwing him downe vpon the ground, they [ 60] * 1.1262 tyed his hands vnto two posts, and his feet straight, with a thong of Leather, which two men held fast. These ministers of Iustice stood one at his head, and another at his feet, smiting him oftentimes, and for the most part on the backe; and when the Prete commanded them to touch him, the stripe pierced vnto the bones, and of these stripes he had onely three. I haue seene this

chiefe Iustice beaten three times besides, and within two dayes after, he returned to his office: because they are not ashamed hereof, but rather say, that the Prete meaneth them well, and is mindfull of them, and shortly after bestoweth his fauour on them, and putteth them in office.

When this chiefe Iustice was beaten, there were sixtie Friers in new apparell present, which was yellow, after their custome. And when the chiefe Iustice his punishment was ended, they * 1.1263 tooke an old Frier which seemed to be a man of account, and was Head of the rest, and beat him after the aforesaid manner, but he was not touched to the quicke. After him they tooke ano∣ther which was aboue fortie yeeres of age, who seemed to be a man of much honour, and they beate him as they did the rest, and this last was twice touched to the quicke. While this was done, I inquired the cause, and what fault the Friers had committed: it was told me, that the [ 10] last Frier which was beaten, had taken to wife a daughter of a Prete Ianni, that is to say, of A∣lexander the vnckle of this Dauid, and that he was separated from her, and had taken another sister of this present Prete, which being very dishonest, and doing what she listed, her husband fearing to put her away, in regard of the Prete, and because also in this Countrey the faults of * 1.1264 women are not regarded, he forsooke this second wife, and tooke againe the first: and the Prete hauing commanded him that he should receiue his sister againe, he would not obey it, but went and became a religious man: and the Prete hauing committed this cause to the chiefe Iustice, to consider whether hee might become a Frier lawfully or no; the Iustice gaue sentence, that hee might lawfully take vpon him the habite of a religious man, and for this cause, the Iustice was punished. The father of the Friers was beaten, because he had giuen him the habite; and this [ 20] third man, because he receiued the same: and immediatly he was enioyned to leaue the same, and to take againe the sister of the Prete; and by this meanes wee could not haue audience for the space of fifteene dayes.

§. XVIII.

Death of Queene HELENA. Tributes of Goiame, and other Prouinces. Succours gi∣uen to the Queene of Adea. Apprehension of the two Betudetes and TIGREMAHON: their sentence, and the execution. Expedition of the Negus to Adea. Strange [ 30] Oxen. The PRETES Tent-court, and manner thereof; Places, Courts, and courses of Iustice, with other parts thereof described. His Treasuries.

117. QVeene Helena had beene dead some eight or nine moneths, which gouer∣ned * 1.1265 the greatest part of the Kingdome of Goiame, when as many as came newly to the Court, went to bewaile her in her Tent, which as yet stood vpright in the old place, and wee did the like, when wee came anew to the Court after her death. And the Prete hauing sent vnto that Kingdome the grand Betudete to receiue the Gibre, which is the yeerely tribute of the King; at this time the * 1.1266 [ 40] said Betudete came to the Court with the Gibre, which was three thousand fiue hundred Mules, three hundred Horses, and three thousand Bassuti, (which are a kind of clothes which * 1.1267 great men weare vpon their Litters, and they are made of Cotton, shaggie on the one side, like vnto Carpets, but not so course; and great personages lay them vpon their Beds; and they are of so great price, that one of them is worth an ounce of Gold at the least, and sometimes three or foure ounces, yea and fiue ounces) and aboue three hundred Cotton clothes of small value, * 1.1268 whereof two are worth but a dramme of Gold, and sometimes lesse: and, as wee haue said, an ounce is worth a Pardoa, which is three quarters of a golden Ducat of Portugall, and it was told me, that he brought thirtie thousand drachmes of Gold.

I my selfe was at the presenting of this tribute, and saw it all; and it was in this manner. [ 50] The Betudete came on foot naked from the girdle vpward with a cord tyed about his head, like vnto a wreath of a Castilian Carrier, and comming within audience of the Tent of the Prete, he said three times this word in short space, Abeto, Abeto, Abeto, which signifieth Lord: and * 1.1269 answere was made him but twice in his Language, Who art thou? Who art thou? And he said, I which call, am the least of thy house, which saddles thy Mules, and tyeth vp thy Cattell, and doe other businesse which thou hast commanded mee, and I bring thee that which thou hast inioyned mee: and these words were spoken three times; which being ended, a voice was heard, saying, Come, come forward. And he comming neere did reuerence before the Tent, and passed by. After him came the Horses one after another, all led by the heads by seruants. The first thirtie were sadled, and in very good order, the rest which followed were deare of two drachmes of Gold, and ma∣ny [ 60] were not worth one dram a piece, and I saw them afterward sold for lesse, and there might be some three thousand of them. After these Hackneys * 1.1270 came the Mules in like order, to wit, thirtie which were sadled, faire, and in good order; the rest were little young Mulets like those Hackneys, and there were Mules and Mulets, of one, of two, and of three yeeres old, and not

past, and none of them sauing those which were sadled, were fit to bee ridden: and they passed by as the Betudete and the Horses had done. After the Mules, came the Cloathes called Bassuti, and one man could carrie but one of them, they were so weightie. After the Bassuti passed, the cloathes made vp in Fardles, and one man carried ten of them; and there were about three thou∣sand men, that carried Bassuti, and three thousand men that carried those other Cloathes; and all these were of the Kingdome of Goiame, which are bound to bring the said Gibre. After these cloathes, came ten men, each of them bearing a Charger vpon his head, made like vnto those wherein they doe eate, and were couered with Greene and Red Sindall. After these Chargers, came all the men of the Betudete, which passed by one after another, as hee himselfe had passed. In these Platters was the Gold put, which was commanded to bee borne vnto his [ 10] lodging, with the rest of the tribute, which was done accordingly. In this Procession were spent aboue ten houres, that is to say, From the morning vntill euening.

About fifteene daies before our comming to the Court, thither came a Queene of the Moores, Wife vnto the King of Adea, which was the Sister of one, which was sent to be the Wife of Prete Ianni, whom he refused, because two of her fore-teeth were too great, and therefore she was married vnto a great Lord, which was the Barnagasso, and is now a Betudete. This Queene * 1.1271 came to craue succour of the Prete, because a Brother of her Husbands was risen vp against her, and tooke her Kingdome from her. She was well accompanied like a Queene, and brought with her fiftie Moores, which were very Honourable persons, and very well apparelled, riding vpon * 1.1272 Mules, and one hundred men on foote, and sixe Maids of Honor mounted vpon Mules, and they were people which were not very blacke. She was receiued with great honour, and was called [ 20] for within three daies after her comming, and she came before the Tent of the Prete, being her selfe enclosed in a blacke Litter. She changed her apparell twise that day, once in the morning, and againe at euening, and both times she was clad in Embroydered Cloath of Veluet, and in Moorish smocks of India: and the Prete sent her word, that she should take her ease, and put away all sorrow, because she should haue her whole desire, and that shee should stay for Barna∣gasso, and Tigremahon, at whose comming she should presently depart.

Within eighteene daies after her comming hither, she was againe apparelled after the former manner, and the next day, the foresaid parties arriued at the Court, and each of them brought the Tribute which they are bound to pay vnto the King. And with them came the Cauas, that is, The men at Armes of their Kingdomes, with many other Noble-men. They being arriued, [ 30] the Prete commanded, that the Betudete should first shew his tribute of the Kingdome of Goiame. After him the Barnagasso began to giue his Tribute, which were one hundred and fiftie excee∣ding faire Horses, and the first day they did nothing else but runne and prance, and the next day * 1.1273 he presented great store of Cloath of Silke, and great store of passing fine Cloathes of India. I was not at this presentment, because I felt not my selfe well. When this was done, the next day very early, Tigremahan began to present his Tribute, which were two hundred Horses, fat∣ter, fairer, and better then those of Barnagasso, because they came from a farther Countrey, yet both of their Horses were of Egypt and Arabia, and all this day, they did nothing else but view Horses. The next day they presented more Cloathes of Silke, then euer I saw together in my [ 40] life, and the whole day was bestowed in presenting, counting and receiuing of the same. The Munday following, about noone, came Balgada Robel, a great Nobleman, subiect to Tigremahon, to present his Tribute by himselfe, which were thirtie Horses, all of Egypt, great like * 1.1274 Ele∣phants, very fat, and a Xumagali, that is, a Gentleman without Title vpon each of them; and eight of these Xumagali had good Curasses like vnto ours, part couered with Veluet, and part with Cordouan, and their studs gilded. They had also Helmets like ours vpon their heads. Bal∣gada * 1.1275 Robel himselfe was one of these eight: the other two and twenty had shirts of Maile, with long sleeues, which were very well fastned to their bodies: they had thirtie Iauelins, and Ma∣ces of Iron like vnto the workes, and all of them weare Blue wreathes about their heads, with long haire which waued in the wind. [ 50]

118. Of the Cauas, that is, The men of Armes which came with Barnagasso and Tigrema∣hon, and with the Gentlemen of their Companies, the Prete Ianni appointed, that fifteene * 1.1276 thousand of them, with a Noble-man named Adrugaz, which is often spoken of in this Booke, should goe immediatly into the Kingdome of Adea, and pacifie that Kingdome, and that the Queene should follow soft and faire. And forth-with the Queene and Adrugaz departed, and it was reported, that they should trauaile through the Countrey of the Prete, thirtie daies iour∣ney, before they could come into the Kingdome of Adea. The next day after, the Queenes de∣parture, the Prete commanded the Grand Betudete to be apprehended, which had brought him tribute from the Kingdome of Goiame. Likewise he caused the other Betudete to be taken, whose name is Canha, he caused also Tigremahon to be taken; which being apprehended on a morning [ 60] before day, the Prete departed, and all the Court with him, and we after him. * 1.1277

And as the Ambassador of the Prete, and I stood by a Riuers side, watering our Mules, this Be∣tudete that brought the Tribute passed by vs, and said vnto mee, Abba Barqua, which signifieth, Father giue me your blessing: I answered him; Ihezeria Barqua, that is to say, God blesse you. He

answered with teares, which trickled downe his cheekes: Father, pray to God for me, for at this time I shall end my daies. His prison was a little Chaine, very thinne, of a fathome * 1.1278 long, like a * 1.1279 Chaine to leade a Dogge in, with a little thin circle about his necke, and himselfe carried his Chaine in his hand.

On a Wednesday, we came to the place where the Tents of the Prete were set vp, and that night it was said, that the Prete commanded the Betudete to bee brought to his presence, and so he was brought with two of his Sonnes. When they were come to the gate of the Tent, the Prete sent forth two Pages, to cause him to be brought to the backe-side of the Tent, because he would speake with him in his owne person, commanding the Guard and his Sonnes to at∣tend, and withdrew themselues a little from the gate of the Tent. Here they stayed vntill the [ 10] morning, when the Prete rid away, and all of vs with him, without any newes at all of the Be∣tudete, whether he were dead or aliue, or what was become of him. His said two Sonnes, and three others which stayed at home, being all great personages, and worthy Warriors, made pit∣tifull moane, and all their Fathers Seruants, which kept an honourable house, like a great King. After this the Prete commanded, that they should not vse any Seruant of their Fathers, nor of their owne: and I haue seene them riding all alone without any Seruant, naked from the Girdle vpward, with a blacke shaggy Sheepe-skinne vpon their shoulders, and clad in blacke Cloath from the Girdle downeward, and all their Mules couered with blacke. Their owne Seruants and their Fathers, were diuided all, and walked mourning on foote, and droue their Mules sad∣led before them. [ 20]

On a Munday, when we entred into the Kingdome of Oisa, there was a commandement, to * 1.1280 obserue the Feast of the Kings, or Twelfe-day, which they call, Tabuchete, on which day they ob∣serue their Baptisme, as I haue said before. This day very early in the morning, these Sons of the Betudete went from house to house, that is to say, To the Tents of the great persons, as others * 1.1281 were wont to come vnto them, enquiring newes of their Father, whether he were liuing or dead, whereof they could learne nothing at all, vntill fifteene daies after, when they were re∣turned, which had conueyed him into the Kingdome of Fatigar, into a Mountaine, which is said to be in the vttermost Border of the Kingdome of Adel, which is very high, hauing a deep Valley in the midst thereof, and there is but one entrance thereinto: In this bottome or Valley, * 1.1282 are all kind of Beasts and Oxen, but the men which came into it, dye within foure or fiue daies [ 30] of an Ague, and that there they had left him without any man to waite vpon him, sauing cer∣taine Moores which were to guard him vntill he were dead. This newes increased their griefe more then the first: and men beganne to speake of this death in the Court, that the Prete had * 1.1283 put him vnto the same, because he had lien with the Queene his Mother, and the report went so while shee was aliue, and that hee had a Sonne by her, and that the Prete would not put him to death while his mother liued, because hee would not discredite her. And while these rumours went about the Court, Proclamation came forth, that no man should speake of the Betudete, on paine of his life. Suddenly this rumour ceased; And three moneths after, while wee were neere the Sea side, in the Territories of Tigremahon, there came a new report, that the Betudete was not dead, and that his Sonnes, by the helpe of the King of Adel, had wrought [ 40] his escape. Immediatly there came other newes, that the Prete had beheaded twentie Moores, which guarded him, and two of his Seruants, because they came to speake with him: and this we knew to be very true.

119. Also on a night, the Prete commanded that Tigremahon should be carried away, neither was there any man that could tell, to what place he was conueyed. The next day they sent to lay hold vpon all that hee had in his Tents, and ceased not three daies together, to carrie, count, and deliuer out course Cloathes, and many Chamblets, and very fine Cloathes of India. We were then in the Court sixe White men of vs, to wit; I, and one Portugall, and foure Geno∣ueses. To each of vs the Prete sent sixe cloathes, to wit; three pieces of Chamblet, and three cloathes of India, and it was reported within few daies, that the Prete had sent Tigremahon in∣to [ 50] the Kingdome of Damute, into a wonderfull high Mountaine, which had but one way made by hand into it, and the top thereof was cleansed; and very cold. Hither they send men, whom they would speedily ride out of the way. And according as false newes came into the Coun∣tries of T••gremahon, that the Betudete was fled, so certaine newes came vnto vs, that Tigrema∣hon * 1.1284 was dead in that Mountaine for hung•••• and cold. At this time also, while wee were at the Court, the other Betudete which was apprehended, was deposed from his Office, and Arraz Nobiata was made Betudete, which had beene Barnagasso, and Balgada Robel was made Ti∣gremahon, who came with thirtie Horses in such good order. And there ranne a great brute through all the Court, lamenting the death of the Queene Helena: for they muttered, that * 1.1285 since her death, Both great and small went all to wracke, and that while she lined all were preserued a∣liue [ 60] and cherished, and that she was the Father and Mother of all men; and that if the Prete went for∣ward on this fashion, all his Kingdome would speedily come to nought.

The Tabuchete or Baptisme being ended, the Ambassadour Zago Zabo, and I, left off the pro∣s••••u••ion of our suit, because we durst not proceede therein, by reason of the great and weightie

affaires, which we saw to be in hand. The Prete sent for vs, and taking away a Lordship, which Abdenago our aduersarie held, and the other which we demanded, he gaue them both vnto the Ambassadour, and so dispatched vs fully contented. Before wee departed, newes came from Adrugaz, which went with the Queene of Adea to succour her Husband, whereby the Prete was aduertized, how the people would not obey her, and that whether soeuer she came, they fled away, and ranne into the Mountaines, and that his Highnesse must send more men. The Prete determined to goe thither in person, and to bring the Queene his Wife vnto a Towne, wherein before we had beene with her, which is called Orgabra, being in the Frontiers of the Kingdome of Adea, and there to leaue his Wife, his Children, and all the Court; and so hee * 1.1286 did. There went with him of the Portugals, George de Bren, Diego Fernandez, Alfonso Mendez, [ 10] and Aluarenga, and fiue or sixe Genoueses. Vpon their returne, they reported, that wheresoeuer the Prete trauelled through the Kingdome of Adea, all the people came to do him homage, as vnto their Lord, and that he would haue gone a great deale farther, euen vnto Magadaxo; and that the Countrey was very fruitfull and full of Woods, so that they could not trauell, vnlesse * 1.1287 they cut downe the Trees, and so made their way. And that there was infinite store of victuals of all sorts, and great herds of all Cattell, which are very bigge, and that in this Kingdome there is a Lake so great, that it seemeth to be a Sea, and that a man cannot see from the one side to the other, wherein there is an Iland, where in times past a Prete Ianni built a Monastery, and * 1.1288 placed many Monkes in the same, although it were built in the Land of the Moores, which Friers for the most part dyed of the Feauer, sauing a few that remained in a little Monasterie [ 20] out of the Ile, by the Lakes side, which were found aliue, and that the Prete forth-with com∣manded, that other Churches and Monasteries should bee built, and many Priests and Friers should be left there, and lay-people to inhabite the said Kingdome, which being pacified, he re∣turned backe againe to the Towne where he had left the Court. This Kingdome payeth a great number of Oxen for tribute, and we haue seene of them in the Court, and they are as bigge as great Camels, and white as Snow, and without hornes, and haue very great and hanging eares. * 1.1289

120. The manner which the Prete obserueth in disposing of his Court, is, that alwaies hee lodgeth in the fields, for no other place were able to containe his traine; And if there be any high place, thereon they set vp the Tents of the Prete, the backe parts whereof stand alwaies * 1.1290 to the East, and the Gates vnto the West, and they are alwaies foure or fiue Tents, all fastned [ 30] together one to the other, and these are properly his habitations, enuironed about with certaine high Curtaines, which they call Mandekate, being wrought in Checker-wise, diuided into black and white, and if you will stay there any long time, they compasse them about with an hedge, * 1.1291 which is a good mile about, wherein they make twelue Gates. The principall Gate looketh toward the West, and behind the same a good distance off, are two other Gates, one on the one side, and another on the other, which serue for the Church of Saint Marie of Sion, which stand∣eth toward the North, and the other serueth for the Church of holy Crosse, which is towards * 1.1292 the South. Next vnto these gates, which serue for these Churches, as farre distant from these as the principall Gate is from the Gates aforesaid, are two other Gates on each side. That to∣wards the South, serueth to goe to the Tents of the Queene, the Wife of the Prete, and that [ 40] toward the North, serueth to goe to the lodgings of the Pages; and at all these Gates, stand se∣uerall Guards. I could not see the rest, for they will suffer no man to goe round about that hedge. This I wot well, that in all places wheresoeuer he lodgeth, they make twelue Gates: a∣mong which there is one, that serueth for the Pages of the Kitchin.

Behind these Tents, the distance of a Crosse-bow shot and more, are the Kitchins placed, and the Tents of the Cookes diuided into two parts: To wit, the Cookes on the right hand, and the Cookes on the left hand. And when the meates are brought from these Kitchins, they vse to carrie them after this sort, (according as I saw in the Citie of Orgabra, in the Kingdome of Xoa, as I stood vpon an hill neere vnto the Kitchins; for in other parts the Tents are set in the Plaines, that no man may see them.) There passed a Canopie of Red and Blew Crimzon, [ 50] as it seemed of sixe whole long pieces sewed together, and they carried this Canopie vpon certaine Canes, which in this Countrey are very good, strong, and so long, that they make Lan∣ces with them. Vnder this Canopie came the Pages, which carried the meate in certaine great Platters of Wood, which they call Canete, being made like plaine Patens of Wood, wherein we cleanse our Wheate, with a brim two fingers hig•• but they be greater, and in each of them were set many Dishes of black earth, wherein the meates were put, as Hens, Turtles, and other small Birds, and many fruits, and White-meates, which are for the most part made with Milke, and other things. There were also little Pipkins, as blacke as the dishes, with other Viands, and Broth of diuers sorts. These meats which I speake of, which were carried in these Platters, I say not that I saw them when they carried them, because I was a farre off; but I saw them, [ 60] when they sent them to vs, that they came in the same Platters, as they were brought from the Kitchin, without any Canopie, and the Pipkins were couered with their heads closed vp with Paste: and these Platters which they sent vs, were full of these Pipkins, which were see∣thing * 1.1293 hot. In all meats wherein they may put Ginger and Pepper, they layed on so much, that

we could not eate of them, because they were so hot. Betweene the Kitchins and the Tents of the Cookes, almost behind the same, is a Church of Saint Andrew, which is called, The Church of the Cookes. No man may repaire vnto the place where the Kitchins are, nor yet behind them.

121. Two Crosse-bow shoots distant, before the gates of the Kings Tents, or of the hedge, if * 1.1294 it be there, a long Tent is set vp, which they call Cacalla, and this is the house of Iustice or Au∣dience. And betweene this Tent and the Tents of the Prete, no man passeth on Horse-backe, in reuerence of the King, and of his Iustiee, but all doe light and goe on foot. Into this Tent of Cacalla, no man entreth: onely thirteene low Chaires of Iron are placed therein. The place where they sit is couered with Leather; and one of the said Chaires is very high, reaching as [ 10] high as the brest of a man, and the other twelue are as low as our stooles. None of the Iudges * 1.1295 which heare the parties sitteth in these Chaires, (they onely stand there for a Ceremonie) for they sit on the ground vpon the grasse, if there bee any, as many on the one side, as on the other, and there they heare the parties which contend, and euery one according to his iurisdiction: be∣cause (as I haue said) as the Cookes were diuided into two parts, so are all others; to wit, on the left hand, and on the right, and Audience is giuen after this sort.

The Plaintiffe deliuereth his Action by word of mouth, and no man speaketh while he hath * 1.1296 done. The Defendant speaketh against him as long as hee will, without any mans disturbance: when the Defendant hath done, the Plaintiffe replyeth if hee will, and the Defendant answe∣reth him the second time, if he thinke so good, without any disturbance. When they haue done * 1.1297 [ 20] their Oppositions, and Answeres by themselues, or by their Proctors, there standeth vp a man, which is, as it were, a Reporter; and hee repeateth ouer againe as much as the parties haue said, and at length deliuereth his opinion, which of them both hath best right. Then one of those Iudges which sit downe, to wit, he that is the first, doth euen so as the Reporter had done, to wit, he repeateth all that the parties haue said, and at length deliuereth, which of them he thinketh to haue best reason. And after this manner, doe all the rest which sit and deliuer their opinion: and they stand vp when they speake, vntill they come to the Chiefe Iustice, which standeth vp last, who hauing heard the opinion of all the rest, giueth his sentence, if there bee no need of proofe: but if they haue need of tryall, they giue them due and necessary respite. And all is done in words without writing. [ 30]

Other matters which the Betudetes and the Aiaz heare, they heare standing, because they * 1.1298 stand before the Tents of the Prete, and before this Cacalla, and as soone as they heare the par∣ties, immediately they goe with that which they say vnto the Prete, and they enter not into his Tent, but onely within the Mandelate or great Curtaine, and there they speake, and then returne to the parties with the resolution of the Prete. And sometimes they spend a whole day in passing thus too and fro, according to the weightinesse of the causes.

122. A good distance before the Tent or House of Iustice, on the right hand and on the left, are * 1.1299 two Houses or Tents, as it were Prisons, to keepe men in Chaines; and they are called Mai∣gues Bete, where the Prisoners are kept on both side, to wit, on the right hand, and on the left. And they are kept after this manner, that according to their fault and cause, such is their Prison * 1.1300 [ 40] and their Guards. The Prisoner is bound to maintaine the Guards which keepe him, and payeth them as long as he is in Prison. And if there be any that hath Fetters on his legges, when they bring him before the Tent of the Prete, where they haue Audience, these Warders carrie him * 1.1301 in their armes, to wit, two reach their hands one to another, and cause the Prisoner to sit vpon their armes, which layeth his hands vpon their heads, and the rest of the Warders follow him with their weapons, and so they goe and come.

There is another kind of Prisoners: for if you will haue a man attached, you are bound to find him, if you will accuse him, and his Guard also to guard him. And this I know, because our Portugals caused certaine to bee apprehended, for Mules which were stolne from them, and because they sent meate vnto the Prisoners, and to their Keepers, they made request to haue [ 50] them set at libertie. I knew another which was a Genouese, which ha•••• a Mule stollen from him, and the Thiefe confessed that he had stollen her, but that she was not in his possession, and that he had not wherewithall to pay for her. They condemned him to bee a flaue, and hee was sold, and he was a very couragious fellow.

123. Right ouer against the Tents of the Prisons, a good distance off, are the Tents of the two Chiefe Iustices placed, to wit, one on the one side, and another on the other, and betweene them is a Church, called, The Church of the Iustices. And ouer against this Church, a good way: * 1.1302 from the same are foure Lions in Chaines, which are alwayes led, whithersoeuer the Prete Ianni goeth. And a good way from the Lions, is another Church, which is called, The Church of the Christians Market, who sell in the same: for the greatest part bee Moores, especially the princi∣pall [ 60] Merchants of goods, and wares sold by the great; and the Christians sell small wares, as bread, wine, meale, and flesh; because the Moores are not suffered to sell any kind of victuals; neither will any man eat of that which they doe dresse, nor of the flesh that they doe kill. This Market must alwayes be right before the Tent of the Prete: the least roome that the compasse

of the Market taketh vp, is a mile and an halfe, and sometimes three miles and more. Although the Court charge as often as it will, yet this Order of placing their Tents is alwayes obserued. And from the Tent of the King vnto this Market, the way is free and open, that is to say, there standeth no Tent at all, saue onely the two Churches of the two Iustices, and those of the Li∣ons, and that of the Church of the Market. And these are a good way distant from all other Tents.

124. On each side of both the Churches, standing on either side of the Tent of the Prete, there is placed a very faire and goodly Tent, wherein they keep the Vestments of the Churches and ano∣ther, * 1.1303 where they keepe the fire and the flower to make the Corban, that is, the Communion Bread. And al other Churches haue a Tent after this maner. Before these Churches are set vp other great, [ 10] long and wide Tents, like vnto Hals, & these they cal Balagamie, wherin they keep the Apparel, Robes, & Treasures of the Prete, & as many of them stand on the one side as on the other; for they * 1.1304 are double, as the rest of the Tents of the Officers of the Court are. These Tents haue their Cap∣taines which are ouer those that guard them; And the greater part of this people are slaues, which are Eunuches. Behind these Tents of the Wardrobe on the right hand, stand the Tents of the Queene the Wife of the Prete, and of all the women that wait vpon her, and the Tents of Queene Helena, which was wont to be serued in very great pompe: but none but women and Eunuches enter thereinto. On the left hand, are the Tents of the Pages: then the Aiazi haue * 1.1305 their lodging, because they take vp a great roome, for they haue many people vnder them, which are alwayes neere about them: after the Aiazi, lodgeth the Patriarke Abuna Marke, with a [ 20] great number of Tents, because an infinite number of people come to bee admitted into Orders, so that he occupteth as much roome as were sufficient for a great Towne.

On the other side lodgeth the Cabeata, which in like manner hath a multitude of Tents, and * 1.1306 his lodging was wont to be next vnto the Church of Saint Mary, because this Office was wont alwayes to be giuen to a Frier; but this present Cabeata being a Priest, and hauing a Wife, they place him next the Abuna. Then follow all the Noblemen in their places, and next vnto them the people that are well apparelled, and then the common people, as the Tauerners, and Bakers, which sell and make Wine, and vse victualling. Then follow the Tents of the women hired to doe businesse, which they call Amaritas; and these are many, and they haue many other Tents separated from theirs, wherein the strangers are lodged, which come to sell, to buy, and to traf∣fique [ 30] with the Court of the Prete. And hereof there be many richly and well apparelled. Next vnto these are lodged all the Carpenters, on the one side, and on the other, and they take vpa very great roome. The two great Betudetes with their people, the one on the right hand, and the other on the left, doe lastly occupie the space of a Citie; so great a multitude doe they al∣wayes cartie with them, and are as it were, the Guard of this Court. And alwayes the Tents of the Prete are first set vp, and strait-way euery one knoweth his place, where he ought to set vp his, whether on the right hand or on the left. And the Streets, Markets, and Churches are easie to bee seene. And this Campe or Lodging of the Prete Ianni, extendeth it sefe for the space of sixe good miles.

125. No great Lord, nor Gouernour of Territories, if hee bee in his Gouernment may come [ 40] * 1.1307 forth, nor 〈…〉〈…〉rre to come vnto the Court in any wise, vnlesse he be sent for by the Prete: and being sent for the may not deferre his comming for any occasion: and when he remooueth hee leaueth there neither Wife, nor Children, nor any goods at all, for he alwayes feareth, that he shall not returne backe againe, because (as I haue said before) the Prete giueth and taketh Gouern∣ments * 1.1308 at his pleasure: and if he taketh them from any, strait-way that Nobleman which is placed in his roome, taketh from him whatsoeuer hee findeth, and therefore they carrie euery thing away, or send them into other Territories. And when they come neere the Court with great triumph, they stay at least three miles distance from the Court, where they remayne of∣tentimes one or two moneths, without stirring from thence, so that they seeme to be forgotten, vntill it pleaseth the Prete to thinke of them: yet cease they not, in this meane time, while they [ 50] stayas forgotten, to enter into the Court, and to talke with other Noblemen, but not with tri∣umph, nor well apparelled, but with two or three men, and naked from the Girdle vpward, and with a sheep-skinne on their shoulders, and so they goe, and returne to their Tents, vntill they haue licence to repaire vnto the Court; which being obtayned, they make their entrance with great triumph of Musicke and Drummes, and retyre themselues vnto their place, which in former time was appointed vnto them.

And when any of them is lodged, hee goeth not out of his house apparelled, as hee did at his comming to the Court, but goeth naked, as I haue said, although he came at his entrance appa∣relled with great pompe. And at this time all men commonly say: Now such an one is not in the Kings fauour, because he goeth naked. And if hee hath any fauourable speech from the Prete, in∣continently [ 60] he commeth forth apparelled, and then the people say; Such an one is in his Lords fa∣uour, and the cause is spread abroad, for which he was sent for. For the most part they returne vnto their gouernments, and sometimes not: and if they returne, they are strait-way dispat∣ched: if they be taken from them, they stay them fiue, sixe, and seuen yeares, without departing

from the Court, from whence they may not depart without licence. They are wonderfully o∣bedient vnto their King. Before they were not so greatly accompanied, but now they are as greatly abandoned, and now they ride vpon a Mule with two or three men after them, for the rest which were wont to waite vpon them, belonged to the gouernments which were taken from them, and those are appointed to wait vpon the new Gouernour.

126. If any Gentleman be called forth for the warres (as oftentimes wee haue seene) his en∣try * 1.1309 into Court is not forbidden, but presently he entreth, and passeth along as he commeth, with many people. These Gentlemen are not forbidden, that which I haue spoken of, not to passe betweene the Tent of Cacalla, and the Tent of the King, neither on horse-backe, nor on Mule, because when they come to goe to warre, they enter into that space, euen to the Tents of the King, and neere vnto them they make their musters, skirmishing, and ranging themselues in bat∣tell [ 10] array, as they thinke good, that the King may take pleasure thereat. And this wee haue seene very oftentimes. These Souldiers stay not in Court aboue two dayes, for so they bee ac∣customed, for in two dayes they will assemble one hundred thousand persons together, if they will haue so many, and as they come to Court they are speedily dispatched, for there they vse not to giue any wages, but euery man bringeth his victuals with him, namely, Meale of Barley, * 1.1310 and of Chiches, and of Millet parched, which is a good food to go to warre withall: for they find Oxen and Kine euery where as they go; and if it be in Wheate Haruest, this is the principall victuall carryed by those people vnto the warre.

127. All the Pretes Robes of Silke are laid in square Paniers made of wicker, which are * 1.1311 foure spans long, layed two and two together, and are halfe so broad, couered with raw Oxe [ 20] Hides with the haire on, and at euery corner there is a chaine, which commeth ouer the couer, and hath in the midst a locke of Iron, wherein these Chaines are locked with a little Key. And as these are locked which carrie the Silke, so likewise are those which carrie fine Clothes of India, and they are borne vpon mens heads, and are aboue fiue thousand or sixe thousand, and betweene euery hundred goe certaine Souldiers. And because euery yeare the Silkes and embroy∣dered Clothes grow to such quantities, as wel of those which are payd for the Tributes of diuers Realmes, as of those which the Prete sometimes causeth to be bought, and so great numbers are not spent, and cannot be carryed with him in his trauell, therefore euery yeare they put them into certaine Caues, which are digged in Mountaines for this purpose: and one of these Caues * 1.1312 we saw in our way, when wee came first to Court, which was neere to the gates, called before [ 30] Badabaie, neere vnto certaine deepe Vallies before-mentioned. At this Caue many Warders are continually, and euery passenger payeth vnto them a certaine Toll, which is appointed for this Guard. After the same manner that the Robes and Clothes of Silke are carryed, so is the Treasuror likewise carryed in Chests, but somewhat lesser, which are couered with Leather, and locked, as those which carryed the Robes: and ouer the couering, the Chaines, and the Locke, is another raw Oxe-hide put, which is fastned with thongs of the said Hide, and there it dryeth and becommeth very strong. And these Chests of Treasure are wonderfull many, and alwayes goe with a great Guard, and likewise yearely many of them are put into those Caues, for they cannot carrie so many with them as doe increase, and multiply euery yeare.

This Caue which we saw, was three miles from the house of Peter de Couillan, and hee told [ 40] vs, * 1.1313 that the Gold in this Caue was sufficient to buy the one halfe of the World: for euery yeare they put vnto the same exceeding great summes, and hee neuer saw them take any out. Tou∣ching the Silke and Cloth of Gold, Peter Couillan told vs, that oftentimes they tooke out thereof to giue vnto the Churches and Monasteries, as was done three yeeres before our comming thither, when the Prete sent exceeding great Offerings to Ierusalem, of Cloth of Gold and Silke, which he had taken out of those Caues, because of the great store that was therein. And the Offerings were so great, that they couered the wals of the Church of the holy Sepul∣chre. * 1.1314 He sent thither also a quantitie of other Gold. There are many more of these kind of Caues made after the same manner that this is, being all of them in the sides of Mountaines, be∣cause they haue no walled Cities or Castles, wherein they may keepe su••h kind of things. The [ 50] Ambassadour which went vnto Ierusalem, to carry the foresaid Offerings, is called, Abba Aze∣rata, who at this present is chiefe Guardian of the Sisters of Prete Ianni, and carryed with him aboue fifteene hundred men, with other Gentlemen with Drummes: and I haue heard of them which were with him, that they alwayes trauelled by the way playing vpon their Drummes, from the Citie of Cairo vnto Ierusalem, and in their returne they came running away being halfe destroyed, because the Great Turke came against the Soldan of Aegypt, and against the said Ci∣tie of Cairo, whereby they were to passe. [ 60]

§. XIX.

Pilgrimage to Ierusalem. Of the Countries which border on PRETE IANNI: Moores, Gentiles, Amazones, Cafates, Damute, Goiame, Baga∣midri, Nubia. Of SALOMONS Officers.

128. WHile we were in the Towne of Barua, which is the head of the Kingdome of Barnagasso, there assembled a Carauan to goe to Ierusalem, and they were three hundred thirtie six Friers and Priests, and fifteene Nuns. And this was [ 10] * 1.1315 in the Christmas Holy-dayes: for they depart immediately after Twelfe∣tide, and vse to be at Ierusalem the weeke before Easter, trauelling soft and faire as their man∣ner is. They began their iourney from a Towne distant from Barua, a dayes iourney and an halfe, which is called Einacen, which is a Towne and a Territorie, abounding with all kind of victu∣als, and there are many Monasteries, and here they began to close vp their Carauan, and it is a place subiect vnto the gouernment of Daffila, which is vnder Barnagasso. When the said Friers departed, they made a very small iourney, and in the Euening tooke vp their Lodging, and pre∣sently set vp the Tents of their Churches, whereof they had three, and began to say their Houres and Masses, and receiuing the Communion; the next day, about nine of the clocke, they began their Voyage, and they were all laden with victuals, and with Gourds, and Barrachios of wa∣ter, [ 20] and the Tents of their Churches, and the stones of their Altar were carryed vpon Camels: and they trauelled not aboue sixe miles a day. And because I would see their manner of trauel∣ling: I went two dayes iourney with this Carauan.

This Carauan, after they had passed Suachen, was assaulted by Arabian Moores, which ouer∣threw those that were their guides, and tooke the Pilgrimes, and hauing slaine the old men, they sold the young men for slaues: and of three hundred thirtie sixe there escaped but fifteene, * 1.1316 which went forward on their Voyage. And afterward I saw three of them, which declared vnto me all their mis-hap, and they told me that this out-rage was done vnto them, because they were the Portugals friends, and it is most certaine, that they are very odious vnto their Neigh∣bours for our sakes. Since the Massacre of these friends vntill this instant, no man hath passed in [ 30] Carauan to Ierusalem, but they goe thither secretly as Passengers, and these are accounted for holy men. And because the Inhabitants of Ierusalem are white people, when we came first into this Countrey, they called vs Christians of Ierusalem. There is also another way by Sea, which is gone in a lesser time. They imbarke themselues at the Hauen of Maczua, and sayle to the Ha∣nen of Tor, which is neere to Mount Sinai, and they p••sse in fiue and twentie dayes.

129. The Territorie, Kingdomes and Lordships confining vpon the Kingdomes of Prete Ian∣ni, as farre as I can learne, are these. First, beginning at Maczua toward the Red Sea and the East, on that Coast are Arabian Moores, which keepe the Cattle of great Lords that are vnder the Kingdome of Barnagasso. And these goe thirtie and fortie together with their wiues and children, and haue a Christian for their Captaine, and are all Theeues, and rob by the high way, [ 40] and are fauoured by the Lords whose Cattle they keepe. A little farther, you enter into the Kingdome of Dangali, which is a Kingdome of the Moores, and it hath one Hauen, called Della, and this Hauen is neere vnto the Streit of the Red Sea, entring into the Land toward the Abis∣sins, and this Kingdome stretcheth vnto the borders of the Kingdome of Adel, which belong∣eth * 1.1317 vnto the Lord of Zeila and Barbara: and these two Kingdomes meete in the in-land, vpon the Confines of Prete Ianni. And there is foure and twentie great Captain-ships or Lord-ships, which are called Dobas.

130. Adel is a very great Kingdome, and stretcheth to the Cape of Guardafui, and in that part, a subiect of his gouerneth; and this King of Adel is held for a Saint among the Moores, be∣cause * 1.1318 hee maketh continuall warre vpon the Christians: and of the spoiles which hee win∣neth, [ 50] hee alwayes sendeth Presents to the house of Mecca, to Cairo, and to other Kings: and they returne vnto him in recompence, Armour, Horses, and other things for his ayde. Of which King I haue spoken in the one hundred and fourteenth Chapter. This Kingdome of Adel bordereth in some part with the Kingdome of Fatigar and Xoa, which Countreyes belong vnto Prete Ianni.

131. In the midst of the Kingdome of Adel, as you passe into the Countrey, beginneth the * 1.1319 Kingdome of Adea, which is inhabited with Moores, who are subiect to Prete Ianni, and this Kingdome stretcheth vnto Magadaxa.

132. Amidst the Kingdome of Adea, as you goe Westward, beginne the Lord-ships of the Gentiles, which are no Kingdomes, & border vpon the Dominions of the Prete. The first of these [ 60] * 1.1320 Lord-ships, or Captain-ships, is called Ganze, and is inhabited with Gentiles and Christians. Next vnto this is a great Lord-ship, almost as bigge as a Kingdome, and they are Gentiles, the slaues of which Countrey are made no great account of. They haue no King, but many Lords in diuers parts of the Countrey, and this Lord-ship is called, Gamu. And as you passe farther to∣ward

the South-west, in the Kingdome, called Gorage. And with this Kingdome of Gorage, and Lord-ships of Ganze and Gamu, the Kingdomes of Oisa and Xoa, which belong to Prete Ian∣ni, doe confine together.

133. As yee trauell toward the West, vpon the said Frontiers of the Kingdomes of the Prete, especially vpon the Kingdome of Xoa, there is a very great Citie and Kingdome, called Damute, * 1.1321 the slaues of which Kingdome are highly esteemed by the Moores, who will not depart with them for any money. And all Arabia, Persia, and Egypt are full of the Slaues of this Countrey, which become perfect Moores, and great Warriours. The people of this Kingdome are Gentiles, although there be many Christians among them. I say thus much, because I haue seene many Priests, Friers, and Nuns conuersant in the Court of the Prete, which assured mee that there [ 10] are many Monasteries, and Religious persons in that Countrey. This King is called, The King of the Gentiles. And the most part of the Gold which runneth currant in the Dominions of * 1.1322 the Prete, is brought out of this Countrey; for they know better how to digge and refine the same: and great store of victuals is also brought from thence. And when we kept our Lent in the Countrey of Gorage, we had great store of greene and fresh Ginger brought from thence, and * 1.1323 great store of Fish, and plentie of Grapes, which in Lent season were ripe in those parts. And after Easter we had many great Sheepe and Oxen.

And I was certified and assured, that on the Frontiers of these Kingdomes of Damute, and Gorage, as you trauell toward the South there is a Kingdome gouerned by women, which may be called Amazones, according as it is recorded and written in the Booke of Don Piedro, the In∣fant [ 20] * 1.1324 of Portugall. But these women (if it bee true) in generall haue their Husbands with them all the yeare, and liue with them: they haue no King but a Queene that hath no certaine Husband, but suffereth any man to lye with her, and to get her with child, and the eldest Daughter suc∣ceedeth in the Kingdome. They say, that they be very valiant women and great Warriours, and that vpon certaine beasts which are very swift, and like vnto Oxen. They are great Archers, and in their youth they cause their left brest to be dryed vp, that it hinder not their shooting. They gather great store of Gold in this Kingdome, which is first carryed into the Kingdome of Da∣mute, and from thence into many other parts. The Husbands of these women are no Warriours, because they will not suffer them to manage Armes.

In the Kingdome of Damute, they say, there springeth a most mighty Riuer, which is contrarie * 1.1325 [ 30] to Nilus; for the one runneth one way, and the other another. Nilus runneth toward Egypt, but the Inhabitants know not particularly whither this other runeth, but it is supposed to run west∣ward vnto the Kingdome of Congo. In the Kingdome of Damute, when the winter approacheth, and that they looke for raine, showres, and lightning, although they be not enforced thereunto, they digge and delue the Earth very well, till the mould be fine, that the water which falleth may wash the same, and the Gold may remayne cleane, and most commonly they seeke it in the night by Moone-light, for then they see it glister. Also I haue often seene the people seeking Gold in the aforesaid manner, in the Towne of Caxumo, which is in the Kingdome of Tigrai, and they told me, that they found it for the most part by night.

134. Trauelling Westward, and as it were directly West, through this Kingdome of Damute, [ 40] there are certaine gouernments of people, called Cafates, a Nation very blacke, and of great sta∣ture; and it is reported that they were descended of the race of the Iewes, but they haue neither Bookes nor Synagogue. They are very subtile men, and of greater wits then any other people that are in these parts. They are Gentiles, and great Warriers, and alwaies are in warre with the Prete. They confine with part of Xoa, and Goiame. I was neuer there my selfe; but that which I say, I heard reported by our Portugals, which were there, when the great Betudete went against them with an Armie; and againe, when the Prete went in person: and they told mee, that these Cafates made great assaults vpon them, and chiefly by night, when they came to stay and rob them: on the day-time they retired to the Mountaines and Woods, and namely, into certaine wonderfull deepe Valleyes, which are among the Mountaines. [ 50]

135. But leauing the South, and taking the West; another Kingdome lieth somwhat lower, * 1.1326 belonging to the Prete, called Goiame, a great part whereof belonged to Queene Helena his mo∣ther. In this Kingdome springeth the Riuer of Nilus, which in this Countrey is called Gion, and it issueth out of two Lakes, which are so great, that they seem to be Seas, wherein, as they report, are Tritons and Mermaids, and some haue assured me, that they haue seene them. Peter de Couillan told me, that he had beene in this Kingdome, by commandement of Queene Helena, to giue or∣der for the making of an Altar, in a Church which shee had caused to bee builded in that Terri∣torie, wherein shee her selfe was buried, and that this Altar was made of wood, which they fil∣led full with massie Gold: and the Patriarch Abuna Marke told me, that he did consecrate the [ 60] Altar stone, which was great, and very heauie, that is to say, it was all of Gold. We were cer∣taine times vpon the frontier of the said Kingdome, where we were informed, that this Church had great Guards appointed vnto it, because of the great quantitie of Gold which was in the same: and all the Gold of this Kingdome of Goiame is somewhat base. I could not vnderstand, with what People this Kingdome confineth on the farther side, which lieth in the West, only I

heard say, that there were Desarts full of Mountaines, and that beyond them were certaine * 1.1327 Iewes. I affirme not this, but only deliuer that, which I heard spoken in generall by euery bodie.

136. At the end of this Kingdome of Goiame beginneth another Kingdome, which is the greatest in all the Dominions of Prete Ianni, and is called Bagamidri. This runneth along by the * 1.1328 bankes of Nilus, and therefore is very great, for it beginneth at the Kingdome of Goiame, and passeth along by the Kingdomes of Amara, of Angote, of Tigrai, of Tigremahon, and Barnagasso; and passeth aboue sixe hundred miles in length. Betweene the Kingdomes of Angote and Ti∣grai, at the end of them, are certaine Lordships, Westward toward Nilus, the people whereof are called, Agaos, which are partly Gentiles, and partly Christians. On the other side, I know * 1.1329 not vpon whom they doe confine, but I thinke they must border vpon this Kingdome of Baga∣midri, [ 10] in which Kingdome, I was certified by many, that were there themselues, that there is a Mountaine contayning Siluer in great abundance, which they knew not how to get out of the * 1.1330 same, but in this manner, that where they saw any Caue, they filled it with wood, and set fire on it, as they vse to doe in a Lime-kill, and this fire maketh the Siluer to melt, which runneth all into barres, which is a thing almost incredible: neuerthelesse, Peter Couillan told me, that I needed not to doubt, but that this was most true. I say, that which I haue heard, and know, that this Siluer is in exceeding great reputation, and desired of all men.

137. At the end of this Kingdome of Bagamidri, toward Egypt, dwell certaine Moores, called Belloos, which are Tributaries vnto Frete Ianni, and pay great numbers of Horses. Toward the North, these Belloos border vpon the People called Nubij, who by report were sometimes Chri∣stians, * 1.1331 [ 20] and subiect vnto the Church of Rome. I haue oftentimes heard r••ported by a Syrian, borne in Tripoli of Syria, whose name was Iohn, and conuersed with vs three yeeres in this Countrey of Prete Ianni, and afterward went with vs into Portugall, that he had beene in Nubia, and saw there one hundred and fiftie Churches, which to this day haue all of them the Images of the Crucifixe, and of our Ladie, and other Images painted vpon walls, and that all this is old and ancient worke. The Inhabitants are neither Christians, Moores, nor Iewes, but liue with a de∣sire * 1.1332 to become Christians. All these Churches were builded in certaine old and ancient Fortres∣ses, which are in the Countrey: and looke how many Fortresses there be, so many Churches there are in them.

While wee abode in this Countrey of Prete Ianni, there came from Nubia, sixe men in forme [ 30] * 1.1333 of Ambassadors, to craue of him Priests and Friers to instruct them in the Faith; but he would send them none, saying vnto them, that he had sent for his Abuna, that is, his Patriarch, from the Citie of Alexandria, which is subiect to the Moores, and that therefore he thought it not conuenient to giue Priests and Friers vnto them, seeing he had obtained them with so great trauell by the meanes of others: and so they returned backe againe. These Nu••ians said, that in old time they had their Bishop from Rome, which being dead many yeeres agoe; and being not able, by reason of the Warres of the Mahumetans to haue another, they were without Priests and Religious men, and by this meanes the Christian Faith began to be forgotten. These Nubians border vpon E∣gypt, and this Countrey lieth ouer against Suachen, which is toward the East vpon the red Sea: and the Dominions of these Nubians are on both sides of the Riuer Nilus: and as many Fortres∣ses [ 40] as there be, so many Captainships be there also.

This Suachen is that Towne, which standeth on the frontriers of the dominions of Prete Ianni, * 1.1334 and in the beginning of Egypt, and on the frontiers of these Lordships of the Nubians: and hath betweene it and them the Moores, called Bellois. As you come from this Suachen, and goe along the Sea-coast toward the Ile of Maczua, it is said, that the Countrey is so full of Woods, that a man is not able to trauell through them. This is as much as I could learne and know, concer∣ning the Kingdomes and Dominions of Prete Ianni, on euery side of the same, the greatest part whereof, I haue heard by others, and the lesser part was seene by my selfe.

138. Salomon is said to haue appointed Officers to his sonne Meilech, when hee sent him from Ierusalem to Ethiopia, to the Saba, his mother. And truth it is, that vnto this day the said [ 50] Offices continue in the race of them which then were sent hither, hauing succeeded from the father vnto the sonne. Which Officers * 1.1335 hee gaue him out of the twelue Tribes, to wit, out of

each Tribe one Office, as Chamberlaines, Porters, Surueyers, Vshers, Trumpetters, Captaines of his Guard, and other Officers necessarie for a King or Potentate in his Court: and these are much honoured, because they be Gentlemen, and descended of the People of Israel: and there be many of euery Office, because the sonnes of the Chamberlaines, and all their off-spring carrie the name of that Office, and the like is to be said of all the posteritie of the rest. And all of them are taken for such, sauing the Pages, which were wont to be the sonnes of great No∣blemen, and Lords; but now they are not: because (as I haue said before) when the Prete sends for any great Nobleman, he sendeth him not word wherefore he sends for him: and when he was serued by Pages, which were the sonnes of great Noblemen, they discouered his secrets; and therefore he put them from that Office, and vsed Pages within his chambers, which were [ 10] Slaues, and the sonnes of Kings of the Moores, or of the Gentiles, which are daily taken by in∣roads which the Prete his people make: and if he see that they be towardly, hee causeth them to be instructed, before they be admitted into his presence: and if they proue discreet and good, he taketh them in, and vseth them for Pages. Indeed hee vseth the sonnes of great Lords for Pages abroad or without doores; as, for Pages for his Bridle, when he rideth, and Pages of the Kitchin; but they come not into his Chambers, as is reported, and as we our selues haue seene. Moreouer, all the Canons, which they call Debeteres, descend of the race of those which came from Ierusalem with the sonne of Salomon: and therefore they are more honourable then all the rest of the Clergie.

§. XX. [ 20]

The Frier. Ambassadours Signiories. Their departure and arriuall at Ormuz, and after at Goa: at Lisbon. Briefe Notes of Ethiopia, and Letters to the King of Portugall, and the Grand Captaine.

139. THe same day that the Prete departed toward the Kingdome of Adea, the Frier his Ambassadour, and I, departed toward the Lordship, which the Prete had giuen him. One of these Lordships contayneth eightie houses and two Chur∣ches. [ 30] and belonged vnto a little Monasterie, which the said Frier had before. The Lordship which was newly giuen vnto him, was Arras of the Cauas, that is, Captaine of the men of Armes, in the Countrey of Abugana, and they may be some eight hundred and more. About mid-Lent, wee came to the place where our people aboad, and wee thought long vntill Easter, when the Portugals were to come for vs. When Easter was past (about which time is the motion of the Sea) and we saw no body come for vs, we remayned very sad, as we had been before. The moneth of Iuly being come, when the Prete vnderstood, that the Portugals were not arriued, he gaue order to his Ambassadour, and to a Nobleman of Abugana, whose name was Abiue Arraz, that they should goe with vs vnto these Lordships, to furnish vs with victualls: and because the Haruest was alreadie ended, hee commanded that wee should haue fiue hundred [ 40] loades of Corne, one hundred Oxen, and one hundred Sheepe: and that Zaga Zabo his Ambas∣sadour should giue vs Honey to make vs Wine. And hauing receiued those victuals, we returned to Barua, by the midst of Ianuarie.

140. On Easter Tuesday at mid-night, there came Letters from Don Hector de Siluiera, Grand Captayne of India, that he was come for vs, and was at Maczua: which Letters be∣ing read, we conceiued all of vs vnspeakable ioy. Don Roderigo the Ambassadour, would haue had vs depart without delay the next morning, but I would not, saying, That if we did so, they would take vs for no Christians, and that we ought to stay till the Octaues of Easter; and im∣mediately we dispatched one of our Portugals with a man of the Countrey, with our Letters, vn∣to the said Don Hector, and sent another Letter to Zaga Zabo the Ambassadour of the Prete, [ 50] who stayed behinde, that he should come with as great haste as was possible, and trauell day and night toward the Sea-side, to the Towne of Ercoco, because the Fleet was come thither to fetch vs away.

141. On Munday, being the Octaue after Easter, we departed from Barua, the Barnagasso, and all we Portugals, toward Ercoco. The Barnagasso, what with his owne and his Gentlemens traine, had one thousand men riding vpon Mules, and aboue sixe hundred men on foot: and wee * 1.1336 lodged sixe miles from Barua, in a Towne called Dinguil, standing in the midst of a great cham∣paigne field, where euery Munday at night great store of people meet together, to goe to the Faire of Ercoco, and they goe as it were in Carauan, for feare of the Arabia 〈…〉〈…〉s, and of the wilde Beasts of the Countrey. Here two thousand men ioyned themselues with vs, which went to [ 60] the said Faire. And they said, they were but few, because the rest would not goe thither, for feare they should not finde water to drinke; howbeit, the people that went with Barnagasso, * 1.1337 and we our selues, were all prouided: and from the Towne of Barua to Ercoco, might bee some fiue and fortie miles, and we spent a whole weeke in this voyage. And on Saturday morning, we lodged neere the Towne of Ercoco, and came not vnto our Ships.

On Tuesday morning, the Barnagasso with all his Captaines and people, deliuered vs to Don Hector de Siluiera, with exceeding ioy and gladnesse, and sent vs for a present fiftie Oxen, many Sheepe, Hens, Capons, and Fish, which hee had caused to bee taken, to diuide the same among our Ships. On Wednesday morning, came Zaga Zabo, the Ambassadour of Prete Ianni, whom we went to meet with vnto Ercoco, to accompanie him; and so Barnagasso came and deliuered him to the Captaine of the Armie, and so we stayed attending for the motion of the * 1.1338 Sea, that is to say, the time for our departing, which alwayes commeth betweene the foure and twentie or sixe and twentie of April, and the third or fourth of May: and if wee depart not at this mo∣tion, and in this season, there commeth none other till the end of August.

142. On the eight and twentieth of April, 1526. the whole Fleet departed, which consi∣sted * 1.1339 [ 10] of fiue Sailes, that is to say, of three great Galeons, and two Carauels, and wee arriued on the Ile of Camaran. The tenth of May, when wee were ouer against the Citie of Aden. And when we began to launch into the mayne Sea, from whence the Winter of India began to come against vs full in our faces, and we sailed against the same, there began so great a Tempest, that the second night wherein we entred into the same, with extreme darknesse and rage of weather, we lost companie, not knowing what course any of our Consorts held. We sailed in this storme vntill we came to the Streight of Ormuz: and the eight and twentieth of May, we came to the Hauen of Mazcare, which belongeth to the Kingdome of Ormuz. Departing from this Hauen, * 1.1340 we arriued in the Citie of Ormuz, where the King our Master hath a Fortresse. Here Lopez. Vaz of Saint Paul, being Grand Captaine and Gouernour of the Indies, came forth to receiue vs on [ 20] the Sea-shoare, who embraced vs all; and the next day, after we had heard Masse, we went to speake with the said Grand Captaine, and presented vnto him the Letter of Prete Ianni, which we brought for Diego Lopez de Sequeira, which brought vs into the Countrey of Prete Ianni; which Letter the said Lopez Vaz did reade, because he was Successor to Diego Lopez de Sequeira. Then we presented him a Vesture of silke, hauing fiue plates of gold before, and fiue more be∣hinde, and one vpon each shoulder, which make twelue in all, euery one of them as bigge as the palme of a mans hand, which the Prete sent to Diego Lopez: and the said Lopez Vaz gaue vnto Don Roderigo de Lima the Ambassadour two hundred Pardaos, that is to say, two hundred Du∣cats, and vnto the Ambassadour of the Prete other two hundred, and to me one hundred. Don Hector de Siluiera stayed but a while in Ormuz, and would needs returne with his Fleet, to wait [ 30] for the ships which depart from Zidem to come vnto Diu, and set forth at the time of the mo∣tion of the Sea, wherein we came forth; but they winter in Aden, and so goe forward in their voyage: but we stayed here in Ormuz, vntill wee were sure that the Winter was ended.

A Copie of the Letter which Prete Ianni writ to Don Diego Lopez de Sequiera, which was deliuered to Lopez Vaz of Saint Paul, his Successour in the gouernment of the Indies.

IN the Name of God the Father, which hath beene alwayes, who hath no beginning; In the Name [ 40] of his onely begotten Sonne, which is like vnto him, before the light of the Starres was seene, and be fore the foundation of the Ocean Sea was laid, who was conceiued at another time in the Virgins wombe, without the Seede of Man, and without Marriages, for after this sort was the vnderstanding of his Office: in the Name of the Holy Ghost the Comforter, which knoweth all secrets, whatsoeuer they bee, that is to say, of all the heighths of the Heauen, which is sustayned without any pillars or props, and hath amplifieth the Earth, which before was neither created nor knowne, from the East vnto the West, and from the North vnto the South. And of these three Persons, none is afore or after another, but is a Trinitie, contayned in one eternall Creator of all things, by one sole Counsell, and one onely Word eternally. Amen.

These Letters and Ambassages are sent from mee Atani Tingil, that is by interpretation, The [ 50] Incense of the Uirgin (for so was I named at the day of my Christning) but now am called Dauid, the Head of my Kingdomes of the higher and larger Ethiopia, the beloued of God, the Pillar of the Faith, descended of the Stocke of Iuda, the Sonne of Dauid, the Sonne of Salomon, the Sonne of the pillar of Sion, the Sonne of the Seede of Iacob, the Sonne of the Hand of Mary, the Sonne of Nahu, according to the flesh; To Diego Lopez de Sequeira, Grand Captaine of the Indies. I haue vnderstood, that albeit you are subiect vnto a King, yet neuerthelesse, that you are a Conquerour in all enterprizes, which are committed to you, and are not afraid of the innumerable forces of the Moores, hauing subdued For∣tune, with the Armes of the holy Faith, and that you cannot be vanquished of any secret things, being armed with the Truth of the Gospell, and resting your selfe vpon the Speare, which carrieth the Banner of the Crosse, for which cause the Lord be alwayes blessed, which hath fulfilled our ioy for the loue of our [ 60] Lord Iesus Christ.

Upon your comming into these parts, you certified vs of the ambassage of the King your Lord, Don Emanuel, and of the Presents which you haue preserued with so great trauell in your ships, hauing indured great Windes and Stormes, as well by Sea as by Land, wherein you haue come from so farre

Countreyes to subdue the Moores and Pagans, conducting and gouerning your Ships whither soeuer you thinke good, which is wonderfull to consider: and aboue all things, that you haue beene two whole yeeres in Warre vpon the Seas, enduring so great trauell, taking rest neither day nor night; considering, that the actions of Man, according to the vsuall custome, are done in the day-time, as to buy, to sell, to trauell by the way, and the night is made to sleepe, and to take rest, as the Scripture saith; The day is * 1.1341 made for Men to doe their businesse, from the morning vnto the euening, and the Lions roaring after their prey, doe seeke their meate at God; and when the Sunne ariseth, they get them a∣way together, and lay them downe in their Dens: and so both Men and Beasts are wont to take their rests: yet neither sleepe hath ouercome you, nor the night, nor the day, when the Sunne ariseth, for the loue which you beare vnto our holy Faith, as Saint Paul saith; Who shall separate vs from the * 1.1342 [ 10] loue of Christ? Shall tribulation, or anguish, or persecution, or famine, or nakednesse, or perill, or sword. And the Apostle Saint Iames saith: Blessed is the man that endureth temptation; for when he is tried he shall receiue the Crowne of Life, which the Lord hath promised to them that loue him. God fulfill your desires, and giue you prosperitie, and bring you safe and sound vnto King Don Emanuel, your Lord, and remooue the Moores out of your sight, which you haue vanquish∣ed, because they beleeue not in the Faith of our Lord Iesus Christ: and blessed be your men of Warre al∣so; for surely, they be Martyrs for our Lord Iesus Christs sake, for they die for hunger, for cold, and for heate, for his holy Names sake. Honorable Sir, when I vnderstood of your comming into our Coun∣tries, I greatly reioyced there at, and afterward vnderstanding of your sudden departure, I was not a little grieued. I reioyced also, when I was informed, that you had sent an Ambassadour vnto mee, and [ 20] praised the Name of God the Father, and of his Sonne Iesus Christ our Lord, especially for the good re∣port of you, which resoundeth on all sides, and because you were desirous to enter in〈…〉〈…〉 friendship with vs. And because (as I conceiue) your goodwill is such, I wish that you would vouch safe to fulfill the same, in sending vs Artificers which can worke in gold and siluer, and can make Swords, and Armour of Iron, and Head-peeces; and also Masons to build Houses, and men that are skilfull to plant and trim Vines after your manner, and to dresse Gardens, and are skilfull in all other Artes, which are best and most necessarie for the life of man, and also Worke-men to cast sheets of Lead for the couering of Churches, and Tile-makers for our houses, for we couer them with Grasse, and of these we stand in very great need, and for want of them we are alwaies in disquiet. I haue built a great Church, which is named the Tri∣nitie, wherein the body of my Father is buried, for his soule is in the hand of God, and the walls there∣of [ 30] (as your Ambassadour can declare vnto you) are good, and I would couer the same as soone as I could possibly, and would take away the Grasse which at this present is vpon it. For Gods sake, send mee of these Artificers, twelue at the least in euery Art: and yet for this you shall neuer want Crafts-men. And if they will stay with vs, they shall stay, and if they will depart, they shall depart, and I will pay them very bountifull for their paines, &c. This Towne of Zeila is the Hauen, whither all the Victuals doe come, which are transported into Aden, and so through all Arabia, and other Kingdomes and Coun∣tries, which cannot be furnished but onely with such Victuals as come from Zeila and Maczua, which are brought thither from our Kingdomes, and the Kingdomes of the Moores. And if you doe this, which I perswade you, you shall bring vnder your subiection the whole Kingdome of Aden, and all Ara∣bia, and other Kingdomes adioyning, without warre, or the death of any of your people, for taking vic∣tuals [ 40] from them, they will remaine besieged, and hunger-starued. And when you will wage warre against the Moores, acquaint mee with whatsoeuer you want; for I will send you great troopes of Horse-men and Archers, Victuals and Gold, and will come my selfe in person, and I and you will defeat the Moores and Pagans, for the aduancement of the holy Christian Faith.

Father Don Francisco is worthy of double reward, because hee is an holy man, and of an vpright conscience, and exceeding honest for the loue of God. Being fully acquainted with his good disposition, I haue giuen him a Iurisdiction, a Crosse, and a Staffe in his hand, which is a signe of authoritie, and haue made him an Abbot in our Dominions, and I would wish you to increase his honour, and to make him Bishop of Maczua, and of Zeila, and of all the Ilands of the Red Sea, and head of our Countries, because he is sufficient, and deserueth the like, or a greater office, &c. [ 50]

143. Wee departed from Ormuz in the fleet of Lopez Uaz of Saint Paul, the Grand Cap∣taine, * 1.1343 because Don Hector de Siluiera was gone toward the Red Sea, to encounter the Ships of Mecca, which wintered in the Citie of Aden, as I said before: and being come out of the streit of Ormuz, we found that the Winter of India was past, and that wee might sayle without any Tempest, and we sailed to a Fortresse of the King our Lord, in the Countrey of Chaul, which * 1.1344 is very pleasant, and aboundeth with Corne, which commeth from Cambaia, and of Oxen, Sheepe, Hennes, and infinite store of Fish, and many fruits of India, and Herbs of Gardens, made by our Portugals. Within few daies after, Don Hector de Siluiera returned, and brought * 1.1345 with him three Ships of Mecca, which he had taken, with great riches of Gold, because as yet they had not brought their merchandize, and came to buy them in India, and all the Moores [ 60] which were young and lustie, that were taken in the said ships, they thrust into the Kings Gal∣lies, selling them at ten Duckets a man, which is the Kings ordinary price. The rest which were old and weake, were likewise sold for ten duckets a piece. Departing from thence, wee came vnto the Citie of Goa, the fiue and twentieth of Nouember, on Saint Katherines Euen. * 1.1346

We departed from thence, and came to Cananor, where we stayed sixe daies, then wee went to * 1.1347 Go••••in, where wee found Antonie Galuano, the Sonne of Edward Galuano, the Ambassadour, whose bones I brought with me from Camaran, to whom I declared the whole matter, and hee * 1.1348 exceedingly reioyced thereat, and would needs come and fetch them from the ship, with all the Priests and ••riers of the Citie, and with an infinite number of Waxe-Candles, and so hee was carried to the Monasterie of Saint Antonie. And because the Mariners will not carrie dead Corpses in their ships, therefore the said Antonie caused a Graue to bee made behind the high Altar, and made as though he had put the Coffin therein, but secretly caused the same to bee car∣ried to his ship, whereof he was Captaine.

145. Being come to an Anker in the Riuer of Lisbon, ouer against the Kings house, incon∣tinently * 1.1349 [ 10] came Boats vnto vs to receiue our stuffe, and carried them to Saint Arrem, where we rested sixe daies, and bought vs Mules and apparell, after the manner of Portugall. From hence we departed in a greater heate, then euer I felt in the, Countrey of Prete Ianni, or in the Indies. The Ambassadour of Prete Ianni with-drew himselfe out of the way to the Towne of Azinaga, being himselfe and all his Company almost smothered with heate. The Kings Commissary conducted me to Ponte de Anonda, where I thought verily that I should haue ended my daies for extreame heate, and if I had not beene succoured with coole Water, I had presently beene sti∣fled. While we stayed in this place, Don Roderigo came thither, riding as fast as he could, and crying, Helpe, helpe for the loue of God, for the Moores, the Kings Pilots, and my Slaues, are dead for heate. Straight-way foure Mulettiers ranne with foure Mules, and brought them thi∣ther, * 1.1350 whereof one dyed immediatly, and another within two daies after: and so we indured a [ 20] great extremitie of heate. And vpon the death of these two Moores, there was some suspici∣on of the plague, but the Kings Commissarie gaue sufficient Testimony of the truth, that is to say, That they dyed with extreame heate; because that albeit they came out of hot Countries, yet were they not wont to goe clad and shod, but onely with a cloath from the girdle downe∣ward: and now in this extreame heat which happened, being cloathed in apparell, they were vtterly stifled. And truly, all the time that I was in the Indies, and in Ethiopia, I neuer felt so great a heat; and it was told me for a certaintie, that the selfe-same day, there were very many that dyed of heate. The next day we trauailed by night, and came to Zarnache, where we re∣ceiued order from the King, to stay there till he sent for vs.

146. Hauing stayed thirtie daies at Zarnache, with as much pleasure as might be, Diego Lo∣pez [ 30] de Sequeira, Surueyer of the Nauie, came vnto vs, who was the man that brought vs with his Fleet into the Country of Prete Ianni, to fetch vs vnto the Citie of Coimbra, where the King lay. After two daies came many Bishops, the Deane of the Chappell, and sundry Chaplaines, to fetch the Ambassadour of-Prete Ianni, and all of vs which were with him from his lodging, and they brought vs to the Kings Palace, where the said Ambassadour presented to his Highnesse a Crowne of Gold and Siluer, which was square in foure pieces, and euery one was two spannes high, and very rich, which the Prete Ianni sent, and two Letters made in quaternians of Parch∣ment, said; King Dauid my Lord, sent this Crowne, and these Letters to the King your Father, which is in glorie, and sent him word, that neuer Crowne was sent by the Sonne vnto the Father, but that [ 40] they were wont to come from the Father to the Sonne: and that by the signe of this Crowne King Da∣uid himselfe was knowne, loued, feared, and obeyed in all his Kingdomes and Signiories, and hee being his Sonne, sent vnto the King his Father the said Crowne, to assure him, that all his Kingdomes, Signiories, and people, were readie to doe whatsoeuer his Highnesse should command. And afterward, hauing beene enformed of the death of King Don Emanuel, hee said; Let the Crowne and Letters, which I sent vnto the King Don Emanuel, my Father, be sent vnto the King Don Iohn, my Brother, with other Letters which I will write vnto him.

This being done, the said Ambassadour and I presented two bagges of Embroydered Cloath, with two Letters, and a little Crosse of Gold, which the Prete Ianni had sent to the Popes Ho∣linesse, which things he requested to bee presented vnto him by me, Francis Aluarez. His Ma∣iestie [ 50] receiuing the Crosse, kissed the same, and afterward gaue it to Antonie Carniero, together with the Letters, and said, that he thanked the Diuine Maiestie, for that hee had guided in an happy way, the things which were begunne by the King his Lord and Father, and that hee would finish them accordingly, to the honour and glory of our Lord Iesus Christ.

In the yeare 1529, a good Benefice being fallen void in the Arch-bishopricke of Braga, his Maiestie bestowed the same of me, and commanded me to goe and present my selfe to my Lord Arch-bishop, Don Diego de Sousa, that hee might confirme me in the same: which when I had done, his Lordship asked me many things concerning the Countrey of Prete Ianni, which hee wished me to put downe in writing.

When the Prete trauelleth with all his Court, the Altar of the consecrated stone, whereupon [ 60] Masse is said, is carried by Priests vpon their shoulders, and the said stones are laid vpon a little beare of Wood, and the Priests are alwaies eight, that is to say, Foure and foure to carrie them by turnes, and before them goeth a Clerke with a censer, and a Bell which he ringeth, and eue∣ry man remoueth out of the way, and they which are on horse-backe do light, and doe their re∣uerence.

In all this Countrey there is no Towne, that hath in it aboue sixteene hundred houses, and there are but few that are so bigge. Neither is there any walled Towne or Castle. Their Vil∣lages are without number, and they haue an infinite multitude of people. Their Houses are made in a round forme, all of Earth couered with Flagges, or with a certaine kind of Straw, which lasteth a mans life, with yards about them. There are no stone Bridges vpon their Riuers, but Bridges of Wood. They lye commonly vpon Oxe-hides, or in beds made of the thongs of the said Hides. They haue no kind of Table to eate vpon, but feed vpon certaine flat Platters of wood, which are very broad, without Towels or Napkins. They haue * 1.1351 certaine great Platters like Basons of blacke Earth, as bright as blacke Amber, and Vessels like Cups to drinke water, and the Wine of the said Countrey. Many eate raw flesh, others broyle [ 10] it vpon the coles or burning embers: also there are Countries so destitute of wood, that they broyle their meate vpon fire made with Oxe-dung.

The cause why Nilus ouerfloweth Egypt, is this, that whereas the generall Winter beginneth * 1.1352 in Aethiopia, in the midst of Iune, and ••a••••eth vntill the midst of September, by reason of the exceeding great raines, which continue there all that season; Nilus groweth great and ouer∣floweth Egypt.

Prete, and all his receits and expenses are onely put in writing. The Prete Ianni hath two names of honour, that is to say, Aregue, which signifieth an Emperour, and Neguz, a King.

Wine of Grapes is made openly but in two places, that is to say, in the house of Prete Ianni, and of Abuna Marke, and if they make it else-where, they doe it secretly. The Wine which * 1.1353 [ 20] they vse at the Communion, is made in this manner. In the Monasteries and Churches they keepe Grapes as it were halfe dryed in their Vestries, and sleepe them ten dayes in water, when they be swolne, they dry them, and then they presse them in a Wine-presse, and with that Wine they say Masse.

There is infinite plentie of Sugar-canes, but they know not how to boyle and refine the same, * 1.1354 onely they eate them raw.

There is no Mountaine in the Countrey whereon Snow is seene, neither doth it snow, al∣though * 1.1355 there be verie great Frosts, and specially in the plaine Countries.

There is exceeding great quantitie of Honey in all this Countrey, and the Bee-hiues are pla∣ced after our manner, without the principall house, but they set them in the Chambers where [ 30] the Husbandmen remayne, and set them against the wall, wherein they make a little hole, whereby they goe out into the fields. They also flie about the Chambers, and yet the people will stay within, for they vse to goe in and out. They bring vp great store of these Bees, espe∣cially in the Monasteries, because they are a great foundation of their sustenance. There are also Bees in the Woods and Mountaines, by whom they set wholsome barkes of Trees, and when they be full of Honey, they carrie them home. They gather great store of Waxe, and make * 1.1356 Candles thereof, because they vse no Tallow-candles.

They haue no Oyle of Oliues, but of a certaine kind, which they call Hena, and the Herbe whereof they make it is like vnto little Vine-leaues: this Oyle hath no smell at all, but is as faire and yellow as Gold. There groweth Flaxe also, but they know not how to dresse it to make * 1.1357 [ 40] Cloth thereof. There is great store of Cotton-wooll, whereof they make Cloth of diuers co∣lours. There is also a certaine Countrey that is so cold, that they are forced to goe apparelled in course Cloth like a darke tawnie.

In no Towne where I haue beene, haue I seene any shambles of flesh, sauing in the Court? and in other places no man may kill an Oxe, although it be his owne, without asking licence of the Lord of the Towne.

Touching their ordinarie Iustice, it is not their manner to put any man to death, but they * 1.1358 beat him, according to the qualitie of his fault, and also they put out his eyes, and cut off his hands and feete, howbeit, I saw one man burnt, because hee was found to haue robbed a Church. [ 50]

The common people seldome speake the truth, although an Oath bee ministred vnto them, vnlesse they be bound to sweare by the head of the King. They greatly stand in feare of Ex∣communication, and if they be commanded to doe any thing which is greatly to their preiudice, they doe it for feare of Excommunication. An Oath is ministred after this manner. They goe to * 1.1359 the Church gate with two Priests, which carrie Incense and Fire with them: And hee which is to sweare, layeth his hand vpon the Church gate, and the Priests will him to tell the truth, saying, If thou sweare falsly, as the Lion deuoureth the sheepe in the Forrest, so let the Deuill deuoure thy soule; and as the Corne is grinded vnder the Mil-stone, so let the Deuill grind thy bones; and as the fire burneth the wood, so let thy soule be burnt i•• Hell fire. And hee which sweareth, answereth Amen, to each of these Sentences. But if thou shal•• ••ell the truth, let thy [ 60] life be prolonged with honour, and thy soule goe to Paradise with the Blessed: and hee saith, Amen. Which Ceremonie being done, they cause him to giue like testimonie.

Whereas I haue said, that they sit not in their Churches, therefore I tell you, that without the gates of the same, there are alwayes placed a great number of woodden Crouches, like those

wherewith lame men doe helpe themselues, and euery man taketh his owne, and leaneth vpon it vntill Seruice be done. All their Bookes, which are many, are written in Parchment, for they haue no Paper, and the writing is in the Language of Tigia, which is the Abassine Tongue, that is the Language of that Countrey wherein they became first Christians.

All the Churches haue two Curtanies, one by the high Altar with Bels, and within this Cur∣taine * 1.1360 none doe enter but the Priests: then there is another Curtaine in the midst of the Church: and none doe enter into the Church, but such as haue receiued holy Orders, and many Gentle∣men and Honourable persons doe receiue Orders, that they may be admitted into the Church.

The greatest part of the Monasteries are seated vpon high Mountaines, or in some deepe Val∣ley. They haue great Reuenues and Iurisdictions, and in many of them, they eate no flesh all [ 10] the yeare long. They eate also very little fish, because they know not how to take them.

Vpon all the wals of the Churches are Pictures of Christ and of our Ladie, and of the Apostles, the Prophets, and Angels, and in euery one of them is the Picture of Saint George. They haue * 1.1361 no grauen nor carued Images; neither will they suffer Christ crucified to bee painted in the wals, because, they say, they be not worthy to see him in that Passion. All their Friers, Priests, and Noblemen, continually carrie a Crosse in their hand; the people weare Crosses about their neckes. Euery Priest alwayes carryeth with him a Cornet of Brasse, full of holy water, and wheresoe∣uer they goe, the people alwayes pray them to bestow holy water, and their blessing vpon them, which they giue vnto them, And before they eate; they cast a little holy water vpon their meat, and likewise into the Cup where they drinke.

The moueable Feasts, as Easter, the Ascension and Whitsuntide, are kept on the very same [ 20] * 1.1362 dayes and seasons, wherein wee obserue them. Touching Christmas, the Circumoision, and Twelfe-tide, and other Feasts of Saints they likewise agree with vs; in other Feasts they doe not.

Their yeare and their first moneth beginneth the sixe and twentieth of August, which is the beheading of Saint Iohn. And their yeare consisteth of twelue moneths, and their moneth of * 1.1363 thirtie dayes and when the yeare is ended they adde fiue dayes▪ which they call Pagomen, that is to say, the ending of the yeare. And in the Leape yeere 〈◊〉〈◊〉 adde sixe dayes, and so they a∣gree with vs.

They haue Cymbals like ours, and certaine great Basons 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they ring. Flutes they [ 30] haue, and certaine square Instruments with st〈…〉〈…〉gs like 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 which they call Dauid M〈…〉〈…〉∣quo, * 1.1364 that is to say, Dauid•• Harpe, and they play vpon these before the Prete Ianni, but some∣what rudely.

The naturall Horses of the Countrey are infinite, but are not very good, but are like vnto Hackneies, but those which come from Arabia and Egypt, are very excellent and faire, and the great Lords haue Races of these Horses, and as soone as they bee foled, they suffer them not to sucke their Dams aboue three dayes, whom they will presently trauell on, and taking the Colt•• from their Dams, they put them to be suckled of Kine, and they become exceeding faire.

The Letters of Dauid, the Mightie Emperour of Aethiopia, vnto Emanuel King, [ 40] * 1.1365 of Portugall, &c. Written in the yeere 1521. as also to King Iohn and Pope Clement.

IN the name of God the Father, who was from Euerlasting, and hath no beginning, &c. These Letters are sent from me Athani Tingil, &c. Emperour of the great and high Aethiopia, and of mightie Kingdomes, Dominions, and Territories, King of Xoa, of Caffate, of Fatigar, of An∣gote, of * 1.1366 Baru, of Baaliganze, of Aden, of Vangue, of Goiame, (where Nilus springeth) of A∣mara, of Baguemedri, of Ambeaa, of Vagne, of Tigremahon, of Sabaym, from whence came the Queene of Saba, of Bernagaes, and Lord euen to the Countrey of Nubia, bordering vpon Egypt. [ 50] These Letters are directed vnto the most mightie, most excellent, and victorious King, Don Emanuel, who dwelleth in the 〈…〉〈…〉 God, and remayneth stedfast in the Catholike Faith, the Sonne of the Apo∣stles Peter and Paul, the King of Portugall and Algarbi, a louer of Christians, an Enemie, Iudge, Emperour, and Uanquisher of the Moores and Gentiles of Africa and Go〈…〉〈…〉ea, of the Cape of Buo∣na Speranza, and of the Ile * 1.1367 of the Moone, also of the Red Sea of Arabia, Persia, and Ormuz, of the greater India, and of all places, Ilands, and Countries adiacent, the destroyer of the Moores, and stout Pagans, the Lord of Fortresses, high Castles and Walls, the Inlarger of the Faith of Iesus Christ. Peace 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vnto thee. King Emanuel, who relying vpon the assistance of God, destroyest the Moores, and with thyships, thy Souldiers and Captaines, expellest them in all places like faithlesse Dogs. Peace be with [ 60] the Queene thy Wife, beloued of Iesu Christ. Seruant of the Virgine Marie, the Mother of the Sauiour of all people. Peace be to thy Sonnes, b••ing now, as it were, in a fresh Garden, amidst the flourishing Lillies, a Table furnished with all Dainties. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bee vnto your Daughters, which are adorned with Princely Robes, as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with Hangings of Tapistr••. Peace vnto your Kinsfolkes, the Off-spring

of Saints, of whom saith the Scripture, Blessed are the Sonnes of Saints, and mightie abroad and at home. Peace be to thy Counsellers, thy Officials, thy Magistrates and Irdges. Peace be to the Captaines of thy Castles and Borders, and of all thy defensible places. Peace be vnto all Nations, People and Ci∣ties, and to all Inhabitants, except Moores and Iewes. Peace bee to all Parishes, and to all that are faithfull to Christ, and to thy selfe. Amen.

I was aduertised (most worthy King, and my Father) that so soone as the renowne of my Name was brought vnto you by Matthew, mine Ambassadour, you presently caused a great number of Arch-bishops, Bishops, and other Prelats to be assembled, to giue thankes vnto our Sauiour Christ, for the same Ambassage, and that the said Matthew was entertained with great honour and solemnitie, &c. But let vs omit these matters, and consult betweene our selues, how wee may inuade and conquer * 1.1368 [ 10] other Lands of Infidels. I verily will bestow 100000000. drachmes of Gold, and so many thousands of Souldiers. Yea, I will bestow Wood also, and Iron, and Copper, for the building and furnishing of a Nauy, and great plentie of victuals. Oh King, and my Father, Emanuel, that one God protect and saue you, which is the God of Heauen, and alwaies of one substance, being subiect neither to youth nor old age. He which brought your message, was called Roderigo de Lima, and was the principall of all his good company, and with him came Francis Aluarez, whom for his honest demeanour, his singular Religion, and vpright dealing, I could not but most entirely loue, especially, when as being demaunded as touching the Faith, he answered most truly and aptly. You ought therefore to exal•• him, to call him Master, and to grant him authoritie to conuert the people of Maczua, of Delaqua, of Zeila, and of all the Ilands of the Red Sea, because they are vpon the Borders of my Kingdomes, and I haue giuen [ 20] vnto him a Crosse and a Staffe, in token of authoritie, and so likewise commend you the same things to be graunted vnto him, and let him be created Bishop of the said Countries and Ilands, for he deserueth so to be, and is meete for the administring of this Function: and God will so mightily blesse you, that you shall euer haue the vpper hand of your enemies, and shall constraine them to fall downe before your feete. The same God prolong your daies, and make you partaker of the Kingdome of Heauen in a most Honourable place, euen as I would wish for mine owne selfe. I haue heard with mine eares, many good reports of thee, and with mine eyes I see those things that I neuer expected to haue seene: God pro∣sper all your affaires from good to better, and grant you a place vpon the wood of life, where the Saints themselues are placed, Amen.

I, like an obedient Sonne, haue done those things which you commanded, and will hereafter doe, [ 30] whensoeuer your Ambassadours shall come, to the end we may mutually assist one another. And vnto euery of your Ambassadours which shall come, as the former did vnto Maczua, or Delaca, or to other Hauens within the streits of the Red Sea, I will giue, and cause to bee giuen those things which you shall request, according to my earnest desire; that wee may prosperously bee conioyned, both in Counsels and Actions. For when your Forces shall resort vnto those Coasts, I will there be present with my Armies also. And because that vpon my Borders there are no Christians, nor Christian Churches, I will freely giue vnto your subiects those Lands to inhabite, which are next vnto the Dominions of the Moores: for it is requisite, that you bring your good beginnings to a happy end. In the meane while, send ••e•• learned men, and Caruers of Siluer and Golden Images, and such as can worke in Copper, Iron, Ti〈…〉〈…〉e, and Lead: as also Artificers, which may Print Bookes in the Letters of our language for the Church, and [ 40] likewise such as can beate Gold into thinne Plates, and therewith can gild other Metals. All these shall be most honestly intreated in my Court, and whensoeuer they will depart, I will giue them liberall wages for their paines. And I sweare by our Lord Iesus Christ, the Sonne of God, that I will freely dismisse them, when they shall thinke good. And this I doe most confidently demaund, because I am not ignorant of your vertue, and know right well the goodnesse of your disposition, being also assured of your exceeding loue toward me: and this I know the more certainly, because you so honourably intertained, and dismissed Matthew for my sake. And this is the cause that maketh mee so earnestly to request. Neither let this cause you to bee ashamed, for I will pay f••r all things to the vttermost. That which a Sonne asketh of his Father, ought not to be denyed: you are my Father, and I am your Sonne: let vs therefore be ioyned together, as one stone in a wall is ioyned to another, so being two, we doe agree in one [ 50] heart, and in the loue of Iesus Christ, who is the head of the world, and they that are with him, are like∣ned vnto stones vnited in a wall. Amen.

IN the Name of God the Father, Almightie Creator of Heauen and Earth, of all things visible and * 1.1369 inuisible. In the Name of God the Sonne, Christ, who is the Sonne, and Counsell, and Prophet of his Father. In the Name of God the holy Spirit, the Comforter, the liuing God, equall to the Father and the Son, who spake by the mouth of the Prophets, inspiring the Apostles, that they might giue thankes and glorifie the Trinitie, perfect alwaies in heauen, and in earth, in the sea, and in the deepe. Amen.

These Letters and this Messenger are sent from me, the Incense of the Virgine, &c. Now I send my message by Frier Christopher Licanati, being named at his Baptisme, Zaga Zabo, that is to say, The [ 60] Grace of the Father, who shall sollicite my request vnto you. Moreouer, vnto the Pope of Rome, I send Francis Aluarez, to performe obedience in my Name, as it is meete. Renowned King and my Bro∣ther, indeuour thy selfe to confirme that friendship betweene vs, whereof they Father was the Authour, and send often vnto me thy Messengers and Letters, which I greatly desire to see, as comming from

my deare Brother, for it is very conuenient, sithens we are both Christians, and sith the wicked Moores are alwaies at concord in their sect. And now I doe protest, that I will not hereafter admit the Ambas∣sages of the King of Egypt, nor of other Kings, which haue often sent Messengers vnto me, but onely the Ambassadours of your Highnesse, whose comming I earnestly desire; for the Moorish Kings e∣steeme not me to be their friend, in regard of our dissention in Religion: but they faine a kind of friend∣ship, to the end they may more safely and freely exercise Traffique in our Kingdomes, whereby they reape great Commoditie. For they conuey mightie summes of Gold, whereof they are most greedy, out of my Dominions, whereas they are my Enemies, neither doe their Commodities please me any whit. Howbeit, this was to be tolerated, because it hath beene an ancient custome of my Predecessours, I doe not indeed wage warre against them, nor vtterly destroy them, but spare them onely in this respect, least they on the contrary should violate and cast downe the holy Temple at Ierusalem, wherein stands the Sepulchre of [ 10] Iesus Christ, which God hath left in the power of the abhominable Moores, and least they should make hauocke of all other Christian Churches in Egypt and Syria; and this is the cause why I doe not in∣uade and conquer them, and it is a great griefe vnto me. And I am the more perswaded hereunto, see∣ing I haue no Christian King neere vnto me to ayde me, and to comfort my heart. I my selfe (Oh King) can finde no cause of reioycing in the Christian Kings of Europe, when as I heare that they are at dis∣cord and warre among themselues. Be ye all vnited in one concord; For you ought all to bee conioyned together in a certaine league of amitie. And verily, if I had any Christian King bordering vpon me, I would not depart for the space of one houre from him: but I know not in the world what to say or doe, as touching this matter, when as it seemeth so to be appointed by God. My Lord, send (I pray you) Mes∣sengers [ 20] often vnto me: For in seeing your Letters, I doe certes behold your countenance, because grea∣ter friendship groweth betweene men farre distant asunder, then betweene those that are neere toge∣ther, in regard of the mutuall desire which they haue. For he that hath hidden Treasures, not seeing them with his eyes, be loueth them alwaies, and that most vehemently with his heart, as our Lord ••esus Christ in his Gospell saith, Where thy Treasure is, there is thy heart; Euen so my heart is with thee, seeing thou thy selfe art my Treasure, and thou likewise oughtest to make me thy Treasure, and sin∣cerely to ioyne thy heart with mine. Oh Noble Brother, keepe this word: for thou art most wise, and (as I heare) like vnto thy Father in wisedome, which when I know, I presently gaue thankes vnto God, and abandoning sorrow, I exceedingly reioyced, and said; Blessed bee the wise Sonne of so greata Father, the Sonne of King Emanuel, which sitteth in the Throne of his Kingdomes. My Lord, [ 30] see that you be not discouraged, because you are strong as your Father was: neither send you any feeble forces against the M••ores and Gentiles. For by Gods helpe and the indeuour of your vertue you shall easily vanquish and destroy them. And say not that your Father left you but meane forces: for they be very great, and God will euer assist you. I haue men, Gold and Victuals, like the sands of the Sea, and the Starr••s of Heauen. Wee two ioyned together, will destroy all the sauage and barbarous Moores. Neither doe I request ought else of you then men of skill, which may teach my Souldiers feats of warre. And thou (Oh King) art a man of a perfect age. King Salomon at twelue yeares old, vndertooke the managing of his Kingdome, and had mightie Forces, and was wiser then his Father. My selfe also, when Nahu my Father deceased, was a child but of eleuen yeares old, and being inuested into his Throne, I haue by the goodnesse of God, attained to greater wealth and strength then he. For in my hand are the [ 40] Borderers and Nations of my Kingdome. Wherefore both of vs ought to thanke God for so great a be∣nefit receiued. Giue eare vnto me, my Brother and Lord: for heere in one word I request you, that lear∣ned men and Artificers may be sent mee, which can Print Bookes, and make Images, Swords, and all kind of Militarie Weapons: as also cunning Builders, Carpenters, and Physicians, which can both minister Potions, and heale Wounds. I would gladly also haue such, as can beate Gold into thinne Plates, and can artificially carue, both Gold and Siluer, and also can digge Gold and Siluer out of the Mines, and such as haue skill in Mining of all other Metals. Moreouer, they shall bee welcome vnto me, that can make sheets of Lead, and such as can frame Brickes and Tiles of Clay. To be short, all Artificers shall be seruiceable vnto me, & especially Gun-founders. Assist me (I beseech you) in these things, as one Bro∣ther [ 50] should assist another, &c.

HAppy and Fortunate Holy Father, who of God art made a Conseruer of Nations, and holdest the * 1.1370 Seat of S. Peter, to thee are giuen the Keyes of the Kingdome of heauen, and whatsoeuer thou shalt binde and loose, shall be bound and loosed in heauen, as Christ hath said, and Matthew hath so written in his Gospell. I, the King, whose Name the Lions honor, and by the Grace of God, Atani Tingil, &c. Em∣peror of great and high Ethiopia, of great Realmes, Iurisdictions, and Lands, King of Xoa, of Caffate, of Fatigar, of Angote, of Baru, and of Baaliganze, of Adea, of Vangue, and of Goiame, (where Nilus springeth) of Amara, of Bagua Medri, of Ambea, of Vaguc, of Tigremahon, of Sabaim, (whence was the Queene of Saba) of Barnagaes, and Lord as farre as Nubia, which is on the Confines of E∣gypt. All these Prouinces are in my power, and many other great and small, which I reckon not. Nor [ 60] haue I expressed the said Kingdomes and Prouinces by name, induced by pride or any vaine-glorie, but that the great God might be praised therefore, who of his singular bountie, hath giuen to the Kings my Predecessors, the Empire of so large Kingdomes of Christian Religion, and hath after exalted me with speciall Grace amongst other Kings, that I should continually be at the seruice of his Religion, and for

this hath made me Lord of Adel, and enemie of the Moores and idolatrous Gentiles. I send to kisse the feet of your Holinesse, as other Christian Kings my Brethren are wont to doe, to whom, neither in Po∣wer nor in Religion I am inferiour. I am my Kingdomes, am the Pillar of Faith, nor haue I neede of o∣ther ••••d••s, but place all my confidence and help in God, who hath alway sustained and gouerned me, from that time that the Angell of God spake to Philip, when he taught the right Faith to the Eunuch of Can∣dace, a puissant Queene of Ethiopia, which went from Ierusalem to Gaza. Then Philip baptized the E〈…〉〈…〉h, of whom afterwards the Queene was bapti••ed, with great part of her Family, and her peo∣ple which neuer since ceased to be Christians, and all of them from that time till now, haue beene strong in the Faith. My Predecessours helped of none but God, haue enlarged the Christian Faith in these great Kingdomes, which I enforce my selfe also to doe. I abide in my Confines, as a Lion encompassed [ 10] with a ••••icke Wood, strong against the Moores, and other Nations, enemies of the Christian Faith, which will not heare the word of God, nor my faithfull exhortations, I girt with my Sword, pursue them, and by little and little, chase them out of their nest, by the helpe of God which neuer failed mee, which hath otherwise happened to other Christians. For if they will extend the Confines of their Kingdomes, they doe it not against Infidels, which they easily may; because one of them may helpe and succour ano∣ther, being also marueilously furthered by the benediction of your Holinesse, whereof I also am partaker, hauing found in my Bookes the Letters of Pope Eugenius, which in times past he sent with his blessing to the King, the Seede of Iacob, of which blessing, hauing receiued it from hand to hand, I am glad and reioyce. Moreouer, I hold in great veneration the Temple of Ierusalem, whither I often send due offe∣rings by our Pilgrims: and much better and richer would I send, if the waies were not infested with Moores and Infidels, which not onely take away the Presents and Treasures from my Messengers, but [ 20] hinder them also from free passage. And if the way were open, I would come into familiaritie, and commerce with the Church of Rome, as doe other Kings Christian, to whom I am not inferiour: and as they beleeue, I also confesse one right Faith and Catholike Church, and beleeue sincerely in the holy Tri∣nitie and in one God; the virginitie of our Ladie, the Virgin Marie and I hold and obserue the Articles of the Faith, as the Apostles haue written. At this present, our Lord God, by the hand of the most mighty and Christian King Emanuel, hath opened the way that we may know each other by Embassie, and Chri∣stians ioyned with Christians to serue God. But his Ambassadours being in our Court, newes came of his death, and that his Sonne Iohn (who is my Brother) hath receiued the Scepter in his Fathers King∣dome. Whence, as by his Fathers death I was much grieued, so was I marueilously cheered by the happy succession of his Sonne in the Kingdome: insomuch as I hope, that hauing ioyned our Armies and For∣ces, [ 30] we shall be able both by Sea and Land to open a way through the Prouinces of the wicked Moores, and set vpon them with such furie, that we shall chase them out of their Seates and Kingdomes, and so Christians may more commodiously goe to the Temple of Ierusalem, and returne at their pleasure. And I, as I earnestly desire to be made partaker of the Diuine loue in the Temple of the Apostles, Peter and Paul, so I desire to haue the holy blessing of the Vicar of Christ; and without doubt, I hold that your Ho∣linesse is the Vicar of Christ; and also that of the Pilgrims, which come from our Regions to Ierusa∣lem, and to Rome, and not without great miracle returne, I heare many things spoken of your Holi∣nesse, which cause me incredible pleasure and ioy. Yet should I haue much more pleasure, if my Am∣bassadours could vse a shorter way, and at all times relate the newes vnto mee, as I hope they shall once bring me before I dye, by the Grace of Almightie God, who keepe you in health and happinesse. Amen. [ 40] I kisse your holy feete, and humbly intreat your Holinesse to send me your blessing. Your Holinesse shall receiue these by meanes of our Brother Iohn, King of Portugall, of our Ambassador, Francis Aluarez.

Another Letter of his was deliuered by the same Aluarez, to the same Pope: desiring him to * 1.1371 send him Artificers in Glasse, and Musicall Instruments, &c. Also to accord the Christian Kings, that they might take Armes against the Mahumetans, which assist one another, &c. But we haue beene already tedious, and therefore omit it: And the Letter of his mother Helena, sent 1509. by Matthew aforesaid, which in Goes aforesaid is to be seene.

Aluarez was receiued by the Pope, Clement the seuenth, at Bolonia, Ianuary 29. 1533. in the presence of Charles the fifth Emperour, and Martin the Nephew, Counsellour and Am∣bassadour [ 50] of King Iohn of Portugall, and entertained as Ambassadour of the said King Dauid, in his Name, presenting obedience to the Pope, as more at large in Ramusio appeareth. [ 60]

CHAP. VI.

A Rutter of Don IOHN of Castro, of the Voyage which the Portugals made from India to Zoez. Dedicated to the most Illustrious Prince, the Infant Don LUYS, and here abbreuiated: shewing the state of Socatora, and the parts on both sides the red Sea, as they were aboue eightie yeeres since, with the Harbours, Ilands, Depths, Shelues, and other things pertayning to the Historie of the Sea, Land, and People. The originall of which is reported to [ 10] haue beene bought by Sir WALTER RALEIGH, at sixtie pounds, and by him caused to be done into English, out of the Portugall.

§. I.

The sayling from Goa to Socatora, and into the red Sea, as [ 20] farre as Mazua.

THe one and thirtieth of December, 1540. * 1.1372 at Sunne rising, we set saile from the Barre of Goa, the way of the Straights, the wind was off the Land to the East∣ward. Wee coasted along the Coast, bearing but little saile: about ten of the clocke, we came to an anchor at a Riuer, which is called Chaporaa.

The thirteenth of Ianuarie, 1541. in the morning we saw great quantitie of Oze, that growes vpon the Rockes of the Sea, and within a little while wee saw a Snake; the Sunne being vp, wee saw Land of the Iland of Socatora, in search of the which we went, and the Land bare with vs flat South. [ 30]

Now, after we were at anchor in this part, I asked of the most principall Pilots of the Fleet, how farre they made themselues off the Land the day that they saw it, and I found, the chiefe Pilot was ninetie leagues short, when wee saw it; the Pilot of the Galleon Bufora, one hun∣dred and odde; and others, eightie: those which made themselues the least, were seuentie leagues short. In such sort, that my Pilot, which made it sixtie fiue, was the neerest to the Land. And I found among them all, a great wondring and a murmuring, how the errour could be so great; and either because it was so, or because the Pilotes would make their reason good, they all cried out, affirming, that this deceit proceeded, of the way being shorter then the Cards make it. Likewise, the Morish Pilots made good their complaint, affirming, that from Goa to Socatora, there were no more then three hundred leagues.

The Iland of Socatora hath in length, twentie leagues, and nine in breadth; it stands in [ 40] twelue degrees and two third parts, on the North side; the front of the Iland that is opposite to the Septentrionall part, runneth East and West, and somewhat to the North-west and South-east: the Coast of the Sea is all very cleere without any Rocke, or Shoald, or any other im∣pediment that may hinder the Nauigators: the ground in the Road is sand, and in some pla∣ces stonie, but in such qualitie, that it will not cut the Cables. On this side the treuerse wind, or the North wind is so forcible, and bloweth with such a rage, that it raiseth great heapes of sand ouer the Hills, and doth driue them beyond their high and craggie tops. In all the circuit of the Iland, there is not any other place or harbour, where any ship may safely winter. The Coast of the Sea is very high in euery place, and begirt with very great and high Mountaines, with many Pikes, Piramides, and diuers other very faire shewes. In these Coasts of this Iland [ 50] the tides are contrarie to them of India: for, when the Moone riseth, and appeareth in the Ho∣rizon, it is high floud, which the Mariners call, full Sea; and the Moone beginning to ascend in our Hemisphere, the tide begins to ebbe, till it commeth to the Meridian of this Iland; and being in it, it is dead low water; but the Moone descending from the Meridian, it begins to flow, by the same order and degrees that it was set in the great circle of our Horizon, and being set, it is here full Sea. I made this obseruation many dayes by the Sea shoare, and found alwaies the same operation. This Iland of Socatora, (if I be not deceiued) was called in old time, Dioscori∣dis. There was in it a Citie, called also Dioscorides, as it appeareth in Ptolomie, the sixth Table of Asia: but, by the manner that he had in casting it, and the place where he seated it, it appeares [ 60]

that he had euill information of the Trauellers. The Socatorians doe keepe the Law of the Go∣spell; * 1.1373 and they were enlightned, and brought to the Faith by the blessed Apostle Saint Thomas, as they themselues beare record. In all the circuit of the Iland are many Churches, in which there is no Oracle, but the Crosse whereon our Sauiour suffered. They pray in the Chaldean Tongue, as I was enformed, they want instruction, but they are very desirous of it, and demand with great efficacie the doctrine and customes of the Romish Church, and all of them doe con∣fesse this alone to be good, and is to be kept; they call themselues by our names, as Iohn, Peter, Andrew, &c. and the women generally Maries. To consider the manner how this People li∣ueth, certainly is worth the noting; for, among them they haue no King, Gouernour, Prelate, or person to obey, or who may gouerne them; but they liue in a manner like the wild beasts, [ 10] without any order of Iustice, or politique life. In all the Iland there is no Citie or great Town, but the greatest part of the People dwelleth in Caues, and some haue little Cottages thatcht, separated the one from the other, liuing a life more then sauage and pastorall. Their food is Flesh and wild Dates, they drinke Milke, and taste the water very seldome. All of them are very deuoted to the Crosse, and for a wonder shall you find one person that doth not weare it a∣bout his necke: this People is of the best disposition in all these parts, they haue their bodies tall and straight, their faces well proportioned, their colour is swarthie, the women are some∣what whiter, and honestly faire. In all the Countrey there is no manner of weapons, offensiue and defensiue, except certaine Swords of dead Iron, very short; the men goe naked, and they couer onely their secret parts with certaine Cloth, which they call Cambolis, of the which they * 1.1374 [ 20] make great quantitie in the Iland. The Countrey is naturally poore, and no other merchandise are found then * 1.1375 Verdigrease, and Sanguis Draconis. But the Verdigrease is in great abundance, and esteemed aboue all. All this Iland is mountainous, and breedeth all sort of Cattell that is in our parts, of the which there is great abundance. The Countrey neither produceth Wheat nor Rice, nor any maintenance of this kind. I beleeue, this is not the fault of the ground, but want of Industrie and Arte in the Inhabitants; for the Iland within the land is very fresh, and hath many Valleys and Plaines, very conuenient for to receiue all benefit that they will bestow on it. This People hath no manner of Nauigation, neither industrie for to catch the Fish, which by the Coasts of this Iland is infinite; they haue very few Fruit-trees, among the which the Palm∣ttees are esteemed, and nourished, as the principall part of their food to maintaine life: the Coun∣trey [ 30] yeeldeth all manner of Garden-herbs, and medicinable Herbs, the Mountaines are couered with the Herbe Basill, and other smelling Herbs. * 1.1376

The seuen and twentieth of Ianuarie, 1541. in the morning, we were very little beyond the Citie of Aden, in such sort, that it was to the North-west of vs, the distance might be about sixe leagues, the wind was at East, and faire, wee sailed West South-west, and wee knew that the Land that wee saw yesterday in the afternoone, and seemed to vs an Iland, was the Moun∣taine of Aden: this Mountaine is very high and faire, on euery side craggie and rough; vpon it there arise some very high pikes and sharpe, in all shewes it is very like, and of the making of the Hill of Sintra, which more then any other thing doth make it noble and famous. This Hill descendeth to the Sea, and with great violence, thrusteth within her waues, a very great and [ 40] long point, and presently withdrawing it selfe a great space inward to the land, there remaine, made two nookes, as faire as compassed, wherein that which lieth on the East side, stands situa∣ted the strong Citie of Aden. This Hill in times past, was called Cabubarra,, and was made fa∣mous * 1.1377 by the Nauigators, and the Citie of Aden was knowne for Madoca. This Citie of Aden, within this three yeeres, is come to the power of the Turkes, by Treason which Soliman Bassa, Gouernour of Cairo, did to the King of it, which past in this manner. The Great Turke making a great Armie, at the request of the King of Cambaya, and of all the Inhabitants of the Straights of Mecca, for India. Hee sent the Gouernour of Cairo, called Soliman Bassa Eunuch, with a great Armie of Ships and Galleys for India. This Captaine being come to the Port of Aden, the King and Citizens, fearing the little trueth of the Turkes, denied them the entring into the Citie, but [ 50] they prouided them with all necessaries of victuals and prouisions: Soliman, and also the Souldi∣ers, not shewing any griefe at this hospitalitie, the King assured himselfe, and with many messa∣ges and visitations of great friendship, which past betweene them both, they came to conclude, to meete in the Admirall Galley, that they might intreat together about the Conquest, which newly he went to make in India. The day of the agreement, the King comming to consult with Soliman Bassa, was taken prisoner, and the Turkes, which for this act were prepared, assaulted the gates of the Citie, and being entred, easily possessed themselues thereof; and the day fol∣lowing, the King was hanged before the gates. The Citie being taking by this Treason, Soli∣man * 1.1378 leauing a great Garrison within it, made his iourney in all haste toward Dio. [ 60]

On the side of Africa, beginning at the Cape of Guardafui, in other times, called Aromata: and on the other side of Asia, from the Promontorie Siagros, or Cape of Fartaque, which is the same; all the Sea that is contayned vnto the ancient Citie of the Heroes, which now is called Soez, is called the Arabick Gulfe, knowne vulgarly for the Red Sea. The space of Sea that ly∣eth betweene these two Promontories, and diuideth in this place Asia from Africa, may be the

summe of fiftie eight leagues. And from hence, viz. from these Promontories, the Coast of e∣uery * 1.1379 side turning to the setting of the Sunne, doe runne almost in the same distance, till they come to two Cities, that is, Aden in Arabia, and Zeila in Ethiopia, or Abexi; and from thence the Coasts begin to streighten very much, and euery time more running with desart Coasts and little winding, till they meete in the place of the Mouth, with two Promontories, that is, Possi∣dium on the Arabian side; and another which lyeth on the contrarie side, that is, of Ethiopia or Abexi, whose name, as well Ancient as Moderne, is not come to my notice; where as farre as these Promontories is the narrowest and streightest passage of the Streight. This streightnesse, of the neighbouring people, and of those which inhabit the Coasts, of the Indian Ocean, is called Albabo, which in the Arabian tongue, do signifie Gates or Mouthes; and in this place and mouth, [ 10] * 1.1380 the Land doth neighbor so much, and the shewes which they make of willingnes to ioyne them∣selues, are so knowne, that it seemeth without any doubt, the Sea, much against their wills and perforce, to enterpose it selfe in separating these two parts of the World. For the space which in this place diuideth the Land of the Arabians, from the Coast of the Abexi, is about sixe leagues distance. In this space there lye so many Ilands, little Ilets, and Rocks, that they cause a double, * 1.1381 considering this streightnesse without, that some time it was stopped, and so by these streight Sluces and Channels, which are made betweene the one Iland and the other, there entreth such a quantitie of Sea, and maketh within so many and so great Nookes, so many Bayes, so many names of great Gulfes, so many diuersities of Seas, so many Ports, so many Ilands, that it see∣meth not that we saile in a Sea betweene two Lands, but in the deepest and most tempestuous Lake of the great Ocean. Now returning to the Mouthes of the Streight, which is the intent of [ 20] * 1.1382 our Description, Wee are to note, that in this place the Land of Arabia stretcheth into the Sea, with a very great and long point, and so for this cause, as because it remayneth out of the Mouth, and a great Nooke from this Point, it seemeth comming from the Sea, that the Land of this Point is some Iland, very distant from the firme Land. This Point is the Promontorie, which Ptolomie calleth Possidium.

Against this Point or Promontorie Possidium, little more then a stones cast standeth a little I∣let, called the Ilet of the Robones. For Roboan, in the Arabian tongue, is as much as Pilot, the which dwelling here did bring in the Ships that came from the Sea, and from thence directed them to the places of their Countrie that they went vnto. This Iland is round and very flat, the [ 30] circuit may comprehend the sixt part of a league, from it to the firme Land yee may passe, the Water being low, but the Tyde beginning once to flow from one quarter flood, it cannot be wa∣ded. To the Sea off this little Iland, opposite to the Coast, about one league, standeth an Iland, which hath in length about a league and a halfe, the which on that side that fronteth the Abexi, hath a very great Hauen and sure from all Windes, where a great Nauie may well bee harboured * 1.1383 of Galleyes, but the other front of the Iland which is opposite, and fronteth the Land of the A∣rabian, not onely wanteth a Harbour and Receptacle, but also wanteth a landing place. This Channell is sailed well in the middest North-west and by West, and South-east and by East: through all the Channell is eleuen fathome deepe, we may passe either neere the Iland, or neere the firme Land, or through the middest it is very cleane in euery place without any Flats or [ 40] Shoalds, or any other inconuenience that may disturbe vs; the ground is a soft stone, which they call Corall stone, and scarcely shall yee finde a sandie plot, though you seeke it with great dili∣gence. Being farre within the Channell, and going to seeke the Roade and Hauen, which may harbour vs from the Easterne windes, which in this place are very strong, the depth diminish∣eth somewhat, but it is no lesse then nine fathome. Besides this Channell of the Arabian, there be many other whereby you may goe into the Streight safely, and being many, the mention is made of one onely of them, and they called it, the Channell of the Abexin; because from the Iland of the Gates, vnto the Promontorie opposite to Possidium, which is in the Coasts of Abexin, there may be of distance about fiue leagues, in this space there lye sixe Ilands very great and high, and seeing them from without the Mouth of the Streight, they put the Sailers in great feare [ 50] and doubt, shewing that they forbid the passage that way, but the truth is, that betweene them, there goe very large Channels and of great depth, whereby without any danger wee may make our way, and also if we will, leauing them all on the right hand, wee may passe betweene them and the Mayne of Abexi.

The nine and twentieth of Ianuarie, 1541. at noone, I tooke the Sunne, and being in his grea∣test heighth, it rose ouer the Horizon two and sixtie degrees and three quarters, the declination of this day was fifteene degrees, whence it remayneth that the Mouth of the Streight and Pro∣montorie Possidium, standeth in twelue degrees and one quarter towards the North. The Pilot tooke the same heighth, the which being taken vpon the Land, it cannot choose but be of very * 1.1384 great certaintie. [ 60]

That night, two houres after mid-night, wee set saile from the Mouth of the Streight. The thirtieth of Ianuarie, 1541. by day, we saw the Land of both the Coasts, and wee were neerer the Land of Abexi, then to the Arabian; the Wind blew hard at East South-east, till noone; we sailed to the North-west and by West, making the way by a Channell that goeth betweene the

first Ilands, and the Coast of the Abexi, the which vntill this day was vnknowne and strange to the Portugals; the distance wee went from the Land by this Channell, might bee about foure leagues; an houre after Sunne rise, we saw along the Coast a ranke of Ilands, the greatest part of them were low, and as the ranke of Ilands, so the Coast stretched North-west, South-east; the ranke of the Ilands might comprehend about sixtie leagues iourney. Now, sailing by this * 1.1385 Channell with a prosperous winde, at whatsoeuer part we cast our eyes, we saw many little I∣lands, as well on the one side as on the other.

By this Channell, which is called of the Abexi, we must not saile by night, and without the * 1.1386 winde in the Poope, for if the winde change, we cannot come too and againe, nor come to an an∣chor in any place, till we are so farre forward as the first of the first Ilands, wee shall see to the Sea-ward nine little Ilands, and from thence forward the Sea remayneth free and open, and one∣ly [ 10] to the Land of vs there be a great quantitie of them, and some doe separate themselues from the Coast and the Mayne, about two leagues; but the greatest part of these Ilands doe lye along the Coast; the length of this Channell, which incloseth it selfe in the three first Ilands, and the Land of Abexi, may be about eight leagues: to make a safe voyage, it behoueth to goe neerer to the firme Land, then to the Ilands; but aboue all things, my opinion is, that none doe take it in hand without a Pilot of the Countrey.

The one and thirtieth by day, we came to a shoald, where were sixe fathom water, and to the Sea of it against certaine Ilands, which are called the seuen Sisters, there is a Rocke of stone very dangerous, as the Moorish Pilots told me: so that the good Nauigation in this part is to goe ve∣ry * 1.1387 neere the firme Land; and in no case goe to the Sea of this shoald. At night wee came to an [ 20] anchor within a Hauen, which is called Sarbo, in nine fathome and a halfe water, all this day very close to the Coast we saw great quantitie of little Ilands.

The first of Februarie, I went on Land in the Iland, and Port of Sarbo, carrying the Pilot with me and the Master, that we all might take the Sunne: and in his greatest heighth it was ri∣sen ouer the Horizon one and sixtie degrees scarse: the declination of this day, was thirteene degrees and sixe and fiftie minutes; whence it remayneth manifest, this Iland and the Port of Sarbo, to be in fifteene degrees and seuen minutes, towards the North side.

About foure and twentie leagues short of Macua, and distant from the Coast of the Abexi * 1.1388 foure leagues, in fifteene degrees of heighth, there is a great Archipellago of Ilands, some of which lye so low, that they rise very little aboue the superficies of the Sea, and others doe rise [ 30] so high, that they seeme to touch the Cloudes, and betweene the one and the other, there are so many Bayes, Ports, Harbours, as no winde can annoy vs; all of them want water, except one very high, which the Portugals call. The Iland of the Whale, because it resembleth one very much, and there is water, and plentie of Cattell, and here is a great Hauen where Ships may * 1.1389 winter. Of all these, that which is most to the Sea, is one that in Arabique is called Sorbo, where at this present we lye at anchor. This Iland of Sarbo, is of length about a league, and almost halfe a league broade, the Land of it is very low, it hath many Trees but very low and barren, all the Plaine is full of grasse, in euery place yee finde the footing of Men and Cattell, but there was onely one Camell seene, for the which occasion, they called it, The Iland of the Camell; in all the circuit of the Iland, we found no water, though we sought it very diligently, [ 40] except one Well digged in a stone, which according to the appearance of it, was to receiue the raine waters. Betweene these Ilands doe enter many 〈…〉〈…〉es of the Sea, Reaches and Channels.

The fourth of Februarie, 1541. at Sunne rise, we set saile from the Port of Sorbo, Februarie the seuenth, we sailed along many Ilands, which are distant from the firme Land about three or foure leagues; the greatest part of them are very low and flat with the Sea. Wee went to the Sea of them all about a league, and about euen-song time, we saw to Sea of vs a ranke of Ilands very long, which seemed to take some fiue leagues distance, there was from vs to them about some foure leagues, all of them lay North-west and South-east, as farre as I could discerne. The Coast which all this day we saw, stretched North-west and by West, and South-east and by East. So that this Channell, wherein this day we sailed, hath in breadth about fiue leagues, reckoning [ 50] the space that lyeth betweene the one Iland and the other: the greatest part of this day I com∣manded to cast the Lead, and I found alwayes fiue and twentie fathome water, and the ground Ozie.

The eight of Februarie, 1541. two houres after the Sunne rose, wee set saile. Most of this time we sailed to the North-west, at Sunne set we were almost entred into the Channell, that goeth betweene the Point of Dallaqua, which looketh to the firme Land, and an Iland, which * 1.1390 is called Xamea, but hauing respect that hight began to come on, and that many Galleons re∣mayned tarre off, and it would bee difficult to hit the Channell, and also considering, how at this time the winde was alreadie scarse, we tooke in our sailes, and with our fore-sailes we went rummore, sailing to the South-east; and two houres within night we came to an anchor in for∣tie [ 60] fathome water, the ground Osie. All this day wee saw along the Coast many Ilands, so flat, that they and the Sea seemed to haue one superficies. The Coast that shewed it selfe to vs, stret∣ched North-west and South-east, to a low Point, which is as farre forward as the Iland of Dal∣laqua.

Doubling this Point, the Land maketh a great Nooke, that entreth ten or twelue leagues into it.

The Iland of Dallaqua is a very low Land, and almost flat with the Sea, without rising in it, Mountayne, Pike, or any other heighth; it hath in length, according to the common opinion, * 1.1391 fiue and twentie leagues, and twelue in breadth; the side of this Iland, which is opposite to the South, stretcheth East South-east, and West North-west, that is, all the Coast which I could comprehend with the sight, and along the Coast lye great quantitie of little Ilands, all very low, and beare the same course of the Coast. I onely coasted this side of the Iland seuen leagues, and two distant from the Land, and casting many times the Lead, neuer found ground. The Me∣tropolitan Citie, is situated almost in the Point of the Iland, which lyeth on the West side a [ 10] frontier to Abexi, it is called Dallaca, whence the Iland tooke the name, which is to say in the Arabique tongue, ten leques, and this, because in times past, the Custome-house thereof, yeelded so much euery yeere to the King. Euery Arabian leque is worth ten thousand Seraphins, and e∣uery Seraphin Arabique two Tangas larinas; in sort that ten Arabian leques, are worth in our money fortie thousand Cruzados. The Point of this Iland on the West side, and opposite to the Abexi, is distant from the firme Land about sixe or seuen Leagues, and in this space of Sea, there lye fiue Ilands, very flat; the first is distant from this Point one league, it is called Xamoa, it * 1.1392 hath in compasse two leagues, in it there be some Springs and Wells, and betweene this Iland of Xamoa, and the Westerne Point of Dallaqua, is the principall Channell and most current for to goe to Maçua. In this Channell there are seuentie fathome water, the Land of this Iland is red; [ 20] it produceth few Trees, and great abundance of Herbs. The King of it is a Moore, and all the People, he is resident the most part of the yeere in Maçua, because of the traffique he hath with the Abexins. This Iland at this present yeeldeth little; for after the rising of Suaquen, Maçua, Aden, and Iudaa, it lost the traffique, and with the traffique the reputation.

The twelfth, the Nauie of Galleons came into the Port of Maçua. Maçua is a small Iland, very flat, and in it in old time was built the Citie Ptolomaida, of the wilde beasts. This Iland hath in length about the fift part of a league, and of breadth a Caliuer shot, it lyeth in a great and crooked Nooke, very neere the Point of the Nooke that is on the North-west side. The space of Sea that diuideth this Iland from the firme Land, is about a Faucon shot, and in some parts not so much; in this distance, to wit, betweene the Iland and the firme Land is the Hauen, in the [ 30] which the Sea is not troubled with any weather, and the Current is very little, and all windes * 1.1393 come ouer the Land, the depth is eight or nine farhome water, the ground is Ozie. The entrance of this Port lyeth on the North-east side, by the middest of the Channell betweene the Land and the Iland, because that from the Point which turneth to the East North-east, there goeth out a Shoald toward the Land, and the Point of the Nooke casteth another against the Point of the Iland, for the which they force the Ships to beware of the extremes of the Mouth of the Chan∣nell, and to seeke the middest of it. The Channell is very streight, it runneth North-east and South-west: very neere to this Iland of Maçua, toward the South and South-west, lye other two Ilands, the neerest to the firme Land is somewhat the bigger of them, and that which is more to the Sea, and lyeth toward the South-west, is the lesser, and very round. These three I∣lands [ 40] stand in a triangle forme, they are all very flat and barren, there is no springing water in any of them, onely in Maçua are many Cisternes, whereof the Inhabitants doe drinke and liue. Betweene these Ilands are scattered many Shoalds, but through the middest of them goeth a * 1.1394 Channell where Gallies and rowing Vessels may passe at a full Sea. This Iland of Maçua was a little while since of the Signiorie of Preste Iohn, with all the Coast, contayned from the Cape of Guardafui to the Citie of Suaquen; but within these few yeeres, the King of Dallaqua hath v∣surped it, and is resident in it the most part of the yeere, because of the traffique he hath with the Abexines, of whom he hath great quanti〈…〉〈…〉e of Gold and Iuorie. The ayre is vnhealthfull in the moneths of May and Iune, and very vntemperate through great and intollerable calmes, in such sort that as well the King as the Inhabitants, doe auoid it, and leaue it emptie these two mo∣neths, [ 50] and goe to Dallaqua. The firme Land of the Nooke, wherein standeth this Iland of Ma∣çua, till yee come to a place of many Wells of water, called Arquito, by the Sea side, is very high and mountaynous, but from thence forward, the Sea coast is more open and cleere, and betweene the Hills and the Sea are great Fields and Plaines. There may bee from Arquito to Maçua a league. Arquito standeth to the South from the Iland: through all these Mountaines and Fields, are great number of wilde beasts of diuers kinds, to wit, Elephants, Tygres, Woolues, wilde Boares, Stagges, Elkes, and many other formes of Beasts, not knowne vnto vs; whence, * 1.1395 with much reason, it is called Ptolomaida, of the wilde Beasts. And that Maçua and Ptolomaida, be one and the selfe same thing, the eleuation of the Pole doth testifie in this behalfe. [ 60]

§. II.

Relations of Ethiopia sub Aegypto, and PRESTER IOHN: of Nilus, and the Abassine Customes and Neighbours. The cause and meanes of the decay of that great Empire, neuer since recouered. Of Marate and Suaquen.

THe Preste Iohn, which by another name, is called King of the Abexi, is Lord of all the * 1.1396 Land of Aethiopia sub Aegypto: which is one of the greatest Prouinces we know in [ 10] the World. This Easterne Empire beginneth at the Cape of Guardafui, called in old time, the Promontorie of Aromata, and from thence running along the Red Sea with Desert coasts, & not very crooked, it reacheth vnto the bounds of the rich City of Suaquen: on the Northside it bordereth with the warlike people of the Nubijs or Nubians, which lyeth between the Land of the Abexij, and the superiour part of Egypt, called, Thebayda, and from hence run∣ning great spaces within the Land, toward that part where the Kingdome and Land of Mani∣congo lyeth, after it hath taken too it selfe some part of Libya interior, all the other on the West∣side remayneth for his bounds, and presently turning againe behind the Springs and Lakes of Nilus, going through the fierie and vnknowne Countries, it finisheth and endeth on the South∣side in the Barbarian Gulfe, which at this day is knowne of the Portugals, which doe nauigate [ 20] the same on the Coast of Melinde and Magadaxo.

Nilus at this day is knowne by his ancient name, for of the Abexijs, Egyptians, Arabians, and * 1.1397 Indians, it is called Nil, a thing certainly worth the knowing; the Springs and Lakes whence this Riuer proceedeth, are in the Confines that separate the Land of the Abexins, or Aethiopi∣ans from the Safres, which inhabit the mayne of the Land, that goeth from Melinde toward Mosambique, as I vnderstood, by some great Lords, and other persons of Abexij. Which thing is held of them all for manifest, and well knowne, and hence appeareth, the little knowledge that the Ancients had of his originall. Now, enquiring of these persons, if it were true, that this Riuer in many places did sinke vnder the Earth, and came out againe many daies iournies thence, I knew there was no such thing: But that through all the Land where it ranne, it shewed it [ 30] selfe vpon the Superficies thereof, carrying a great depth and breath, without hiding it selfe or flying from the sight of men, as yee reade in Plinie, Lib. 5. of the Naturall Historie: About the increasings or ouer-flowings of the Riuer, I asked very often the causes, this beeing a thing so disputed of all the ancient Philosophers, and I came perfectly to know of them the Solution of this doubt, hitherto neuer determined; and so almost iestingly, with certaine simple Questions, * 1.1398 I came to know that which so great and proud wits of Philosophers knew not.

These principall Lords of Abexij, told me, that in their Countrey the Winter beganne in the end of May, and lasted Iune, Iuly, and part of August, but that in August, the Ayre is more plea∣sant, the weather milde and tractable, but that in the monethes of Iune and Iuly, for a great Wonder appeared, the Sunne; so many, and so continuall were the raines which continually fell [ 40] from Heauen, with the which the fields and low grounds were so couered and ouer-flowne of the waters, that in these two monethes, they cannot goe nor passe from one place to another, and that this multitude of waters had no other issue or place where to gather themselues, but only to the Channell of the Riuer Nilus: because toward the Red Sea, there ranne along the Sea very great Mountaines, it was of necessitie, that the Riuer should increase and go out of his owne course, not being able to containe so great abundance and weight of waters in it selfe, and the Riuer running with such vehement and terrible rage, it is very apparant, that as well in the E∣gyptian, as in other Lands whereby it passeth, it would goe out of his naturall course, and cause, whereby it passeth, great ouer-flowings: and the Territories of Egypt being most plaine, of ne∣cessitie, the ouer-flowings in it would be more copious, and the Riuer would haue a larger scope [ 50] to spread it selfe with his waters in euery place, the which could not so happen in the high and Mountainous Lands.

Now then, since it was manifest, that all the inundations of Nilus in Egypt, begin to increase when the Sunne was in the Solstitium Estiual, which is in the moneth of Iune, the Sunne en∣tring in the beginning of Cancer, but passing by the Signe of Leo, which is in Iuly, the Riuer in∣creased in greater abundance, and when it was in the Signe of Virgo, which is in August, where * 1.1399 in this moneth the raines begin to asswage in the Abexij, and Winter takes his leaue, the Riuer began to decrease by the degrees it had increased, till it come altogether into his Channell, the occasion remayned manifest of the increasing of this Riuer, to be the great and continuall raines, which in the moneths of Iune and Iuly, did fall in the Land of Abexij, or Aethiopia, which is [ 60] all one; Seeing that when these raines ceased in August, the Riuer at that same time did beginne to withdraw himselfe to his accustomed bounds. I was my selfe in Maçua, the moneth of Iune, and part of Iuly, where I saw great stormes, raines, thundering, and within the Mayne conti∣nually, we saw great blacknesse and cloudinesse, and tempests, and the Abexins said, that we saw

but little to that which went within the Land. Likewise, wee haue experience, that the moneths of Iune and Iuly, is the Winter of Cape Bona Esperanza, and all this Coast where the raines are very continuall. In this manner, hauing resolued my doubt, of the flowings of Nilus, * 1.1400 I asked them if the Riuer made any Ilands; they answered mee, that it made many, but one of them was very great, where was built a most rich and great Citie, which by due consideration ought to be the Iland of Meroe, and they told mee, that aswell in this Iland, as through all the * 1.1401 Riuer there were great numbers of certaine fierce and pestiterous beasts, which, without doubt, must be the Crocodiles; and being desirous to know if it were true, that in a certaine place the Riuer fell from such a height, that with the great noise of the fall, those that inhabited in the bordering Townes were borne deafe: I found no Historie of this, onely they told mee, that in a [ 10] certaine place, which they named, the Riuer did fall of a great Rocke, downe with a great noise and rumour, but that there was no other thing.

As touching the customes and manners of the Abexines, the Lecture that of them might bee made, it would disturbe the Historie of the Rutter, for which cause, I will touch in briefe some∣things most worthy to bee knowne; especially, of the ruine and losse of this Empire, in our vn∣happie dayes.

Preste Iohn, by name Atini Tingill, called after Dauid, raigning in the yeare 1530. in the * 1.1402 Land of Aethiopia, he became so cruell to his Subiects, and did tyrannize so much ouer the people, that he fel into an vniuersall hatred of the Abexines; in this time Gradamet, King of Zeila, finding the time fit, began to attempt warre with Presbyter Iohn, to see what he could find in the minds [ 20] of the Abexines, & this, not that he was able to take such an Enterprize in hand, but either he en∣couraged himself in the great enmitie the Abexines had with their King, either this warre was se∣cretly moued by some Lords of the Kingdom. Now, beginning to enter through the Land of the Presbyter, and to take some Townes, he diuided largely the spoiles among his Warriours, among the which he had three hundred Harquebusses, Turkes, which was the greatest strength of his Armie, and franchized all the Inhabitants of the Townes, where through he passed, and exemp∣ted them of the Taxes and Impositions imposed by Presbyter Iohn, with which liberalities hee got the minds of the Abexines, and not onely of the vulgar sort, but also of the most principall Lords of the Kingdome.

The Presbyter Iohn, seeing the damage receiued of the King of Zeila, sent against him his [ 30] Captaines, which beginning some Skirmishes, as soone as the Turkes shot their Caleeuers among the Abexines, and did kill some of them, the feare they tooke of these shots was so great, that presently they set themselues in flight. The King of Zeila proud of this victorie, entred with∣in the Land, confident alreadie in the fauour of Fortune, accompanied with great companies of Abexines, which followed his partie, and foraging the Land of Aethiopia, by that part which standeth vpon Magadoxa, and Melinde, to the end that by this way hee might in shorter time might come to a Mountaine, where was the great Treasure of all the Presbyters past, the Presbyter seeing that euery day his Abexines passed to the Campe of the Moores, determined to come to a battaile, before that so great Harpyes did make an end of deuouring the Land altogether, and the minds of his Subiects, and gathering his Armies, and going against the King of Zeila, hee [ 40] gaue him battaile, in which the Presbyter Iohn was ouercome, because that the Abexines could not abide the Harquebusses, and so fled from them, as from a cruell pestilence. The Presbyter with-drawne after this conflict to the Mountaines with some of his, within a few dayes, hee left this life, in the yeare of our Lord 1539.

The King of Zeila obtayning so great a victorie, trauelled by great iourneyes toward the Mountaine, where the Treasure was of the Kings of Abexij, and comming to the foot, assaulting the paces with great furie, notwithstanding, they were vnaccessible, and were defended from the top, in the end they entred them, and gained the Mountaine, where was taken the greatest Treasure, that vnto this day we know together in the compasse of the whole Earth. Now, vpon the decease of Presbyter Iohn, the Abexines, which continued in the faith and loue of their [ 50] Countrey, elected his eldest Sonne for Presbyter, and King of Abexij, being a yong man of little age, which finding the Realme vsurped by Infidels, and almost irrecouerable (and because there might remaine nothing wherein Fortune might not be contrarie to him, and fauourable to the Moores) it hapned that a Brother of his, dealt with some great men how to get the Kingdome, which was the vtter ouerthrow of the * 1.1403 Abexines. The matters of Aethiopia, beeing in these termes, and the infortunate youth contending with his Domesticall and Natiue Countriemen, the King of Zeila came vpon him, but the new Presbyter not being able to resist, with-drew himselfe to the Mountaine of the Iewes.

We are to note, that in the inward part of Aethiopia, there ariseth a great and most high Hill, which hath but one onely ascending and very difficult, but on the highest top of it lyeth a very [ 60] plaine Countrey, where there are great abundance of Springs, Fruits, Cattell, and Tillages, the Inhabitants of this Mountaine doe obserue the Law of Moses, not finding in all the Land of Abexij: any Iewes: the Historie and Antiquitie how they haue arriued here, and the cause of ne∣uer descending downe, and conuersing familiarly with the Abexines, is not come to my notice,

though I laboured it much. The new Presbyter receiuing of these Iewes friendly entertainment, and reknowledged for their Lord, they defended him from the Moores, and King of Zeila, which despayring of the victorie, and entring the Mountaine, retyred backward. About this time we arriued at Maçua with all the Armie: which when it was knowne, it put the Moores in a great feare, and lifted vp the decayed hearts of the Abexines, in sort that the Presbyter em∣boldned himselfe to descend from the Mountaine, and seated himselfe with his people in cer∣taine Mountaines towards the Sea and Towne of Maçua, where we were arriued, writing many Letters more then pittifull and miserable, and in all of them before the writing, came Our * 1.1404 Lord Iesus crucified, of the which, hauing louing Answeres, and full of hope of succour, wee made our iourney toward Soez, and being returned againe to Maçua, it was ordayned to send [ 10] him fiue hundred men with a Captaine. This done, we set saile, and came directly the way to India, and to this present, I haue not knowne what more hapned, or is become of the Presbyter, and matters of Aethiopia.

The Abexines are naturally ceremonious men, and full of points of honour. Among them there is no other kind of weapons then Darts, in which they here figured the Lance where∣with Christ was wounded, and the Crosse whereon he suffered for Sinners. Some, though very few, weare halfe Swords. They are nimble on Horse-backe, but badly apparelled, generally they are lying people and giuen to Rapine. Among them he is not counted rich, that possesseth many, but he that hath abundance of Cattell, and Camels, and notwithstanding, this they esteeme the Gold very much: In their owne Countrey they are weake and cowards, but in a strange Coun∣trey [ 20] strong and valiant, in sort, that it is a Prouerbe in all India, to say, That the good Las-ca∣rin, which wee call a Souldier, must be an Abexine; and they are so esteemed in Ballagate, Cam∣baya, Bengala, and in other places, that they are alwayes Captaines, and principall persons in the Armies. Their at tyre is vile and poore: they weare Shirts of linnen cloth, and some great * 1.1405 person weareth a Beden, the vulgar goeth naked, and couered with whatsoeuer cloth; they eate Bolliemus, and raw flesh, and when they lay it to the fire, they hold it so little at it, that when they eate it, the bloud runneth out of it. In the Land there is no Cities, nor Townes, but they liue in the fields in Pauillions or Tents, like the Alarbes.

They doe honour themselues very much of the Queene of Saba, and they say, she tooke ship∣ping in the part of Maçua; and others affirme, that it was in Suaquen, and carrying great riches [ 30] with her and Iewels of great value, she came to Ierusalem to see King Salomon, giuing him great gifts, and returne from thence with child by the King, to her Kingdome. It is an historie much talked of among the Abexines, that a Soldan of Babylon, moouing warre against Presbyter Iohn many yeares agoe, the Presbyter gathered a great multitude of people, with the which he put in practice to turne the Riuer Nilus another way to the Sea, so that it should not runne through Egypt. The Soldan amazed at so great an Enterprize, and seeing that the worke comming to per∣fection, it would be the vtter ouerthrow of Egypt, he sent vnto him his Embassadors with great gifts, by the meanes of the which he obtayned his friendship and peace with the Presbyter Iohn, and gaue a priuiledge to the Abexines, that they might passe through all his Countrey, without paying any Tribute, and at this day they pay no Tribute when they goe to visit the holy Se∣pulchre, [ 40] and Saint Catherine of Mount Sinai; I asked within the streights of some old learned Moores for this Antiquitie, and they told mee the same, not digressing one iot from the Abexines.

The nineteenth, at Sunne rising, we set saile from the nooke which is beyond Maçua, halfe a league and an halfe of water, distant from the Land about halfe a league: This day the wea∣ther was very close, and it rained, and numbring our Armie, I found sixtie foure rowing Vessels, that is, three Galliots, eight small Gallies, and thirtie fiue Foysts. By night the wind * 1.1406 was North-west, it calmed, and blew a little at West, in the second watch it began to raine, and halfe the morning watch past, wee wayed our Anchors, and went rowing along the shoare till the morning, it rained very hard all this time. [ 50]

The twentieth, at euening, we were as farre as the Point of the ranke of Ilands on the Northside, at this time wee might bee from Maçua, about fourteene leagues, the Coast from Maçua hither, stretcheth North North-west, and South South-east, there is in the distance four∣teen legues, in the Ilands which we saw on the Sea-side, we knew that in some of them there was Cattel and water, with some few and poore dwellings, the distance between them and the firme Land, might be some foure leagues, the names of these Ilands where the Cattell and the Water is, are Harate, Dohull, Damanill, the Land of them is low, and round about it is full of Shoalds * 1.1407 and Flats.

By night all the first watch, the wind faire at East, we sailed to the North North-west, at the beginning of the second watch, wee fell on a sudden in certaine very whitish spots, the [ 60] which did raise and cast from themselues certaine flames like vnto Lightnings, wondring at the shew of this strange euent, presently we tooke in our Sailes, and beleeuing wee were vpon some Shoalds or Bankes, commanded to cast the Lead: I found twentie sixe fathome water,

now this noueltie making no impression in the Pilots of the Countrey, and seeing how we went by a great depth, wee set sayles againe.

The one and twentieth when it was day, wee saw at Sea off vs, the low Iland, whereof the Moorish Pilots were afraid. * 1.1408

The two and twentieth when it was day, wee set sayle: my Pilot tooke the Sunne at the highest, and found himselfe in eighteene degrees and an halfe. At this time we were as farre as a Point of sand very long, which the firme land thrust out, doubling this Point, we found the Sea very faire, and we sayled North-west and by West. An houre after noone, we came to an Ha∣uen, called Marate. All the Coast wee saw this day, stretcheth North North-west, and South South-east, the Land by the Sea side is very low, and maketh neuer a Hillocke, but with in the [ 10] Land there arise so great Mountaines, that they seeme to reach the Clouds.

Marate is an Iland very low: the land thereof is very Desart, and without water, it is be∣yond * 1.1409 Maçua, about sixtie sixe leagues; the Iland hath in compasse a league and an halfe, the fi∣gure thereof is rather round then any other, it lieth from the firme land about three leagues, in the side of this Iland which is opposite to the South-west, and beholdeth the firme land, there is a very good Hauen, free from all winds, and especially from the Easterne winds: for on this side, the Iland doth cast out two very long points into the Sea, which stretch East and West, and a quarter North-west and South-east: betweene the which the land on both sides doth streigh∣ten very much, and makes a very great and hollow bosome, in the mouth and front of which lieth a long Iland, and very flat; and also some Heads of sand, and Shoalds, by reason of which [ 20] no Sea can come in there: this Hauen hath two entries, one of them goeth on the East side, and the other on the West side, the one and the other very neere the points of the Iland, betweene the which the Hauen is made. The Entrie and Channell which goeth on the East side, stretcheth North and South, a quarter to the North-west and South-east, the depth is three fathom in the shallowest place, and comming out of this, it encreaseth presently, and within the Hauen wee * 1.1410 haue neere the Shoare foure and fiue fathome, the ground is mudde. By night, the wind blew at East, and lesse then by day, we rode all night.

The three and twentieth the Sunne being vp, we set saile from the Iland and Port of Ma∣rate, and found seuen fathome, and sandie ground; at eleuen of the clocke, wee came in sight of * 1.1411 two little Ilands, which were farre to the Sea; one of them is called Daratata, and the other, [ 30] Dolcofallar, from which to Suaquen is a dayes iourney: from noone forward, we sayled North∣west * 1.1412 and by West, till Euensong time that we entred the Channell of Suaquen, and entring into it we sayled North-west the space of a league, and presently there wee had ahead of vs certaine Shoalds, for which cause wee sayled West, and a quarter North-west, and sometimes West, to free our selues from them, and we sayled this way about three leagues, till we saw a great Iland ahead of vs; as soone as we saw it, we went by a tacke toward the Land, and came to an anchor betweene certaine great Shoalds of stone, where there is a good Hauen, called Xabaque, which is to say in the Arabian Tongue, a Net. At this time it might bee an houre before Sunne set. * 1.1413 This day my Pilot tooke the Sunne in his greatest height, and he found himselfe in nineteene degrees scarce. [ 40]

The Shoalds of Suaquen are so many, and so intermingled the one with the other, that no in∣formation * 1.1414 or picture is sufficient, I say not to passe them, but for to vnderstand them, the Ilands, Shoalds, Bankes, Rockes, Channels that are among them are so many. These Shoalds at the entring, when wee are readie to goe in, haue on the Sea side a Shoald vnder water, where∣upon the Sea breaketh very much, and to the Landward a little Iland, which stretcheth with the Shoald North-east, and South-west, a quarter of the East and West, the distance is about three quarters of a league: as soone as we enter by these Shoalds, the Channell appeareth to vs large and spacious, and the farther wee goe forward, so much more to the Seaward there appeare to vs such an infinite number of Ilands very flat, Flats, Heads of sand or stone, that they haue no * 1.1415 number, the which toward the Land are not so many, though in comparison of any other Sea, [ 50] it is the foulest and vnnauigable. The precept which most ought to be kept for to passe between these shoalds, is to take heed that we goe alwaies neerer to them that lie to the Sea, and keepe our selues the most we can, from the other that are to the Landward. The breadth of the Chan∣nell that goeth betweene the one and the other, in some places is about halfe a league, in others a quarter, and in others lesse then a Caliuer shot. As touching the depth of water through all this Channell, wee are to note, that in the entrie of it we found sixe fathoms, and from thence to the Port of Xabaque it abated nothing of this depth, nor exceeding twelue fathoms: from the * 1.1416 beginning of these shoalds to this Hauen, there may be about fiue leagues, the length of them may be eight or nine leagues, where there goeth another Channell surer for ships and great vessels, and wee may likewise passe these Shoalds, leauing them all to the Sea, going very close [ 60] with the firme land, and this is the rightest way and most pleasant.

The foure and twentieth, the Sunne being vp, wee set sayle from the Port of Xabaque, and rowed by so narrow a Channell, that in the broadest place we could not goe abreast, but one after another, & wheresoeuer it widened it might be about a Cros-bow shot, the most we went from

the firme land, might be a Cannon shot, and the least little more then a Cros-how shot. The Shoalds, Rockes and Bankes, we had on eueny side, and were all vnder water, vpon them wee saw manifest signes to auoyd them; For wheresoeuer they lay, the water ouer them did appeare to vs very red, or very greene, and where wee saw none of these colours, it was manifest to be * 1.1417 the deepe, and cleerest of the Channell, the water shewing it selfe darke. Now going by this Channell, compassed with so many controuersies; at halfe an houre past eleuen, wee came to an anchor vnder the lee of a little low and round Iland, in nineteene degrees. In this height Pto∣lomie placeth the Mountaine of the Satyres, of the which I found no memorie in the Pilotes of * 1.1418 the Countrey, but going into the Land about halfe a league, I found the foot of so many kinds of Beasts, and flockes of Pianets, so great, that it was a wonder, and all the footings came till [ 10] they set their feet in the Sea, and the tracke was so great, that it occupied the greatest part of the field. I beleeue that Fable so spread abroad of the Satyres to come from hence, which they say, inhabite these Hills and Mountaines, and likewise it is to bee noted, that in these foure leagues of Channell that is from Xabaque to this Iland, the water is no-lower then two fathoms and an halfe, nor higher then eleuen, and also that the tide in the Iland ariseth not aboue halfe a yard. And it begins to flow as soone as the day beginneth to ascend by the Horizon, accor∣ding to the order of the tides of Socatora.

The sixe and twentieth by Sunne rising, we departed from this Iland, rowing along a Shoald of stone, that ranne betweene vs and the Land almost equidistance from the Coast, and from it to the Land all the Sea was full of Shoalds and Bankes, to the Sea of vs there appeared neither Shoalds nor Flats, or any other impediment. At nine of the clocke, we came to an anchor in a [ 20] little Iland, compassed with many Flats and Shoalds, where was a good Hauen: this Iland was distant from the other, whence wee parted in the morning, a league and an halfe, and short of Suaquen fiue leagues.

The seuen and twentieth the Sunne vp, wee set saile from this second Iland: two houres within night, we came to an anchor a league and an halfe from the second Iland, in eight and twentie fathome water.

The eight and twentieth by day, we brideled the Oares, and set saile: at nine of the clocke, we came to an anchor about two leagues from the Land, in three and twentie fathome water, the ground was a soft sand like oze, or mudde. This morning, wee found some Shoalds vnder water at Sea, but vpon them it shewed it selfe very greene or red. Two houres after noone wee [ 30] set saile againe, at night wee came to an anchor in seuen and thirtie fathome water, the ground was sand, the place was short of Suaquen, a league and an halfe, hard by an Iland, the Coast runneth North North-west, and South South-east, and all along there runneth a Shoald that entreth into the Sea neere halfe a league, the Land vpon the Sea side differeth in nothing from that we left asterne.

The first of March, 1541. by day, we departed this place, which is short of Suaquen, a league and an halfe: hauing doubled a point which the Shoald maketh, being as farre as the place, wee approached the Land, and entring by the Channell inward, we came to an anchor within the Hauen of the Citie of Suaquen.

Suaquen was called in old time, the Port Aspi, as wee may see in Ptolomie his third Table of * 1.1419 [ 40] Africa: at this day * 1.1420 it is one of the richest Cities of the Orient, it is situated within the Ara∣bike Gulfe, in the Coast of Aethiopia sub Aegypto, called now, the Land and Coast of the Abexij. Among all the famous places, this may be equall or superior to them all in foure things. The first, in goodnesse and securitie of the Hauen. The second, in the facilitie and good seruice for lading and vnlading of the Ships. The third, in the trafficke with very strange and remote People and Lands, and of diuers behauiours. The fourth, in the strength of the situation of the Citie. As touching the goodnesse of the Port, and the securitie of it, I will first speake of: Nature made this Port in such manner, that the storme of the Sea cannot come into it by any place whatso∣euer. Within the Hauen it is so quiet, and it runneth so insensibly, that scarcely yee can per∣ceiue to haue any tides; the ground is mudde, the Road hath in all places fiue and six fathom, and [ 50] in some it hath seuen, in this compasse and harbour of the Hauen, may well two hundred ships lie, and rowing Vessels without number. Yee may plainly see the ground, and where it appea∣reth not, it is so deepe, that at the least it hath ten or twelue fathom water. The ships are laden round about the circumference of the Citie, casting a planke into the Ware-houses of the Mer∣chandise, and the Galleys fastning themselues to the stones and doores of the houses, set their Beak-heads ouer the streets, and by them as by Bridges they are serued. Now, touching the Traffique and Nauigation that is in it, with People of many sorts, and strange and remote Coun∣tries: I know not what Citie can compare with it (except it be Lisbon,) for, this Citie tradeth in all India intra Gangem, & extra Gangem, that is, Cambaya, Tanaçarin, Pegu, Mallaqua, and within the Arabike sine, in Iuda, Cairo, Alexandria, and from all Ethiopia, and the Land of [ 60] the Abexi it gathereth great abundance and quantitie of Gold, and Iuorie. As touching the strength of the situation of the Citie, there cannot so much bee said that it is not much more, seeing that to come to it, the inconueniences, lets, dangers, and hinderances are so great, that it

seemeth almost impossible. Seeing that fifteene leagues about the Shoalds, Flats, Ilands, Chan∣nels, * 1.1421 Rocks, Bankes, and Flats of Sand, and breakings of the Sea, are so many, that they put the Saylers in a great doubt, feare and dispaire. The situation of the Citie is in this manner: in the very midst of this Nooke standeth a most plaine Iland, which is almost leuell and euen with the Sea, and it is so round, that it seemeth a circle. It hath in compasse a quarter of a league, vpon this Iland is the Citie of a Suaquen, built in such manner, that in all the compasse of the Iland, there is not one foot of ground that is not replenished with houses, so that this Iland may rather be said to be full of Houses and Inhabitants, then built and inhabited of people, so that all the Iland is a Citie, and all the Citie an Iland. On two sides this Citie and Iland, doe come within a Bow shot of the firme Land, that is, on the East South-east, and on the South-west side, but [ 10] all the rest is further of the Land: The Road in this Hauen or Nooke, is round about the Citie, from the edge of it to a great Crosse-bow shot of it. We may cast Anchor where wee list, and all this distance hath sixe and seuen fathome water, the ground is Mud. This Nooke where this Citie lyeth, as in his Centre, round about it along the shoare hath a great Shoald, so that the deepe is at the edge of the Citie, and a Bow shot round about it on euery side, and beyond this distance it is full of Shoalds. In this Nooke lye other three Ilands on the Land side, that lyeth to the North-west; the second of them that lye further in, are little, but the other neerest to the Channell, is about the bignesse of the Citie. Betweene this Iland and the firme Land of the Nooke, on the North side, there goeth a great Channell very long, in which is seuen fathome water: Along this Channell may a great Nauie lye at Anchor, without any danger of hurt from [ 20] the Citie, or seeing more then their Masts. When the morning appeareth in the Horizon, it is full Sea; and the morning comming on, it beginneth to ebbe till the day comes to our Meridi∣an, when it is dead low water, and passing from hence to the setting in the Horizon, it begin∣neth to flow till day shutting in, and being shut in it is full Sea: from dead low water till full Sea againe, the water riseth not in the Citie more then a quarter of a yard, and along the Coast, the most that it riseth, is a yard and an halfe to be measured, and in some high places lesse then three quarters of a yard. But when I made this obseruation were new Tides.

The ninth of March, an houre before Sunne set, wee weighed Anchor from before the Citie, and lay at the mouth of the Channell. The tenth, we set saile from the mouth of the Channell of Suaquen; We lay all night at Anchor, and the Dew was so great, that it was wonderfull. [ 30]

§. III.

Mountaines of Sand on the Coasts of Dradate, Doroo, Fuxaa, Arequea, Farate, Quilfit and Igidid.

THE eleuenth, the Winde was at North, and it blew so hard that it was a storme, it raised along the Sea Coasts great Mountaines of Sand toward heauen, and after they [ 40] were very high it brake them, and the ayre remained as though it were a great mist or smoake; all this day we lay at an Anchor.

The twelfth, we went out of this Channell, two leagues beyond Suaquen, and being without we set saile, and being about a league and a halfe from the Coast, we met so many Rocks, Shoalds * 1.1422 and Flats, whereon the Sea did breake very much, that wee were forced to take in our Sayles, and to row the space of three houres, till we were free from these Shoalds, and presently we set sayle againe. At Euen, we came to an Anchor within the Banke, entring a very narrow Chan∣nell, this Channell is one league beyond the other whence we parted, & three from Suaquen, it is great and spacious within, the ground is very cleane, there can no Sea come in nor doe any hurt.

The thirteenth, we went an houre before day out of the Channell, and to the Sea of vs about [ 50] a Canon shot, we saw a very long ranke of Shoalds breake, which seemed to beare the same course that the Coast. At eleuen of the clock, the wind scanted and blew from the North North-west, for the which not being able to make any way, we were forced to fasten our selues to the Rockes of the Shoalds, and being here about three houres, at two of the clocke afternoone we set sayle, the wind was very much fresher, and about North North-east, we sayled North-west, and when we were with the banke of the Land, we tooke in the Sayle, and rowing, we entred a Channell, and well within the banke we harboured. This Channell and place is from Suaquen about seuen leagues, the Channell is very narrow, and windeth in many Crookes, the Coast from Suaquen hither, stretcheth North and South, and North & by West, and South and by East. * 1.1423

The fifteenth, I went a shoare, and obseruing the order of the flowing and ebbing of the Sea, [ 60] I found that after the morning was ouer the Horizon, two houres it was full Sea, and thence it began to ebbe till two houres afternoone, at which time it was dead low water, and presently it began to flow till the Moone was set, and two houres after: Now measuring the quantitie, the tide did arise, I found two and twentie cubits. * 1.1424

The sixteenth, we went out of this Channell, that is seuen leagues from Suaquen, the winde was at North, halfe a league at Sea we cast Anchor. The seuenteenth, wee entred into a very good harbour, called Dradate: the Coast from the Port of Suaquen vnto Dradate, lieth North and by West, and South and by East: It is distant ten leagues, the Land ouer the Sea is all very low, and three leagues within the Maine, are great and high Mountaines.

The Port of Tradate, with great reason ought to bee placed among the great and famous Ports, it hath eleuation of the Pole, nineteene degrees fiue sixth parts, and is beyond Suaquen ten leagues. The mouth and entry hath in bredth, about a small Faulcon shot, and entring with∣in, presently it beginneth to narrow, and close more and more, but in all his length, the depth of water is twentie fathome, the ground is mud. About a quarter of a league within the Land, [ 10] there is a great watering place of Wels, where is the best and greatest quantitie of water, that * 1.1425 is knowne in all these Coasts.

The nineteenth, the Sunne being vp, we set sayle: we iournyed this day about three leagues and a halfe at Sea off vs wee saw many Shoalds, the Coast stretched these three leagues and a halfe North and South. The twentieth, at Sunne rising the wind blew at North, and troubled the Sea: wherefore we were forced to seeke harbour within the Shoald, entring by a very narrow and troublesome Channell: after wee were within, the wind came North North-east, we lay all day at an Anchor. The one and twentieth, we went out of the Shoald, the wind was West North-west faire weather, we sayled to the North, distant from the Land about halfe a league: an houre after Sunne rising, we were with a very long and faire point, which Ptolomie [ 20] calleth the Promontorie of Diogenes.

Doroo, is a very great and faire Bay, it is fifteene leagues beyond Suaquen, and a halfe: this * 1.1426 Bay on the South side thrusteth a verie large and bare point into the Sea, where there is built a great and round Turret in manner of a Pillar, Ptolomie calleth this Point, the Promontorie of Diogenes. Through this Channell, presently at the entrie, there is sixe fathome Water, and * 1.1427 from hence it goeth diminishing till it come to three, and thence doth not descend; the ground is a verie hard Clay, the Bay is so great, and maketh so many Creekes and Nookes, and within it lye so many Ilands, and the firme Land is cut with so many Creekes, which doe penetrate so farre into the Land, that in euery place there may be many Vessels hidden, without any no∣tice of them. A quarter of a league to the Sea of this Bay, there lyeth a Shoald that doth gird [ 30] and compasse it in such sort at the mouth thereof, that no Sea can come into it, because it is al∣waies aboue water, without hauing any entrance, except the mouth which aboue I haue rehear∣sed. This entry or mouth stretcheth East and by North, and West and by South. A Cannon * 1.1428 shot from this Bay, is a Well, of great quantitie of water, but it is very brackish and salt. The two and twentieth, when it was day, wee departed, and made our way Rowing, the Sea see∣med to be very full of Rockes, and getting free of some, we encountred with others; halfe an houre past ten of the clocke, we made vs fast to the stones of them. About Euensong time, we were with the Land, and hauing doubled a low point, we entred into a very great Bay, which is called Fuxaa, there is betweene Doroo and Fuxaa three leagues and a halfe, the Coast stretch∣eth North and South, and seemeth to take something of North-West and South-East. The Bay * 1.1429 [ 40] of Fuxaa, is made Noble or famous, by a verie high and sharpe Pike, and in it the Pole of the North doth rise twentie degrees and a quarter. In the entry and mouth of this Bay, there are two verie low points: they lye North and by East, and South and by West, the distance is one league and a halfe. No great Sea doth enter heere, and for this cause heere is a good harbour, where there is ten and twelue fathome water, and the ground is mud, euery where else it dimi∣nisheth, till it come to fiue fathome. Along the Land of the Bay that goeth on the South side, there lyeth nine little Ilands on a row, and in other places are some other scattered, all of * 1.1430 them are small, low, and compassed with Shoalds: In this Bay there is not any water, the Land is verie dry and barren.

The fiue and twentieth, wee iournyed along the Coast to the Sea off vs, about a league wee * 1.1431 [ 50] saw many Rockes: at ten of the clocke we entred into an harbour, verie great, which is called Arequea. There is betweene the Bay of Fuxaa and this Hauen foure leagues, the Coast run∣neth North and South, and taketh something of the North-west and South-east. Arequea is the strongest and most defenceable Hauen that hitherto I haue seene, it is beyond Suaquen two and twentie leagues. In old time it was called Dioscori, as wee may see in Ptolomie; in the midst of the entry and mouth of this Port, lyeth a great Iland, which hath in length about a Crosse-bow shot, and almost as much in breadth, and there runneth from it to the firme Land, on the South side a Shoald and a Banke, that ioyneth with the Land, in such sort, that not any thing can passe ouer it: but from the same Iland to the Land on the North side, which is a∣bout a Crosse-bow shot distance, there goeth a Channell-that hath fifteene fathome water, it [ 60] runneth North-west and South-east, and both neere the Land, and neere the Iland it is verie shallow and full of Rockes, so that the way lyeth in the very midst; the Chaneell hath in length about a Caliuer shot, and presently the Coasts on euery side winding, doe make within

a great and very faire Hauen, in which there is no feare of danger. This Port hath in length a∣bout one league, and halfe in breadth, it is deep in the midst, and neere the Land full of Shoalds, there is no water in it. The token we haue to know when we are as farre as it, is, that the Pike abouesaid remaineth to the West South-west. Here we agreed to send all the Armie to Maçua, and to goe forward onely with sixteene small Gallies.

The thirtieth at noone, we set sayle from the Port of Arequea, we came to an Anchor in a Hauen, which is called Salaqua, beyond Arequea foure leagues, and from Suaquen sixe and * 1.1432 twentie: the Coast North and South, and taketh somewhat of the North-east and South-west. The Land which is ouer the Sea, maketh many risings and hillocks, and behind them there a∣rise great Mountaines: and we are here to note, that the Land by the Sea from Arequea, begin∣neth [ 10] to make this shew forward, for hitherto it is all very plaine and low, till it reacheth to the Mountaines that are within the Maine. The one and thirtieth, we set sayle from the Port of Salaqua: an houre before Sunne set, we fastned our selues to a Shoald, that is a league from the shoare, we might goe this day about seuenteene leagues, and were beyond Suaquen three and fortie.

From the Port of Salaqua forward, the Coasts doe begin to winde very much, and from Ra∣seldoaer * 1.1433 forward, the space of a league, the Coast runneth very low to the North North-east, and in the end it maketh a point of Sand, where there are thirteene little hillockes or knobs of stone, which as the Moorish Pilots said, were Graues, and from this point of the Calmes a∣bout * 1.1434 two leagues, the Coast runneth to the North North-west, and from thence as farre as this [ 20] Shoald, which is three and fortie leagues from Suaquen. It is the most famous and named point of all this Coast; because all that doe sayle from Maçua, Suaquen, and other places, to Iuda, Alcocer, and to Toro, must of force fetch this point. As touching the Sea that lyeth within * 1.1435 these seuenteene leagues, I beleeue there can be no rules or experience to be securely sayled, but that as well the skilfull as the vnskilfull, must passe at all aduentures, and saue themselues by chance, for the Shoalds are so many, and so great, the Sea so sowed euery where with Rockes, the Bankes are so continuall in euery place, that it seemeth certainly rather that we may goe it on foote, then sayle it; yea, although it be in small Boats, in these spaces which are contained; betweene Salaqua and Raseldoaer, are three Ilands lying in tryangle, neerer to Raseldo••••r then to Salaqua. The greatest of them is called Magarçaon, it hath in length about two leagues, [ 30] * 1.1436 the Land of it is verie high; and without water. This Iland beareth with Raseldoaer North and South, the distance is three leagues. The second Iland lyeth much to the Sea, and is called Elmante: the Land is likewise high, and without water; but the third Iland is very low, and all * 1.1437 of Sand: it lyeth foure leagues from Salaqua, toward Raseldoaer, the name whereof is not yet come to my notice.

The second of Aprill, 1541. an houre before day, we loosed from the Shoald, that is three and fortie leagues beyond Suaquen, and went Rowing along the Coast, wee entred into a Riuer which is called Farate: there might be from the Shoald whence wee departed to this Riuer, foure leagues, and setting sayle a league from thence, wee entred into an Hauen very faire, which is called Quilfit. All this day we saw not to the Land of vs any Rocke, but to the Sea of [ 40] * 1.1438 vs we did see a Shoald. Farate is a Riuer very great and faire, the Channell thereof hath of e∣leuation of the Pole one and twentie degrees, and two third parts, that separates two low Points; at the entrance are a small Caliuer shot, and from each of them commeth a Shoald to∣ward the mouth of the Riuer, so that the Channell or entry is in the very midst; this Riuer runneth East and West. The Land of euery side of the Riuer is very low, without Bush or any Trees of any other kind; in the mouth of the Riuer is thirtie fathomes water, and from thence it diminisheth till it remaineth in eighteene.

Quilfit, is an Hauen no lesse faire and noble, then very sure and profitable, because being once * 1.1439 within, we need to feare no winde or any misfortune. There are at the entrie of this Port two very low Points, which are coasted North-west and South-east, a quater North and South. The [ 50] distance is almost a quarter of a league. All the Hauen round about, may comprehend more then three leagues, and wee may lye at Roade in any place of it, and bee safe. In all this Hauen is twelue fathome water, along the Shoare the Coast is rockie, betweene this part and the Riuer of Farate, which is a great leagues iourney, there crosseth a ranke of Mountaynes, one higher then the rest.

The third, one houre before day, we came out of the Port of Quilfit, and went rowing along the Coast. An houre before Sunne set, we came to an anchor in an Hauen, which is called Rasil∣gid, which in the Arabian tongue is, The new Head. This day we went about nine leagues, to * 1.1440 the Sea of vs, we saw some Shoalds, but fewer then we had seene before. Two leagues from Quil∣fit there is a very good Hauen, which is called Moamaa, and presently from this Point of the [ 60] * 1.1441 Shrubs, vnto another Point of Sand very long, which is about two leagues, before the Port of Rasilgid, the Coast runneth North and South, and taketh somewhat of the North-west and South-east, the distance is about three leagues and a halfe.

Igidid, is a small Hauen, but a very pleasant one, it is beyond Suaquen seuen and fiftie leagues; * 1.1442 the proportion thereof is like a great Cauldron, and within is so round, that it seemes a part of a Circular: in the mouth and entrie of the Port are two Points; which stretch North and South. Within this Port, onely the Easterne winde can doe some hurt, all the ground is very cleane: at the Mouth there is eighteene fathome water, and within thirteene; and halfe a league from it into the Land there is a Well of water, though little abounding, the water of it is very bitterish; the Port hath in compasse a great halfe league. It is a thing to be noted, that as well in this Port, as in all the rest, which I haue seene in this Coast, Riuers, or Harbours, none hath any Barre or Banke at the Entrie, but rather the greatest depth is at the Mouthes, rather then within. In this Port I found certaine Trees, which in the Trunke or Stock resembled the Corke * 1.1443 [ 10] Trees, for the Trunkes and Boughes of them were couered with a kind of Barke or Corke, and very different in all the rest, for the leaues of them were very great and large, and wonderfully thicke and greene, hauing certaine bigge veines that did crosse them, these Trees were with Flowre, and the Flowre in the Bud resembled the Mallow flowre when it is in the Bud, but that this was very white; and after it openeth, the Bud it resembleth the white Cockle. Cut∣ting a little Bough or Leafe of these Trees, there runneth out a great streame of Milke, as if it were the dugge of a Goat. In all this coast I saw no other Trees but these, except a Groue that is a little beyond Maçua, hard by the Sea in the marish ground; besides these Trees, within the Land, there are some Valleyes where grow some Capers, the leaues of which the Moores * 1.1444 doe eate. They say, that they be appropriated to the ioynts. [ 20]

The fourth, from Sunne rising till eleuen of the clocke, the winde blew so much at North-west, that it was a great storme; and from eleuen of the clocke, it began to thunder very hard, * 1.1445 and it hayled with the biggest drops that euer I saw; with these thunders, the Winde ranne through all the Points of the Compasse, and at last it remayned North. This day I carried my instruments on Land, and found the variation one degree and a quarter to the North-east, and the Port in two and twentie, by many obseruations.

Notwithstanding, that these operations were made a shoare, and with so much heede in the setting of the Instrument, that after once placed I neuer stirre it, till the end of all the obserua∣tions, yet there cannot be but that some error may be in them and some difference, because the great heate and scorchings of the Sunne, did cracke the plate of Iuorie in the middest, and there * 1.1446 remayned a great Clift as thick as a Portegue of gold, betweene the one halfe and the other. [ 30]

The sixth, an houre before day, we weighed from the Port of Igidid. All this dayes iourney might be three leagues and a halfe.

The seuenth, in the morning, the Winde blew fresh at North-west, we rowed to the shoare: and at eight of the clocke, in the morning, wee fastned our selues to certayne stones of a Shoald and a Shelfe, that lyeth before a long Point, which hereafter I will call Starta; we went in this * 1.1447 space about three leagues; but about noone we departed, and set saile, being in no little doubt, because on the one side and on the other of vs, we saw so many Shelues that it was a wonderfull thing: we were forced to take in our sailes, and helpe our selues with the Oare. At Sunne set we * 1.1448 came to an anchor in a good Hauen, which is called Comol. [ 40]

§. IIII.

A description of the Coast, that is contayned from the Port of Igidid vnto Comol, Raselnaxef, Xuarif, Gadenauhi, Xermeelquiman, Gualibo, Tuna, Alcocer, and Toro.

FRom a Point that lyeth two leagues beyond the Port of Igidid, to another, very long * 1.1449 and flat, it may bee about foure leagues: these two Points stretch North-west and South-east, in this space there is a great and famous Nooke, and within it toward [ 50] the long Point of the North-west, is a Hauen so close on all sides, that no Wind can doe it any harme, and it is very deepe. The Point remayneth an Iland, which by reason of the heighth and place where it standeth, without doubt it seemeth to be an Iland, which Ptolomie calleth Starta. But from hence to a great Point, which the Land ouer the Port of Comol doth * 1.1450 thrust out, there may be fiue leagues, these two Points stretch North-west and by West, South-east and by East; betweene them both there is another great and faire Nooke. As touching the description of the Land vpon the Sea coast, we are to note, that from as farre as Igidid, till halfe a league short of the Port of Comol, along the Sea, the Land sheweth all along in small Hills and very close, and behind them there arise within a league distance, very great and high Mountains, raysing very high Pikes and sharpe Points, with other very faire shewes, the which the neerer [ 60] they come to the Port of Comol, so much the neerer they come toward the Sea, and being come to the edge of it, they runne very high, ouer-pearing the Coasts, till they come within halfe a league short of this Port of Comol.

Comol, is beyond Igidid eleuen leagues, and from Suaquen sixtie eight; the Pole in it is ele∣uated * 1.1451 two and twentie degrees and an halfe. This Port standeth in the end of this second Nooke, very neere the face of the Point, which the Land that lyeth on the North-west side, doth thrust out, the which though it be not very great, yet it is very sure and profitable: for toward the Sea side it hath certaine Shoalds ouer water, which defend it, that no Sea can come into it; the Land which is seene round about it, is very plaine and pleasant, and greatly peopled with Badois. * 1.1452 Now, the Point of the North-west, wherewith the Land ouer this Port and end of the Nooke, commeth out into the Sea, is very long and faire: the Land of it is all low and equall. This Point is the Promontorie Prionoto, if wee looke well to Ptolomie in the third Table of Africa; * 1.1453 which, because that as farre as it the great Mountaines doe end, which roame along all this [ 10] Coast. Three houres after mid-night, we went out of the Port of Comol, and rowing a little while, wee all set saile and went along the Coast; but an houre before morning, some Foysts strooke vpon Rocks and Shoalds, for which cause we strooke saile, and made our iourney, rowing vntill morning.

The eight, at breake of day, we came into a great and faire Bay, of which toward the North and North-west side, we saw no end, or any Point where it might end. We sailed in the broad and high Sea, the Shoalds on euery side were so many, that it was a wonder wee could make any profit of a large winde, for now going roamour, now by a tacke, sometime out of the way, and sometime in it, there was no way wee could take certayne and quiet. About Sunne set, wee found a very great Shelfe, and fastning our selues to the stones of it, we tooke harbour. The ninth, [ 20] being cleere, we set saile from the Shelfe. We tooke harbour within a very great Shelfe, which is called Xaabiliden: after we were at anchor, we saw to the Sea an Iland, which is called Zemor∣gete. * 1.1454 This Port and Shelfe stretcheth North-east and by East, South-west and by West. From the point of the Cape of the Mountains, to another Point which is beyond it, where are certain great Furres or Whinnes, the Coast runneth North-west and by North, and South-east and by South, bushes of the distance may be about three leagues & an half, or foure, & presently from this Point, the Coasts of the great nooke, beginne to wind toward the Land inward, drawing toward the setting of the Sunne, and afterward they turne againe very winding and crooked, making with so many turnings a great and large circuite, and from hence they wind outward, carrying a great and long front, till they thrust into the Sea a notable and great Point, called Raselnaxef, which in [ 30] * 1.1455 Arabique, is to say, the dry Cape which Ptolomie doth call. The Promontorie Pentadatilors, as we may see in the third Table of Africa, the Iland of Zemorgete, is distant from this Point a∣bout eight leagues towards the Sunne rising, and from it, as the Moorish Pilots told vs, is the first place from whence the Land is seene of both the Coasts, but the Coast of Arabia is a great deale further from the Iland, this Iland is barren and very high, and hath another fast by it ve∣ry small, the greater Zemorgete, Ptolomie doth call Agathon, and maketh no mention of the les∣ser. Now, for a declaration of the shelfe Xaabeliden, wee are to note, that in the end of this great Bosome farre to the Sea, there lyeth a very faire shelfe aboue water, all of it, which ma∣keth a figure like to two armes wide open with their hands, and because of this shew that it representeth, it was called, Xaabeliden; which in Arabian, is to say, The shelfe of the Hands, [ 40] the Port of this shelfe is on the Land side, for on this side it windeth very much, and stretcheth such armes that keepe and shut vp the Hauen from all the winds of the Sea, this Hauen stret∣cheth with Raselnaxef, East South-east, and West North-west, the distance is about foure leagues.

The tenth, the Sunne being vp, we set saile to the North North-east, the wind began to blow fresher, and the Sea appeared to vs cleere and Nauigable, about halfe a league from the Point, we saw in the iudgement of all, a ship vnder saile, and making toward it, after wee were very neere it, we perceiued it was a white Rocke that was in the Sea, which, as wee had notice, deceiueth all the Nauigators, and presently we sailed to the North and by East. At nine of the clocke, wee were as farre as an Iland, which is called, Cornaqua, and wee passed betweene it and the firme Land: this Iland is small and barren, it hath in compasse about halfe a league, the distance from [ 50] * 1.1456 it, and the firme Land is about a league and an halfe, the Land of the Iland maketh the figure and shew of a great and mightie Lizard, with his armes stretched out, which is the occasion it is much noted and seene of the Nauigators, and therefore made famous, this Iland of Cornaqua beareth with the Iland Zermogete, North-west and by West, and South-east and by East, the distance is about sixe small leagues, but returning to our way, about halfe an houre past ten, wee were as farre as a very long Point of Sand, entring a great way into the Sea, which is called, Ra∣selenfe; which in Arabique, is to say, The Point or Cape of the Nose. This Point hath not round about it any high Land, but a great or vast field doth begirt it, without seeing in all this space any Tree or any greene thing, and in the very face of the Point, is a great Temple erected, with∣out any other building, and on euery side of it is a very cleere sandy Coast, in manner of a Bay. [ 60] * 1.1457 Raselenfe is very famous; all the trouble of their Nauigations, is, till they come to this Point, and whensoeuer they double or come to it, they hold themselues at home and sure. Now prosecuting our iourney running along the Coast, the wind was at South-east. At noone my Pilot tooke the Sunne, and found himselfe in twentie foure degrees of height, one sixt part,

at this time we might be beyond Raselenfe three leagues, whence it remayneth manifest, this Point to stand in the height of twentie foure degrees; and of this itappeareth, that the Citie of * 1.1458 Bereuice, was built in this Point of Raselenfe, for Ptolomie doth place it vnder the Tropicke of Cancer, by the Sea-side in this Coast, and in his time they made the greatest declination, almost twentie three degrees fiftie minutes: Likewise, Pinie, Lib. 6. speaking of Bereuice, saith, that in the Solsticium at high noone, the Gnomon maketh no shadow, which signifieth, this Citie to be vnder the Tropicke.

Halfe an houre before Sunne-set, we were as farre as an Iland, which is called Xuarit, but pas∣sing * 1.1459 forward a quarter of a league, we met certaine shelues of sand, and others of stone. Wee came to an Anchor betweene them in a good Harbour, which in the Arabique Tongue, is called [ 10] Cial. In these shelues wee saw so great a quantitie of Foule, as hitherto in no part of this Sea wee haue seene: these shelues and Port of Cial, is beyond Suachen, one hundred and three leagues.

From Raselnaxef, till so farre as the Iland Xuarit, there may be betweene sixteene and seuen∣teene * 1.1460 leagues. The Coast when we haue doubled Raselnaxef, which by another name, I call the North-west point of the great Nooke, doth wind very much, and runneth into the Land, and turning out ward againe, it thrusteth into the Sea: a verie long Point of Sand, called Raselenfet: * 1.1461 shese two Points stretched North-east and South-west, and take almost the whole quarter of North and South, there may be in the distance about sixe leagues large, and presently from Ra∣selenfet, forward the Coast windeth directly to the North-west, till we are as farre as the Iland [ 20] of Xuarit, this distance is betweene ten and eleuen leagues: the Sea that lyeth in this distance is in onely three places foule and full of Shoalds, the first is, to the Sea of the Iland of Connaqua, where is seene a great and very faire Shoald, which going ouer water raiseth a great ridge of ve∣ry great stones, and runneth a great space toward the Land. The second place is in the Iland of Xuarit, for from this Iland, as well on the East as on the West-side, there goe great Shoalds and * 1.1462 Flats toward the firme Land, in such manner that they seeme to shut vp all the Sea, that lyeth betweene the Iland and the Land, but the third remayneth manifest, to bee this part where at this present we lye at Anchor, called Cial; in the which the Sea is so full and thicke, with so many Shoalds and Flats, that they haue no number, neither can yee perceiue any part of it, that shewes it selfe free and void of them. The Iland of Xuarit is a Caleeuer-shot in length, and in [ 30] breadth almost as much, the Land of it is very low, and in the midst of it a great Bush very greene, on the East-side there is opposite to it a great Rocke like an Iland, this Iland is distant from the firme Land little more then halfe a league.

From Suaquen to Raselenfe, the Countries are inhabited of a people, called Badois, which wor∣ship Mahomet, the one and the other called of the Cosmographers Aethiopians. And from Ra∣selenfe vpward to Soez, and the end of this Sea, the Coasts doe appertaine to the great Region of Egypt, therefore the Inhabitants which doe inhabit betweene them and the Riuer Nilus, Ptolo∣mie will haue them called, Arabique Egyptians. Pomponius Mela, and other Authors doe onely * 1.1463 giue them the name of Arabians, but in these diuisions we must hold with, and follow Ptolomie, as Prince of the Cosmographers. These Arabique Egytians, all those that doe inhabit from the [ 40] Mountaines toward the Sea, are commonly called Badois, of whose customes and life, wee will intreat in some other place.

The eleuenth, we tooke in our sayles, and Rowed along: at nine a clocke of the day we en∣tred * 1.1464 into a great Nooke, which is called Gadenauhi, there may be from the part of Ciall to this Nook, about foure leagues: the Coast stretcheth North-west and South-east, and taketh of the North and South: the Land ouer the Sea, leauing the shape it had, to wit, of a Wall or Trench, it commeth very mountainous and doubled, making so many Mountaines, and so close, that it is a very strange thing. The Port of Gadenauhi, is beyond Suaquen, one hundred & seuen leagues, * 1.1465 and in it the Pole is eleuated foure and twentie degrees, and two third parts; being low water, it was one houre after high noone, and flowing from that houre, comming to the Point of full Sea, it was one houre after the Moone rose ouer the Horizon, & from that houre the Moone as∣cending [ 50] by the Hemisphere, it beganne to ebbe, till the Moone passed the Meridian, about an houre of time, and presently the Moone descending from hence, going to set vnder the Hori∣zon, the Tyde began to flow till the Moone was set, and an houre after it was set, was full Sea. By night the wind was North-west, two or three houres after mid-night wee departed from Gadenauhi, and prosecuting our iourney, at the passing betweene the Shoald which commeth from the North-west Point of the Nooke, and the Iland of Bahuto: we strucke and were fast * 1.1466 vpon the Shoald, and all being troubled, wee were in the Net, (as they say) but in this there was neither danger nor hurt, insomuch that we got out of this place, and hit vpon the Channell, and went along the shoare, rowing against the North-west winde till it was day. [ 60]

The twelfth, we rowed along the shore, one houre after Sun rise, we anchored in a hauen, which * 1.1467 is called Xarmeelquiman, which in Arabique, is to say, a cleft or opening of the Mountaines: This Port lyeth beyond Gadenauhi a league and a halfe. Xarmeelquiman is a small Port, and little pompous or proud in quantitie, but in qualitie great and Noble. This Port is from Sua∣quen,

one hundred and eight leagues, it is much like the Port of Igidid. The twelfth of Aprill, we set sayle going along the shoare, the winde came fresher and larger, that is, at East South-east, about noone it blew verie hard, and it came with so great Gales, that it raised the Sands of the Coast very high, raising them toward the heauens, in so great Whirle-winds, that they seemed like great smoakes. About Euen-song time the Armie comming together, the Winde * 1.1468 calmed altogether to some ships; and some other that came hard by, or a little behind, or more to the Sea, or to the Land, had the wind so strong, that they could beare no sayle. The distance from those that were in calme, and those that were in the storme, being no more then a stones cast, and presently within a little space, it tooke the shippes that were in calme with their Sayles, vp to the top, so that they had the Winde very fresh; and the other that went verie [ 10] swift, remained in calme, and so in short time the one was reuenged of the other. This chanced going close all together, in such sort, that it seemed a thing done for the nonce, and in mockage. In this chance, there came some Gales of East, and East North-east winde very great, and so * 1.1469 hot, that in their scorching they made no difference from flames of fire. The Dusts that were raised on the shoare, went sometime to one place, and sometimes to another, as they were dri∣uen and cast with the Winds: many times we saw them make three or foure waies before they were alayed, or did fall in the Sea, with the Counter-winds that tooke them from diuers parts. This Mysterie and Chance among hils and high grounds had not beene much, nor any new thing to haue happened; but so farre from the Coast with the Sea Winds, certainly it ought to be much regarded. When these Counter-winds beganne to take vs, we were as a Port, that is called Xaona, and going on in this sort, now striking Sayle, now Hoysing, sometimes ta∣king [ 20] pastime at that which we saw, and other whiles dread and feare, we went almost till Sun set, when we entred into a Port, called Gualibo, which is to say in Arabique, The Port of Trouble; we went this day, and a piece of the night past, about thirteene leagues.

From Gadenauhi, to a Port that is called, Xacara, (which a very red hill doth beguirt) the Coast runneth North-west, and by North and South-east, and by South, the distance is about tenne * 1.1470 leagues: and from this Red hill, to a Point that lyeth beyond this Port of Gualibo almost a league, the Coast runneth North North-west, and South South-east, the distance is about sixe leagues. In these sixteene leagues the Coast is very cleere, and onely one league beyond the Red hill lyeth a Shoald, distant from the Land halfe a league large. In the length of these Coasts contained in the sixteene leagues, are many fa••re and famous Ports, the most that I haue seene or [ 30] thought to see in so short a space of way: among which Ports, there is one that is cal∣led Xaona, very great, where the Moores and Inhabitants doe say, A famous Citie of Gentiles was built in times past, which looking well to Ptolomie in his third Table of Africa, was called * 1.1471 Nechesia. Along the Sea runne great and infinite Mountaines, very double and close together, and behind farre within the Land, there arise ouer them great and mightie hils. In all the length of the Coasts where these Mountaines are placed, there are two great Mountaines, not onely more Noble then the other their neighbours: but all those that are in this Coast, the one of is very blacke, and seemeth as though it were sindged, and the other is yellow, betweene them * 1.1472 them are certaine heapes of Sand: From the blacke Mountaine inward to the Land, there is [ 40] an open field, where I saw many Trees very great and high, which tooke a great compasse with the tops. Those Trees were the first I saw in this Coast, that seemed Domesticall and proper, to the Land: for the other, that before I make mention of, which are a little beyond Maçua, are like, and of the kind of them that grow in the Marishes, by the Borders of the Sea, and of the Riuers, and likewise those which stand in the Port of Xarmeelquiman, and the other that stand in the Port of Igidid are wilde, and sad to the sight, without boughes or fruit, but hauing leaues they seeme naked and dry. These two Mountaines and Graue, stand about two leagues before the Port which is called, Xarmeelquiman.

Gualibo, is beyond Suaquen, one hundred and twentie two leagues. This Port is like in fashi∣on and entry, very much to the Port of Xarmeelquiman, in this onely they differ, that the other [ 50] hath ouer it many Mountaines, that enuiron it, and all the Land round about this, is plaine and vaste. The entry of this Port, is betweene certaine Rockes or Shoalds, whereon the sea brea∣keth very much, the Channell is deepe and large.

The thirteenth of Aprill after Sunne rise, we weighed, and went out of the Port of Gualibo, the wind was North-west very strong, and made the Sea to rise very much, we rowed along * 1.1473 the shoare: at ten of the clocke in the morning, wee entred into a Port, which is called Tuna, which is a league and an halfe beyond Gualibo.

Tuna is a small and foule Hauen, it is beyond Suaquen one hundred twentie three leagues and an halfe, the North Pole is eleuated in it twentie fiue deg. and an halfe, the entring of the Hauen is betweene certaine Rockes, and within, the greatest part of it is occupied with a shoald and [ 60] stones, in such sort, that within there is a small and sorrie Harbour, the turning which the point of the Land, that is on the North side of the Port doth make, there is a good Harbour and Road against the North-west wind, the Land round about it is a very barren sand; on the land of this Port on the North-west side there are three sharpe Mountaines of stone, made to my thinking, for a knowledge and token that there is an Hauen here.

One houre before Sunne set, we fastned our selues to a Shoald, which stands beyond Tuna a league, the Coast from a Point, which is almost one league beyond Gualibo, runneth with ano∣ther Point that is beyond this Shoald, a league and a halfe, North North-west, South South-east, the distance is foure Leagues.

The fourteenth, we went along the shoare, the Sea rose very bigge, and molested the Rowers * 1.1474 very much, but resisting both Winde and Sea, after high noone wee entred into a very faire Nooke, and in the hidnest corner of it, where it maketh a good Port, wee came to an anchor. This day and night we went about fiue leagues, and might be beyond Suaquen one hundred and twentie nine leagues, the Coast in these sixe leagues stretcheth North-west and South-east, the Land ouer the Sea coast, some of it is low and plaine, and some mountainous. [ 10]

The fifteenth by day, wee were a league short of Alcocer, and making to it, an houre and a * 1.1475 halfe after Sunne rise we came to the place, an cast anchor in the Hauen; we might goe the night past, and this little of the day about seuen leagues, the Coast in this space runneth North Nōrth-west, and South South-east.

The place of Alcocer, noting well Plinie in the sixt Booke of his Naturall Historie, and like∣wise * 1.1476 Ptolemie in the third Table of Africa, was called Philoteras, and all the Land that is con∣tayned from it vnto the Citie Arsinoe, and the end of this Sea was knowne by the name of Eneo; this place is so neighbouring to the Riuer Nilus, that the distance of both may bee be∣tweene fifteene and sixteene dayes iourney, setting your face toward that place where the Sunne setteth. This is the onely Port in all this Coast, where all the prouisions, which the Land of Egypt yeeldeth at this day, doe arriue, which Land is now called Riffa, and from hence all the * 1.1477 [ 20] Townes, situated within the Coasts of the Streight, doe carrie them and prouide themselues. The Towne of Alcocer was built in old time two leagues further vpon the Sea coasts, but be∣cause of the euill discommoditie, and ioyntly because the Port was not sufficient for so great a re∣sort, they past it hither; and yet at this day are the old buildings of the ancient Towne seene, and are standing, and is called the old Alcocer, by the which I meane Philoteras. But returning to the description of the new Alcocer, as twise I haue verified, it hath of eleuation of the Pole, six * 1.1478 and twentie degrees and one quarter, toward the North side, it is beyond Suaquen one hundred thirtie sixe Leagues; the Port is a great Bay, and very open to the Easterne windes, which in this Coast are of great force and trauerse, right against the place lye some shoalds though small, [ 30] whereon the Sea breaketh, betweene the which and the shoare the Frigats and Ships harbour, which come to seeke lading: the Towne is very small, and more then any other of the World, barren and miserable. The buildings differ very little from yards to put Cattell in; howsoeuer, the walls of the houses are of stone and clay, and others of sods, the tops of which haue no coue∣ring at all, except a few Mats or such base things, which defend the Inhabitants from the Sunne, and from the Raines, if peraduenture the Heauens doe send them now and then, as it is truth, that in this place they fall but seldome, and by a great chance. In all the circuit of the Place, Coast, Fields, Mountaines or Hills, there groweth no manner of Herbe, Grasse, Bush, Tree, or any other thing appeare, except certaine blacke scorched Mountaines, which make a great num∣ber of bare Hillocks, the which carrying this euill shew and melancholike sight, doe enuiron the [ 40] place from Sea to Sea, and betweene them and the inhabiting, wheresoeuer any waste place chanceth to be, it is a drie and more then barren sand to the sight, mingled with infinite grauell. The Port is the worst of all that I saw in this Coast, in it for his excellencie is not any kinde of Fish to bee found, hauing through all the Coasts and Strands very great abundance. Neere the Towne are three Wells of water whereof the people drinke, whose water with great diffi∣cultie * 1.1479 yee can discerne from that of the Sea. Here is no kinde of Cattell.

The most expert Moores told me, that the name of Egypt was not knowne neere them, but that all the Land from Alcocer, and a great way behind, vnto Alexandria, was called Riffa. In which, more then any other Countrey of the World, there was great abundance of victuals and prouisions, Cattell, Camels, Horses, without hauing one foote of vnprofitable ground in all that [ 50] Prouince. I asked them what language or customes they had: they answered mee, that they followed the Arabians in all things. I asked them also for the qualitie of the Land: they told, * 1.1480 that it was altogether very plaine, and that it neuer rained in it, and that if at and time it chanced to raine, it was held for a Wonder, the which God hath prouided for, with ordayning that the Riuer Nilus should twice a yeere exceed his bounds and naturall course, and water the fields. I asked them also if from as farre as Alcocer, one might sayle by the Riuer to Alexandria: they told me they might, and from farre behind Alcocer toward the Abexi: but that there was along the Riuer many Ilands and Rockes, for the which good Pilots were needfull, or to sayle by day. I asked them more, what the cause was, that the men of that Countrey [ 60] inhabited so * 1.1481 great a situation as Alcocer: they answered mee, They being the neerest Sea-hauen to Nilus, and Prouince of Riffa, of all the Coast, from whence the fruits and pro∣uisions of the Land were transported. I asked them for what reason the Inhabitants of this place did not couer their houses, and made roofes vnto them: they answered me, that for the Sunne, the defence of Mats was sufficient, and that with raines they were not molested, but

that against the malignitie and wickednesse of men, they were forced to seeke stronger defences, and therefore ordained to make the wals of stone and clay, and others of sods. I asked them what men these so fierce enemies of theirs were, against the which they armed themselues with so strong Bulwarkes. They told me that they were Badois, a peruerse people, void of all good∣nesse, which many times with sudden assaults and robbings, did molest the place, and did rob the * 1.1482 Droues that came from Nilus with victuals and other prouisions.

The eighteenth of Aprill, in the morning, we fastned our selues to a Shoald, that is beyond Alcocer, about foure leagues, and presently past noone we set saile.

The nineteenth, there tooke vs like a gush of the North North-west wind, faire weather, halfe an houre past eight of the clock, that we tooke Port in an Iland, which is called Suffange-elbahar, [ 10] we lost of the way we had gone foure or fiue leagues.

Suffange-elbahar is to say in the Arabicke Tongue, a Sea Spunge, this Iland stands beyond Al∣cocer * 1.1483 thirteene leagues, the eleuation of the Pole in it is seuen and twentie degrees, all the land is sandie without any Trees or Water, the Iland hath in length about two leagues, and lesse then a quarter in breadth, there is a good Hauen with all weathers, but in the firme Land are so many * 1.1484 Nookes, Ports, and Harbours, that it is a wonder, the deepest Channell whereby the Sea that is betweene the Iland and the Mayne, is along the firme Land, because on the Ilands side there bee some Shoalds, in the mouth and entring of this great Port, that is on the North-side, there are certaine Shoalds aboue water, of the which comming in by day, yee need not feare, and in the o∣ther that lyeth on the South-side, in the very midst of the entry of it, there is a great stone. [ 20]

The twentieth of Aprill, 1541. at Sunne-set, we might be about sixe leagues beyond the Iland Suffange-elbahar, the Coast in these sixe leagues runneth in this manner, from Suffange-elbahar, to a sandie Point, that is, beyond the Iland a league and an halfe, North North-west, and South South-east, and from this sandie Point forward, the Coasts doe wind inward to the Land, and doe make a great Nooke, within the which doe lye many Ilands, Ports, Creekes, Bayes, and many other notable Harbours.

The one and twentieth, by day, we were fast by the Land of an Iland, which is called, Xed∣uam, the wind was calme, we rowed along the Iland on that side which is opposite to the Land of the Arabian, this is very high and craggie, all of an hard Rock, it hath in length three leagues, and two in breadth, it is beyond Alcocer, twentie leagues, there is no water in it, nor any kind [ 30] of Trees. The Land of the Iland lyeth betweene both Coasts, there is from it to the firme Land of euery side fiue leagues, beyond toward the North-west are other three smaller Ilands, the Land of them is low, and betweene the one and the other lye some Shoalds. An houre after Sun rose, we were vpon the Cape or Point of the Iland that lyeth toward the North-side, and from thence we crosse to the Coast of the Arabian, the wind at this time was calme, wee went row∣ing, but within a little while it began to blow from the South-east faire, and presently wee set saile, and sayled to the North-west. At eleuen of the clocke in the morning, we were with the * 1.1485 Land of the Stonie Arabia, and presently wee sailed along the shoare: two houres before Sun∣set, we came to an Anchor at the Towne of Toro, there may bee from the Iland of Xeduam, to Toro twelue leagues, the Iland and Toro lye North and by West, and South and by East. * 1.1486 [ 40]

Making good consideration, the Towne of Toro, was called in old time Elana, as we may see in the writing of Ptolomie, Strabo, and other Authors, notwithstanding that in the Eleuation of the Pole, and situation, we find at this present a great change and diuersitie in these places: be∣cause those that write of the Towne Elana, did shew it to bee seated in the inwardest part of a very great Gulfe, called Elaniticus of the name of this place, and in the height of twentie nine degrees and one quarter. And now we know that Toro, hath eight and twentie degrees, one * 1.1487 sixth part of Eleuation of the Pole, and is seated along a very straite and long Coast. The cause of this deceit, if it be true, that these places be both one, might proceed of the euill information that those persons gaue which saw it. But that Elana, is the Towne which now is Toro, appea∣reth, because that from it to Soez, aswell by the one Coast as by the other, not onely wee find [ 50] no memorie of any Towne; rather the barrennesse of the Countrey, want of waters, and rough and craggie Mountaines, did giue vs to vnderstand, that in no time, there could bee any inhabi∣ting, so that hauing respect to Ptolomie, his placing the Towne Elana, in the Coast of Arabia Petrea, in the place most neighbouring vnto Mount Sinai, and not to make any mention of a Towne betweene it and the Citie of the Heroes, which lyeth in the vttermost Coasts, where this Sea endeth, and seeing how in this Coast of Arabia, there is not any Citie, Village, or in∣habiting that commeth so neere the height of Elana as Toro, and iointly with this it is neigh∣bouring to Mount Sinai, and how from Toro to Soez, there is not any inhabiting, it seemeth a iust thing we should beleeue that Elana and Toro be one selfe-same place. This Towne of Toro also seemeth to be the Port which the holy Scripture calleth Ailan, where Salomon King of Iuda, [ 60] commanded the ships to be made, which went to Tarsis, and to Ophir, to lade with Gold and Siluer for to make the Temple. For taking away the second Letter from Ailan, the ancient names are almost one thing. Neither stands it with reason it should bee in any other place for the Timber whereof this Armie was made, was brought from the Mount of Libanon, and An∣tilibanon,

the which was a manifest thing, that because of the great labour and expences, which of necessitie would be in the carriage, they would direct it to the neerest and fittest Port for so great a businesse, especially the Iewes possessing the Region of Idumea, and that part of Arabia Petrea, which is contayned from Toro to Soez. Strabo a Capadocian, doth hold that Elana and Ailan, are one selfe-same thing, and treating of this Citie in another place, hee saith. From the Port of Gaza, there is one thousand two hundred and sixtie furlongs to the Citie of Ailan, which is seated in the Gulfe, or inwardest part of the Arabicke Gulfe, and these are two, the one is toward Arabia and Gaza, which they call Elaniticus, of the Citie that stands in it; the other toward the Egyptian side toward the Citie of the Heroes, and the way from Pelusia to this Gulfe is very little; This is that which I could take out of ancient Histories. The Citie of [ 10] Toro is seated vpon the Sea-side, alongst a very faire and long strand, and before wee came at it about a Canon shot, it hath twelue Palme-trees close together very neere the Sea, and from them inward to the Land. There runneth a plaine field till it commeth to the foot of certaine high Hils, these Hils are those which come from within the Streight of Ormuz; called in times past, * 1.1488 The Persian Gulfe, the which hitherto came running along the Coast, very high ouer the Sea, and as farre as Toro, they leaue the Sea-coast, and with a great and sudden violence, they returne from hence to the Mayne toward the North-east, as angry and wearied of so continual and long Neighbour-hood with the waters, by these Mountaines is diuided the Stonie Arabia, from A∣rabia Foelix. And on the highest tops of them, doe some Christians at this day leade a holy life, but a little beyond Toro, by the border of the Sea, there beginneth a Mountaine to arise by little [ 20] and little, the which thrusting a bigge and high Point into it, it seemeth to them that are in the Towne or Port of it, that it endeth there, and goeth no further, and remayneth, making a shew of three great and mightie Mountaines separate the one from the other. This Towne is small and * 1.1489 very pleasant, and well seated, all the people are Christians and speake Arabicke, it hath a Mo∣nasterie of Friers of the Order of Monserrat, in the which the Oracle or Image is of the bles∣sed Virgin Saint Katharine of Mount Sinai. The Nation of the Friers is Grecian, the Sea Port of Toro, is not very great but sure from the winds that may doe it hurt. For it hath opposite on the Sea-side a very long stonie banke, which runneth along the Coast of the Towne, betweene the which and the Land is the Hauen, and here, that is, as farre as the Towne, both the Coasts are so neighbouring, that the space of Sea that separateth them is about three leagues iourney, I [ 30] being desirous to know some particularities of the Countrey, tooke notice of the Friers and the information, they gaue me was this.

Touching Mount Sinai, they told me that it was thirteen smal iournies into the Land, in which * 1.1490 there might be eighteene leagues; the which Mountaine is very high, the Countrey round about it plaine and open, and that in the borders of it there was a great Towne of Christians, in the which no Moore came in, but onely one that gathered the Rents and Duties of the Turkes. And that on the top of this Mountaine, there was a Monasterie of many Friers, where the bo∣die of the blessed Virgin Saint Katharine lay buried. This Virgin, as Anthonie Archbishop of Flo∣rence writeth, was carried away from the Citie of Alexandria by the Angels, and brought to this Mountaine, and buried by them; the Friers told me, that about foure monethes past, this [ 40] blessed and most holy body was carried with great pompe in a triumphant Chariot, all gilt to the Citie of Cairo, where the Christians of the Citie, which is a great part of the people, did come * 1.1491 to receiue it with great Procession and Solemnitie, and set it in a Monasterie much honoured; they told me that the occasion of this so great and strange remoue, was the many discourtesies which the Alarabes did to the Monasterie, and how far to excuse others, they were inforced to redeeme them for money, of the which the Christians of Cairo complayning to the Turke, obtayned of him that they might bring the bodie of this blessed Virgin to the Citie, which the Friers did withstand, but it auailed them nothing. I am in doubt of this so great a chance: for it may bee the Friers did faine these newes, for feare lest we should goe and take this holy bodie from them, for they looked for vs with an Armie of ten thousand men; notwithstanding, they affirmed it very much, shewing great griefe and sorrow for the same. The Friers told me also, how that in [ 50] the Mountaines, right against the Towne, which I haue said before, to diuide the Stonie Arabia, from Arabia Foelix, there were some Heremites which leade a holy life, and that through this Arabia, there were many Townes of Christians I: asked them where they had notice that the Iewes did passe this Red Sea; to the which they answered me, that they knew no certaine place, but that there was no doubt of being betweene Toro and Soez. And that they crossed from the one Coast to the other, and that two or three leagues before yee come to Soez, in the Arabian Coast, there was that Fountaine which Moses caused to breake in the Rocke, when he strooke it with his Rod, the Iewes being in great dispaire for thirst. The which at this day the Arabian * 1.1492 Moores doe call, The Fountaine of Moses, and that the water thereof was more then any o∣ther [ 60] pleasant and singular; likewise, I asked them how many leagues there were from Toro to Cairo by Land, they told me that seuen dayes iourney going meanly, and that the right way * 1.1493 was by Soez.

But that after the Gallies of the Turkes beeing there, they changed the way about two

leagues higher, and that when they were as farre as Soez, they went toward the Sun set. Hauing had this information of the Friers, I talked with a very honest, learned, and curious Moore, the which I neuer found in any Moore, and I asked of him, through what place he thought the Iewes passed this Sea, he answered me, that that which was in memorie of the people, and likewise in some Scriptures; was, that the Iewes comming away, fleeing from the Egyptians, arriued a∣gainst * 1.1494 Toro, on the land of the other side and coast that commeth from the Abexi, where all the power of the Egyptian come vpon them for to destroy them, and being in so great danger, Moses their Captaine made prayer vnto God, and presently strooke the Sea with a Rod twelue times, and there were presently opened twelue pathes, whereby all the people of the Iewes entred and arriued to the Land of the other side, where now stands the Citie of Toro: And the Egyptians [ 10] entring after them, the Sea closed vp, and all of them were slaine, whose number was about sixe hundred thousand men. And also that the Iewes, comming to the place of Toro, Moses their Captaine did leade them the way to Mount Sinai, where he many times spake with God. I ap∣proued this opinion very much; for if this passage had beene by Soez, as some will say, what need had the Egyptians to enter into the Sea, to the end of persecuting the Iewes, being able to goe about the Nooke, and take the foreward of them, especially being Horse-men against Foot∣men, which shall manifestly be seene in the Picture of Soez hereafter, and although in all these things there was a Miracle, we see alwaies, that in the like chances, there is a shew and manner of reason. Being satisfied with these Histories of the Moore, I asked of him if it was true, that the Christians that were in Cairo, did carrie away from Mount Sinai, the bodie of Saint Kathe∣rine, [ 20] he answered me, that no such thing was come to his notice, neither was it to be beleeued, and that it was but foure moneths past since he was in Cairo, which Citie they cal Mecara, where * 1.1495 he heard no such thing, and that it seemed an inpossible thing to him, that the Christians round about Mount Sinai would permit such a thing, because all men held this woman for a Saint, and in great reuerence. Hee told mee also, that before wee came to Soez, by two or three leagues, there was a Fountaine, which God gaue to the Iewes, by the intercession of Moses, which Pro∣phet they call Muçaa, whose water surpassed greatly all the rest. I asked him for the Towne of Soez, how it was. He answered me, that he was neuer in it, neither could any person enter, ex∣cept those that by the Gouernour of Cairo were ordained for the keeping of the Galleys, and that neerer then two leagues none might come to it vnder paine of death.

The two and twentieth of Aprill, a cleere morning, we departed from Toro. The foure and [ 30] twentieth, we were in nine and twentie degrees seuenteene minutes.

§. V.

A Description of the Nooke or Bay beyond Toro, and how by it is vnderstood the Gulfe Elaniticus. Of Soez, and of their returne homewards. Of the Badois, and of their customes, and why this Sea is called Red.

TWentie leagues beyond Toro, and fiftie two from Alcocer, the Land of Egypt, or Coast [ 40] that commeth from Abexij, commeth out into the Sea with a very lowe and long Point, from the Coasts winding a great space inward to the Land, running very winding and more then any other crooked, after hauing made a very great and very faire Nooke, it entreth into the Sea with a mightie and great Point very high, from the which to Soez is three small leagues iourney, these two Points, betweene the which the Nooke is con∣tayned, stretcheth North-west and by North, and South-east and by South, the distance is fiue leagues, the Land by the Sea coast of this Nooke is most high and rough, and therewith it is barren and drie, within the Nooke it is so deepe, that if we come not very neere the shoare, with fiftie fathome we shall take no ground, which ground is a soft sand like Oze. This Nooke vn∣doubtedly, [ 50] I hold to be the Gulfe which the Cosmographers doe call Elaniticus. But Strabo a Ca∣padocian, * 1.1496 and Ptolomie were deceiued in the knowledge and situation of it: for they placed it in the Coast of stonie Arabia, little more or lesse, where now stands the Towne of Toro; and that this is so, the words of Strabo, which I repeated a little before in the Description of the Towne of Toro, where the Arabicke Gulfe endeth, doe plainely say, to end in two Gulfes, one of them which standeth on the Arabian side, called Elaniticus, and the other on Egypt side where standeth the Citie of the Heroes. Ptolomie doth shew vs plainely the Gulfe Elaniticus to be in the Coast of Arabia, where now standeth the Towne of Toro, whereof I cannot but wonder euery time I doe remember how Ptolomie was borne in Alexandria, where he wrote his Historie, and dwelt in it all the dayes of his life, which Citie is very neighbouring to these places. [ 60]

The sixe and twentieth, weighing presently our Grapples, wee set sayle; at eleuen of the clocke of the day we were fast by the shoare, where we found all the Armie, and striking our sayles, wee rowed a little along the shoare, and cast anchor; but two houres before Sunne set we weighed againe, the wind was at North, wee rowed along the Coast, and before Sunne set

we tooke Hauen behind a Point which the Land of Arabia thrusteth out, where there is good being and harbour against the North winds: this day we went directly one league and an halfe, the points is short of Soez, three small leagues, it beareth with the North-west point of the great Nooke, which I said to be the Gulfe Elaniticus, East and West: there may be in the distance one league: from hence about halfe a league within the Land, standeth the Fountaine of Moses, of * 1.1497 which I haue spoken alreadie, when I spake of Toro. And now, as soone as we were at anchor, we went on shoare, and we saw the end of this Sea, which seemed to vs alreadie infinite, and likewise the Masts of the Ships, and all things gaue vs great content, and ioyntly with it great care. By night the wind was at North very hard, we say all night at anchor till it was day.

The seuen and twentieth in the morning, the wind blew hard at North North-west, at ten [ 10] of the clocke we departed from this Point, and made ahead to Soez, and to the end of this Sea, going along rowing, and being about one league from it, I went before with two Catures to spie or view the situation of Soez, and the place of landing, and wee came thither at three of the clocke in the afternoone, where wee saw in the field many troopes of Horse-men, and in the Towne two great bands of Souldiers, they shot at vs many shots out of a Blocke-house. The * 1.1498 Armie of the Turke was as followeth; that is, one and fortie great Galleys, and nine great Ships, hauing scene all these things, we went toward the Land of the Nooke, which is on the West side, and came to an anchor neere the shoare in fiue fathome water, the ground was a soft sand, and very small, a very good harbour for ships: this day at Sunne set we saw the Moone.

It is to be held for certaine, Soez to be called in times past, The Citie of the Heroes, for it dif∣fereth [ 20] * 1.1499 nothing in heighth, situation and confrontings, as we may see in Ptolomie Tab. 3. Africa, especially, Soez being seated in the vttermost Coasts of the Nooke where this Sea of Mecca en∣deth, in the which the Citie of the Heroes was seated, as it is read in Strabo the seuenteenth Booke, saying these words. The Citie of the Heroes and Cleopatra, which some doe call Arsinoe, are in the vttermost bounds or end of the Arabicke Sine, which is toward Egypt. Plinie in the sixth Booke of the Naturall Historie, seemeth to call the Port of Soez, Danao, by reason of the * 1.1500 Trenches, which they opened from Nilus to this Sea; Soez hath of eleuation of the Pole, nine and twentie degrees three quarters, and it is the neerest Port and Towne of all the Streight to * 1.1501 the great Citie of Cairo, called anciently Babylonia of Egypt, and from it to the Leuant Sea, where is one of the seuen Mouths of Nilus, called Pelusium, may bee fortie leagues iourney, [ 30] which place is called Isthmus, which is to say, A straight or narrow Land betweene two Seas. Touching this way, the words of Strabo in his seuenteenth Book, are these. The Isthmus that lieth betweene Pelusium and the Extreme, where the Citie of the Heroes standeth, is of nine hundred furlongs. This is the Port of the red Sea, whither Cleopatra Queene of Egypt commanded the ships to be carried by land from the Riuer Nilus, after the victorie gotten by Caesar against An∣thonie, for to flee in them to the Indians; And likewise Sesostris King of Egypt, and Darius King of Persia, did take in hand to open a Trench vnto the Riuer Nilus, to make the Indian Ocean na∣uigable with the Sea Mediterraneum, and none of them finishing the worke, Ptolomie made a Trench of an hundred foot broad, and thirtie foot deepe, which hauing alreadie almost finished, it is said, he left vnfinished the bringing of it to the Sea, for feare that the water of Nilus would [ 40] become salt, the water of the Streight mingling it selfe with it. Others doe say, that taking a leuell, the Architects and Masters of the worke, did find, that the Sea of the Streight was three cubits higher then the Land of Egypt, and feared that all the Land would bee drowned. The Authors, are Diodorus Siculus, Plinie, Pomponius Mela, Strabo of Capadocia, and many other Cosmographers. Although the Towne of Soez was in old time great in name, at this day it is small enough, and I beleeue it had alreadie beene vtterly lost, if the Turkish Armie had not lyne there. The situation of it is in this manner, in the front and face of the Land which is opposite * 1.1502 to the South, where this Sea endeth, is opened a Mouth not very great, by the which a Creeke or Arme of the Sea entring a little space into the land, it windeth presently along the coast, toward the setting of the Sunne, till a little Mountaine doth oppose it selfe, which alone riseth in these [ 50] parts, from the which to the mouth and entring of the Creek, the Creek and firme Land remay∣ning on the North side, and the nooke and end of this Sea on the South side, and the little Moun∣taine to the West, all the space that is contained is a very long and narrow Tongue or Point of sand, where the Gallies and Nauie of the Turke lie aground; and the warlike and ancient Town of Soez is situated, in which appeareth at this day a little Castle, and without two high and an∣cient Towers, as ancient Reliques of the great Citie of the Heroes, which was there in times past. But on the Point of sand where the Creeke entreth, there standeth a great and mightie Bulwarke of moderne worke, which defendeth the entrie and mouth of the Riuer, and likewise * 1.1503 scoureth the Coast by the sterne of the Galleys, if yee would land in that place: and besides, there runneth betweene the Galleys and the strand, a Trench with a Ditch cast vp, which ma∣keth [ 60] a shew like a Hill, in such sort that as well by mens worke, as by the situation and nature of the ground, the place is very strong and defensible. Now considering this landing of the place for to enter into it, it seemed to me not to be possible in any place, onely behind the little Moun∣taine and Westside, for here we shall be free from their Artillerie, and possessing the Mountaine,

it will bee a great meanes to get the victorie: but wee are to note, that along this Strand is shoaly about a Bow shot, and the ground a soft Clay and sticking Sand, which I perceiued, feeling the ground from within the Foyst, which is very troublesome and preiudiciall to them that are to Land; touching the Antiquities and things I could know of Soez, they were told mee by some men of the Streight, especially by the Moore that informed mee of the particu∣lars of Toro, and all of them are as followeth, that is, that three leagues from Soez towards Toro, was the Fountaine of Moses, and the Moores and Inhabitants doe confesse, that God gaue it vnto the Iewes by a Miracle; and also they haue in their memorie, that in this place there was a great Citie in old time, of the which they say, some buildings are yet to bee seene, they could not tell mee the name of it. They told me also that afore-time, the Kings of Egypt would haue made a Trench from Nilus, where the Citie of Cairo standeth vnto Soez, for to make [ 10] these Seas Nauigable, and that they are seene at this day, although the length of time had de∣faced * 1.1504 them and stopped them vp, and that those which trauelled from Toro to Cairo of necessi∣tie should passe by them; some told mee that the occasion of this opening was not to ioyne the Straight with the Riuer Nilus, but to bring the Water to the Citie that was there. I asked them what Countrey was there betweene Soez and Cairo, they told mee that a very plaine Field, full of Sand and barren without any Water, and that from the one to the other was three dayes iourney going at leisure, which was about fifteene leagues, and that in Soez, and round about it, it rained seldome, and when it chanced, it held on much, and that all the yeare the North wind blew with great force.

From Toro to Soez is eight and twentie leagues Iourney, without any Iland, Banke, or Shoald, [ 20] that may hinder or doe any harme to the Nauigators, these eight and twentie leagues, lye in this * 1.1505 manner: departing from Toro, through the midst of the Current, yee run about sixteene leagues North-west and by North, and South-east and by South, and hitherto the Coast commeth in an equall distance and separation, hauing from the one to the other, the space of three leagues, but in the end of these sixteene or seuenteene leagues, the Lands begin to close very much, and to ioyne in such sort, that from Coast to Coast there is but one league, and continueth this nar∣rownesse two leagues, and presently the Land that commeth from the Abexij withdraweth it selfe, making the great and faire Nooke aboue said; treating of the situation and place of the Gulfe called Elaniticus, the Channell in the middle distance, from the end of the sixteene or seuenteene leagues till as farre as the North-west Point which commeth out of this Nooke, [ 30] lyeth North North-west South South-east, the distance is eight leagues, in this place the Lands doe Neighbour very much againe, for the Land of the Arabian thrusting out a verie long and low Point outward, and the Land that commeth from the Abexij, comming forth with another bigge and high Point, at the end of the Nooke on the North-west side, there re∣mayneth from Land to Land one leagues iourney or little more, and from these Points to Soez, and the end of this Red Sea, the Coast on each side doe wind, and make another Nooke, which * 1.1506 hath in length little more then two leagues and a halfe, and in breadth one and an halfe, where this Sea so celebrated in the holy Scripture, and spoken of by Writers, doth finish and make an end; this Nooke is extended through the midst North and South, and taketh somewhat of the [ 40] North-west and South-east; the distance is two leagues and an halfe: as touching the Land that commeth a long the Coast from Toro to Soez; wee must note, that a Caleeuer-shot beyond Toro on the Arabian shoare, there ariseth a Hill very neere the Sea-side, which is all bespotted with certaine red streakes, which goe from one side to the other of it; giuing it a great grace, this Hill runneth still along the Coast about fifteene or sixteene leagues, but it hath not these workes, and red streakes; more then sixe leagues space beyond Toro, and in the end of these fifteene or sixteene leagues, the Hill maketh a great knob and high, and from thence by little and little, the Hill doth forsake the Coast, and goeth into the Land till it come within a league short of Soez, where it endeth, and there remayneth from this bigge and high knob vn∣to Soez, betweene the Hill and the Sea, a very plaine and low ground, which in places hath [ 50] a league in breadth, and in others neerer to Soez, a league and an halfe: By this Hill towards Toro, I saw great heapes of Sand along to the top of the Hill, reaching the highest of it, ha∣uing no sandie places betweene the Hill and the Sea, and likewise, by the Clifts and Breaches many broken Sands were driuen; whence I gathered, how great the force and violence is heere of the crosse winds, seeing they snatch and driue the Sand from out of the Sea, and lift it so high; these crosse windes, as I noted, the Sands did lye and were driuen, are Wests and West North-wests.

But as touching the description of the Land, that goeth along the Sea, on the Coast of A∣bexij, from as farre as Toro, wee must note, that there runne certaine great and high Hils or Mountaines very high, and ouer-appearing the Coast of the Sea, the which about seuen∣teene [ 60] leagues beyond Toro toward Soez, doe open in the midst, and descend equall with the Field, and presently they rise againe very high and continually along the Sea, till they come a league short of Soez, where they stay and passe no further.

I considering with great diligence, the fluxes and refluxes of the Sea that lyeth from Toro * 1.1507 to Soez, found them to bee no greater nor samller then the other of these Coasts of the Streight, but after the same manner. Whence appeareth the falshood of some Writers, which said the pathes were not opened to the Iewes through this Sea, but that the Water ebbed so much in this place, that it remained all dry, the which the Iewes tarrying for, had the passage free to the other side.

Considering also, whereby Sesostre King of Egypt, and afterward Ptolomie could make the Trenches and Channels from Nilus to this Sea, for to make it nauigable with the Easterne Sea. I saw it was not possible except by two places, which stand from Toro to Soez. The first, by the Breach which the Hils doe make that runne along the Sea, by the Coast that commeth from Ab∣bexi, which Breach is seuenteene leagues beyond Toro, and eleuen before yee come to Soez. [ 10] The second, by the end of this Sea and Nooke, where the Towne of Soez standeth. For in this place the Hils on both sides doe end, and remaine all on Land and Field very low, without Hillocks or high Hils, or any other impediment. And in this place it seemeth to me more cer∣taine and conuenient for to take so great a worke in hand, then by the breach I spake of, be∣cause in this place the Land is very low, and the way shorter, and hath an Hauen heere: and besides these two places, any where else I thought it impossible, because as well on the one Coast as on the other, the Mountaines are so great and so high, the which are all, or the greatest part of a Rock and hard stone, that it is not in the iudgement of men they may be cut, and bring through them a Channell or Trench that might be Nauigable. Whence it must remaine mani∣fest, Soez to be the Port where Cleopatra commanded the Ships to bee brought by Land from [ 20] Nilus, crossing the Isthmus, howsoeuer that a thing of so much labour and importance, in the which the breuitie was the greatest part of the Nauigation. It was manifest that they would seeke the shortest, neerest, and easiest way they could find of them all. And because this is that which commeth from Nilus, and the Citie of Cayro to Soez. Wee must make no doubt that this Nauy of Cleopatra was brought hither; and likewise the Trenches from Nilus, whereby * 1.1508 they would communicate these Seas, especially considering, how from as farre as Toro, all the Coast of Egypt is waste, and without any Port, except this of Soez, which stands in the vt∣most end of this Sea.

Considering also in the dayes we spent betweene Toro and Soez, I saw that the Heauen was very close ouer-cast with very thicke and blacke Clouds, which seemed contrary to the nature [ 30] and condition of Egypt: for in it, as all men affirme, it raineth not, neither doe the Heauens or the Ayre permit any Clouds, nor Vapours, but it may be that the Sea of his owne nature doth raise here these Vapours, and into the Land the Heauen may be free, and void of them, as we see in Portugall, that in the Citie of Lisbon the daies being cleere and pleasant, and in Sintra, which is foure leagues from thence, are great ouer-castings, mists, and shewers. Now this Sea contained from Toro to Soez, is very tempestuous and suddaine, for whensoeuer it beginneth to blow from the North, which is the Wind that raineth in this place, though his force be not ve∣ry great, presently the Sea is raised so high, and proud, that it is a wonder, the Waues being euery where so coupled and like to breake, that they are much to bee feared. And this hap∣neth not because of the little depth heere, for all this Sea is very deepe, and onely along the [ 40] Coast that commeth from the Abexi, close with the shoare it is a little shoally. About this Sea, I saw certaine Sea-foames, which by another name are called, Euill Waters, the greatest that I haue seene, for they were of no lesse bignesse then a Target, their colour a whitish dun. These Sea-foames doe not passe from Toro downe-ward, as not willing to trouble or occupie a strange Kingdome, but contenting themselues with their ancient habitation, which is from Toro to Soez. And presently going out of this place or bounds, there are infinite small ones, and like the other, and they are bred and goe about the Sea; in the daies that I was in this Sea, * 1.1509 contained from Toro to Soez, I felt by night the greatest colds I can remember to haue past, but when the Sunne came, the heate was vnsufferable.

The eight and twentieth of Aprill, in the morning we departed from before Soez, toward [ 50] Maçua. At Sunne set, we were one league short of a sharpe and red Pike, which stands ouer the Sea. This day we went about twentie leagues. By night wee tooke in our Sailes, and ran along the shoare with our fore-sailes onely, the Wind blew hard at North North-west: Two houres within night we came to an Anchor neere the shoare, in three t••thome water, the Hea∣uen was very darke, and couered with many thicke and blacke clouds. The nine and twenti∣eth in the morning, we set Sayle. At nine of the clocke in the morning, we entred in Toro, and came to an Anchor, but within a little while we weighed againe, and went to an Hauen about a league from thence, which is called, The Watering of Suliman, where wee tooke in Water, * 1.1510 digging pits in the Sand, a stones cast from the Sea, in which pits we found much water, though brackish. [ 60]

The thirtieth, in the morning wee departed from the watering of Suliman: halfe an * 1.1511 houre past ten, we tooke Hauen in the first of the three Ilands which stand two leagues to the North-west of the Iland of Xeduam, and presently I went a shoare with the Pilot, and we tooke

the Sunne, and in his greatest height it rose ouer the Horizon eightit degrees, a little scant. The declination of this day was seuenteene degrees, sixe and thirtie minuts, whence it followeth, this Iland to stand in twentie seuen degrees & two third parts. The first of May, the sun being vp we set sayle. About Euen-song time we were with a great Iland, which hath in length two leagues, & thrusteth out a Point very close to the firme Land, where betweene the firme Land and the Iland, is a singular good Harbor for al weathers, for all the ships of the world. The second of May, at Sun set, we came to an Anchor in the Port of Goelma, a Port onely for small Vessels, safe from the North, and North-west. Within the Land a little space, is a dry Brook, whereby in Winter the water of the floods, which descend from the Mountaines doth auoid, where digging a little, ye finde fresh water, and heere is a Well, though not very plentifull of water. This Port was [ 10] called Goelma, which in Arabique, is to say, The Port of water, it lyeth to the North North-west of Alcocer, the distance is foure leagues.

The fourth of May, we rowed along the shoare: almost Sunne set, we came to an Anchor in a Port, which is called Açallaihe, which standeth beyond Xacara toward the South-east two * 1.1512 leagues. By night the wind was at North North-west, we lay all night at Anchor.

Acallaihe is a small Port, but very good, betweene Xacara and the blacke Hillocke.

Bohalel Xame is a great Port, wherein may harbour many Shippes, it is very deepe within. * 1.1513 This place was called Bohalel Xame, because within the Land dwelt a Badoil, very rich, which was called Bohalel, the which came or sent to sell Cattell to the Ships, which did take or come into that Hauen, and Xame, is to say, Land. And ••heere wee found an honourable Toombe [ 20] within a house like a Chappell, where was hanging a Guidon or Ancient of Silke, and many Arrowes or Darts round about the Graue, and about the Wals and Cords a great quantitie of * 1.1514 Bulls did hang. At the head of the Graue there was a Table standing vpright, with a great Epitaph, and about the house, many Waters and Fragrant smelling things.

I enquiring of the Moores and Arabians of such a thing, I learned that here lay buried a ve∣ry honourable Arabian, of the Linage of Mahomet, which crossing these Coasts, fell very sicke, and in this Port ended his daies: and they made him this Graue as a man of so high a Genealogie. Where the Xarifes Iuda and great Prelats gaue Indulgences, and granted par∣dons to euery one that should visite this house. But the offerings and reuerence which the Portugals did vnto it, was to sacke the house, and afterward for to burne it, that no [ 30] signe was left where it had beene. In this Port wee found great footing of Tygres, and wilde Goats, and other Beasts which came all to the Sea, as though they came to seeke water for to drinke.

The many times that I bring to the field the name and memorie of the Badois, and likewise * 1.1515 the trauelling by their Coasts and Countries, doth binde me to speake some thing of them. Ba∣doil, in good Arabique, signifieth a man that liueth onely by Cattell: these men, called Badoies, is properly the people of the Troglodithas, Ophiotofagis, of the which Ptolomie, Plinie, Pom∣ponius Mela, and other Authors doe write: the which Troglodithas or Badoies, doe liue in the Mountaines, and coasts of the Sea, which are contayned from the coast of Melinde and Ma∣gadoxa, to the Cape of Guardafui, and from thence going inward to the Streight, they doe [ 40] begirt and occupie all her Coasts, as well on the one side as on the other, and turning againe outward on the Arabian side, they runne along the Sea to the Streight of Ormuz, and all these Lands may rather be affirmed to be occupied by them then inhabited.

The Badoies are wilde men, amongst whom is no ciuill societie, no truth nor ciuilitie vsed: * 1.1516 They worship Mahomet, and are very bad Moores, aboue all other People they are giuen to Stealths and Rapine; they eate raw flesh, and drinke milke; their habite is vile and filthy, they are greatly endued with swiftnesse and nimblenesse; they fight on foote and horse-backe, their weapons are Darts, they neuer haue peace with their Neighbours, but continually haue warre, and fight with euery one.

Those that dwell along the Red Sea, from as farre as Zeila vnto Suaquen, doe fight with the [ 50] Abexijs; and those from Suaquen to Alcocer, haue warre with the Nobijs; and those which inhabite from Alcocer to Soez, and end of this Sea, doe molest continually the Aegyptians. But returning by the Arabian side, by all the Coast of the Sea, that lyeth from Soez to the Streight of Ormuz, doe contend with the Arabians. Among the Badois there is no King or great Lord, but liue in Troopes or Factions; they permit no Towne in their Fields, neither haue they any certaine Habitation, for their custome is to be Vagabonds, from one place to an∣other, with their Cattell. Not onely doe they abhor Lawes and Ordinances, but also the Sutes and Differences that arise amongst them, they will not haue them iudged by any Custome, and they are content that their Xeque doe determine them as he list; their dwelling is in Caues and Holes, and other such like habitations, but the greatest part doe helpe themselues with Tents [ 60] and Boothes; their colour is very blacke, their language the Arabian, the rest of their Custome and Life, I omit.

The tenth of May, by day, we weighed anchor from the Port of Igidid. An houre before Sun set we fastned on a Shoald, which stood about foure leagues from Farate toward the South. In

this Shoald is an excellent Hauen, and it is so great, that wee could not discerne with our sight the end of it, it lyeth almost East South-east, and West North-west, but it is very crooked and winding. The two and twentieth of May, 1541. by breake of day, we were one league short * 1.1517 of the great Groue, that standeth foure leagues from Maczua, the wind was of the Land. About nine of the clocke it began to blow from the North North-east, a faire gale. We entred at noone into the Port of Maczua, where we were receiued with great ioy and feast of our Armie. From the day wee entred in Maczua, which was the two and twentieth of May, to the fifteenth of Iune, the winds blew alwaies at North, North North-east, and North North-west: but from the fifteenth of Iune, to the seuenth of Iuly, they blew Easterly, that is; East, East South-east, and South-east, many times they brought great stormes. The last day of Iune at * 1.1518 [ 10] night, we had a storme from the South-east of so much winde, that it droue the Gallions and they passed great danger of striking a ground. This storme brought much Raine and fearefull Thunders, and there fell a Thunder-bolt from Heauen vpon a Gallion, and comming downe by the Mast, it raced it all: and likewise the second of Iuly, wee had another storme from the East * 1.1519 very great, which vnfastned many ships, and lasted the most part of the day. From thence to the seuenth of Iuly, although we had other stormes, they were but small: From the seuenth of Iuly, to the ninth of the same, the Wind came to the Land and brought two stormes from the West, but the wind was not ouer-much.

The ninth of Iuly, 1541. one houre after Sunne rose, wee set sayle from Maczua. The ele∣uenth of Iuly, by breake of day, we were two or three leagues short of the Point of Dallaqua, [ 20] that lyeth on the North-side, and betweene certaine 〈…〉〈…〉at Ilands which haue some Woods, and doe lye scattered on this side of the Iland; wherefore wee set all Sayles and went aloofe all that wee could to goe betweene two of these Ilands, the wind was almost North-west verie faire, we sayled North-east and by North, hauing doubled a Shoald we came to an Anchor and two houres after noone we set sayle againe, the wind about North North-east faire, wee sayled along the shoare of the Iland of Dallaqua. An houre before Sunne set, we were with an of Iland Sand very flat, which is called Dorat Melcuna, from the which to all parts there came out great * 1.1520 Shoalds: Sunne altogether set, wee were a league short of the Iland of Xamoa, and from the Point of Dallaqua, which stands on the West side, and opposite to the firme Land of the Abexi, betweene the which and the Iland of Xomoa, is the most frequented Channell of those which [ 30] sayle to Maczua. All the Coast of Dallaqua which we saw this day, is coasted North North-west, and South South-east, and it is all wonderfully low. The eighteenth, by breake of day, we saw the mouth of the Streight, and we might be from it three leagues, and we saw all the Ar∣mie lye at Hull, and presently we set sayle altogether.

Before we departed from the Arabique Gulfe, or Streight of Mecca, which is all one, it will * 1.1521 be iust to speake something of my opinion, and of that which I haue seene, touching the reason that mooued the ancient men to call all this Sea, the Red Sea: and likewise, whether her colour doth differ from the other of the great Ocean, or not. Plinie in the sixt Booke of the Natu∣rall Historie, Cap. 23. rehearseth many opinions, whereby the people called this Streight the Red Sea. The first is, that it tooke this name of a King that reigned in it, called Erithra, because [ 40] Erithros in the Greeke, is to say, Red. Another opinion was, that of the reflection of the Sun∣beames, there grew in this Sea reddish colour. Some held, that of the Sand and Ground that runneth alongst it. Others also beleeued, that this water was Red of his owne Nature, where∣by all this Sea got this name. Of these opinions the Writers chose them that they liked best, and seemed most certaine. Now the Portugals that haue Nauigated this way in times past, af∣firmed this Sea to be all spotted with certaine red strakes: the cause they attributed vnto it, is this. They said, the Coast of the Arabian was naturally verie red, and that as in this Coun∣trey there arose many stormes, and did raise great dusts toward the skies, after they were verie high, driuen with the force of the Winds, they fell in the Sea, and this Dust being red, it did Dye the water of it, whereby it was called the Red Sea. When I came to Socatora, till I past [ 50] all the Coasts of this Sea, and set my selfe before Soez, I neuer left by day nor night, to consider of these Waters, and viewing the colour and manner of the Countrey that goeth along the shoare: and certainly, I was not so troubled for any thing, as for the bestowing my labour in obtaining the truth of the things, and to search out the occasion of them, and that I got of mine owne Industrie, and most clearely haue I seene many times, is as followeth. First, it is false to say, that the colour of this Sea is Red, for it hath no difference from the colour that all the other Water of the Sea doth shew vs, and to say that the dusts which the winds doe snatch from the Land and driue into the Sea, doe staine the Water where they fall, till now wee saw no such thing, seeing many stormes raise great dusts, and driue them into the Sea, but not to change th•• colour of the Waues thereof. And to say that the Land ouer the Sea Coast is Red, they obser∣ued [ 60] not well the Coasts and Strands: for generally on the one side, and on the other, the Land by the Sea is browne, and verie darke, and seemeth scortcht: and in some places it shewes blacke, and in others white, and the Sands hath their owne colour, but onely in three places there are certaine pieces of Mountaines which haue certaine veines of Red, where Portugals

neuer came, except these which now are here-away, which places are all farre beyond Suaquen, that is, toward Soez, and the end of this Sea; but the three hils that shew this red colour, are of a verie hard Rocke, and then all the Land round about that we can see, is of the common and accustomed colour. But the truth of these things is, that the Water of this Sea taken substanti∣ally, hath no difference of his colour; but in many places of it, the waues thereof came by acci∣dent to seeme very red, which is caused in this manner. From the Citie of Suaquen vnto Alco∣cer, which is, one hundred thirtie sixe leagues iourney, the Sea is all thicke with Shoalds and Shelues, whose ground is of a stone, called Corall-stone, which groweth in certaine Trees and Clusters, spreading one way, and another way certaine braunches, properly as the Corall doth, and this stone is so like vnto it, that it deceiueth any person that is not very skilfull in the [ 10] growth and nature. The colour of this stone is of two sorts: the one wonderfully white, and the other very red. In some places this stone lies couered with very greene Ozies; and in other free from this Herbe, which Slime or Ozies in some places, is very Greene; and in others it maketh a colour very like Orange-tawny. Now we must presuppose, that the water of this Sea is clearer, especially from Suaquen vpward, then euer was any, in sort, that in twentie fathome water ye may see the ground in many places. This presupposed, we are to note, that wheresoe∣uer that these Shoalds and Shelues did appeare, the water ouer them was of three colours, that is, Red, Greene, or White, the which proceeded of the ground that was vnder, as many times I saw by experience; for if the ground of these Shoalds was Sand, it caused that the Sea ouer it appeared white; and the ground where the Corall-stone lay couered with Greene Ozies, the [ 20] water that couered it did giue a colour greener then the Weeds: but wheresoeuer the Shoalds were of red Corall, or of Corall-stone couered with red Weeds, it made all the Sea that was ouer it seeme very red; and because this red colour comprehended greater spaces in this Sea, * 1.1522 then the Greene or the White, because the stone of the Shoalds was the greatest part of red Corall. I beleeue it was the reason whereby it receiued the name of Red Sea, and not of Greene nor White Sea: Notwithstanding, this Sea doth represent these colours most perfectly. The meanes that I had to obtaine this secret, was to fasten many times. vpon the Shoalds, where I saw the Sea looke red, and commanded diuers to bring me of the stones that lay in the bottome, and the most times it was so shallow, that the Foyst did touch: and other-whiles, that the Mari∣ners went on the Shoalds halfe a league with the water to the breast, where it happened that al [ 30] or the greatest part of the stones they pulled vp were of Red Corall, and others couered with weeds like Orange-tawny, and the practise I had whereseouer the Sea seemed Greene, & found beneath White Corall, couered with Greene Weeds: and in the White Sea I found a verie white Sand without any thing else whereof it might proceede. For some Saylers giuing relati∣on of the Red colour that they saw in this Sea, as of the greater and most compendious of all, be∣ing ignorant of the cause, or not being willing to offer it, for to increase admiration to their Na∣uigations and Trauels: and seeing that men do not only know this Sea by the name of Red Sea, but doe beleeue that the waters are naturally red. I haue talked many times with Moorish Pi∣lots, and curious persons of Antiquities, which dwelt in some places of this Streight, about the name of this Sea: euery one did say to me, they knew no other name then the Sea of Mecca, [ 40] and they wondred very much at vs, to call it the Red Sea. I asked of the Pilots, if they found sometimes the Sea stained red with the dusts that the winds brought of the Land, they told me, they saw no such thing. With all this, I reproue not the opinion of the Portugals, but I affirme, that going through this Sea more times then they did, and seeing all the length thereof, and they onely one piece, I neuer saw in the whole, that which they say to haue seene in the part.

The ninth of August, we entred in the Port of Angedina, and remained there till the one and twentieth of August, that we embarked in Foysts, and going directly to Goa, wee entred ouer the Barre thereof vnder Sayle: and our Voyage was ended, and this Booke. [ 50] [ 60]

CHAP. VII.

A briefe Relation of the Embassage which the Patriarch Don IOHN BER∣MVDEZ brought from the Emperour of Ethiopia, vulgarly called PRESBY∣TER IOHN, to the most Christan and zealous of the Faith of CHRIST, Don IOHN, the third of this Name, King of Portugall: Dedicated to the most High and Mightie King of Portugall, Don SEBASTIAN of most blessed hope, the first of this Name. In the which he reciteth also the [ 10] death of Don CHRISTOPHER of Gama: and the suc∣cesses which happened to the Portugals that went in his Companie.

Printed in Lisbon, in the house of FRANCIS CORREA, Printer to the Cardinall the Infant, the yeere of 1565.

A Letter of the Patriarch Don IOHN BERMVDEZ, to [ 20] the King our Lord.

MOst High and Mightie King, your Highnesse said to me few daies agoe, that you would be glad to know the truth, of what happened to a Captaine and people, which the King your Grand-father which is in Glorie, gaue vnto me for the succour of the Emperour of Ethiopia Onadinguel, * 1.1523 called Presbyter Iohn, for to auoid the errours which some persons doe write of this; insomuch that euen in the Name they erre, naming him Don Paul, he being Don Christopher his Brother. And others doe write, and say some things which did not passe in truth, neither did they see them. Therefore I, that saw it all, will tell you in briefe [ 30] in this small writing all that passed. The Lord keepe your person, multiply your young age, and prosper your Royall estate,

Amen.

§. I.

Don IOHN BERMVDEZ elected Patriarch of the Presbyter, and sent to Rome: His returne into Ethiopia: Arriuall at Maczua; The death of the Negus, entertainment of him and CHRISTOPHER of Gama, with the Portugall Forces by the Queene Regent. [ 40]

A Faithfull and good Christian, called Onadinguell, being Emperour in the Kingdome of Ethiopia, (vulgarly called Presbyter Iohn) and the Patriarch of that Countrey, by name Abuna Marcos, being at the point of death in the yeere of our Redemption, 1535. The said Emperour said to the Patriarch, that he requested him, that according to their custome, he before his death would institute me for his Successour, and Patriarch of that Countrey. And the said Patriarch did so, ordering me first with all the sacred Orders. The which I accepted with such condition, that it should bee confirmed by the chiefe Bishop of Rome, successour of Saint Peter, to whom wee all were to giue obedience. The said Emperour [ 50] answered me, that he was well contented: and moreouer he desired me, that for my selfe, and for him, and for all his Kingdomes I should goe to Rome, to giue the obedience to the holy Fa∣ther: and from thence should come to Portugall, to conclude an Embassage, that he had sent hi∣ther by a man of that Countrey, called Tegazauo, in whose company came the Father Francis * 1.1524 Aluarez. After many troubles passed in the Iourney, I came to Rome, the Pope Paul the third gouerning then in the Apostolike Sea: the which receiued me with great clemencie and fauour, and confirmed all things as I brought them, and at my request he ratified it all againe, and com∣manded me to sit in the Chaire of Alexandria, and that I should entitle my selfe Patriarch and Bishop of the Sea.

From Rome I departed towards Portugall, where I came, the King your Grand-father of glo∣rious [ 60] Memorie, being in the Citie of Euora, who reioyced particularly at my comming, to con∣clude as he desired, the Embassage which the Tagazauo had brought, for hee had beene here twelue yeares, without concluding any thing through meere negligence. For the which the Emperour Onadinguel commanded me, that I should take away his charge of Embassadour, and * 1.1525 should apprehend him, and carrie him a Prisoner with me. And therefore I brought him a letter

from the Emperour, the which I gaue him in Lisbon where he was, and he tooke it and kissed it, and reknowledged it to be true, and by it he acknowledged me for his Patriarch and Superiour, and kissed my hand, and gaue me his place, without speaking any more words. I commanded to imprison him with two chaines of Iron, on each arme one, after the manner of his Countrey: the which I tooke from him againe within a few daies, because his Highnesse intreated me. The * 1.1526 Embassage which the said Emperour demaunded, was his perpetuall friendship and brother∣hood: and therefore he desired him they would marrie their children interchangeably the one with the other; and that from Portugall a sonne of his should goe to marrie with a daughter of his, and reigne in his Kingdomes after his death, that this alliance betweene the Pertugals and them, and also the obedience of the Pope might be greater and endure. And likewise, he sent [ 10] to request him, hee would send him some men for to defend himselfe from the King of Zeila, which vsurped his Kingdomes: and he would send him great store of riches, for he could verie well doe it. And likewise to send him some Pioners for to cut a hill whereby already Eylale Belale his Predecessour did bring the Riuer Nilus, to bring it now also that way to annoy Egypt.

The King your Grand-father hauing taken counsell, thought good to grant mee that which I demanded, and commanded to giue mee foure hundred and fiftie Caliuer-men and Pioners, and that they should dispatch me that I might returne that yeere in company with Don Garcia of Noranya, which then went for Vice-roy of India. I fell suddenly sicke, and the Physicians said of poyson: as it was suspected the Tegazaua caused it to bee giuen mee. The chiefe Physician which then was, named Iames Lopez, cured me, and ••e which now is, Leonard Nunyes, and o∣thers, [ 20] which his Highnesse commaunded: for the which sicknesse, I remained that yeere in this Realme.

Presently, the next yeere, being recouered by the goodnesse of God, I went in his Highnes Armie. I carryed also Anthonie Fernandes, and Gaspar Suriano both Armenians borne, which by * 1.1527 commandement of Presbyter Iohn, came to seeke mee, to the which his Highnesse did many fa∣uours. We arriued in India safely, at such time as the Vice-roy Don Garcia, was come from Dio, with the Victorie which he had of the Turkes, Anthonie Selueyra, beeing Captaine of that For∣tresse, the which Vice-Roy receiued vs with great ioy, and shewed me great hon〈…〉〈…〉, the Bishop of Goa came to receiue me with his trayne in Procession, with Crosse on high, and carryed mee from the Sea-side vnto the Sea in a Chaire, which the King your Grand-father gaue vnto mee [ 30] for that purpose: going next vnto me on the one side, the Vice-Roy Don Garcia, and on the o∣ther, Don Iohn Deça, Captaine of Goa, and re-knowledging me for Patriarch, gaue mee the ho∣nour due vnto my dignitie.

In the meane-while, the Vice-Roy sickned of a Fluxe, whereof hee dyed: and Don Stephen * 1.1528 of Gama succeeded in his stead. The which I presently requested to dispatch me, and send me to the Presbyter Iohn with the succour, as his Highnesse had commanded, and he answered me, that he could not doe it, because one hundred thousand Crownes were not sufficient to dispatch mee or more, in hazard of neuer being recouered: and I answered him, that all that was nothing, for the Presbyter Iohn, which without missing it might spend a Million of Gold or more, for he hath * 1.1529 innumerable riches. It was determined, that he in person should transport mee: and presently [ 40] he commanded a good Nauie of Gallies and Gallions, and other ships well furnished, as for such a Voyage was necessarie, and many chosen men, of the best that were in India. With the which Armie we came to the Port of Maçua in the Red Sea: where we found newes that the Empe∣rour Onadinguel, was dead of his naturall death; of the which we all were very sorrie, and I a∣boue all, as he whom it touched most.

I encouraged my selfe, till there came from Presbyter Iohn two Friers, good religious men, one of them Prior Prouinciall of many Monasteries, and a great man among them, called Aba Io∣seph, which went to Ierusalem, and told vs how the Queene, and a Sonne and Heire of hers did * 1.1530 maintaine their estate, and resisted their Enemies. This being knowne, the Gouernour Don Ste∣phen said vnto me, that I should send to visit them, as in effect, I presently sent by one Arias Diz, [ 50] * 1.1531 Tawnie man borne in Coymbra.

In the meane-time, the Gouernour like a good Gentleman, and willing to lose no time, and beeing a Captaine of a valiant spirit, went with the Gallies that came in the Fleete, to the Port of Suez, for to take or burne the Turkes Gallies, which were in that Hauen, which he could not doe because they were on dry Land.

Being there, tarrying the Gouernours comming, there fled from the Fleet sixtie men in a Skiffe and a Boat to the firme Land, the which came to a Port of Land very dry and excessiue * 1.1532 hot, and being willing to trauell into the Land, they found it so dry that they dyed for thirst, and being thus pinched with necessitie, one Captaine of the King of Zeila, that was in that Countrey sent to tell them, that he would send them Meate and Water, and would assure them [ 60] their liues, so that they would giue him their Weapons: and they seeing they had no other remedie, and beeing pinched with need they gaue them: with which presently they ••••ue them all.

At that instant the chiefe Captaine sent a Galley to Arquico, to seeke water, in the which he

sent also a thousand Cotton Webs, for to change for Kine, or Beeues to eate: and they which carryed them going from Arquico by Land, where the Armie was; a Bernagais, called Noro. Captaine of the King of Zeila tooke them from them, & sent word presently to the chiefe Cap∣taine, that the King of Zeila his Lord was Lord of all Aethiopia, and had wonne all the Coun∣tries of the Presbyter Iohn, therefore that he would make peace with him, and traffique with * 1.1533 his Merchandize in his Countries, in the which there is much Gold, Iuorie, Ciuet, Frankincense, Myrrhe, and many other Drugges, and Slaues, wherein they might make great profit: and hee also would giue him store of prouision, and would restore the Cowes that hee had taken, and would make amends for the sixtie men that were slaine. * 1.1534

I told the Captaine that hee should not trust the words of Moores, for they were false, and [ 10] that they said, was fained, to doe vs some harme; therefore that wee should also vse some slight with them, and it should be this. That he would send him a Present, and with it words of thank∣fulnesse for the good will that hee shewed vs, whereby he may thinke that he hath deceiued vs, and may be assured of vs: for by this slight we shall hinder his deceit. The chiefe Captaine did so, and commanded the Factor of the Armie to carrie to the Bernagaiz a Barrell of Wine, and another thousand of Cotton Webs; the Wine for a Present, and the Webs for to change for Beeues: and that he should tell him from him, that the other Webs, that seeing they were taken in good and lawfull Warre hee should not speake of them, and as touching the men that were slaine, that they deserued not to be reuenged, for as much as they were Rebels and Traytors, and deserued the death they had: and as touching Traffique and Peace, that for the present they were in the holy weeke, and could doe no worke, but as soone as the Feast was past, wee would [ 20] doe that which he desired, and would bring our Wares ashoare for to traffique with them. * 1.1535

Hauing taken counsell againe, the chiefe Captaine commanded that the Boates should not go ashoare, because no Moore or Blacke-moore might haue any meanes to goe thither, and giue him warning. And commanded the Souldier to be in a readinesse, the secretest that they could: and that in the Boates, and the other light Vessels that were in the Armie: in the which hee com∣manded * 1.1536 they should make no fire, because they might not be perceiued: And commanded Mar∣tin Correa, that at ten of the clocke at night hee should land with sixe hundred men, and pos∣sesse the passages whereby they might escape, he went and killed some Turkes and Fartaquis, and tooke all the Carriage they had, which was but little, for he had no time to take any store. The Bernagaiz of Zeila, when he saw the King set himselfe to flight, hee likewise fled, and lighted [ 30] vpon Martin Correa, where being knowne a Caleeuer-man killed him; and men comming to rescue him were many of them slaine, Foot and Horse, and the rest saued themselues by flight. Our men thought good to cut off his head, and send it for a Present to the Queen, wherewith she reioyced very much; shee sent a great man of her Countrey, called Esmacherobel Tigremacan, to the chiefe Captaine, and to me, to giue vs thankes. * 1.1537

As soone as the Gouernour Don Stephen came, hee gaue order presently to dispatch and send me to the King and Queene, and because they vnderstood alreadie, that the Enterprize was of honour and profit, many did couet it more then before: among the which, one was Don Christo∣pher Gama, Brother to the Gouernour: who desired mee very earnestly, that I would giue him [ 40] the charge of all the men that he was to carrie, for he would goe with me. Presently there came where I was, Don Iohn of Castro, * 1.1538 Don Manuel of Lima, Don Payo of Noronya, Tristram of Tayde, and Manuel of Sosa, and I granted their request, and gaue him the command of the men for Don Christopher: of the which they were all contented and satisfied, and the Gouernour gaue me thankes for it. And presently hee commanded to enroll the men that hee gaue mee. So foure hundred men, among the which, there went many Gentlemen, and men of account, which besides the number limited, carryed Seruants, which increased the number and profited very much.

Beginning to order our departure, there came the Christian Bernagaiz, which had beene there alreadie, and brought some Camels, Mules, and Asses for to beare the Carriage, and also for ser∣uice and to helpe. I commanded the Bernagaiz, and the Tigremacan, that they should command [ 50] to bring vs some victuals and refreshing for all the Armie: which commanded to bring many Beeues, Muttons, Goates, Butter, Honey, Millet, Figges and Q••inces, and other things in a∣bundance. * 1.1539

The Gouernour with all the Gentlemen of the Armie came to Arquico, where they reque∣sted me to giue them my blessing: the which I gaue them on Gods behalfe, to whom I recom∣mended them, and they went to Sea, and we remayned on Land very solitarie. And beginning to trauell, within three dayes we came to Debarua. Within a few dayes they vsed schismaticall * 1.1540 and Hereticall Ceremonies, differing from the Romane. I satisfied the best I could, Don Christo∣pher and his men, and the murmuring ceased, and they concluded how to carrie the Ordnance * 1.1541 when they iourneyed. They made presently certaine Carriages like vnto ours: the which, be∣cause [ 60] in the Countrey there was no Iron, they shod them with certaine old Caleeuers, which brake, because they would serue for no other vse.

I sent to the Queene, who came with all speed possible: whom we went to receiue out of the

Citie a league, with all the men of Portugall in Warlike order, and Ancients displayed with Trumpets, and as well the Kings as of the Captaines. I say of the King, because wee had Ord∣nance, whereof she was amazed, being a thing vnaccustomed. The first thing she did, as one that had a respect vnto the things of God, she receiued my blessing: and presently receiued Don Christopher with great entertainment and honour, giuing him many thankes, that hee would vouchsafe to take that Enterprize, and charge to defend her from her Enemies. From thence we went to the Citie, and the next day we heard all Masse, and wee gaue order that Processions should be made, in the which we all went, and the Queene also, with two Infantas her Sisters in-law, and a little Princesse her Daughter, which she brought with her, desiring all of God with great Deuotion and many teares, that he would vouchsafe to heare vs, and giue vs the victorie of [ 10] his Enemies and ours.

§. II.

Don CHRISTOPHER and the Portugals Warre on the King of Zeila, and hauing in two Battels preuailed, in the third are ouerthrowne. A new Captaine appointed. Don CHRISTOPHERS reso∣lution and death. Mountaine of the Iewes. [ 20]

DEparting from Debarua, we went eight dayes by rough Countries: at the end of which wee come to plaine grounds, and very well inhabited, and better then they past, but in them there dwelt Christians, which for feare did follow the Moore: which as soone as they knew our comming, went presently to Don Christophor, and gaue him obedience. At the end of three dayes, we came to a very pleasant field, and in it a Fountaine of faire water: in the which we pitcht our Campe round about the Fountaine.

The next day there came a Messenger to vs from Goronya, King of Zeila; with some of his men in company, and asking for the Captaine of those men, said vnto Don Christopher, that his [ 30] * 1.1542 King sent to aske him who he was, and from whence hee came, or who gaue him leaue to enter in his Kingdomes with men of warre: for those Realmes were his, and hee had wonne them by his Lance, and of his Gentlemen, with the helpe of his Prophet Mahomet: therefore if wee would become Moores, and serue him, hee would entertaine them well, and giue them his wa∣ges: And moreouer, Wiues and Goods to liue vpon: and if not, that wee should presently auoid his Countrey, and goe out of it. Don Christopher answered him, that he was a Captaine of the King of Portugall, by whose commandement hee came with those men for to restore the King∣domes of the Presbyter Iohn, which hee tyrannously hath vsurped, and to take them out of his hands, and giue them to whose they were. And with this message he sent him for a Present, a Looking-glasse, and a paire of Mullets to pull the haire with, and an Egge of Siluer of Pegu, sig∣nifying, [ 40] that those things pertayned to him. And to the Messenger hee gaue two Bracelets of Gold, and a very rich Sute of Cloth of Gold, which things the Queene had giuen to him; and he gaue him also a Cypres of Bengala, and a Turkish Cassock with his vpper Garment: this by my counsell in disgrace of the Goranya, raysed presently his Campe, and beganne to march toward the place where we were with one thousand Horsemen, and fiue thousand foot, and fiftie Turkes Caleeuer-men, and as many Archers.

Don Christopher commanded to place the Queene (who was very fearefull) and the women with all the Carriage in the midst of the Squadron. The Moore when hee saw vs goe vp a Hill (whereon stands the Church of the Ladie of Pitie) wheeled vpon vs to take the height from vs; and he came alreadie so neere vnto vs, that the shot began to fight on both sides. When I saw the [ 50] Battle was begun, I called sixe Portugals, and with the Queene and her Sisters in-law I was go∣ing aside, and in this I knew the Moorish King, which came neere to his Antient on a Bay Horse, and I shewed him to Peter Deça a Gentleman, and a good shot: which shot at him and slue his Horse, and hurt him in the legge. His men came about him, and set him on another Horse, and tooke him from that place. Our Captaine Don Christopher was also hurt in his legge; and I com∣manded the Steward to set vp the Queenes Tent in signe of victorie. The Moore had inuironed vs on euery side, when they saw vs setting vp Tents, and their King hurt, they began to retyre, and goe after their King, which withdrew himselfe with the paine of the wound toward a Mountaine that was neere to that place to be cured.

At this instant there came to vs a Moore that had been a Christian, Cousin German to the Ber∣nagaiz, [ 60] and told vs how the King was hurt in his legge: and how great a fauour. God had done to vs therein, for if it had not beene so he had taken vs all, without doubt, but that God mira∣culously had deliuered vs from his hands: and that therefore hee with all his men did returne to vs, and would serue vs and pay the Tributes that vnto that time they payed to that King: and

that he went presently to his Countrey for to send vs Beeues and Prouision for our Campe: for hee was Captaine and Gouernour of all that Countrey where we were: the which belonged * 1.1543 to the Presbyter, and he also: and when the King of Zeila conquered it, hee yeelded vnto him, and now that he saw him ouer-come, he returned to vs againe, whereby he seemed to be a man of, Liue he that ouer-commeth.

In the meane while, it pleased God that Don Christopher healed of his wound; but we suffe∣red great hunger, for there was very little prouision in the Campe, and the people died with * 1.1544 hunger. Don Christopher went to the Queene, and told her, that the people suffered great hun∣ger, and that they had need to eate all they found, notwithstanding it was Lent, that it would be good to kill the Beasts, that they had in the Campe, for to eate: and with this request, they [ 10] came both to my Tent, praying me that I would giue the people leaue to eate flesh in Lent, be∣cause * 1.1545 of the necessitie there was: and besides, the Queene requested me, that I should giue her my Oxen that I had for my carri••ge, to giue them to the people, and as soone as her Captaine afore∣said came, shee would satisfie me, which would stay three dayes: and so it was, for he presently came with great store of prouision, viz. Beeues, Sheepe and Goates, Butter, and other prouisi∣ons for Lent, and for Easter, which was alreadie at hand.

As soone as Easter was past, the Goranya sent word to Don Christopher, that he would come to see him, that he should prepare himselfe; which he did as he had said. He came to seeke vs, with more and better men then before he brought: for, he had aboue two thousand Horse, and infinite number of foot, and an hundred Turks: for the which, the Queene was in such a feare [ 20] with her Sisters in law, that they knew not what to doe, in such sort that being at Dinner, as soone as they knew the comming of the Moore, they would haue left Dinner. Don Christopher being the next day ordering his men, before day, for to set vpon the Moores; the Queene sent * 1.1546 for me, and said to me, that shee saw the great power that the King Goranya brought, and that it was impossible to scape his hands if we stayed, therefore that shee desired me that we should be gone, for shee had so determined, and that in any sort shee would doe it; therefore that shee requested me very earnestly, that I would not let her goe alone, seeing I was her Father, but I should accompanie her, and goe with her. And I, to shew her the loue that I bare her, and that shee should not thinke that I esteemed not her life, granted her request, and we both interprised the flight. But Don Christopher, which was alreadie warned for that purpose, sent after vs ten [ 30] Horse-men, and some Foot-men, crying aloud, and saying, that it was neither seruice of God, nor the worke of a Father, to goe away and leaue them. Hearing these wordes, Shee by my meanes returned to the Campe weeping and bewayling her selfe. There Don Christopher said vnto me, that as a Father and Prelate, according to the good custome of the Portugals, he reque∣sted me that I should giue him my blessing, and should make him a generall absolution before he entred into the battell. I did so, and granted him a plenarie Indulgence of all his sinnes: which * 1.1547 I might doe, because the Pope had granted it me, and was the stile of the Patriarchs of Alexan∣dria. From thence we remoued with our Campe, by the breake of day, downe the Hill, and mar∣ched till we came to a Plaine; and presently, with great furie, they assaulted our standings on euery side. Our men defended themselues with the Ordnance and Fire-works, wherewith they * 1.1548 [ 40] annoyed them very much: and before they came, they had cast a great quantitie of powder in the wayes, whereby they were to come vp; the which, when they were in the heate of the battell, was set on fire, and it burned them, proceeding vnder their feet, they not knowing from whence it came, they vnderstood not the stratageme. Our men did cast among them cer∣taine * 1.1549 Balls of wilde fire, and Pots full of powder, wherewith they burned the greatest part of them, and the other retyred with feare, and durst come no more neere vs. The Ordnance killed many of the Horse-men, and of other People, that the Field was all full of them, and the Horses ranne master-lesse about the fields. The Turks with their Peeces and their Bowes, killed vs twentie men, and the master Gunner. Our men killed fifteene Turks. The Queene was next to me, embracing a Crosse, and weeping, and said vnto mee; O Father, what haue you gayned in bringing me hither? Wherefore did you not let me goe my way? I said vnto her: Lady, doe not afflict [ 50] your selfe; commit your selfe to God, and open your eyes, and you shall see the great destructi∣on that is done in your enemies.

At this time the Foot-men began alreadie to flee, and the Horse-men durst not come neere, but skirmished a farre off; and the King said to his men, that the Portugals were no men, but Deuills, for they fought like Deuills. And with this he retyred himselfe towards the Hill, and * 1.1550 left his Campe.

We gathered our Campe, and went forward as fast as wee could, but they fled as fast as they could, and wee could not ouer-take them. But wee found many Abexins on foote and horse∣backe which returned to vs, which afterward were baptized, and loyall to their King. Of whose returne, the Queene and we all were as glad as of the principall victorie. We came to the campe [ 60] of the Moores, which we found forsaken without any people, but wee found in it all the spoile, for the feare which Saint Iames put them in, gaue them no leisure to take any thing away. Wee * 1.1551 found it with Tents vp, and in them Apparell, House-hold stuffe, Mony, and other riches, and

store of prouision, which were very needfull for vs, for it was alreadie very scant. Here wee stayed, and let the people rest two dayes.

This Countrey and all the borders, is called the Prouince of Nazareth, and it is of the Patri∣archs, their owne proper with all iurisdiction, without the King entermeddling in it by any * 1.1552 meanes, neither hath he any Rent thereof. It yeeldeth for the Patriarch three thousand ounces of gold euery yeere, the which King Thedrus appropriated vnto them, for a certaine offence that he committed against a Patriarch.

From the Campe wee drew toward the Mountaines, where the King Goranya with-drew himselfe, and pitched our Campe in a field, at the foot of the Mountaine, inuironed with the carriages of the Ordnance. [ 10]

The Moore sent to Zebide to a Bassa of the great Turke which was there, to aske him succour, * 1.1553 saying, that he should succour him, and not suffer those Kingdomes to be lost, which were all of the great Turke, and he held them for him, and that in token thereof, hee sent him one hundred thousand Oquies of gold, and twentie thousand for his person. An Oqui is a waight of gold, which in that Countrey is worth as much as ten Crownes or Cruzados in this, and weigheth as much. We with-drew our selues, while we knew what passed, to a strong Mountaine, the which was compassed on euery side with Rocks and Crags, in such sort, that in it there was scarce a way for foot-men. For to carry the Ordnance and other carriage, was needfull to make a new way, the which the Captaines of the Countrey made with their men, and it was so streight, and so rough, that the Ordnance could not bee carried vpon the carriages, but they carried it on their [ 20] backs with Leauers. Aboue was a Plaine where wee pitched our Campe. From thence the Queene sent through her Prouinces, and I also through mine, that they should bring vs store of victualls, and other prouisions necessarie, of which we were presently well prouided, and the wounded were well cured.

Being there well lodged, Don Christopher said vnto mee, that wee should remoue to a higher Hill which was neere from thence, because the Armie might be more safe; and that in the meane while he would goe to a Mountaine, which was neere from thence, inhabited with Iewes, in the which was a Captaine of the Moore with an hundred and fiftie Horse, as we were aduerti∣sed. * 1.1554 And being gone with the Portugals, and some few of the Countrey, for to shew him the wayes; hee left with vs two Portugall Captaines with his men. As soone as hee came to the [ 30] Mountaine, he set vpon the Moore, and killed sixtie Horse-men, and tooke thirtie Horses, the rest fled. The Iewes, inhabiters of the Mountaine, pursued after the Moores, and taking the passages of the Mountaine, which they knew very well, they killed them almost all, and a∣mong * 1.1555 them the Captaine, and tooke all the spoile they carried, and the women, which they brought all to Don Christopher, and gaue it him for a present, with the head of the Captain, which they brought also; and among other Gentle-women which were there, the wife of the Captain Moore was very faire, the which Don Christopher tooke for himselfe. And because two of his Captaines did looke too much vpon her, he was jealous of them, and tooke away their charges, they being as they said blamelesse.

Don Christopher being in the Mountaine of the Iewes, the Moorish King came to seeke vs with sixe hundred Turks, which the Bassa sent vnto him, an•• two hundred Moores on horse-backe, [ 40] * 1.1556 and a great number on foot: and comming to the foot of the Hill where we were, he pitched his Campe. From thence he sent a man of his with a Boxe of pedlarie ware to our Campe, to sell Beades and looking glasses, and to tell Don Christopher that his Master was a Merchant, and came behinde, and would not tarrie three dayes, with very good merchandize that hee brought to sell him. This came to light vpon George of Abrewe, and Iames of Silua, that remayneth with vs, and kept the entrie of the Mountaine, which tooke away his Beades, and brought them vnto me, and I blessed them, and gaue them to the women and deuout persons, granting many pardons * 1.1557 to them that did pray vpon them, because that their mockage might redound to the praise of God, and the profit of his faithfull. We sent in all haste to call Don Christopher, which was not come from the Mountaines. Meane while, the Turks in despight of our men entred the Moun∣taine, [ 50] and did vs much hurt. Presently that night after they were entred came Don Christopher, and sent presently for the other Captaines, to take counsell with them what were best to doe; which told him, that it were best to set vpon the Moores by night: for when the forces are not equall in strength, the weakest haue need to vse some policie; and this is one of the best we can vse with them, for the manner of the Turks is not to fight by night, in so much that come out of their Tents they dare not. And besides, we shall take them on a sudden and vnprepared, and we shall ouerthrow them before they can come to themselues: and for the more amazing them, we will assault them on two sides. This counsell seemed not good to Don Christopher, because mutable Fortune was willing to change her course; and God, to make an end of sensualities, [ 60] which at such times, men that are Christians, should not remember. Don Christopher said, that he would giue battell to the Enemies by day, because they should not thinke that he was afraid of them, wherein he preuailed, though none liked his counsell.

As soone as it was day they went all downe, and before they set any thing in order (because * 1.1558

the misfortune was to haue some beginning) by a mischance, a Horse of ours brake loose, and ranne towards the Moores Campe, they came out to ketch him, and our men went out to de∣fend him, and in this sort the fight began without any order or gouernment. This skirmish la∣sted a great while; in the which many Moores and Turkes died: and likewise of ours there died some; among whom Don Garcia of Noronia was one. The Ancient-bearer of Don Christopher fought with the Ancient Royall, like a valiant Gentleman, and in his defence slue some of the Enemies, and wounded them so fiercely, that they durst not come neere him, vntill that for wea∣rinesse he could fight no longer, then they slue him. Don Christopher was wounded with a shot * 1.1559 in the arme, of the which, although he suffered great paine, he left not therefore the battell till very late, that hee sound himselfe almost alone, then hee retyred to the top of the Mountaine [ 10] with some few that he found about him. Before he retyred, I seeing the spoile of our men, said to the Queene that she should mount, and goe to the Mountaine: and because shee would not leaue some women that had not whereon to ride, I made her mount perforce, and one sister-in-law of hers and so I sent, them before, and I tooke her daughter behind me.

A Nurse of the Queene, a vertuous woman with two daughters, and other women, tooke a * 1.1560 barrell of Powder; saying, God forbid, wee should bee deliuered to the power of Infidels, they brought it into the Tent; set it on fire and burned themselues. The like did fif••eene or sixteene men which came sore wounded from the battell, and could not trauell. I went away with the Girle that I had behind mee where her mother was, which thought shee had lost her alreadie, and when shee saw her shee gaue great thankes to God. Wee went a little farther into the [ 20] Mountaine, and there we made another stand, tarrying for more men, and for Don Christopher, for whom the Queene was very sorrie, and wee all were very sad for his not comming, doubting he was dead or captiue. Being in this doubt, we saw him come hurt, as I said before, in an arme, with great paine of the wound; for it seemed he had the Bullet within. The Queene comman∣ded me to cure him with a little Balme that she had, for to mitigate his paine; and shee rooke a Vaile from about her head, and tore it, and bound his arme therewith. But he tooke no rest, for he remembred more the losse and dishonour, then the paine of the wound: and said, that hee had better beene slaine, then to haue lost the Kings Standard; and that seeing it remayned in the power of his Enemies, that hee would not liue. I answered him, that hee should not vexe himselfe so much, for with his life and health hee would recouer againe (God willing) that which then hee had lost: for so wee saw it fall out euery day in matters of warre, &c. And as [ 30] touching the Ancient, in that Countrey they tooke no such regard of it; and that presently they would make such another, hauing men to fight vnder it, and a Captaine to gouerne them: for the men are the true Ancient, and not the signe which they carried.

Wee made him mount, and went from thence, and with all speed wee passed two Riuers so great, that the Foot-men waded to the breasts. Wee trauelled till we came to the Riuer of the Draw-bridge, which they had told vs, which was so deepe, that it could not be passed but by that Bridge. There Don Christopher said to me, that he would not passe the Bridge, but would * 1.1561 remaine on this side the Riuer: and called presently his seruants, which tooke him downe, and set him vp a Bed whereon he cast himselfe. He called me, and requested that I would shriue him: hauing ended his confession, he said vnto me, that his will was to remaine there; I said vnto him, [ 40] that I would not suffer it, and commanded those that were there to take the Bed, and to carrie him in it as he was, and he said that he would kill himselfe if they carried him from thence. When I saw his determination, I said vnto him, that I would remaine with him: he answered me, that I should not doe it; for I was necessarie for to gouerne those men, that they might not altogether be lost, and therewith all that Countrie: but that I should leaue him a little Balme for to dresse him with, and that his Chamberlaine, his Secretarie, and other three Portugals, with which he would goe hide himselfe in a Groue that was there. I could neuer vnderstand to what end he remained.

From thence I went to the Queene, and desired her to mount, and that we should passe on the other side the Bridge; for it drew towards day, and our enemies would come: shee answered, [ 50] that in no wise shee would doe it, nor passe any farther, seeing Don Christopher remayned there desolate. But I desired her to mount, saying to her, that not onely shee, but her sonne with all his Kingdomes would be lost if we tarried there. And wi••h this the Queene mounted, wee∣ping, and speaking so many dolorous words, as shee could haue vttered for her owne sonne, if he had remayned there. Wee commanded all the men to goe with the carriage, and all the peo∣ple with the greatest haste possible: and before we had passed we heard a rumour of Men, and noise of Horses, for the which we made great haste to goe ouer, and drew the Bridge after vs. By this time it was alreadie day, and we beginning to goe vp the side of a Hill on the other side, we saw many Moores about the place where Don Christopher remayned: the Queene, when she saw them, was greatly afraid, and said that wee could not escape. Her men told her that shee [ 60] should not feare; for shee was alreadie in her owne Countries. Notwithstanding, wee went on with all haste possible for to lose them out of sight: and we trauelled all that day, passing many Mountaines and Riuers with great trouble, and heat of the day. There was by those Riuers great

store of Cassia Fistola, and Indian Dates, whereof our men did eate, for they had no other food. * 1.1562 Finally, we came to a Riuer somewhat big, where the people caught some Fish, which they did eate while the Captaine of that Countrie came with victuals, which presently brought great store: And there we began to rest, for we were alreadie in a sure Countrey.

Wee wanted fortie Portugals: To the rest that remayned, which were few more then three hundred, I made my speech thus, and said vnto them; that they saw very well that it was ne∣cessarie to giue them a Captaine, that might gouerne them and fight before them, seeing wee knew not what might become of Don Christopher, remayning as hee was willing to bee left. They answered me, that I should doe what I thought best; for they would hold it for very well done, and would obey whom I should command and ordaine. I declared vnto them, that I ele∣cted * 1.1563 [ 10] for their chiefe Captaine, one Alfonso Caldera, borne in Coimbra, a discreet and valiant Gentleman: the which all receiued with a good will, except some Gentlemen, which because they were of Nobler bloud, thought that charge rather belonging vnto them. These murmured somewhat of that which I did: but did not leaue their obedience. I made also a Sergeant, and a Iudge, to looke to the Souldiers, that they did no wrong to the people of the Countrey; or betweene themselues, one to another.

There came to vs Iohn Gonzales, and Aluaro Deniz, which remayned with Don Christopher, of whom the Queene demanded what was become of Don Christopher: they told vs, how they being hid in the Groue where they remayned, there came a woman fleeing from the Moores, and came into the same Groue, and the Moore comming after her, found Don Christopher: and [ 20] * 1.1564 asked him who he was, and he told them that he was Don Christopher: whereof they were so ioyfull, that they could not beleeue it: and they called an Eunuch which had beene ours that came there, and asked him if that was Don Christopher, and if he knew him well: and hee said, it was he without doubt, for he knew him very well. They presented him to their King, which also was very glad to see him. And after demanding some things of him, he said, that if he would become a Moore, that he would doe him much honour. Don Christopher answered him smiling, that he was the seruant of Iesus Christ, whom he would not change for a lying Dog. The King hearing what he said, commanded to giue him a boxe on the eare, and to pull him by the beard. He desired him with great Oathes and promises that he would write to his * 1.1565 companions, that they should leaue Presbyter Iohn, and returne to their Countries: and he said [ 30] that he would doe it. And presently he wrote a Letter, according to the will of the Moore: the which sent the Eunuch aboue-said, that he should looke well what Don Christopher did write: * 1.1566 and he did so, therefore Don Christopher wrote that which the Moore commanded, and no o∣ther thing: but set two thornes in his name, by the which he signified, that they should looke what they did. With this Letter of Don Christopher, the Gorania sent two Moores of his to our Campe, and they gaue it to me.

The Queene, when shee saw it, remayned almost dead, thinking that Don Christopher had written that Letter of purpose, and that it would somewhat auaile among the Portugals, by whom, vnder God, she trusted to haue her Kingdomes restored: and shee tooke very strangely that deed of Don Christopher. But after that we declared vnto her the deuise of the thornes that [ 40] came in his Firme, shee was glad, and tooke it in good part; and euery one praised him very much. Finally, the chiefe Captaine Alfonsus Caldera, in his owne name, and in the name of all his companions the Portugals, answered to Don Christopher, that he should giue many thanks to the King Gorania for his good will: but that they would not receiue of him that fauour, nei∣ther did they doubt that they should stand in need of it, rather to the contrarie, they hoped with the helpe of Iesus Christ their God, to finsh the act; whereunto the King of Portugall their Lord had sent them thither, which was, to take or kill him, and deliuer from his tyrannie, the Kingdomes of Presbyter Iohn.

This Letter being deliuered to Don Christopher, hee carried it to the Moore, and hee shewed him not therefore the worse countenance, for hee thought that Don Christopher had written [ 50] faithfully, he asked him also wherewith he had cured himselfe, and he said vnto him, that hee could make a certaine Medicine wherewith the wounds were very quickly cured: and the Moore desired him to cure with it his Captaine generall, which was sore wounded: and he cu∣red him with such Medicines, that the Dogge liued but three dayes. For the which, the Moore commanded to giue him many stripes and blowes, and said, that hee would command to kill him. Don Christopher answered him, that he could doe him no more hurt then to kill the bodie, for the soule God had power ouer it: and that hee was very certaine, that Iesus Christ would receiue his into euerlasting life. The Moore commanded that they should carrie him to the place * 1.1567 where the other Portugals died, and that there they should cut off his head. The which head of Don Christopher, that King did send for a Present to the Gouernour of Cairo: and one of his [ 60] quarters he sent to Iuda: another to Aden: and one legge to the Bassa of Zebide, which sent him the succour aboue-said. So much doe they esteeme in that Countrey, to ouercome a few Portugals.

All the rest of the bodie of Don Christopher remayned there where they killed him: and from

thence certaine Religious men carried it to their Monasterie which was neere to that place, and doe hold it in great reuerence with estimation of a Saint: for presently, and many times after, did God shew by manifest Miracles, his labours to bee acceptable and meritorious before Gods Diuine Maiestie, his death precious, and his soule glorified. Presently, as soone as they cut off * 1.1568 his head, God shewed a great and manifest Miracle by him: which was, that in the place where they slue him, there sprung vp a Fountaine of running water, which had neuer been seene there, whose water giueth sight to the blind, and cureth sicke persons of other diseases, by the good∣nesse and power of God. This Miracle is much like to that which God did in Rome, for his A∣postle Saint Paul. The Reliques of the bodie of Don Christopher doe smell, yeelding so sweet a sent of themselues, that it seemeth rather heauenly then of the earth. [ 10]

From thence the Moorish King went toward a Kingdome, called Dembia: whereby the Riuer Nilus passeth, and maketh a Lake, which hath in length thirtie leagues, and fiue and an halfe in breadth. In this Lake are many Ilands: Asmache of Doaro, called Obitocon, which is to say, Don George, and Asmache of Guidimi, subiects of King * 1.1569 Gradeus, came with one hun∣dred and fiftie Horse-men, and one thousand Foot-men. The Captaine conducted them vnto the Queene, which receiued them louingly, and asked whence they came; and they said, that they came from the Campe of Gorania, and that they departed from him there where they killed Don Christopher, the Moore going towards Dembia. The Queene asked them for the death of Don Christopher: and they told her the manner which wee alreadie knew.

Wee comming to the skirt of the Mountaine of the Iewes, their Captaine came to vs with [ 20] victuals and refreshings, and said to the Queene, that shee should come vp to the Mountaine: for in no place of that Prouince shee could bee surer then in that Mountaine; which had no more then one entrance, and that might easily be kept, and defended from the Enemies, if they came. This Captaine of the Iewes demanded Baptisme: and as soone as we were on the Moun∣taine, and had pitched our Campe, I baptised him, his wife, and his children. The Captaine Alfonsus Caldera was his God-father: and they named him Don Christopher. From thence Al∣fonsus Caldera went with ninetie Portugals, and some of the Countrie to forage some Townes which in that Countrey stood yet for the Moore: and they killed much people, burned the Townes, and brought great store of Cattell. Two honest old men seeing this, in the name of all the people, came to aske mercie of the Queene, saying, that they were hers, and were Chri∣stians, [ 30] and that perforce they obeyed, and payed their Tributes to the Moore: and like∣wise for need, because they had none to defend them from the Iewes of the Mountaine, that did euill neighbourhood: therefore that it would please her Maiestie to forgiue them, which shee did.

§. III.

Comming of GRADEVS the yong Negus, his reiecting the Patriarch and Pope: their [ 40] reconciliation and battell with the Moores, in which GORANIA was slaine, and after him the King of Aden.

AT this time came Arias Diz, which Don Christopher had sent to visite the King, the sonne of Onadinguell, and of this Queene, called Orita aureata, and the sonne was cal∣led Gradeus. This did not yet follow the Campe with his mother, because he was * 1.1570 very young. This message brought Arias Diz, that the King would bee with vs within two moneths. The two moneths almost past, wee departed from the Mountaine of the Iewes, where we were, and went to other Mountaines in another Prouince, whither the King [ 50] came within eight dayes, accompanied with fiftie Horse-men and many on Mules: All the Cap∣taines went to receiue him a little way off the Campe, with all their men, Portugals, and of the Countrey, and accompanied him into the Campe. Entring into the Campe he went pre∣sently to my Tent, and there hee alighted to take my blessing. I came to the doore to receiue him, which he esteemed greatly: for in that Countrey they hold the Patriarch in that esteeme that here we doe the Pope. From thence he went to see the Queene his mother, and withdrew himselfe, and mourned three dayes for Don Christopher. He commanded his Tent to be set vp in the midst of the Campe.

Some few dayes being past, before we medled in any other thing, I sent to call the Captaine Alfonsus Caldera to my Tent, with the other Captaines and honourable persons of the Portu∣gall [ 60] Nation in the Armie, and said vnto them.

My most louing children, and most Christian Portugals, I remember well, that a few dayes agoe, * 1.1571 being in Debarua, some of your charities moued with a good zeale, did mislike some Rites and Cere∣monies, which the people of this Countrey doe vse, differing from the Romane customes. A great Na∣tion cannot be cleansed of all the Cockle and Tares which the Deuill soweth in it; euen as a field can∣not

be weeded of all the Weeds and Thornes that grow in it: for if wee seeke to weed them cleane, we shall * 1.1572 also pull vp the Wheate among the Weeds, as Christ saith in the Gospell. It is enough to doe now the prin∣cipall, which is the obedience an vniting of the holy Mother Church: this is the Fountaine of all the rest, from hence depend all the other circumstances. This hath her foundation in the Head, which is the King. As soone as the King shall obey, all the rest will follow him.

Comming to the Kings Tent, I found him with his Mother, whereof I was very glad, and said to him these words.

Most louing Son in Iesus Christ: You know, that the most Christian King your Father which in glo∣rie desired mee that I would goe to Rome, for mee and for himselfe to giue the obedience to the chiefe Bishop: and if you doe not remember it for your tender age, see heere a Letter signed by him, which hee [ 10] gaue mee that the chiefe Bishop should giue me credit, and know that was true which I said to him on his behalfe: which as I say, was to tell him that your Father did acknowlege him to be the Successor of Saint Peeter Prince of the Apostles of Christ, and Vicar of his vniuersall Church, it is also reason you should succeed him in knowledge, in vertues, and in the feare of God. Therefore, you conforming your selfe with the will and Ordinance of God, and imitating the vertue and knowledge of your Father, ought to giue the obedience to the holy Father the Romane Bishop: for therein shall yee doe that which God commandeth, and shall haue for your Friends and Brethren, and helpers in your necessities, the King of Portugall, and all other Kings his Brethren and Friends.

To the which hee not regarding what hee said, like a youth of little age, answered thus. You are not our Father, nor Prelate, but you are Patriarch of the Frankes, and are an Arrian which [ 20] * 1.1573 haue foure Gods: and hence forward we will call you no more Father. I said vnto him againe, that hee lyed, for as much as I was no Arrian, neither had foure Gods: but seeing he would not obey the holy Father, that I held him for excommunicate and accursed, and that I would stay no longer nor speake with him, and with this I rose to goe away: and hee answered me, that I was the excommunicate and not hee.

From thence without any more speaking to him, I went to the Portugals, which stood with∣out the Tent, and told them what passed, and how the King would not obey the Romane Church, but that hee was an Hereticke like Nestorius and Dioscorus: therefore, I commanded them in vertue of obedience, and vnder paine of Excommunication of my part, and in behalfe of the King of Portugall (whose authoritie I had for it) vnder paine of capitall crime, in no wise they should obey that [ 30] King, nor follow him, nor doe any thing in his fauour. Alfousus Caldeyra, and all the rest said, that their Fathers and Grand-fathers were neuer Rebels to the Church of Rome, nor to their King, neither would they be: therfore, that I had no need to lay an Excommunication vpon them, but that I should suspend it, for they without it would doe all that I should command, as obedient children. And from thence they all accompanied me to my Tent, and they went to their Lodgings.

Within a little while the King sent a Captaine of his, to carrie three thousand ounces of Gold to the Portugals, to diuide among themselues and a rich of aduantage for the Captaine, and desired them not to leaue him, but to helpe him against his Enemies, as they had done thitherto. They answered him, that as for that time they would not receiue the fauour that hee sent them for the difference betweene him and mee, nor to the rest, that hee said they [ 40] could answere no other thing, but that in all things they would doe that which I should com∣mand them.

With this answere they tooke counsell, and agreed that the Queene should come with an Arch-bishop, which I had made, and all his Captaines to my Tent, to aske me pardon, I would command, and giue the obedience to the Pope. The Queene came and desired me in honour of the * 1.1574 Virginitie of our blessed Ladie Virgin, before, in, and after the Conception, that I would goe with her to the Tent of her Sonne, which was very faire, for that which hee had done, and said to me, that he would aske mee pardon and obey mee in all things. I answered her, that I would not remoue from thence, but the way to Portugall with the Portugals my children, and compa∣nions. At this Answere, she kneeled on her knees before me, weeping, and said vnto me, that [ 50] shee charged me on Gods behalfe, that I should not doe such a thing: but that I should goe with her, for all should be done as I would. I, moued with pitie and compassion, went with her: and comming to the Kings Tent, he came forth to receiue vs, and with great humilitie hee tooke my hand and kissed it, demanding me pardon for that which hee had said to me. And wee three sitting downe, he said, that he was contented to obey the chiefe Bishop: and that the obedience which his Father had giuen by me was sufficient. But I answered him, that it was not sufficient: but that he particularly should giue for himselfe the like obedience, for so was the custome of our Countries, that euery King when he newly reigned did send his Messengers to giue particu∣larly for himselfe the obedience to the Pope wheresoeuer he was: and that seeing he sent not to Rome, as his Father did, that he should giue it to mee in the Popes name, for I had commission [ 60] from his Holinesse, to receiue it of him. And besides, he should giue a publike Testimonie signed by him, and sealed in his name, and of all his Kingdomes and Prouinces, confessing in it, that the Truth of the Faith is this: that the Church of God is only one, and his Prelate the Vicar of Iesus Christ is also one alone, through all the Earth: by whom the Power and Iurisdiction of Ie∣sus

Christ extendeth to the other Prelates, and Christian Princes. The which Writing, one of the principallest men of his Kingdome, standing in a high Place or Chaire, should reade with a * 1.1575 high and cleere voice, before all the people that were there with him. He did so, and comman∣ded it to be done with solemne Pompe and sound of Trumpets.

This being done, within a few dayes, the Captaine Alfonsus Caldeyra running a Horse, had a fall; of the which within a few dayes he dyed. Alfonsus Caldeyra beeing dead, I tooke counsell with some principall men of the Portugals, and we thought it good, to make Arias Diz chiefe Captaine, because he was a discreet and a good Gentleman: which had discharged himselfe wel in some important matters, which had beene committed to his charge. Especially, because the King Gradeus desired it of me, I sent to call him, and desired him that he would take that charge [ 10] vpon him. Hee tooke it, and promised to doe in it to the vttermost of his power.

Within a few dayes the King sent me word, that hee would goe through his Countrey with his men, because we could not be there altogether, wherefore hee desired mee to remaine there with his Mother: and I answered him not, because I vnderstood that he would flye away. The * 1.1576 King sent presently after me the * 1.1577 Azaige of Gallan, that with all reuerence and courtesie should say to me, that the King my Sonne did send to r••q••est me, that I should send him thither the Captaine Arias Diz with all the Portugals, for so it behooued for the seruice of God: I an∣swered him, I would doe it with a good will. There remayned with mee sixe Captaines of the Countrey, with two hundred Horse, one thousand Targeters, and fiue hundred Archers, and fif∣tie Harping Irons, with their Hockes all very cunning in Armes. Euery Horseman carryed [ 20] three sorts of weapons. With all this people I came to the skirt of the Mountain, where Goranya was, & caused to pitch my Tent very neer to the hil, and neer vntoi••, all the Campe with Feasts and showtings, and sounding of Trumpets, as they are wont to do in Ca••ps. The horsemen skir∣mished, and the Footmen reioyced, and said, We w••ll all dye for the Faith of the Sonne of God. Our men entring into the Mountaine, went presently to a Towne neere from thence: in the which they found no people, but found some prouision, especially, Wine made of Honey in ma∣ny pots of Earth, of the which two heedles••e men did drinke and dyed suddenly, for the * 1.1578 Moores had poysoned and left it, for to k••ll our men. O••r people seeing the two men dead, would not drinke of the Wine, but broke the Vess••ls and spilt the Wine: and returned from thence. [ 30]

With these newes, I sent pres••ntly two Horsemen to the King, that hee should come in all haste to possesse himselfe of that Countrey, before the Moore came; for I was alreadie going to hinder the comming of the Moore, and to take the passages whereby he was to come. And I sent to the Captaine Arias Diz, by a Portugall, to tell him that I stood in danger of encountring with the Moore, that he should presently come to me. The King doubted the Iourney, and would not come: but Arias Diz said vnto him, that it neither was nor seemed good, the Portugals to bee slaine in his defence, and for to restore him his Kingdomes, and hee to runne away and leaue them. Arias Diz being departed with the Portugals, the King tooke counsell to goe after him: and set forward in such ha••te that he ou••r-tooke them before night. And altogether trauelled so much that night, that they came to our Campe before it was day-breake. [ 40]

As soone as it was day, I left them which came wearie, and with the people that I had be∣fore began to ascend the Mountain before the Moore came, because they hauing that Mountaine, was a great part of the Victorie. We went by such narrow wayes, that wee could goe but two and two, and by Rockes and rough places, that had any bodie fallen from thence, had beene crusht in a thousand pieces. We came to the top, by Gods assistance, and came to a Monasterie of Friers, which was on the Mountaine, which was of the Inuocation of Saint Paul. The Friers * 1.1579 came out to receiue vs in Procession, with the Crosse on high, and censing with Censers, and leade vs to the Church to make our Prayers, and giue Thankes to God for the succour hee had sent them. Prayers being ended, the Captaines pitched their Campe, and rested. When the King knew that we were aboue, hee commanded his people to tarrie behind, and hee came with the Portugals, neere to the Ancient of the King of Portugall, leauing his owne. It might bee an [ 50] houre before Sun-setting when he came vp, and his men came within night, for all the day was spent in comming vp to the Mountaine. So troublesome it is to ascend.

All the Armie prayed, and did sing Letanies, praying to God that hee would giue vs the vi∣ctorie, and to our Ladie, and to all the Saints that they would pray to God for vs. The Reli∣gious men did the same in their Monasteries, and the people in their Townes. At this time there came innumerable people to ioyne themselues with vs, from the Prouinces and Countries round about. We saw from the top of the Mountaine, the Moores of Goranya his Campe goe skirmishing in the fields that were beyond the Mountaine, and heard them say: Before foure dayes be past, yee shall all be slaine, and your King shall be gelt, and shall be Keeper of the King of Zeila [ 60] his Wiues: and t•••• Patriarch that brought you hither, shall haue a tosted stake thrust through his fun∣dament, that may passe through his necke, and come out at his head. The Generall of the Abexines asked leaue of the King to goe with some people to skirmish with those Moores, and hauing got∣ten * 1.1580 leaue he was shriuen, and went downe with foure hundred Horsemen, with the which af∣ter

hauing killed many Moores, he went so farre from his men that the Enemies compassed him round, and beeing very wearie, and wounded sore, they tooke him, and before they killed him, they cut off his priuie Members, for so doe that people vse, and afterward they killed him.

The death of this Captaine grieued the King so much, that hee wept publikely, and rent his haire: to the pulling off his Crowne, and hurling it on the ground. In the meane season, they came to tell him, that the King of Zeila was come, and pitched his Campe at the foot of the Mountaine, as one that determined to come vp. King Gradeus hearing the great noyse of the Ordnance, which resounded through the Mountaines, tooke so great a feare, that hee determi∣ned to flie. [ 10]

The Bernagaiz vnderstanding what the King determined, came in haste to call me at the Mo∣nasterie where I was, and shewed mee on the tops of the Mountaine, much people of the A∣bexines in armes, saying to me, that all those were doubtfull, and if they saw that wee suffered any detriment, or knew that the King did leaue vs, that they all would bee against vs, and would ouerthrow vs. Therefore it behooued me to be present, for to stay the King, and encou∣rage the people: and that might not seeme, that I absented my selfe with distrust. I left pre∣sently the Monasterie, and went with him to the Campe: and the people that were on the Mountaines, when they saw me, made a great showt, and said; Seeing the Abuna goeth, the Victorie is ours. Comming where the King was, I saluted, and said vnto him. Hope in the mercy of God, which redeemed vs by his precious bloud, that hee will giue vs the Victorie. And staying no [ 20] longer, I went presently where the Portugals were, to whom I said. Sonnes, commend your selues to the Lord, and doe like your selues. And I commanded them to kneele downe there, and E••ery one to say the Lords Prayer fiue times, and I did the same, in praise of the fiue principall wounds of our God and Redeemer Iesus Christ, and I granted them all a plenarie Indulgence, giuing the blessing of God and mine.

The King and his people, when they saw vs set forward, were amazed at our great and deter∣minate resolution, and stood on a high place, where they discouered all the Campe, for to see what we did. The Moores seeing vs come forwards, resolued to come and meete vs: We going downe the Hill, Goranya the King of Zeila came before his men, mounted on a white Horse, all in a complete Armour, and two Turkes with him on each side one: and comming neere vnto [ 30] vs, within Caliuer shot, all three stood aside as they came, to giue place for his men to fight. In this space, one Peter of Lyon, which had beene Seruant to Don Christopher, a very low man of stature, but a very good Marke-man, and desirous to reuenge his Masters death, shot at him, and strucke him dead from off his Horse. The same day did others to the other two which came * 1.1581 with him, and killed them likewise, shooting at them. The Moores, when they saw their King dead, some turned their faces, and some stayed them, in such sort, that they were troubled, and hindered one another, that they neither fought nor fled: our men seeing their disorder and con∣fusion, set vpon them and slue many.

At this time came in King Gradeus his men, and the Moores and Turkes forsooke the Campe and the field: In the which our men found great Riches, Prouision, and Ordnance, and other [ 40] weapons and furniture. They found the Turkes which then came by the way, with Wallets full of Bread and sodden Hennes, and others dead with the bit in their mouthes, and found their purses full of Money of their pay, which they a little before had receiued. They tooke here the King of Zeila his Sonne; the Queene fled to the Prouince of Dagna. They entred a good way into the Countrey of Dembia, whence they brought also many Silkes and Bedens, and Fotas of Ormuz, and rich Couerlets. The King Gradeus seeing the great and miraculous victo∣rie which God had giuen him, commanded a Monasterie to bee built very richly, in the place where the battaile was fought, in praise of the secret of our Lord Iesus Christ.

And because it is not well that the base Spirit of an Abexine do passe without noting, which would haue gloried of that which he did not, and enioyed the labour of another; I will tell what [ 50] he did. A Captaine of King Gradeus, which saw the King of Zeila slaine, went vnto him and cut * 1.1582 off his head, and went to present it to his King; saying, That he had killed him, because hee should giue him the reward that therefore hee deserued, which was very great: for that death, was the principall cause of the victorie vnder God, and of the restoring of those Kingdomes. The King was very glad to know who had slaine his enemy, and thanked him heartily, and made him besides Captaine Generall of all his Kingdomes. But the Captaine Arias Diz, which knew the truth, and was present when the Abexine brought the head, and knew besides, that Peter of Lyon had kept the left eare of the Moorish King (which he cut off when he slue him) said to the King: I beseech your Highnesse, command to search the head how many eares it hath: they looked and found but one alone. Arias Dez said, A better Gentleman then that, [ 60] hath kept the other which wanteth, which killed him, and cut it off, when y〈…〉〈…〉 all looked from the Mountaine what we did, and that other did counsell you to runne away; and sent presently to call Peter of Lyon, that he should bring the eare of the Moorish King: Hee came and shewed the eare, which appeared well to be the fellow of the other. And moreouer, Peter of Lyon said,

That the Abexine should shew the weapon wherewith he flue him, and what wounds he gaue him, to the which he answered nothing: Then said Peter of Lyon; Let them goe seeke the dead bodie, and they shall find that he was slaine with a shot, with which the Abexine cannot shoote: they went to see, and found it to be true, whereof the King and all his men were much ashamed, and that his Captaine in great disgrace.

We rested there neere two moneths: while we were there, the King sent the newes of the * 1.1583 victorie to his mother, which was a daies iourney from the place where we left her: and he sent her word, that she should come where we were, that we might all reioyce and giue God thanks together, and to congratulate mee, because I gaue order to that which was done, and was the cause of that victorie. The Queene comming within a league where we were, the King knew [ 10] it, and without telling me any thing, went with his Horsemen to meet her. The way where∣by she was to come into the Campe, for the space of a Bow shot, was hanged with Curtaines of Silke, and Testers of the same, and on the ground rich Couerlets. They gaue meate in abun∣dance to all that would haue it; and this lasted one whole weeke. The Queene comming by the way, she came to see me to my Tent, and asked me, What euill was it she had done to mee, that I being her Father, went not to meet her with her Sonne: I answered, That the fault was not mine, but her Sonnes, which would not take me with him, neither told me any thing.

Hauing past some daies, the King determined to goe and recouer the Prouinces of Maro, Ioa, * 1.1584 Guidime and Goiame, which the King of Zeila had in his power, and gaue order to beginne the Warre in the Confines of Ioa, which is a great and rich Kingdome; and said, that I and his [ 20] Mother should remaine, taking our rest in his Countries. The King departed with all the Armie, as well of Portugals as of his owne men, to a Countrey called the Monasterie of Sion: where there are very tall men of stature, which seeme Giants. These as they were yet vnder subiecti∣on * 1.1585 of the Moores of Zeila, would not obey King Gradeiu, although they were his, neither would they giue him prouision for his men. Alfonsus of France seeing their disloyaltie, said to the Captaine Arias Diz: What doe you Sir? Wherefore do we stay longer on these, but enter them perforce. They sent for the two Faukonets, with the which, and with the small shot they * 1.1586 assaulted them, and peppered them in such sort, that they said, the Portugals were no humane men, for they fought not like men. Finally, they chose for their best Market to yeeld them∣selues, and sent to tell the King, that they deliuered themselues into his power. And they also [ 30] requested him, he would command the Portugals, not to take from them their Wiues, and their Daughters, nor steale their Goods, for they had heard that they vsed so to doe.

Being there, the King of Aden sent word to the King Gradeus, That hee should not thinke that * 1.1587 the King of Zeila was dead, for he remained in his stead, and because he should not thinke that those were words of a Cow-heard, which threatneth and doth nothing, he would presently come to seeke him. Departing from thence, they marched so long, till they came to a very great Riuer, where they marched to meete the enemy, and to passe the Riuer, they inuented a good inuention of Lea∣ther Boats, which they made in this sort. They killed many Beeues, and with the skinnes li∣ned * 1.1588 the Boats of Wood, in which they passed the men: the Horses did swim ouer, for it was not so deepe to hinder the passage. This being done, men went ouer to fasten some Cords on [ 40] the other side, for to passe ouer by them: This they did halfe a league distant from the Campe of the enemies, and by night that they might not be seene. Hauing passed ouer the Riuer, they * 1.1589 set vpon the Campe of the enemies, of the which they killed many, and among them the King of Aden. But there dyed also many Christians, and King Gradeus was also hurt, and like to haue beene slaine, with the great disorder that hee and his had, because they knew not how to fight by night: for they disperse themselues through the Campe, and could not keepe together, nor helpe themselues, and therefore many of them were slaine. The Moores seeing that their King was slaine, set themselues to flight; The Portugals followed the chase of the Moores, till they slue the most part of them, and brought backe againe the Kings wife of Aden: and the King gaue them great thankes, and praised God highly, for that so great and assigned victorie; [ 50] and said, that he would haue of all, no more but the Sword and the Horse of the King of Aden, and that all the rest should bee the Portugals, as well that which they tooke in the pursute, as that which they found in the Campe, which was wonderfully rich, that all the Portugals should diuide it among themselues brother-like, seeing they had got it; and for himselfe and his, he would haue no more, then the peace and restauration of his Kingdomes, which by the virtue and Armes of Portugall he had recouered. But as touching the Queene of Aden, called Dinia Ambara, because it were not decent that she should be captiue of any man lesse then a King, that * 1.1590 he thought good if she would become a Christian, that she should bee the Wife of Arias Diz, and that he gaue them for them, both the Kingdomes of Doror and Bale, which had beene hers, and tooke for himselfe onely Oygere. [ 60]

§. IIII.

Disgusts betwixt the Negus and the Portugals: ARIAS DIZ his treacherie. Battell betwixt the Abassines and Portugals. Their exile; ARIAS his death.

AFter the King Gradeus had recouered his Kingdomes, and was in peace, I tarried that he should solemnize and approue more the obedience which he had promised to the chiefe Bishop, and the conformitie of faithfull Christians, celebrating the Sacraments, [ 10] and vsing the Rites and Ceremonies of the Romane Church. But hee as he promised it with an euill will, so he let it be forgotten, and did the contrarie. I sent him word, that the next day I would come and visite him: but he made no account of me, nor of my message, nor of my comming. I sent also to the Captaine Arias Diz, that I was come thither, that he should come to receiue me with his men, as it was fit, and they had for a custome. Hee came the next day in the morning with one hundred and fiftie Portugals: which came to take my blessing, entertaining and making great offers vnto me: and especially Arias Diz.

The King comming neere where I was, neither hee nor his did make any motion, but were looking out at their Tents and Standings at vs, as in mockage of vs. Arias Diz came to mee, and said: The euill will, Sir, which the King beareth you is well seene. And with this began to put forth his Horse, and to skirmish. Some other of the companie, when they saw him feast, [ 20] did euen the same. But Manuel of Accunia, Gaspar of Sosa, and Deniz of Lima, which came neere * 1.1591 me, said vnto me: Sir, dissemble with this tawnie Moore; for know yee, that all this which he doth, and sheweth outwardly, is malice and deceit: for his heart is as the Kings heart; and he will not stay long without shewing the signe of it in the Colours of our Lord and King; there∣fore trust him not, but redouble still vpon him; for all that he doth and sayth, is also feigned and false. The same did Lope of Almansa, Iames of Abrew, and other honest men. Whereof I remayned much amazed: for I held him for no such man: but Gentlemen, and good men telling it me, made some impression in me to beleeue it. At this time, wee drew neere where the King was, and dismounted, and I went to the Courtains where he was, and I heard him say, speaking [ 30] to Arias Diz. Marke my Captaine generall, doe not carrie any more in my Kingdomes that Ancient of the King of Portugall: but carrie mine, and leaue that. Arias Diz answered him: I will not leaue the Colours of the King of Portugall. Then the King commanded a Page of his to take them, and carrie them away from thence, and Arias Diz consented, and suffered him to carrie them away. But a Portugall Gentleman, called Iames of Brito, tooke the Colours from the Pages hand: and because he would not let him goe, strooke him with his sword ouer the head, and made him leaue them perforce.

When I saw that, I returned to my lodging, and all the Portugals with me, and the Traitor Arias Diz also. Sending him away with this answere, Arias Diz remayned telling mee by way of counsell. Sir, I know not how well it is to speake hardly, and anger the King Gradeus, [ 40] for wee are in his Kingdomes, farre from our Countries. At this, many Portugals arose, and said vnto him, that certainly it appeared, that he was a Traitor to the Crowne of Portugall, and his King; for his words and deeds declared it: therefore that hee was not to bee Captaine of the Portugals.

Hee answered, that he was Captaine of the Emperour of Ethiopia, and not of the King of Por∣tugall: therefore that they could not call him a Traitor for speaking in fauour of the seruice of the said Emperour, to whom he did owe that and much more, for fauours which he had done to him, and marrying him with Dinia Ambar late wife of King Mahomet, and giuing the title of his Countries. Whereunto I answered, saying: Arias Diz, I haue notice, that you haue forsa∣ken the Faith of the Baptisme, which you receiued among the Christians Catholicke, according [ 50] to the vse of the Romane Church; and were baptised againe with the Baptisme of the Here∣tikes and Scismatikes of Alexandria, and haue changed the name of Arias into Marke. When he heard me say thus, without any tarrying he rose vp melancholie, and went to his lodging, with some few Portugals that accompanied him.

By this time the King sent me word, that he requested mee that wee would come the next day, because that day it was alreadie late, and there was no time for it. Entring into his Tent, the King did not arise, neither tooke my blessing, as he was wont, neither gaue mee my seat in my accustomed place, but onely bowed his head a little, and let me stand. I seeing his new and vnaccustomed discourtesie, said vnto him. Not onely, King Gradeus, to the King of Portu∣gall art thou vnthankefull; whose Colours thou didst despise, with the which, thou resto∣redst [ 60] thy estate: but also to Iesus Christ art thou vnreuerent in my person, which doe repre∣sent him, thou also wilt bee cast away, and bee accursed and excommunicate, if thou doest returne to the Heresies of the Iacobites and Dioscorians of Egypt: the which for their sinnes and disobedience which they committed, rebelling against the holy and right Apostol ke

Sea of Rome were lost, and are Captiues to the Turkes, and Infidels: and so shalt thou bee, if thou wilt not amend. Hee answered me, that they of Egypt, and of the Sect of Dioscorus were not Heretikes, but that we were Heretikes that worshipped foure Gods, as the Arrians: and that if I had not beene his God-father, as I was, he would command me to be quartered. And hauing passed other talke of this qualitie, I returned to my Lodging, where I found many Portu∣gals that tarried for me, to whom I gaue account of what had passed with the King.

Being in the Campe with the Portugals, the King sent me word, that I should not meddle in commanding in the Campe of the Portugals, nor make any alteration in them, for as much as they were deliuered to Marke, his Captaine generall; and that by him hee would they should be gouerned, and by no other. I sent him word, that the Portugals were subiect to the King of [ 10] Portugall, who had deliuered them vnto mee; and I, at the request of King Gradeus, deliuered them to a Portugall, called Arias Diz. But the Portugals said they would not, neither was it their honour to haue for their Captaine an Heretike and a Traitor; neither would they fight vnder any other Colours but of Portugall: and besides, seeing that King Gradeus did not main∣taine that which he had promised, which was the obedience to the chiefe Bishop of Rome, Suc∣cessor of Saint Peter, that they would not serue him, but would returne with mee to Portugall.

Peter Straw went with this answere to the King; and said moreouer, that if hee would not obey the Church of Rome, and publikely so proclaime, that we all would leaue him, and returne to Portugall, as we said. Whereunto he answered, that he was King, and Lord of that Coun∣trey, and that we should not goe out of it, except he were willing; for he would that Marcos [ 20] his Captaine generall should haue the command and iurisdiction ouer the Portugals.

The Portugals determined to die, or defend themselues from the tyrannie of the ingratefull man, and of a Traitor: and they asked me, what meane we should haue for to giue the battell to so great a number of people. When I saw their determination, I said vnto them; Sonnes, doe not dismay, for in the greatest tribulations is God, and so will he be with vs in this. And be∣cause our Campe had three entries whereby they might assault vs, wee tooke order to fortifie them with some Munition, because when it were so necessarie, wee would fortifie our selues within, and defend our selues as well as we might. The munition that we laid in those entries * 1.1592 was pots full of Powder hid, against the enemies did come in to set them on fire and burne them, as in effect it was done with their great hurt, as presently I will say: but before they assaulted [ 30] vs, between eleuen and twelue at night, our Hors-men went out, and set vpon the Kings Camp: which sudden feare, and the noise of Trumpets, and Shot, did such effect, that all of them set themselues to flight, and had altogether beene ouercome, if the number of our men had beene sufficient to haue followed them: but because they were but few, they retyred themselues presently.

The King in this hurliburly was seeking for a Horse to flee with the rest: but seeing that our men were retyred, quieted himselfe: and when it was day, hee commanded we should bee as∣saulted. Euery one set in a readinesse, both his and ours, his Targettiers came, before which were the most and the best men that they had, and assaulted vs by the three places which gaue entrance where the Powder was, where our men tarried for them; and comming with great * 1.1593 [ 40] furie, and cries, our men fayning weaknesse retyred inward, and gaue them leaue to come where the Powder was: comming vnto it they gaue fire, wherewith many were burnt and slaine, the rest fled away scalded and sindged. When the King saw the losse of his people, and the deceit of the hope which he had, he tare his rich g••rments that he ware, which among them is a signe of great sorrow, and sent presently to call Marke. He came, and hauing taken counsell between both, they agreed that they could not ouercome the Portugals by warre, without comming in∣to great danger, and want: therefore, they determined to take them by sleight and deceit, in this manner. They sent to tell vs, that he repented him much of his errour, because God had manifestly shewed him, how much he had erred in not accomplishing that which he had promi∣sed and sworne vnto me, but that now he would accomplish it, and doe all that I would: and [ 50] therefore he desired vs we would doe no more harme to his people: to the which we answered, that the euill we did was not by our wills; but that they had giuen a cause thereunto, whereof it grieued vs very much: therefore if hee did vs reason of himselfe, ••nd did accomplish that which he had promised to God and to vs, that we would doe that which alwaies we had done, which was to serue and loue him as a Father and Lord: but if hee would haue any other thing, that we hoped in Iesu Christ, that he seeing our iustice, would defend vs from his tyrannie, and from the malices of Marke the Traitor. This answere the King imparted to Marke, to the * 1.1594 which he replied, that to come the sooner to an agreement with them, hee should vse two poli∣cies: one was, to command all his Subiects, that none should serue vs, nor prouide vs of any thing necessarie, vnder paine of hauing his eyes pulled out for a Traitor: the other, to offer and giue vs [ 60] much money and rewards, not onely promised for hereafter, but presently, for on the one side, the necessitie; and on the other, the couetousnesse would ouercome vs.

The King did so, and sent vs presently an assurance with much money for the men, and for mee a great Present of Beeues and Muttons, and other things for prouision, promising mee that

all should bee done at my will, and that against Christ-masse next, which was within foure moneths, I should celebrate generall Orders, as before wee had agreed. Besides the assurance of the King. The Bernagaez Isaac, did promise that he would be on our side, and fauour vs by him∣selfe, and with all his power: and more he said, and sware that he perceiued the King to be very repentant for the wrongs he had done vs. We being about to goe where the King was, Marke came with the Portugals that were on his side, and were with him, to accompanie vs, and so we departed altogether, and going by the way, I desired Marke that there might be no discord be∣tweene him and the Portugals, he promised so to doe. The King shewed so great contentment of our friendship, that he came out to receiue vs out of the Campe, with all the great men of his Court: and all his men both high and low were very ioyfull. [ 10]

Within a few houres, there came to me Baltasar Montera, Antonie Ferrera, Simon of Andrade, Iames of Brito, Antonie Uaz, and said to mee, that the treason which they had inuented for vs was discouered: for they had bidden them make them readie to goe banished euery one to his Countrey, farre distant one from another, charging the Lords of those Countries, to keepe them in good safeguard; all by counsell of the Traitor Marke. I went to the Lords of the Countries which carried them, and desired them to intreate them well, the which said to mee. Father, know you that Marke commanded vs to carrie these men in Irons, and giue them other apparell * 1.1595 of Slaues, and vse them like Slaues; but for your sake, which are our Father, we will deale better with them. And I went presently to the King, and said vnto him: Now Sir, what shall I doe? I see you doe not fulfill your word, and you send my Brethren prisoners. The King answered [ 20] me with a good countenance. Father, there shall no wrong be done to you; but because it is ne∣cessarie for vs to prepare to the Warres, which the Gallas make vpon mee, as you know, in the meane while you shall remayne in the Countrey of the Gaffates, praying to God for mee, and you shall eate the Rent of that Countrey, which will suffice well for you and yours, for the last dayes I being retyred there it sufficed mee and all mine: and I will command to doe you much honor, and to obey you as mine owne Person: and against Christ-masse, if it please God, I com∣ming with health, as I hope, you shall celebrate your Orders, as we haue agreed. And as touch∣ing these men, which I command to depart from hence, let it not grieue you, for I doe it to haue no mutinie among the rest. In the meane while came Marcos in, and said to the King, I beseech your Highnesse to send to Alexandria for to seeke the Patriarch; he answered him: Blessed bee [ 30] thou of God; Marke my friend. That is done alreadie.

The King commanded a Captaine of his to carrie mee to the Countrey of the Gaffates, and * 1.1596 should giue me the possession of it, and command the Inhabiters of it that they should acknow∣ledge me for their Lord, and resort to me with the Rents which they accustomed to pay to the King, for so his Highnesse commanded it. I carried with me all my seruants, free and bond; and I carried besides a man of that Countrey, called Franciscus Matthaus, which had beene a seruant of the Ambassadour Matthaus, which Queene Helena sent to Portugall, in the time of the King Don Manuel, your great Grand-father of glorious memorie, and had beene with the same Am∣bassadour in Portugall. I gaue him the charge of all my house, because he was discreet, and had good knowledge. Taking leaue of the King, I trauelled eight dayes iourney, for it is so much [ 40] whence the King remayned, to the Countrey of the Gaffates, which lyeth betweene many high and rough Hills, and is inhabited with a very barbarous people. After we had passed the Moun∣taines, * 1.1597 we descended to a great Valley, so deepe, that it seemed we descended into Hell, and the Hills remayned so high that they seemed to reach to Heauen. The Captaine, which carried me, commanded all the principall men of that Countrey to meet, and said before me, that the King commanded that they should take mee for their Lord, and to pay mee his Rents, but that they should keepe me well that I went not away from thence, nor returne to the Kings Court, and they promised so to doe.

I was in that Countrey seuen moneths, in the which the King went to make warre vpon the Gallas, as he had said to me, and came from thence wearied, and almost ouer-come without do∣ing [ 50] any thing to his profit. Within a little while Marke dyed, and hee commanded him to bee * 1.1598 buried in a Church, where the Kings of that Countrey were buried, with great pompe; he and his shewing so great sorrow for his death, as though he had beene their owne Brother, or Fa∣ther, and so they said, that in him dyed all their refuge and defence of their Countries. Knowing of the death of Marke, I determined my returne to the Court. And on a day, I commanded to take a Captaine that kept vs, for some fault that I found against him, and commanded to pull him by the haire and to buffet him, and to binde him hand and foot, and commanded my Caliuer-men * 1.1599 to shoot off their Peeces neere vnto him, which was so afraid that hee bepist and berayed himselfe, and desired me for Gods sake to loose him, and he promised me to goe so farre from the place where I was, that he would neuer see me, nor I him. [ 60]

I commanded to loose him, that hee might giue newes to the rest, as in effect he did. And I commanded the shot, which were ten or twelue, to shoot off many shots, which resounded a∣mong the Hills that they seemed thunder; and by mischance they killed two men of those with the bullets which they shot at randome. Wherewith we skared them in such manner, that they

fled, and vnhabited the Countrey where we were: and the Captaines sent to desire me, that I would goe where I listed, for they promised me not to hinder my iourney. We made such haste on our iourney, that about euening Prayer wee had gone a dayes iourney, and made an end of comming out of the Mountaines. Two dayes before we came where the King was, we found a Portugall, called Franciscus Magellanes, who came from seeing certaine Lands which the King had giuen him: for he gaue Lands to all the Portugals. And after I told him how I came, he told me of the death of Marke, and how for his death the King had made one Iames of Figueredo Captaine of the Portugals, which within a few dayes died of a laske; and before his death, hee had made two Captaines together, one for the right hand, another for the left; for hee had or∣dayned that the Portugals should guard him, and goe alwaies neere vnto him in two Squadrons: [ 10] of the which he made Captaines, Gaspar of Sosa, and Lope of Almansa. Which Lope of Alman∣sa, because he was a stranger, and of those that fauoured the partie of Marke, the Portugals would not that hee should bee their Captaine, and Gaspar of Sosa remayned; wherewith I was very glad: for this Gaspar of Sosa was my Nephew, and my friend. Wee went all in companie till wee came neere where the King was, and there wee separated our selues. Hee went to tell the newes to the Portugals that were with the King.

The Portugals, as soone as they knew of my comming, came all to see mee with great ioy. The King also sent presently to visit me by his Page, and sent mee word, that hee was very glad with my safe arriuall, for he did greatly misse me. He commanded to giue me apparell, and be∣sides, fiue hundred ounces of gold; and I remayned more, because the Portugals desired me then [ 20] by mine owne good will, because I perceiued that he did separate me from him, by reason of the other Patriarch, which was come from Alexandria, and was euery day to come to the Court, and he doubted that we should meete, and that we would make some tumult.

§. V.

The comming of another Patriarch. The Calide killed. Of the Gallas and other Prouinces, subiect and bordering on the Negus, and rarities there ob∣serued. The escape and returne of the Author. [ 30]

AFter the King departed, the Asmache Robel came one day to mee, and said vnto mee: Father, I being so much yours, as you know, will discouer vnto you a secret that im∣ports you very much; but it shall be, you pleighting your faith vnto me neuer to be∣wray me, for if the King doe know it, he will command to cast me to his Lions. Sir, you are to know, that because you are of the obedience of the Church of Rome, the King will not that you be Patriarch of his Countrey, and sent to Alexandria to seeke another Patriarch of his * 1.1600 obedience, the which is come alreadie, and is in Debarua, on the way toward the Kings Court, therefore the King will not carrie you with him, because hee will possesse the other with your charge; and besides, because hee is much grieued at you, because you made him sweare to obey [ 40] Rome, and publikely to proclaime that euery one should obey him. Now see what you will doe, for if you will be gone, I will absent my selfe from hence, that the King may not say, that I was consenting to your going. I thanked him heartily for the warning, and said vnto him, that hee saw, seeing it was so, how much it behoued me to goe to the Court; therefore that hee should absent himselfe as he said, whilest I departed. Going on my iourney, I found a Portugall, called Manuel Aluarez, Groome of the Chamber of the King your Grand-father; by whom I sent word to the Captaine Gaspar of Sosa, that I was going to the Court about a matter very impor∣tant to them all, whereof I would tell him when I saw him; for he was certaine, that the King would not be pleased with my comming, I requested him, that hee with all the Portugals should aide me when it were needfull. [ 50]

The next day comming neere the Campe, I found another Portugall, called Laurence Gonsales, which told me that the King knew my comming alreadie, and commanded they should take me, and carrie me to a Rocke where I might end my life, not being able to come out from thence. * 1.1601 And because your Highnesse may know, what Rocke it was where he commanded me to be car∣ried; it is thus, That in the Countrey there be certaine high Hills, ouer-pearing the Countrey with great aduantage, and all about steepe like a broken Rocke, so that in no wise they may bee ascended, but by very narrow wayes made of hand; and on the top are great Plaines, some of a league and more, and some of seuen or eight leagues, with very good Fields, and Fountaines of good waters on the top, and other dispositions for people to liue in them, as in effect there doth. But the wayes are so dangerous, that none can come in or out from those Rocks, without the [ 60] consent of them that keepe them. These Rocks serue for Fortresses, and therefore in that Coun∣trey there are no walled Cities. To one of these, did King Gradeus command mee to bee carried by two of his Captaines, to make an end in it, without any hope of comming out. As soone as the Portugals knew that they carried mee prisoner, they came presently to rescue mee from the hands of those that carried me.

Within a little while, the King came also with his men, and pitched his Campe neere vnto vs, and sent word to Gaspar of Sosa, that he had not done well in taking me from his Captaines. And he sent him word againe, that hee knew no error in his action, seeing hee had deliuered his Prelate from the hands of Tyrants, the which for doing good to vnthankfull persons suffered troubles and iniuries. And that his Highnesse knew very well how much hee did owe the Pa∣triarch, and how much fauour God had shewed him for his sake; and how, while he was in the Armie, and they did obey him, God gaue him alwayes the victorie against his enemies; and af∣ter we put him from vs, and dealt vncourteously with him, were ouer-come of the Gallas, which entred in his Campe, and came to slaughter his men neere to the Kings Tent, hauing no body to resist them; and his Highnesse saw himselfe in such a danger, that he fled from them with great [ 10] dishonour. And finally, hee let him vnderstand, that hee and all the other Portugals would not forsake the Patriarch, which was their Father and had brought them from Portugall, and prayed for them to God. The King seeing the Portugals resolution, he sent to desire mee to see my selfe with him: I said I would, and the Portugals said they would goe with me, and so they did. The King receiued me with so great curtesie that I misliked it. I gaue my hand to the King which asked it of me, and promised him not to goe from the Portugals, nor from his Kingdomes with∣out his licence. Of the which hee was contented; and gaue mee for my maintenance so much * 1.1602 Land, that the Rent of it was well worth twentie thousand C••uzados euery yeere, and orday∣ned that the Patriarch Ioseph, which hee had commanded to come from Alexandria, should bee his Patriarch, and I of the Portugals onely; and commanded that Franciscus Matthaus, which was my Aduge (as here an Archdeacon) and all the other Of••••cers which I had, should [ 20] serue Ioseph.

The King, to bring the Patriarch Ioseph to peaceable possession in his Countrey, thought it necessarie that I should be absent with all the Portugals, and therefore ordayned to place vs in some part of his Kingdome out of the Prouince, which he most frequented, which is called A∣mara, where then he was tarrying for the Patriarch Ioseph. And to busie the Portugals in some∣thing, he sent them to the Prouince of Doaro, which neighboureth vpon the Gallas his enemies, to Iye there in Garrison in the frontier. The Prouince of Doaro is also neighbour to the King∣dome of Zeila. But the Captaine Calide was not contented that they were placed there, be∣cause * 1.1603 he tooke away his liuing to giue it vnto them. And therefore determined to kill them, or [ 30] driue them out of the Countrey. This Captaine was a great Lord, and mightie: for besides this Prouince of Doaro, being great and strong, he had also the Prouince of Bale, and the Captaine of H••dia for his neighbour and friend. From which Countries hee ioyned seuen hundred Horse-men, sixe hundred Archers, and sixe thousand Targetiers. He leuied these men so secretly, that almost hee came one morning before day to set vpon vs. But howsoeuer, wee alwayes kept a watch, and his men feared vs, and doubted the setting vpon vs, they were perceiued of our men, and could not giue the assault that they would. And because the Calide was knowne by the de∣uice he wore, our men ordayned that seuen. Caliuer-men should haue an eye at him particularly, and shoot at him; for he being dead, his men were quickly ouer-come. So they did: and as he came in the fore-front, knowne among the rest, before the battell began he was slaine. * 1.1604 [ 40]

With his death some of his men made signes of peace, these were of those Lands which the King had giuen vs: which sent vs word that they were our subiects, and would obey vs, and pay vs our Rents as the King commanded, for that Rebellion was not mooued by their will. The rest stood still without doing any thing, till we set vpon them, and made them flye, and we slue some of them. With the which newes the King was very glad, for he alwaies was doubtful of the Calide, for he was the neerest Heire to the Kingdome by his Mothers side. I say by his Mothers * 1.1605 side, for by the Father he could not be according to the custome of that Countrey. The custome is, that all the male children of the Kings, except the Heires, assoone as they be brought vp, they send them presently to a very great Rocke, which stands in the Prouince of * 1.1606 Amara, and there they passe all their life, and neuer come out from thence, except the King which reigneth de∣parteth [ 50] this life without Heires, for then they bring from the Rocke him that is neerest, to come and raigne. The which neither bringeth Wife * 1.1607 nor Children from thence, if he hath a∣ny there, but they remayne vpon the Rocke, and hee marrieth in the Kingdome with another Wife.

By the death of the Calide of Doaro, wee rested foure monethes quiet, at the end of the which the King sent vs word, that we should stand vpon our guard, for he had intelligence, that the Gallas determined to come vpon vs on a sudden, for they de••••red to ouercome vs by what∣soeuer meanes they could: because they had not, nor all the Enemies of Presbyter Iohn any other griefe or annoy, but that which we did vnto them. These Gallas inhabit in the Countries bor∣dering to Magadoxo: they are a fierce Nation, they make warre with their Neighbours, and [ 60] with all people, no more then onely to destroy them, and disinhabit the Countries: in the Coun∣tries where they ouercome, they kill all the men, they geld the young men, the old women they kill, the young they keepe for their vse and seruice. It seemeth, that from hence came the * 1.1608 Suimbas, which came destroying all Guinea, for in their cr••eltie they are like. Hearing the

warning which the King sent vs, we beganne to prepare our selues with things necessarie for the Warre, especially of Powder, for with fire principally did we our parts, and supplyed the for∣ces which we wanted. We had great store of prouision to prouide our selues with Powder, for in the Countrey there is great store of Salt-peeter, Brim stone, and many Osiers to make Coales, wherewith we made it very fine, we commanded also to rid the Countrie of the women, and youngmen, and all the people that could not fight: and the rich Inhabiters fled also with these great and small, with feare of the crueltie of the Gallas.

One day they appeared. They were many without number, and they came not disordered * 1.1609 like barbarous people: but close in troupes like Squadrons, and assoone as they had sight of vs, they stayed tarrying for the rest, and from thence they came all in one bodie to pitch neere vnto [ 10] vs, in a distance where our shot could doe them no hurt. We because they were many, and wee few, went not out to receiue them: but remayned in our Campe. We were at the most an hun∣dred and fiftie (for the rest were alreadie dead, almost all in the Warres, and some of sicknesses; which were not so many, as it seemed they might haue beene for our men, that Countrie being hot and situated vnder the Sunne) and so returned to India with Manuel of Accunia, assoone as the King of Zeila was slaine, for they thought that by his death all the contention was en∣ded. Our Campe stood on a Hill, where we mastred the other grounds, and subdued those that did assault vs. There we defended our selues ten or twelue dayes tarying for the King. In which time wee slue many of their men with shot and fire-workes: for they came neere vs without any feare, that we mist no assault of theirs, nor any stroke of ours that wee did not bestow it wel. [ 20]

By this time our Powder failed vs, and the King came not; wherefore we were faine to leaue the place and goe to seeke him. The Gallas did not follow vs, for peraduenture, they desired al∣so to goe from vs, and I doubt not, but that if we had had more forces, that wee had made them retyre in despite of them. By this time the King came, and hearing that the Gallas remayned Lords of the Countrey, he fell in a swound, without any sence for a great space. And afterward wept like a child, and said. Great is my sinne, seeing it hath done me thus much hurt. Wonder how I lose not my wits, thinking on the great losse that I receiue. As in effect hee lost three great Kingdomes: two of them, Bale and Doaro, as bigge as Castile and Portugall, and Hadia, alone as bigge as all France. This Kingdome of Hadia reacheth to the borders of Melinde. And in this Countrie is great store of Myrrhe, Incense, and Gumme Aunime. Some Portugals * 1.1610 [ 30] answered him. Let not your Highnesse grieue, for God can remedie it all, and will remedie it, if you will reconcile your selfe with the Patriarch Don Iohn Bermudez, which is the true Pa∣triarch, and not regard the other Schismaticke. Whereunto he gaue no Answere, but set on for∣ward, and said vnto me that we should follow him. And because he held at that time the warre with the Gallas to be vnfortunate; Hee determined to goe and see some Kingdomes of his Em∣pire, which yet he had not seene, and at his returne to set vpon the Gallas, if yet they were not retyred to their Countries: for they came but to spoile and destroy, and so returne.

We trauelled toward the South-west from Doaro seuen or eight iournies, and came to a King∣dome of Christians, called Oggy, in the which raigned a good man named Frier Michael, Bro∣ther-in-law * 1.1611 to King Gradeus, and his Tributarie. Who made vs very welcome, and good enter∣tainment [ 40] to the people. This Kingdome hath fiue thousand Horsemen, of the which sixe hun∣dred are great Horse and harnassed, and the rest are light Horsemen, and they ride on the bare Horse. It maketh also ten thousand Footmen: the which fight with Darts which they throw, and the Horsemen with long Speares like ours. The armings for their Horses are of Elkes skins quilted within, and garnished very richly on the out-side. He carryeth in his Armie sixe hundred Hand-mils, which women doe grind with. This Kingdome hath a Prouince of Gentiles, called * 1.1612 Gorague, which bordereth with Quiloa, and Mangalo. These Gentiles of Gorague are great Wit∣ches, and doe diuine in the Inwards, Guts, and Entrailes of the Beasts that they sacrifice. They by their Witch-crafts make to appeare that the fire doth not burne in this manner. They kill an Oxe with certaine Ceremonies, and anoynted with the Tallow of that Oxe they command to make a great fire, and cause to seeme that they goe into it, and that they sit downe in a chaire, [ 50] and so sitting at leisure in that fire they diuine, and answere to what is demanded of them with∣out burning.

The Goragues doe pay to their King euery yeare for Tribute, two Lions of Gold, and three * 1.1613 Whelpes of Gold and one Ounce of Gold, and certaine Hennes with their Chickens also of Gold: which all wayeth as much as eight men can carrie: and this Gold is fine and good. They pay him also sixe Buffes laden with base Siluer. They also pay one thousand Beeues aliue; and many Lions, Ounces, and Elkes skinnes. In this Countrey is great store of Ciuet, * 1.1614 Sandalos, * 1.1615 Blacke Wood and Amber. The men of this Prouince say, that there come to traff que in it White men: but they know not of what Nation, if Portugals, or Turkes, or any other [ 60] Nation.

Westward from the Kingdome of Oggy lyeth the Kingdome of the Gaffates Tributaries also. * 1.1616 The Gaffates are Gentiles, and vulgarly it is said that they were Iewes. They are a barbarous and

euil people, rebellious & quarrelsom. There be many of them in other Prouinces of the Empire, but in euery place they are held for Strangers, & different from other people, and abhorred of them, as the Iewes are here. In this Kingdome they are Lords, and haue no other Nation among them, but some Christians which separated themselues from the Abexines, at the time they denyed * 1.1617 the obedience to the Apostolike Sea: which Christians euen now doe say and protest to bee in the obedience of the same Sea. The Gaffates doe possesse in these parts a great and rich Country, of much Gold, and of some good Commodities, especially of fine Cotton Clothes. Within the Countrey they haue spacious and plenteous fields. They say that in this Countrey there is an in∣visible Wood, and it maketh men inuisible. The King when hee came to this Countrey, com∣manded to make warre vpon the people of the Countrey, and to enter with force of Armes into [ 10] their Towne, because they had rebelled since the death of his Father, and would not pay him his Tributes, nor reknowledge him for their Superiour. The Gaffates came at this, and a morning before day assaulted the Campe of the Abexines, and slue many of them. The Portugals were neere the Kings Tent, for they were his Guard: when they heard the cry and stirre, they came being alreadie almost day, and draue the Gaffates out of the Campe killing many of them: and followed after them.

The Portugals here in their Townes found great riches, wherewith they returned ioyfull and rich. They found Bezutos, which are like fine Quilts: and they found Cotton-cloathes very fine like Lawnes: and they found Cypresses so fine, that a piece of thirtie or fortie yards would be contayned within ones hands. They found also store of Gold in Pots, and Pans, and buried [ 20] vnder their hearthes in the houses where they make their fire: for there they vse to keepe it hidden as most secret, and they themselues discouered it to our men, because they should not kill them. The King would make no long tarrying there, for his pretence was not to do them much hurt, but onely to threaten them: and because Winter came on wee left that barbarous people quickly, and went the way to Damute, which lyeth almost to the West from these Gaffates.

On the West side bordereth presently with the Gaffates, whereof I spake before, the King∣dome of Damute, which standeth vpon the Riuer of Nilus: that Riuer maketh there many tur∣nings * 1.1618 and very great. The entrance to this Kingdome is difficult, in respect of the rough and high Rockes that are by the Riuer of Nilus: in the which besides their beeing rough, there are * 1.1619 also made in them at hand certaine passages, in the Rockes broken with the Pick-axe, and shut [ 30] with gates and kept with men at Armes, in sort that with a little force they resist and defend the entry from their enemies, if against their will they will come in. These Gates, when the Emperour commeth thither, are broken and open freely to all that will passe through them. Damute is a great Kingdome, and hath many subiect Prouinces. The principall is of Christians, * 1.1620 but some are of Gentiles. In all of them is found great store of Gold and Crystail stone. The Countries are very plenteous and fruitfull, especially those which are neere the Riuer Nilus, the which haue more Mountaines and Riuers then the others. They breed many wild and tame beasts, and strange Wormes and Serpents very venemous. They breed Oxen, Horses, Buffes, Mules, Asses, Sheepe and other Cattell: the Oxen are greater then ours, so much that some of them are almost as bigge as Elephants. They haue great hornes, that some of them doe hold a Tanker of Wine, and do serue to carrie in, and to keepe Wine and Water, and as the Tan∣kers [ 40] Barrels here. I was bold to speake this, because Don Roderick of Lima, brought one of these hornes of this bignesse to this Kingdome, in the time of the King your Grand-father, when the Embassadour Tagazano, and the Father Franciscus Aluarez came with him. There is found in these Countries a kind of Vnicorne, which is wild and fierce, fashioned like a Horse, and of the bignesse of an Asse. There be in them Elephants, Lions, Ounces, and other beasts, vnknowne here with vs.

There is neere to Damute, a Prouince of women without men: which doe liue after the manner of the ancient Amazones of Scythia, which in certaine time of the yeere permitted the companie of some men that were their Neighbours, and of the children which they bare, they sent the men-children to their Fathers, and the women they kept with themselues, and brought [ 50] them vp in their customes and stile. In the same manner doe these of Aethiopia, and they burne also their left paps, as those did for to shoot more readily with their Bow, which they vse in their Warres, and in Hunting. The Queene of these Women knoweth no man, and for that act is worshipped among them for a Goddesse. They are permitted and preserued, because they say, that they were instituted by the Queene of Saba, which went to see King Salomon. In this Pro∣uince of the Women there be Griffons, which are Fowles so bigge that they kill the Buffes, and carrie them in their clawes as an Eagle carryeth a Rabbet. They say, that here in certaine Moun∣taines very rough, and desert, there breedeth and liueth the Bird * 1.1621 Phenix, which is one alone in [ 60]

the World, and it is one of the wonders of nature. So doe the Inhabitors of those Countries af∣firme, that this Bird is there, and they do see it and know it, and that it is a great and faire Bird. There be other Fowles so bigge, that they make a shadow like a Cloud.

Vpward by Nilus towards the South there bordereth with Damute, a great Prouince, called Couche. This is subiect to Damute, and Gentiles doe inhabit it: the Prince of it is called by the name of his Title, Axgagce, that is to say, Lord of the Riches, as in effect it is so. The Ax∣gagce maketh when he needeth ten thousand Horsemen, and more then twentie thousand Foot∣men. He carryeth in his Armie one thousand Hand-mils vsed by Women, which doe grind with them the flowre necessary for the people. At the time that wee came to Damute, this Prince was in Armes with the King of Damute: wherefore, the King Gradeus said to me, that [ 10] as a Prelate and Mediator of Peace, I should send him word, how his Maiestie was very angrie against him, by reason of his Rebellion and Disobedience, and that hee determined to destroy him by means of the inuincible and more then humane force of the Portugals, which he brought with him for that purpose. I did euen so, and sent him word, that he should obey his Emperour, and bring him his Tributes, and see him, for I did ass••re him that his Maiestie would vse clemen∣cie with him. So he did, and came presently with a great summe of Gold, and great quantitie of Beeues, and other prouision in abundance for all the Armie: and many Slaues, Mules and Asses, for the necessary seruice.

The Axgagce prouided the Emperours Campe with all things in abundance, without wan∣ting any thing. And at the last ••e himselfe came acompanied with many and proper men on [ 20] Foot and Horse: and he was verie richly attyred. Assoone as hee came to the place where hee might be seene from the Emperours Tent, hee dismounted from his Horse, and put off the rich clothes he had on, and remayning in others of lesse value, he came to the Tent, and tarryed till they commanded him to come in. After that he entred into the first receit of the Tent (for it was diuided with certaine Curtaines) and there he cast himselfe on the ground vntill the Empe∣rour commanded him to arise, and receiued him with good words, and commanded him to ap∣parell himselfe, and commanded to giue him some meate, and there heespake with him behind the Curtaines, without admitting him to his pesence, till after foure dayes he commanded him to come in where he was.

For this honor and courtesie that Gradeus shewed to Axgagce, he said vnto him, my Lord, I wil [ 30] doe you one seruice, that neither I nor my Fore-fathers euer did to your Father, nor to the other Emperours your Predecessors, which is to shew you the riches and secrets of my Countries: for with this condition we doe obey you, that you shall not see them but with our will. Finally, he led vs through his Countries to a great Riuer of sixtie fathome breadth, or more, in whose bor∣ders there be many venemous Snakes, so much, that their biting is mortall: but by the good∣nesse * 1.1622 of God, Nature hath prouided a remedie against that hurt: and it is an Herbe, that grow∣eth in some places of that Countrey, which is so contrary to the Snakes I spake of, that they flye from it as from an Enemie, and came not neere him that hath it about him, neither hath * 1.1623 their Poyson any strength where it is, either stamped and laid in a Playster, or the iuyce of it. We saw one of these Snakes that made an end of eating a Buffe that it had killed, and the King [ 40] commanded to kill it, which had leaues of grease like a great and fat Hogge, which was good for the cold, and other diseases. There be others also, which they call, Of the * 1.1624 shadow, be∣cause it hath a skinne on the head, wherewith it couereth a very precious stone, which they say it hath in her head. On the other side this Riuer is a barren ground and vnhabited, the kind of it is browne, red and dry, as that which wee see in some parts of Ribateio. This Earth hath two parts of Gold, and one of Earth, for so it yeeldeth in the melting whereof there bee as ma∣ny workemen in that Countrey, as here there are Smiths, and more, for in that Countrey there * 1.1625 is more Gold, then here we haue Iron. The Lords doe not permit that any Bridge or Boate bee in the Riuer, that there may no easie passage bee had, and because euery one that listeth may not goe ouer to gather the Gold. The meanes to passe that Riuer is this. They haue Buffes accusto∣med [ 50] to passe ouer, and when they will goe ouer to the other side they put them in before, and they goe swimming fast by their tailes, and they fill certaine Bellowes which they carrie with that same Earth, and tye them about their neckes, and come againe fast by their tailes as they went. In this manner the passage is not common to all. And those that doe passe are bound to try the Gold they bring, in the melting houses of the Axgagce, for they all are his, for to pay him his duties.

The King Gradeus to certifie himselfe better of the truth, commanded some of his men to go to the other side, which went ouer, and brought of the earth, which the others brought, the which being tried yeelded as much as the other, and the men of Gradeus said, that all the ground of that Prouince was of that qualitie, for they went a great way in it, and found it all to be so, [ 60] and they said that the ground is so hot, that they could not lay them downe to sleepe vpon it, but that they sought Caues and Slates on which they lay, and also that there were in the Coun∣trey certaine red and great Ants that did bite them, and were so many, that they did not let them sleepe. We thinking that we had reason to wonder at the great quantitie of Gold which

we saw, the Axgagce of the Countrey said to King Gradeus, that hee should not wonder, for he would shew him yet more: and lead vs downe the Riuer towards the South-west, trauelling ve∣ry * 1.1626 easily two dayes, at the end of the which hee shewed vs on the other side the Riuer a Mountaine that in places glistered like the Sunne: and said vnto vs that all that was Gold.

With these and other entertainments that hee did vnto vs, King Gradeus was so contented, that he determined to make him a Christian: and he desired him he would be one, and that hee would be euer his very great friend. He answered, that with a good will he would be one. The King commanded presently to prepare his Baptisme, and a Bishop Prelate of the Monasterie, * 1.1627 called Debra Libanus Christned him, which is the head of the Monasteries of Amara, and King Gradeus was his God-father; and they named him Andrew. There Andrew told King Grade∣us, [ 10] how he had in those parts certaine neighbours which did euill neighbour-hood to him, and did ouer-runne his Countries, robbing and killing his Subiects: and requesting him, that seeing God had brought him thither with that Noble people of Portugall, whose fame did feare the people of that Countrey, that he would reuenge him of his enemies which did him great annoy, and they would be warned not to offend his subiects any more. The King granted his request, and commanded his men and the Portugals to enter into the Countrey of the enemies, and ouer-runne it, warring against it with fire and sword, robbing and destroying their goods, taking the people captiue, and killing those which resisted. This they did for a great space of the Countrey, in the which they found great spoyle of rich Iewels, and much Gold which they brought. This being done, King Gradeus returned to Damute, where we heard the men of the Countrey say, [ 20] that there were things to bee seene of great admiration; so much, that being told to them that saw them not, they seeme Fables, the refore they are not all to be put in writing. But beleeue your Highnesse, that with reason is Africa called the Mother of Monsters; for so it is without doubt, especially in the Countrey within, neere to the Riuer of Nilus, where there are Moun∣taines, Riuers, and desert places, with great disposition of the Countrey and fauour of the ayre, and of the heauens to bring forth and produce what it listeth.

Returning from Damute by the Riuer Nilus, downeward toward the Red Sea, wee came to * 1.1628 the Kingdome of Goiame, which bordereth presently vpon Damute. Goiame is also a great Kingdome, plentifull, and fruitfull, and rich. It is inhabited with Christians, subiect to Presby∣ter Iohn: It hath Gold, but not so much as Damute. In this Kingdome of Goiame there be cer∣taine [ 30] Riuers, in the which, vnder the Sand are found certaine spongie stones like our Pumice-stone, but that they are heauy and yellow; the which being tryed, are conuerted in Gold, the * 1.1629 the most part of them, sauing some little drosse. In this Kingdome of Goiame is the Catadupa of Nilus, whereof Tully maketh mention in the dreame of Scipio, and I will declare to your High∣nesse * 1.1630 what it is, for it is a great thing, and worthy to be knowne, and it is not all a dreame, as in effect some things that some large tongued men doe speake of this, and of other things which they neuer saw, are but dreames.

This Catadupa is a great fall of the Riuer Nilus, from a high Rocke downe. The Rocke is al∣most halfe a league high, steepe downe, without any slant or hillocke, from thence falleth the Riuer Nilus, altogether in a deepe Lake, and close betweene great and high hils. The quan∣titie [ 40] of water is great, for it commeth gathering from more then three hundred leagues to that fall, and it maketh so great a noyse, that it seemeth a great Thunder, and amazeth them that are not accustomed to it: it soundeth so, that three or foure Bow-shot round about, it stunneth the eares, in such sort, that in all that space there is no other noyse heard, be it neuer so big, but that: neither can the ayre receiue any other but that, which filleth all, so doth that sound drown all others, as the greater light doth darken the other smaller. That place is called in the Coun∣trey * 1.1631 language, Catadhi, which is to say, a noyse, or a great sound, whence it seemeth that La∣tines did make the name Catadupa. Westward from these two Kingdome, Damute and Goiame, towards Guinea, are barten grounds, and euill inhabited; and in them inhabite the Gaffates, * 1.1632 and other Gentiles very sauage. These are not well knowne, neither haue they dealings with [ 50] the people of that Empire, to the which they neither giue their oath, nor owe any subiecti∣on, for almost all of it lyeth to the East of Nilus. There is Gold in those Westerne Countries towards Guinea, but that they say, that the Gold of the Land within hath sparkes of Sand, as some that commeth from the Antillas.

By the streame of Nilus below Goiame, neere neighbouring is another Kingdome of Abexines ancient Christians, great and good, called Dembia. In this Nilus maketh a great Lake, which * 1.1633 hath in length thirtie leagues, and twentie in breadth, wherein are many small Ilands, all inha∣bited with Monasteries of religious men, of whom I made mention before. And this is not the spring whence Nilus proceedeth, for it commeth from farre aboue.

A little below there lyeth another Kingdome, called Agaoa, inhabited with Moores and [ 60] * 1.1634 Gentiles mingled together. This hath a King by it selfe, which neither obeyeth the Presbyter Iohn, nor the Turke. It extendeth to the Borders of Egypt: vnto Dembia the Riuer Nilus run∣neth, from the South-west to the North-east, and commeth within thirtie or fortie leagues of the Red Sea, almost opposite to Suaquen: and from thence windeth to the North-west, till he

commeth into the Mediterranean Sea. In this Nooke determined the King Onadinguell to make a Trench, and turne the Riuer Nilus to the Red Sea, as his Predecessour Ale Belale began to do, * 1.1635 and therefore sent to demand Pioners of the King your Grand-father.

To the West from Dembia lyeth a Prouince, called Subia Nubia (which now is of the Moores; and they say, that sometime it was of Christians, and itseemeth to bee so, for in it are some Churches found, yet old and ruinated) and presently ioyning with Subia Nubia. More to the West lyeth a Kingdome of Moores, called Amar, and it is very great, where through the Mer∣chants of Cayro doe passe that go to Ialofa, and to Mandigna, and other parts of Guinea to seeke Gold: and from Amar they carrie Salt, which groweth there in Mines, which is very deere in Guinea, for the great scarcitie there is of it. Before we doe depart from the Riuer Nilus, in [ 10] those Countries whereby the Riuer Nilus runneth, in Iuly, August and September, is the force of Winter, and therefore doth that Riuer increase then, and not at other times, and bringeth great store of water, for it commeth very farre aboue Damute, more then two hundred leagues, and to his entring into Egypt eight hundred, with turnings and windings which it maketh, and passeth by great Hils, where it gathereth great store of water from many Riuers of great wa∣ters. All men doe not know the inward parts of Africa, especially aboue Nilus, the which, nei∣ther the Inhabitors of it doe know, nor haue any notice of it all, for it is very great and difficult to search out; and therefore I digressed a little from my Historie, to giue an accompt briefely to your Highnesse of these things I saw, because peraduenture there is not another in this Coun∣trey that knoweth them by sight but I, that dwelt in it thirtie yeares or more. And moreouer, [ 20] if it had not beene that iourney that I went with the King Gradeus, although I had beene there as much more, I had knowne no part of the Countries which aboue I haue rehearsed. Now I will returne to giue an account of my selfe, and of my Companions.

King Gradeus, after he had spent in his visittaion tenne or twelue moneths, determined to re∣turne toward the Prouinces of Simem and Amara, where the Kings and Emperours of that Countrey do make their abode and continuance, because the Countrey is better then the other, * 1.1636 and more secure, and because they are borne and naturall from thence. In Amara and Uedremudro are Mines of Copper, Tinne and Lead. Heere are certaine Churches cut out of the hard Rocke, which they say the Angels did make. And indeede, the worke seemeth more then humane. * 1.1637 The Traffique of these Prouiuces to Damute, where the Abexines chiefely doe prouide them∣selues [ 30] of Gold, is for the most part by Iron, whereof there is great store in them, especially in the Prouince of Tigremacan, which is also a neighbour with these: which Iron is so much worth in Damute, that they giue for it Gold by weight, quantitie for quantitie. I touched this matter here, because I thinke, that the Kingdome of Damute, and the Prouince of Couche doe confine with Sofalla, and if from Sofalla they haue the Iron that they haue need of, they will giue their Gold also for it. These Prouinces lye to the East from Goiame and Dembia; and the Prouince of Bethmariam remaineth to the South-east, where the King satisfied vs our Rents, which by the comming of the Gallas we had lost in Doaro.

The Prouince of Bethmariam is great, and well inhabited, and of great Rent, all the which the King released to vs the Portugals, and the Lands diuided among vs according to the qualities * 1.1638 [ 40] of the persons. He that receiued least for Rent to his part, had more then one thousand crownes a yeare; the Captaine had more then tenne thousand, and I had as much. The King gaue vs this Prouince, because it was a Frontier to the Kingdome of the Gafates that were risen, be∣cause that from hence the Portugals might make in-roades in their Countries, and punish them, and bring them to obedience. Finally, our iourney being ended, and the King seated in the Pro∣uince * 1.1639 of Simem, the Portugals did aske him leaue to goe and see the Lands which he had giuen them in the Prouince of Bethmariam. And I demanded also licence to goe to my Countrey of Portugall, as I meant, and he gaue it mee, vnderstanding that of Bethmariam. I asked him this cloaked licence, because I would not breake the oath that I had made vnto him, and because I knew that if I had asked it plainely, he would not haue giuen it me, but rather would haue hin∣dred my comming, or taken away my life, as he desired many daies before. [ 50]

I was in the Prouince of Bethmariam as long as Winter lasted, which beganne to come on when we retyred our selues; and for to win their fauours and loue of my subiects, I cherished them all that I could, and did ease the rents that they were bound to pay me, to make them be∣neuolent and affected, that they should not bewray me when I would go away: for the King had commanded them all, that they should looke to me that I went not out of the Countrey. The same had the King also commended to Gaspar of Sosa, Captaine of the Portugals, the which * 1.1640 for that respect sent many times to visite me: and I for to assure him, made my selfe sicke of the Gout in one of my Legges, I tooke my bed, saying; That I could not go on foote. In the meane season, Gaspar of Sosa went to the Court, and I had opportunitie to doe what I desired. And [ 60] also, because I would haue no hindrance of them of the Countrey, I sent to call some of the principallest of them, and said vnto them, that I was very sicke as they saw, and would goe in Pilgrimage to the Monasterie, called Debra Libanus, to commend my selfe to God, and to re∣quest * 1.1641 the religious men there, to pray to God for me; therefore, that I desired them they would

resort with my Rents to a Seruant of mine, with whom I left the charge of my house and people.

And because the way to Debarua, directly was by the Countries where the King was, I de∣termined to goe by another Countrey distant from thence, and vnhabited, and therefore I com∣manded to carrie prouision sufficient for my selfe, and seuen or eight persons which I carried with me, whom I most trusted, which I commanded to say by the way, that I went verie sick, and that I went to cure my selfe to Debarua, where the Countrey and Ayres are more health∣full. By this way I crossed a Nooke of Nilus, where I passed it twice, with great trouble, be∣cause the Coasts of the Riuer were very craggy, and with great danger of not letting me passe * 1.1642 through certaine gates that are in them, guarded with armed men. Here I commanded my men [ 10] that they should say, that a Seruant of the King came behind which was knowne, that carried me to Debarua to be cured; and with this deceit they let vs passe. At last, with the helpe of God, by the intercession of our Ladie, to whom I commended my selfe, I came safe to Debarua, where certaine Portugals receiued me which were there, with great ioy and entertainment: the Bernagaez of that Countrey, as soone as he knew that I was there, came to see me, and as∣ked me, saying; What good comming is this, Father, to this Countrey? I answered, that I went very sicke, and that I went to be cured. He said againe, that he thought I would passe to the Countries of Franquia, which are neere the Sea; therefore that hee desired me that I would not doe so, but that I should rest a few dares, and returne vnto the King: I answered, that in no wise would I returne to the King, for he knew very well, and all men did know, how great rea∣son [ 20] I had to flye from him: but my intention was to dwell in that Countrey, in an hermitage of our Ladie that was there, and end my life there. Seeing that is your will, said he, I will write to the King, and request him, that he will let you be here, and that I take you to my charge, for to giue account of you, that you shall not goe away from hence, and I will send him word that you are very sicke, therefore trouble not your selfe, for all shall bee done at your will. And said moreouer, Father, That which I aske you for Gods sake, is, that you will suspend the excom∣munications, and cease from the curses which you lay vpon the King, and vpon all this Coun∣trey, * 1.1643 because some euill may not come to vs; and besides, that you incense not the King against you. He sent an honest man of his house to the King, which returned in few daies with the an∣swer: And it was, that the King was much mooued against me; especially, because I said that [ 30] he was an Hereticke and excommunicate. And the King said, That if it were not for the Portu∣gals sake, that he had commanded me to be slaine. And yet said more, that I was a Traytor and forsworne, because I had broken my Faith and my Oath that I had sworne to him, not to goe out of his Countries without his licence. To which I answered, that he had giuen me the same licence, as it is said in the former Chapter. Finally, hee commanded that I should abide in De∣barua, and not to go from thence without his speciall commandement; and to the Bernagaez, that he should haue a speciall care of me.

I was in Debarua more then two yeeres, commending my selfe to God, and said Masse the * 1.1644 most daies in a Church of our Ladie that was there, where about nine or tenne Portugals that were there accompanied me, which came flying thither with others, from the vnfortunate bat∣taile [ 40] in which the Goranya ouercame vs, and tooke Don Christopher. About this time, there came a Venetian, called Micer Suncar, which came from Gran Cayrus with a message from cer∣taine Venetian Merchants which were there, and had taken in charge fortie odde Portugals, which were taken captiues in the parts of Ormuz, and the Turkes demanded thirtie thousand * 1.1645 crownes: and Micer Suncar came to know of Presbyter Iohn if hee would ransome them, who ransomed them, giuing the said price, and other two or three thousand crownes for their expen∣ses. There came also to mee a religious man of the company of Iesus, called Master Gonçaluo * 1.1646 with his companion, which came from India to enquire after me, and the other Portugals, and of the estate of that people of Presbyter Iohn, which after I informed him how it was, went to the Kings Court, and did informe himselfe in that Countrey what I had done and suffered, to [ 50] reforme that people to the obedience of the Church of Rome, and gaue a publike testimony and relation in the Cathedrall Church of Goa.

Being in Debarua, tarrying for passage to India, there arriued to the Port of Maçua, Antonie Peixoto a Portugall, with two Foysts, whereof he was Captaine: Master Gonzaluo and I deter∣mined * 1.1647 to goe and visite him, and goe with him for India, and that I might doe this without hinderance of the Abexines, I had a good excuse in this manner. The Church of our Ladie which we had in Debarua, was burnt a few daies before by a disaster, wherefore I desired the Bernagaez which had the charge of me, that he would let me goe to Maçua to aske some almes of the Portugals of the Foysts to re-edifie the said Church, and that he would lend mee a Mule to ride on, and some men to accompany and guard me. He did it willingly, for hee thought I [ 60] was already seated in the Countrey, and had no desire to returne to Portugall, and sent with me a Priest of his owne Sect and Nation, and sent besides other, sixe or seuen men to accompanie and guard me, charging vs to returne presently, and that we should not stay. And for more his assurance, there went in our company an Ambassadour of Presbyter Iohn to the Gouernour of In∣dia,

for whose respect he thought also that the Cap••••ine of the Foysts would not carrie mee, if he desired him the contrary. But Antonie Peixoto the Captaine was very glad to carrie me, and when the Ambassadour saw me embarked, went backe and would not goe with vs, thinking * 1.1648 that for my sake he should not be well entertained among the Portugals. There went with me, as I said, Master Gonçauluo, and those few Portugals that we•••• in Debarua. We came to Goa after the passing great Tempest by Sea and want of victuals, Francis•••••• Barreto being Gouernor of In∣dia, who receiued vs with great ioy, and commanded me to bee ••••dged in Saint Paul, with the Fathers of the company of Iesus, which shewed me great loue and honour while I was there, * 1.1649 which was about nine or ten moneths, tarrying for shipping for this Kingdome. The Gouernor commanded the ouer-seer of your Highnesse goods, to prouide me of all things necessarie, and so [ 10] I was alwaies well prouided for of all things necessarie in the Countrey, and for the Voyage. The Patriarch Don Iohn Nunnez came thither I being there, and the Bishop Don Andrew with their companions.

As soone as the time of shipping came, I went to Cochin, because the ships are wont to depart * 1.1650 from thence, and the Gouernor commanded to giue me a good lodging in one of them, and pro∣uision in abundance. Don Iohn Menesez the sonne of the Nayler, came for Captaine of that Voyage, and also another Don Iohn Menesez, of whom I receiued great courtesie and enter∣tainement vnto the Iland of Saint Helen, where I remained against his will, contending much about it: There I continued a yeere suffering some bodily trouble, of hunger and other necessa∣ries, because that Iland is so distant from humane communication, that there commeth no peo∣ple, [ 20] but some fugitiue Slaues which had runne away from some ships that came thither: and it was said, that they had killed another Chaplaine, with the which mine beganne to be corrupt, and would not serue me. Wherefore destitute of all humane helpe in mine old age and sicknesse, I came perforce the next yeere to Portugall, in the ship called Saint Pablo, wherein 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Melo came for Captaine. I came to Lisbon in the moneth of August, the yeere 1559. Your Highnesse reigning, whom God giue long life, with Peace and Grace in this world, and the glory of his Kingdome in the world to come, Amen.

They brought newes of vs hither, as of men cast away: and without doubt, that was a great and inhumane carelesnesse, and was the cause that there was no more good done in the Coun∣trey. For your Highnesse may beleeue, that the matters of that Empire were in such estate, that [ 30] if that small number of Portugals had beene maintained with supplies of men, it might haue gotten such a possession an•• authoritie, that King Gradeus either with his will or without it, would haue obeyed the holy Motner Church: and his people with the conuersation of ours, and the doctrine of our Preachers, which would haue taught freely, had taken the true Christian Religion, and had left the errors of the Alexandrines, which for their sinnes are destroyed, they and their false Doctrine, whereby it hath no vigour for to resist the truth if it were preached and fauoured: for among them there are no proud and stubborne learned men, but there are de∣uout religious men, and very humble, which in good simplicitie desire to serue God, and take very easily the doctrine of truth, and apply their vnderstandings to it.

In Temporall things had such profit beene gotten, that neither Peru with his Gold, nor In∣dia [ 40] * 1.1651 with his Trafficke, had surpast them: for there is more Gold in Damute and her Prouinces, then in Peru, which might haue beene gotten without the expences which the India maketh, and without warre.

Of my selfe I gaue also some account in this Treatise, though not much, not to trouble you, as I haue said: for I trauailed many yeares in those Countries, and passed many troubles for the ser∣uice of God and of your Highnesse, wherewith I should haue wearied your eares if I had told thē, or the lesse part of them: For the first time I went to India, I went in company of Lope Suarez, Alfonsus of Alburkerke being Gouernour of it, and was there to the time of Iames Lopez of Sequera, by whose commandement I passe to the Presbyter Iohn of Ethiopia, in company of Don Rodericke of Lyma, and the Father Franciscus Aluarez, which returned from thence with an * 1.1652 Ambassadour of that Emperour, called Tagazauo, of whom I made mention in the beginning of [ 50] this worke, in whose gage and hostage I remained in that Countrey: in the which they alwaies shewed me great honour and good vsage, to the Emperors taking me for God-father of his sonne and heire Gradeus, and before the death of his Patriarch, called Abuna Marcus, he elected mee Patriarch of that Countrey and his Empire, according to his custome, and desired me on his be∣halfe and mine to goe to Rome, to giue the obedience to the chiefe Bishop, and to desire him he would confirme to me that dignitie and Patriarch-ship, and from thence to Portugall, to doe that which I said in the beginning of this Booke. Which iourney I made by Land comming to Cayro, and to Ierusalem, and was taked by the Turkes and misused, and almost slaine, but by Gods assistance I came to Rome, in the time of the holy Father Paul the third, who not onely ap∣prooued my election, but instituted me besides, and confirmed mee Patriarch of Alexandria, [ 60] * 1.1653 and gaue me personally the possession of that Seat. And in testimony of the truth of all this, he commanded to passe me his accustomed Letters and Authenticall Instruments, which were seene and approued in this kingdome, which I lost with many other things in the battaile where

Don Christopher was taken, and because I s••••w them not they mocke me: but it is no matter, seeing God knoweth the truth, and kn••weth how much I laboured for the restoring of the Faith and Religion of that Countrey. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 forgiue my aduersaries, and to me he will giue him∣selfe in reward of my trauails, and to your Highnesse long life, peace and prosperitie in this life, and in the life to come eternall gl〈…〉〈…〉e,

Amen.

CHAP. VIII.

Late Changes of State and Religion in Ethiopia, with other [ 10] remarkable Obseruations.

§. I.

Relations of IOHN NVNNEZ (or NONIVS) BARETVS sent for Patriarke of Ethiopia, and ANDREA * 1.1654 OVIEDO his Successor. [ 20]

IOhn Bermudez * 1.1655 a Spanish Priest had been sent by the Romane Bishop into Abas∣sia, which Patriarchall dignitie (before this mission of Nonius) and hauing beene taken by Turkish Pirats, yet after diuers Aduentures, perced into Ethiopia, where by Claudius * 1.1656 the Emperour he was well entertained in shew, to hold the Por∣tugals the faster to his succours in the Warre against the King of Adel: who be∣ing slaine, he would acknowledge no other Patriarke to him nor his, but the A∣lexandrian. Hence arose great hatred of the Abassines vnto Bermudez, insomuch that it was vulgarly bruted that he had stolne a Vessell of Gold out of a Church: so that hee was forced to returne into Europe. Him haue I (being then a Boy) seene at Lisbon, where hee made an end of [ 30] his life and labours.

About those times, one Peter an Abassine, a Monke of Saint Antonies Order, with some o∣thers of his profession came to Rome, who being of a forward and industrious disposition, lear∣ned * 1.1657 the Latine and Italian Tongues, and easily insinuated himselfe into the fauours of many; dealt also with Pope Paul the Third, very earnestly to send another Patriarke into Ethiopia: as for Bermudez, their wanted not causes of that hatred which he had incurred; but for any other, hee should no sooner set foot in Ethiopia, but all men would adhere to him, forsaking the Alexandrian and his Abuna. The Pope by Letters commended the businesse to the King of Portugall, to choose a man fit for this businesse, who named thereunto Peter Faber, and writ to the Pope to [ 40] confirme him; but death tooke him away. The Abassine continuing his importunate sute: in the * 1.1658 yeare 1554. Iulius the Third gaue eare hereto, whose Buls were ratified by Paul the Fourth his Successor, in whose time Nonius was consecrated at Lisbon, and with him Ouiedo, the one Patriarke, the other entitled Bishop of Hierapolis. King Iohn gaue many holy Vestments of Silke and Damake richly and curiously wrought; Crosses, Chalices, Pyxes, and other Vessels of Gold and Siluer to commend the Romane Pietie by this sacred splendour to the Abassine Nation.

Nonius before his iourney to leaue behind him Monuments of Iesuiticall Humiliation (the * 1.1659 heart makes it Humilitie by the discreet manner and diuine end, which otherwise in most ser∣uile Offices is as meerely titular as was his Patriarkship) in this his Patriarchicall dignitie made [ 50] himselfe a Seruant to the Societie, wayting on them at Table, yea, (his Episcopall Ring laid a∣side) was a continuall helper of the Cooke, washed with care and pleasure, the Dishes, Boxes, Pots, and either Vessels of the Cookerie; besides this, hee was a diligent Hearer of Confessions, not refusing once in the night to goe to a meane Cottage to shriue a Negro Slaue. Before he went his Patriarchall Voyage, the King sent to Peter Mascaregna, the Vice-Roy, to send an Ambas∣sage into Ethiopia, to prepare way to the Patriarch, who sent Iames Dias with Gonzales Rode∣ricke

a Iesuit Priest. Who in the year 1555. arriued at Ercoco, which then belonged to the Abassine, to whom they went thence by Land: and hauing declared their message, and deliuered the Kings Letters, they find his mind altered (for he had written before to King Iohn in that businesse.) But the whole Discourse will better appeare in Roderickes Letter in September, 1566. from Ethiopia to the Iesuites in Goa: which (so much as concerneth this purpose) I haue heere tran∣scribed.

ON the fifteenth of May, we came to the King of Ethiopia. He was then in his Campe encom∣passed with many Pauilions. Beeing certified of our arriuall, hee commanded a Lodging to bee prouided where we might bee entertained. The next day wee had accesse. Hee sate in his Tent spread [ 10] with a faire Carpet, and adorned with silken Hangings on a Bed, the Curtaine opened. Iames approa∣ching deliuered him the Kings Letters, which hee commanded to bee read before all the Portugals in the Campe, with a loud voyce. In them the King signified amongst other things, that the next yeare hee would send thither one of his Houshold, and some Religious men besides, famous for life and learning. Claudius frowned at the hearing hereof, but answered nothing to the purpose: and thus dismissed, wee returned to our Lodgings. Two or three dayes after hee went to see his Grand-mother ten dayes iourney thence: and we were left in the open field, not hauing one man in the Emperours name to prouide vs any thing. Yet were we not forsaken of God, by whose prouidence and bountie it came to passe, that a Por∣tugall tooke care of vs, and brought vs to a place whereof he was Lord, three leagues distant, entertai∣ned vs at his House, and commending to his the care of vs, followed after the Emperour. Heere wee [ 20] spent almost a moneth, in which time I writ a Booke of the Errours of the Abassines, and the truth of the Romane Faith, to offer it to Claudius at his returne. For hee openly said, as I learned of a Portu∣gall, neere about him, that hee neyther needed our Doctrine, nor intended to obey the Romane Church. It was also commonly reported, that some of the Chiefe men did openly affirme, that they would more easily subiect their neckes to the yoke of Saracens, then exchange their Customes with ours. Which did the more confirme mee, to deliuer my mind rather in writing then by word; so to learne his Answere and vnmaske his opinion so long closely concealed. So soone therefore as hee returned to these parts, wee went to his Campe and were entertained of the Portugall Souldiers. For the Emperour had quite for∣gotten vs, nor cared to know how or where we liued. Now, because I had made my Booke in Portuguse, and it was necessarie to turne it in Chaldee, I petitioned of him by Letters, to assigne me two of the best [ 30] learned Monkes to turne some Doctrines of Christian Faith into the Chaldee Tongue: for I would in writing shew how vndeseruedly the Abassines reckoned the followers of the Romane Faith amongst He∣retikes, and affirmed, that they were worse then Mahumetans: for so they openly said and reported. * 1.1660

And because I knew that they had a Booke which they called the Adulterie of the Frankes, made by the Alexandrine Schismatikes, wherein the Chalcedon Councell is reprooued, and many lyes are forged on vs; I desired of the Emperour that I might haue the vse thereof. The Booke hee denyed, the Monkes he granted; which yet when they had begunne to translate the Booke, whether because they had beene so commanded, or else were afraid of any thing, or for some other vnknowne cause, refused to pro∣ceed in the Enterprise: vntill that by the Portugall Captaines intercession, they were commanded to fi∣nish it, assisted therein by a Portugall, an honest man, and well skilled in the Chaldee. When againe, [ 40] I needed another to transcribe in right Characters that which was translated, he was also desired and ob∣tayned of the Emperour. Yet had he scarsly begunne, when the Emperour in a rage sent to reuoke him, and in his name to tell me that I should not stay, but send him the Booke as it was, or surcease such busi∣nes. That the thing therefore might be no longer deferred, nor the Emperor haue any excuse for his sinne, I thought it neeessary to shew him the Booke ill written and blotted, appointing thereto a certaine day, which was the twentieth of August. When that day was come, with the Captaine and seuen or eight other Portugals, I present my selfe before him, and hauing saluted him, shew the cause of my comming. He * 1.1661 forbids me to proceed, and diuerting his speech to another matter, warily escheweth all the blowes made at him. Then I letting other things passe offered him the Booke, which beginning to reade, hee conceiued so great fury, that he could not but vtter his concealed Poyson. Thou askedst (said he) of me that thou [ 50] mightest make a Booke wherein to declare the veritie of the Faith, and Monkes to translate it into Chal∣dee, both which I granted. And behold, thou hast done quite otherwise. For neither dost thou explaine the veritie of Faith, but doest ascribe Errours to them which are free from Errors. Thou shouldest also haue knowne how farre this thine Enterprise disagrees with thy condition, which art but a simple Priest. Knowest thou not that these things belong to Bishops, and pertaine only to great Prelates? Why hast thou thrust thy Sickle into anothers Haruest? I confessed my selfe a man of small worth, yet to haue done nothing discrepant with my condition, seeing I had written those things which are plainly contained in the Booke of the Gospels, and in the Holy Councels, and which are to be beleeued of a Christian man. Thou obiectest said he, many Errors to me and mine, wherwith we are not entangled, I determine not of your [ 60] Faith, O Emperour, quoth I, but I am sure your Abassines are erroneous, nor doe I falsly ascribe any thing to them. If it please you to make tryall, you may command your Monkes and most learned men in your Empire to come hither, and I will make it appeare, that they are so ensnared in the Errours there mentioned, as none shall be able to denie. He replyed, that he hated the Quirkes of Disputations, and that it was the custome of Ethnikes to commit their Superstitions to Questions, which Christians, especially

the ancient did altogether forbeare. There had now passed aboue one thousand yeares since they pro∣fessed that Faith: if any part thereof were false, how chanced that in so many yeares none durst doe as I * 1.1662 had done? I answered, that God prouoked by bad workes of men often suffered them to fall into euill: that he ought to giue great thankes to God that he sent in the time of his life and Reigne, one to shew the way of the sincere Faith. Then He. The Church of Christ hath beene diuided 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••o f••••re Seas, we are in∣grossed into one of these from the beginning▪ from it right and Lawes 〈…〉〈…〉 now separated. I as∣sent (quoth I) that there were foure Patriarchall S〈…〉〈…〉 from the beg〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Romane by Diuine * 1.1663 Statute was preferred before the rest, as the Head Mother, and 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 all. When others haue failed, whosoeuer obey them against the Romane, are Enemies, 〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from their Head. Looke in my Booke, there shall you find the Solutions of all 〈…〉〈…〉 propounded. But take [ 10] diligent heed that the speech of the Prophet, Nolu••t int〈…〉〈…〉 be not applyed to you. After many words on both sides, the Portugall Captaine 〈…〉〈…〉 added at last, that I wrote my Booke to that purpose, that I might know whether his 〈…〉〈…〉, he would obey the Romane Sea, and entertaine those Religious and Learned me•• 〈…〉〈…〉 of Por〈…〉〈…〉 sent him. For if hee would not entertaine and heare them, there was no cause 〈…〉〈…〉 should come to Ethiopia, which sought nothing but the saluation of the Abassines. He 〈…〉〈…〉, that hee had Learned and Religious men in his Kingdomes, and therefore needed not that 〈…〉〈…〉 besent from any other place, neither was it euer in his mind to subiect himselfe or his Countrey to the 〈…〉〈…〉ane Bishop. For that which Gaspar Ma∣gelanes had done in his name with the King of Portugall, was done by the mistaking of an Arabian Monke which translated his Letters and vnderstood ••ot his minde. Once; besides the Alexandrian [ 20] Patriarch, whom alway hee hath obeyed faithfully, he would acknowledge no Superiour in holy things at all. Whereupon, being out of hope to moll••fie his obstinate mind, hauing leaue I departed. When I went away, looking vpon the Portugall Captaine, he highly commended my Learning, saying, that hee much maruelled how beeing so young, I could bee so excellent in knowledge. I learned after that hee read my Booke thorow, and often had it in his hand, and shewed it to his Mother, often to his Brethren, and o∣ther Princes of the Empire.

It was also told me that the Abuna knowing what was in it, forbade the reading thereof with a grie∣uous Curse. Therefore, the second day after a Messenger was sent to him from the Prete, which in his * 1.1664 name might aske leaue to reade it, which the Abuna denying, the Emperour in a rage gaue him many reproachfull and contumelious words, called him Heretike and Mahumetane, which read the Alcoran [ 30] of the false Prophet Mahumet, and forbade so holy a Booke, and made by such an Authour to bee read. He added further, that seeing he came into those Abassine parts to performe the Office of an A∣buna and Doctor, he should speedily answere to those things which a simple Priest opposed. The Abuna denyed that hee would enter into any Disputation against me: for he came into Abassia not to dispute, but to giue Orders. Nothing was more common in mens mouthes, and some Countries fauoured our part, others the contrarie: whereupon the Emperour sends for some Monkes in best reputation of Sanctitie and Learning, and commanded them to transcribe my Booke very purely. I was much afraid, lest they would haue left out some things which I knew the Emperour was disgusted eyther to heare or see, as those things which I had written of Pope Leo, and Dioscorus the Patriarke of Alexandria. For the Abas∣sines thinke and say, that Dioscorus was a Saint, Leo a bad Man, whom they so much hate that they [ 40] cannot heare his name without horrour. Also they reiect the Chalcedon Councell for Errour in Faith, and say that it condemned Dioscorus vniustly. Therefore, euer since the time of that Councell (the Decrees whereof they wholly reiect) they haue beene diuided from the Romane Church.

They follow also the Heresie of Sergius Paulus and Pyrrhus, condemned by the sixt Synode at Con∣stantinople, and many other Errours. When the time was come that the Emperour should answere me, as he had promised, I went to the Court, and sent one to signifie to him that I expected an Answere. Whereto he said that his Fathers Ambassadour had beene tenne yeares in Portugall, neither could hee dispatch his Affaires in all that space: it is therefore meete that the Ambassadour of the King of Por∣tugall should patiently waite my Answere. I perceiued whither these things tended, nor did I thinke it fit to stay any longer, but desired leaue to depart into India. He cunningly deferred, as a thing vnmeete, [ 50] that I so great a man should so soone be gone, specially hauing come to treat of Matters so weightie; nor could I spend my time better then in hearing there the Portugals Confessions. But if I were fully resolued to depart, I should yet giue him one monethes space to answere: that being past, if I had no answere, I should dissemble an Answere, and might goe whither I would.

After this, on the fourth day of October, the Emperours Mother sent a Seruant to mee, de∣siring to speake with mee, and to see the Chalice which I had brought from Goa, a thing much magnified amongst them. I went presently with some Portugals, all which shee was willing should enter with me. After a 1.1665 a few words, comming to talke of Religion, shee said, Seeing your Faith and ours differ nothing but are one and the same, What needed it I pray, to write any thing thereof, and make a causelesse broyle? Whereto I briefely, Whether your Abassines hold the right Truth you [ 60] may perceiue by my Writings. This I affirme to thee, O Empresse, although you had no other Errour, this one, b 1.1666 that you are separated from the Romane Bishop, the Vicar of Christ on Earth, it would bee enough and more, vnto eternall destruction. She answered, that she and her people were subiect to Pe∣ter and Paul, the Apostles, and especially to Christ himselfe. I denyed, that he is subiect to Christ which

is not subiect to his Vicar; when Christ himselfe saith, He which heareth you * 1.1667 heareth me, and he which despiseth you, despiseth me. And if it be true which the Euangelist Iohn from the same Lord relateth, that there shall be One Shepheard, and one Sheepefold, whom did she thinke to be that Shepheard? She answered, Saint Peter * 1.1668. If said I, Peter be that one Shepheard, the same Office must needs agree to them which in order succeed Peter. She answered, neither I nor mine deny obedience to Saint Peter: We are now in the same Faith wherein we haue beene from the beginning: if that bee not right, why did none admonish vs in so many Ages? Heere I, the Romane Bishop, which is Pastor of the whole Church of Christ, could not in the yeares passed send into Abassia, by reason of the Mahume∣tans stopping vp the passage. But the way by Sea being now open, he is able to doe it. Shee should take knowledge that the Common-wealth of Christ wheresoeuer it is, is one mysticall body, which in Heauen [ 10] hath Christ the Head, in Earth the Vicar of Christ, which is the Head of all Christians. It may not bee doubted, but that members must be subiect to their Head, and to be directed thereby. From the time the Church began till the yeare 488. it was well in Abassia, and all the Patriarchs of Alexandria, but thenceforth they fell to ruine. If they would attaine saluation, they ought againe to conioyne with their lawfull Head, and become one bodie with him: for Christ himselfe had said, That there should be but one Sheepfold in the Church, and one Shepheard: but one body except it were monstrous, could haue but one Head; whereas the body of Christ is most perfect, and free from all filthinesse. So great a worke said she, as that is, to wit, that the rest of the members be ioyned with the Romane Head, belongs no∣thing to me, nor to thee. It is meete, that other Patriarchs congregated with the Romane, should delibe∣rate of so weightie a matter, and decree by their authoritie what is to bee done: For to forsake old Cu∣stomes [ 20] and Rites by priuate counsell, and to vndertake new, is a thing full of danger and offence. I on the other side said, That they were very ancient which the true Faith teacheth, nor haue any noueltie in them, and therefore it did rather take away then giue offence, whatsoeuer is done according to the rule of Faith.

After some other such like things, followeth in the same Epistle of Gonzalus. A few daies after, the Emperor remoued this Camp to a place a daies iourney distant, and we followed him. When we were in a certaine field, three Monkes came to me; one of which was accounted learned, and was very desirous to see and speake with me about Religion. In the beginning of his speech he confessed, that all our things pleased him, but yet he could not approue that we neither obserued the (Saturday) Sabbath, nor abstained from Swines and Hares flesh, vomiting out other venome. For he affirmed, that the soules [ 30] of the iust departing out of this life, although nothing remaine in them to be purged, are not yet present∣ly receiued in Heauen to see God, but are conueyed to earthly Paradice, there to expect the end of the world. That the Holy Ghost proceedeth onely from the Father. That the Sonne is equall to the Father in regard of his humane Nature. That onely Mahumetans and Ethnicks after their death, are cast into Hell, to abide there euerlastingly: but Christians which liue badly are there to be tormented in the fire of Hell, till they purge their sinnes: for all which are signed with the Character of Baptisme, shall at last be saued, and so he construed Christs words, He which shall be beleeue and be baptized, shall be saued. But I so conuinced his errors by reasons and Scriptures, that comming neerer, he acknowledged himselfe satisfied. But lest his Fellowes which were vnlearned should heare, he whispered thus to mee. The things which thou teachest are true, and I will keepe them all in my mind, and so went away. The [ 40] moneth being past, I went to the Emperour, and desired an answer and leaue to depart. Hee answered, I might be gone at my pleasure.

As touching the religious men which King Iohn sends me, when they shall come to Mazua, there shall be some to receiue and conduct them to me, I shall willingly heare them discoursing of the Faith. Then departed I from him and betooke me to my iourney. By the way, I visited some Townes of the Portu∣gals, heard many of their confessions, brought some of them from Concubines to lawfull Wedlocke, their Concubines first (being Abassines in Sect and Nation) instructed in the Romane Doctrine, and reuo∣ked to the Faith. Because the Churches of this Region are consecrated to the holies of Schismatickes, neither haue Altars accommodated to our vses, wee carried an Altar with vs. When I was in one of these Townes, one came thither to salute me, sent from a principall Abbat, which sixe miles off ruled [ 50] two great Monasteries; one of Monkes, the other of Nuns. The name is Beliuanos, or Plurimanes, * 1.1669 famous in those parts. For from thence proceeds whatsoeuer is to bee beleeued in all Abassia, because there is thought to bee the rule of Faith, and for that cause the Abbot himselfe is in great honour a∣mongst all. I thought it meete to visite these Monasteries, and went together with the Portugal, my Companions. The Abbot was absent, I briefely viewed the Monasteries. Both they and the Monkes * 1.1670 much differ from ours. Each of them hath his owne little house separated from others: hee hath his owne part of ground which he tilleth for himselfe. So are they all diuided in habitation and occupation, that you would thinke you saw not a Monasterie, but a small Village. And although the Monkes dwell on one side, and the Nuns on the other, yet are they not so separated, but that many Children are * 1.1671 [ 60] said to be begotten betwixt them. Their Order or Family is neither Franciscan nor Dominican but is called Tecleay Manot. This was the name of the Founder, which with them signifieth. The Pillar of the Faith. He hath great opinion of sanctitie among the Abassines, and is said to haue wrought ma∣ny Miracles. That is the most famous, that hee slue a Serpent, esteemed by the Ethnicks for a God, and conuerted the Ethnicks: first to the Faith of Christ, and after that, many of them to this forme of life. Thus much Gonzalus.

Alfonsus of France a Portugall, which had bene Interpreter betwixt the Emperour and this * 1.1672 Gonzalus, did write to Goa to him, touching a discourse twixt the said Emperour and him, tou∣ching the said heresie of Dioscorus, which he had said might bee euinced by holy Scripture, and authoritie of Saints and Councels. If your Scripture, said the Emperour so deemeth of vs, God knowes what ours deemeth of you. I know, quoth I, That the followers of the Romane Faith are esteemed Heretikes of the Abassines, and accounted Nestorians, as if we admitted two persons in Christ, as well as two Natures; for so they had often obiected * 1.1673 to me with contu∣mely: and after mention of his yearely re-baptizing, contrary to Saint Pauls saying; One Faith, one Baptisme, he grew very angry, and threatned me with his Sword, but seeing my con∣stancie he departed. He concludes, I thus thinke Gonzales, that this Emperour will more easily end•••••• [ 10] the yoake of Saracens, then of the Romane Bishop.

On the thirtieth of March, 1556. Iohn Nonius Barret, Patriarch of Ethiopia, Andrew Ouie∣do, Bishop of Hierapolis, and other Iesuites sayled from Lisbon to the East. In the way a great * 1.1674 Tempest happened, which (saith our Author) by the Patriarchs Prayers was appeased. For taking water in a vessell, and (attired in his holy Vestments) blessing the same, he sprinkling part of it in the Sea, part on the Sailes, Tackling, and other part of the Ship, with a certaine forme of Prayer brought to passe, that the Seas and Winds were quiet. Well; if hee could also haue giuen sound lims to Francis Rodericke, his fellow Ignatian, whose helpe he vsed in hearing the confessions of the Passengers, being a man lame and going on Crouches. So should hee haue freed him from that scoffe of the Moores at Mosambike, that his Arguments could not stand a∣gainst [ 20] Mahomet, himselfe being so lame; nor could they bee right, himselfe being so crooked. He answered well, That their Sect was more deformed then he, and wanted both feete and head too. But the Miracle might haue cured his bodie and their soules, or done good in Abassia, if their miracles were as readie before Infidels, or those whom they call Heretikes, whose curi∣ous eyes may examine them, as before Catholikes, whose credulitie rather makes then findes them. Once, miracles are not for Beleeuers (which must walke by Faith, not by sight) but for Infidels. But let vs leaue their mysticall tales, and come to the Historicall Relation. Hauing stayed a moneth at Mosambike, they proceeded to Goa, where discouraged by Gonzalus his Let∣ters, he aduised with others, which thought it meetest that he should stay at Goa till King Iohn might haue knowledge, and that Ouiedus with some others of the societie, meane while should [ 30] be employed in that Ethiopian businesse. This was put in execution: and Nonius aboade at Goa six years space, which he spent in his daily Massings, Contemplations, hearing Confessions: som∣times visiting the Kitchin (as before) alway mending his owne cloaths when they were torne; sweeping also his Chamber, and the rest of the house, carrying forth the Dust to the place ap∣pointed: often washing Pilgrims feete, and on set daies of Nouices; most obseruant of all the Lawes of the societie, how free soeuer from any Superiour, but the Pope onely. Hee dyed in December, 1562.

Andrew Ouied a Castilian, was appointed by Ignatius, according to the Popes Order, an Adiutor to the former Patriarch whilst hee liued, and his Successour after his death: and was with him consecrated Bishop of Hierapolis, as before is said. His Kitchin and Chamber labours, [ 40] and domesticall other seruices, fetching Water in Earthen Vessels on his shoulder, lying on the ground among Beggers and famous humilities, I omit (not enuying those new-coyned vertues * 1.1675 to that new Societie; I hold it much better, they were all busied in the Indian Skulleries and drudgeries, then in European State-affaires. I know bodily exercise is easie to them which loue not their ease, and light to such as delight to be magnified, as hath appeared in Pharisees, Essees, in Baals Priests, Molochs Votaries, Turkish and Ethnicks Regulars; I had not mentioned these things, but that the Iesuits vse to insult and inst••lt so much hereon) I magnifie more both Ouie∣do and others, for whatsoeuer labours vndertaken by the Kings Mission (I quarrell not altoge∣ther the Popes Commission) to reduce strayed soules, as were these of Abassia, whither we now follow him. I am not angry with vertuous designes, neither in Pope nor Iesuite; yea, in such [ 50] things I honour them: neither will I for their sakes thinke worse of that which is a good deede, if not altogether well done, materially commendable, if any way formally defectiue. When they seeke knots in Rushes, and would deforme reformed Christians, let them haue Peters, Get thee behind me Sathan: but in conuerting the Gentiles from peruerse errors, or this Abassia from Iewish, Iacobite, Monothelite heresies, I will a〈…〉〈…〉st them with my Prayers, and applaud their en∣deuours: and say, Flesh and blood hath not taught them this, but the heauenly Father; and if Christ be truly preached, whether vnder a pretence or sincerely, I therein ioy, and will ioy. Let them still com∣passe the world to win Proselites if it be not to compasse the world, and circumuent their con∣uerts; yea, as Moses learned of Iethro to rule Gods people, so I would some of ours in Verginia or else-where, would follow the Iesuites so farre as they follow Christ. [ 60]

In the yeare 1557. on the Ides of Februarie, Ouiedo with fiue other Iesuites, passed from Goa into Ethiopia: Their names were Antonie Fernandes, Andrew Galdanes, Gonzalus Cardosus, Fran∣cis Lopez, Emanuel Fernandes. There were besides some twentie Portugals: they arriued safe at Arcoco. Had they stayed fiue daies longer, they had lost their Voyage, if not themselues.

For on the second of Aprill, the Turkish Admirall with a great Fleete tooke Mazua, (being * 1.1676 then in the ayd of the King of Zeila) and Ercoco, also the only Port Towne then left to the Prete, fortifying them in such sort, that all passage to Christians was preuented. Let vs here insert the Letter of Emanuel Fernandez.

ON our Ladie day in March, 1557. we came to Baroa, and the Barnagasso being certified of our * 1.1677 comming, came to meet vs, and receiued vs, especially the Bishop, with signification of honour and good will. There was great reioycing of the people to see him, which came with great alacritie to kisse his hand. In that Citie we stayed twentie daies, in which happened the commemoration of our Lords Passi∣on; and the mysteries of that holy weeke, we performed in the most pious manner wee could. On Good-Friday [ 10] we made a pompous Procession (respecting that place) from our Church to theirs. Great was the concourse of people to vs, approuing and applauding the Romane Rites. Wee spent a good deale of time in hearing the Pontugals confessions, and other holies. Many of their Seruants and Children were annointed with Chrisme, and confirmed by the Bishop. The Barnagasso came often to visite him, and he often, but in vaine, exhorted them to the obedience of the Romane Church. The spring comming on, when those parts were in feare of the Turke, we went from Baroa to the Emperour, in which wee spent * 1.1678 fiftie daies, euery where meeting some of Portugall race which needed Sacraments. Eight daies before our arriuall at the Emperours Tent, one of his chiefe men was sent to vs to salute the Bishop in his name, and many Mules were brought for carriages. At last came one in the Emperors Name, to charge vs that we should proceed no further without his command, which happened two daies after. When we were a little [ 20] off from the Camp, the Emperour sent word, and we pitched our Tents, and therein aboade that night. The day following about noone, many of the Royall blood, and others of the chiefe Nobilitie, not a few, preciously attired and well mounted, came to vs in our Tents. Two of these were of principall place, to whom was the office committed of conueying the Bishop to the Emperour. Meane while the Emperour with his Mother and Brethren ascended into a high place, whence he might behold vs comming. When we were come, the Prete appointed that we should passe on Horse-backe into the first Court (an honorable courtesie, and differing from the Court custome) and before the entrance of the second Court, wherein was the Tent Royall, we alighted. At the doore of the Tent on both sides were many men, venerable by Nobilitie or age, ranked in goodly order, and leaning on staues. Heere we stayed a while. Then came forth two (Isaac the Barnagasso was one) which with lowly bowing of the whole body, saluted the Bishop, [ 30] and (we attending) led him in to the Emperour. He also shewed no small signes of honour and loue to him at his comming. After that a few words had passed, Ouiedo produced his Letters from the Viceroy, the Patriarch, and others in India, which were presently read in the presence of all. The Em∣perour was not a little disturbed therewith, nor was able to conceale his baokwardnesse to the Romane Church: but warily, and being well affected to the Portugals, he indeuoured as well as he could to hide it, and to seeme well apayed: not so yet, but some euident signes of perfidiousnesse appeared. And al∣though he neuer purposed to relinquish his errors, yet at the first he well entertained the Bispop, and allo∣wed him and his company large maintenance. Nor was there any which in word or deed durst wrong vs, in respect of the Princes fauour. Set aside his profidie, in the whole Abassine Empire, was not a man, whom the Emperour Claudius did not exceede in prudence, magnanimitie, and other royall vertues. He * 1.1679 [ 40] was very gentle and affable to the Bishop, and alway gaue him some hope of reclaiming him. When they began to treat of Religion, Ouiedo desired him that he would be present at their disputations with them, which amongst the Abassines were esteemed most learned. He consented and often heard the Bishop ar∣guing matters of Faith with a great troupe of men learned: but in regard of Claudius, all the rest of that faction were mute. He alone both in heat of speaking and eagernesse of victory, surpassed all which he brought into that contention with him, and with such dexteritie of wit did often defend his errors, that he wrought vs some trouble. And although Ouiedo alway got the victorie in dispute, the aduersaries yet (such is the custome of obstinate minds) with laughters and immodest clamors, boasted themselues to haue gotten the better. When therefore the Bishop saw that he preuailed nothing by this course of dispu∣ting, he gathered in writing the erronious opinions of the Abassines, and offered the same confuted by rea∣sons [ 50] and authorities to the Emperors reading. He tooke the same and read it, and as he could, answered in writing to euery thing, stifly auerring, that he would neuer yeeld obedience to the Romane Bishop, nor decline from his Predecessors steps in things of Religion, but would hold that Faith which they held; and therefore in vaine did any mortall man indeuour to make him in any sort to relinquish it. Herewithall he began also to shew some tokens of indignation against the Bishop, and openly to affirme that his presence was distastfull to him. Whereupon lest he might prouoke against him and his the fury of an impotent man, hee thought best to yeeld to the time, and leauing the Emperor, sought to draw others to the truth. Thus farre Emanuel.

But when Claudius heard that many of the Nobles and others, both Plebeians and Monks were by the Bishop and his Companions brought out of their darknesse to light, he was much moued, [ 60] the Abbots especially with complaints incensing him. Whereupon he sent for him, and sharply reproued him, commanding him to treat of the mysteries of Faith with the Portugals, and their Posteritie, but with none of his Abassines. He answering, that he was therefore sent thither, and must obey God rather then Man, what danger soeuer he incurred; so prouoked the Emperor, that

he reuiled him, and forbad him to come any more in his sight: telling him further, that his labour was vaine to impose on him or his the Popes yoake. This was in the yeare 1559. in lanuarie. In Februarie following, the Saracens called Malachales inuaded those parts. On Maunday-Thursday was a battell betwixt them and the Abassines, in which these were put to flight, and * 1.1680 the Emperour slaine, his head cut off and sent with Iudibrious triumph to the King of Adel. The Captaine of the Saracens, in acknowledgement that this victorie came from God, alighted off his Horse, and triumphed on an Asse. To Claudius hauing no issue, his brother Adamas Segned•••• succeeded, a man of euill qualities, and a cruell enemy to the Romane Faith. He had beene before taken in warre by the Saracens, and carried into Arabia, where denying Christ hee turned Ma∣humetan, but being redeemed by Claudius, he returned to the Abassine Faith. The Bishop went [ 10] to gratulate his succession, and receiued honourable entertainment. But after that, vpon occasion of Conuerts to the Romane Church, he commanded him to bee brought before him, and sware, that if he proceeded in that kind, it should cost him his life: and then also rent his garment, and laid violent hands on him, at last condemning him to exile with Francis Lopez, in a barren high Mountaine, taking away his Chalice also, to hinder him from saying Masse. There they conti∣nued * 1.1681 eight moneths, in Caues, lying on the ground, liuing on wilde herbs: this place also being a receptacle of Robbers, whence they set vpon Passengers. Hence at length he was deliuered by intercession of a Noble woman, which comming thither, saw (they say) a glorious light shining about his person and Mansion. He persecuted also the Abassine Conuerts with death and banish∣ment: fiue of which being cast to the Lions, found the beasts more mild then the Emperour, who [ 20] againe sent Andrew and them into exile: where being in danger of staruing, at Ouiedos prayer (I will not vrge your credit) a Riuer (like Iordan) opened her bowels, and yeelded them a hidden * 1.1682 treasurie of Fishes. Againe, he was reuoked, and againe for like reconcilements to Rome exiled, hauing before offered with his own hands to take away his life, his sword (by I know not what miracle) falling out of his hand. In this third exile, he adioyned all the Portugals, and that with∣out their wiues and children. But a conspiracie being set on foot by Isaac Barnagasso, and others, which exalted Betanc Zarcar, illegitimate sonne of the Emperors elder Brother, this made him send for the Portugals from their exile. In the first battell Adamas was ouerthrowne: in the next, he tooke and slue his Corriuall. In the third, another legitimate Brother of Zarcar was set vp, and the Turkes called to help with their Ordnance, which put Adamas to flight. This [ 30] was in the yeare 1562. in the next yeare he died.

The Empire was now rent into diuers factions, some creating the sonne of Adamas Emperor, others that brother of Zarcar, and some looking to other parts. Andrew, which was now Pa∣triarch (Nonius being dead) got him into Tigrai, neere that famous Abbey, called Abba Guarima, and dwelt in Fremona, a small Village, sixteene yeares together, in which he neuer saw Abassine Emperor. For warre had set all things in such combustion, that although he might reduce some Abassines, yet for reconciling that whole State was no opportunitie. Malaseguetus the sonne of Adamas raigned but seuenteene yeares (Barnagasso being dead) the Galae in the meane time, in∣uading, wasting, ouerthrowing and spoiling all in their way, possessing with victorious armes, aboue one hundred Regions or Shires, the greatest part of the Empire in a short space. The Turks [ 40] also from the Sea shoare which they held, made often inroads, slaying and captiuing many. Ouie∣do meane while, was preserued at Fremona.

Sebastian King of Portugall vnderstanding how things were desperate in Abassia, dealt with the Pope to send this Bishop to Iapon, which by Pius the fifth was granted, in the yeare 1556. The Copie hereof he receiued the next yeare from the Iesuites of Goa, but excused himselfe in a Letter to the Pope, alledging the Impossibilitie of getting thence by shipping, the Saracens infesting those Seas. But if fiue hundred Portugall Souldiers were sent thither from India, which wee * 1.1683 long (saith he) expect, and earnestly desire and hope in God to obtaine; there will be no doubt, but not onely the Abassine Rebels will come to the obedience of the Romane Church, but many Ethnicke peo∣ple also to the Faith of Christ. For here are in Ethiopia innumerable idolatrous Nations, whom we [ 50] * 1.1684 may goe to without crossing any Sea, and easily draw to the Faith. We know for certaine, that many of the Kingdome of Damute (which they say, extendeth from Mosambike to Sofala) haue come to the Emperour, and desired to become Christians, reiected notwithstanding for priuate respects, he desi∣ring rather to haue them Slaues in condition, then in Religion Brethren. There were also three reares since some of the Countrey called Sinari, which sought to make peace with a certaine Prince, the Em∣perours Kinsman, with whom they had warres, and offered themselues both to Tribute and Religion, but repelled by hatred and auarice, exceeding Charitie. There are almost innumerable of the neighbou∣ring Ethnicks, whom the Saracen Merchants buy and sell to the Turkes, which all would giue their names to Christ, if Couetousnesse did not peruert their Princes. Those fiue hundred Portu∣gall Souldiers, before mentioned, might preuent these euils, both with great commoditie to the Portu∣gall [ 60] affaires, and strengthning the Indian power. For if the Turkes (which easily they may) doe first possesse Ethiopia, it is hard to say, how much they may thence endanger the Indian businesse, being furnished in those places with necessaries for shipping, Iron for Armes, prouision for Armies, Slaues for seruice, and the like. That Emperour which persecuted the Romane Faith is dead. His

Sonne which succeeded him is young, in iudgement weake, and in name rather then in power an Emperour. For hee hath the same Aduersaries which conspired against his Father, beeing both Principall in No∣bilitie and the most in number. Whereby all things are so confused, and embroyled with Ciuill Dissen∣tions and Forreigne Warres, that nothing were more to bee wished then some refuge of Peace, which the most know to consist in the Romane Faith. And although the Monkes and many Nobles doe oppugne our Faith, and persecute the Catholikes: yet the Communaltie, so much prompter to truth, as it is lesse tyed with humane respects, doth appooue the Romane Decrees, as doe also of the chiefe men not a few.

We indeauour the Saluation of both by publike and priuate Preachings and Disputations, with Wri∣tings also refelling Writings, not altogether in vaine. For some are conuerted and more would be, but for * 1.1685 feare of punishments, an eagre Enemie of the Truth in base minds. This is the cause that in these pla∣ces [ 10] especially, Religion desireth an armed hand, that they which will may come without feare to the Ca∣tholike Tents, and those which haue comne may abide constant. I am of opinion, holy Father, that this Ethiopian businesse is very conducent to the enlarging and splendor of the Catholike Religion, although it be, as other things of weight, intangled with many difficulties. Yea, if I bee not much deceiued, no Expedition can now be offered, which can bring greater ornament to the Romane Church, or greater accesse to the Catholike Affaires. Here where now I am, about two hundred and thirtie Catholikes dwell, diuided in two little Townes, which therefore we haue lately built, that they which before with losse of their goods and greater danger of their soules, wandered like Pilgrimes thorow diuers parts of Ethio∣pia, might haue a fixed Seat, for instruction and Christian Sacraments. Others not a few else-where, waste the oportunitie to come hither, &c. [ 20]

Thus did Ouiedo moue the Pope and the King to suffer him there to abide whiles he liued, still vrging that band of fiue or sixe hundred Portugall Souldiers to be sent thither. In the yeare 1576. when the Abassine Emperour sent a Messenger into India for that purpose, the Patriarch againe writ to the Pope about it, reckoning many Commodities which thence might redound to sta∣blish there the true Faith. His Miracles, in iudgements inflicted on such as tooke away his goods in procuring life and death by his Prayers, in chasing away Grashoppers, &c. I omit. He dyed of the Stone in September, 1577. and was buried at Fremona, where the Abassines, as they vse to Saints, often made recourse to his Graue, and offered Wheate, Frankincense, and other Odours.

And there our Author relates many Miracles to be done, which yet in Iesuiticall Relations of [ 30] remote parts are now no Miracles, nor rarities, they are so common. His fiue Companions Ie∣suites, are by the Iesuite our Authour also much commended for their Apostolicall life. Antho∣nie Fernandez was set ouer the rest, and was the first which passed out of this life: Cardosus the next, slaine by Theeues. Gualdarus was slaine by the Turkes. Lopez liued longest, and dyed in May, 1597. before whose death Melchior Syluius was sent into Abassia, by the Arch-bishoppe of Goa. As for Melchior Carnerus made Bishop at Goa, to succeed Ouiedo in the Patriarchate of Aeshiopia, because he came not there, we haue also excluded him from hence. Anno, 1560. Fulgentius Frerius a Iesuite sent out of India to visit Ouiedo, was taken by the Turkes in the Red Sea, and carried to Cairo: twentie yeares after the same happened to Anthonie Monserrate and * 1.1686 Peter Paez Iesuites, which were seuen yeares in Captiuitie. Abraham Georges 1595. sped bet∣ter, [ 40] being taken and martyred for confessing Iesus in Mazua. But hauing a Colledge erected at Diu, P. Paez, Anno 1603. Anthonie Fernandez two yeares after with Fran. An∣thonie de Angelis; Azeuedus and Mangonius 1606. were shipped by Moores at Diu, and carried to Abassia.

§. II.

Description of the Countries, and the seuerall Regions, Religions, and Abassine Opinions.

THat part of Aethiopia, which is vnder or neere to Egypt, is called Abassia, namely, so * 1.1687 [ 50] much as is, or in more flourishing Estate of that Empire, hath beene subiect to the Negus; called Priest Iohn, by errour of Couilanus, followed by other Portugals in the first discouerie, applying by mis-conceit through some like occur rents the Rela∣tions in M. Polo and others touching Presbyter Iohn, in the North-east parts of Asia, (therefore called a Priest because he had the Crosse, as the Westerne Archbishops vsed, carryed before him) vnto this King; the Abassines also in Europe, willing by names of neerer sound to confirme that fancie, tending as they supposed, to the credit of their Prin〈…〉〈…〉 On the East it is bounded with the Red Sea from ten to twentie degrees of North Latitude, ending in Suachen, anciently cal∣led Aspix. On the West with high Monntaines rising along, or neerer the Bankes of Nilus: the [ 60] North parts extend as farre as Meroe, the South to Auia, thence reaching to Adel, a Kingdome of Moores, whose chiefe Citie is Ara in nine degrees of North Latitude. The whole circuit is sixe hundred, or after others betwixt seuen and eight hundred leagues. The Name Abassia

seemes deriued from Abases, which Strabo saith is giuen to inhabited places enuironed with Desarts.

Iohn Gabriel, sometimes Generall of the Portugals in Abassia, a man expert in many Lan∣guages, * 1.1688 hath written, that the Abassine Empire contayneth by ancient right, sixe and twentie Kingdomes, distributed into fourteene Regions: The first eight lye from Suachen Westward. Ti∣grai containeth seuenteene Tracts or large Shires, each hauing a Lieutenant: the Turkes now * 1.1689 possesse the Sea Ports hereof, and the Moores the adioyning Continent, the in-land parts are in∣habited promiscuously by Christians and Heathens, blacke, miserable and deformed within and without, in soule, bodie and state. The next to Tigrai is Dancali, washed on the East by the * 1.1690 Red Sea, thence extended Westward in a short and barren Tract of Land, inhabited by Moores, [ 10] tributarie to the Abassine. Angote followeth, the fourth Boa, the fifth Amara, the sixth Leca, all * 1.1691 inhabited by Christians. The seuenth, is Abagamedri, very large, contayning seuenteene Tracts, inhabited partly with Christians, partly with Ethnikes, as is also Dambea, hauing only two Tracts. On the other side of Dancali, along the Sea Coast runneth Aucaguerle, inhabited by * 1.1692 Moores which acknowledge not the Abassine, abutting on Adel, the chiefe Citie Zeila, some∣times Aualites. Next to it is Dahali, extending towards Mombaza, the Inhabitants partly Christians, partly Mahumetans, tributary to the Negus. Oecie is within Land, partly Mahu∣metane, * 1.1693 partly Ethnike, subiect to the Abassine: after which follow Arium, Fatigar, (both Chri∣stians) and Zinger, Ethnike. The sixteenth, is Rozanagum inhabited by Christians, not subiect to * 1.1694 the Prete. Hence to the North is Roxa an Ethnike Kingdome, Goma inhabited by Christians and [ 20] Ethnikes obeying the Abassine: towards Monomotapa is Nerea, both Christian and Ethnike, a * 1.1695 large Kingdome: Zethe only Ethnike, but subiect to the Emperour: after which are Conche, Ma∣haola, only Ethnike, and Goroma which hath twentie Tracts of Christians and Gentiles, almost * 1.1696 made an Iland by Nilus encompassing, able by the fertilitie to nourish diuers Armies (which al∣most continually infest it for that cause) the Sowers following the Reapers without other Til∣lage. The three last Kingdomes lye towards Egypt, to wit, Damote, Sua, Iasculum: Sua, the heart and sometime Chiefe Seat of the Empire: Iasculum extends to Cairo, inhabited by Ma∣humetanes, yearely euery Lent trauelled by Pilgrims to Ierusalem, going in Companies out of Dambea.

The names of the Prouinces are Dubane, Xuncho: Daraita, Bora, Calaoa, Aga; (these three are [ 30] inhabited by Christians in name, otherwise Ethnikes, the first of the former by Ethnikes, the next Saracens; the third Christians) Arima, Arbum, Xancala, Xanc••ra, Suggamo, Berga••••, A∣ris (which is on the other side of Nilus) Euara. Of all these Kingdomes, besides Tigrai, Aba∣gamedri, Goroma, and Dambea, scarcely any is subiect to the Abassine.

The same Gabriel recordeth foure principall Riuers in this Abassine Aethiopia, and as many huge Lakes. The first Riuer is Taucea, running from the South to the North, but intrapped and * 1.1697 drunke vp of the thirstie sands before it can pay Tribute to the Sea. It hath neighbouring Moun∣taines of admirable height, almost inaccessible passage, and fortified scite, inhabited by Iewes, still obseruing the Mosaicall Ceremonies, dreadfull to the adioyning people. The second Riuer is Oara, running into the Sea of Zeila, richer in waterie treasures then Nilus: but such is the [ 40] Abassine Superstition, that they refuse to drinke of his pleasant waters, because it watereth in the passage the Regions of Mahumetans. (And is not some mens fancie of like phrenzie with vs, which refuse our Churches for the liuing, Church-yards for their dead; and others not so sicke, our Ceremonies and Rites, for a Popish passage, bee their Antiquitie, Innocencie, and seeming profitablenesse neuer so plausible, and nothing lesse then Popish?) The third Riuer is Gabea, * 1.1698 which runnes towards Mombaza, and the fourth Nilus. The first Lake, is Aicha in Angote: the second is Dambeabahar, that is, the Sea of Dambea, not farre from Gubbai, where now is the Emperours Court, if at any time he leaues his Tents for the Citie: it is about threescore miles long, and fiue and twentie broad, admitting Nilus on one side. It hath many Fishes, Riuer-hor∣ses, which endanger Sailers; and hath many small Ilands therein to which Traytors are confi∣ned. [ 50] The third Lake is Zella, in Oecie, the fourth not farre thence Xacala. Antonie Fernandez a Iesuite, in a Letter dated 1610. attributes fortie Prouinces to Abassia, but in substance agreeth * 1.1699 with Gabriel, whose Tracts are as huge as the others Prouinces.

THe same Fernandez addeth, that the Abassine soile is for the most part hollow and full of deepe openings. In the midst of the Champaigne Plaines in many places out of the hard * 1.1700 Rocke arise Rockie Hils, which in times of warre serue them for Fortresses. The whole Coun∣trey abounds with veines of Metall and Metall-medicines: but the Inhabitants partly by igno∣rance, and partly for feare of the Turkes Inuasion, if such things should bee knowne, suffer them to lye hidden in the Earth. Only they make vse of so much Iron as they find vpon the face of [ 60] the Earth without digging. Of Plants and Trees is great varietie: but fruits not so pleasant as in Europe. One yet there is very vsefull for the Wormes which breed in them by eating raw flesh, which would gnaw thorow their entrailes, if they did not preuent that euill with * 1.1701 monethly purgations by this Fruit, which both kils the Wormes and emptieth the belly. Pea∣ches,

Pomegranates, Indian Figs, Oranges, and Vines are there seene, but rare and few. Hares, Goats, Harts, Bores, Elephants, Camels, Buffals, Lions, Panthers, Tigres, Rhinocerotes, and other Creatures are there seene, and one so huge that a man sitting on Horse-backe, may passe * 1.1702 vpright vnder his belly: his shape is like a Camell, but his nature diuers, feeding on leaues which he reacheth from the tops of Trees with his necke stretched forth. There are many Riuers and Lakes, in all which are Riuer-horses innumerable very hurtfull to their Corne: of great bodies, and a mouth so wide that they can gape a Cubit and halfe. By night they goe out of the waters * 1.1703 into the fields to feed; for they liue on Herbs: and if the Husbandmen watch not well, in one night they will destroy their Corne. In the water they are very bold, and assaile men like fierce Dogges, and cruelly teare those which they get. They are so afraid of fire that a little Boy hol∣ding [ 10] a lighted Torch, may scarre away many thousands of them. There are some which hunt * 1.1704 and kill them for their flesh, which differeth little from Beefe. In these Riuers and Lakes is al∣so found the Torpedo, which if any man hold in his hand, if it stirre not, it doth produce no ef∣fect: but if it moue it selfe neuer so little, it so tormenteth the bodie of him which holds it, that his Arteries, Ioints, Sinewes, & all his Members feele exceeding paine with a certaine num∣nesse: and as soone as it is let go out of the hand, all that paine and numnesse is also gone. The Superstitious Abassines beleeue that it is good to expell Deuils out of humane bodies, as if it did torment Spirits no lesse then men. They say, if one of these aliue bee laid amongst dead Fi∣shes, if it there stirre it selfe, it makes those which it toucheth to stirre as if they were aliue. There is great store of this kind in Nilus, in the furthest parts of Goyama, where there is a Meere [ 20] or Fenne a 1.1705 without bottome, welling and admirably boyling forth waters continually, whence Nilus springeth. It ariseth small and first for a dayes iourney and halfe trendeth Eastward. Then it enters into a Lake as great as any imagined to bee in the World, running thorow the midst thereof with a swift course, flying all mixture of waters, and throwes it selfe from very high Rockes, whence hauing gotten freer scope, it expatiates it selfe a while, and shortly is as it were swallowed vp in deepe yauning Gulfes of the Earth, and so straitned, that in some places a man may stride ouer it. But after it hath passed fiue dayes to the East; it bends backe its course to the West, and sometimes greater, sometimes lesse, according to the Season, passeth towards Egypt. The Abassines report, that it is no hard thing to turne the Riuers course some other way, and to sterue Egypt, which I scarsly beleeue. [ 30]

The Abassine Aire is most part warme and temperate, but in low Land is exceeding hote, and somewhat vnwholsome. Their Winter is from the end of May to the beginning of September; and then it beginneth in the Red Sea. I haue found by experience, that this Sea from the change of the Moone to the Full, fourteene dayes together flowes in, and as many through the whole Wane ebbeth or runneth out. In Winter it raineth almost euery day in these parts, alway after∣noone, and not without Thunder. From this Kingdome of Dambea where we liue, both Poles are seene, but Antarctike the higher. Neere it are many Stars in forme of a Crosse, whence it hath that name. In this Tract of Heauen appeareth a certaine spot like a Cloud: we suppose it a part more thinne then others not starred: let Philosophers examine. About this spot many Starres shine lesse then those which adorne the other Pole. The yeare beginneth heere with the [ 40] Spring on the first of September. Their yeare h••th twelue monethes, each of them thirtie dayes, and those which remayne from August to September, are reckoned by themselues. The A∣bassines no way more expresse their ioy and iollitie then by eating and drinking: and easily on Holy dayes they come to the Churches, which vsually are compassed with Trees for shade, where are many Vessels set full of their Wine, which after Seruice ended, they sucke in so vn∣measurably, that first Drunkennesse and then Brabbles, and lastly Frayes vsually follow. They make Wine of Honey tempered with Opium, both pleasant and profitable taken moderately.

Wine of Vines is rare, and for their Masse in Vintage time they vse Must, at other times Wine of Raysins. Peter Paez a Iesuite writ, that Anno 1604. hee was with the Emperour who desired him to say Masse, which hee could not for want of Wine, which no where could [ 50] be gotten.

At what time Rodericke Lima entred Abassia, Dauid * 1.1706 reigned, and after hee had held the Empire thirtie sixe yeares, his Sonne Claudius succeeded: who in the yeare 1559. was slaine, hauing ruled almost twentie yeares. His Brother Adamas succeeded called also Mena, and reigned foure yeares dying in the yeare 1563. Sarsa Dengel succeeded, who leauing his former name, would be called Malac Seguetus, and died, Anno 1596. His Sonne Iames succeeded, a childe, which after seuen yeares was taken by his Subiects, depriued and sent into the King∣dome of Nerea, a certaine Cousin German of his vsurping the Scepter, which he scarsly held a yeare, being slaine by his Subiects, Anno 1604. Iames was restored, and in the second yeare after [ 60] expelled and slaine in battell by another of his Vncles Sonnes, call 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sacinus: Paez calls him Sa∣sinozius.

ANtonius Fernandez thus writeth of their apparell. The richer sort buy Garments of the Sara∣cens, and clothe themselues in their fashions. The rest both men and women couer their bodies

either with a Skinne or Pelt, or with a course Hempen cloth without other arte then the Weauers. When they doe reuerence to any, they put off this Cloth from the shoulders to the nauiil, remayning halfe naked. They let their haire grow, and that serues them for a Hat and Head-ttyre. For finer brauerie they curle and anoint their haire with Butter, which shewes in the Sun like Grasse in the morning dew. Lest their locks and curles should be disordered, when they goe to bed, each one pitcheth a Forke or Cratch a foote high * 1.1707 in the ground, betwixt the hornes whereof hee reposeth his necke, and sleepeth with his head hanging. They vse to brand markes in their bodies, especially in the face. And on their little fingers they suffer the * 1.1708 nailes to grow as long as they will, like Cockes spurres, which also they sometimes cut from Cockes, and sit to their fingers. They colour their hands and feet (which are bare) with the iuyce of a reddish barke. They vsually are artlesse and lazie, neglecting hunting and fishing, and whereas W••oll, [ 10] Hempe and Cotton might easily be had, yet the vulgar are clothed with vndressed Pelts, each wearing a Rammes Skinne tyed to his hands and feet. They lye on Oxe-hides without Quilts or Mattresses: * 1.1709 for Tables they vse great bowles of wood, rudely hollowed, without any Naperie. Vessels they haue of blacke Chalke. Few but Saracens vse Merchandize and in few places: most exercise Husbandrie, the Gentry follow Armes and the Court. They haue no great Cities, but Villages vnwalled and vnfortified. Their greatest Towne hath scarsly one thousand sixe hundred Houses. Their Houses are small, without * 1.1710 elegance, without storie, almost without arte, round and couered with Earth and Straw. They write no Letters, nor vse Records in Iudgements, or other Writings, but in their holy things, and Officers of Ac∣compts for the King.

They vse no Dirges or Deuotions for the dead. They vse Pictures, but not carued nor grauen [ 20] Images. They paint Christ, the Blessed Virgin and other Saints in blacke forme, as Deuils and wicked men in white: so they paint Christ and his Apostles at the Maundie blacke, and Iudas white; Christ in his Passion blacke, Annas, Caiphas, Pilate, Herod, and the Iewes white: Michael blacke and the Deuill white. Their fasting is rigorous not freeing the Sicke. Some Religious men abstaine wholly from flesh, which is no easie thing farre from the Sea, where they haue few fishes. They fast Wednesdayes and Fridayes, not tasting ought till night, then eating Herbes * 1.1711 without Oyle (which they haue not) or Butter, and Bread with Apples.

Their Temples are round and encompassed with a double porch, they neither walke, nor talk, nor spit, nor sit, nor laugh in the Church: nor admit Dogges or other Domesticke creatures into the Church-yard. Horsemen a light and walke on foot before the Church as they passe. The great [ 30] Altar is in the midst, Curtaines being drawne betwixt the doore and it from one side of the Church to the other, wherein none not in Orders may enter: without may Lay-men stand, which haue Crutches to support them if they be sicke or old. Some Churches are only for men, others only for women: in small Villages they are common to both, but with seuerall Diuisions that they may not see each other.

Ludouicus Azeuedius in his Letter 1607. saith, that they confesse not the number and kinds of their sinnes, but only say in generall, I haue sinned, I haue sinned. They vse not Confirmati∣on, nor Extreme Vnction, nor the Communion-Uiaticum.

ANtonie Fernandez, 1606. writeth, that in Dembea where hee then was in the Citie of Gorgorra, some receiued the Romane Faith, others refused: that the Emperour that yeare [ 40] * 1.1712 writ to the Pope to send thither some Patriarch, and to the King of Spaine for Portugall Forces, to reduce his Empire to the Faith, to which the Princes and Grandes opposed, and must by Armes be forced; but hee feared notwithstanding the mutable inconstancie of the Abassines, which care little to hold promise. God open their eyes: of twentie parts of the Empire, se∣uenteene are almost gone. The next yeare he writeth; we are here fiue Priests of the Societie, some of vs attend the Emperours Campe, to conserue and encrease our Catholike number. Ma∣ny commend our Doctrine, but are afraid to professe it. They obserue Iewish Circumcision, Sab∣baths, abstinence from the flesh which is to the Iewes vncleane, and from Fish without Finnes, and though they confesse them forbidden by Gods word, yet will they not forsake them. Fol∣lowing [ 50] the Emperour, I take view of great part of the Ethiopian Continent. Touching their Rebaptisations, and tradition of Soules from humane seed, and equalitie of Christs humane Nature with the Diuine, with other Abassine errors, I haue had often conflicts with their lear∣ned men, which yeilded to other things easily: but in the two last opinions were obstinate. They call Dioscorus, Blessed, condemne Leo with the Chalcedon Councell, with many reproches, and Father on him many lies touching the Natures and operations of Christ. They hold also, that God doth effect nothing besides the Consecration of things and Miracles when they are done, and thence gather that the Soule is produced of Seed. They circumcise not onely Males, but with a peculiar Rite Females also. Yearely on Twelfth day they renew Baptisme: Aposta∣tas returning from Mahumetanisme, are also rebaptized, and likewise they which haue commit∣ted [ 60] some erroneous crime, or haue married, or haue entred into any Religious Family. On the otherside, they are so rigorous to Infants, that before their appointed day they die without Baptisme. They come to the Eucharist without Contrition or Confession, euen the most wic∣ked amongst them. They dissolue Marriages when they list: before the day of Iudgement they

say, that neither the Soules of the Blessed are in Heauen, nor of the wicked in Hell: Purgatorie they deny, and the Spirits proceeding from the Sonne. These errors are common to all; some are peculiar to some of them, new Heresies daily springing vp without danger as euery man listeth.

In his Letters, 1609. In this Ethiopian Empire, euery man liueth in manner in Armes, nor is the Emperours life more quiet then of other men. For euery yeare, Winter being scarsly past, himselfe in person and his Captaines, renew the Warres, sometimes against Rebels, sometimes against neighbouring enemies. It cannot be vttered what confusions haue happened these two last yeares. As soone as the present Emperour began his reigne, three or foure chiefe men vsur∣ping * 1.1713 the Royall name, rebelled against him, but were vanquished in battaile. This very yeare, [ 10] the second of his reigne, as many as haue attempted the same and comne into the field. Neither of long time haue things bin quieter. We are also constrained to waue vp and downe with these stormes; sometimes flying to the Mountaines, sometimes hiding our selues in secret Caues, som∣times we pierce thicke Woods, and vnpassable places, and suffer innumerable euils, which wee could more patiently endure, if we could gather any haruest to offer to God. This very yeare, when the Emperour was gone against a Rebell, suddaine newes came to the Campe, that the Galae (a sauage Nation of Cafres, begotten of Deuils, as the vulgar report) were at hand. It is a * 1.1714 hundred yeares since these passed from the fields and woods, where they liued by keeping Cat∣tell, and shaking off the Ethiopian yoake, haue attained such power, that they possesse about the twelfth part of Ethiopia, and are a terrour to all. The Emperour went against them, but was [ 20] ouerthrowne, to the ruine well-neere of the whole Empire. I sought to comfort him as well as I could, but he gathering his forces, suddainely rushed on the Conquerours, and recouered his losse.

One Iuan de Baltasar, a pretended Abassine, and Knight of the Militarie Order of Saint Antonie, hath written a Booke in Spanish of that Order, founded (as he saith) by the Prete Iohn, in the daies of Saint Basil, with rules receiued from him, aboue seuen hundred yeares before any Militarie Order was in the world. I know not whether his Booke (which I haue by me) hath more lies or lines, a man of a leaden braine and brazen face; seconded, if not exceeded by the Morall, Naturall, and Politicall Historie of Ethiopia, the worke of his Scholler Luys d'Ur∣reta, a Spanish Frier and lyer; The said Godignus euery where through his first Booke confutes [ 30] him, it is more then enough that wee haue named such more then Vtopian, such Legendarie fore-heads: and though we will not blot Paper with mention of their assertions, yet haue their ouerflowing commendations of the Ethiopian Faith, and admiration of their State, made thus many Witnesses to be mustered, sometimes repeating the same things, by more abundant allega∣tions to signifie and prooue the truth. We will further trouble the Reader with some extracts of Peter Paez, chiefe of the Iesuites in those parts. For Melchior Sylnius a Priest of Goa, sent into Abassia, consulting with the Abassine Portugals, which way any Iesuite might be sent thi∣ther, was answered, that the Port of Bailur ouer against Moha, was freest of danger, which * 1.1715 Paez seeking to doe, by the Monson was preuented, and the next yeare by a Turke, Seruant of the Captaine of Suachen, trading at Diu, named Rezoam Aga, was in Armenian habite thi∣ther [ 40] conueyed. His iourney himselfe hath written in a Letter to the Iesuites at Goa, the foure and twentieth of Iuly, 1603.

THE two and twentieth of March we set Saile, Rezoam Aga sent me of his prouision twice a day, * 1.1716 and landing at Mazua, procured me fauour of the Gouernour, with licence to goe whether I would into Ethiopia or Cairo. I thanked him, and said, That I would goe to acertaine Towne to see whether my Kinsman being dead, I might succeed in the Inheritance. The Banean Saranga or Captaine of the ship had receiued charge of the owner touching me, and sent two Saracens with mee, with whom and fiue Christians of Abassia, I departed on the fift of May. I went in a vile ragged habite for feare of Theeues, which there vse to rob and kill, which so freed our Company, that as wee went by night none [ 50] spake but whisperingly. Neere morning wee thought to haue slept, but a Lyon terryfied vs, within eight paces of me, but with our showting he departed. The next day we passed high and cragged Hils, for feare of Theeues, and came at night to a Village of Saracens. On Holy-Thursday, we came to certaine Chri∣stian Herd-men, which supposing mee a Turke, fled, but learning that I was a Priest, kissed my hands with ioy, and refreshed vs with store of Milke in vessels of Straw, which they set on burning stones to heate. Bread they had none, and was, they said, a rare thing to them, and farre brought. Their wiues which had hid themselues, came the next day to intreat my blessing, some kissing my hands, others fal∣ling at my feete. We went thence ouer rough Mountaines, troubled also with raine, the way not aboue three foote broad, on both sides so steepe, that I durst not looke downe for feare of giddinesse. Blind al∣most * 1.1717 and wearie, we came at last to the top, and found a plainer path, (for I had not beene able to haue [ 60] descended the like) and a Towne of Christians which brought vs their Bookes and Crosses. Here wee were inuited to a poore Cottage, which yet was in good season for vs, a violent raine following, which else had oppressed vs. On the tenth of May we came to Barua, where all my Company left me, but one Sa∣racen and a Christian. Another Saracen which dwelt here sent mee a Hen, but the Christian which

was with me gat him away, because the Abassines (forsooth) eate not any thing killed by a Turke: and * 1.1718 I for feare of offence, sent it backe with thankes to the sender, eating dry Bisket brought from Diu, without any other things, though faint. Neither would the Gold I had doe me any seruice heere to buy prouision, their currant Money being stones of Salt. The Bread of my Companions was halfe baked Dough, of round forme, which they bake with putting a hot stone into the Dough, and rolling it, cast it into the fire, so that the out-side is scorched, the in-side vnbaked. This they carried in their Budgets, but my stomacke could not beare it. Hither on the eleueth of May, came Iohn Gabriel, the Captaine of the Portugals, hauing receiued my Letters from Mazua, with other Portugals. To giue mee better enter∣tainment, they killed a Sheepe, which I tasted not, they eating it a little scorched and halfe raw, after the Countrey custome. Here I had a Mule, and we trauelled twentie together, yet not without feare of [ 10] * 1.1719 Theeues, the raine also towards euening daily molesting vs (and we were forced to lye in the open fields) heat also exceeding in the ascent of an exceeding Mountaine, and as exceeding cold on the top. On the fifteenth of May, we came to Fremona, where Ouiedo and others of our Fathers were buried in the chiefe Church of the Portugals. We were receiued with great deuotion of the people. I went to the Pa∣triarchs house, which is round as an Apple and couered with straw, as are all which we haue yet seene in Ethiopia, (all of Earth, and round, little, without distinct roomes; except those of the King and great men which haue seuerall roomes, but yet of Earth and Thatched.) The Patriarchs house was * 1.1720 twentie palmes or spans ouer. Heere were Melchior Syluius his things, which had carried with him the holy Uestments. Sunday following being Whitsunday, I celebrated a dry Masse and preached. Many came to Confession. The Portugall Captaine was sent for to the Court by the new Emperour, to [ 20] * 1.1721 whom I writ, who by writing welcomed me, and licensed me to goe to him, which I purpose at the end of September, which is the end of Winter: for of him depend all the Priests, and all will be Catholikes if * 1.1722 he command, as well Clergie as Laitie. The Emperours name is Malac Sequed, aged fifteene yeares. On the last of Iune, Syluius returned from a worse iourney then that of ours, more craggie and rough, of twentie daies, which hee goeth twise in the yeare to Nanina, to the Catholikes there. I send your Worships the head of the holy Patriarch, although not whole, hauing bene often digged vp: I adde three * 1.1723 pieces of the skull, and the iaw with eight teeth. On the other side, send you me, I pray, some Image of the blessed Virgines Conception, of fiue or sixe spannes, for the seruice of this Temple wanting an Image. I haue placed the head of Father Francis Lopes in my Bolster, being yet hairy, for my more vine memo∣rie of his life, which what it was you shall receiue by our informations, as also of Father Abraham, of [ 30] whom you haue heard no fame, &c.

While Paez remained at Fremona, hee translated the Catechisme into the Amaran tongue (which is therc counted the most elegant) and made the Children learne it by heart. In this yeere 1603. great misery happened by Grasse-hoppers, from which, Paez freed the Catholikes, by Letanies and sprinkling the Fields with Holy-water; when as the Fields of Heretikes, * 1.1724 seuered onely by a Ditch, were spoyled by them. Yea, a Heretike vsing this sacred sprinkling, preserued his Corne, which to a Catholike neglecting in one Field, was lost, and preserued in another by that coniured aspersion (so neere of kinne are these Locusts to the Deuill, which is said * 1.1725 to hate Holy-water, or else make a quaere for other Locusts, worse then the Aegyptian mentioned Apoc. 9.) About the end of September, when hee had thouhht to haue gone to the [ 40] Court, newes came, that the Emperours Sisters Husband conspired against him, and impriso∣ned him, alleadging that he was no Christian, because one of his Guard was an Ethnick, and that his Father was not the King, but one Batius a vulgar person. He being produced and thus accused, stood mute; because (said hee) his Subiects presumed to iudge their Soueraigne: Hee was sent into close keeping to Damijeta.

The Viceroy of Tigras passing by, Paez went to salute him: who willed him to sit downe on his Carpet, when all the rest stood; and asked why the Portugals did not now as in time past, frequent the Red Sea; whether they were afraide of the Turkes. Hee answered, that Turkes rather feared the Portugals, and fled into the Countrey when they aproached the Coast: but this was the true reason that all the ships of India came thither out of Portugall Ports, and most of [ 50] their goods appertained to the Portugals.

He went to the Monasterie Conegorum, where he saw their Church, the Altar inuironed with a threefold Curtaine, reaching to the wall on both sides, sometime couered with stone, now with straw, the Saracens hauing spoyled the former, and therefore darke: they shewed him a Crucifixe painted on a Linnen cloth, as a precious thing, yet artlesly wrought. They set him on a Carpet, themselues and the Portugals sitting on the ground. Ouer against the doore, were ten faire stones, in the midst whereof, they say, the Emperour is inaugurated. A little further are thirteene stones in Pyramide fashion, the greatest whereof is twelue spannes broade, and a∣bout sixtie high, with much workemanship, the matter admirable whence it could bee brought hither. The Viceroy forbade his Iudges to meddle with the Towne of Catholikes, and ap∣pointed [ 60] Paez their Iudge. The Gallae did much mischiefe at this time, and flew the King of Narea, tributary to the Abassine, whom also they assaulted, but were ouerthrowne. After this, * 1.1726 the King sent for Paez, who was brought to the King, sitting on a high Throne, and kissed his hand, being bidden also to be couered, and to sit on the Carpet. After this, followed another

day; a dispute about abolishing the legall Rites, two wills in Christ, and Purgatorie, all which, they denie. The King was desirous to see their Masse, but for want of Wine, he could performe * 1.1727 onely a dry Office; for which, the King caused a great Tent to bee erected, and in it, another lesse for his Throne: the Iesuite preached with great aplause; whom the Empresse also desiring to heare, when the Emperour saw him standing, hee arose from his Throne, and inuited him to make his Sermon out of it, himselfe sitting on the Foot-stoole. Another time, when in confe∣rence, Paez called himselfe the Emperours Subiect; no, said hee, my Father and King: and gaue great hopes of the conuersion of that Nation, which were dashed by his death, which Paez signified in his Letter, the thirtieth of Iuly, 1605. Namely, that Zezelazeus, whom the Em∣perour had deliuered from exile, and exalted, had conspired together with Eras Athanatheus, [ 10] (the next to the Emperor) who yet made faire shew, and bound himselfe after the Alassine man∣ner, in the bond of excommunication, to fidelitie and loyaltie, which yet he kept not. Zezelazeus * 1.1728 gathered great forces, alleadging against the Emperous, that he forsooke his Religion, and imbra∣braced the Portugall and Romane; and therefore all that were zealous, ought to take armes against him. This made some sweare to kill all the Portugals, and the Iesuite especially. Before the battell, he wished him present to confesse himselfe to him. In the battell, Anahel which before had forsoken him, returned to his Part with his Sonne: but hee suspecting him; False Traitor thou wentest, said he, and so thou returnest, withall, killing him, which his sonne seeing ranne the Emperour thorow the necke, and thrust him off his Horse, whom Zezelazeus and the Sa∣rac••••s dispatched. Three daies hee lay dead in the field, naked and subiect to contumelies, and [ 20] after that, meanely buried.

Paez was all this while in Goyame, whence he was sent for by the Empresse, and kindly en∣tertained. Sazinosius by election succeeded in the Empire foure Moneths, then forsaken, and Iames restored out of his Narean imprisonment and exile, passing thorow the Galle's Countrey * 1.1729 with great hazard. In the yeere 1607. Sazinosius ouercame him in battell, neither was Iames a∣ny more seene. This Sazinosius was a man of singular arts and parts for warre and peace, mu∣nificent and faithfull, aged fiue and thirty yeeres, affected to the Romane faith. A yeere and halfe he had to doe with Rebels, same affecting Soueraignty, which hee brought to Subiection. Much adoe he had also with the Gallae (which came to subdue the Agai, which are white Chri∣stians, * 1.1730 to sell them to the Saracens) whom in foure battels he ouerthrew. After this, followed [ 30] another rebellion, with successe like to the former. Hee sent Zezelazeus prisoner into the Kingdome of Goroma, whence he escaped and was slaine of the Pesants. He sought to vnite the Abassine Church with the Romane, and writ to the Pope and the King of Spaine. His Letters to the Pope are these.

THE Letters of Malasegued the Abassine Emperour, let come to the holy Father Bishop of Rome, * 1.1731 with the peace of Iesus Christ, which hath loued vs, and washed vs from our sinnes in his bloud, and made vs a Kingdome and Priests to God and the Father. This peace bee with your Holinesse, and the whole Church of Christ, &c. Such is the spoile and ruine of our Empire by warres past, that although we haue subdued some Rebels, yet are there others more puissant abroad, the Ethnick Galae, which haue subiected no small part of the Kingdome, and daily m••••est vs with new incursions, misera∣bly [ 40] vexing old and young: which their rage cannot in seeming be repressed without the ayd of the King of Portugall. Wherefore we intreat him to send vs ayde as his Ancestors did to our Progenitors. And that my Petition may haue more weight, I thought good to 〈…〉〈…〉e to your Holinesse, the Pastor and Father of all the faithfull, to signifie so much to our Brother, &c. October 14, 1607. The like he writ to the King of Spaine, Decemb. 10. as also did Eras Athanathens.

The Iesuites there giue their Ag〈…〉〈…〉 Deis, Graines, &c. The Abassines weare Amulets of words of the Gospell, hanging about their necks. Amongst other Rebels which arose in Armes against Sazinosius, was not one farre from Fremona, which had beene an Anchoret, or Hermite * 1.1732 in a Wildernesse twentie yeares, not putting off yet his ambition of a Scepter. He had theeues to associate him, of which there are plentie. But I haue almost beene robbed of discretion, and [ 50] seeme to haue robbed my Readers patience to wilder, and while him so long in this miserable Abassia.

An Armenian his report of SVSSINVS, the Emperour of the Abaxins, by vs vulgarly called PRESTER IOHN, who came from the said Emperours Court twelue daies since.

FIrst, from Dealeque to the Kings Court, called Dombia, (a very great Citie) is fiue and [ 60] twentie daies iourney by Carrauan; heere goeth from thence yearely ten Carrauans, where∣of eight are great. The Commodities they carrie, are all kind of Indian cloathing, and likewise of our English Commodities, (Broad-cloath, Kerseys, Lead, Tinne; likewise, Veluets, Da∣maskes,

Sattens, Taffitaes, and all other sorts of Silke Stuffes. Their measure is about halfe a yard; Cloath, which is worth in Moha foure Rials of eight, is there worth eight Rials. The price of Kerseyes, is halfe the price of Broad-cloath: The Colours they most desire, are Reds, Greens, Violets, Murreys, and other light Colours: Yellowes in no esteeme, nor Blacks.

Veluets of China of all sorts are worth ten Rials of eight the halfe yard. Veluets of Italy are much more worth: but not so profitable to the Merchants, because they are much deerer. Sattens of Florence are worth ten Rials; Damaskes of the better sort, worth eight or ten Ri∣als. Taffitaes three Rials; all colours well sold, excepting Yellowes and Blackes.

Ciuet, great quantitie is to be had, the price is three Wakias, (which is neere vpon foure * 1.1733 ounces English, for fiue Rials of eight. Elephants teeth, the Bahar, worth thirtie Rials, [ 10] The Bahar is three hundred and sixtie Rottollies of Moha. Waxe one hundred Rottollies, worth one Riall of eight. Gold the Rottolly, worth sixtie Rials, the Rottolly is neere vpon sixteene ounces and a halfe. Lead and Tinne in great request. Tinne worth the Rottolly, one Rial, Lead much more worth, because the Turk wil not suffer any to be carried into his Country.

Bezar-stones many are to be had, and little worth: here are many Beasts with one horne in their fore-head like a Vnicorne; which horne, they say, is good against poyson. There are of them which weigh eight pound, some seuen, foure, and three pound: the greatest and fairest, worth some foure Rials the piece, and those of a lesser sort worth lesse: among the Turkes and Moores in Arabia, euery pound is worth one Riall of eight.

From Grancairo there goeth in August a great Carrauan, and likewise another in Nouem∣ber. [ 20] The Commodities they carrie from thence, are Broad-cloaths, Kerseyes, Veluets, Sat∣tens, Damaskes, and all sorts of Silkes. From Cayro to Dombia is fiftie daies trauell by Carrauan.

First, he sits on a gilt Bed-sted like those of China, and there commeth great troops of men * 1.1734 daily to salute him; some daies two thousand, some daies more, some daies lesse; but Friday being their day of Fast, there commeth a farre greater quantitie.

[illustration] map of Asia

HONDIVS his Map of Asia.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The Katherine betrayed.
• * 1.2

  Portugals which trade. Gambra.
• * 1.3

  The generall winds.
• * 1.4

  Tankoroualle.
• * 1.5

  Tindobauge.
• * 1.6

  The Voyage vp the Riuer.
• * 1.7

  Pudding Iland. Maugegar.
• * 1.8

  Wolley, Wolley. Cassan. Portugals per∣fidie.
• * 1.9

  Pometou. Ieraconde.
• * 1.10

  English at Oranto.
• * 1.11

  Oranto.
• * 1.12

  Fer〈…〉〈…〉 faith.
• * 1.13

  Batto.
• * 1.14

  Sea-horses, high-wayes.
• * 1.15

  Marybuckes sa∣cred persons, by the super∣stition of those parts, and are their Priests and Mer∣chants. Sea horses a∣bounding in the fresh wa∣ter, both in the water and on shoare, They are like a horse, but with clawes on their feet, and short legs, tuskes, manes, &c. Monkies and Baboones▪ Crocodiles thirty foot long. Elephants.
• * 1.16

  Muskie water distatefull.
• * 1.17

  Tinda.
• * 1.18

  Muskie fish.
• * 1.19

  Antelope.
• * 1.20

  Gun-thunder.
• * 1.21

  Salt, chiefe trade.
• * 1.22

  Baiay Dinko vs∣ko was the chiefe man, & called by the name of his Countrey, vn∣der the great King of C••••t••r. Iuddies or Fidlers. He bought and sold &c. for vs.
• * 1.23

  Nuts of preci∣ous esteeme. He seemeth to be the Cola.
• * 1.24

  The Countrey giuen to the English.
• * 1.25

  In this manner the Kings take possession of the lands they came to.
• * 1.26

  Iron preferred before Gold.
• * 1.27

  Much Gold.
• * 1.28

  Combaconda. Tombuto.
• * 1.29

  Barraconde.
• * 1.30

  Circumcision.
• * 1.31

  Daunces.
• * 1.32

  Hore.
• * 1.33

  Setico. Blow by a Sea∣horse.
• * 1.34

  Marybucks Fu∣nerall.
• * 1.35

  Deuils or 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.36

  Translated out of Dutch by G. Artus Dantis•• and the sixth part of De Bry, his Ind. Orient. The Voyage from the Tes∣sel, Nouember the first, 1600. til Ianuary th•• third, when they arriued at Mo••rre, I omit.
• * 1.37

  The Graine Coast, is Ma∣nigette, so cal∣led of a kind of Grape. Baixas de S. 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.38

  Sierra Leona. & ••as Palmas.
• * 1.39

  All Saints Bay▪
• * 1.40

  See what hap∣pened to the Dragon and Hector in Cap∣taine Keelings Voyage. Lib. 3. Description of Cape Verde.
• * 1.41

  The people & their apparell.
• * 1.42

  Kind of Darts made Iauelin∣fashion at both ends.
• * 1.43

  Their women.
• * 1.44

  Commodities.
• * 1.45

  The course from Cape Verde. Miles are to be vnderstood Dutch, or as the Latin hath leagues lea•••• seu mil▪ gallica.
• * 1.46

  Nesurade R. C••••••••es.
• * 1.47

  Note.
• * 1.48

  Melli.
• * 1.49

  See Cap. 8.
• * 1.50

  Prouision of a wife.
• * 1.51

  Portion.
• * 1.52

  Rites of mar∣riage.
• * 1.53

  Diuorce and forseiture.
• * 1.54

  Triall of ••ea∣lousie.
• * 1.55

  Polygamy.
• * 1.56

  Their meats.
• * 1.57

  Beds.
• * 1.58

  The Irish doe the like.
• * 1.59

  Child-birth.
• * 1.60

  Names.
• * 1.61

  Vsage of chil∣dren.
• * 1.62

  Deuillish pre∣seruatiues a∣gainst the De∣uill.
• * 1.63

  Fetissos.
• * 1.64

  Colour.
• * 1.65

  Correction.
• * 1.66

  Arts.
• * 1.67

  First, apparell.
• * 1.68

  Wiuing.
• * 1.69

  Their limbes and members.
• * 1.70

  Long nailes, a signe of idle Gentrie.
• * 1.71

  Their wits are subtletie.
• * 1.72

  Stomackes.
• * 1.73

  Stomacks and reuenge.
• * 1.74

  Superstition. Nicetie.
• * 1.75

  Easements.
• * 1.76

  Couetise and begging.
• * 1.77

  Lechery.
• * 1.78

  Drunkennesse and greedi∣nesse.
• * 1.79

  Lying and stealing.
• * 1.80

  Cutting their haire.
• * 1.81

  Rings.
• * 1.82

  Fetisso••
• * 1.83

  Caps.
• * 1.84

  Pride.
• * 1.85

  Salutations.
• * 1.86

  Their lust.
• * 1.87

  Thrugh you is my name blas∣phemed a∣mongst the Gentiles. Rom. 2. 2. Let Chri∣stians read this wi••h shame, especially tra∣uel••ers. Let not Heathens be made worse by Christians which, alas is now common in a••l remote parts. And th••s is one chiefe cause of the death of so many there. Combes for courtesie.
• * 1.88

  Racing.
• * 1.89

  Rings.
• * 1.90

  Signe of riches
• * 1.91

  Apparell and ornaments.
• * 1.92

  Their house∣wiferie.
• * 1.93

  Making of bread.
• * 1.94

  Raw food.
• * 1.95

  Filthy food.
• * 1.96

  A greedie Boy.
• * 1.97

  Their Trees.
• * 1.98

  Palme-oile.
• * 1.99

  Drinking.
• * 1.100

  Vnciuill fee∣ding.
• * 1.101

  Strange hun∣ger in so hot a Climate.
• * 1.102

  Good fellow∣ship, or prodi∣galitie.
• * 1.103

  Their trading.
• * 1.104

  First simplicity
• * 1.105

  First trading.
• * 1.106

  First Dutch Trade.
• * 1.107

  Wind in the morning from land & calme.
• * 1.108

  Dache.
• * 1.109

  Vndermining and defrauding Merchants.
• * 1.110

  Aske my fel∣low if I be a Thiefe.
• * 1.111

  Coozening Knaues.
• * 1.112

  White Deuils can hardly make blacke Saints.
• * 1.113

  Wares for these parts of Guinea, and for what vse.
• * 1.114

  Their know∣ledge in our warres, and tri∣all thereof.
• * 1.115

  Customes.
• * 1.116

  Toll.
• * 1.117

  Fines.
• * 1.118

  Weights and Scales.
• * 1.119

  Measures.
• * 1.120

  Telling or numbring.
• * 1.121

  Markets how they are kept. No Market on their Sabbath.
• * 1.122

  Wares.
• * 1.123

  Superstition.
• * 1.124

  Tithes.
• * 1.125

  Fetissos day. An Ethnicke Sabbath.
• * 1.126

  Fetissos meate.
• * 1.127

  The Fetissero, or Priest.
• * 1.128

  His preaching.
• * 1.129

  His blessing.
• * 1.130

  Their Mattins.
• * 1.131

  Appeasing their Fetisso.
• * 1.132

  Consultation with their O∣racles.
• * 1.133

  Cap. 3. Cap. 1.
• * 1.134

  Funerall Rites.
• * 1.135

  Amulets.
• * 1.136

  Pitoir a Fetisso.
• * 1.137

  Bird and fish gods.
• * 1.138

  Tree gods, they killed a Dutchman for cutting these trees against their will.
• * 1.139

  Hil-gods.
• * 1.140

  Opinions of the soules de∣parted.
• * 1.141

  Of God.
• * 1.142

  Miserable and ridiculous blindnesse.
• * 1.143

  Feare of Thunder.
• * 1.144

  Circumcision.
• * 1.145

  Some haue some smacke of Christianitie.
• * 1.146

  Their houses.
• * 1.147

  Kings Houses.
• * 1.148

  Townes.
• * 1.149

  Aziem.
• * 1.150

  Anta.
• * 1.151

  Rio S. Georgio. Cama.
• * 1.152

  Agitaky. Comando.
• * 1.153

  Terra pequina. Mina. Cape Crosso.
• * 1.154

  1592.
• * 1.155

  Infantin.
• * 1.156

  Cormantin.
• * 1.157

  Biamba.
• * 1.158

  Berqu.
• * 1.159

  Their warres and Martiall Customes.
• * 1.160

  Assagay a kind of Dart.
• * 1.161

  Exact skill with Darts. Man-eaters.
• * 1.162

  Securitie.
• * 1.163

  Their Armes
• * 1.164

  Choice of the King.
• * 1.165

  The Kings Feast.
• * 1.166

  His wiue••.
• * 1.167

  His Guard.
• * 1.168

  His Viador, or Treasurer.
• * 1.169

  His children.
• * 1.170

  Lawyers.
• * 1.171

  Combats.
• * 1.172

  Their Lawes and execution of Iustice.
• * 1.173

  Enchionkenou.
• * 1.174

  Lacedemonian Theeues.
• * 1.175

  Lacedemonians.
• * 1.176

  Promises.
• * 1.177

  Oathes.
• * 1.178

  Barren Sum∣mer and fertile Winter.
• * 1.179

  Mysts.
• * 1.180

  Their Husban∣drie.
• * 1.181

  Mille••.
• * 1.182

  Their Mai••.
• * 1.183

  Raine hurtfull.
• * 1.184

  Tempests.
• * 1.185

  Palme Oyle.
• * 1.186

  I haue omit∣ted the fish and fishing: their beasts, &c. Great Snakes.
• * 1.187

  Spiders.
• * 1.188

  Dogges.
• * 1.189

  Ca••••••.
• * 1.190

  Elephants.
• * 1.191

  Leopards.
• * 1.192

  Oxen.
• * 1.193

  Hennes.
• * 1.194

  Doues.
• * 1.195

  Hogges.
• * 1.196

  Monkies.
• * 1.197

  How taken.
• * 1.198

  Musk-cats,
• * 1.199

  Hares.
• * 1.200

  Harts.
• * 1.201

  Parrots.
• * 1.202

  Parokites.
• * 1.203

  Fierce Birds.
• * 1.204

  Pheasans.
• * 1.205

  Pea-cockes. Pittoirs.
• * 1.206

  Specled Crowes.
• * 1.207

  Burning Flies.
• * 1.208

  Bannanas, or Indian Figges.
• * 1.209

  Bachouens, or Bannanas de Congo.
• * 1.210

  Annanas.
• * 1.211

  Iniamus.
• * 1.212

  Battatas.
• * 1.213

  Palme-wine tree.
• * 1.214

  Palmitas tree.
• * 1.215

  Ambition of Gentrie.
• * 1.216

  Gifts for it.
• * 1.217

  Creation.
• * 1.218

  Priuiledges.
• * 1.219

  Annuall Feast.
• * 1.220

  Their dan∣cings.
• * 1.221

  The yonkers.
• * 1.222

  Their wounds and maladies.
• * 1.223

  Wormes in the legs.
• * 1.224

  Barbarous In∣humanitie.
• * 1.225

  Quarrels.
• * 1.226

  Old age and the effects.
• * 1.227

  Lamentable lamentings.
• * 1.228

  Funerall.
• * 1.229

  Viaticum.
• * 1.230

  Kings Fune∣rals.
• * 1.231

  Gold how e∣steemed and found.
• * 1.232

  False gold.
• * 1.233

  Troublesome long-wormes.
• * 1.234

  Ormus. At Boghar in Bactria, there are the like, supposed to come by drin∣king bad water in that place, as M. Ant. Ien∣kinson obserued
• * 1.235

  This was ta∣ken out of D. R.
• * 1.236

  The Citie of Benni.
• * 1.237

  These are Dutch miles.
• * 1.238

  Their fashi∣ons.
• * 1.239

  Warres.
• * 1.240

  Apparell.
• * 1.241

  Wrong to a Stranger.
• * 1.242

  Birds supersti∣tiously respe∣cted.
• * 1.243

  Rio de Angra. Corisco.
• * 1.244

  Moucheron.
• * 1.245

  Their Houses.
• * 1.246

  The Court.
• * 1.247

  Sixe hundred Wiues.
• * 1.248

  Gentlemen their making.
• * 1.249

  R. Gabom.
• * 1.250

  Pongo.
• * 1.251

  Three Kings.
• * 1.252

  Cape Gonsal∣ues.
• * 1.253

  Incestuous cu∣stomes.
• * 1.254

  Apparell and ornaments.
• * 1.255

  Armes.
• * 1.256

  Dyet.
• * 1.257

  The King.
• * 1.258

  Oysters on Trees.
• * 1.259

  Cruelty of Gabom.
• * 1.260

  Of diuers parts of Guinea and especially of Cape Sierra Leona, &c. See Keelings and Finches Iour∣nals bef〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.261

  Abraham Cooks Voyage.
• * 1.262

  Santa Cruz.
• * 1.263

  Calmes on the Coast of Gui∣nea.
• * 1.264

  The Scorbute. Cape de las Palmas.
• * 1.265

  Trecherous people.
• * 1.266

  San Tome. Ilhas das Rolas.
• * 1.267

  They burne a Village. The Towne of San Tome.
• * 1.268

  Cape de lopo Gonsalues.
• * 1.269

  Some hurt.
• * 1.270

  They depart from San Tome.
• * 1.271

  Illha Grande in fiue Degrees to the South of the line, on the Coast of Brasill.
• * 1.272

  Buenos Aieres; Bahi〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.273

  The Dolphin sent home.
• * 1.274

  The benefit of a banished man. Ile de Labos Marinos.
• * 1.275

  Morsses and Scales. The Towne of Buenos Aires.
• * 1.276

  Ile Uerde.
• * 1.277

  They returne North-ward. The Ile of S. Sebastian. The Towne of Spiritu Sancto. The Riuer of Ianeire. Andrew Battl•• and foure o∣thers taken. Andrew Battle sent prisoner to Angola in Africa. The Citie of S. Paul. Quansa. His Pilotage and sicknesse. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 trade for E∣lephants teeth, and Oyle of the Palme tree Ile de Calabes.
• * 1.278

  Blew and Red course wool••n cloth, and Irish Rugs, rich Commodities.
• * 1.279

  A ship of Hol∣land on that Coast Imprison∣ment. Massangano Fort, Sixe yeeres miserie.
• * 1.280

  He fleeth from Massangano. The Riuer Coanza. Elamba.
• * 1.281

  Mani Cabech. Lake of Ca∣sansa. The Towne of Mani Casansa, is twelue leagues from the Citie of San Paulo.
• * 1.282

  The Riuer Bengo. Abundance of dangerous Crocodiles. The Riuer Dande. Manibangono.
• * 1.283

  Bamba.
• * 1.284

  A. B. left alone.
• * 1.285

  His resolution.
• * 1.286

  He yeeldeth. They were ta∣ken prisoners, and sent again to the Citie of San Paulo.
• * 1.287

  Foure hun∣dred banished Portugals employed in the Warres. Sowonso. Namba Calamba Sollancango Combricaianga.
• * 1.288

  Ingasia. Ingombe.
• * 1.289

  A fruit good for the Collick
• * 1.290

  Sending to Ba∣hia das Uaccas, or Bahia de Torre.
• * 1.291

  Store of Cowes, great Sheepe, and fine Copper. Cacongo a sweet wood.
• * 1.292

  A good Bay and fit refre∣shing from the East Indies. Endallanbondos. Carrel bought for blue glasse beads of an inchlong.
• * 1.293

  Dombe. Mines of fine Copper.
• * 1.294

  Men effemi∣nate.
• * 1.295

  The attyre of their women.
• * 1.296

  Benguele.
• * 1.297

  Lopes was deceiued in their originall. The Gagas, a most warlike people. He in discourse with me, called them Iagges, & their Chiefe the Great Iagge. I thinke he writ them Gagas for Gia∣gas by false spelling. The Iagges Campe. Their manner of remoue. Their vaine∣glorie.
• * 1.298

  The Benguelas slaughter.
• * 1.299

  The Gagas are the greatest Man-eaters in the World.
• * 1.300

  The Prouince of Bambala.
• * 1.301

  Mofarigosat, a great Negro Lord.
• * 1.302

  Andrew Battell left with the Andalamband••s
• * 1.303

  In danger of death.
• * 1.304

  Cashil a great Towne.
• * 1.305

  A Giantly I∣mage called Quesango, and their Idola∣trous Rites. Their streets and houses. A M••kisso, or Idoll. He commeth to the Campe of the great Gaga. Of these Gia∣gas, reade also Pigasettas book of Congo, trans∣lated into Eng∣lish by M. Hart∣well, and my Pilgrimage, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 7 But none could so well know them as this Author, which liued so long with them. The Riuer Longa. Calango. Tondo. Gonsa Riuer, or Gunza. Great cold in the high Mountaines. Shillambansa destroyed. Store of wild Peacocks. The Riuer Co∣anza. The Moun∣taines of siluer. A fal of waters heard thirtie miles. Casama.
• * 1.306

  Casoch a great Warrier.
• * 1.307

  The Authors deare-bought credit. Massangano Fort. He getteth a∣gaine to the Portugals. Discourse of Ca••andola, the great Iagge. His depen∣dance of the Deuill. His seueritie.
• * 1.308

  Orations.
• * 1.309

  Their fortify∣ing.
• * 1.310

  A Riuer ha∣uing great store of Cold, to the South of Bahia das Vacca••. They found of this Gold.
• * 1.311

  Palme-wine, how drawne.
• * 1.312

  Such diffe∣rence between Waspes and Bees.
• * 1.313

  What they doe being resisted.
• * 1.314

  Fruges consu∣mere ••ati.
• * 1.315

  Stratagems.
• * 1.316

  His attire. Bamba shells. Maso shells, of great account among the Gagas.
• * 1.317

  Cruell brauery
• * 1.318

  They vse this ceremony in Florida.
• * 1.319

  Foolish Gal∣lantry.
• * 1.320

  Generation of Vipers. A generation without gene∣ration of Gaga. Panizaries. Boyes trayned vp in the wars.
• * 1.321

  These Gagas came from Serra Leona.
• * 1.322

  His solemne sa∣crifice to the Deuill.
• * 1.323

  Zebra.
• * 1.324

  Butcherly rites.
• * 1.325

  Buriall of their dead. Cruel funerals.
• * 1.326

  Vnkind kind∣nesse.
• * 1.327

  Masangano, a Towne of Portugal.
• * 1.328

  Salt Mines. Siluer Mines.
• * 1.329

  The Riuer Co∣anza.
• * 1.330

  Stone-salt, a speciall com∣moditie. The like is in Poland.
• * 1.331

  Andrew Battle made Sergeant of a Portugall Company.
• * 1.332

  Seignior Iuan de Continbo dieth.
• * 1.333

  Serras da Prata.
• * 1.334

  Newes of the death of the Queene of England, 1603.
• * 1.335

  Bamba. The Onteiro of Congo.
• * 1.336

  The Riuer Bengo. The Riuer Dande.
• * 1.337

  The Lake of Casansa.
• * 1.338

  The manner of the Sauages drying of their flesh.
• * 1.339

  He made a Boat with a Knife.
• * 1.340

  The Lake of Casanza falleth into Bengo.
• * 1.341

  Hee was three yeares in Longo.
• * 1.342

  Puntada Pal∣mar. Eng〈…〉〈…〉 is the first Prouince of Longo. The Riuer Ca∣congo.
• * 1.343

  The Mombales.
• * 1.344

  The Riuer of Caye. Golfam das Al∣madias. The Port of Longo.
• * 1.345

  Fine Logwood Molangos, or Copper. Elephants Teeth.
• * 1.346

  The King Ma∣comas, or wiues.
• * 1.347

  Strange cu∣stome of drin∣king.
• * 1.348

  Tyrannicall custome.
• * 1.349

  Arrogating to giue raine. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 raineth here in December.
• * 1.350

  Policie of the Deuill.
• * 1.351

  Some white children borne among them.
• * 1.352

  Their Mekisso and Checocke. A Village cal∣led Kinga.
• * 1.353

  Mokisso Gom∣beri.
• * 1.354

  Colour of their children when they are borne.
• * 1.355

  Foure Prince•• in Loango.
• * 1.356

  Burial of thei•• Kings.
• * 1.357

  No white man may be buried in Longo.
• * 1.358

  Bongo.
• * 1.359

  Calongo.
• * 1.360

  Mayombe.
• * 1.361

  Cape Negro is in sixteene de∣grees to the South of the Line. Banna Riuer.
• * 1.362

  The Pongo, or Giant-ape. He told me in conference with him, that one of these Pongos tooke a Negro Boy of his, which li∣ued a moneth with them. For they hurt not those which they surprise at vnawares, ex∣cept they look on them, which hee auoyded. He said, their highth was like a mans, but their bignesse twice as great. I saw the Ne∣gro Boy. Their strength. What the o∣ther Monster should be, he hath forgotten to relate: and these papers came to my hand since his death, which otherwise in my often con∣ferences I might haue learned. Per∣haps he mea∣neth the Pig∣mey Pongo-kil∣lers, mentio∣ned. A Dog sold for thirtie pounds. The Towne of Mani Mayombe. The author was twelue moneths in this Countrie. All Angola cir∣cumcised.
• * 1.363

  His trauaile to Mani Kesock. Mani Seat.
• * 1.364

  Great store of Logwood. Mani Kesock.
• * 1.365

  Twentie thou∣sand Ele∣phants tailes. A Trade a litle North ward of Cape Negro, which is about sixteene de∣grees to the South of the line. The Matimbas a people of ve∣ry smal sta••ure, a kind of Pig∣meys. Women vsing Bowes and Ar∣rowes. Elephants, whether they shed their teeth.
• * 1.366

  The vertue of the roote Im∣bondo. He told me that this root makes the wa∣ter as bitter as Gall (he tasted it) and one root will serue to try one hun∣dred. They which haue drunke and made water after are clea∣red, before which if dizzi∣nes take them, they cry, Vn∣doke, Undoke, and presently execute them. See my Relat. l. 7. c. 10. which I writ from his mouth. Neither may this be ascribed to the vertue of the herbe, but to the vice of the Deuill, a murtherer and his Instruments. The Ganga or Priest.
• * 1.367

  And therefore that coniecture seems vnprobable. For how could an ordinary tryall of life where are so many so perilous; and therefore curious (more then) spe∣ctators, [ 40] not perceiue this in so long and frequent experience, which costs so many their dearest friends their dearest life? I thinke rather that this was the transcribers coniecture. I remember no such scruple in his Narrations to me, who knowes not the Deuils ambition of Deity, and cruell Misanthropie or man-hating? This is his Apish imitation of Diuinity, and those Rites prescribed for triall in case of Iealousie, Num. 5. In Guinea like triall is made by Salt, and also by the Fetisseroes pot. In Benomotapa, by a water also: in the Moramba triall before, and Motamba triall by hot Iron in Angola; the Plough-shares in old times with vs: and the tryall of Witches still in the East parts by water, &c. were not vnlike in deceiueable superstition.
• * 1.368

  Plenty of wilde Fowle.
• * 1.369

  The right Pe∣lican.
• * 1.370

  The Zeuera or Zebra.
• * 1.371

  The Hippopota∣mus or Riuer Horse. A present re∣medy for the Fluxe.
• * 1.372

  The Port-wars in Congo.
• * 1.373

  The Generall of the blacke Campe.
• * 1.374

  Their Fishing on the Coast.
• * 1.375

  A strange kind of fishing with Mats.
• * 1.376

  Foure sorts of corne in Longe.
• * 1.377

  Two sorts of Peason: how they grow.
• * 1.378

  Their Hony.
• * 1.379

  I added this that followes out of his owne reports to my selfe. Other like things you may find from his relation scattered in my Pilgrimage.
• * 1.380

  The Iuzanda.
• * 1.381

  Anno 1588.
• * 1.382

  Patache 1. a Brigandine or a Pinnasse.
• * 1.383

  The Island of Madera. The Canaries. Isle of S. An∣thony. Isle of S. Iames.
• * 1.384

  These gene∣rall winds are the Etesij, which blow from some Northerly point vnto twentie nine degrees South latitude. For a∣bout sixe mo∣neths together for this cause they vse to set off toward Bra∣sil, to gaine the wind and re∣turne to Congo. Isle of S. Elena, all of Eben. wood. The Port of Loanda. De las Palmas. The second course of say∣ling to Loanda. The Isle of S. Thomas.
• * 1.385

  The Hauen of S. Thomas.
• * 1.386

  The Ile of the Prince. The Ile of S. Thomas. Great tafficke.
• * 1.387

  Sugar. Churches. A Castle.
• * 1.388

  Ginger.
• * 1.389

  Seuentie hou∣ses to make Sugar in.
• * 1.390

  Wormes hurt∣full.
• * 1.391

  The Riuer and Iland of Fer∣nando Poo. Riuer, Bora. La Riuiera del Campo. Riuer, di San Benedetto. Riuer, di Angra The Ile of Corisco. The Cape of Luso Gonzale. Zaire, the grea∣test Riuer of Congo.
• * 1.392

  Here begin∣neth the se∣cond chapter as it is in the Booke, which method I haue for breuitie al∣tered, and brought to longer Para∣graphs. The tempera∣ture of the Kingdome. The complexi∣on of the peo∣ple.
• * 1.393

  Small diffe∣rence between their dayes and nights. Their Winter and Summer.
• * 1.394

  The winds in this Countrey in Winter time
• * 1.395

  The cause of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 increase of Nilus, and o∣th〈…〉〈…〉 Riuers in Aeth••opia. The Riuer Ni∣ger, or Senega, runneth West∣ward. Nilus runneth North-ward. It ••eldome rai∣neth in Egypt but onely in Alexandria, and the rains which there fall are vnwholsome.
• * 1.396

  Their winds in Summer time.
• * 1.397

  Cooling of hot Regions by the breeze or winds.
• * 1.398

  No Snow nor Ice in Aethiopia or Congo.
• * 1.399

  The Westerne border of Congo. The Bay of Cowes.
• * 1.400

  The Riuer Bengleli. The Riuer Songa.
• * 1.401

  The Riuer Coanza.
• * 1.402

  The Iland of Loanda,
• * 1.403

  Strange ware•• springs.
• * 1.404

  The money of Congo.
• * 1.405

  The Lumache of Loanda.
• * 1.406

  No metall-mo∣ney.
• * 1.407

  Spirito Sancto.
• * 1.408

  The tree En∣zanda.
• * 1.409

  Cloth made of the barke of a tree.
• * 1.410

  Their Boats or Canoes.
• * 1.411

  Shel-fishes growing on trees. Ambiz••amatare.
• * 1.412

  What kind of money is vsed in sundrie Countries.
• * 1.413

  Pepper mo∣ney, &c.
• * 1.414

  Great store of Whales.
• * 1.415

  Villa di San Paulo.
• * 1.416

  Store of fish.
• * 1.417

  The Riuer Bengo.
• * 1.418

  The Riuer Dande. Th•• Riuer Lembe. The Riuer Ozone. The Riuer Loze. The Riuer Am∣briz. The Riuer Lelunda. The Oteiro of Congo.
• * 1.419

  The Riuer Zaire.
• * 1.420

  Huge breadth and force of Zaire.
• * 1.421

  Cataracts.
• * 1.422

  Certaine I∣lands.
• * 1.423

  Boats. The tree Li∣condo.
• * 1.424

  The Ile of Horses.
• * 1.425

  The Hauen of Pinda. Crocodiles. Water-horses.
• * 1.426

  Hog-fish.
• * 1.427

  Fishes Royall.
• * 1.428

  Cacongo, a fish like a Salmon, La Baia de las Almadias.
• * 1.429

  The riuer de las Barreras Uer∣meglias.
• * 1.430

  Baia d'Aluaro Gonzales.
• * 1.431

  Capo de Cate∣rina.
• * 1.432

  The Northern Border of Congo.
• * 1.433

  The Bramas. The Kingdom of Loango.
• * 1.434

  The People of Loango circum∣cised.
• * 1.435

  The Countrie of Anzicos.
• * 1.436

  Sanders.
• * 1.437

  Medicines for the French Poxe. For the head∣ache.
• * 1.438

  Their Bowes.
• * 1.439

  Their Arrows.
• * 1.440

  Their weapons
• * 1.441

  The nature of the Anzicos.
• * 1.442

  V••in-glorious madnesse.
• * 1.443

  Their mer∣chandise.
• * 1.444

  Circumcision. The Anzi〈…〉〈…〉 are circumci∣sed, and mar∣ked in their faces. A shambles of mans flesh.
• * 1.445

  Blind subie∣ction.
• * 1.446

  A strange beastly custom
• * 1.447

  Their Apparel.
• * 1.448

  Their Lan∣guage.
• * 1.449

  The Easterne border of Congo. The Moun∣taines of Cry∣stall. The Moun∣taines of the Sunne. The Moun∣taines of Sal-Nitrum.
• * 1.450

  The Arte of making Silkes, in this Eastern Coast, of Palm-trees.
• * 1.451

  The Southerne Coast. The Moun∣taine of Siluer.
• * 1.452

  The King of Matama.
• * 1.453

  The King of Angola freeth himselfe from subiēction to the King of Congo, since Congo receiued the Faith.
• * 1.454

  Iohn the Se∣cond, King of Portugall, first brought Chri∣stianitie into Congo.
• * 1.455

  Paulo Diaz the first discouerer of this traffick. Don Sebastian King of Portu∣gall.
• * 1.456

  Paulo Diaz buildeth an house in An∣zell••. The Author calleth him Lord, because he was then but a petie King.
• * 1.457

  Paulo Diaz, in Armes against the King of Angola.
• * 1.458

  P. Diaz deman∣deth succour of the King of Congo.
• * 1.459

  The militarie order of the People of Congo.
• * 1.460

  How the Soul∣diers doe vn∣derstand the pleasure of their Generall.
• * 1.461

  Three kinds of Instruments v∣sed in their warres.
• * 1.462

  The vse of these Instru∣ments.
• * 1.463

  The Militarie apparell of the better sort.
• * 1.464

  Their weapons
• * 1.465

  The Militarie apparell of the meaner sort.
• * 1.466

  The Issue of this battell.
• * 1.467

  P. Diaz at Luiola.
• * 1.468

  The hills Cabambe.
• * 1.469

  The weapons of the people of ••ngola.
• * 1.470

  Their militarie actions.
• * 1.471

  Rudenesse of art military, and prouision of and for soul∣diers.
• * 1.472

  They are giuē to diuination by Birds.
• * 1.473

  Why so small a number, as Paulo Diaz had with him, was able to resist so huge an Army of the King of Angola.
• * 1.474

  The kingdome of Angola very populous, sup∣posed to hold a million of fighting men. The commodi∣ties of Angola.
• * 1.475

  A Dogge sold for two hun∣dred and twen∣tie Duckets. The money of Angola.
• * 1.476

  The Religion of Angola. The language of the people of Angola.
• * 1.477

  The rest of the Kingdome of Angola descri∣bed.
• * 1.478

  Cape Negro 1. The blacke Cape.
• * 1.479

  Monti Freddi. 1. The cold Mountaines.
• * 1.480

  The Moun∣taines of Chri∣stall.
• * 1.481

  The West con∣taineth 375. miles. The North 540. The East 500.
• * 1.482

  The South 360
• * 1.483

  The kingdome of Congo con∣taineth in com∣passe, 1685. miles.
• * 1.484

  In breadth 600. miles.
• * 1.485

  The title or stile of the King of Congo.
• * 1.486

  The first Pro∣uince is Bam∣ba, and the de∣scription of it. Sebastian chiefe Gouernour of Bamba, and those that rule vnder him.
• * 1.487

  Mani, what it signifieth. The Confines of Bamba. The Countrey of Quizama. Bamba the principall Pro∣uince of all Congo. Bamba yeeld∣eth for a need 400000. men of warre. Panza the prin∣cipall Citie of Bamba. Mines of siluer and other me∣tals. Incredible numbers of slaues yearely sold to the Por∣tugals. One M. T. Tur∣ner which liued there, told me of 10000. slaues out of these parts of Africa yearely can yeeld, and that one Portugall in Brasill had 10000.
• * 1.488

  Certaine crea∣tures in Bamba Prouince. Elephants. An Elephants foot foure span broad. The Elephant liueth 150. yeares.
• * 1.489

  An Elephants Tooth of 200. waight.
• * 1.490

  Certain haires in the Ele∣phants tayle, very precious. M. Iohson gaue me one of those tayles with such blacke strong haires.
• * 1.491

  The manner of the Ele∣phants feeding their want of knees is a fable
• * 1.492

  The shee-Ele∣phant.
• * 1.493

  The Elephants skinne. The manner of taking the Elephants.
• * 1.494

  A strange ef∣fect of nature.
• * 1.495

  The nature of the Elephant.
• * 1.496

  Rhinoceros, or Abadas. Lions.
• * 1.497

  Tygres.
• * 1.498

  The manner of taking the tame Tygres.
• * 1.499

  A tame Tygre.
• * 1.500

  The Zebra.
• * 1.501

  The manner of the carrying of the Moci-Conghi.
• * 1.502

  The Dante.
• * 1.503

  Wild Buffes. Wild Asses.
• * 1.504

  Empalanga.
• * 1.505

  Other fruitfull Ca••••ell.
• * 1.506

  Wolues.
• * 1.507

  Foxes.
• * 1.508

  Hunting game.
• * 1.509

  In Pemba, Ci∣uet-cats.
• * 1.510

  In Batta, Sables
• * 1.511

  In Anzigu••, Marterns. In Sogno, Apes, and Monkies. Adders and Snakes of an huge scantling. The Author doth not set downe the name. In Bra∣sill they call it Cucurijuba.
• * 1.512

  Vipers.
• * 1.513

  Another strange Crea∣ture.
• * 1.514

  Chamelions. A strange
• * 1.515

  Serpent.
• * 1.516

  The Estridge.
• * 1.517

  Peacocks.
• * 1.518

  Fowles of di∣uers sorts. Birds of prey.
• * 1.519

  Birds of the Sea.
• * 1.520

  Other kinds of Fowle.
• * 1.521

  Parrots. Birds of Mu∣sicke.
• * 1.522

  The second Prouince Sog∣no, and the de∣scription ther∣of. Sogno the chief Towne of this Prouince.
• * 1.523

  1588. Don Diego, chiefe Gouer∣nour of Sogno, and those that rule vnder him.
• * 1.524

  The Bramas.
• * 1.525

  The commo∣dities of S••gno.
• * 1.526

  The manner of the life of the Inhabi∣tants.
• * 1.527

  Sunne wor∣shipped.
• * 1.528

  The third Pro∣uince Sundi, & the description thereof.
• * 1.529

  The chiefe Towne of Sundi.
• * 1.530

  This Prouince of Sundi, is al∣waies gouer∣ned by the heire apparent of the King of Congo.
• * 1.531

  1588.
• * 1.532

  In all the king∣dome of Congo, no man hath any thing of his owne wher∣of he may dis∣pose, or leaue to his heires, but all is the Kings.
• * 1.533

  The manner of the life of Sun∣di Inhabitants.
• * 1.534

  The fourth Prouince Pango, and the description thereof. Pango the chiefe town of this Prouince•• Berbela.
• * 1.535

  Don Francisco, chiefe Gouer∣nor of Pango.
• * 1.536

  The fift Pro∣uince Batta, & the descrip∣tion thereof.
• * 1.537

  Batta, the chiefe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of all Batta.
• * 1.538

  The p••••hemi∣nence of the Gouernor of Batta.
• * 1.539

  Don Pedro, chiefe Gouer∣nor of Batta. 1588, State-ceremo∣ny.
• * 1.540

  The King of Congo will not suffer any na∣turall borne subiect in Con∣go, to haue an Harquebusse. The Giaquas. Of these, see Andrew Battell, which liued and warred with them. The conditi∣ons of the people of Batta. The sixt Pro∣uince Pemba, and the situa∣tion thereof. Don Antonio chiefe Gouer∣nor of Pemba.
• * 1.541

  The chiefe Citie of all Congo, is situate in this Pro∣uince of Pemba
• * 1.542

  The Courtiers &c. dwell for the most part in Pemba.
• * 1.543

  The Territory of the chiefest Citie in all Congo, contai∣neth in com∣passe twentie miles about.
• * 1.544

  The chiefe Ci∣tie, called San Saluatore. The situation of the Citie. The Mountain whereupon it standeth.
• * 1.545

  The soyle, the aire, the waters and the Cat∣tell. The Otheiro.
• * 1.546

  The reason why they built in this place. 1. 2.
• * 1.547

  Fiue miles from the bot∣tome of the Hill to the top. A Riuer at the Hill foot. The particular situation of the Citie. A seuerall place for the Portugals. The Kings Pa∣lace. The principall Church and Market place.
• * 1.548

  Good store of waters
• * 1.549

  The Plaine very fruitfull. Seuerall sorts of Graine. Luco, Millet.
• * 1.550

  White Millet, called the Mazza of Congo. Maiz.
• * 1.551

  Diuers kinds of Trees bea∣ring fruit.
• * 1.552

  Banana.
• * 1.553

  Diuers kinds of Palm-trees.
• * 1.554

  The Olye of Palme.
• * 1.555

  The Bread of Palme.
• * 1.556

  The fruit of the Palme. The Wine and Vinegar of Palme.
• * 1.557

  The fruit Cola. See of it Fin∣ches Iournall.
• * 1.558

  Andrew Battell affirmed this to be true.
• * 1.559

  Other kinds of Palme-trees.
• * 1.560

  Trees called, Ogheghe.
• * 1.561

  Great store of stone to build withall.
• * 1.562

  Want of work∣men to build.
• * 1.563

  Stuffe for building ships and housing. Herbs & fruits.
• * 1.564

  The first traf∣ficke of the Portugals into Congo.
• * 1.565

  Mani-Sogno, the Kings Vncle entertayneth the Portugals.
• * 1.566

  Mani-Sogno, conuerted and become a Christian.
• * 1.567

  The King of Congo, promi∣seth to become a Christian.
• * 1.568

  The King of Portugall sen∣deth Priests to the King of Congo to in∣struct him. Mani-Sogno promoteth the Christian Re∣ligion. The ships re∣turne from Portugall, 1401. Mani Sogno & his traine en∣tertayneth the Portugals. Mani-Sog•••• buildeth a Chur••h. Mani Sogno & his Sonne baptized.
• * 1.569

  A sermon con∣tayning the sum of Christi∣an Religion. Mani Sogno rehearseth the Sermon to his people. The Portugals goe to the Court to bap∣tise the King.
• * 1.570

  How beautiful are the feet of them that bring tydings of peace? The Courtiers of Congo meet the Portugals.
• * 1.571

  The King him∣selfe receiueth them.
• * 1.572

  The Portugall Embassadour declareth his Embassage. The King re∣ioyneth at the Embassage. The people reioyce at it.
• * 1.573

  The King vieweth the Presents sent vnto him by the King of Portugall.
• * 1.574

  Consultation among the Portugals for the Christ∣ning of the King and for the building of a Church. An insurrecti∣on raysed by the Deuill, to hinder the progresse of Christian Re∣ligion.
• * 1.575

  The King buildeth in haste a church of timber. The King and Queene of Congo christ∣ned. The Church of S. Sauiours. Diuers Lords baptised. The King go∣eth in person against the re∣bels, and dis∣comfiteth them. Mani-Sundi christned and many other with him. Mani-Pango resisteth the Gospel. Polygamie.
• * 1.576

  Mani-Pango & his Complices accuse Mani-Sundi to his Father.
• * 1.577

  The King de∣priueth Mani-Sundi of his gouernment.
• * 1.578

  Mani-Sogno, maketh inter∣cession for his Brother.
• * 1.579

  The King wa∣uereth in Re∣ligion, and cal∣leth M••ni Sun∣di to account, of purpose to depriue him. The King dyeth. The Queene Mother sen∣deth in al••aste for her Sonne Mani Sundi.
• * 1.580

  The funerall of King Iohn, celebrated by King Alfonse.
• * 1.581

  Mani-Pango, rebelleth against his brother.
• * 1.582

  The King to his Souldiers.
• * 1.583

  The King ere∣cteth a Crosse of a great length. The miracle which the au∣thor addes, I haue omitted, a vision of light and fiue swords, as also the vision of our Ladie and Saint Iames, fighting a∣gianst Mani-Pango. The stratagem of Mani-Pango, turneth to his owne destru∣ction. The death of Mani-Pango. The building of the Church called Saint Crosses.
• * 1.584

  King Alfonso dispatcheth the Portugall Embassadour, and another of his owne into Portugall. The king com∣mandeth all Idols to bee brought in, and all other things that are contrarie to the Christian Religion.
• * 1.585

  Their deuout worshipping of Idols.
• * 1.586

  Witches.
• * 1.587

  The king com∣mandeth euery Lord to build a Church, in the Citie of his owne gouern∣ment. Exchanged Imagerie.
• * 1.588

  The King buil∣deth three Churches. One to Saint Sauiour. The second, to our Lady of Helpe. The third, to S. Iames. The ships re∣turne from Portugall with Friers and Priests. Priests wor∣shipped.
• * 1.589

  King Alfonso dieth.
• * 1.590

  Don Piedro succeedeth him.
• * 1.591

  The Ile of S. Thomas begin∣neth to be in∣habited. The King of Portugall sen∣deth one to be Bishop of the Ile of S. Tho∣mas, and of Congo.
• * 1.592

  The entertain∣ment of the Bishop in Con∣go.
• * 1.593

  The Bishop foundeth the Gathedrall Church of S. Crosses.
• * 1.594

  The Bishop dyeth.
• * 1.595

  The second Bishop dyeth.
• * 1.596

  The King Don Piedro dyeth. Don Francisco succeedeth and dyeth. Don Diego the fift King.
• * 1.597

  The King Diego very sumptu∣ous.
• * 1.598

  The third Bi∣shop of S. Tho∣mas, & of Congo
• * 1.599

  The Portugals slaine and dis∣persed.
• * 1.600

  Don Henrico created King.
• * 1.601

  King Henrico dieth, and Don Aluaro succee∣deth: and so the stocke of the ancient Kings of Congo ceased. King Aluaro re∣storeth the Portugals.
• * 1.602

  The Bishop of S. Thomas re∣turneth into Congo. The Bishop of S. Thomas dieth.
• * 1.603

  King Aluaro li∣ueth licenti∣ously.
• * 1.604

  Francisco Bulla Matare, an ill companion & Counsellour to the King.
• * 1.605

  Bullamatare di∣eth: and as they say, cari∣ed out of his graue by De∣uils. What people the Giachas are: Their conditions, and weapons. Of these, sea Andrew Battell, Chap. 3. which better kn••w them.
• * 1.606

  The Giachas spoile the pro∣uince of Batta. The Giachas come to the Royall Citie of Congo.
• * 1.607

  King Aluaro flyeth into the Ile of Horses. The Giachas surprise the Citie, and rule ouer all the Kingdome.
• * 1.608

  The King, and those that fol∣lowed him, plagued with an extreame famine.
• * 1.609

  Many of the bloud Royall sold for Slaues ••o the Portu∣galls.
• * 1.610

  King Aluaro falleth into a dropsie.
• * 1.611

  King Aluaro sendeth to the King of Portu∣gall for succor. Don Sebastian the King of Portugall sen∣deth succour vnto him. Francisco di Go∣uea restoreth the King, and driueth the Giachas out of Congo. Francisco di Go∣uea, after foure yeeres retur∣neth into Por∣tugall with let∣ters for moe Priests.
• * 1.612

  The King be∣commeth a good Christi∣an, and mar∣rieth.
• * 1.613

  The K. of Por∣tugall sendeth to make search in Congo for metall Mines. Francisco Bar∣buto disswa∣deth the King from making the search, and auoydeth it by pollicie. The inconue∣nience of not suffering the metall Mines to be digged and melted. Priests resort not to saue soules so much as to get gold. The King sen∣deth new Em∣bassadors into Portugall for moe Priests. Don Sebastiana was faine to returne into Congo without any Priests. Antonio degli Oua sent by the Portugall King to be Bishop of S. Thomas, and Conga. Don Sebastian K. of Portugall ouerthrowne in Africa, and Don Henrico the Cardinall succeedeth. Philip King of Spaine succee∣deth the Car∣dinall. The King of Congo offereth King Philip of Spaine the dis∣couerie of the metall Mines in Congo, with request for Priests. Costa dieth by the way, and his message knowne by let∣ters that were found. The Embas∣sage of Odoar∣do Lopez to the K. of Spaine. His Embassage to the Pope.
• * 1.614

  The Ile of Cu∣b••goa. The Ile of S. Margarete.
• * 1.615

  Cumana or the new kingdome of Granada in the West Indies The ship sunke in the Hauen. Odoardo Lopez stayeth in Cu∣mana, a yeare and a halfe. The King of Congo sendeth Don Piedro Antonio, and Gaspar Diaz a Portugall, with the same Em∣bassage which he sent by Lo∣pez. Don Piedro ta∣ken by the Eng∣lish, and by misfortune drowned, and his Sonne with him. Aluaro King of Congo dyeth. King Philip bu∣sied about the Conquest of England, Odoardo Lopez changeth his kind of pro∣fession. Lopez goeth to Rome, where he was kindly entertayned by the Pope. The Vow of Odoardo Lopez to erect a Se∣minary, and an Hospitall in Congo.
• * 1.616

  The Pope re∣mitteth the whole matter to the King of Spaine.
• * 1.617

  The ancient apparell of the King of Congo. and his Cour∣tiers.
• * 1.618

  The ancient apparell of the meaner sort.
• * 1.619

  Their new kind of apparell.
• * 1.620

  The Court of Congo now imi∣tateth the Court of Por∣tugall.
• * 1.621

  The Customes and Lawes of Congo.
• * 1.622

  No Writing.
• * 1.623

  Time measu∣red by the Moone.
• * 1.624

  Their manner of Assemblies. Their Instru∣ments of Mu∣fick.
• * 1.625

  Speech by In∣strument.
• * 1.626

  Their Physick.
• * 1.627

  Their Medi∣cine for an A∣gue. Their Medi∣cine for the head-ache, & other griefes of the bodie, is letting of bloud. Their Medi∣cine for the French Poxes. Their Purga∣tions Curing of wounds.
• * 1.628

  The kingdome of Matama. R. Brauagul. R. Magnice. The Moun∣taines of the Moone.
• * 1.629

  Not the head of Nilus.
• * 1.630

  The Lake Gale. Camissa. 1. The Sweet Riuer. The False Cape. The Cape of the Needles, or Agu••has.
• * 1.631

  Not perfect blacke.
• * 1.632

  Seno Formoso. Seno del Lago.
• * 1.633

  Riuer of Saint Christopher. Terra do Natal. Cape della Pes∣cheria. Riuer Magnice. The kingdome of Buttua. The kingdome of Monomotapa. R. Brauagul. Store of Gold Mines.
• * 1.634

  The originall of the Riuer Magnice.
• * 1.635

  Three Riuers runne into Magnice. 1. Riuer Nagoa. 2. R. Margues.
• * 1.636

  Nilus ariseth not out of the Mountaines of the Moon. See of this inf. c. 8.
• * 1.637

  Riuer Arroe.
• * 1.638

  The Riuer of Cuama.
• * 1.639

  The kingdome of Sofola.
• * 1.640

  The commo∣dities of Sofala, Gold, Iuory and Amber. The Inhabi∣tants of Sofola.
• * 1.641

  The Empire of Monomotapa, full of Gold Mines. Sofola supposed Ophir.
• * 1.642

  The people of Monomotapa. The King of Monomotapa maintaineth many Armies.
• * 1.643

  Left-handed Amazous.
• * 1.644

  The situation of the Empire of Monomotapa.
• * 1.645

  The kingdome of Angoscia.
• * 1.646

  The kingdome of Mozambique R. Meghincate.
• * 1.647

  The Iland of Mozambique.
• * 1.648

  The Inhabi∣tants of Mo∣zambique.
• * 1.649

  The kingdome of Quiloa.
• * 1.650

  The Iland of Quiloa, and the Inhabitants thereof.
• * 1.651

  The King of Quiloa ouer∣throwne by the Portugals, and driuen out of the Iland.
• * 1.652

  The cōmenda∣tion of the Ile of S. Laurence. Of it, see the former Iour∣nals.
• * 1.653

  The Inhabi∣tants of the Ile of Saint Laurence. Their Wea∣pons.
• * 1.654

  Sundry Ilands in the channel.
• * 1.655

  The kingdome of Mombaza rich in Gold and Siluer, and Pearle.
• * 1.656

  The Citie of Mombaza spoy∣led as Quiloa was.
• * 1.657

  The kingdome of Melinde.
• * 1.658

  The tayle of a sheepe in Me∣linde weigheth commonly 25. or 30. pound. See Leo Aser of Egyptian sheepe.
• * 1.659

  The Empire of Mohenemugi.
• * 1.660

  The Giachas, or Agagi. And. Bat. sayth, that the Iagges came from Si∣erra Liona. But they dispersed themselues as a generall pe∣stilence, and common scourge tho∣row most parts of Ethiopia.
• * 1.661

  The Amazones.
• * 1.662

  Many good Hauens.
• * 1.663

  The Cape of Guarda Fuy.
• * 1.664

  Diuers Ports on the Sea coast towards the red Sea.
• * 1.665

  That which followeth of Abassia, Nilus, &c is omitted.
• * 1.666

  I know not who translated this Booke, I found it in Ma∣ster Hackluyts papers, and haue abbreui∣ated it where I could; al∣though it still continueth ve∣ry long, if not tedious. I also examined it with Ramusio his Italian Edi∣tion, and in many places amended the translation, in many supplied it and added other things: illustrating it with marginall notes, &c. He that compareth these Relations with those of the Great Mogoll in Sir T. Roe, shall find great corre∣spondence in the vnciuill customes whereinto wild Maiestie and barbarous Greatnesse, both here and there, haue degenerated: both vast bodies rather then strong; the one flourishing, the other fallen, and now retayning but the struggling extremes of that giantly vnweldinesse here by this eye-witnesse in those times obserued. He calls him Prete or Priest Iohn, following the vulgar errour, growing from the relations of a Priest Iohn in Asia, and by ignorance applied to this Negus of Ethiopia, as in my Pilgrimage you may see at large. I esteeme his relations true in those things which he saith he saw: in some others which he had by relation of enlar∣ging Trauellers, or boasting Abassines, hee may perhaps sometimes rather mendacia dicere then m••ntiri. Euen yet the Law-giuer is not departed from Iuda, i•• Melechs posteritie hath euer since raigned, wily wits had their pias fraudes to make Religion a stirrop of State. [ 20]
• * 1.667

  The Chapters, as they are di∣uided in Ramu∣sio, are expres∣sed by the fi∣gures in the beginnings of the lines: which method I haue reduced to our wonted forme of Para∣graphs lost so many diuisions should make the Booke to swell ouer∣much. Maczua or Mazua. Ercoco. 1520. Earnagasso. Matthew the Ambassadour of the Abassine.
• * 1.668

  The Monaste∣rie of Bisan.
• * 1.669

  Prophesies.
• * 1.670

  Easter Rites by Monkes.
• * 1.671

  Comming of Barnagasso.
• * 1.672

  State obserued
• * 1.673

  League confir∣med by Oath.
• * 1.674

  Mutuall gifts.
• * 1.675

  Roderigo de Lima, sent to the Prete in Embassage.
• * 1.676

  The vse of a Painter in dis∣coueries.
• * 1.677

  Saturday and Sunday Sab∣baths.
• * 1.678

  Drought, heat, barrennesse.
• * 1.679

  Giuggiole.
• * 1.680

  A Gentleman.
• * 1.681

  Matthew suspi∣cious.
• * 1.682

  A Carauan.
• * 1.683

  Dry Riuers. Mountaines and Woods.
• * 1.684

  Tamarinds.
• * 1.685

  Furious storms and thunders.
• * 1.686

  Strange sud∣dennesse of showres.
• * 1.687

  Many beasts. Ante a kind of beast. No Beares nox Conies.
• * 1.688

  Store of Basill and sweet Herbs.
• * 1.689

  Matthews per∣uersenesse to lead them way-less•• wayes: con∣trary to Fra∣masquals liking Wild beasts.
• * 1.690

  Millet.
• * 1.691

  Naked people.
• * 1.692

  Matthew false. Dauid & Abba.
• * 1.693

  Inaccessible Mountaine.
• * 1.694

  S. Michael de Is••o.
• * 1.695

  Their Winter from Iune to September. They fall sicke.
• * 1.696

  Matthew dieth. The death of Matthew, the Abassine Am∣bassadour.
• * 1.697

  Abassines vn∣trustie, and therefore mi∣strustfull.
• * 1.698

  Orchards. The Abassine not industrious The building of the Mona∣sterie.
• * 1.699

  Little Bels.
• * 1.700

  Bels of stone.
• * 1.701

  Basons vsed for Bels. Iron Bels.
• * 1.702

  Darke Mat∣tens. Butter vsed for Oyle.
• * 1.703

  They stand al∣way in the Church.
• * 1.704

  Vndeuour de∣uotions. Procession. Censers and Crosses.
• * 1.705

  Copes and o∣ther holy Vest∣ments.
• * 1.706

  Image of our-Lady.
• * 1.707

  Ancone.
• * 1.708

  Candles.
• * 1.709

  The manner of ministring the Communion among the Ethiopians. Great vnlea∣uened Cake,
• * 1.710

  An order sometimes so strictly obser∣ued, that Saint Amb. sent The∣odosius to re∣moue, &c. Procession with the Host, Chalices of Gold, Siluer, Brasse. Wine of Rai∣sins. Communion in both kinds. Rather spea∣king then sin.
• * 1.711

  The Epistle.
• * 1.712

  The Gospell. Kissing the Booke.
• * 1.713

  Censing.
• * 1.714

  Blessing with crossing.
• * 1.715

  Consecration in the vulgar Tongue. No eleuation.
• * 1.716

  Deacon and Sub-deacon. The Wine ad∣ministred with a spoone. Holy Water.
• * 1.717

  Standing.
• * 1.718

  Washing.
• * 1.719

  No man may depart without the blessing. Short Masse.
• * 1.720

  Manner of ma∣king the Cake.
• * 1.721

  House of pur∣pose for it.
• * 1.722

  No women may touch the Meale. The Ouen.
• * 1.723

  The Raisins. Holy Bread.
• * 1.724

  Palio.
• * 1.725

  Rogation, or ganging Pro∣cession.
• * 1.726

  Sprinkling Wormes with Holy Water to kill them.
• * 1.727

  Bare-footed in imitation of Moses.
• * 1.728

  But one Masse a day.
• * 1.729

  Many Priests necessary to our Masse. Shooes and spitting in Churches mis∣liked. The great fasts which these Religious men vse. In Fasts, no ea∣ting till Sunne be downe.
• * 1.730

  A Fast from Trinitie Sun∣day till Christ∣masse. Lay Fast till Aduent. Fast of Nin••ue.
• * 1.731

  The situation and forme of the Monasterie intituled, The Uision of Iesus. Dreadfull Val∣ley. Forme of the Church.
• * 1.732

  Saint George on horse-backe in all their Churches. Saints in Arras Images in a Vestry.
• * 1.733

  Hard Dyet.
• * 1.734

  Nouices.
• * 1.735

  They aboad six yeares in Ae∣thiopia.
• * 1.736

  Six other Cels subiect to this Monastery of the Vision, as in times past 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Albans and o∣ther great Ab∣beyes here had Three thou∣sand Friers. Three hundred Friers, most old men. Their riches. Abassines, bad Artificers.
• * 1.737

  Yong Friers earne their liuing.
• * 1.738

  Philip, an Erro∣neous Saint.
• * 1.739

  Holy day to him.
• * 1.740

  Difference of Rites.
• * 1.741

  Oxen offered to Philips feast.
• * 1.742

  Friers eate no flesh. Wine of Ho∣ney, or Mead. No woman. nor beast of the female sexe may come neere this Monastery.
• * 1.743

  Neglect of Husbandry.
• * 1.744

  Feare of wild beasts.
• * 1.745

  Moorish Herd∣men.
• * 1.746

  The Reuenues of this Mona∣sterie very great.
• * 1.747

  Zama.
• * 1.748

  Rent Horses.
• * 1.749

  The Alicasin, this agreeth to Antiquitie.
• * 1.750

  Fiftie Kine paid in ex∣change.
• * 1.751

  Adetyeste.
• * 1.752

  An excellent breed of hor∣ses in Egypt.
• * 1.753

  Riuers in ex∣tremity, either very ful or dry.
• * 1.754

  Squadrons of Apes.
• * 1.755

  Their number, forme, and la∣bour.
• * 1.756

  Calote.
• * 1.757

  Married Priests.
• * 1.758

  Woods of wilde Oliues.
• * 1.759

  Barua.
• * 1.760

  Barnagasso visi∣ted. His brutish entertainment.
• * 1.761

  The Ambassa∣dour had au∣dience of Bar∣nagasso. No houses with stories.
• * 1.762

  Their diet.
• * 1.763

  Horne vessell••.
• * 1.764

  They shew the distance of the way, pointing vnto the course of the Sunne in the Hea∣uens. Tafo di guza. a Graine.
• * 1.765

  Wild Kine hurtfull.
• * 1.766

  Barua.
• * 1.767

  Common wo∣men.
• * 1.768

  Tuesday Mar∣ket.
• * 1.769

  Polygamie vsed, and how puni∣shed.
• * 1.770

  Ababitay, our Authors Hoste had three Wiues, and by them seuen and thirty children.
• * 1.771

  Marriages vn∣stable.
• * 1.772

  Rites of marri∣age.
• * 1.773

  Abuna Marco the Patriarke, his marriage∣blessing.
• * 1.774

  Dara in the kingdome of Xoa.
• * 1.775

  Diuorces.
• * 1.776

  Priests cannot, and husband∣men will not be diuorced.
• * 1.777

  A Pardai a∣mounteth to a ducket. Double iniqui∣ty, Adulterous and incestuous
• * 1.778

  Scripture abu∣sed.
• * 1.779

  Circumcision.
• * 1.780

  Baptisme.
• * 1.781

  Not in the Fount.
• * 1.782

  Oile. No Chrisme nor ex••••eme Vnction.
• * 1.783

  Rites of Bap∣tisme.
• * 1.784

  The baptised doe then also communicate.
• * 1.785

  The cause why they marke themselues with an Iron in the face. And how they doe it.
• * 1.786

  Their manner of buriall.
• * 1.787

  No seruice for the dead, but the Gospell of Saint Iohn. No Dirige or Masse for the Dead. Ali commers receiue.
• * 1.788

  23. Barua descri∣bed.
• * 1.789

  Cattell, fish, wild beasts, fowle.
• * 1.790

  Partridges of three sorts, as big as Ca∣pons.
• * 1.791

  Turtles darken the Sunne.
• * 1.792

  Wild beasts.
• * 1.793

  No hunting nor fishing.
• * 1.794

  Wild beasts not hurtfull.
• * 1.795

  Leonze.
• * 1.796

  Barnagas signi∣fieth, King of the Sea.
• * 1.797

  An Officer of∣ten changed.
• * 1.798

  Bettude.
• * 1.799

  Q. Candace.
• * 1.800

  Daffila and Confila.
• * 1.801

  Arraz his habit
• * 1.802

  The tribute.
• * 1.803

  How they keep their cattell from the wild beasts in the night.
• * 1.804

  Two Winters.
• * 1.805

  Winter and Summer strangely dis∣pensed.
• * 1.806

  Two great Churches, one for men, and one for wo∣men.
• * 1.807

  Church-yards.
• * 1.808

  No Tithes, but great possessi∣ons.
• * 1.809

  Abundance of Friers.
• * 1.810

  Priests best ob∣seruers of Ma∣trimonie.
• * 1.811

  Losse of orders or degradation
• * 1.812

  No Schoole••∣or Schoole∣masters.
• * 1.813

  No Bishop.
• * 1.814

  Reuerence to Churches.
• * 1.815

  Bad people.
• * 1.816

  Barua.
• * 1.817

  With what re∣uerence these Lords receiue the Ambassa∣ges of Prete Ianni. Manner of hearing messa∣ges from the Prince.
• * 1.818

  The vsuall coine through all the King∣dome of Prete Ianni.
• * 1.819

  Wicked policy
• * 1.820

  Faire and rich Church.
• * 1.821

  Processions.
• * 1.822

  Their manner of buying and selling in this Market by ex∣change. Salt precious, also Incense, Pepper, &c. No money currant. Few words v∣sed in barre∣ring. Priests, Friers and Nunnes, chiefe Chap∣men. T••hir Habit. Nunnes: their Habit, num∣ber, &c.
• * 1.823

  Crosses and shauings.
• * 1.824

  Barnagassoes State.
• * 1.825

  Courts of Iustice.
• * 1.826

  Appeale.
• * 1.827

  Manner of comming to him.
• * 1.828

  Proclamation of war against Nubia.
• * 1.829

  Nubians, what people.
• * 1.830

  Gold.
• * 1.831

  Armes.
• * 1.832

  Base begging.
• * 1.833

  Their depar∣ture. What time their Winter beginneth and endeth.
• * 1.834

  Temei. Maizada.
• * 1.835

  Description of the Towne.
• * 1.836

  Store of tame and wilde beasts.
• * 1.837

  Vncleane beasts and fowles.
• * 1.838

  Hares and Partridges ea∣sily taken.
• * 1.839

  Locusts, like those of Egypt.
• * 1.840

  The mischiefe by them.
• * 1.841

  A strange signe of the cōming of Locusts.
• * 1.842

  Foure and twentie miles compasse, co∣uered with Locusts.
• * 1.843

  Through the prayers of the Portugals, the Locusts were all destroyed and killed.
• * 1.844

  Exorcising the Locusts.
• * 1.845

  Grashoppers excommuni∣cated.
• * 1.846

  Incredible swarmes of dead Locuste.
• * 1.847

  Diuers cen∣sures.
• * 1.848

  Another expe∣riment.
• * 1.849

  The hurt they saw done by Locusts else∣where.
• * 1.850

  Zago Zabo, an Embassadour sent into Por∣tugall.
• * 1.851

  Their mischie∣uous spawne.
• * 1.852

  Hartlesse peo∣ple.
• * 1.853

  Men driuen by Locusts out of their Habita∣tions.
• * 1.854

  Hurt to Trees.
• * 1.855

  Dancali.
• * 1.856

  Tigremahon.
• * 1.857

  Thunders and stormes.
• * 1.858

  The Riuer of Marabo.
• * 1.859

  A Captaine of Tigremahon to conuoy them.
• * 1.860

  Contention.
• * 1.861

  Herds of wild Hogges.
• * 1.862

  Fires for feare of beasts.
• * 1.863

  High hils.
• * 1.864

  Lady-Chap∣pels.
• * 1.865

  Abafacem.
• * 1.866

  Candaces, Act. 8. 27.
• * 1.867

  Saint Michael.
• * 1.868

  Wilde Panike.
• * 1.869

  Fasting.
• * 1.870

  Church Doue••
• * 1.871

  Apparell not apparelling.
• * 1.872

  Timaquetes, a fruit.
• * 1.873

  Foolish braue∣rie.
• * 1.874

  The way from Egypt to the Court of Prete Ianni. Baba Baxe. Caxumo.
• * 1.875

  The Citie of the Queene of Saba, which brought Pre∣sents vnto Sa∣lomon. E••vngue leo∣nem. I haue left out the rest of the Legend of Salomons sonne by her, his 70. saile of ships on the Indian Sea, &c. See my Pilgr. lib. 7.
• * 1.876

  Churches na∣med by the Altar stone.
• * 1.877

  The Church.
• * 1.878

  ••b••liske, and Hieroglyphikes.
• * 1.879

  Pharaos Fig-tree.
• * 1.880

  Curions works
• * 1.881

  Vnknowne Characters. A stately Pil∣lar.
• * 1.882

  64. brachia, the Translater had fathoms, as afterwards also.
• * 1.883

  Brachia.
• * 1.884

  Houses vnder the ground.
• * 1.885

  Chists of the Q. of Sabas treasure.
• * 1.886

  Seeking of Gold after raines.
• * 1.887

  Ancientest Church in Ethiopia. 150. Canons, and as many Friers. Two Nebrets.
• * 1.888

  Good-friday. The Canons married.
• * 1.889

  A strange Mountaine.
• * 1.890

  Nilus.
• * 1.891

  Where the Ci∣tie of Sabaim is situate, where∣of the Queene of Saba tooke her name.
• * 1.892

  Torrate.
• * 1.893

  Monasterie of Alleluih.
• * 1.894

  A Frier, a lyer.
• * 1.895

  Now he retur∣neth to his Voyage.
• * 1.896

  Angeba.
• * 1.897

  Reuerence to the Kings hou∣ses. Bacinete.
• * 1.898

  Prouision a∣gainst wilde beasts.
• * 1.899

  High Moun∣taine as steepe as a wall. A Monasterie.
• * 1.900

  All Friers of the order of S. Anthony in Ethiopia.
• * 1.901

  The order Este∣farruz will not worship the Crosse. It seemes the ••u∣perstitious Ab∣b••ssens and this Author so••ke the worst of them, ••o•• not admitting their supersti∣tion. Other Chur∣ches.
• * 1.902

  Long breasts lo••••h••ome, louely.
• * 1.903

  Brutishnesse.
• * 1.904

  Many Coun∣tries confirme their Compu∣tation to the whole course of the Sunne in foure and twenty houres. Tigremahon de∣cribed.
• * 1.905

  Absolute So∣ueraignty of the Negus.
• * 1.906

  Two men as∣saulted by Ty∣gers.
• * 1.907

  Villages of Moores.
• * 1.908

  Saint Georges Church pain∣ted.
• * 1.909

  Iewish Sabba∣tising.
• * 1.910

  Agro. Church out of a Rocke.
• * 1.911

  Angugui.
• * 1.912

  Balgada.
• * 1.913

  Honey, white and hard.
• * 1.914

  Through all Aethiopia, Salt runneth as a principal Mer∣chandize. Salt-money.
• * 1.915

  Corcora.
• * 1.916

  Damute.
• * 1.917

  Bunace.
• * 1.918

  A stout Frier.
• * 1.919

  Zago Zabo, the Ambassadour which Prete Ianni sent into Portugall.
• * 1.920

  Corcora.
• * 1.921

  A goodly Countrey.
• * 1.922

  Cypresses.
• * 1.923

  A field sowne euery moneth, and in the same field har∣uest in Seed∣time.
• * 1.924

  Roueia.
• * 1.925

  Fertilitie.
• * 1.926

  They lose each other.
• * 1.927

  Danger by Tygres.
• * 1.928

  Manadeli, a Towne of one thousand hou∣sholds.
• * 1.929

  Dobba.
• * 1.930

  Winter and Summer neere Neighbours.
• * 1.931

  Winter parti∣cular and common.
• * 1.932

  Great drought
• * 1.933

  Manadeli, a Town of won∣derfull traffick.
• * 1.934

  Or rather Turkes of C. neere Constan∣tinople, called new Rome.
• * 1.935

  Dofarso, a Towne of one thousand Christian housholds.
• * 1.936

  Exceeding plentie.
• * 1.937

  The Kingdome of Angote, and the Towne of Angotina.
• * 1.938

  Beere or Ale.
• * 1.939

  One meale a day. Raw flesh.
• * 1.940

  Signe of peace
• * 1.941

  Damute.
• * 1.942

  Cause of the Warre.
• * 1.943

  The Pretes ma∣ny wiues.
• * 1.944

  Deuillish Law of Dobas.
• * 1.945

  Weekly Caro∣uans to Faires.
• * 1.946

  A remarkable storie.
• * 1.947

  An exceeding sudden and pe∣rillous storme.
• * 1.948

  Violent things not perma∣nent.
• * 1.949

  The Riuer Sa∣balette.
• * 1.950

  Angote. Saint Peters Church.
• * 1.951

  Tygres.
• * 1.952

  Steepe hill.
• * 1.953

  Haruest and Seed time all the yeare.
• * 1.954

  Ancona Riuer.
• * 1.955

  Faire Church.
• * 1.956

  Two Bels of Iron.
• * 1.957

  In all the Kingdome of Angote, graine and salt runne currant for money. Bugana, a cold Countrey. Good Wheat. Small Cattell.
• * 1.958

  Strange Mo∣nasterie.
• * 1.959

  The Nunnes.
• * 1.960

  Another Church in a Caue.
• * 1.961

  Aluarez his iourney full or difficultie thither.
• * 1.962

  The building of the Church.
• * 1.963

  The store of Canons and Reuenues.
• * 1.964

  Three Tombs:
• * 1.965

  One of a King.
• * 1.966

  One of a Pa∣triarke.
• * 1.967

  The King a Priest.
• * 1.968

  Legends, fabu∣lous.
• * 1.969

  The bountie and holinesse of Abraham Prete Ianni.
• * 1.970

  Twentie thou∣sand Commu∣nicants at one Church, at one time.
• * 1.971

  Faire Chur∣ches.
• * 1.972

  Lulibella.
• * 1.973

  Golgota 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 Chruch, ••e 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ut of a Rocke.
• * 1.974

  Pilgrimage and Miracle••s
• * 1.975

  The holy Se∣pulchre resem∣bled.
• * 1.976

  A Chappell.
• * 1.977

  These Chur∣ches haue their portraitures cut in Ramusie.
• * 1.978

  Saint Sauiours hewen out of a R••cke.
• * 1.979

  The Cloyster.
• * 1.980

  The Entrie.
• * 1.981

  A sowne field ouer the Church. The descripti∣on of the other Churches, is for breuitie omitted. The excellen∣cy of these Churches, which the Au∣thor went twice to see. Great ascent.
• * 1.982

  These Vault churches made by White men. Balilela.
• * 1.983

  Zaga Zabo pre∣ferred to the dignity of these Churches.
• * 1.984

  Tributes.
• * 1.985

  He returneth to his voyage.
• * 1.986

  Rude people.
• * 1.987

  Ingabela.
• * 1.988

  Olaby.
• * 1.989

  Pepper prefer∣red to Hens. Tygers.
• * 1.990

  〈…〉〈…〉raz.
• * 1.991

  Enemies.
• * 1.992

  Crystal glasses.
• * 1.993

  Questions of Religion.
• * 1.994

  Reuerence to Aluarez.
• * 1.995

  Angoteraz a Priest.
• * 1.996

  The dyet of the Noblemen of Ethiopia.
• * 1.997

  Imbandigioni loathsome, delicacies.
• * 1.998

  Raw Beefe.
• * 1.999

  A fertile and populous Countrey.
• * 1.1000

  Eight hundred Canons: the reason, Their sonnes all suc∣ceed.
• * 1.1001

  Foure thou∣sand Canons in eight Chur∣ches.
• * 1.1002

  The hill, by some called Amara.
• * 1.1003

  Thus ancient Law-giuers, as Numa, &c. a∣scribed their deuises to Dei∣ty, as Abraham, heire likewise, to secure him∣selfe, perhaps dreamed wa∣king.
• * 1.1004

  The Portugals danger by ap∣proaching this place.
• * 1.1005

  Penaltie of entring the gate.
• * 1.1006

  Manner of sending the Pretes Sonnes.
• * 1.1007

  King Alexander
• * 1.1008

  Dauid, the pre∣sent Prete Ianni succeeded in the Kingdome.
• * 1.1009

  The coldnesse and greatnesse of this Moun∣taine.
• * 1.1010

  Amara, & Ba∣gamidri.
• * 1.1011

  Seueritie on a Frier, and 200. men, for a message form this mountain.
• * 1.1012

  In this Coun∣trey they vse not to write vpon their letters, neither day nor moneth.
• * 1.1013

  Manner of beating and crueltie.
• * 1.1014

  Saturday and Sunday free from executi∣ons. Escape of the Pretes Brother, and what fol∣lowed.
• * 1.1015

  A Sonne of Prete Ianni had his eyes put out, for flying out of the Mountaine.
• * 1.1016

  No Kindred to the Prete. This commeth neere to the Ottoman poli∣cie: here ciuil∣ly to kill all but one, as they doe really. No honour to the Females of Pretes bloud, nor to their issue.
• * 1.1017

  Charges of this Royall Prison. Bountie. of Prete Dauid.
• * 1.1018

  Generation of slaues.
• * 1.1019

  The Iesuites call this Lake Aicha.
• * 1.1020

  A Monasterie in a Lake.
• * 1.1021

  Sea-horses.
• * 1.1022

  Ill shaped, well tasted fish.
• * 1.1023

  Many Lakes.
• * 1.1024

  Azzel.
• * 1.1025

  Moores. Tygres.
• * 1.1026

  Millet and Wheat.
• * 1.1027

  Another Lake. Great hurtfull Flies. Want of skill and industrie.
• * 1.1028

  Cold nights.
• * 1.1029

  Nakednesse.
• * 1.1030

  Trumpetters Land. Rich Church.
• * 1.1031

  Machan Cala∣cen.
• * 1.1032

  Inhospitall ho∣linesse.
• * 1.1033

  Goodly coun∣trey.
• * 1.1034

  Churches Royall and vulgar.
• * 1.1035

  Saint Georges Church. Beginnings of this Kingome in Barnagasso. All belongs to the Church.
• * 1.1036

  Taffila.
• * 1.1037

  All Churches no Monaste∣ries. Priests serue the King, and Iustice execu∣ted on them.
• * 1.1038

  Huge Cham∣paines.
• * 1.1039

  Horrible Val∣lies, twelue or fifteene miles deepe.
• * 1.1040

  Great Hairy Apes.
• * 1.1041

  Gates: see the like in Finc••••s description of the Mogols.
• * 1.1042

  Aquifagi, or Death of Asses.
• * 1.1043

  The Riuer of Anacheta.
• * 1.1044

  Other Gates.
• * 1.1045

  A begger on horse-backe.
• * 1.1046

  The Riuer of Gemma.
• * 1.1047

  Baba Bassa.
• * 1.1048

  Bilibranos.
• * 1.1049

  Ichee, the se∣cond, Prelate of all Ethiopia, and next to the Patriarke.
• * 1.1050

  Huge winds.
• * 1.1051

  Tahagun.
• * 1.1052

  Their Physick, nothing, or bleeding, or soaring.
• * 1.1053

  Prete Iannies Campe. Adrugaz.
• * 1.1054

  White round Tent. Theeues allo∣wed. White men, called Franks, as all Europe∣ans are in the East. The cause the expediti∣ons of these Nations (the most of which were Frankes) to the holy land.
• * 1.1055

  The Portugals sent for.
• * 1.1056

  The Pretes moueable citie of white Tent
• * 1.1057

  The Red Fea∣stiuall Tent.
• * 1.1058

  Fortie thou∣sand persons.
• * 1.1059

  Canons and Church-men.
• * 1.1060

  The great pompe and magnificence of Prete Ianni.
• * 1.1061

  One hundred vnder Marshall
• * 1.1062

  Reuerence, how done.
• * 1.1063

  Messengers.
• * 1.1064

  Foure Lyons.
• * 1.1065

  Foure Lords.
• * 1.1066

  The Betudete.
• * 1.1067

  Three, a re∣markable number.
• * 1.1068

  The Ambassa∣dors speech.
• * 1.1069

  Policy of State
• * 1.1070

  Silence.
• * 1.1071

  Base The euery attending the Court.
• * 1.1072

  Prouision sent them.
• * 1.1073

  A calfe whole in Paste.
• * 1.1074

  Pepper is the best merchan∣dize in Ethiopia
• * 1.1075

  Remooue of the Court.
• * 1.1076

  Other their tricks are her•• omitted.
• * 1.1077

  The Hauen of Ziden, neere Mecca.
• * 1.1078

  The Ile of Ca∣maran. The Ile of Maczua.
• * 1.1079

  Eastern Chri∣stians called Ghibetes: the Western Franks both in Africa and Asia, euer since the Expe∣ditions into the holy Land, wherein the Franks were first and most, beginning at the Councell of Claremont in France. The old cu∣stome of E∣thiopia, not to suffer strangers to depart. Christians de∣tayned.
• * 1.1080

  Crosse deman∣ded.
• * 1.1081

  Going to the court by night.
• * 1.1082

  The Rites of admitting to presence. Strange Cere∣monies of State. Ten pauses.
• * 1.1083

  The presence.
• * 1.1084

  Manner of au∣dience.
• * 1.1085

  Italian and B••∣hemian and o∣ther clockes, begin at eue∣ning, the rec∣koning of 24. houres; as wee of 12. at mid∣day and mid∣night.
• * 1.1086

  Diuers Que∣stions and An∣sweres.
• * 1.1087

  Rapier and Dagger.
• * 1.1088

  Playing, sing∣ing and dan∣cing.
• * 1.1089

  Sight of the Host.
• * 1.1090

  Who prescri∣bed Massing Apparell. The Mysteries of it.
• * 1.1091

  Thus in∣deed is hee mystically mocked, when Scripture and Preaching was turned into Iesture, Vesture and bodily ex∣ercise: as at Rome and in Abassia.
• a 1.1092

  Of this see before, all We∣sterne Chri∣stendome cal∣led Frankes in the East. From the Holy Land Expeditions.
• b 1.1093

  A briefe of Popish Faith.
• c 1.1094

  Simon Zelotes
• d 1.1095

  This word (in) is twice here put in by some other Ro∣mish Zelotes, cont. August. Serm. de Temp. 131. credere Ec∣clesiam non in Ecclesiam, quia Ecclesia non D••us &c. c. s. 181 De verb. Dom. 61. Trac. in 10. 29. &c.
• e 1.1096

  Where?
• f 1.1097

  And where∣fore then did Christ send the Apostles to preach to all Nations? Monasteries.
• g 1.1098

  No deepe reading either of the Priest of the Abassen. For Leo liued (but was not present, nor by his D••put••••s President, a∣boue one hundred yeares after the Nicene Councell) when that of chalcedon was held. In the former Syluester and Iulius were Bi∣shops of Rome, not Callers, or Rulers of the Councell, wherein Pap••••••tius withstood that adulterate inforced cō••••nency. S••c. ••c. hist. l. 1. c. 8. Sozom. l. 1. c. 22. &c. The Author here confounds diuers Councels.
• * 1.1099

  Petronilla (as her age is cal∣culated) must be younger then Peters A∣postleship. But that Peter did not giue ouer his Wife, ap∣peares in Christs visiting it, and healing his wiues mo∣ther: in his leading about a Sister (would be more suspi∣cious) and the whole tenure of Scripture & antiquity. Here are both in ex∣treames, and leaue the truth for others to tak•• vp. T••eeues. Cunning trick. A Tent sent to say Masse in.
• * 1.1100

  Skirmish on horsebacke.
• * 1.1101

  Gifts.
• * 1.1102

  Signification of names.
• * 1.1103

  The euery.
• * 1.1104

  A strange Booke fat••e∣red vpon all the Apostles.
• * 1.1105

  Admitted to the sight of the Prete.
• * 1.1106

  The habite and stature of Prete Ianni.
• * 1.1107

  His person de∣scribed.
• * 1.1108

  This thing is now too truly come to passe.
• * 1.1109

  The Pope be∣like is Church and all.
• * 1.1110

  It was Philip the Deacon.
• * 1.1111

  Most part of E∣thiopia conuer∣ted by force of Armes.
• * 1.1112

  Single Com∣munion misli∣ked. They come a∣gaine into the Pretes presence
• * 1.1113

  Baptising of a childe.
• * 1.1114

  Multitude of people.
• * 1.1115

  Very poore. Aboue 50000. Mule in the traine of Prete Ianni. Few good hor∣ses because they cennot shooe them.
• * 1.1116

  Thirteene mou••able Court Chur∣ches.
• * 1.1117

  Altar-stones carryed by Priests.
• * 1.1118

  The cause why Prete Ian∣ni sheweth himselfe to the people thrice a yeare.
• * 1.1119

  Merits of our Lady for wo∣men. Bookes of Scripture.
• * 1.1120

  Remoue at mid-night.
• * 1.1121

  Horrible down fals.
• * 1.1122

  Octaues not ob∣serued.
• * 1.1123

  Saint Georges Church.
• * 1.1124

  Riches thereof
• * 1.1125

  Foure rich Ca∣nopies of state.
• * 1.1126

  Diuers Wines. The manner of the Pretes ti∣ding in pro∣gresse.
• * 1.1127

  Bedene.
• * 1.1128

  Curriers.
• * 1.1129

  Betudetes with great guards.
• * 1.1130

  The Priests.
• * 1.1131

  Machan Cela∣cem.
• * 1.1132

  Two hundred Mitred.
• * 1.1133

  The Prete rode open.
• * 1.1134

  Custome of of∣fering in Chur∣ches.
• * 1.1135

  Description of the Church.
• * 1.1136

  Artlesse people
• * 1.1137

  Curtaines.
• * 1.1138

  Prete Ianni v∣seth to be bap∣tized once a yeare: as also his subiects.
• * 1.1139

  The manner of the bap∣tisme of these people.
• * 1.1140

  A great Frost.
• * 1.1141

  Three dip∣pings.
• * 1.1142

  The Abuna. His tourtesie.
• * 1.1143

  Circumcision is vsed in the Countrey of Prete Ianni.
• * 1.1144

  Miracles pre∣tended.
• * 1.1145

  Orders giuen to thousands at once.
• * 1.1146

  A Sermon.
• * 1.1147

  Their manner of giuing Or∣ders vnto Priests.
• * 1.1148

  Two thousand three hundred fiftie six Priests
• * 1.1149

  None but the Abuna can giue Orders.
• * 1.1150

  No Priest ought to bee blind, lame, or maymed in bodie. Aiaz Raphael.
• * 1.1151

  Clerkes or Deacons of children.
• * 1.1152

  Infancy and illiterature admitted. Manner of ma∣king Clerkes.
• * 1.1153

  How they make very Babes to receiue the Communion.
• * 1.1154

  Abassia without an Abuna three and twentie yeares.
• * 1.1155

  Ciriacus affe∣cted to Rome.
• * 1.1156

  Age of the Abuna.
• * 1.1157

  Fewer Iewish Ceremonies.
• * 1.1158

  Peter de Co∣uillan.
• * 1.1159

  Heere are o∣mitted pro∣phecies of the Frankes, &c.
• * 1.1160

  The habite of Abuna Marke.
• * 1.1161

  Scaporall.
• * 1.1162

  His pompe.
• * 1.1163

  Consecration of the Church Machan Celacem
• * 1.1164

  Foure hundred Canons.
• * 1.1165

  Two thousand Priests, and as many Clerkes.
• * 1.1166

  Translation of the Kings body
• * 1.1167

  The Patr. and Queenes.
• * 1.1168

  A royall feast.
• * 1.1169

  Cunning Cookery:
• * 1.1170

  Iarres of blacke earth and Cry∣stall.
• * 1.1171

  Church sin∣ging and dan∣cing.
• * 1.1172

  Matthew was a Merchant.
• * 1.1173

  The Storie of Peter Couillan.
• * 1.1174

  Confession not vsed here.
• * 1.1175

  His life in his youth.
• * 1.1176

  Alfonso de Paiua
• * 1.1177

  P. Cou. sent to discouer the Spices and Prete Ianni his Countrey.
• * 1.1178

  His iourney.
• * 1.1179

  A consultation for the seeking out of the South-east passage.
• * 1.1180

  The small be∣ginning of the Portugal great∣nesse in the East.
• * 1.1181

  Cairo.
• * 1.1182

  Calicut.
• * 1.1183

  Zeila.
• * 1.1184

  The chiefe end of Couillan his voyage, was to discouer the Seas, on the back side of Ethiopia. Madagascar, or the Ile of the Moone. Aden and Tor. Paiua dead.
• * 1.1185

  Calzolato.
• * 1.1186

  His comming to Prete Alex∣ander.
• * 1.1187

  Nahu succee∣deth.
• * 1.1188

  Dauid, the pre∣sent Prete.
• * 1.1189

  The vse of wri∣ting was not in Ethiopia in these dayes.
• * 1.1190

  Gifts.
• * 1.1191

  The Present which Prete Ianni sent the Ambassadour for his part.
• * 1.1192

  The present which Prete Ianni sent to the King of Portugall with exceeding great offers.
• * 1.1193

  There was a quarrell twixt Bren and the Ambassadour, and Fernandes had wounded the Factor. Manadeli.
• * 1.1194

  Manner of iustice.
• * 1.1195

  Barua.
• * 1.1196

  One of the Moores be∣headed.
• * 1.1197

  A Court cu∣stome.
• * 1.1198

  The particu∣lars of the Am∣bassadours wil∣fulnesse against Bren an Ethio∣pian, are omit∣ted.
• * 1.1199

  A skirmish.
• * 1.1200

  Ethiopian Lent, long and strict.
• * 1.1201

  Zauna.
• * 1.1202

  Iannamora.
• * 1.1203

  The fasting and abstinence which some vse in the Lent.
• * 1.1204

  Who hath re∣quired these things at your hands?
• * 1.1205

  Comesaria da ficcare vn legno.
• * 1.1206

  Very strange kind of pe∣nance.
• * 1.1207

  A frame to stand in with∣out sitting.
• * 1.1208

  Supereroga∣tion, if not super-arroga∣tion. Obedi∣ence better then sacrifice.
• * 1.1209

  Standing in water, like Iose∣phus his Pha∣risie.
• * 1.1210

  Frost and cold.
• * 1.1211

  Going into Forrests and Valleyes for Penance.
• * 1.1212

  Heremites.
• * 1.1213

  The generall fast in lent of Friers and Nunnes. Queene Hele∣na eate but thrice in the weeke.
• * 1.1214

  Customes of Tigrai.
• * 1.1215

  Polygamie.
• * 1.1216

  Palmesunday.
• * 1.1217

  Weeke before Easter.
• * 1.1218

  Custome of Saluting.
• * 1.1219

  Silence.
• * 1.1220

  Mandy-thurs∣day.
• * 1.1221

  Good-Friday.
• * 1.1222

  Of their great lame••tation and beating one another, vpon Good-Friday at night.
• * 1.1223

  Whippings.
• * 1.1224

  Easter Eeue. Easter day.
• * 1.1225

  Gorages. Troglodytae, Caeue-dwellers. People liuing in Caues vn∣der the ground
• * 1.1226

  Towne in a Rocke.
• * 1.1227

  Monasterie of our Ladie as∣cended by a Ladder, and stone staires.
• * 1.1228

  I will haue Mer••ie and not Sacrifice.
• * 1.1229

  Six thousand Candles.
• * 1.1230

  The Pretes ha∣bit.
• * 1.1231

  Sometime car∣ried on mens shoulders.
• * 1.1232

  Crowned hor∣ses.
• * 1.1233

  Procession.
• * 1.1234

  Black Tent.
• * 1.1235

  Masse for the Pretes Mother deceased.
• * 1.1236

  Letter•• from Maczua.
• * 1.1237

  The death of Don Emanuel.
• * 1.1238

  Shauing and Blackes for mourning vsed.
• * 1.1239

  Sale forbidden
• * 1.1240

  Rich gifts.
• * 1.1241

  Don Lewis de∣parted.
• * 1.1242

  Fatigar. Barbara and Z••ila. The King of Adel a mortall enemy vnto Prete I〈…〉〈…〉, & theref••re e∣ste••med a Saint.
• * 1.1243

  Fatigar de∣scribed.
• * 1.1244

  A Lake of twelue miles compasse on top of a moun∣taine.
• * 1.1245

  Xoa.
• * 1.1246

  Partition by lot.
• * 1.1247

  Dara.
• * 1.1248

  A famous war∣riour.
• * 1.1249

  Nineteene thousand Captiues.
• * 1.1250

  Husbandmen no Souldiers.
• * 1.1251

  Crueltie of Superstition.
• * 1.1252

  King of Adel fleeth.
• * 1.1253

  The Battell betwixt the Negus and Mafudi.
• * 1.1254

  Mafudi slaine by Gabriel An∣dreas a Frier.
• * 1.1255

  Fides pietasque viris qui castra seqq.
• * 1.1256

  Lopez Suarez tooke Zeila in the yeare 1527
• * 1.1257

  Gabriels tongue cut.
• * 1.1258

  Learning all in bookes.
• * 1.1259

  Zaga Zabo Am∣bassadour.
• * 1.1260

  Hearing of the Cause.
• * 1.1261

  Zaga Zabo lost the day.
• * 1.1262

  The Lord chiefe Iustice mi••erably bea∣ten.
• * 1.1263

  Yellow Friers.
• * 1.1264

  Womens faults neglected.
• * 1.1265

  Goiame, the gouernment of Queene Helena.
• * 1.1266

  Gibre, or tri∣bute of Goiame.
• * 1.1267

  Bassuti.
• * 1.1268

  One Copie hath 30000. which seemeth better to agree with that which follow∣eth.
• * 1.1269

  Strange cere∣monies.
• * 1.1270

  Ronzini.
• * 1.1271

  Queene of the Moores.
• * 1.1272

  Her traine.
• * 1.1273

  Tributes of Barnagasso and Tigrai.
• * 1.1274

  An hyperbo∣licall speech.
• * 1.1275

  Their Armes.
• * 1.1276

  Succours for Adea.
• * 1.1277

  Apprehension of great men.
• * 1.1278

  Vn Bracci.
• * 1.1279

  A Chaine-pri∣son.
• * 1.1280

  The kingdome of Oisa.
• * 1.1281

  Chance and Change, &c.
• * 1.1282

  A strange Val∣ley vsed for a killing prison.
• * 1.1283

  The cause of the Betudete his apprehen∣sion.
• * 1.1284

  Tigremahon dy∣ed with hunger and cold.
• * 1.1285

  Queene Helena lamented.
• * 1.1286

  Orgabra.
• * 1.1287

  Magadaxo.
• * 1.1288

  A mightie Lake.
• * 1.1289

  White Oxen without horns, as bigge as Camels.
• * 1.1290

  How the Prete is lodged in his Tents.
• * 1.1291

  The hedge with twelue gates.
• * 1.1292

  Saint Mary of Sion.
• * 1.1293

  Meats hot with spices.
• * 1.1294

  Reuerence to the Tents.
• * 1.1295

  Court of Iu∣stice.
• * 1.1296

  Manner of Suit.
• * 1.1297

  Censure.
• * 1.1298

  Standing Au∣dience.
• * 1.1299

  Two Prisons.
• * 1.1300

  Their mannes of imprison∣ment.
• * 1.1301

  Bound to find him whom you, attache.
• * 1.1302

  The Prete car∣rieth foure Lions about with him. No Christian will eat of that which a Moore killeth or dres∣seth.
• * 1.1303

  Vestries.
• * 1.1304

  Double Tents and Captaines to each.
• * 1.1305

  Abuna Marke.
• * 1.1306

  The Cabeata married.
• * 1.1307

  The Pretes ab∣solute S〈…〉〈…〉∣reigntie.
• * 1.1308

  Manner of great mens co〈…〉〈…〉ng to the Court.
• * 1.1309

  Honourable respect of soul∣diers.
• * 1.1310

  The▪ case is now altered.
• * 1.1311

  The Pretes Carriages.
• * 1.1312

  Caues for Treasuries.
• * 1.1313

  Sic perhibent qui de magnis maiora loquun∣tur?
• * 1.1314

  The Turkes then warring against the Soldan halfe of them were de∣stroyed. No walled Ca∣stles nor Cities in all Ethiopia.
• * 1.1315

  Pilgrimage to Ierusalem.
• * 1.1316

  The Pilgrims Parish.
• * 1.1317

  Dangali. Della.
• * 1.1318

  Kingdome of Adel.
• * 1.1319

  Adea.
• * 1.1320

  Lord-ships of Gentiles.
• * 1.1321

  Damute.
• * 1.1322

  Gold of D••∣mute.
• * 1.1323

  Ginger.
• * 1.1324

  Amazones, the warlike wiues of those parts.
• * 1.1325

  A mightie huge Riuer likely to be Zaire, which is said, springs out of the same Lakes with Ni∣lus, of which Lakes perha•••• one is in Da∣mute. The manner of gathering Gold in Da∣mute. Cafates, a Na∣tion supposed Iewish original.
• * 1.1326

  Goiame. The Riuer Ni∣lu••, otherwise called Gion, springeth out of two great Lakes, in the Kingdome, Goiame.
• * 1.1327

  Iewes to the west of Goiame.
• * 1.1328

  Bagamidri a great King∣dome 600. miles long.
• * 1.1329

  Agaos.
• * 1.1330

  Mountaine of Siluer.
• * 1.1331

  Nubia.
• * 1.1332

  Their religion.
• * 1.1333

  Famine of the Word, and mi∣serable niggar∣dise: whereas, how many of vs are wearie of M〈…〉〈…〉, and fal•• a lusting? The Nubians. for want of a Bishop and Priests are fal∣len from the faith of Christ.
• * 1.1334

  Salomons Offi∣cers.
• * 1.1335

  The Prophe∣cies of the Iew••sh reiecti∣on (not to mention their conuersion prophecied) by that deluge of destruction verified, con∣trarieth this conceit of a Iew••sh Monke possessing so long so large a Soueraign tie, as all others ••ales of the Queene of Sabas sonne and his followers; hatched (it seemes) by some Politician, which to confirme a Soueraigntie (perhaps wonne by the sword) would deuise dreames of so ho∣nourable descent. And if Salomon had this sonne, how is Christ descended of a legall sonne of Salomon by the line of Nathan, whenas Salomon his owne line (if he had any) ought to inherit? Neither doe the Iewish, or Gentile, or Christian Storie; or common reason, or probabilitie subscribe to this Meilech-tale. And contrarie to Iacobs Prophecie, both before and euer since Shil••s comming, Iude hath a Scepter and a La•• giuer in Ethiopia: yea, the partition wall was pulled downe, and had extended it selfe to Cham before Iap〈…〉〈…〉 was perswaded to dwell in the Tents of Shem: and yet, the Kings of Sheba and Saba are reserued by name to the second Salomon, to whom prayer should be made, and who should euery day be praised, whom all Nations should serue, and whose name should be continued as long as the [ 60] Sunne, Ps. 72. Neither would Christ himselfe vouchsafe any Nationall calling, till after his resurrection, to any but the Iewes. But it is ab••urd to be earnest in refuting so absurd a iest. Once, if this rale were true, they were neither good Israelites which neglected the Temple and legall Rites; nor are good Christians to admit so many of them. Yet is it likely, that some Iew, or Iewish Christians haue corrupted their Christianitie by continuance of Circumcision, which the Ethiopians and Arabians haue so many Ages before and since Christ vsed: And also many Ethnicke parts of Africa still doe•• and made way to some Sta••••ser to brew this headie liquor of Meilech, to arrogate Propheticall authoritie and Royall Nobilitie, though with iniurie to Christ himselfe the heire of Salomon, and to the mysteries of Christianitie. See my Pilg. l. 7. c. 2. and 6. §. 4.
• * 1.1336

  Dinguil.
• * 1.1337

  From Barua to Ercoc•• fiue and fortie miles.
• * 1.1338

  The Mon∣son.
• * 1.1339

  The Portugall Fleet of fiue sailes. Camaran. Aden.
• * 1.1340

  The Hauen of Mazcare.
• * 1.1341

  Psal. 104. v. 20. 21. 22.
• * 1.1342

  Rom. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 35. Iames 1. 12.
• * 1.1343

  Ormuz.
• * 1.1344

  Chaul.
• * 1.1345

  Three rich ships of Mecca taken.
• * 1.1346

  Goa,
• * 1.1347

  Cananor.
• * 1.1348

  Antonie Galua∣no Captaine of a Garracke.
• * 1.1349

  Greatheate. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.1350

  Two Moores dyed in Por∣tugall for heat.
• * 1.1351

  Their manner of feeding.
• * 1.1352

  The cause of the increase of Nilus.
• * 1.1353

  Small store of Wine made in this Countrey.
• * 1.1354

  Sugar-canes.
• * 1.1355

  No snow is seene in Ae∣thiopia▪ Abundance of Honey.
• * 1.1356

  Waxe.
• * 1.1357

  Flaxe. Cotton-wooll.
• * 1.1358

  Their ordinary manner of Iu∣stice.
• * 1.1359

  Their manner of ministring an Oath.
• * 1.1360

  Of the Chur∣ches.
• * 1.1361

  No painted Crucifixes.
• * 1.1362

  Their princi∣pall Feasts.
• * 1.1363

  When their yeare begin∣neth.
• * 1.1364

  Their Musicall Instruments.
• * 1.1365

  These Letters following were translated into Latine, by Pa. louius, and re∣uiewed after also and pub∣lished by Da∣mianus a Goes, and in Italian by Ramusio. That which is omitted, is the same with that in the former Letter.
• * 1.1366

  Breu.
• * 1.1367

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.1368

  Here is much omitted for breuitie, which in the former Authors may be seene: as that Matthew was not sent by him, but by Queen Heleua, &c.
• * 1.1369

  His Letters to Iohn the third King of Portu∣gall.
• * 1.1370

  His Letter to Pope Clement the seuenth.
• * 1.1371

  Dam. à Goes de Ethiop. m••ri••.
• * 1.1372

  This Voyage being occasio∣ned, by sen∣ding the Pa∣triarch Bermu∣dez to Ethiopia, and relating how that State decayed, in∣uaded by the Moores, and embroyled with eiuill dis∣contents: con∣tayning also a more full intel∣ligence of the red Sea, then any other Rut∣ter which I haue seene, I haue here ad∣ded; and next to it, Bermudez owne report, translated, it seemeth by the same hand (not the most refined in his English phrase, which yet durst not be too busie with, wanting the Originall) and reduced to our method; here and there amending the English, which yet in part was done, as I thinke, and many margi∣nall notes ad∣ded by Sir Walter Raleigh himselfe. For prolixitie we haue omitted the way hitherto. A Snake. Socatora Iland. From Goa to Socatora is 300. leagues, as the Moores account. The Iland of Socatora is in length 20. leagues and nine in breadth. The tides here con∣trarie to them of India, being alwaies full Sea, when the Moone appeareth here in the Horizon. Dioscoridis Insula, in which in times past was an ancient Citie, called Dioscorides.
• * 1.1373

  The Socatorians conuerted to the Faith of Christ by Saint Thomas the A∣postle. Since this was written, the Moores of Ara∣bia ru••e here as in many Eng∣lish Iournals of later times you may read. See Finch and o∣thers in the 3. and 4. Bookes.
• * 1.1374

  Cloth called, Camboles.
• * 1.1375

  I thinke he meaneth Aloe Socatrina, Ver∣digrease, and Sanguis Draco∣nis, merchan∣dises in this Iland.
• * 1.1376

  Basill, sweet herbs in the Mountaines. The like Alua∣rez relateth of Ethiopia. The Moun∣taine of Aden.
• * 1.1377

  The situation of Aden. Cabubarra. Madocha Citie. Aden brought in subiection of the Turke by Treason Basha. See hereof Dam. à Goes Bell. in a speci∣all Treatise called Diensis oppugnatio.
• * 1.1378

  Cape of Guar∣dafui. Aromata Pro∣montorie. Syagros Pro∣montorie, or Cape Fartaque Gulfe.
• * 1.1379

  Arabique signe or Gulfe, or Red Sea. Aden. Zeila, in Abexij or Ethiopia. Possidium Pro∣montorie.
• * 1.1380

  Albabo.
• * 1.1381

  The Streight, sixe leagues broad.
• * 1.1382

  Pego.
• * 1.1383

  See Sir Henrie Middleton, Cap. Downton, Cap. Saris, and other English Iournalls, of their voyages to Moha. Eleuen fa∣thoms in all the Channell. Eastern winds raine in this place.
• * 1.1384

  The Mouth of the Streight of the Red Sea, twelue de∣grees one quatter.
• * 1.1385

  Many little Ilands.
• * 1.1386

  Annotations, how we are to saile by this Channell.
• * 1.1387

  Moorish Pi∣lors. The seuen sisters. Little Ilands.
• * 1.1388

  The descripti∣on of the Iland and Port of Sarbo.
• * 1.1389

  A good Har∣bour for ships.
• * 1.1390

  The Point of Dallaqua. Xamea Insula.
• * 1.1391

  The descripti∣on of the I∣land of Dalla∣qua. This Iland is fiue and twen∣tie leagues long, and twelue in breadth. The Metropo∣litan Citie cal∣led Dallaqua.
• * 1.1392

  Xamoa Insula, in which are Springs or Wells of wa∣ter. Seuentie fa∣thome water. The King of Dallaqua, a Moore. The descripti∣on of the Iland and Port of Maçua.
• * 1.1393

  The Citie of Ptolomaida, sometimes built here.
• * 1.1394

  In Nadyuel I∣land are many Cisternes of water.
• * 1.1395

  Wilde Beasts.
• * 1.1396

  The Cosmo∣graphie of E∣thiopia, sub Egypte. The Negus o•• Priest Iohn, King of the Abexins. Promontorie of Aramata. Where this Ea∣sterne Empire beginneth.
• * 1.1397

  Ethiopia pro∣duceth many Mines of gold, Lakes of Nilus.
• * 1.1398

  And so it doth in Suiana, the raines falling most vio∣lently in these moneths.
• * 1.1399

  Aluarez hath deliuered the same reason of this ouer∣flowing.
• * 1.1400

  Cape of Bona Esp••ranza.
• * 1.1401

  Meroe insula, in which is a great and rich Citie.
• * 1.1402

  Dauid, tyranny, of which some Exāples of the two Betudetes, and Chiefe Iu∣stice, and Tri∣gremahon, and foure Burna∣gassoes, in sixe yeares, &c. you may reade be∣fore in Aluarez. This humour, it seemeth, in∣creased with his yeares, and perhaps he in∣tended some alteration in Religion also, as appeareth by Aluarez and Bermudez his Legates to the Pope, which might more instigate his subiects a∣gainst him. Gradamet ouer∣threw in bat∣taile Preste Iohn, by means of Harquebus∣ses. Dauids death.
• * 1.1403

  Since which to this day, they haue de∣creased, and are now al∣most vtterly ruined. Mountaine of the Iewes.
• * 1.1404

  What these Portugals per∣formed in E∣thiopia, you shal reade in the following Relations of Bermudez. Customes of the Abexines. They are e∣steemed great Warriours out of their owne Countrey.
• * 1.1405

  A kind of vp∣per garment.
• * 1.1406

  The Portugall Armada.
• * 1.1407

  Harate, Dohull, Damanill.
• * 1.1408

  An Iland vn∣der water to be feared.
• * 1.1409

  A Description of the Port and Iland of Marate.
• * 1.1410

  Foure or fiue fathom water.
• * 1.1411

  The Ilands of Daratata and Dolcofallar.
• * 1.1412

  Suaquen Chan∣nell full of Shoalds.
• * 1.1413

  Xabaque Hauen in 19. degrees scarce.
• * 1.1414

  A Description of the Soalds of Suaquen. A Shoald vn∣der water.
• * 1.1415

  Infinite num∣ber of Ilands, Flats, and Heads of sand and stone. A precept how to auoid them.
• * 1.1416

  Fiue leagues of Shoalds, ele∣uen leagues from Suaquen.
• * 1.1417

  Rednesse of the water.
• * 1.1418

  Mountaine of the Satyrs.
• * 1.1419

  Description of the Citie and Port of Suaquen. The Port of Aspi.
• * 1.1420

  Ann. 1541. Since the Tur∣kish Conquest, Moha, and o∣ther places haue beene of greater trade. The great traf∣ficke of Sua∣quen with ma∣ny Nations for Gold, Iuorie, and rich mer∣chandises.
• * 1.1421

  Suaquen, for some fifteene leagues, is en∣uironed about with Shoalds, Flats, Ilands, Rocks, Chan∣nels, Banks, &c.
• * 1.1422

  Many Rockes, Shoalds and Flats.
• * 1.1423

  A Channell seuen leagues from Suaquen. Obseruation of the Tides.
• * 1.1424

  Course of Tides.
• * 1.1425

  A great wate∣ring place.
• * 1.1426

  A Description of the Bay of Doroo.
• * 1.1427

  Promontori•• of Diogenes.
• * 1.1428

  A Brackish sal•• Well.
• * 1.1429

  The Descripti∣on of the Bay of Fuxaa.
• * 1.1430

  Nine little Ilands.
• * 1.1431

  Arequea Har∣bour twentie two leagues from Suaquen. The Descripti∣on of the Port of Arequea. Dioscori Port.
• * 1.1432

  Salaqua Hauen, foure leagues from Arequea.
• * 1.1433

  The coasting of these seuen∣teene leagues.
• * 1.1434

  The Point of the Calmes.
• * 1.1435

  Toro.
• * 1.1436

  Magarçaon.
• * 1.1437

  Elmante.
• * 1.1438

  Quilfit Hauen. The Descripti∣on the Riuer of Ferate.
• * 1.1439

  A Description of the Port of Quilfit.
• * 1.1440

  Rasilgid Ha∣uen.
• * 1.1441

  Moamaa Ha∣uen.
• * 1.1442

  A description of the Port of Igidid. Igidid Port, in proportion like a great Cauldron. A Well of wa∣ter very bitte∣rish.
• * 1.1443

  Trees like Corke trees.
• * 1.1444

  Trees of Ca∣pers.
• * 1.1445

  Thunder and very great Hayle.
• * 1.1446

  The exceeding heat of the Sunne.
• * 1.1447

  Starta.
• * 1.1448

  Comol, a good Hauen,
• * 1.1449

  Comol Hauen two and twen∣tie degrees and an halfe.
• * 1.1450

  Starta Insula.
• * 1.1451

  A description of the Port of Comol.
• * 1.1452

  Badois.
• * 1.1453

  Promontorie of Prionoto.
• * 1.1454

  Xaabiliden, a great Shelfe. Zemorgite I∣land. The Point of the Moun∣taines end.
• * 1.1455

  Raselnaxef Point, or the dry Cape. Promontorie Pentadatilors. Note an Iland where the land of both Coasts is seene. Agathon insula.
• * 1.1456

  Cornaqua an Iland.
• * 1.1457

  A great Tem∣ple.
• * 1.1458

  Note the Citie of Bereuice.
• * 1.1459

  Xuarit Iland.
• * 1.1460

  The coasting from Rasel∣naxef to Xuarit
• * 1.1461

  Raselnaxef Point.
• * 1.1462

  Xuarit Iland, a Caleeuer-shot in length, and in breadth al∣most as much.
• * 1.1463

  Arabique Egyp∣tians.
• * 1.1464

  Gadenauhi Nooke, foure leagues from Cial.
• * 1.1465

  Variation to to North-east halfe a degree.
• * 1.1466

  Bahuto.
• * 1.1467

  Xarmeelquiman Hauen. A description of the Port of Xarmeelquiman
• * 1.1468

  A strange chance of the winds.
• * 1.1469

  Gales of winds that scorched likes flames of fire.
• * 1.1470

  Xacara Port.
• * 1.1471

  Xaona Port ve∣ry great.
• * 1.1472

  Many Trees very great and high.
• * 1.1473

  The Port of Tuna.
• * 1.1474

  A very faire Nooke, one hundred twen∣tie nine legues from Suaquen. Alcocer Port and Towne.
• * 1.1475

  The height of Alcocer.
• * 1.1476

  A description of Alcocer. Alcocer some∣times Philote∣ras.
• * 1.1477

  Riffa, a fruitfull part of Egypt.
• * 1.1478

  New Alcocer, twentie six de∣grees and a quarter. Alcocer, the most barren and miserable place in the world, the manner of the buildings and houses. It raines sel∣dome in Alco∣cer.
• * 1.1479

  Three Wells 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.1480

  It neuer raines in Riffa.
• * 1.1481

  So barren a Seat as Alcocer.
• * 1.1482

  The Badois, a peruerse peo∣ple, and void of all goodnes.
• * 1.1483

  The descripti∣on of the Iland Suffan-elbahar.
• * 1.1484

  A good Hauen for all wea∣thers.
• * 1.1485

  Stonie Arabia.
• * 1.1486

  A description of the Towne of Toro. Elana, a Towne now called Toro.
• * 1.1487

  Yo〈…〉〈…〉eade 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈…〉〈…〉ini∣o〈…〉〈…〉he gulfe Elamiticus, af∣terwards to be twentie leagues be∣yond Toro.
• * 1.1488

  The Streight of Ormuz.
• * 1.1489

  Christians liue vpon the top of these Moun∣taines.
• * 1.1490

  Mount Sinai about some eighteene leagues from Toro.
• * 1.1491

  The Citie of Cairo. The Alarabes.
• * 1.1492

  The Fountain o•• Moses.
• * 1.1493

  Cairo seuen dayes iourney from Toro by Land.
• * 1.1494

  Where the pass••ge of the Iewes was. The Iewes flee∣ing from the Egyptians arri∣ued right a∣gainst Toro, and passed this sea, being the red Sea, and came to the place where Toro now standeth. But the Egypti∣ans followed them and were all drowned to the number of 600000.
• * 1.1495

  Cairo at this day called Me∣cara.
• * 1.1496

  This Nooke supposed to be the Gulfe Ela∣niticus.
• * 1.1497

  Moses Foun∣t••ine. The end of this Sea, cal∣led by vs he red Sea, and by the Moores, Mecca. Soez kept by the Turke with Garrisons.
• * 1.1498

  The Nauie of the Turkes.
• * 1.1499

  Soez in times past called the Citie of the Heroes.
• * 1.1500

  The Port of Danao.
• * 1.1501

  The Citie of Heroes and Cleopatra, which some call Arsi∣noe in the end of the Arabike Sine Isthmo. Babylonia of E∣gypt, or Cairo the great City. Pelusio, one of 7. Mouthes of Nilus. Trenches which the Kings of Egypt made. Isthmo is the space of 40. leagues be∣tweene Soez and Pelusio.
• * 1.1502

  The manner of the situation of Soez.
• * 1.1503

  A mightie Bul∣warke of mo∣derne worke.
• * 1.1504

  Cairo about fifteen leagues from Soez.
• * 1.1505

  A description of the Sea and Land, that go∣eth from Toro to Soez.
• * 1.1506

  The end of the Red Sea, or Sea of Meca.
• * 1.1507

  The tides from Toro to Soez all equall with o∣ther Ports of the Sea.
• * 1.1508

  Cleopatra com∣manded the ships to bee brought by Land to Zoez, from Nilus, crossing the Isthmus.
• * 1.1509

  The end of the voyage to Soez.
• * 1.1510

  Sulyman wate∣ring.
• * 1.1511

  The height of an Iland that stands beneath the Toro.
• * 1.1512

  Acallaihe Port, two leauges beyond Xacara.
• * 1.1513

  A Description of the Port of Acallaihe. A Description of the Port Bo∣halel Xame.
• * 1.1514

  The Tombe of an Arabian.
• * 1.1515

  A Description of the Land of of Badois, and of their cu∣stomes & life. What Badoil•• signifieth. Troglodithas, or Badois.
• * 1.1516

  The Badois, which is the generall name for the Ithio∣fagis or Eiosagis are wilde or sauage. They haue no King.
• * 1.1517

  A great Grou•• foure lea••ues from Maczua.
• * 1.1518

  They lay at Maczua thirtie two daies.
• * 1.1519

  A thunderbolt.
• * 1.1520

  Darat Melcuna, a flat Iland of Sand.
• * 1.1521

  Whether this Sea of the Streight be red or no, and the causes wherefore they called it the Red Sea. Opinions of the Red Sea.
• * 1.1522

  Red Corall stone.
• * 1.1523

  So he calleth Atani Tingil before menti∣oned.
• * 1.1524

  Zaga Zabo the Frier mentio∣ned in Aluarez.
• * 1.1525

  Zaga Zabo his negligence.
• * 1.1526

  His imprison∣ment. Bermudez his Embassage from the Negus to the King of P••rtugall.
• * 1.1527

  Anthonie Fer∣nandes. See Dam. à Goes of this siege, 1538.
• * 1.1528

  Stephen Gama Vice-Roy.
• * 1.1529

  Maczua, or Macua. The death of King Dauid.
• * 1.1530

  Aba Ioseph.
• * 1.1531

  Arias Diz, a Mullato Portu∣gall.
• * 1.1532

  Sixty fugitiues
• * 1.1533

  Commodities of Zeila.
• * 1.1534

  Sicars deludi∣tur arte.
• * 1.1535

  The Portugals stratagems.
• * 1.1536

  The King of Maczua flyeth, and the Barna∣gasso is slaine.
• * 1.1537

  Returne of the Vice-Roy from Soez.
• * 1.1538

  This is hee which had bin with the Vice-Roy in the bot∣tome of the Gulfe, and did write that for∣mer Rutter. Peter Borges Henriques, was before appoin∣ted Captaine.
• * 1.1539

  The Vice-Roy and the Pat. part company.
• * 1.1540

  Barua.
• * 1.1541

  Wa••t of Iron.
• * 1.1542

  Goranya King of Zeila. Some call him Gradame••, Go∣dignus cals him Gragna, which varietie hap∣pens by the different pro∣nuntiation of so different a Language. Prouoking Presents.
• * 1.1543

  Tempora mu∣tantur & nos mutamur in illis.
• * 1.1544

  Scarsitie.
• * 1.1545

  Flesh in Lent.
• * 1.1546

  The Queenes feare.
• * 1.1547

  Indulgence.
• * 1.1548

  The second battell.
• * 1.1549

  Fierie strata∣gem.
• * 1.1550

  The victorie.
• * 1.1551

  Great spoile.
• * 1.1552

  Nazaretha Countrey ap∣pertayning to the Patriarch.
• * 1.1553

  The Turke so∣licited.
• * 1.1554

  Mountaine of Iewes.
• * 1.1555

  The Iewes pur∣sue the Moores.
• * 1.1556

  Sixe hundred Turks sent to aide the Moore.
• * 1.1557

  Beades bles∣sed.
• * 1.1558

  The vnfortu∣nate battell.
• * 1.1559

  Don Christopher hurt.
• * 1.1560

  Lamentable and desperate act.
• * 1.1561

  Don Christopher disconsolate∣nesse.
• * 1.1562

  Or Tamarindos.
• * 1.1563

  Alfonso Caldera made Cap∣taine.
• * 1.1564

  Don Christopher di Gama taken prisoner.
• * 1.1565

  His resolution.
• * 1.1566

  His Letter.
• * 1.1567

  Don Christopher behe aded.
• * 1.1568

  Miracles, if a∣ny be so prodi∣gall of Fai••h to beleeue them. I ••dde them to let men see the probabilitie of other thei mi∣racles in India. In other things where they ad∣uantage not their ••ane••••s, I beleeue them as men: these which looke to Rome and su∣perstition, in∣credulus odi. A Huge Lake. 10. Gabriel saith it is 60. miles long, and 25. broad. Supplies from the Negus.
• * 1.1569

  The Gradeus by Godignus is called Claudius. A Mountaine of Iewes. Captaine of the Iewes bap∣tised.
• * 1.1570

  Gradeus the young Negus.
• * 1.1571

  The Patriarch Bern. his Speech to the Portugals.
• * 1.1572

  The King ac∣knowledged head by this Patriarch: on∣ly except the Popes case and they say the same with vs. But then one head may bee cut off to please the o∣ther. His speech to the Negus.
• * 1.1573

  The Kings An∣swere and re∣fusall. Why the We∣sterne Christi∣ans are called Frankes. You may 〈…〉〈…〉d. no∣ted before in Aluarez. They conceiue wee beleeue foure Gods, because wee hold two Na∣tu••••s in Christ which they following, the ••••tichians and Monothelite he resies denie. Th•• Patriarcks Spee••h to the Portugals. Their reie∣cting Gradeus his gift.
• * 1.1574

  An Archbishop made by the Patriarch. The Queenes mediation.
• * 1.1575

  The truth of Popish faith: or a new Arti∣cle added to the Creed, to b••l••eue the Papacie. Arias Diz or Diaz, made Captaine or Generall of Portugals.
• * 1.1576

  The Kings flight.
• * 1.1577

  A proper name of a Ru∣ler.
• * 1.1578

  Poysoned Wine.
• * 1.1579

  Monastery.
• * 1.1580

  The Abb••••ssine Generalistain.
• * 1.1581

  Gorania slaine.
• * 1.1582

  Vaine glorious foole.
• * 1.1583

  A dissention amongst the Portugals about their Captain, is here omit∣ted. The Queenes comming and entertainment.
• * 1.1584

  Countries re∣duced.
• * 1.1585

  Tall men like Giants.
• * 1.1586

  They yeeld.
• * 1.1587

  This was the King of Adel.
• * 1.1588

  Leather Boats.
• * 1.1589

  King of Adel slaine.
• * 1.1590

  Daroa and Bale giuen Arias Diz.
• * 1.1591

  Gradeus his in∣gratitude.
• * 1.1592

  The Portugals assault the Kings Campe.
• * 1.1593

  Powder plo••.
• * 1.1594

  Two sleights.
• * 1.1595

  Treacherous dealing.
• * 1.1596

  The Patriarch sent to the Countrey of the Caffates.
• * 1.1597

  A rough coun∣trey and bar∣barous people.
• * 1.1598

  Arias or Marke the Traitor dyeth.
• * 1.1599

  A plot by fea∣ring the peo∣ple, to escape.
• * 1.1600

  Another Pa∣triarch.
• * 1.1601

  The Author sentenced to a Rocke.
• * 1.1602

  Order for both Patri∣archs.
• * 1.1603

  This was he which ••ft••r the h••st 〈…〉〈…〉ll rec••y••ed 〈…〉〈…〉om the Moore to the Portugals.
• * 1.1604

  The Captaine slaine.
• * 1.1605

  Custome of inheri••ance.
• * 1.1606

  Aluarez pla∣ceth it out of this Prouince, but perhaps in a larger sense, it included in it.
• * 1.1607

  Aluarez hath an inst••nce to the contrarie. The Gallas.
• * 1.1608

  Suimbas, or Zuimbas, a Ge∣neration of Blacke-moores, so c••lled, like, or the same wi••h the Iag••, m••ntion••d by Battell and Pi∣gafe••••a in ••ongo
• * 1.1609

  The Gallas ap∣proach.
• * 1.1610

  Losse of three great King∣domes, Bale, Doaro and Ha∣dia.
• * 1.1611

  Oggy, the force and armour thereof.
• * 1.1612

  Gorague. Great Sorce∣rers.
• * 1.1613

  Gold. A beast so cal∣led.
• * 1.1614

  Or Dates.
• * 1.1615

  Or Eben wood.
• * 1.1616

  Gaffates said to haue beene Iewes.
• * 1.1617

  Romish Catho∣likes, if they be not as inuisible as their wood.
• * 1.1618

  Damute.
• * 1.1619

  Gates or rock∣passages.
• * 1.1620

  Gold and Crystall. Oxen almost as bigge as E∣lephants, with huge hornes. An Vnicorne, or Asiaus Indi∣cus not that which the Painters pre∣sent with a horne in the fore-head. Amazons. Another tale of the Queene of Saba. Griffons.
• * 1.1621

  Monstrous huge fowles, or foule mon∣strous fooles & lies, which happly the cunning and bragging Na∣tiues reported and we had need of their faith of Mira∣cles, to beleeue. For how did God create first and after bring into the Arke all Creatures Male and Female, if this Phenix bee sole? Qui Bauium non odit, amet tua carmina Maeui. He which beleeueth this Phenix, and these Griffons, &c. may beleeue ••amas Miracles. Which I speake not to disgrace the whole storie (which is vsefull) but to make the Reader warie where things are tole vpon report, or are aduantagious to Rome or Portugall. Much of this Chapter seemeth to mee Apocrypha, but I leaue libertie of Faith to the most heentious Credulitie, which shall thinke fitter to beleeue then to goe and see. And yet may Africa haue a Prerogatiue in Rarities, and some seeming In∣credibilities be true.
• * 1.1622

  Fat and vene∣mous Snakes.
• * 1.1623

  Strange herbe.
• * 1.1624

  Or Canopie
• * 1.1625

  Incredible quantitie of Gold.
• * 1.1626

  A golden gli∣stering Moun∣taine.
• * 1.1627

  The Axgagce baptized.
• * 1.1628

  Goiame.
• * 1.1629

  Gold stones.
• * 1.1630

  Catadupa, by the Ancients placed neerer Egypt.
• * 1.1631

  The Fals, or Catadhi.
• * 1.1632

  Gaffates.
• * 1.1633

  Dembia. Huge Lake.
• * 1.1634

  Agaoa.
• * 1.1635

  Trench inten∣ded from Nilus to the Red Sea, Subia Nubia.
• * 1.1636

  Simem and Amara.
• * 1.1637

  Of these see Aluarez.
• * 1.1638

  Bethmariam.
• * 1.1639

  Riches of the Portugals.
• * 1.1640

  Dissimulation.
• * 1.1641

  Debra Libanus.
• * 1.1642

  Crossing Nilus.
• * 1.1643

  Excommuni∣cations and Curses.
• * 1.1644

  Bar••a, or Barua.
• * 1.1645

  Ransome of Portugals.
• * 1.1646

  Gonçaluo a Ie∣suite: this is Gonzaluos Rode∣ricke, whose E∣pistle follo∣weth in the next Chapter.
• * 1.1647

  De Barua, cal∣led elsewhere Baroa.
• * 1.1648

  His escape to Goa.
• * 1.1649

  Numez the Pa∣triarch the Story of whom, and of Andrew Ouiedo follo∣weth.
• * 1.1650

  His returne home.
• * 1.1651

  More profit in this aduenture, then in the East or West Indies.
• * 1.1652

  He passed to Ethiopia with Aluarez.
• * 1.1653

  An easie thing to be liberall of another mans.
• * 1.1654

  P. ••ar. Thesa••∣rus rer. I••d. l. 3. De Abassinorum reb. N. God. lib. tres.
• * 1.1655

  God. l. 2. c. 14. & seq.
• * 1.1656

  Gradeus.
• * 1.1657

  Peter an Abas∣sine.
• * 1.1658

  Peter Faber.
• * 1.1659

  Iesuiticall hu∣militie vn∣knowne to Prophets and Apostles, Of∣fices Ecclesia∣sticall are cal∣led Orders, holy Orders: God is a God of Or∣der, Ord••, saith Saint Aug. est parium impariumque rerum sua suique locatribuens dispositio. Saint Paul bids men walke in their calling, and forbids inordinatenesse. Babylon hath name of Confusion. And what inordinate Confusion, how confused Orders are a Patriarch-Scullion, a Bishoppe continuall Coqui adiutor? &c. Euen as hee which stiles himselfe a Seruant of Seruants, and a Bishop, and makes himselfe King of Kings, yea, Deposer and Translator. Christ once washed his Disciples feet, yet did not the Apostles ordinarily doe it, but had [ 60] their Widowes for this seruice. Let Francis and Ignatius with their followers, be Examples of lowsie lowlinesse, and scullerie humi∣litie. To mee hee is humble, which beareth patiently what God sends and doth not send for phantasticke crosses; which breakes not his ranke to seeke Enemies, but valiantly holds and fights in his owne file and standing; which denies himselfe to obey God, and not neglects God to please himselfe, in men-dazzling will-worships, in Mustersand Monster, of needlesse shewes, vnmortified mortifications, and perhaps proud humiliations.
• * 1.1660

  Abassines blind zeale. A Booke cal∣led the adulte∣rie of the Frankes, that is, of the We∣sterne Church.
• * 1.1661

  The discourse betwixt the Negus and the Iesuit.
• * 1.1662

  An 〈…〉〈…〉uitie p〈…〉〈…〉d a∣gainst Rome forth Abassine 〈…〉〈…〉ou, and l••ong•• Peace.
• * 1.1663

  Where is it?
• * 1.1664

  The Abuna can better curse then dispute. Leo condem∣ned, Dioscorus approued. The Romanes lost that which they neuer had. For that Councell de∣creed the Pri∣uiledges to Constantinople, with Rome (ex∣cept Prioritie of order) and that (not vpon promise by 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or Suc∣cession from Peter) because th•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this w〈…〉〈…〉 Imperiall C〈…〉〈…〉es: and the Councell of Nice ac∣knowledged Alexandrias Priuiledges in Africa, equall to the Romane in Europe.
• a 1.1665

  Discourse of the Queene & the Iesuite.
• b 1.1666

  Would God this were their one and only, for then their errour would bee found the An ••ent and Ca〈…〉〈…〉 like T〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.1667

  The Apostles were no body with this Iesu∣ite; or all are swallowed into the Romish Whirlepooles and no mar∣uel, for Christs owne preroga∣tiue, Of one 〈…〉〈…〉∣stor, is next arrogated: as if the Church had no Christ to be Pastor, nor no Apostles to heare, but the Roman: called to that head∣ship by Phocas, and since this dispute, pub∣lishing a new Creed added to the Trent Councell The Abassine and Iesuite haue diuided the truth betwixt them in some things, which in some other both want. Omnia probate, quod bonum eft tenete.
• * 1.1668

  Christ saith, I am that good Shepheard, &c. Iohn 10. and by Peter, is still so acknowledged, and other mi∣nisteriall Pa∣stors of their flocks to feed them, not to domineere, &c. 1. p. 5. Grosse errors of the Abassines about the Sab∣bath & meats, &c. Diuers o∣thers most ab∣hominable.
• * 1.1669

  Plurimanos Monastery ve∣ry famous.
• * 1.1670

  Abassine Monkes.
• * 1.1671

  The Nuns.
• * 1.1672

  Letter of Al∣fonsus of France a Portugall, to Gonzalus.
• * 1.1673

  Therefore Claud us had obiected foure Gods to Ber∣mudez.
• * 1.1674

  Exorcising the Seas & Winds. Let this be a generall rule to the Reader, to beleeue a Ie∣suite Iest in things neerest Rome, in other things to giue him Faith, where this Ro∣mish Faith is not a brewing. For I disclaime not their hu∣manity, though I trust not their diuinitie in all points. Yet e∣uen Iannes and Iambres against Moses, did as great miracles as this, or as any which I beleeue of their relation done by theirs. False Prophets haue, Deut. 13. and false reli∣gions, pretend miracles, 2. Re. 1. which Iohn Baptist, an extraordinary ••••d true Pro∣phet had not.
• * 1.1675

  I rehearse these things in the Story of Iesuites, that the world may see by what art they attained to that reputa∣tion in the Pa∣pacy: dazeling mens eyes with a seeming splendour of humilitie, such as is reiected, Col. 2. vlt. lay∣ing this low foundation to their haughtie aspiring, cree∣ping to the lowest, and terrifying the highest. Phil. 1.
• * 1.1676

  Mazua and Er∣coco taken by the Turkes.
• * 1.1677

  Letter of Ema∣nuel Fernaudes.
• * 1.1678

  Baroa, or Barua.
• * 1.1679

  Commendati∣on of Claudi〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.1680

  Malachales: the Author doub∣teth whether they were of the Amalckites posteritie. Modesty of a Moore. Adamas Empe∣rour.
• * 1.1681

  Ouiedo bani∣shed three times.
• * 1.1682

  Miracles like a bad herb, make the Iesuits Sto∣ries often di∣stastfull and doubtfull. You cannot haue their Rose without such prickles: or any remote re∣ligious Storie without such vanitie. Other miracles they tell which I haue omit∣ted, as en∣quiring more after the Abas∣sine state and Church, then Popish mira∣cles. Malaseguetus Emperour. The Galae.
• * 1.1683

  Oviedos Letter to the Pope.
• * 1.1684

  Haruest lost for want of labourers. Sinari.
• * 1.1685

  An armed hand and band required to further the Ie∣suits preaching in Abassia.
• * 1.1686

  Iesuits which passed to A∣bassi••.
• * 1.1687

  P. Iar. Thes. l. 3. c. 3. N. God. de A••asr••b•••• l. 1. c. 3.
• * 1.1688

  Iohn Gabriel a Portugall.
• * 1.1689

  Tigrai the first Kingdome.
• * 1.1690

  Dancali.
• * 1.1691

  Angote and the other fiue.
• * 1.1692

  Aucaguerle.
• * 1.1693

  Dahali. Oecie.
• * 1.1694

  Rozanagum.
• * 1.1695

  Nerea.
• * 1.1696

  Goroma, large and sertile.
• * 1.1697

  But foure Kingdomes now subiect to the Negus. Riuers and Lakes. Iewes. Oara.
• * 1.1698

  Gabea. Lakes.
• * 1.1699

  A. Fernandez his Letter.
• * 1.1700

  Nature of the Abassine soile.
• * 1.1701

  Wormes in the belly by vse of raw flesh.
• * 1.1702

  This seemeth to be the Ca∣melopardalis.
• * 1.1703

  Riuer-horses, and their na∣ture.
• * 1.1704

  The Torpedo, a strange kind of fish.
• a 1.1705

  Palus a bot∣tomlesse poole Strange Springs and Course of Ni∣lus, which some fetch much further from beyond the Line, perhaps, not so truly. I. Baptista Scor∣tia a Iesuite hath published two Bookes of this one Riuer ascribing to it two originals, one a Lake in twelue degr•• of South lati∣tude, fiftie fiue of longitude, whence Cu••ma floweth, Spai∣to Sancto, and Coanza: the o∣ther vnder the Line in fiftie fiue of longi∣tude, being a Lake of 1700, furlongs ouer, here mentio∣ned by Fernan∣dez. The Abas∣sine opinion by the Kings Let∣ters appeare, that Nilus ari∣seth hence. Seasons in Abassia, the Red Seas course. Power of the Moone. Abassine good fellowship. Scarcitie of Wine. Peter Paez. Succession of Emperours.
• * 1.1706

  Before him was Nahu, whose Prede∣cessor was A∣lexander; to him Ciriacus, &c. Abassines ap∣parell.
• * 1.1707

  Foolish bra∣uerie.
• * 1.1708

  Dul Ignorance and Idlenesse.
• * 1.1709

  Their Arts.
• * 1.1710

  Townes and Houses. Little or no writing.
• * 1.1711

  See of these Fasts, Aluarez. Churches.
• * 1.1712

  A••••. Fernandez.
• * 1.1713

  Ethiopia ciuill Combustions.
• * 1.1714

  The Galae.
• * 1.1715

  Bailur twelue leagues within the streights on the Abassine shoare.
• * 1.1716

  Letters of P. Paez.
• * 1.1717

  Strange paths.
• * 1.1718

  Vaine supersti∣tion.
• * 1.1719

  Raw flesh. Wet, heat, cold, and ill way.
• * 1.1720

  Their houses.
• * 1.1721

  Siccum sacrifici∣um.
• * 1.1722

  The King Su∣preme Gouer∣nor in causes Ciuill and Ec∣clesiasticall.
• * 1.1723

  This see∣meth falsly written: for Iames Malae Seguends both Predecessour and Successor. Relikes.
• * 1.1724

  Grasse-hop pers scarred with Holy-wa∣ter.
• * 1.1725

  Mat. Paris tels of Tudfled (I thinke hee meaneth Thax∣ted) in Essex, where the De∣uill comming into the Church at the Priests aspersi∣o••, shrecked and leaped in∣to a Medow two furlongs off. Sure I am, such a Medow is there still, called Lopers, in that Parish of my natiui∣tie. Portugall goods in Indian ships. Obeliskes.
• * 1.1726

  King of Naria slaine.
• * 1.1727

  Want of Wine of the Vine: that of Hony more com∣mon. Iesuites honor.
• * 1.1728

  The Emperour Malac Segued, called also Sa∣uenquil, and A∣thanas Saqued.
• * 1.1729

  Iames slaine or lost.
• * 1.1730

  Aga••.
• * 1.1731

  The reason of this name, I thinke to be their custome of changing Name when they come to the Empire.
• * 1.1732

  Religious Rebell.
• * 1.1733

  The Commo∣dities of that Country, with their Prizes.
• * 1.1734

  The Kings State.