Purchas his pilgrimes. part 2 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

CHAP. VIII.

Late Changes of State and Religion in Ethiopia, with other [ 10] remarkable Obseruations.

§. I.

Relations of IOHN NVNNEZ (or NONIVS) BARETVS sent for Patriarke of Ethiopia, and ANDREA * 1.1 OVIEDO his Successor. [ 20]

IOhn Bermudez * 1.2 a Spanish Priest had been sent by the Romane Bishop into Abas∣sia, which Patriarchall dignitie (before this mission of Nonius) and hauing beene taken by Turkish Pirats, yet after diuers Aduentures, perced into Ethiopia, where by Claudius * 1.3 the Emperour he was well entertained in shew, to hold the Por∣tugals the faster to his succours in the Warre against the King of Adel: who be∣ing slaine, he would acknowledge no other Patriarke to him nor his, but the A∣lexandrian. Hence arose great hatred of the Abassines vnto Bermudez, insomuch that it was vulgarly bruted that he had stolne a Vessell of Gold out of a Church: so that hee was forced to returne into Europe. Him haue I (being then a Boy) seene at Lisbon, where hee made an end of [ 30] his life and labours.

About those times, one Peter an Abassine, a Monke of Saint Antonies Order, with some o∣thers of his profession came to Rome, who being of a forward and industrious disposition, lear∣ned * 1.4 the Latine and Italian Tongues, and easily insinuated himselfe into the fauours of many; dealt also with Pope Paul the Third, very earnestly to send another Patriarke into Ethiopia: as for Bermudez, their wanted not causes of that hatred which he had incurred; but for any other, hee should no sooner set foot in Ethiopia, but all men would adhere to him, forsaking the Alexandrian and his Abuna. The Pope by Letters commended the businesse to the King of Portugall, to choose a man fit for this businesse, who named thereunto Peter Faber, and writ to the Pope to [ 40] confirme him; but death tooke him away. The Abassine continuing his importunate sute: in the * 1.5 yeare 1554. Iulius the Third gaue eare hereto, whose Buls were ratified by Paul the Fourth his Successor, in whose time Nonius was consecrated at Lisbon, and with him Ouiedo, the one Patriarke, the other entitled Bishop of Hierapolis. King Iohn gaue many holy Vestments of Silke and Damake richly and curiously wrought; Crosses, Chalices, Pyxes, and other Vessels of Gold and Siluer to commend the Romane Pietie by this sacred splendour to the Abassine Nation.

Nonius before his iourney to leaue behind him Monuments of Iesuiticall Humiliation (the * 1.6 heart makes it Humilitie by the discreet manner and diuine end, which otherwise in most ser∣uile Offices is as meerely titular as was his Patriarkship) in this his Patriarchicall dignitie made [ 50] himselfe a Seruant to the Societie, wayting on them at Table, yea, (his Episcopall Ring laid a∣side) was a continuall helper of the Cooke, washed with care and pleasure, the Dishes, Boxes, Pots, and either Vessels of the Cookerie; besides this, hee was a diligent Hearer of Confessions, not refusing once in the night to goe to a meane Cottage to shriue a Negro Slaue. Before he went his Patriarchall Voyage, the King sent to Peter Mascaregna, the Vice-Roy, to send an Ambas∣sage into Ethiopia, to prepare way to the Patriarch, who sent Iames Dias with Gonzales Rode∣ricke

a Iesuit Priest. Who in the year 1555. arriued at Ercoco, which then belonged to the Abassine, to whom they went thence by Land: and hauing declared their message, and deliuered the Kings Letters, they find his mind altered (for he had written before to King Iohn in that businesse.) But the whole Discourse will better appeare in Roderickes Letter in September, 1566. from Ethiopia to the Iesuites in Goa: which (so much as concerneth this purpose) I haue heere tran∣scribed.

ON the fifteenth of May, we came to the King of Ethiopia. He was then in his Campe encom∣passed with many Pauilions. Beeing certified of our arriuall, hee commanded a Lodging to bee prouided where we might bee entertained. The next day wee had accesse. Hee sate in his Tent spread [ 10] with a faire Carpet, and adorned with silken Hangings on a Bed, the Curtaine opened. Iames approa∣ching deliuered him the Kings Letters, which hee commanded to bee read before all the Portugals in the Campe, with a loud voyce. In them the King signified amongst other things, that the next yeare hee would send thither one of his Houshold, and some Religious men besides, famous for life and learning. Claudius frowned at the hearing hereof, but answered nothing to the purpose: and thus dismissed, wee returned to our Lodgings. Two or three dayes after hee went to see his Grand-mother ten dayes iourney thence: and we were left in the open field, not hauing one man in the Emperours name to prouide vs any thing. Yet were we not forsaken of God, by whose prouidence and bountie it came to passe, that a Por∣tugall tooke care of vs, and brought vs to a place whereof he was Lord, three leagues distant, entertai∣ned vs at his House, and commending to his the care of vs, followed after the Emperour. Heere wee [ 20] spent almost a moneth, in which time I writ a Booke of the Errours of the Abassines, and the truth of the Romane Faith, to offer it to Claudius at his returne. For hee openly said, as I learned of a Portu∣gall, neere about him, that hee neyther needed our Doctrine, nor intended to obey the Romane Church. It was also commonly reported, that some of the Chiefe men did openly affirme, that they would more easily subiect their neckes to the yoke of Saracens, then exchange their Customes with ours. Which did the more confirme mee, to deliuer my mind rather in writing then by word; so to learne his Answere and vnmaske his opinion so long closely concealed. So soone therefore as hee returned to these parts, wee went to his Campe and were entertained of the Portugall Souldiers. For the Emperour had quite for∣gotten vs, nor cared to know how or where we liued. Now, because I had made my Booke in Portuguse, and it was necessarie to turne it in Chaldee, I petitioned of him by Letters, to assigne me two of the best [ 30] learned Monkes to turne some Doctrines of Christian Faith into the Chaldee Tongue: for I would in writing shew how vndeseruedly the Abassines reckoned the followers of the Romane Faith amongst He∣retikes, and affirmed, that they were worse then Mahumetans: for so they openly said and reported. * 1.7

And because I knew that they had a Booke which they called the Adulterie of the Frankes, made by the Alexandrine Schismatikes, wherein the Chalcedon Councell is reprooued, and many lyes are forged on vs; I desired of the Emperour that I might haue the vse thereof. The Booke hee denyed, the Monkes he granted; which yet when they had begunne to translate the Booke, whether because they had beene so commanded, or else were afraid of any thing, or for some other vnknowne cause, refused to pro∣ceed in the Enterprise: vntill that by the Portugall Captaines intercession, they were commanded to fi∣nish it, assisted therein by a Portugall, an honest man, and well skilled in the Chaldee. When againe, [ 40] I needed another to transcribe in right Characters that which was translated, he was also desired and ob∣tayned of the Emperour. Yet had he scarsly begunne, when the Emperour in a rage sent to reuoke him, and in his name to tell me that I should not stay, but send him the Booke as it was, or surcease such busi∣nes. That the thing therefore might be no longer deferred, nor the Emperor haue any excuse for his sinne, I thought it neeessary to shew him the Booke ill written and blotted, appointing thereto a certaine day, which was the twentieth of August. When that day was come, with the Captaine and seuen or eight other Portugals, I present my selfe before him, and hauing saluted him, shew the cause of my comming. He * 1.8 forbids me to proceed, and diuerting his speech to another matter, warily escheweth all the blowes made at him. Then I letting other things passe offered him the Booke, which beginning to reade, hee conceiued so great fury, that he could not but vtter his concealed Poyson. Thou askedst (said he) of me that thou [ 50] mightest make a Booke wherein to declare the veritie of the Faith, and Monkes to translate it into Chal∣dee, both which I granted. And behold, thou hast done quite otherwise. For neither dost thou explaine the veritie of Faith, but doest ascribe Errours to them which are free from Errors. Thou shouldest also haue knowne how farre this thine Enterprise disagrees with thy condition, which art but a simple Priest. Knowest thou not that these things belong to Bishops, and pertaine only to great Prelates? Why hast thou thrust thy Sickle into anothers Haruest? I confessed my selfe a man of small worth, yet to haue done nothing discrepant with my condition, seeing I had written those things which are plainly contained in the Booke of the Gospels, and in the Holy Councels, and which are to be beleeued of a Christian man. Thou obiectest said he, many Errors to me and mine, wherwith we are not entangled, I determine not of your [ 60] Faith, O Emperour, quoth I, but I am sure your Abassines are erroneous, nor doe I falsly ascribe any thing to them. If it please you to make tryall, you may command your Monkes and most learned men in your Empire to come hither, and I will make it appeare, that they are so ensnared in the Errours there mentioned, as none shall be able to denie. He replyed, that he hated the Quirkes of Disputations, and that it was the custome of Ethnikes to commit their Superstitions to Questions, which Christians, especially

the ancient did altogether forbeare. There had now passed aboue one thousand yeares since they pro∣fessed that Faith: if any part thereof were false, how chanced that in so many yeares none durst doe as I * 1.9 had done? I answered, that God prouoked by bad workes of men often suffered them to fall into euill: that he ought to giue great thankes to God that he sent in the time of his life and Reigne, one to shew the way of the sincere Faith. Then He. The Church of Christ hath beene diuided 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••o f••••re Seas, we are in∣grossed into one of these from the beginning▪ from it right and Lawes 〈…〉〈…〉 now separated. I as∣sent (quoth I) that there were foure Patriarchall S〈…〉〈…〉 from the beg〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Romane by Diuine * 1.10 Statute was preferred before the rest, as the Head Mother, and 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 all. When others haue failed, whosoeuer obey them against the Romane, are Enemies, 〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from their Head. Looke in my Booke, there shall you find the Solutions of all 〈…〉〈…〉 propounded. But take [ 10] diligent heed that the speech of the Prophet, Nolu••t int〈…〉〈…〉 be not applyed to you. After many words on both sides, the Portugall Captaine 〈…〉〈…〉 added at last, that I wrote my Booke to that purpose, that I might know whether his 〈…〉〈…〉, he would obey the Romane Sea, and entertaine those Religious and Learned me•• 〈…〉〈…〉 of Por〈…〉〈…〉 sent him. For if hee would not entertaine and heare them, there was no cause 〈…〉〈…〉 should come to Ethiopia, which sought nothing but the saluation of the Abassines. He 〈…〉〈…〉, that hee had Learned and Religious men in his Kingdomes, and therefore needed not that 〈…〉〈…〉 besent from any other place, neither was it euer in his mind to subiect himselfe or his Countrey to the 〈…〉〈…〉ane Bishop. For that which Gaspar Ma∣gelanes had done in his name with the King of Portugall, was done by the mistaking of an Arabian Monke which translated his Letters and vnderstood ••ot his minde. Once; besides the Alexandrian [ 20] Patriarch, whom alway hee hath obeyed faithfully, he would acknowledge no Superiour in holy things at all. Whereupon, being out of hope to moll••fie his obstinate mind, hauing leaue I departed. When I went away, looking vpon the Portugall Captaine, he highly commended my Learning, saying, that hee much maruelled how beeing so young, I could bee so excellent in knowledge. I learned after that hee read my Booke thorow, and often had it in his hand, and shewed it to his Mother, often to his Brethren, and o∣ther Princes of the Empire.

It was also told me that the Abuna knowing what was in it, forbade the reading thereof with a grie∣uous Curse. Therefore, the second day after a Messenger was sent to him from the Prete, which in his * 1.11 name might aske leaue to reade it, which the Abuna denying, the Emperour in a rage gaue him many reproachfull and contumelious words, called him Heretike and Mahumetane, which read the Alcoran [ 30] of the false Prophet Mahumet, and forbade so holy a Booke, and made by such an Authour to bee read. He added further, that seeing he came into those Abassine parts to performe the Office of an A∣buna and Doctor, he should speedily answere to those things which a simple Priest opposed. The Abuna denyed that hee would enter into any Disputation against me: for he came into Abassia not to dispute, but to giue Orders. Nothing was more common in mens mouthes, and some Countries fauoured our part, others the contrarie: whereupon the Emperour sends for some Monkes in best reputation of Sanctitie and Learning, and commanded them to transcribe my Booke very purely. I was much afraid, lest they would haue left out some things which I knew the Emperour was disgusted eyther to heare or see, as those things which I had written of Pope Leo, and Dioscorus the Patriarke of Alexandria. For the Abas∣sines thinke and say, that Dioscorus was a Saint, Leo a bad Man, whom they so much hate that they [ 40] cannot heare his name without horrour. Also they reiect the Chalcedon Councell for Errour in Faith, and say that it condemned Dioscorus vniustly. Therefore, euer since the time of that Councell (the Decrees whereof they wholly reiect) they haue beene diuided from the Romane Church.

They follow also the Heresie of Sergius Paulus and Pyrrhus, condemned by the sixt Synode at Con∣stantinople, and many other Errours. When the time was come that the Emperour should answere me, as he had promised, I went to the Court, and sent one to signifie to him that I expected an Answere. Whereto he said that his Fathers Ambassadour had beene tenne yeares in Portugall, neither could hee dispatch his Affaires in all that space: it is therefore meete that the Ambassadour of the King of Por∣tugall should patiently waite my Answere. I perceiued whither these things tended, nor did I thinke it fit to stay any longer, but desired leaue to depart into India. He cunningly deferred, as a thing vnmeete, [ 50] that I so great a man should so soone be gone, specially hauing come to treat of Matters so weightie; nor could I spend my time better then in hearing there the Portugals Confessions. But if I were fully resolued to depart, I should yet giue him one monethes space to answere: that being past, if I had no answere, I should dissemble an Answere, and might goe whither I would.

After this, on the fourth day of October, the Emperours Mother sent a Seruant to mee, de∣siring to speake with mee, and to see the Chalice which I had brought from Goa, a thing much magnified amongst them. I went presently with some Portugals, all which shee was willing should enter with me. After a 1.12 a few words, comming to talke of Religion, shee said, Seeing your Faith and ours differ nothing but are one and the same, What needed it I pray, to write any thing thereof, and make a causelesse broyle? Whereto I briefely, Whether your Abassines hold the right Truth you [ 60] may perceiue by my Writings. This I affirme to thee, O Empresse, although you had no other Errour, this one, b 1.13 that you are separated from the Romane Bishop, the Vicar of Christ on Earth, it would bee enough and more, vnto eternall destruction. She answered, that she and her people were subiect to Pe∣ter and Paul, the Apostles, and especially to Christ himselfe. I denyed, that he is subiect to Christ which

is not subiect to his Vicar; when Christ himselfe saith, He which heareth you * 1.14 heareth me, and he which despiseth you, despiseth me. And if it be true which the Euangelist Iohn from the same Lord relateth, that there shall be One Shepheard, and one Sheepefold, whom did she thinke to be that Shepheard? She answered, Saint Peter * 1.15. If said I, Peter be that one Shepheard, the same Office must needs agree to them which in order succeed Peter. She answered, neither I nor mine deny obedience to Saint Peter: We are now in the same Faith wherein we haue beene from the beginning: if that bee not right, why did none admonish vs in so many Ages? Heere I, the Romane Bishop, which is Pastor of the whole Church of Christ, could not in the yeares passed send into Abassia, by reason of the Mahume∣tans stopping vp the passage. But the way by Sea being now open, he is able to doe it. Shee should take knowledge that the Common-wealth of Christ wheresoeuer it is, is one mysticall body, which in Heauen [ 10] hath Christ the Head, in Earth the Vicar of Christ, which is the Head of all Christians. It may not bee doubted, but that members must be subiect to their Head, and to be directed thereby. From the time the Church began till the yeare 488. it was well in Abassia, and all the Patriarchs of Alexandria, but thenceforth they fell to ruine. If they would attaine saluation, they ought againe to conioyne with their lawfull Head, and become one bodie with him: for Christ himselfe had said, That there should be but one Sheepfold in the Church, and one Shepheard: but one body except it were monstrous, could haue but one Head; whereas the body of Christ is most perfect, and free from all filthinesse. So great a worke said she, as that is, to wit, that the rest of the members be ioyned with the Romane Head, belongs no∣thing to me, nor to thee. It is meete, that other Patriarchs congregated with the Romane, should delibe∣rate of so weightie a matter, and decree by their authoritie what is to bee done: For to forsake old Cu∣stomes [ 20] and Rites by priuate counsell, and to vndertake new, is a thing full of danger and offence. I on the other side said, That they were very ancient which the true Faith teacheth, nor haue any noueltie in them, and therefore it did rather take away then giue offence, whatsoeuer is done according to the rule of Faith.

After some other such like things, followeth in the same Epistle of Gonzalus. A few daies after, the Emperor remoued this Camp to a place a daies iourney distant, and we followed him. When we were in a certaine field, three Monkes came to me; one of which was accounted learned, and was very desirous to see and speake with me about Religion. In the beginning of his speech he confessed, that all our things pleased him, but yet he could not approue that we neither obserued the (Saturday) Sabbath, nor abstained from Swines and Hares flesh, vomiting out other venome. For he affirmed, that the soules [ 30] of the iust departing out of this life, although nothing remaine in them to be purged, are not yet present∣ly receiued in Heauen to see God, but are conueyed to earthly Paradice, there to expect the end of the world. That the Holy Ghost proceedeth onely from the Father. That the Sonne is equall to the Father in regard of his humane Nature. That onely Mahumetans and Ethnicks after their death, are cast into Hell, to abide there euerlastingly: but Christians which liue badly are there to be tormented in the fire of Hell, till they purge their sinnes: for all which are signed with the Character of Baptisme, shall at last be saued, and so he construed Christs words, He which shall be beleeue and be baptized, shall be saued. But I so conuinced his errors by reasons and Scriptures, that comming neerer, he acknowledged himselfe satisfied. But lest his Fellowes which were vnlearned should heare, he whispered thus to mee. The things which thou teachest are true, and I will keepe them all in my mind, and so went away. The [ 40] moneth being past, I went to the Emperour, and desired an answer and leaue to depart. Hee answered, I might be gone at my pleasure.

As touching the religious men which King Iohn sends me, when they shall come to Mazua, there shall be some to receiue and conduct them to me, I shall willingly heare them discoursing of the Faith. Then departed I from him and betooke me to my iourney. By the way, I visited some Townes of the Portu∣gals, heard many of their confessions, brought some of them from Concubines to lawfull Wedlocke, their Concubines first (being Abassines in Sect and Nation) instructed in the Romane Doctrine, and reuo∣ked to the Faith. Because the Churches of this Region are consecrated to the holies of Schismatickes, neither haue Altars accommodated to our vses, wee carried an Altar with vs. When I was in one of these Townes, one came thither to salute me, sent from a principall Abbat, which sixe miles off ruled [ 50] two great Monasteries; one of Monkes, the other of Nuns. The name is Beliuanos, or Plurimanes, * 1.16 famous in those parts. For from thence proceeds whatsoeuer is to bee beleeued in all Abassia, because there is thought to bee the rule of Faith, and for that cause the Abbot himselfe is in great honour a∣mongst all. I thought it meete to visite these Monasteries, and went together with the Portugal, my Companions. The Abbot was absent, I briefely viewed the Monasteries. Both they and the Monkes * 1.17 much differ from ours. Each of them hath his owne little house separated from others: hee hath his owne part of ground which he tilleth for himselfe. So are they all diuided in habitation and occupation, that you would thinke you saw not a Monasterie, but a small Village. And although the Monkes dwell on one side, and the Nuns on the other, yet are they not so separated, but that many Children are * 1.18 [ 60] said to be begotten betwixt them. Their Order or Family is neither Franciscan nor Dominican but is called Tecleay Manot. This was the name of the Founder, which with them signifieth. The Pillar of the Faith. He hath great opinion of sanctitie among the Abassines, and is said to haue wrought ma∣ny Miracles. That is the most famous, that hee slue a Serpent, esteemed by the Ethnicks for a God, and conuerted the Ethnicks: first to the Faith of Christ, and after that, many of them to this forme of life. Thus much Gonzalus.

Alfonsus of France a Portugall, which had bene Interpreter betwixt the Emperour and this * 1.19 Gonzalus, did write to Goa to him, touching a discourse twixt the said Emperour and him, tou∣ching the said heresie of Dioscorus, which he had said might bee euinced by holy Scripture, and authoritie of Saints and Councels. If your Scripture, said the Emperour so deemeth of vs, God knowes what ours deemeth of you. I know, quoth I, That the followers of the Romane Faith are esteemed Heretikes of the Abassines, and accounted Nestorians, as if we admitted two persons in Christ, as well as two Natures; for so they had often obiected * 1.20 to me with contu∣mely: and after mention of his yearely re-baptizing, contrary to Saint Pauls saying; One Faith, one Baptisme, he grew very angry, and threatned me with his Sword, but seeing my con∣stancie he departed. He concludes, I thus thinke Gonzales, that this Emperour will more easily end•••••• [ 10] the yoake of Saracens, then of the Romane Bishop.

On the thirtieth of March, 1556. Iohn Nonius Barret, Patriarch of Ethiopia, Andrew Ouie∣do, Bishop of Hierapolis, and other Iesuites sayled from Lisbon to the East. In the way a great * 1.21 Tempest happened, which (saith our Author) by the Patriarchs Prayers was appeased. For taking water in a vessell, and (attired in his holy Vestments) blessing the same, he sprinkling part of it in the Sea, part on the Sailes, Tackling, and other part of the Ship, with a certaine forme of Prayer brought to passe, that the Seas and Winds were quiet. Well; if hee could also haue giuen sound lims to Francis Rodericke, his fellow Ignatian, whose helpe he vsed in hearing the confessions of the Passengers, being a man lame and going on Crouches. So should hee haue freed him from that scoffe of the Moores at Mosambike, that his Arguments could not stand a∣gainst [ 20] Mahomet, himselfe being so lame; nor could they bee right, himselfe being so crooked. He answered well, That their Sect was more deformed then he, and wanted both feete and head too. But the Miracle might haue cured his bodie and their soules, or done good in Abassia, if their miracles were as readie before Infidels, or those whom they call Heretikes, whose curi∣ous eyes may examine them, as before Catholikes, whose credulitie rather makes then findes them. Once, miracles are not for Beleeuers (which must walke by Faith, not by sight) but for Infidels. But let vs leaue their mysticall tales, and come to the Historicall Relation. Hauing stayed a moneth at Mosambike, they proceeded to Goa, where discouraged by Gonzalus his Let∣ters, he aduised with others, which thought it meetest that he should stay at Goa till King Iohn might haue knowledge, and that Ouiedus with some others of the societie, meane while should [ 30] be employed in that Ethiopian businesse. This was put in execution: and Nonius aboade at Goa six years space, which he spent in his daily Massings, Contemplations, hearing Confessions: som∣times visiting the Kitchin (as before) alway mending his owne cloaths when they were torne; sweeping also his Chamber, and the rest of the house, carrying forth the Dust to the place ap∣pointed: often washing Pilgrims feete, and on set daies of Nouices; most obseruant of all the Lawes of the societie, how free soeuer from any Superiour, but the Pope onely. Hee dyed in December, 1562.

Andrew Ouied a Castilian, was appointed by Ignatius, according to the Popes Order, an Adiutor to the former Patriarch whilst hee liued, and his Successour after his death: and was with him consecrated Bishop of Hierapolis, as before is said. His Kitchin and Chamber labours, [ 40] and domesticall other seruices, fetching Water in Earthen Vessels on his shoulder, lying on the ground among Beggers and famous humilities, I omit (not enuying those new-coyned vertues * 1.22 to that new Societie; I hold it much better, they were all busied in the Indian Skulleries and drudgeries, then in European State-affaires. I know bodily exercise is easie to them which loue not their ease, and light to such as delight to be magnified, as hath appeared in Pharisees, Essees, in Baals Priests, Molochs Votaries, Turkish and Ethnicks Regulars; I had not mentioned these things, but that the Iesuits vse to insult and inst••lt so much hereon) I magnifie more both Ouie∣do and others, for whatsoeuer labours vndertaken by the Kings Mission (I quarrell not altoge∣ther the Popes Commission) to reduce strayed soules, as were these of Abassia, whither we now follow him. I am not angry with vertuous designes, neither in Pope nor Iesuite; yea, in such [ 50] things I honour them: neither will I for their sakes thinke worse of that which is a good deede, if not altogether well done, materially commendable, if any way formally defectiue. When they seeke knots in Rushes, and would deforme reformed Christians, let them haue Peters, Get thee behind me Sathan: but in conuerting the Gentiles from peruerse errors, or this Abassia from Iewish, Iacobite, Monothelite heresies, I will a〈…〉〈…〉st them with my Prayers, and applaud their en∣deuours: and say, Flesh and blood hath not taught them this, but the heauenly Father; and if Christ be truly preached, whether vnder a pretence or sincerely, I therein ioy, and will ioy. Let them still com∣passe the world to win Proselites if it be not to compasse the world, and circumuent their con∣uerts; yea, as Moses learned of Iethro to rule Gods people, so I would some of ours in Verginia or else-where, would follow the Iesuites so farre as they follow Christ. [ 60]

In the yeare 1557. on the Ides of Februarie, Ouiedo with fiue other Iesuites, passed from Goa into Ethiopia: Their names were Antonie Fernandes, Andrew Galdanes, Gonzalus Cardosus, Fran∣cis Lopez, Emanuel Fernandes. There were besides some twentie Portugals: they arriued safe at Arcoco. Had they stayed fiue daies longer, they had lost their Voyage, if not themselues.

For on the second of Aprill, the Turkish Admirall with a great Fleete tooke Mazua, (being * 1.23 then in the ayd of the King of Zeila) and Ercoco, also the only Port Towne then left to the Prete, fortifying them in such sort, that all passage to Christians was preuented. Let vs here insert the Letter of Emanuel Fernandez.

ON our Ladie day in March, 1557. we came to Baroa, and the Barnagasso being certified of our * 1.24 comming, came to meet vs, and receiued vs, especially the Bishop, with signification of honour and good will. There was great reioycing of the people to see him, which came with great alacritie to kisse his hand. In that Citie we stayed twentie daies, in which happened the commemoration of our Lords Passi∣on; and the mysteries of that holy weeke, we performed in the most pious manner wee could. On Good-Friday [ 10] we made a pompous Procession (respecting that place) from our Church to theirs. Great was the concourse of people to vs, approuing and applauding the Romane Rites. Wee spent a good deale of time in hearing the Pontugals confessions, and other holies. Many of their Seruants and Children were annointed with Chrisme, and confirmed by the Bishop. The Barnagasso came often to visite him, and he often, but in vaine, exhorted them to the obedience of the Romane Church. The spring comming on, when those parts were in feare of the Turke, we went from Baroa to the Emperour, in which wee spent * 1.25 fiftie daies, euery where meeting some of Portugall race which needed Sacraments. Eight daies before our arriuall at the Emperours Tent, one of his chiefe men was sent to vs to salute the Bishop in his name, and many Mules were brought for carriages. At last came one in the Emperors Name, to charge vs that we should proceed no further without his command, which happened two daies after. When we were a little [ 20] off from the Camp, the Emperour sent word, and we pitched our Tents, and therein aboade that night. The day following about noone, many of the Royall blood, and others of the chiefe Nobilitie, not a few, preciously attired and well mounted, came to vs in our Tents. Two of these were of principall place, to whom was the office committed of conueying the Bishop to the Emperour. Meane while the Emperour with his Mother and Brethren ascended into a high place, whence he might behold vs comming. When we were come, the Prete appointed that we should passe on Horse-backe into the first Court (an honorable courtesie, and differing from the Court custome) and before the entrance of the second Court, wherein was the Tent Royall, we alighted. At the doore of the Tent on both sides were many men, venerable by Nobilitie or age, ranked in goodly order, and leaning on staues. Heere we stayed a while. Then came forth two (Isaac the Barnagasso was one) which with lowly bowing of the whole body, saluted the Bishop, [ 30] and (we attending) led him in to the Emperour. He also shewed no small signes of honour and loue to him at his comming. After that a few words had passed, Ouiedo produced his Letters from the Viceroy, the Patriarch, and others in India, which were presently read in the presence of all. The Em∣perour was not a little disturbed therewith, nor was able to conceale his baokwardnesse to the Romane Church: but warily, and being well affected to the Portugals, he indeuoured as well as he could to hide it, and to seeme well apayed: not so yet, but some euident signes of perfidiousnesse appeared. And al∣though he neuer purposed to relinquish his errors, yet at the first he well entertained the Bispop, and allo∣wed him and his company large maintenance. Nor was there any which in word or deed durst wrong vs, in respect of the Princes fauour. Set aside his profidie, in the whole Abassine Empire, was not a man, whom the Emperour Claudius did not exceede in prudence, magnanimitie, and other royall vertues. He * 1.26 [ 40] was very gentle and affable to the Bishop, and alway gaue him some hope of reclaiming him. When they began to treat of Religion, Ouiedo desired him that he would be present at their disputations with them, which amongst the Abassines were esteemed most learned. He consented and often heard the Bishop ar∣guing matters of Faith with a great troupe of men learned: but in regard of Claudius, all the rest of that faction were mute. He alone both in heat of speaking and eagernesse of victory, surpassed all which he brought into that contention with him, and with such dexteritie of wit did often defend his errors, that he wrought vs some trouble. And although Ouiedo alway got the victorie in dispute, the aduersaries yet (such is the custome of obstinate minds) with laughters and immodest clamors, boasted themselues to haue gotten the better. When therefore the Bishop saw that he preuailed nothing by this course of dispu∣ting, he gathered in writing the erronious opinions of the Abassines, and offered the same confuted by rea∣sons [ 50] and authorities to the Emperors reading. He tooke the same and read it, and as he could, answered in writing to euery thing, stifly auerring, that he would neuer yeeld obedience to the Romane Bishop, nor decline from his Predecessors steps in things of Religion, but would hold that Faith which they held; and therefore in vaine did any mortall man indeuour to make him in any sort to relinquish it. Herewithall he began also to shew some tokens of indignation against the Bishop, and openly to affirme that his presence was distastfull to him. Whereupon lest he might prouoke against him and his the fury of an impotent man, hee thought best to yeeld to the time, and leauing the Emperor, sought to draw others to the truth. Thus farre Emanuel.

But when Claudius heard that many of the Nobles and others, both Plebeians and Monks were by the Bishop and his Companions brought out of their darknesse to light, he was much moued, [ 60] the Abbots especially with complaints incensing him. Whereupon he sent for him, and sharply reproued him, commanding him to treat of the mysteries of Faith with the Portugals, and their Posteritie, but with none of his Abassines. He answering, that he was therefore sent thither, and must obey God rather then Man, what danger soeuer he incurred; so prouoked the Emperor, that

he reuiled him, and forbad him to come any more in his sight: telling him further, that his labour was vaine to impose on him or his the Popes yoake. This was in the yeare 1559. in lanuarie. In Februarie following, the Saracens called Malachales inuaded those parts. On Maunday-Thursday was a battell betwixt them and the Abassines, in which these were put to flight, and * 1.27 the Emperour slaine, his head cut off and sent with Iudibrious triumph to the King of Adel. The Captaine of the Saracens, in acknowledgement that this victorie came from God, alighted off his Horse, and triumphed on an Asse. To Claudius hauing no issue, his brother Adamas Segned•••• succeeded, a man of euill qualities, and a cruell enemy to the Romane Faith. He had beene before taken in warre by the Saracens, and carried into Arabia, where denying Christ hee turned Ma∣humetan, but being redeemed by Claudius, he returned to the Abassine Faith. The Bishop went [ 10] to gratulate his succession, and receiued honourable entertainment. But after that, vpon occasion of Conuerts to the Romane Church, he commanded him to bee brought before him, and sware, that if he proceeded in that kind, it should cost him his life: and then also rent his garment, and laid violent hands on him, at last condemning him to exile with Francis Lopez, in a barren high Mountaine, taking away his Chalice also, to hinder him from saying Masse. There they conti∣nued * 1.28 eight moneths, in Caues, lying on the ground, liuing on wilde herbs: this place also being a receptacle of Robbers, whence they set vpon Passengers. Hence at length he was deliuered by intercession of a Noble woman, which comming thither, saw (they say) a glorious light shining about his person and Mansion. He persecuted also the Abassine Conuerts with death and banish∣ment: fiue of which being cast to the Lions, found the beasts more mild then the Emperour, who [ 20] againe sent Andrew and them into exile: where being in danger of staruing, at Ouiedos prayer (I will not vrge your credit) a Riuer (like Iordan) opened her bowels, and yeelded them a hidden * 1.29 treasurie of Fishes. Againe, he was reuoked, and againe for like reconcilements to Rome exiled, hauing before offered with his own hands to take away his life, his sword (by I know not what miracle) falling out of his hand. In this third exile, he adioyned all the Portugals, and that with∣out their wiues and children. But a conspiracie being set on foot by Isaac Barnagasso, and others, which exalted Betanc Zarcar, illegitimate sonne of the Emperors elder Brother, this made him send for the Portugals from their exile. In the first battell Adamas was ouerthrowne: in the next, he tooke and slue his Corriuall. In the third, another legitimate Brother of Zarcar was set vp, and the Turkes called to help with their Ordnance, which put Adamas to flight. This [ 30] was in the yeare 1562. in the next yeare he died.

The Empire was now rent into diuers factions, some creating the sonne of Adamas Emperor, others that brother of Zarcar, and some looking to other parts. Andrew, which was now Pa∣triarch (Nonius being dead) got him into Tigrai, neere that famous Abbey, called Abba Guarima, and dwelt in Fremona, a small Village, sixteene yeares together, in which he neuer saw Abassine Emperor. For warre had set all things in such combustion, that although he might reduce some Abassines, yet for reconciling that whole State was no opportunitie. Malaseguetus the sonne of Adamas raigned but seuenteene yeares (Barnagasso being dead) the Galae in the meane time, in∣uading, wasting, ouerthrowing and spoiling all in their way, possessing with victorious armes, aboue one hundred Regions or Shires, the greatest part of the Empire in a short space. The Turks [ 40] also from the Sea shoare which they held, made often inroads, slaying and captiuing many. Ouie∣do meane while, was preserued at Fremona.

Sebastian King of Portugall vnderstanding how things were desperate in Abassia, dealt with the Pope to send this Bishop to Iapon, which by Pius the fifth was granted, in the yeare 1556. The Copie hereof he receiued the next yeare from the Iesuites of Goa, but excused himselfe in a Letter to the Pope, alledging the Impossibilitie of getting thence by shipping, the Saracens infesting those Seas. But if fiue hundred Portugall Souldiers were sent thither from India, which wee * 1.30 long (saith he) expect, and earnestly desire and hope in God to obtaine; there will be no doubt, but not onely the Abassine Rebels will come to the obedience of the Romane Church, but many Ethnicke peo∣ple also to the Faith of Christ. For here are in Ethiopia innumerable idolatrous Nations, whom we [ 50] * 1.31 may goe to without crossing any Sea, and easily draw to the Faith. We know for certaine, that many of the Kingdome of Damute (which they say, extendeth from Mosambike to Sofala) haue come to the Emperour, and desired to become Christians, reiected notwithstanding for priuate respects, he desi∣ring rather to haue them Slaues in condition, then in Religion Brethren. There were also three reares since some of the Countrey called Sinari, which sought to make peace with a certaine Prince, the Em∣perours Kinsman, with whom they had warres, and offered themselues both to Tribute and Religion, but repelled by hatred and auarice, exceeding Charitie. There are almost innumerable of the neighbou∣ring Ethnicks, whom the Saracen Merchants buy and sell to the Turkes, which all would giue their names to Christ, if Couetousnesse did not peruert their Princes. Those fiue hundred Portu∣gall Souldiers, before mentioned, might preuent these euils, both with great commoditie to the Portu∣gall [ 60] affaires, and strengthning the Indian power. For if the Turkes (which easily they may) doe first possesse Ethiopia, it is hard to say, how much they may thence endanger the Indian businesse, being furnished in those places with necessaries for shipping, Iron for Armes, prouision for Armies, Slaues for seruice, and the like. That Emperour which persecuted the Romane Faith is dead. His

Sonne which succeeded him is young, in iudgement weake, and in name rather then in power an Emperour. For hee hath the same Aduersaries which conspired against his Father, beeing both Principall in No∣bilitie and the most in number. Whereby all things are so confused, and embroyled with Ciuill Dissen∣tions and Forreigne Warres, that nothing were more to bee wished then some refuge of Peace, which the most know to consist in the Romane Faith. And although the Monkes and many Nobles doe oppugne our Faith, and persecute the Catholikes: yet the Communaltie, so much prompter to truth, as it is lesse tyed with humane respects, doth appooue the Romane Decrees, as doe also of the chiefe men not a few.

We indeauour the Saluation of both by publike and priuate Preachings and Disputations, with Wri∣tings also refelling Writings, not altogether in vaine. For some are conuerted and more would be, but for * 1.32 feare of punishments, an eagre Enemie of the Truth in base minds. This is the cause that in these pla∣ces [ 10] especially, Religion desireth an armed hand, that they which will may come without feare to the Ca∣tholike Tents, and those which haue comne may abide constant. I am of opinion, holy Father, that this Ethiopian businesse is very conducent to the enlarging and splendor of the Catholike Religion, although it be, as other things of weight, intangled with many difficulties. Yea, if I bee not much deceiued, no Expedition can now be offered, which can bring greater ornament to the Romane Church, or greater accesse to the Catholike Affaires. Here where now I am, about two hundred and thirtie Catholikes dwell, diuided in two little Townes, which therefore we haue lately built, that they which before with losse of their goods and greater danger of their soules, wandered like Pilgrimes thorow diuers parts of Ethio∣pia, might haue a fixed Seat, for instruction and Christian Sacraments. Others not a few else-where, waste the oportunitie to come hither, &c. [ 20]

Thus did Ouiedo moue the Pope and the King to suffer him there to abide whiles he liued, still vrging that band of fiue or sixe hundred Portugall Souldiers to be sent thither. In the yeare 1576. when the Abassine Emperour sent a Messenger into India for that purpose, the Patriarch againe writ to the Pope about it, reckoning many Commodities which thence might redound to sta∣blish there the true Faith. His Miracles, in iudgements inflicted on such as tooke away his goods in procuring life and death by his Prayers, in chasing away Grashoppers, &c. I omit. He dyed of the Stone in September, 1577. and was buried at Fremona, where the Abassines, as they vse to Saints, often made recourse to his Graue, and offered Wheate, Frankincense, and other Odours.

And there our Author relates many Miracles to be done, which yet in Iesuiticall Relations of [ 30] remote parts are now no Miracles, nor rarities, they are so common. His fiue Companions Ie∣suites, are by the Iesuite our Authour also much commended for their Apostolicall life. Antho∣nie Fernandez was set ouer the rest, and was the first which passed out of this life: Cardosus the next, slaine by Theeues. Gualdarus was slaine by the Turkes. Lopez liued longest, and dyed in May, 1597. before whose death Melchior Syluius was sent into Abassia, by the Arch-bishoppe of Goa. As for Melchior Carnerus made Bishop at Goa, to succeed Ouiedo in the Patriarchate of Aeshiopia, because he came not there, we haue also excluded him from hence. Anno, 1560. Fulgentius Frerius a Iesuite sent out of India to visit Ouiedo, was taken by the Turkes in the Red Sea, and carried to Cairo: twentie yeares after the same happened to Anthonie Monserrate and * 1.33 Peter Paez Iesuites, which were seuen yeares in Captiuitie. Abraham Georges 1595. sped bet∣ter, [ 40] being taken and martyred for confessing Iesus in Mazua. But hauing a Colledge erected at Diu, P. Paez, Anno 1603. Anthonie Fernandez two yeares after with Fran. An∣thonie de Angelis; Azeuedus and Mangonius 1606. were shipped by Moores at Diu, and carried to Abassia.

§. II.

Description of the Countries, and the seuerall Regions, Religions, and Abassine Opinions.

THat part of Aethiopia, which is vnder or neere to Egypt, is called Abassia, namely, so * 1.34 [ 50] much as is, or in more flourishing Estate of that Empire, hath beene subiect to the Negus; called Priest Iohn, by errour of Couilanus, followed by other Portugals in the first discouerie, applying by mis-conceit through some like occur rents the Rela∣tions in M. Polo and others touching Presbyter Iohn, in the North-east parts of Asia, (therefore called a Priest because he had the Crosse, as the Westerne Archbishops vsed, carryed before him) vnto this King; the Abassines also in Europe, willing by names of neerer sound to confirme that fancie, tending as they supposed, to the credit of their Prin〈…〉〈…〉 On the East it is bounded with the Red Sea from ten to twentie degrees of North Latitude, ending in Suachen, anciently cal∣led Aspix. On the West with high Monntaines rising along, or neerer the Bankes of Nilus: the [ 60] North parts extend as farre as Meroe, the South to Auia, thence reaching to Adel, a Kingdome of Moores, whose chiefe Citie is Ara in nine degrees of North Latitude. The whole circuit is sixe hundred, or after others betwixt seuen and eight hundred leagues. The Name Abassia

seemes deriued from Abases, which Strabo saith is giuen to inhabited places enuironed with Desarts.

Iohn Gabriel, sometimes Generall of the Portugals in Abassia, a man expert in many Lan∣guages, * 1.35 hath written, that the Abassine Empire contayneth by ancient right, sixe and twentie Kingdomes, distributed into fourteene Regions: The first eight lye from Suachen Westward. Ti∣grai containeth seuenteene Tracts or large Shires, each hauing a Lieutenant: the Turkes now * 1.36 possesse the Sea Ports hereof, and the Moores the adioyning Continent, the in-land parts are in∣habited promiscuously by Christians and Heathens, blacke, miserable and deformed within and without, in soule, bodie and state. The next to Tigrai is Dancali, washed on the East by the * 1.37 Red Sea, thence extended Westward in a short and barren Tract of Land, inhabited by Moores, [ 10] tributarie to the Abassine. Angote followeth, the fourth Boa, the fifth Amara, the sixth Leca, all * 1.38 inhabited by Christians. The seuenth, is Abagamedri, very large, contayning seuenteene Tracts, inhabited partly with Christians, partly with Ethnikes, as is also Dambea, hauing only two Tracts. On the other side of Dancali, along the Sea Coast runneth Aucaguerle, inhabited by * 1.39 Moores which acknowledge not the Abassine, abutting on Adel, the chiefe Citie Zeila, some∣times Aualites. Next to it is Dahali, extending towards Mombaza, the Inhabitants partly Christians, partly Mahumetans, tributary to the Negus. Oecie is within Land, partly Mahu∣metane, * 1.40 partly Ethnike, subiect to the Abassine: after which follow Arium, Fatigar, (both Chri∣stians) and Zinger, Ethnike. The sixteenth, is Rozanagum inhabited by Christians, not subiect to * 1.41 the Prete. Hence to the North is Roxa an Ethnike Kingdome, Goma inhabited by Christians and [ 20] Ethnikes obeying the Abassine: towards Monomotapa is Nerea, both Christian and Ethnike, a * 1.42 large Kingdome: Zethe only Ethnike, but subiect to the Emperour: after which are Conche, Ma∣haola, only Ethnike, and Goroma which hath twentie Tracts of Christians and Gentiles, almost * 1.43 made an Iland by Nilus encompassing, able by the fertilitie to nourish diuers Armies (which al∣most continually infest it for that cause) the Sowers following the Reapers without other Til∣lage. The three last Kingdomes lye towards Egypt, to wit, Damote, Sua, Iasculum: Sua, the heart and sometime Chiefe Seat of the Empire: Iasculum extends to Cairo, inhabited by Ma∣humetanes, yearely euery Lent trauelled by Pilgrims to Ierusalem, going in Companies out of Dambea.

The names of the Prouinces are Dubane, Xuncho: Daraita, Bora, Calaoa, Aga; (these three are [ 30] inhabited by Christians in name, otherwise Ethnikes, the first of the former by Ethnikes, the next Saracens; the third Christians) Arima, Arbum, Xancala, Xanc••ra, Suggamo, Berga••••, A∣ris (which is on the other side of Nilus) Euara. Of all these Kingdomes, besides Tigrai, Aba∣gamedri, Goroma, and Dambea, scarcely any is subiect to the Abassine.

The same Gabriel recordeth foure principall Riuers in this Abassine Aethiopia, and as many huge Lakes. The first Riuer is Taucea, running from the South to the North, but intrapped and * 1.44 drunke vp of the thirstie sands before it can pay Tribute to the Sea. It hath neighbouring Moun∣taines of admirable height, almost inaccessible passage, and fortified scite, inhabited by Iewes, still obseruing the Mosaicall Ceremonies, dreadfull to the adioyning people. The second Riuer is Oara, running into the Sea of Zeila, richer in waterie treasures then Nilus: but such is the [ 40] Abassine Superstition, that they refuse to drinke of his pleasant waters, because it watereth in the passage the Regions of Mahumetans. (And is not some mens fancie of like phrenzie with vs, which refuse our Churches for the liuing, Church-yards for their dead; and others not so sicke, our Ceremonies and Rites, for a Popish passage, bee their Antiquitie, Innocencie, and seeming profitablenesse neuer so plausible, and nothing lesse then Popish?) The third Riuer is Gabea, * 1.45 which runnes towards Mombaza, and the fourth Nilus. The first Lake, is Aicha in Angote: the second is Dambeabahar, that is, the Sea of Dambea, not farre from Gubbai, where now is the Emperours Court, if at any time he leaues his Tents for the Citie: it is about threescore miles long, and fiue and twentie broad, admitting Nilus on one side. It hath many Fishes, Riuer-hor∣ses, which endanger Sailers; and hath many small Ilands therein to which Traytors are confi∣ned. [ 50] The third Lake is Zella, in Oecie, the fourth not farre thence Xacala. Antonie Fernandez a Iesuite, in a Letter dated 1610. attributes fortie Prouinces to Abassia, but in substance agreeth * 1.46 with Gabriel, whose Tracts are as huge as the others Prouinces.

THe same Fernandez addeth, that the Abassine soile is for the most part hollow and full of deepe openings. In the midst of the Champaigne Plaines in many places out of the hard * 1.47 Rocke arise Rockie Hils, which in times of warre serue them for Fortresses. The whole Coun∣trey abounds with veines of Metall and Metall-medicines: but the Inhabitants partly by igno∣rance, and partly for feare of the Turkes Inuasion, if such things should bee knowne, suffer them to lye hidden in the Earth. Only they make vse of so much Iron as they find vpon the face of [ 60] the Earth without digging. Of Plants and Trees is great varietie: but fruits not so pleasant as in Europe. One yet there is very vsefull for the Wormes which breed in them by eating raw flesh, which would gnaw thorow their entrailes, if they did not preuent that euill with * 1.48 monethly purgations by this Fruit, which both kils the Wormes and emptieth the belly. Pea∣ches,

Pomegranates, Indian Figs, Oranges, and Vines are there seene, but rare and few. Hares, Goats, Harts, Bores, Elephants, Camels, Buffals, Lions, Panthers, Tigres, Rhinocerotes, and other Creatures are there seene, and one so huge that a man sitting on Horse-backe, may passe * 1.49 vpright vnder his belly: his shape is like a Camell, but his nature diuers, feeding on leaues which he reacheth from the tops of Trees with his necke stretched forth. There are many Riuers and Lakes, in all which are Riuer-horses innumerable very hurtfull to their Corne: of great bodies, and a mouth so wide that they can gape a Cubit and halfe. By night they goe out of the waters * 1.50 into the fields to feed; for they liue on Herbs: and if the Husbandmen watch not well, in one night they will destroy their Corne. In the water they are very bold, and assaile men like fierce Dogges, and cruelly teare those which they get. They are so afraid of fire that a little Boy hol∣ding [ 10] a lighted Torch, may scarre away many thousands of them. There are some which hunt * 1.51 and kill them for their flesh, which differeth little from Beefe. In these Riuers and Lakes is al∣so found the Torpedo, which if any man hold in his hand, if it stirre not, it doth produce no ef∣fect: but if it moue it selfe neuer so little, it so tormenteth the bodie of him which holds it, that his Arteries, Ioints, Sinewes, & all his Members feele exceeding paine with a certaine num∣nesse: and as soone as it is let go out of the hand, all that paine and numnesse is also gone. The Superstitious Abassines beleeue that it is good to expell Deuils out of humane bodies, as if it did torment Spirits no lesse then men. They say, if one of these aliue bee laid amongst dead Fi∣shes, if it there stirre it selfe, it makes those which it toucheth to stirre as if they were aliue. There is great store of this kind in Nilus, in the furthest parts of Goyama, where there is a Meere [ 20] or Fenne a 1.52 without bottome, welling and admirably boyling forth waters continually, whence Nilus springeth. It ariseth small and first for a dayes iourney and halfe trendeth Eastward. Then it enters into a Lake as great as any imagined to bee in the World, running thorow the midst thereof with a swift course, flying all mixture of waters, and throwes it selfe from very high Rockes, whence hauing gotten freer scope, it expatiates it selfe a while, and shortly is as it were swallowed vp in deepe yauning Gulfes of the Earth, and so straitned, that in some places a man may stride ouer it. But after it hath passed fiue dayes to the East; it bends backe its course to the West, and sometimes greater, sometimes lesse, according to the Season, passeth towards Egypt. The Abassines report, that it is no hard thing to turne the Riuers course some other way, and to sterue Egypt, which I scarsly beleeue. [ 30]

The Abassine Aire is most part warme and temperate, but in low Land is exceeding hote, and somewhat vnwholsome. Their Winter is from the end of May to the beginning of September; and then it beginneth in the Red Sea. I haue found by experience, that this Sea from the change of the Moone to the Full, fourteene dayes together flowes in, and as many through the whole Wane ebbeth or runneth out. In Winter it raineth almost euery day in these parts, alway after∣noone, and not without Thunder. From this Kingdome of Dambea where we liue, both Poles are seene, but Antarctike the higher. Neere it are many Stars in forme of a Crosse, whence it hath that name. In this Tract of Heauen appeareth a certaine spot like a Cloud: we suppose it a part more thinne then others not starred: let Philosophers examine. About this spot many Starres shine lesse then those which adorne the other Pole. The yeare beginneth heere with the [ 40] Spring on the first of September. Their yeare h••th twelue monethes, each of them thirtie dayes, and those which remayne from August to September, are reckoned by themselues. The A∣bassines no way more expresse their ioy and iollitie then by eating and drinking: and easily on Holy dayes they come to the Churches, which vsually are compassed with Trees for shade, where are many Vessels set full of their Wine, which after Seruice ended, they sucke in so vn∣measurably, that first Drunkennesse and then Brabbles, and lastly Frayes vsually follow. They make Wine of Honey tempered with Opium, both pleasant and profitable taken moderately.

Wine of Vines is rare, and for their Masse in Vintage time they vse Must, at other times Wine of Raysins. Peter Paez a Iesuite writ, that Anno 1604. hee was with the Emperour who desired him to say Masse, which hee could not for want of Wine, which no where could [ 50] be gotten.

At what time Rodericke Lima entred Abassia, Dauid * 1.53 reigned, and after hee had held the Empire thirtie sixe yeares, his Sonne Claudius succeeded: who in the yeare 1559. was slaine, hauing ruled almost twentie yeares. His Brother Adamas succeeded called also Mena, and reigned foure yeares dying in the yeare 1563. Sarsa Dengel succeeded, who leauing his former name, would be called Malac Seguetus, and died, Anno 1596. His Sonne Iames succeeded, a childe, which after seuen yeares was taken by his Subiects, depriued and sent into the King∣dome of Nerea, a certaine Cousin German of his vsurping the Scepter, which he scarsly held a yeare, being slaine by his Subiects, Anno 1604. Iames was restored, and in the second yeare after [ 60] expelled and slaine in battell by another of his Vncles Sonnes, call 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sacinus: Paez calls him Sa∣sinozius.

ANtonius Fernandez thus writeth of their apparell. The richer sort buy Garments of the Sara∣cens, and clothe themselues in their fashions. The rest both men and women couer their bodies

either with a Skinne or Pelt, or with a course Hempen cloth without other arte then the Weauers. When they doe reuerence to any, they put off this Cloth from the shoulders to the nauiil, remayning halfe naked. They let their haire grow, and that serues them for a Hat and Head-ttyre. For finer brauerie they curle and anoint their haire with Butter, which shewes in the Sun like Grasse in the morning dew. Lest their locks and curles should be disordered, when they goe to bed, each one pitcheth a Forke or Cratch a foote high * 1.54 in the ground, betwixt the hornes whereof hee reposeth his necke, and sleepeth with his head hanging. They vse to brand markes in their bodies, especially in the face. And on their little fingers they suffer the * 1.55 nailes to grow as long as they will, like Cockes spurres, which also they sometimes cut from Cockes, and sit to their fingers. They colour their hands and feet (which are bare) with the iuyce of a reddish barke. They vsually are artlesse and lazie, neglecting hunting and fishing, and whereas W••oll, [ 10] Hempe and Cotton might easily be had, yet the vulgar are clothed with vndressed Pelts, each wearing a Rammes Skinne tyed to his hands and feet. They lye on Oxe-hides without Quilts or Mattresses: * 1.56 for Tables they vse great bowles of wood, rudely hollowed, without any Naperie. Vessels they haue of blacke Chalke. Few but Saracens vse Merchandize and in few places: most exercise Husbandrie, the Gentry follow Armes and the Court. They haue no great Cities, but Villages vnwalled and vnfortified. Their greatest Towne hath scarsly one thousand sixe hundred Houses. Their Houses are small, without * 1.57 elegance, without storie, almost without arte, round and couered with Earth and Straw. They write no Letters, nor vse Records in Iudgements, or other Writings, but in their holy things, and Officers of Ac∣compts for the King.

They vse no Dirges or Deuotions for the dead. They vse Pictures, but not carued nor grauen [ 20] Images. They paint Christ, the Blessed Virgin and other Saints in blacke forme, as Deuils and wicked men in white: so they paint Christ and his Apostles at the Maundie blacke, and Iudas white; Christ in his Passion blacke, Annas, Caiphas, Pilate, Herod, and the Iewes white: Michael blacke and the Deuill white. Their fasting is rigorous not freeing the Sicke. Some Religious men abstaine wholly from flesh, which is no easie thing farre from the Sea, where they haue few fishes. They fast Wednesdayes and Fridayes, not tasting ought till night, then eating Herbes * 1.58 without Oyle (which they haue not) or Butter, and Bread with Apples.

Their Temples are round and encompassed with a double porch, they neither walke, nor talk, nor spit, nor sit, nor laugh in the Church: nor admit Dogges or other Domesticke creatures into the Church-yard. Horsemen a light and walke on foot before the Church as they passe. The great [ 30] Altar is in the midst, Curtaines being drawne betwixt the doore and it from one side of the Church to the other, wherein none not in Orders may enter: without may Lay-men stand, which haue Crutches to support them if they be sicke or old. Some Churches are only for men, others only for women: in small Villages they are common to both, but with seuerall Diuisions that they may not see each other.

Ludouicus Azeuedius in his Letter 1607. saith, that they confesse not the number and kinds of their sinnes, but only say in generall, I haue sinned, I haue sinned. They vse not Confirmati∣on, nor Extreme Vnction, nor the Communion-Uiaticum.

ANtonie Fernandez, 1606. writeth, that in Dembea where hee then was in the Citie of Gorgorra, some receiued the Romane Faith, others refused: that the Emperour that yeare [ 40] * 1.59 writ to the Pope to send thither some Patriarch, and to the King of Spaine for Portugall Forces, to reduce his Empire to the Faith, to which the Princes and Grandes opposed, and must by Armes be forced; but hee feared notwithstanding the mutable inconstancie of the Abassines, which care little to hold promise. God open their eyes: of twentie parts of the Empire, se∣uenteene are almost gone. The next yeare he writeth; we are here fiue Priests of the Societie, some of vs attend the Emperours Campe, to conserue and encrease our Catholike number. Ma∣ny commend our Doctrine, but are afraid to professe it. They obserue Iewish Circumcision, Sab∣baths, abstinence from the flesh which is to the Iewes vncleane, and from Fish without Finnes, and though they confesse them forbidden by Gods word, yet will they not forsake them. Fol∣lowing [ 50] the Emperour, I take view of great part of the Ethiopian Continent. Touching their Rebaptisations, and tradition of Soules from humane seed, and equalitie of Christs humane Nature with the Diuine, with other Abassine errors, I haue had often conflicts with their lear∣ned men, which yeilded to other things easily: but in the two last opinions were obstinate. They call Dioscorus, Blessed, condemne Leo with the Chalcedon Councell, with many reproches, and Father on him many lies touching the Natures and operations of Christ. They hold also, that God doth effect nothing besides the Consecration of things and Miracles when they are done, and thence gather that the Soule is produced of Seed. They circumcise not onely Males, but with a peculiar Rite Females also. Yearely on Twelfth day they renew Baptisme: Aposta∣tas returning from Mahumetanisme, are also rebaptized, and likewise they which haue commit∣ted [ 60] some erroneous crime, or haue married, or haue entred into any Religious Family. On the otherside, they are so rigorous to Infants, that before their appointed day they die without Baptisme. They come to the Eucharist without Contrition or Confession, euen the most wic∣ked amongst them. They dissolue Marriages when they list: before the day of Iudgement they

say, that neither the Soules of the Blessed are in Heauen, nor of the wicked in Hell: Purgatorie they deny, and the Spirits proceeding from the Sonne. These errors are common to all; some are peculiar to some of them, new Heresies daily springing vp without danger as euery man listeth.

In his Letters, 1609. In this Ethiopian Empire, euery man liueth in manner in Armes, nor is the Emperours life more quiet then of other men. For euery yeare, Winter being scarsly past, himselfe in person and his Captaines, renew the Warres, sometimes against Rebels, sometimes against neighbouring enemies. It cannot be vttered what confusions haue happened these two last yeares. As soone as the present Emperour began his reigne, three or foure chiefe men vsur∣ping * 1.60 the Royall name, rebelled against him, but were vanquished in battaile. This very yeare, [ 10] the second of his reigne, as many as haue attempted the same and comne into the field. Neither of long time haue things bin quieter. We are also constrained to waue vp and downe with these stormes; sometimes flying to the Mountaines, sometimes hiding our selues in secret Caues, som∣times we pierce thicke Woods, and vnpassable places, and suffer innumerable euils, which wee could more patiently endure, if we could gather any haruest to offer to God. This very yeare, when the Emperour was gone against a Rebell, suddaine newes came to the Campe, that the Galae (a sauage Nation of Cafres, begotten of Deuils, as the vulgar report) were at hand. It is a * 1.61 hundred yeares since these passed from the fields and woods, where they liued by keeping Cat∣tell, and shaking off the Ethiopian yoake, haue attained such power, that they possesse about the twelfth part of Ethiopia, and are a terrour to all. The Emperour went against them, but was [ 20] ouerthrowne, to the ruine well-neere of the whole Empire. I sought to comfort him as well as I could, but he gathering his forces, suddainely rushed on the Conquerours, and recouered his losse.

One Iuan de Baltasar, a pretended Abassine, and Knight of the Militarie Order of Saint Antonie, hath written a Booke in Spanish of that Order, founded (as he saith) by the Prete Iohn, in the daies of Saint Basil, with rules receiued from him, aboue seuen hundred yeares before any Militarie Order was in the world. I know not whether his Booke (which I haue by me) hath more lies or lines, a man of a leaden braine and brazen face; seconded, if not exceeded by the Morall, Naturall, and Politicall Historie of Ethiopia, the worke of his Scholler Luys d'Ur∣reta, a Spanish Frier and lyer; The said Godignus euery where through his first Booke confutes [ 30] him, it is more then enough that wee haue named such more then Vtopian, such Legendarie fore-heads: and though we will not blot Paper with mention of their assertions, yet haue their ouerflowing commendations of the Ethiopian Faith, and admiration of their State, made thus many Witnesses to be mustered, sometimes repeating the same things, by more abundant allega∣tions to signifie and prooue the truth. We will further trouble the Reader with some extracts of Peter Paez, chiefe of the Iesuites in those parts. For Melchior Sylnius a Priest of Goa, sent into Abassia, consulting with the Abassine Portugals, which way any Iesuite might be sent thi∣ther, was answered, that the Port of Bailur ouer against Moha, was freest of danger, which * 1.62 Paez seeking to doe, by the Monson was preuented, and the next yeare by a Turke, Seruant of the Captaine of Suachen, trading at Diu, named Rezoam Aga, was in Armenian habite thi∣ther [ 40] conueyed. His iourney himselfe hath written in a Letter to the Iesuites at Goa, the foure and twentieth of Iuly, 1603.

THE two and twentieth of March we set Saile, Rezoam Aga sent me of his prouision twice a day, * 1.63 and landing at Mazua, procured me fauour of the Gouernour, with licence to goe whether I would into Ethiopia or Cairo. I thanked him, and said, That I would goe to acertaine Towne to see whether my Kinsman being dead, I might succeed in the Inheritance. The Banean Saranga or Captaine of the ship had receiued charge of the owner touching me, and sent two Saracens with mee, with whom and fiue Christians of Abassia, I departed on the fift of May. I went in a vile ragged habite for feare of Theeues, which there vse to rob and kill, which so freed our Company, that as wee went by night none [ 50] spake but whisperingly. Neere morning wee thought to haue slept, but a Lyon terryfied vs, within eight paces of me, but with our showting he departed. The next day we passed high and cragged Hils, for feare of Theeues, and came at night to a Village of Saracens. On Holy-Thursday, we came to certaine Chri∣stian Herd-men, which supposing mee a Turke, fled, but learning that I was a Priest, kissed my hands with ioy, and refreshed vs with store of Milke in vessels of Straw, which they set on burning stones to heate. Bread they had none, and was, they said, a rare thing to them, and farre brought. Their wiues which had hid themselues, came the next day to intreat my blessing, some kissing my hands, others fal∣ling at my feete. We went thence ouer rough Mountaines, troubled also with raine, the way not aboue three foote broad, on both sides so steepe, that I durst not looke downe for feare of giddinesse. Blind al∣most * 1.64 and wearie, we came at last to the top, and found a plainer path, (for I had not beene able to haue [ 60] descended the like) and a Towne of Christians which brought vs their Bookes and Crosses. Here wee were inuited to a poore Cottage, which yet was in good season for vs, a violent raine following, which else had oppressed vs. On the tenth of May we came to Barua, where all my Company left me, but one Sa∣racen and a Christian. Another Saracen which dwelt here sent mee a Hen, but the Christian which

was with me gat him away, because the Abassines (forsooth) eate not any thing killed by a Turke: and * 1.65 I for feare of offence, sent it backe with thankes to the sender, eating dry Bisket brought from Diu, without any other things, though faint. Neither would the Gold I had doe me any seruice heere to buy prouision, their currant Money being stones of Salt. The Bread of my Companions was halfe baked Dough, of round forme, which they bake with putting a hot stone into the Dough, and rolling it, cast it into the fire, so that the out-side is scorched, the in-side vnbaked. This they carried in their Budgets, but my stomacke could not beare it. Hither on the eleueth of May, came Iohn Gabriel, the Captaine of the Portugals, hauing receiued my Letters from Mazua, with other Portugals. To giue mee better enter∣tainment, they killed a Sheepe, which I tasted not, they eating it a little scorched and halfe raw, after the Countrey custome. Here I had a Mule, and we trauelled twentie together, yet not without feare of [ 10] * 1.66 Theeues, the raine also towards euening daily molesting vs (and we were forced to lye in the open fields) heat also exceeding in the ascent of an exceeding Mountaine, and as exceeding cold on the top. On the fifteenth of May, we came to Fremona, where Ouiedo and others of our Fathers were buried in the chiefe Church of the Portugals. We were receiued with great deuotion of the people. I went to the Pa∣triarchs house, which is round as an Apple and couered with straw, as are all which we haue yet seene in Ethiopia, (all of Earth, and round, little, without distinct roomes; except those of the King and great men which haue seuerall roomes, but yet of Earth and Thatched.) The Patriarchs house was * 1.67 twentie palmes or spans ouer. Heere were Melchior Syluius his things, which had carried with him the holy Uestments. Sunday following being Whitsunday, I celebrated a dry Masse and preached. Many came to Confession. The Portugall Captaine was sent for to the Court by the new Emperour, to [ 20] * 1.68 whom I writ, who by writing welcomed me, and licensed me to goe to him, which I purpose at the end of September, which is the end of Winter: for of him depend all the Priests, and all will be Catholikes if * 1.69 he command, as well Clergie as Laitie. The Emperours name is Malac Sequed, aged fifteene yeares. On the last of Iune, Syluius returned from a worse iourney then that of ours, more craggie and rough, of twentie daies, which hee goeth twise in the yeare to Nanina, to the Catholikes there. I send your Worships the head of the holy Patriarch, although not whole, hauing bene often digged vp: I adde three * 1.70 pieces of the skull, and the iaw with eight teeth. On the other side, send you me, I pray, some Image of the blessed Virgines Conception, of fiue or sixe spannes, for the seruice of this Temple wanting an Image. I haue placed the head of Father Francis Lopes in my Bolster, being yet hairy, for my more vine memo∣rie of his life, which what it was you shall receiue by our informations, as also of Father Abraham, of [ 30] whom you haue heard no fame, &c.

While Paez remained at Fremona, hee translated the Catechisme into the Amaran tongue (which is therc counted the most elegant) and made the Children learne it by heart. In this yeere 1603. great misery happened by Grasse-hoppers, from which, Paez freed the Catholikes, by Letanies and sprinkling the Fields with Holy-water; when as the Fields of Heretikes, * 1.71 seuered onely by a Ditch, were spoyled by them. Yea, a Heretike vsing this sacred sprinkling, preserued his Corne, which to a Catholike neglecting in one Field, was lost, and preserued in another by that coniured aspersion (so neere of kinne are these Locusts to the Deuill, which is said * 1.72 to hate Holy-water, or else make a quaere for other Locusts, worse then the Aegyptian mentioned Apoc. 9.) About the end of September, when hee had thouhht to haue gone to the [ 40] Court, newes came, that the Emperours Sisters Husband conspired against him, and impriso∣ned him, alleadging that he was no Christian, because one of his Guard was an Ethnick, and that his Father was not the King, but one Batius a vulgar person. He being produced and thus accused, stood mute; because (said hee) his Subiects presumed to iudge their Soueraigne: Hee was sent into close keeping to Damijeta.

The Viceroy of Tigras passing by, Paez went to salute him: who willed him to sit downe on his Carpet, when all the rest stood; and asked why the Portugals did not now as in time past, frequent the Red Sea; whether they were afraide of the Turkes. Hee answered, that Turkes rather feared the Portugals, and fled into the Countrey when they aproached the Coast: but this was the true reason that all the ships of India came thither out of Portugall Ports, and most of [ 50] their goods appertained to the Portugals.

He went to the Monasterie Conegorum, where he saw their Church, the Altar inuironed with a threefold Curtaine, reaching to the wall on both sides, sometime couered with stone, now with straw, the Saracens hauing spoyled the former, and therefore darke: they shewed him a Crucifixe painted on a Linnen cloth, as a precious thing, yet artlesly wrought. They set him on a Carpet, themselues and the Portugals sitting on the ground. Ouer against the doore, were ten faire stones, in the midst whereof, they say, the Emperour is inaugurated. A little further are thirteene stones in Pyramide fashion, the greatest whereof is twelue spannes broade, and a∣bout sixtie high, with much workemanship, the matter admirable whence it could bee brought hither. The Viceroy forbade his Iudges to meddle with the Towne of Catholikes, and ap∣pointed [ 60] Paez their Iudge. The Gallae did much mischiefe at this time, and flew the King of Narea, tributary to the Abassine, whom also they assaulted, but were ouerthrowne. After this, * 1.73 the King sent for Paez, who was brought to the King, sitting on a high Throne, and kissed his hand, being bidden also to be couered, and to sit on the Carpet. After this, followed another

day; a dispute about abolishing the legall Rites, two wills in Christ, and Purgatorie, all which, they denie. The King was desirous to see their Masse, but for want of Wine, he could performe * 1.74 onely a dry Office; for which, the King caused a great Tent to bee erected, and in it, another lesse for his Throne: the Iesuite preached with great aplause; whom the Empresse also desiring to heare, when the Emperour saw him standing, hee arose from his Throne, and inuited him to make his Sermon out of it, himselfe sitting on the Foot-stoole. Another time, when in confe∣rence, Paez called himselfe the Emperours Subiect; no, said hee, my Father and King: and gaue great hopes of the conuersion of that Nation, which were dashed by his death, which Paez signified in his Letter, the thirtieth of Iuly, 1605. Namely, that Zezelazeus, whom the Em∣perour had deliuered from exile, and exalted, had conspired together with Eras Athanatheus, [ 10] (the next to the Emperor) who yet made faire shew, and bound himselfe after the Alassine man∣ner, in the bond of excommunication, to fidelitie and loyaltie, which yet he kept not. Zezelazeus * 1.75 gathered great forces, alleadging against the Emperous, that he forsooke his Religion, and imbra∣braced the Portugall and Romane; and therefore all that were zealous, ought to take armes against him. This made some sweare to kill all the Portugals, and the Iesuite especially. Before the battell, he wished him present to confesse himselfe to him. In the battell, Anahel which before had forsoken him, returned to his Part with his Sonne: but hee suspecting him; False Traitor thou wentest, said he, and so thou returnest, withall, killing him, which his sonne seeing ranne the Emperour thorow the necke, and thrust him off his Horse, whom Zezelazeus and the Sa∣rac••••s dispatched. Three daies hee lay dead in the field, naked and subiect to contumelies, and [ 20] after that, meanely buried.

Paez was all this while in Goyame, whence he was sent for by the Empresse, and kindly en∣tertained. Sazinosius by election succeeded in the Empire foure Moneths, then forsaken, and Iames restored out of his Narean imprisonment and exile, passing thorow the Galle's Countrey * 1.76 with great hazard. In the yeere 1607. Sazinosius ouercame him in battell, neither was Iames a∣ny more seene. This Sazinosius was a man of singular arts and parts for warre and peace, mu∣nificent and faithfull, aged fiue and thirty yeeres, affected to the Romane faith. A yeere and halfe he had to doe with Rebels, same affecting Soueraignty, which hee brought to Subiection. Much adoe he had also with the Gallae (which came to subdue the Agai, which are white Chri∣stians, * 1.77 to sell them to the Saracens) whom in foure battels he ouerthrew. After this, followed [ 30] another rebellion, with successe like to the former. Hee sent Zezelazeus prisoner into the Kingdome of Goroma, whence he escaped and was slaine of the Pesants. He sought to vnite the Abassine Church with the Romane, and writ to the Pope and the King of Spaine. His Letters to the Pope are these.

THE Letters of Malasegued the Abassine Emperour, let come to the holy Father Bishop of Rome, * 1.78 with the peace of Iesus Christ, which hath loued vs, and washed vs from our sinnes in his bloud, and made vs a Kingdome and Priests to God and the Father. This peace bee with your Holinesse, and the whole Church of Christ, &c. Such is the spoile and ruine of our Empire by warres past, that although we haue subdued some Rebels, yet are there others more puissant abroad, the Ethnick Galae, which haue subiected no small part of the Kingdome, and daily m••••est vs with new incursions, misera∣bly [ 40] vexing old and young: which their rage cannot in seeming be repressed without the ayd of the King of Portugall. Wherefore we intreat him to send vs ayde as his Ancestors did to our Progenitors. And that my Petition may haue more weight, I thought good to 〈…〉〈…〉e to your Holinesse, the Pastor and Father of all the faithfull, to signifie so much to our Brother, &c. October 14, 1607. The like he writ to the King of Spaine, Decemb. 10. as also did Eras Athanathens.

The Iesuites there giue their Ag〈…〉〈…〉 Deis, Graines, &c. The Abassines weare Amulets of words of the Gospell, hanging about their necks. Amongst other Rebels which arose in Armes against Sazinosius, was not one farre from Fremona, which had beene an Anchoret, or Hermite * 1.79 in a Wildernesse twentie yeares, not putting off yet his ambition of a Scepter. He had theeues to associate him, of which there are plentie. But I haue almost beene robbed of discretion, and [ 50] seeme to haue robbed my Readers patience to wilder, and while him so long in this miserable Abassia.

An Armenian his report of SVSSINVS, the Emperour of the Abaxins, by vs vulgarly called PRESTER IOHN, who came from the said Emperours Court twelue daies since.

FIrst, from Dealeque to the Kings Court, called Dombia, (a very great Citie) is fiue and [ 60] twentie daies iourney by Carrauan; heere goeth from thence yearely ten Carrauans, where∣of eight are great. The Commodities they carrie, are all kind of Indian cloathing, and likewise of our English Commodities, (Broad-cloath, Kerseys, Lead, Tinne; likewise, Veluets, Da∣maskes,

Sattens, Taffitaes, and all other sorts of Silke Stuffes. Their measure is about halfe a yard; Cloath, which is worth in Moha foure Rials of eight, is there worth eight Rials. The price of Kerseyes, is halfe the price of Broad-cloath: The Colours they most desire, are Reds, Greens, Violets, Murreys, and other light Colours: Yellowes in no esteeme, nor Blacks.

Veluets of China of all sorts are worth ten Rials of eight the halfe yard. Veluets of Italy are much more worth: but not so profitable to the Merchants, because they are much deerer. Sattens of Florence are worth ten Rials; Damaskes of the better sort, worth eight or ten Ri∣als. Taffitaes three Rials; all colours well sold, excepting Yellowes and Blackes.

Ciuet, great quantitie is to be had, the price is three Wakias, (which is neere vpon foure * 1.80 ounces English, for fiue Rials of eight. Elephants teeth, the Bahar, worth thirtie Rials, [ 10] The Bahar is three hundred and sixtie Rottollies of Moha. Waxe one hundred Rottollies, worth one Riall of eight. Gold the Rottolly, worth sixtie Rials, the Rottolly is neere vpon sixteene ounces and a halfe. Lead and Tinne in great request. Tinne worth the Rottolly, one Rial, Lead much more worth, because the Turk wil not suffer any to be carried into his Country.

Bezar-stones many are to be had, and little worth: here are many Beasts with one horne in their fore-head like a Vnicorne; which horne, they say, is good against poyson. There are of them which weigh eight pound, some seuen, foure, and three pound: the greatest and fairest, worth some foure Rials the piece, and those of a lesser sort worth lesse: among the Turkes and Moores in Arabia, euery pound is worth one Riall of eight.

From Grancairo there goeth in August a great Carrauan, and likewise another in Nouem∣ber. [ 20] The Commodities they carrie from thence, are Broad-cloaths, Kerseyes, Veluets, Sat∣tens, Damaskes, and all sorts of Silkes. From Cayro to Dombia is fiftie daies trauell by Carrauan.

First, he sits on a gilt Bed-sted like those of China, and there commeth great troops of men * 1.81 daily to salute him; some daies two thousand, some daies more, some daies lesse; but Friday being their day of Fast, there commeth a farre greater quantitie.

[illustration] map of Asia

HONDIVS his Map of Asia.

Notes

• * 1.1

  P. ••ar. Thesa••∣rus rer. I••d. l. 3. De Abassinorum reb. N. God. lib. tres.
• * 1.2

  God. l. 2. c. 14. & seq.
• * 1.3

  Gradeus.
• * 1.4

  Peter an Abas∣sine.
• * 1.5

  Peter Faber.
• * 1.6

  Iesuiticall hu∣militie vn∣knowne to Prophets and Apostles, Of∣fices Ecclesia∣sticall are cal∣led Orders, holy Orders: God is a God of Or∣der, Ord••, saith Saint Aug. est parium impariumque rerum sua suique locatribuens dispositio. Saint Paul bids men walke in their calling, and forbids inordinatenesse. Babylon hath name of Confusion. And what inordinate Confusion, how confused Orders are a Patriarch-Scullion, a Bishoppe continuall Coqui adiutor? &c. Euen as hee which stiles himselfe a Seruant of Seruants, and a Bishop, and makes himselfe King of Kings, yea, Deposer and Translator. Christ once washed his Disciples feet, yet did not the Apostles ordinarily doe it, but had [ 60] their Widowes for this seruice. Let Francis and Ignatius with their followers, be Examples of lowsie lowlinesse, and scullerie humi∣litie. To mee hee is humble, which beareth patiently what God sends and doth not send for phantasticke crosses; which breakes not his ranke to seeke Enemies, but valiantly holds and fights in his owne file and standing; which denies himselfe to obey God, and not neglects God to please himselfe, in men-dazzling will-worships, in Mustersand Monster, of needlesse shewes, vnmortified mortifications, and perhaps proud humiliations.
• * 1.7

  Abassines blind zeale. A Booke cal∣led the adulte∣rie of the Frankes, that is, of the We∣sterne Church.
• * 1.8

  The discourse betwixt the Negus and the Iesuit.
• * 1.9

  An 〈…〉〈…〉uitie p〈…〉〈…〉d a∣gainst Rome forth Abassine 〈…〉〈…〉ou, and l••ong•• Peace.
• * 1.10

  Where is it?
• * 1.11

  The Abuna can better curse then dispute. Leo condem∣ned, Dioscorus approued. The Romanes lost that which they neuer had. For that Councell de∣creed the Pri∣uiledges to Constantinople, with Rome (ex∣cept Prioritie of order) and that (not vpon promise by 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or Suc∣cession from Peter) because th•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this w〈…〉〈…〉 Imperiall C〈…〉〈…〉es: and the Councell of Nice ac∣knowledged Alexandrias Priuiledges in Africa, equall to the Romane in Europe.
• a 1.12

  Discourse of the Queene & the Iesuite.
• b 1.13

  Would God this were their one and only, for then their errour would bee found the An ••ent and Ca〈…〉〈…〉 like T〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.14

  The Apostles were no body with this Iesu∣ite; or all are swallowed into the Romish Whirlepooles and no mar∣uel, for Christs owne preroga∣tiue, Of one 〈…〉〈…〉∣stor, is next arrogated: as if the Church had no Christ to be Pastor, nor no Apostles to heare, but the Roman: called to that head∣ship by Phocas, and since this dispute, pub∣lishing a new Creed added to the Trent Councell The Abassine and Iesuite haue diuided the truth betwixt them in some things, which in some other both want. Omnia probate, quod bonum eft tenete.
• * 1.15

  Christ saith, I am that good Shepheard, &c. Iohn 10. and by Peter, is still so acknowledged, and other mi∣nisteriall Pa∣stors of their flocks to feed them, not to domineere, &c. 1. p. 5. Grosse errors of the Abassines about the Sab∣bath & meats, &c. Diuers o∣thers most ab∣hominable.
• * 1.16

  Plurimanos Monastery ve∣ry famous.
• * 1.17

  Abassine Monkes.
• * 1.18

  The Nuns.
• * 1.19

  Letter of Al∣fonsus of France a Portugall, to Gonzalus.
• * 1.20

  Therefore Claud us had obiected foure Gods to Ber∣mudez.
• * 1.21

  Exorcising the Seas & Winds. Let this be a generall rule to the Reader, to beleeue a Ie∣suite Iest in things neerest Rome, in other things to giue him Faith, where this Ro∣mish Faith is not a brewing. For I disclaime not their hu∣manity, though I trust not their diuinitie in all points. Yet e∣uen Iannes and Iambres against Moses, did as great miracles as this, or as any which I beleeue of their relation done by theirs. False Prophets haue, Deut. 13. and false reli∣gions, pretend miracles, 2. Re. 1. which Iohn Baptist, an extraordinary ••••d true Pro∣phet had not.
• * 1.22

  I rehearse these things in the Story of Iesuites, that the world may see by what art they attained to that reputa∣tion in the Pa∣pacy: dazeling mens eyes with a seeming splendour of humilitie, such as is reiected, Col. 2. vlt. lay∣ing this low foundation to their haughtie aspiring, cree∣ping to the lowest, and terrifying the highest. Phil. 1.
• * 1.23

  Mazua and Er∣coco taken by the Turkes.
• * 1.24

  Letter of Ema∣nuel Fernaudes.
• * 1.25

  Baroa, or Barua.
• * 1.26

  Commendati∣on of Claudi〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.27

  Malachales: the Author doub∣teth whether they were of the Amalckites posteritie. Modesty of a Moore. Adamas Empe∣rour.
• * 1.28

  Ouiedo bani∣shed three times.
• * 1.29

  Miracles like a bad herb, make the Iesuits Sto∣ries often di∣stastfull and doubtfull. You cannot haue their Rose without such prickles: or any remote re∣ligious Storie without such vanitie. Other miracles they tell which I haue omit∣ted, as en∣quiring more after the Abas∣sine state and Church, then Popish mira∣cles. Malaseguetus Emperour. The Galae.
• * 1.30

  Oviedos Letter to the Pope.
• * 1.31

  Haruest lost for want of labourers. Sinari.
• * 1.32

  An armed hand and band required to further the Ie∣suits preaching in Abassia.
• * 1.33

  Iesuits which passed to A∣bassi••.
• * 1.34

  P. Iar. Thes. l. 3. c. 3. N. God. de A••asr••b•••• l. 1. c. 3.
• * 1.35

  Iohn Gabriel a Portugall.
• * 1.36

  Tigrai the first Kingdome.
• * 1.37

  Dancali.
• * 1.38

  Angote and the other fiue.
• * 1.39

  Aucaguerle.
• * 1.40

  Dahali. Oecie.
• * 1.41

  Rozanagum.
• * 1.42

  Nerea.
• * 1.43

  Goroma, large and sertile.
• * 1.44

  But foure Kingdomes now subiect to the Negus. Riuers and Lakes. Iewes. Oara.
• * 1.45

  Gabea. Lakes.
• * 1.46

  A. Fernandez his Letter.
• * 1.47

  Nature of the Abassine soile.
• * 1.48

  Wormes in the belly by vse of raw flesh.
• * 1.49

  This seemeth to be the Ca∣melopardalis.
• * 1.50

  Riuer-horses, and their na∣ture.
• * 1.51

  The Torpedo, a strange kind of fish.
• a 1.52

  Palus a bot∣tomlesse poole Strange Springs and Course of Ni∣lus, which some fetch much further from beyond the Line, perhaps, not so truly. I. Baptista Scor∣tia a Iesuite hath published two Bookes of this one Riuer ascribing to it two originals, one a Lake in twelue degr•• of South lati∣tude, fiftie fiue of longitude, whence Cu••ma floweth, Spai∣to Sancto, and Coanza: the o∣ther vnder the Line in fiftie fiue of longi∣tude, being a Lake of 1700, furlongs ouer, here mentio∣ned by Fernan∣dez. The Abas∣sine opinion by the Kings Let∣ters appeare, that Nilus ari∣seth hence. Seasons in Abassia, the Red Seas course. Power of the Moone. Abassine good fellowship. Scarcitie of Wine. Peter Paez. Succession of Emperours.
• * 1.53

  Before him was Nahu, whose Prede∣cessor was A∣lexander; to him Ciriacus, &c. Abassines ap∣parell.
• * 1.54

  Foolish bra∣uerie.
• * 1.55

  Dul Ignorance and Idlenesse.
• * 1.56

  Their Arts.
• * 1.57

  Townes and Houses. Little or no writing.
• * 1.58

  See of these Fasts, Aluarez. Churches.
• * 1.59

  A••••. Fernandez.
• * 1.60

  Ethiopia ciuill Combustions.
• * 1.61

  The Galae.
• * 1.62

  Bailur twelue leagues within the streights on the Abassine shoare.
• * 1.63

  Letters of P. Paez.
• * 1.64

  Strange paths.
• * 1.65

  Vaine supersti∣tion.
• * 1.66

  Raw flesh. Wet, heat, cold, and ill way.
• * 1.67

  Their houses.
• * 1.68

  Siccum sacrifici∣um.
• * 1.69

  The King Su∣preme Gouer∣nor in causes Ciuill and Ec∣clesiasticall.
• * 1.70

  This see∣meth falsly written: for Iames Malae Seguends both Predecessour and Successor. Relikes.
• * 1.71

  Grasse-hop pers scarred with Holy-wa∣ter.
• * 1.72

  Mat. Paris tels of Tudfled (I thinke hee meaneth Thax∣ted) in Essex, where the De∣uill comming into the Church at the Priests aspersi∣o••, shrecked and leaped in∣to a Medow two furlongs off. Sure I am, such a Medow is there still, called Lopers, in that Parish of my natiui∣tie. Portugall goods in Indian ships. Obeliskes.
• * 1.73

  King of Naria slaine.
• * 1.74

  Want of Wine of the Vine: that of Hony more com∣mon. Iesuites honor.
• * 1.75

  The Emperour Malac Segued, called also Sa∣uenquil, and A∣thanas Saqued.
• * 1.76

  Iames slaine or lost.
• * 1.77

  Aga••.
• * 1.78

  The reason of this name, I thinke to be their custome of changing Name when they come to the Empire.
• * 1.79

  Religious Rebell.
• * 1.80

  The Commo∣dities of that Country, with their Prizes.
• * 1.81

  The Kings State.