Purchas his pilgrimes. part 2 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

§. I.

Relations of IOHN NVNNEZ (or NONIVS) BARETVS sent for Patriarke of Ethiopia, and ANDREA * 1.1 OVIEDO his Successor. [ 20]

IOhn Bermudez * 1.2 a Spanish Priest had been sent by the Romane Bishop into Abas∣sia, which Patriarchall dignitie (before this mission of Nonius) and hauing beene taken by Turkish Pirats, yet after diuers Aduentures, perced into Ethiopia, where by Claudius * 1.3 the Emperour he was well entertained in shew, to hold the Por∣tugals the faster to his succours in the Warre against the King of Adel: who be∣ing slaine, he would acknowledge no other Patriarke to him nor his, but the A∣lexandrian. Hence arose great hatred of the Abassines vnto Bermudez, insomuch that it was vulgarly bruted that he had stolne a Vessell of Gold out of a Church: so that hee was forced to returne into Europe. Him haue I (being then a Boy) seene at Lisbon, where hee made an end of [ 30] his life and labours.

About those times, one Peter an Abassine, a Monke of Saint Antonies Order, with some o∣thers of his profession came to Rome, who being of a forward and industrious disposition, lear∣ned * 1.4 the Latine and Italian Tongues, and easily insinuated himselfe into the fauours of many; dealt also with Pope Paul the Third, very earnestly to send another Patriarke into Ethiopia: as for Bermudez, their wanted not causes of that hatred which he had incurred; but for any other, hee should no sooner set foot in Ethiopia, but all men would adhere to him, forsaking the Alexandrian and his Abuna. The Pope by Letters commended the businesse to the King of Portugall, to choose a man fit for this businesse, who named thereunto Peter Faber, and writ to the Pope to [ 40] confirme him; but death tooke him away. The Abassine continuing his importunate sute: in the * 1.5 yeare 1554. Iulius the Third gaue eare hereto, whose Buls were ratified by Paul the Fourth his Successor, in whose time Nonius was consecrated at Lisbon, and with him Ouiedo, the one Patriarke, the other entitled Bishop of Hierapolis. King Iohn gaue many holy Vestments of Silke and Damake richly and curiously wrought; Crosses, Chalices, Pyxes, and other Vessels of Gold and Siluer to commend the Romane Pietie by this sacred splendour to the Abassine Nation.

Nonius before his iourney to leaue behind him Monuments of Iesuiticall Humiliation (the * 1.6 heart makes it Humilitie by the discreet manner and diuine end, which otherwise in most ser∣uile Offices is as meerely titular as was his Patriarkship) in this his Patriarchicall dignitie made [ 50] himselfe a Seruant to the Societie, wayting on them at Table, yea, (his Episcopall Ring laid a∣side) was a continuall helper of the Cooke, washed with care and pleasure, the Dishes, Boxes, Pots, and either Vessels of the Cookerie; besides this, hee was a diligent Hearer of Confessions, not refusing once in the night to goe to a meane Cottage to shriue a Negro Slaue. Before he went his Patriarchall Voyage, the King sent to Peter Mascaregna, the Vice-Roy, to send an Ambas∣sage into Ethiopia, to prepare way to the Patriarch, who sent Iames Dias with Gonzales Rode∣ricke

a Iesuit Priest. Who in the year 1555. arriued at Ercoco, which then belonged to the Abassine, to whom they went thence by Land: and hauing declared their message, and deliuered the Kings Letters, they find his mind altered (for he had written before to King Iohn in that businesse.) But the whole Discourse will better appeare in Roderickes Letter in September, 1566. from Ethiopia to the Iesuites in Goa: which (so much as concerneth this purpose) I haue heere tran∣scribed.

ON the fifteenth of May, we came to the King of Ethiopia. He was then in his Campe encom∣passed with many Pauilions. Beeing certified of our arriuall, hee commanded a Lodging to bee prouided where we might bee entertained. The next day wee had accesse. Hee sate in his Tent spread [ 10] with a faire Carpet, and adorned with silken Hangings on a Bed, the Curtaine opened. Iames approa∣ching deliuered him the Kings Letters, which hee commanded to bee read before all the Portugals in the Campe, with a loud voyce. In them the King signified amongst other things, that the next yeare hee would send thither one of his Houshold, and some Religious men besides, famous for life and learning. Claudius frowned at the hearing hereof, but answered nothing to the purpose: and thus dismissed, wee returned to our Lodgings. Two or three dayes after hee went to see his Grand-mother ten dayes iourney thence: and we were left in the open field, not hauing one man in the Emperours name to prouide vs any thing. Yet were we not forsaken of God, by whose prouidence and bountie it came to passe, that a Por∣tugall tooke care of vs, and brought vs to a place whereof he was Lord, three leagues distant, entertai∣ned vs at his House, and commending to his the care of vs, followed after the Emperour. Heere wee [ 20] spent almost a moneth, in which time I writ a Booke of the Errours of the Abassines, and the truth of the Romane Faith, to offer it to Claudius at his returne. For hee openly said, as I learned of a Portu∣gall, neere about him, that hee neyther needed our Doctrine, nor intended to obey the Romane Church. It was also commonly reported, that some of the Chiefe men did openly affirme, that they would more easily subiect their neckes to the yoke of Saracens, then exchange their Customes with ours. Which did the more confirme mee, to deliuer my mind rather in writing then by word; so to learne his Answere and vnmaske his opinion so long closely concealed. So soone therefore as hee returned to these parts, wee went to his Campe and were entertained of the Portugall Souldiers. For the Emperour had quite for∣gotten vs, nor cared to know how or where we liued. Now, because I had made my Booke in Portuguse, and it was necessarie to turne it in Chaldee, I petitioned of him by Letters, to assigne me two of the best [ 30] learned Monkes to turne some Doctrines of Christian Faith into the Chaldee Tongue: for I would in writing shew how vndeseruedly the Abassines reckoned the followers of the Romane Faith amongst He∣retikes, and affirmed, that they were worse then Mahumetans: for so they openly said and reported. * 1.7

And because I knew that they had a Booke which they called the Adulterie of the Frankes, made by the Alexandrine Schismatikes, wherein the Chalcedon Councell is reprooued, and many lyes are forged on vs; I desired of the Emperour that I might haue the vse thereof. The Booke hee denyed, the Monkes he granted; which yet when they had begunne to translate the Booke, whether because they had beene so commanded, or else were afraid of any thing, or for some other vnknowne cause, refused to pro∣ceed in the Enterprise: vntill that by the Portugall Captaines intercession, they were commanded to fi∣nish it, assisted therein by a Portugall, an honest man, and well skilled in the Chaldee. When againe, [ 40] I needed another to transcribe in right Characters that which was translated, he was also desired and ob∣tayned of the Emperour. Yet had he scarsly begunne, when the Emperour in a rage sent to reuoke him, and in his name to tell me that I should not stay, but send him the Booke as it was, or surcease such busi∣nes. That the thing therefore might be no longer deferred, nor the Emperor haue any excuse for his sinne, I thought it neeessary to shew him the Booke ill written and blotted, appointing thereto a certaine day, which was the twentieth of August. When that day was come, with the Captaine and seuen or eight other Portugals, I present my selfe before him, and hauing saluted him, shew the cause of my comming. He * 1.8 forbids me to proceed, and diuerting his speech to another matter, warily escheweth all the blowes made at him. Then I letting other things passe offered him the Booke, which beginning to reade, hee conceiued so great fury, that he could not but vtter his concealed Poyson. Thou askedst (said he) of me that thou [ 50] mightest make a Booke wherein to declare the veritie of the Faith, and Monkes to translate it into Chal∣dee, both which I granted. And behold, thou hast done quite otherwise. For neither dost thou explaine the veritie of Faith, but doest ascribe Errours to them which are free from Errors. Thou shouldest also haue knowne how farre this thine Enterprise disagrees with thy condition, which art but a simple Priest. Knowest thou not that these things belong to Bishops, and pertaine only to great Prelates? Why hast thou thrust thy Sickle into anothers Haruest? I confessed my selfe a man of small worth, yet to haue done nothing discrepant with my condition, seeing I had written those things which are plainly contained in the Booke of the Gospels, and in the Holy Councels, and which are to be beleeued of a Christian man. Thou obiectest said he, many Errors to me and mine, wherwith we are not entangled, I determine not of your [ 60] Faith, O Emperour, quoth I, but I am sure your Abassines are erroneous, nor doe I falsly ascribe any thing to them. If it please you to make tryall, you may command your Monkes and most learned men in your Empire to come hither, and I will make it appeare, that they are so ensnared in the Errours there mentioned, as none shall be able to denie. He replyed, that he hated the Quirkes of Disputations, and that it was the custome of Ethnikes to commit their Superstitions to Questions, which Christians, especially

the ancient did altogether forbeare. There had now passed aboue one thousand yeares since they pro∣fessed that Faith: if any part thereof were false, how chanced that in so many yeares none durst doe as I * 1.9 had done? I answered, that God prouoked by bad workes of men often suffered them to fall into euill: that he ought to giue great thankes to God that he sent in the time of his life and Reigne, one to shew the way of the sincere Faith. Then He. The Church of Christ hath beene diuided 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••o f••••re Seas, we are in∣grossed into one of these from the beginning▪ from it right and Lawes 〈…〉〈…〉 now separated. I as∣sent (quoth I) that there were foure Patriarchall S〈…〉〈…〉 from the beg〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Romane by Diuine * 1.10 Statute was preferred before the rest, as the Head Mother, and 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 all. When others haue failed, whosoeuer obey them against the Romane, are Enemies, 〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from their Head. Looke in my Booke, there shall you find the Solutions of all 〈…〉〈…〉 propounded. But take [ 10] diligent heed that the speech of the Prophet, Nolu••t int〈…〉〈…〉 be not applyed to you. After many words on both sides, the Portugall Captaine 〈…〉〈…〉 added at last, that I wrote my Booke to that purpose, that I might know whether his 〈…〉〈…〉, he would obey the Romane Sea, and entertaine those Religious and Learned me•• 〈…〉〈…〉 of Por〈…〉〈…〉 sent him. For if hee would not entertaine and heare them, there was no cause 〈…〉〈…〉 should come to Ethiopia, which sought nothing but the saluation of the Abassines. He 〈…〉〈…〉, that hee had Learned and Religious men in his Kingdomes, and therefore needed not that 〈…〉〈…〉 besent from any other place, neither was it euer in his mind to subiect himselfe or his Countrey to the 〈…〉〈…〉ane Bishop. For that which Gaspar Ma∣gelanes had done in his name with the King of Portugall, was done by the mistaking of an Arabian Monke which translated his Letters and vnderstood ••ot his minde. Once; besides the Alexandrian [ 20] Patriarch, whom alway hee hath obeyed faithfully, he would acknowledge no Superiour in holy things at all. Whereupon, being out of hope to moll••fie his obstinate mind, hauing leaue I departed. When I went away, looking vpon the Portugall Captaine, he highly commended my Learning, saying, that hee much maruelled how beeing so young, I could bee so excellent in knowledge. I learned after that hee read my Booke thorow, and often had it in his hand, and shewed it to his Mother, often to his Brethren, and o∣ther Princes of the Empire.

It was also told me that the Abuna knowing what was in it, forbade the reading thereof with a grie∣uous Curse. Therefore, the second day after a Messenger was sent to him from the Prete, which in his * 1.11 name might aske leaue to reade it, which the Abuna denying, the Emperour in a rage gaue him many reproachfull and contumelious words, called him Heretike and Mahumetane, which read the Alcoran [ 30] of the false Prophet Mahumet, and forbade so holy a Booke, and made by such an Authour to bee read. He added further, that seeing he came into those Abassine parts to performe the Office of an A∣buna and Doctor, he should speedily answere to those things which a simple Priest opposed. The Abuna denyed that hee would enter into any Disputation against me: for he came into Abassia not to dispute, but to giue Orders. Nothing was more common in mens mouthes, and some Countries fauoured our part, others the contrarie: whereupon the Emperour sends for some Monkes in best reputation of Sanctitie and Learning, and commanded them to transcribe my Booke very purely. I was much afraid, lest they would haue left out some things which I knew the Emperour was disgusted eyther to heare or see, as those things which I had written of Pope Leo, and Dioscorus the Patriarke of Alexandria. For the Abas∣sines thinke and say, that Dioscorus was a Saint, Leo a bad Man, whom they so much hate that they [ 40] cannot heare his name without horrour. Also they reiect the Chalcedon Councell for Errour in Faith, and say that it condemned Dioscorus vniustly. Therefore, euer since the time of that Councell (the Decrees whereof they wholly reiect) they haue beene diuided from the Romane Church.

They follow also the Heresie of Sergius Paulus and Pyrrhus, condemned by the sixt Synode at Con∣stantinople, and many other Errours. When the time was come that the Emperour should answere me, as he had promised, I went to the Court, and sent one to signifie to him that I expected an Answere. Whereto he said that his Fathers Ambassadour had beene tenne yeares in Portugall, neither could hee dispatch his Affaires in all that space: it is therefore meete that the Ambassadour of the King of Por∣tugall should patiently waite my Answere. I perceiued whither these things tended, nor did I thinke it fit to stay any longer, but desired leaue to depart into India. He cunningly deferred, as a thing vnmeete, [ 50] that I so great a man should so soone be gone, specially hauing come to treat of Matters so weightie; nor could I spend my time better then in hearing there the Portugals Confessions. But if I were fully resolued to depart, I should yet giue him one monethes space to answere: that being past, if I had no answere, I should dissemble an Answere, and might goe whither I would.

After this, on the fourth day of October, the Emperours Mother sent a Seruant to mee, de∣siring to speake with mee, and to see the Chalice which I had brought from Goa, a thing much magnified amongst them. I went presently with some Portugals, all which shee was willing should enter with me. After a 1.12 a few words, comming to talke of Religion, shee said, Seeing your Faith and ours differ nothing but are one and the same, What needed it I pray, to write any thing thereof, and make a causelesse broyle? Whereto I briefely, Whether your Abassines hold the right Truth you [ 60] may perceiue by my Writings. This I affirme to thee, O Empresse, although you had no other Errour, this one, b 1.13 that you are separated from the Romane Bishop, the Vicar of Christ on Earth, it would bee enough and more, vnto eternall destruction. She answered, that she and her people were subiect to Pe∣ter and Paul, the Apostles, and especially to Christ himselfe. I denyed, that he is subiect to Christ which

is not subiect to his Vicar; when Christ himselfe saith, He which heareth you * 1.14 heareth me, and he which despiseth you, despiseth me. And if it be true which the Euangelist Iohn from the same Lord relateth, that there shall be One Shepheard, and one Sheepefold, whom did she thinke to be that Shepheard? She answered, Saint Peter * 1.15. If said I, Peter be that one Shepheard, the same Office must needs agree to them which in order succeed Peter. She answered, neither I nor mine deny obedience to Saint Peter: We are now in the same Faith wherein we haue beene from the beginning: if that bee not right, why did none admonish vs in so many Ages? Heere I, the Romane Bishop, which is Pastor of the whole Church of Christ, could not in the yeares passed send into Abassia, by reason of the Mahume∣tans stopping vp the passage. But the way by Sea being now open, he is able to doe it. Shee should take knowledge that the Common-wealth of Christ wheresoeuer it is, is one mysticall body, which in Heauen [ 10] hath Christ the Head, in Earth the Vicar of Christ, which is the Head of all Christians. It may not bee doubted, but that members must be subiect to their Head, and to be directed thereby. From the time the Church began till the yeare 488. it was well in Abassia, and all the Patriarchs of Alexandria, but thenceforth they fell to ruine. If they would attaine saluation, they ought againe to conioyne with their lawfull Head, and become one bodie with him: for Christ himselfe had said, That there should be but one Sheepfold in the Church, and one Shepheard: but one body except it were monstrous, could haue but one Head; whereas the body of Christ is most perfect, and free from all filthinesse. So great a worke said she, as that is, to wit, that the rest of the members be ioyned with the Romane Head, belongs no∣thing to me, nor to thee. It is meete, that other Patriarchs congregated with the Romane, should delibe∣rate of so weightie a matter, and decree by their authoritie what is to bee done: For to forsake old Cu∣stomes [ 20] and Rites by priuate counsell, and to vndertake new, is a thing full of danger and offence. I on the other side said, That they were very ancient which the true Faith teacheth, nor haue any noueltie in them, and therefore it did rather take away then giue offence, whatsoeuer is done according to the rule of Faith.

After some other such like things, followeth in the same Epistle of Gonzalus. A few daies after, the Emperor remoued this Camp to a place a daies iourney distant, and we followed him. When we were in a certaine field, three Monkes came to me; one of which was accounted learned, and was very desirous to see and speake with me about Religion. In the beginning of his speech he confessed, that all our things pleased him, but yet he could not approue that we neither obserued the (Saturday) Sabbath, nor abstained from Swines and Hares flesh, vomiting out other venome. For he affirmed, that the soules [ 30] of the iust departing out of this life, although nothing remaine in them to be purged, are not yet present∣ly receiued in Heauen to see God, but are conueyed to earthly Paradice, there to expect the end of the world. That the Holy Ghost proceedeth onely from the Father. That the Sonne is equall to the Father in regard of his humane Nature. That onely Mahumetans and Ethnicks after their death, are cast into Hell, to abide there euerlastingly: but Christians which liue badly are there to be tormented in the fire of Hell, till they purge their sinnes: for all which are signed with the Character of Baptisme, shall at last be saued, and so he construed Christs words, He which shall be beleeue and be baptized, shall be saued. But I so conuinced his errors by reasons and Scriptures, that comming neerer, he acknowledged himselfe satisfied. But lest his Fellowes which were vnlearned should heare, he whispered thus to mee. The things which thou teachest are true, and I will keepe them all in my mind, and so went away. The [ 40] moneth being past, I went to the Emperour, and desired an answer and leaue to depart. Hee answered, I might be gone at my pleasure.

As touching the religious men which King Iohn sends me, when they shall come to Mazua, there shall be some to receiue and conduct them to me, I shall willingly heare them discoursing of the Faith. Then departed I from him and betooke me to my iourney. By the way, I visited some Townes of the Portu∣gals, heard many of their confessions, brought some of them from Concubines to lawfull Wedlocke, their Concubines first (being Abassines in Sect and Nation) instructed in the Romane Doctrine, and reuo∣ked to the Faith. Because the Churches of this Region are consecrated to the holies of Schismatickes, neither haue Altars accommodated to our vses, wee carried an Altar with vs. When I was in one of these Townes, one came thither to salute me, sent from a principall Abbat, which sixe miles off ruled [ 50] two great Monasteries; one of Monkes, the other of Nuns. The name is Beliuanos, or Plurimanes, * 1.16 famous in those parts. For from thence proceeds whatsoeuer is to bee beleeued in all Abassia, because there is thought to bee the rule of Faith, and for that cause the Abbot himselfe is in great honour a∣mongst all. I thought it meete to visite these Monasteries, and went together with the Portugal, my Companions. The Abbot was absent, I briefely viewed the Monasteries. Both they and the Monkes * 1.17 much differ from ours. Each of them hath his owne little house separated from others: hee hath his owne part of ground which he tilleth for himselfe. So are they all diuided in habitation and occupation, that you would thinke you saw not a Monasterie, but a small Village. And although the Monkes dwell on one side, and the Nuns on the other, yet are they not so separated, but that many Children are * 1.18 [ 60] said to be begotten betwixt them. Their Order or Family is neither Franciscan nor Dominican but is called Tecleay Manot. This was the name of the Founder, which with them signifieth. The Pillar of the Faith. He hath great opinion of sanctitie among the Abassines, and is said to haue wrought ma∣ny Miracles. That is the most famous, that hee slue a Serpent, esteemed by the Ethnicks for a God, and conuerted the Ethnicks: first to the Faith of Christ, and after that, many of them to this forme of life. Thus much Gonzalus.

Alfonsus of France a Portugall, which had bene Interpreter betwixt the Emperour and this * 1.19 Gonzalus, did write to Goa to him, touching a discourse twixt the said Emperour and him, tou∣ching the said heresie of Dioscorus, which he had said might bee euinced by holy Scripture, and authoritie of Saints and Councels. If your Scripture, said the Emperour so deemeth of vs, God knowes what ours deemeth of you. I know, quoth I, That the followers of the Romane Faith are esteemed Heretikes of the Abassines, and accounted Nestorians, as if we admitted two persons in Christ, as well as two Natures; for so they had often obiected * 1.20 to me with contu∣mely: and after mention of his yearely re-baptizing, contrary to Saint Pauls saying; One Faith, one Baptisme, he grew very angry, and threatned me with his Sword, but seeing my con∣stancie he departed. He concludes, I thus thinke Gonzales, that this Emperour will more easily end•••••• [ 10] the yoake of Saracens, then of the Romane Bishop.

On the thirtieth of March, 1556. Iohn Nonius Barret, Patriarch of Ethiopia, Andrew Ouie∣do, Bishop of Hierapolis, and other Iesuites sayled from Lisbon to the East. In the way a great * 1.21 Tempest happened, which (saith our Author) by the Patriarchs Prayers was appeased. For taking water in a vessell, and (attired in his holy Vestments) blessing the same, he sprinkling part of it in the Sea, part on the Sailes, Tackling, and other part of the Ship, with a certaine forme of Prayer brought to passe, that the Seas and Winds were quiet. Well; if hee could also haue giuen sound lims to Francis Rodericke, his fellow Ignatian, whose helpe he vsed in hearing the confessions of the Passengers, being a man lame and going on Crouches. So should hee haue freed him from that scoffe of the Moores at Mosambike, that his Arguments could not stand a∣gainst [ 20] Mahomet, himselfe being so lame; nor could they bee right, himselfe being so crooked. He answered well, That their Sect was more deformed then he, and wanted both feete and head too. But the Miracle might haue cured his bodie and their soules, or done good in Abassia, if their miracles were as readie before Infidels, or those whom they call Heretikes, whose curi∣ous eyes may examine them, as before Catholikes, whose credulitie rather makes then findes them. Once, miracles are not for Beleeuers (which must walke by Faith, not by sight) but for Infidels. But let vs leaue their mysticall tales, and come to the Historicall Relation. Hauing stayed a moneth at Mosambike, they proceeded to Goa, where discouraged by Gonzalus his Let∣ters, he aduised with others, which thought it meetest that he should stay at Goa till King Iohn might haue knowledge, and that Ouiedus with some others of the societie, meane while should [ 30] be employed in that Ethiopian businesse. This was put in execution: and Nonius aboade at Goa six years space, which he spent in his daily Massings, Contemplations, hearing Confessions: som∣times visiting the Kitchin (as before) alway mending his owne cloaths when they were torne; sweeping also his Chamber, and the rest of the house, carrying forth the Dust to the place ap∣pointed: often washing Pilgrims feete, and on set daies of Nouices; most obseruant of all the Lawes of the societie, how free soeuer from any Superiour, but the Pope onely. Hee dyed in December, 1562.

Andrew Ouied a Castilian, was appointed by Ignatius, according to the Popes Order, an Adiutor to the former Patriarch whilst hee liued, and his Successour after his death: and was with him consecrated Bishop of Hierapolis, as before is said. His Kitchin and Chamber labours, [ 40] and domesticall other seruices, fetching Water in Earthen Vessels on his shoulder, lying on the ground among Beggers and famous humilities, I omit (not enuying those new-coyned vertues * 1.22 to that new Societie; I hold it much better, they were all busied in the Indian Skulleries and drudgeries, then in European State-affaires. I know bodily exercise is easie to them which loue not their ease, and light to such as delight to be magnified, as hath appeared in Pharisees, Essees, in Baals Priests, Molochs Votaries, Turkish and Ethnicks Regulars; I had not mentioned these things, but that the Iesuits vse to insult and inst••lt so much hereon) I magnifie more both Ouie∣do and others, for whatsoeuer labours vndertaken by the Kings Mission (I quarrell not altoge∣ther the Popes Commission) to reduce strayed soules, as were these of Abassia, whither we now follow him. I am not angry with vertuous designes, neither in Pope nor Iesuite; yea, in such [ 50] things I honour them: neither will I for their sakes thinke worse of that which is a good deede, if not altogether well done, materially commendable, if any way formally defectiue. When they seeke knots in Rushes, and would deforme reformed Christians, let them haue Peters, Get thee behind me Sathan: but in conuerting the Gentiles from peruerse errors, or this Abassia from Iewish, Iacobite, Monothelite heresies, I will a〈…〉〈…〉st them with my Prayers, and applaud their en∣deuours: and say, Flesh and blood hath not taught them this, but the heauenly Father; and if Christ be truly preached, whether vnder a pretence or sincerely, I therein ioy, and will ioy. Let them still com∣passe the world to win Proselites if it be not to compasse the world, and circumuent their con∣uerts; yea, as Moses learned of Iethro to rule Gods people, so I would some of ours in Verginia or else-where, would follow the Iesuites so farre as they follow Christ. [ 60]

In the yeare 1557. on the Ides of Februarie, Ouiedo with fiue other Iesuites, passed from Goa into Ethiopia: Their names were Antonie Fernandes, Andrew Galdanes, Gonzalus Cardosus, Fran∣cis Lopez, Emanuel Fernandes. There were besides some twentie Portugals: they arriued safe at Arcoco. Had they stayed fiue daies longer, they had lost their Voyage, if not themselues.

For on the second of Aprill, the Turkish Admirall with a great Fleete tooke Mazua, (being * 1.23 then in the ayd of the King of Zeila) and Ercoco, also the only Port Towne then left to the Prete, fortifying them in such sort, that all passage to Christians was preuented. Let vs here insert the Letter of Emanuel Fernandez.

ON our Ladie day in March, 1557. we came to Baroa, and the Barnagasso being certified of our * 1.24 comming, came to meet vs, and receiued vs, especially the Bishop, with signification of honour and good will. There was great reioycing of the people to see him, which came with great alacritie to kisse his hand. In that Citie we stayed twentie daies, in which happened the commemoration of our Lords Passi∣on; and the mysteries of that holy weeke, we performed in the most pious manner wee could. On Good-Friday [ 10] we made a pompous Procession (respecting that place) from our Church to theirs. Great was the concourse of people to vs, approuing and applauding the Romane Rites. Wee spent a good deale of time in hearing the Pontugals confessions, and other holies. Many of their Seruants and Children were annointed with Chrisme, and confirmed by the Bishop. The Barnagasso came often to visite him, and he often, but in vaine, exhorted them to the obedience of the Romane Church. The spring comming on, when those parts were in feare of the Turke, we went from Baroa to the Emperour, in which wee spent * 1.25 fiftie daies, euery where meeting some of Portugall race which needed Sacraments. Eight daies before our arriuall at the Emperours Tent, one of his chiefe men was sent to vs to salute the Bishop in his name, and many Mules were brought for carriages. At last came one in the Emperors Name, to charge vs that we should proceed no further without his command, which happened two daies after. When we were a little [ 20] off from the Camp, the Emperour sent word, and we pitched our Tents, and therein aboade that night. The day following about noone, many of the Royall blood, and others of the chiefe Nobilitie, not a few, preciously attired and well mounted, came to vs in our Tents. Two of these were of principall place, to whom was the office committed of conueying the Bishop to the Emperour. Meane while the Emperour with his Mother and Brethren ascended into a high place, whence he might behold vs comming. When we were come, the Prete appointed that we should passe on Horse-backe into the first Court (an honorable courtesie, and differing from the Court custome) and before the entrance of the second Court, wherein was the Tent Royall, we alighted. At the doore of the Tent on both sides were many men, venerable by Nobilitie or age, ranked in goodly order, and leaning on staues. Heere we stayed a while. Then came forth two (Isaac the Barnagasso was one) which with lowly bowing of the whole body, saluted the Bishop, [ 30] and (we attending) led him in to the Emperour. He also shewed no small signes of honour and loue to him at his comming. After that a few words had passed, Ouiedo produced his Letters from the Viceroy, the Patriarch, and others in India, which were presently read in the presence of all. The Em∣perour was not a little disturbed therewith, nor was able to conceale his baokwardnesse to the Romane Church: but warily, and being well affected to the Portugals, he indeuoured as well as he could to hide it, and to seeme well apayed: not so yet, but some euident signes of perfidiousnesse appeared. And al∣though he neuer purposed to relinquish his errors, yet at the first he well entertained the Bispop, and allo∣wed him and his company large maintenance. Nor was there any which in word or deed durst wrong vs, in respect of the Princes fauour. Set aside his profidie, in the whole Abassine Empire, was not a man, whom the Emperour Claudius did not exceede in prudence, magnanimitie, and other royall vertues. He * 1.26 [ 40] was very gentle and affable to the Bishop, and alway gaue him some hope of reclaiming him. When they began to treat of Religion, Ouiedo desired him that he would be present at their disputations with them, which amongst the Abassines were esteemed most learned. He consented and often heard the Bishop ar∣guing matters of Faith with a great troupe of men learned: but in regard of Claudius, all the rest of that faction were mute. He alone both in heat of speaking and eagernesse of victory, surpassed all which he brought into that contention with him, and with such dexteritie of wit did often defend his errors, that he wrought vs some trouble. And although Ouiedo alway got the victorie in dispute, the aduersaries yet (such is the custome of obstinate minds) with laughters and immodest clamors, boasted themselues to haue gotten the better. When therefore the Bishop saw that he preuailed nothing by this course of dispu∣ting, he gathered in writing the erronious opinions of the Abassines, and offered the same confuted by rea∣sons [ 50] and authorities to the Emperors reading. He tooke the same and read it, and as he could, answered in writing to euery thing, stifly auerring, that he would neuer yeeld obedience to the Romane Bishop, nor decline from his Predecessors steps in things of Religion, but would hold that Faith which they held; and therefore in vaine did any mortall man indeuour to make him in any sort to relinquish it. Herewithall he began also to shew some tokens of indignation against the Bishop, and openly to affirme that his presence was distastfull to him. Whereupon lest he might prouoke against him and his the fury of an impotent man, hee thought best to yeeld to the time, and leauing the Emperor, sought to draw others to the truth. Thus farre Emanuel.

But when Claudius heard that many of the Nobles and others, both Plebeians and Monks were by the Bishop and his Companions brought out of their darknesse to light, he was much moued, [ 60] the Abbots especially with complaints incensing him. Whereupon he sent for him, and sharply reproued him, commanding him to treat of the mysteries of Faith with the Portugals, and their Posteritie, but with none of his Abassines. He answering, that he was therefore sent thither, and must obey God rather then Man, what danger soeuer he incurred; so prouoked the Emperor, that

he reuiled him, and forbad him to come any more in his sight: telling him further, that his labour was vaine to impose on him or his the Popes yoake. This was in the yeare 1559. in lanuarie. In Februarie following, the Saracens called Malachales inuaded those parts. On Maunday-Thursday was a battell betwixt them and the Abassines, in which these were put to flight, and * 1.27 the Emperour slaine, his head cut off and sent with Iudibrious triumph to the King of Adel. The Captaine of the Saracens, in acknowledgement that this victorie came from God, alighted off his Horse, and triumphed on an Asse. To Claudius hauing no issue, his brother Adamas Segned•••• succeeded, a man of euill qualities, and a cruell enemy to the Romane Faith. He had beene before taken in warre by the Saracens, and carried into Arabia, where denying Christ hee turned Ma∣humetan, but being redeemed by Claudius, he returned to the Abassine Faith. The Bishop went [ 10] to gratulate his succession, and receiued honourable entertainment. But after that, vpon occasion of Conuerts to the Romane Church, he commanded him to bee brought before him, and sware, that if he proceeded in that kind, it should cost him his life: and then also rent his garment, and laid violent hands on him, at last condemning him to exile with Francis Lopez, in a barren high Mountaine, taking away his Chalice also, to hinder him from saying Masse. There they conti∣nued * 1.28 eight moneths, in Caues, lying on the ground, liuing on wilde herbs: this place also being a receptacle of Robbers, whence they set vpon Passengers. Hence at length he was deliuered by intercession of a Noble woman, which comming thither, saw (they say) a glorious light shining about his person and Mansion. He persecuted also the Abassine Conuerts with death and banish∣ment: fiue of which being cast to the Lions, found the beasts more mild then the Emperour, who [ 20] againe sent Andrew and them into exile: where being in danger of staruing, at Ouiedos prayer (I will not vrge your credit) a Riuer (like Iordan) opened her bowels, and yeelded them a hidden * 1.29 treasurie of Fishes. Againe, he was reuoked, and againe for like reconcilements to Rome exiled, hauing before offered with his own hands to take away his life, his sword (by I know not what miracle) falling out of his hand. In this third exile, he adioyned all the Portugals, and that with∣out their wiues and children. But a conspiracie being set on foot by Isaac Barnagasso, and others, which exalted Betanc Zarcar, illegitimate sonne of the Emperors elder Brother, this made him send for the Portugals from their exile. In the first battell Adamas was ouerthrowne: in the next, he tooke and slue his Corriuall. In the third, another legitimate Brother of Zarcar was set vp, and the Turkes called to help with their Ordnance, which put Adamas to flight. This [ 30] was in the yeare 1562. in the next yeare he died.

The Empire was now rent into diuers factions, some creating the sonne of Adamas Emperor, others that brother of Zarcar, and some looking to other parts. Andrew, which was now Pa∣triarch (Nonius being dead) got him into Tigrai, neere that famous Abbey, called Abba Guarima, and dwelt in Fremona, a small Village, sixteene yeares together, in which he neuer saw Abassine Emperor. For warre had set all things in such combustion, that although he might reduce some Abassines, yet for reconciling that whole State was no opportunitie. Malaseguetus the sonne of Adamas raigned but seuenteene yeares (Barnagasso being dead) the Galae in the meane time, in∣uading, wasting, ouerthrowing and spoiling all in their way, possessing with victorious armes, aboue one hundred Regions or Shires, the greatest part of the Empire in a short space. The Turks [ 40] also from the Sea shoare which they held, made often inroads, slaying and captiuing many. Ouie∣do meane while, was preserued at Fremona.

Sebastian King of Portugall vnderstanding how things were desperate in Abassia, dealt with the Pope to send this Bishop to Iapon, which by Pius the fifth was granted, in the yeare 1556. The Copie hereof he receiued the next yeare from the Iesuites of Goa, but excused himselfe in a Letter to the Pope, alledging the Impossibilitie of getting thence by shipping, the Saracens infesting those Seas. But if fiue hundred Portugall Souldiers were sent thither from India, which wee * 1.30 long (saith he) expect, and earnestly desire and hope in God to obtaine; there will be no doubt, but not onely the Abassine Rebels will come to the obedience of the Romane Church, but many Ethnicke peo∣ple also to the Faith of Christ. For here are in Ethiopia innumerable idolatrous Nations, whom we [ 50] * 1.31 may goe to without crossing any Sea, and easily draw to the Faith. We know for certaine, that many of the Kingdome of Damute (which they say, extendeth from Mosambike to Sofala) haue come to the Emperour, and desired to become Christians, reiected notwithstanding for priuate respects, he desi∣ring rather to haue them Slaues in condition, then in Religion Brethren. There were also three reares since some of the Countrey called Sinari, which sought to make peace with a certaine Prince, the Em∣perours Kinsman, with whom they had warres, and offered themselues both to Tribute and Religion, but repelled by hatred and auarice, exceeding Charitie. There are almost innumerable of the neighbou∣ring Ethnicks, whom the Saracen Merchants buy and sell to the Turkes, which all would giue their names to Christ, if Couetousnesse did not peruert their Princes. Those fiue hundred Portu∣gall Souldiers, before mentioned, might preuent these euils, both with great commoditie to the Portu∣gall [ 60] affaires, and strengthning the Indian power. For if the Turkes (which easily they may) doe first possesse Ethiopia, it is hard to say, how much they may thence endanger the Indian businesse, being furnished in those places with necessaries for shipping, Iron for Armes, prouision for Armies, Slaues for seruice, and the like. That Emperour which persecuted the Romane Faith is dead. His

Sonne which succeeded him is young, in iudgement weake, and in name rather then in power an Emperour. For hee hath the same Aduersaries which conspired against his Father, beeing both Principall in No∣bilitie and the most in number. Whereby all things are so confused, and embroyled with Ciuill Dissen∣tions and Forreigne Warres, that nothing were more to bee wished then some refuge of Peace, which the most know to consist in the Romane Faith. And although the Monkes and many Nobles doe oppugne our Faith, and persecute the Catholikes: yet the Communaltie, so much prompter to truth, as it is lesse tyed with humane respects, doth appooue the Romane Decrees, as doe also of the chiefe men not a few.

We indeauour the Saluation of both by publike and priuate Preachings and Disputations, with Wri∣tings also refelling Writings, not altogether in vaine. For some are conuerted and more would be, but for * 1.32 feare of punishments, an eagre Enemie of the Truth in base minds. This is the cause that in these pla∣ces [ 10] especially, Religion desireth an armed hand, that they which will may come without feare to the Ca∣tholike Tents, and those which haue comne may abide constant. I am of opinion, holy Father, that this Ethiopian businesse is very conducent to the enlarging and splendor of the Catholike Religion, although it be, as other things of weight, intangled with many difficulties. Yea, if I bee not much deceiued, no Expedition can now be offered, which can bring greater ornament to the Romane Church, or greater accesse to the Catholike Affaires. Here where now I am, about two hundred and thirtie Catholikes dwell, diuided in two little Townes, which therefore we haue lately built, that they which before with losse of their goods and greater danger of their soules, wandered like Pilgrimes thorow diuers parts of Ethio∣pia, might haue a fixed Seat, for instruction and Christian Sacraments. Others not a few else-where, waste the oportunitie to come hither, &c. [ 20]

Thus did Ouiedo moue the Pope and the King to suffer him there to abide whiles he liued, still vrging that band of fiue or sixe hundred Portugall Souldiers to be sent thither. In the yeare 1576. when the Abassine Emperour sent a Messenger into India for that purpose, the Patriarch againe writ to the Pope about it, reckoning many Commodities which thence might redound to sta∣blish there the true Faith. His Miracles, in iudgements inflicted on such as tooke away his goods in procuring life and death by his Prayers, in chasing away Grashoppers, &c. I omit. He dyed of the Stone in September, 1577. and was buried at Fremona, where the Abassines, as they vse to Saints, often made recourse to his Graue, and offered Wheate, Frankincense, and other Odours.

And there our Author relates many Miracles to be done, which yet in Iesuiticall Relations of [ 30] remote parts are now no Miracles, nor rarities, they are so common. His fiue Companions Ie∣suites, are by the Iesuite our Authour also much commended for their Apostolicall life. Antho∣nie Fernandez was set ouer the rest, and was the first which passed out of this life: Cardosus the next, slaine by Theeues. Gualdarus was slaine by the Turkes. Lopez liued longest, and dyed in May, 1597. before whose death Melchior Syluius was sent into Abassia, by the Arch-bishoppe of Goa. As for Melchior Carnerus made Bishop at Goa, to succeed Ouiedo in the Patriarchate of Aeshiopia, because he came not there, we haue also excluded him from hence. Anno, 1560. Fulgentius Frerius a Iesuite sent out of India to visit Ouiedo, was taken by the Turkes in the Red Sea, and carried to Cairo: twentie yeares after the same happened to Anthonie Monserrate and * 1.33 Peter Paez Iesuites, which were seuen yeares in Captiuitie. Abraham Georges 1595. sped bet∣ter, [ 40] being taken and martyred for confessing Iesus in Mazua. But hauing a Colledge erected at Diu, P. Paez, Anno 1603. Anthonie Fernandez two yeares after with Fran. An∣thonie de Angelis; Azeuedus and Mangonius 1606. were shipped by Moores at Diu, and carried to Abassia.

Notes

• * 1.1

  P. ••ar. Thesa••∣rus rer. I••d. l. 3. De Abassinorum reb. N. God. lib. tres.
• * 1.2

  God. l. 2. c. 14. & seq.
• * 1.3

  Gradeus.
• * 1.4

  Peter an Abas∣sine.
• * 1.5

  Peter Faber.
• * 1.6

  Iesuiticall hu∣militie vn∣knowne to Prophets and Apostles, Of∣fices Ecclesia∣sticall are cal∣led Orders, holy Orders: God is a God of Or∣der, Ord••, saith Saint Aug. est parium impariumque rerum sua suique locatribuens dispositio. Saint Paul bids men walke in their calling, and forbids inordinatenesse. Babylon hath name of Confusion. And what inordinate Confusion, how confused Orders are a Patriarch-Scullion, a Bishoppe continuall Coqui adiutor? &c. Euen as hee which stiles himselfe a Seruant of Seruants, and a Bishop, and makes himselfe King of Kings, yea, Deposer and Translator. Christ once washed his Disciples feet, yet did not the Apostles ordinarily doe it, but had [ 60] their Widowes for this seruice. Let Francis and Ignatius with their followers, be Examples of lowsie lowlinesse, and scullerie humi∣litie. To mee hee is humble, which beareth patiently what God sends and doth not send for phantasticke crosses; which breakes not his ranke to seeke Enemies, but valiantly holds and fights in his owne file and standing; which denies himselfe to obey God, and not neglects God to please himselfe, in men-dazzling will-worships, in Mustersand Monster, of needlesse shewes, vnmortified mortifications, and perhaps proud humiliations.
• * 1.7

  Abassines blind zeale. A Booke cal∣led the adulte∣rie of the Frankes, that is, of the We∣sterne Church.
• * 1.8

  The discourse betwixt the Negus and the Iesuit.
• * 1.9

  An 〈…〉〈…〉uitie p〈…〉〈…〉d a∣gainst Rome forth Abassine 〈…〉〈…〉ou, and l••ong•• Peace.
• * 1.10

  Where is it?
• * 1.11

  The Abuna can better curse then dispute. Leo condem∣ned, Dioscorus approued. The Romanes lost that which they neuer had. For that Councell de∣creed the Pri∣uiledges to Constantinople, with Rome (ex∣cept Prioritie of order) and that (not vpon promise by 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or Suc∣cession from Peter) because th•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this w〈…〉〈…〉 Imperiall C〈…〉〈…〉es: and the Councell of Nice ac∣knowledged Alexandrias Priuiledges in Africa, equall to the Romane in Europe.
• a 1.12

  Discourse of the Queene & the Iesuite.
• b 1.13

  Would God this were their one and only, for then their errour would bee found the An ••ent and Ca〈…〉〈…〉 like T〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.14

  The Apostles were no body with this Iesu∣ite; or all are swallowed into the Romish Whirlepooles and no mar∣uel, for Christs owne preroga∣tiue, Of one 〈…〉〈…〉∣stor, is next arrogated: as if the Church had no Christ to be Pastor, nor no Apostles to heare, but the Roman: called to that head∣ship by Phocas, and since this dispute, pub∣lishing a new Creed added to the Trent Councell The Abassine and Iesuite haue diuided the truth betwixt them in some things, which in some other both want. Omnia probate, quod bonum eft tenete.
• * 1.15

  Christ saith, I am that good Shepheard, &c. Iohn 10. and by Peter, is still so acknowledged, and other mi∣nisteriall Pa∣stors of their flocks to feed them, not to domineere, &c. 1. p. 5. Grosse errors of the Abassines about the Sab∣bath & meats, &c. Diuers o∣thers most ab∣hominable.
• * 1.16

  Plurimanos Monastery ve∣ry famous.
• * 1.17

  Abassine Monkes.
• * 1.18

  The Nuns.
• * 1.19

  Letter of Al∣fonsus of France a Portugall, to Gonzalus.
• * 1.20

  Therefore Claud us had obiected foure Gods to Ber∣mudez.
• * 1.21

  Exorcising the Seas & Winds. Let this be a generall rule to the Reader, to beleeue a Ie∣suite Iest in things neerest Rome, in other things to giue him Faith, where this Ro∣mish Faith is not a brewing. For I disclaime not their hu∣manity, though I trust not their diuinitie in all points. Yet e∣uen Iannes and Iambres against Moses, did as great miracles as this, or as any which I beleeue of their relation done by theirs. False Prophets haue, Deut. 13. and false reli∣gions, pretend miracles, 2. Re. 1. which Iohn Baptist, an extraordinary ••••d true Pro∣phet had not.
• * 1.22

  I rehearse these things in the Story of Iesuites, that the world may see by what art they attained to that reputa∣tion in the Pa∣pacy: dazeling mens eyes with a seeming splendour of humilitie, such as is reiected, Col. 2. vlt. lay∣ing this low foundation to their haughtie aspiring, cree∣ping to the lowest, and terrifying the highest. Phil. 1.
• * 1.23

  Mazua and Er∣coco taken by the Turkes.
• * 1.24

  Letter of Ema∣nuel Fernaudes.
• * 1.25

  Baroa, or Barua.
• * 1.26

  Commendati∣on of Claudi〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.27

  Malachales: the Author doub∣teth whether they were of the Amalckites posteritie. Modesty of a Moore. Adamas Empe∣rour.
• * 1.28

  Ouiedo bani∣shed three times.
• * 1.29

  Miracles like a bad herb, make the Iesuits Sto∣ries often di∣stastfull and doubtfull. You cannot haue their Rose without such prickles: or any remote re∣ligious Storie without such vanitie. Other miracles they tell which I haue omit∣ted, as en∣quiring more after the Abas∣sine state and Church, then Popish mira∣cles. Malaseguetus Emperour. The Galae.
• * 1.30

  Oviedos Letter to the Pope.
• * 1.31

  Haruest lost for want of labourers. Sinari.
• * 1.32

  An armed hand and band required to further the Ie∣suits preaching in Abassia.
• * 1.33

  Iesuits which passed to A∣bassi••.