Purchas his pilgrimes. part 2 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

PRAeTERITORVM, [ 10] OR DISCOVERIES OF THE WORLD, SPECIALLY SVCH AS IN THE OTHER BOOKES [ 20] ARE OMITTED. (Book 10)

THE TENTH BOOKE. (Book 10)

CHAP. I.

Briefe Collections of Voyages, chiefly of Spaniards and Portugals, [ 30] taken out of ANTONIE GALVANOS Booke of the Discoueries of the World.

IN the yeere 1153. * 1.1 in the time of Fredericke Barbarossa it is written, that there came to Lubec, a Citie of Germanie, one Canoa with certaine Indians, like vnto a long Barge: which seemed to haue come from the coast of Baccalaos, which stan∣deth in the same latitude that Germanie doth: The Germaines greatly wondered to see such a Barge, and such People, not [ 40] knowing from whence they came, nor vnderstanding their speech, especially because there was then no knowledge of that Countrie, as now there is: it may be credible that though the Boate was small in respect of those huge Seas, yet the Winde and Water might bring them thither: as wee see in these our dayes, that the Almadie which is but a small Boate, commeth notwithstanding from Quiloa, Mosambique, and Sofala, to the Iland of Saint Helena, being a small spot of Land standing in the mayne Ocean off the coast of Bona Sperança so farre separated. [ 50]

In the yeere 1300. after the comming of Christ, the great Soldan of Cairo commanded, that the Spiceries and Drugs, and merchandises of India should be carried through the Red Sea, as it was vsed before: at which time they vnladed on the Arabian side, at the Hauen of Iuda, and car∣ried them vnto the house at Mecca, and the Carriers of it were the Pilgrims. So that each Prince vsed a custome to augment the honour, and increase the profite of his countrie. And these Sol∣dans had speciall regard to Cairo, from whence the wares were carried vnto the Countries of E∣gypt, Lybia, Africa, the Kingdomes of Tunez, Tremessen, Fez, Marocco, Suz: and some of it was carried beyond the Mountaines of Atlas vnto the Citie of Tombuto, and the Kingdome of the Ial••phos; vntill afterwards that the Portugals did bring it about the Cape of Bona Sperança vnto the Citie of Lisbone, as in the place conuenient we purpose to shew more at large. [ 60]

In the yeere 1344. King Peter the fourth of that name reigning in Arragon, the Chronicles of his time report, that one Don Luis of Cerda, sonne vnto the sonne of Don Iohn of Cerda, craued aide of him to goe and to conquere the Iles of the Canaries, standing in 28. degrees of latitude to the North, because they were giuen vnto him by Pope Clement the sixt, which was a French man.

Whereby in those dayes there grew a knowledge of those Ilands in all Europe, and specially in Spaine: for such great Princes would not begin nor enterprise things of such moment without great certaintie.

About this time also the Iland of Madera was discouered by an English man, called Macham: who sailing out of England into Spaine, with a woman of his, was driuen out of his direct course * 1.2 by a tempest, and arriued in that Iland, and cast his anker in that Hauen, which now is called Ma∣chico, after the name of Macham. And because his Louer was then Sea-sicke, hee there went on Land withsome of his companie, and in the meane time his ship weyed and put to Sea, leauing him there: whereupon his Louer for thought died. Macham, which greatly loued her, built in the Iland a Chappell or Hermitage to burie her in, calling it by the name of Iesus Chappell: and wrote or graued vpon the stone of her Tombe his name and hers, and the occasion whereupon [ 10] they arriued there. After this hee made himselfe a Boate all of a Tree, the trees being there of a great compasse about, and went to Sea in it with those men of his companie that were left with him, and fell with the coast of Africke without Saile or Oare, and the Moores among whom hee came tooke it for a miracle, and presented him vnto the King of that countrie: and that King al∣so admiring the accident, sent him and his companie vnto the King of Castile.

In the yeere 1395. King Henrie the third of that name reigning in Castile, the information which Macham gaue of this Iland, and also the ship wherein hee went thither, mooued many of France and of Castile to goe and discouer it, and the great Canarie: And they which went were principally the Andaluzes, the Biscaines, and the Guepuseoes, carrying with them many people and horses. But I know not whether the charge of that voyage was theirs or the Kings. But by [ 20] whomsoeuer it was set out, they seeme to bee the first that discouered the Canaries, and landed in them: where also they tooke one hundred and fiftie of the Ilanders prisoners. Concerning the * 1.3 time of this discouerie, there is some difference among the Writers: for some affirme this to bee done in the yeere 1405.

THe Chronicles of Portugall haue this record, That after the Incarnation of Christ 1415. * 1.4 King Iohn the first of that name King of Portugall, departed from the Citie of Lisbone with the Prince Don Duarte or Edward, and Don Peter, and Don Henrie his sonnes, with other Lords, and Nobles of his Realme, and sailed into Africa, where he tooke the great Citie of Ceuta, stan∣ding on the North side thereof betweene 35. and 36. degrees in latitude: which was one of the [ 30] principall causes of the enlarging of the Dominions of Portugall.

When they were come from thence, Henrie, the Kings third sonne, desirous to enlarge the Kingdome, and to discouer strange and vnknowne Countries, being then in Algarbe, gaue dire∣ction for the discouerie of the coast of Mauritania. For in those dayes none of the Portugals had * 1.5 euer passed the Cape de Non, standing in 29. degrees of latitude. And for the better accomplish∣ing of this discouerie, the aforesaid Don Henrie prepared a fleete, and gaue commandement to the chiefe Captaines to proceede in discouerie from the aforesaid Cape forward: Which they did. But when they came to another Cape named Boiador, there was not one of them that durst goe farther or beyond it: at which fearfull and cowardly faintnesse of theirs, the Prince was excee∣dingly * 1.6 displeased. [ 40]

In the yeere 1417. King Iohn the second reigning in Castile, and his mother Lady Katharine then vsing the gouernment, one Monsieur Ruben of Bracamonte, which was then Admirall of France, craued the conquest of the Ilands of the Canaries, with the title to be King of them, for a kinsman of his, called Monsieur Iohn Betancourt: which being granted him by the Queene, and farther also partly furnished out, he departed from Siuil with a good armie: But the chiefe or principall cause that moued him to enter into this action, was to discouer and perfectly to take a view of the Iland of Madera, whereof Macham before had giuen so much information. But for all that he went vnto the Canaries, and carried with him a Friar, called Mendo, to bee as Bishop thereof, admitted by Pope Martin the fift. When they were landed, they wonne Lancerota, For∣teuentura, * 1.7 Gomera, and Ferro: from whence they sent into Spaine many Slaues, Hony, Waxe, [ 50] Comfora or Camfire, Hides, Orchall, Figs, Sanguis Draconis, and other merchandises, whereof they made good profit: And this Armie also, as they report, discouered Porto Santo. The Iland * 1.8 that they inhabited was Lancerota, where they built in it a Castle of stone for their better defence and securitie.

In the yeere 1418. one Iohn Gonzales Zarco, and Tristam Vaz Teixera, houshold Gentlemen vnto Don Henrie the Kings third sonne, perceiuing the desire that their Master had to discouer * 1.9 new Countries, and willing in that course to doe him some seruice, craued of him a Barke, and licence to vndertake the action: which they obtayned, and sailed to the coast of Africa: where they were ouertaken with a terrible tempest; but they were succoured by falling with the Land, * 1.10 and entring into an Hauen called Santo, where they landed, and remayned two yeeres. [ 60]

In the yeere 1420. they discouered the Iland of Madera, where they found the Chappell and the Stone and Tombe, whereupon the foresaid Macham had grauen his name. There are others that write, that a certaine Castillian, perceiuing the desire and fauour to Nauigation, which Don

Henrie had, told him that they had found the Iland of Porto Santo; which being but a small thing they made no reckoning of it. Don Henrie sent Bartholomew Perestrelle, Iohn Conzales * 1.11 Zarco, Tristam Vaz Teixera, and by the signes and likelihoods that they had receiued, they went to Porto Santo, and there remayned two yeeres: and after that, namely, in the yeere 1420. they sailed also to the Iland of Madera, where they found the memoriall and moniment of the afore∣said Macham the English man.

As for Monsieur Betancourt, who entred into the Conquest of the Canaries, as is aboue men∣tioned, he was slaine in the middest of the action, and left behinde him for his heire a kinsman of his, called Monsieur Menante, who after that sold the said Ilands of the Cauaries vnto one Peter * 1.12 Barba of Siuil. There are other which speake otherwise, and say, that Monsieur Iohn Betancourt went into France to prepare a new Armie about this Conquest, and left there a Nephew of his; [ 10] who because he heard no more of his Vncle, and saw that hee could not maintaine the warres any longer, he sold the Canaries to Don Henrie the King of Portugals third sonne, for a certaine thing that he gaue him in the Iland of Madera.

In the yeere 1424. they write that the said Don Henrie prepared a Nauie and Armie to con∣quer * 1.13 these Ilands, wherein there went as Captaine Generall, one Don Fernando de Castro; and by reason of the valiantnesse and warlike behauiour of the people, they had the repulse: whereupon Don Ferdinando, considering the great charge, and little or no good successe, hee gaue ouer the a∣ction, and returned back againe. After this Don Henrie resigned ouer these Ilands to the Crowne of Castile, in consideration of the aides which Betancourt had receiued. But the Castallians agree not vnto this report. For they say, that neither the Kings of Portugall, nor Don Henrie would ren∣der [ 20] the Ilands, till they came in question before Pope Eugenius the fourth; who fully vnderstan∣ding * 1.14 the matter, gaue the Conquest of the Ilands by order of iudgement vnto the King of Castile in the yeere 1431. whereupon this contention ceased touching the Title of the Canaries, betweene the Kings of Portugall and of Castile.

These Ilands being in number seuen, were called by the name of Fortunatae, standing in 28. de∣grees to the North: where the longest day is but thirteene houres, and the longest night as much, lying distant from Spaine two hundred leagues, and from the Coast of Africa eighteene leagues. The people were Idolaters, and did eate their flesh raw for want of firè: they had no Iron, and Towed without any toole: they tilled and raised the ground with Oxe hornes, and Goats hornes. * 1.15 [ 30]

Euery Iland did speake a seuerall language. They tooke many wiues, and knew them not car∣nally vntill they had deliuered them to the Superiours. They had diuers other Paganish customs: but now the Christian faith is planted among them. The commodities of these Ilands are * 1.16 Wheat, Barly, Sugar, Wine, and certaine birds, called Canarie birds, much esteemed in Spaine and other places.

In the Iland of Ferro they haue none other water, but that which proceedeth in the night from a Tree, compassed with a cloud, whence water issueth, seruing the whole Iland both Men and * 1.17 Cattell, a thing notorious and knowne to very many.

In the yeere 1428. it is written that Don Peter, the King of Portugals eldest sonne, was a great traueller. He went into England, France, Almaine, and from thence into the Holy Land, and to [ 40] other places; and came home by Italie, taking Rome and Venice in his way: from whence hee brought a Map of the World, which had all the parts of the World and Earth described. The Streight of Magelan was called in it, The Dragons taile: The Cape of Bona Sperança, The fore∣front of Afrike, and so forth of other places: by which Map, Don Henrie the Kings third sonne, was much helped and furthered in his Discoueries.

It was told mee by Francis de Sosa Tauares, that in the yeere 1528. Don Fernando the Kings sonne and heire did shew him a Map, which was found in the studie of Alcobaza, which had beene made one hundred and twentie yeeres before, which Map did set forth all the Nauigation of the East Indies, with the Cape of Bona Sperança, according as our later Maps haue described it. Whereby it appeareth, that in ancient time there was as much or more discouered, then now * 1.18 [ 50] there is. Notwithstanding all the trauaile, paines, and expences in this action of Don Henrie, yet he was neuer wearie of his purposed Discoueries. At length, there was a seruant of his, called Gilianes, that first passed the Cape Boiador, a place before terrible to all men: and hee brought word that it was not so dangerous, as it was reported: for on the other side of it he went on land, and in manner of taking possession, set in the ground a Crosse of wood, to bee as a marke and to∣ken afterwards of his discouerie so farre. In the yeere 1433. in the moneth of August, Don Iohn died, and his sonne Don Duarte or Edward succeeded him in his Kingdome.

In the yeere 1434. Don Henrie set out one Alfonso Gonsales Baldaia, and Gilianes aforesaid, and they went to another Cape, which was beyond the former, and going on land perceiued the Countrie to be inhabited: and because they were desirous to satisfie Don Henrie, with as much [ 60] relation and knowledge as they could get, they continued their voyage, and went forward, till they came to a certaine point of Land, from whence they turned backe againe. In the yeere 1438. King Edward, whom the Portugals call Don Duarte, died, and Don Alphonso the Prince being yong, Don Peter his Vncle, gouerned the Kingdome.

In the yeere 1441. Don Henrie sent out two ships, and the Captaines were in the one Tristan, * 1.19 and Antonie Gonsales in the other. Being put to Sea they tooke a prize vpon the Coast; and sai∣led on to Cape Blanco, that is, the White Cape, standing in 20. degrees, and informed Don Henrie of the state of that Conntrie by the Moores, which they brought from thence. Whereupon hee * 1.20 sent one Fernan Lopez de Sauado, to giue knowledge thereof to Pope Martin, trusting to make these things commodious to Holy Church. Vpon which knowledge the Pope granted Indul∣gences and euerlasting pardon, and all other things demanded of him, vnto those which should * 1.21 die in this enterprise. After this, in the yeere 1443. Don Henrie commanded Antonie Gonsales to carry backe the slaues which he had brought, and to ransome them in their Countrie: Which he did, and the Moores gaue them in trucke for them againe blacke Moores with curled haire, [ 10] and some gold; so that now that place is called Rio de Oro, that is, the Golden Riuer; whereby * 1.22 the desire of the Discouerie might be the more increased.

Not long after he sent out another, named Nunnez Tristan, who came vnto the Ilands of Ar∣guin, where he tooke more slaues, and brought them to Portugall in the yeere 1444. Hereupon * 1.23 also one Lansarote, a Groome of Don Gilians chamber, with others associated with him, armed out certaine ships, which went coasting till they came to the Ilands of Garze, where they tooke * 1.24 two hundred slaues: which were the first that were brought from thence to Portugall.

In the yeere 1445. there went as Captaine of a Barke one Gonsalo de Syntra, an Esquire belong∣ing to Don Henrie into those parts; and he went on Land, where he was taken with sixe or seuen more of his companie, which place was therefore called after his name, Angra de Gonsaluo de [ 20] Syntra. This was the first losse, which the Portugals receiued in their Discoueries. * 1.25

In the yeere following, Don Henrie sent out three Carauels, wherein went as Captaines An∣tonie Gonsales, Diego Aloizio, and Gomes Perez, who had their direction, not to enter into Rio de Oro, nor to beare themselues disorderly, but to trauaile in peace, and to conuert as many Infidels as they could to Christianitie. But none of these things were performed by them; for they re∣turned without doing any memorable act. In the same yeere 1446. another Esquire belonging to the King of Portugall, called Denis Fernandes, of the Citie of Lubone, entred into these Disco∣ueries, more to win fame then to reape commoditie by them. And he being in his voyage came to the Riuer of Sanaga, standing betweene 15. and 16. degrees of latitude towards the North, * 1.26 where he tooke certaine Negroes; and not contented therewith, hee went forward and discoue∣red [ 30] Cap•• Verde, standing in 14. degrees on the same side; and there hee set vp vpon the Land a Crosse of wood, and then returned with great contentation.

In the yeere 1447. one Nunnez Tristan went forth to discouer in a Carauell, and he passed the aforesaid Cape Verde, and Rio Grande, and went past it vnto another, standing beyond it in 12. * 1.27 degrees, where he was also taken with eighteene Portugals more: but the ship came home againe in safetie, conducted by foure or fiue which escaped the hands of the Negroes.

In this yeere also 1447. it hapned that there came a Portugall ship through the Streight of Gi∣braltar; and being taken with a great tempest, was forced to run Westwards more then willingly * 1.28 the men would, and at last they fell vpon an Iland which had seuen Cities, and the people spake the Portugall tongue, and they demanded if the Moores did yet trouble Spaine, whence they had [ 40] fled for the losse which they receiued by the death of the King of Spaine, Don Roderigo. The Boatswaine of the ship brought home a little of the Sand, and sold it vnto a Gold-smith of Lisbon, out of the which hee had a good quantitie of gold. Don Pedro vnderstanding this, being then Gouernour of the Realme, caused all the things thus brought home, and made knowne, to be re∣corded in the house of Iustice. There be some that thinke, that those Ilands whereunto the Por∣tugals were thus driuen, were the Antiles, or New Spaine, alleaging good reasons for their opi∣nion, which here I omit, because they serue not to my purpose. But all their reasons seeme to a∣gree, that they should be that Countrie, which is called Noua Spagna.

In the yeere 1449. the King Don Alfonso gaue licence vnto his Vncle Don Henrie, to inhabit * 1.29 the Ilands of the Açores, which were long before discouered. And in the yeere 1458. this King [ 50] went into Africa, and there hee tooke the Towne, called Alcaçer. And in the yeere 1461. hee commanded Signior Mendez, a Gentleman of his House, to build the Castle of Arguin, where∣of he gaue vnto him the gouernment, as to his Lieutenant.

In the yeere 1462. there came into the Realme of Portugall three Genowais of good paren∣tage, the chiefe of whom vvas called Antonie de Noli, and of the other two, the one was his brother, the other was his nephew, and each of these had his seuerall ship, crauing libertie of Don Henrie to discouer the Ilands of Cape Verde, which was granted them. Others say, that the places which they discouered, were those vvhich Antiquitie called the Gorgades, Hespe∣rides, and Dorcades: but they named them Mayo, Saint Iago, and Saint Philip, because they discouered them on those Saints dayes: but they are also called by some, the Ilands of [ 60] Antonio.

In the yeere following 1463. this good noble man Don Henrie died, leauing from Cape De * 1.30 Non, discouered vnto the mountaine called Sierra Leona, standing on this side the Line in eight degrees of latitude, where no man had beene before that time.

In the yeere 1469. the King of Portugall did let out for yeerely Rent the trade of Guiney vn∣to one called Fernan Gomez, which Countrie afterwards was called The Mine. He let it out for * 1.31 fiue yeeres, for two hundred thousand Reyes by the yeere (which is of our English money, one hundred thirty eight pounds seuenteene shillings nine pence halfpeny) and added vnto his lease this condition, that euery yeere he should discouer an hundred leagues. In the yeere follow∣ing, which was 1470. this King went into Africa, with his sonne Prince Iohn, where they tooke the Towne of Arzila, and the people of the Citie of Tanger fled out for feare, and that he took also. It seemeth that good fortune followeth a couragious attempt.

In the yeere 1471. Fernan Gomes gaue commandement that the Coast should be discouered * 1.32 as it lay. Which was vndertaken by Iohn de S. Aren, and Iohn de Scouar; and they went and [ 10] found the Mine in 5. degrees of latitude. And the next yeere, which was 1472 one Fernando * 1.33 de Poo discouered the Iland now called after his name. Also about this time the Ilands of Saint Thomas, and Del Principe were discouered, standing vnder the Line, with the firme Land also, wherein is the Kingdome of Benin, reaching to the Cape De Santa Katarina, stan∣ding on the South side of the Line in 3. degrees. The man that made this Discouerie was a seruant of the Kings, and his name was Sequeira. Many suppose, that then also there were those places, Countries and Ilands discouered, which before were neuer knowne to vs since the Floud.

In the yeere 1480. the valiant King Don Alfonso died, and left many things worthie of me∣morie behind him; and his sonne Don Iohn the Second succeeded him. Who in the yeere 1481. [ 20] gaue direction for the building of the Castle De Mina to one Diego d'Azambuxa; who did so, and was made Captaine of it.

In the yeere 1484. the foresaid King Iohn sent out one Diego Caon a Knight of his Court to discouer: and he went to the Riuer of Conge, standing on the South side in 7. or 8. de∣grees of latitude; where he erected a Pillar of stone with the Royall Armes and Letters of Portugall, wherein he wrote the commandement that he had receiued from the King, with the time and day of his being there. From thence he went vnto a Riuer neere the Tropike of Ca∣pricorne, * 1.34 setting still vp Pillars of stone where he thought it conuenient, and so came backe a∣gaine vnto Congo, and to the King of that Countrie: who thereupon sent an Ambassador and men of credit into Portugall. [ 30]

In the next yeere or the second following, one Iohn Alonso d'Aneiro came from the King∣dome of Benin, and brought home Pepper with a taile: which was the first of that kind seeue * 1.35 in Portugall.

In the yeere 1487. King Iohn sent to discouer India ouer Land. In which Iourney went one Pedro de Couillan a seruant of the Kings, and Alfonso de Payua, because they could speake the Arabian tongue. They went out in the moneth of May, and the same yeere they tooke shipping at Naples, and arriued in the Ile of Rhodes, and lodged in the house that was prouided for the Portugall Knights of that order: from thence they went to Alexandria, and so to Cairo, and thence to the Hauen of Toro in the companie of the Carauans or Carriers which were Moores. There they tooke shipping, and being on the Red Sea they arriued at the Ci∣tie [ 40] of Aden, and there they separated themselues: for Alfanso de Payua went towards Ae∣thiopia, and Pedro de Couillan into India. Who came into the Cities of Cananor and Calicut, and came backe vnto Goa: where he tooke shipping vnto Sofala, being on the Coast of Africa in the Southerne latitude of 20. degrees, to see the Mines that were of so great name. From Sofala he turned backe to Mosambique, and vnto the Cities of Quiloa, Mombaza, and Me∣linde, till he came backe againe vnto the Citie of Aden: where he and Alfonso de Payua diui∣ded themselues: and thence hee sayled againe through the Red Sea vnto the Citie of Cayro, where he thought to haue met with his companion: but there hee heard that he was dead by the Letters that he receiued from King Iohn his Master; in which Letters he was farther com∣manded to trauell into the Countrie and Dominions of Presbyter Iohn. Vpon this commande∣ment [ 50] * 1.36 he prouided for his farther Iourney, and from Cayro went backe againe to the Hauen of Toro, and from thence to Aden, where hee had beene twice before: and there hearing of the fame of the Citie of Ormuz, he determined to goe thither; and therefore went along the Coast of Arabia vnto the Cape Razalgate standing vnder the Tropike of Cancer, and from thence he went to Ormuz, standing in 27. degrees on that side. There he learned and vnderstood of the Straight of Persia, and of that Countrie: and entred there into the Red Sea, and passed ouer to the Realme of the Abassini, which commonly is called Presbyter Iohns Countrie or Aethiopia: and there he was detained till the yeere 1520. when there came thither the Ambassador Don Roderigo de Lima: This Pedro de Couillan was the first Portugall that euer knew and saw the Indias and those Seas, and other places adjoyning thereunto. [ 60]

In the yeere 1490. the King sent vnto Congo one Gonzalo de Sosa a Gentleman with three ships, and in them sent home the Ambassador of Congo, which was sent into Portugall, whom Diego Caon had brought from thence: who at his being in Portugall was baptised both himselfe and others of his companie. The aforesaid Gonzalo de Sosa died in that Iourney by

the way, and in his roome they chose his Nephew Ruy de Sosa for their Captaine; and so be∣ing come vnto Congo, the King was very glad of their comming, and yeelded himselfe, and * 1.37 the greater part of his Realme to be baptized: whereof the Portugals had good cause to re∣ioyce, seeing by them so many Infidels were conuerted from Gentilisme and Paganisme to Christianitie.

In the yeere 1492. in the time of Don Ferdinando King of Castile, he being at the siege of Granada, dispatched one Christopher Columbus a Genoway with three ships to goe and discouer Noua Spagna: who first had offered his seruice for a Westerne discouerie vnto King Iohn of Portugall; but he would not entertaine him.

Hee being sufficiently furnished for this enterprise departed from the Towne of Palos the [ 10] third day of August, hauing with him as Captaines and Pilots Martin Alfonso Pinzon, Francis Martinez Pinzon, Uincent Yannes Pinzon, and Bartholomew Columbus his brother, with an hun∣dred * 1.38 and twenty persons more in his companie: and some affirme that they were the first that sayled by latitudes.

Hereupon there grew such a common desire of trauell among the Spaniards, that they were ready to leape into the Sea to swimme, if it had beene possible, into those new-found parts. The aforesaid companie of Columbus, at their comming home, tooke in their way the Iles of the Açores, and the fourth day of March in the yeere 1493. the entred into the barre of Lisbon: * 1.39 which discouerie pleased not the King of Portugall. Whereupon rose a contention betweene those two Kings. [ 20]

Christopher Columbus being arriued, went presently into Castile with the newes of all things, and acquainted the King Fernando with the discontentednesse of the King of Portugall: where∣upon he and the Queene Isabella his wife sent streight word thereof vnto Pope Alexander the Sixt, whereat he and the Italians were in great admiration, maruelling that there was any more Land besides that which was vnder the Romanes. But the end of this matter was this: A∣lexander the Pope gaue these Countries by his Iudgement vnto the Kingdomes of Leon and * 1.40 Castile; with this condition, That they should labour to extirpate Idolatrie, and plant the holy Faith in those Countries.

Fernando the King hauing receiued this answere, was glad of it, and sent Christopher Colum∣bus againe on the former Voyage, hauing made him Admirall, and giuen him other honours, [ 30] with particular Armes, and a Pofie written about his Armes to this effect. For Castile and for * 1.41 Leon, A new world found out Colon.

In the yeere 1493. the fiue and twentieth of the moneth of October Christopher Columbus went back vnto the Antiles, and from Cadiz he tooke his course, hauing in his companie seuen∣teene ships, and fifteene hundred men in them, with his brethren Bartholomew Columbus, and Diego Columbus, with other Knights, Gentlemen, men of Law, and Religious men, with Cha∣lices, Crosses, rich ornaments, and with great power and dignitie from Pope Alexander; and the tenth day after their setting forth, they arriued at the Canaries; and from thence in fiue and twenty or thirty dayes they sayled vnto the Antiles; and the first Iland that they saw standeth in 14. degrees towards the North, due West from Cape Verde on the coast of Africa. They say [ 40] that the distance from thence to the Canaries is eight hundred leagues. The name they gaue it was Deseada, that is, the Desired or wished Iland, for the great desire which the companie had * 1.42 to come to sight of Land. After that they discouered many more which they named the Uir∣gines, which the Naturals of the Countrie call the Caribas, for that the men of that Countrie are good warriers, and shoot well in Bowes. they poison their Arrowes with an herbe, whereof * 1.43 he that is hurt dieth, biting himselfe like as a made Dog doth.

From these Ilands and others they went vnto the principall Iland there, which they of the Countrie doe call Boriquen, and the Spaniards call it Saint Iohn, and thence to Hispaniola or Isa∣bella, where they found all the men dead which there they had left. Here the Admirall left the * 1.44 most part of the people to plant it, and appointed his brethren to bee Gouernours there: and [ 50] so tooke two ships, and went to discouer the other side of the Iland of Cuba, and from thence to Iamaica. All these Ilands stand from 16. vnto 20. degrees of Northerly latitude. In the * 1.45 meane time that the Admirall sayled about, his brethren and they that were left with them were much troubled, because the Sauages did rise against them. So that Christopher Colon went backe againe into Spaine, to tell the King and Queene of his aduentures.

In the yeere 1494. and in the moneth of Ianuary there was an agreement made of the dif∣ferences * 1.46 which were betweene the two Kings of Spaine and Portugall. For the which agree∣ment there were sent out of Portugall Ruy de Sosa, and Don Iohn his sonne, and the Doctor Ayres de Almada: and for the King of Spaine there were Don Henry Henriques, Don Iohn de Cardenas, and the Doctor Maldonado. All these met in the Towne of Tordefillas, and they diui∣ded [ 60] the World from the North to the South by a Meridian which standeth West from the I∣lands * 1.47 of Cape Verde 300. leagues: so that the one halfe which lay to the East should belong vnto Portugall, and that which lay to the West to the King of Spaine, whereby notwithstanding liber∣tie to trauell was left equall vnto both. In the yeere following 1495. Iohn King of Portugall died, and Emmanuel his Cousin began to raigne.

In the yeere 1496. there was a Uenetian in England, called Iohn Cabota, who hauing know∣ledge * 1.48 of such a new Discouerie as this was, and perceiuing by the Globe, that the Ilands before spoken of stood almost in the same Latitude with his Countrey, and much neerer to England then to Portugall, or to Castile, hee acquainted King Henrie the seuenth then King of England with the same, wherewith the said King was greatly pleased, and furnished him out with two Ships and three hundred men: which departed and set sayle in the Spring of the yeere, and they sayled Westward till they came in sight of land in 45. degrees of Latitude towards the North, and then went straight Northwards till they came into 60. degrees of Latitude, where the day is eighteene houres long, and the night is very cleere and bright. There they found the ayre cold, and great Ilands of ice, but no ground in an hundred fathoms sounding: and so from thence finding the land to turne Eastwards, they trended along by it discouering all the Bay [ 10] and Riuer named Descada, to see if it passed on the other side: Then they sayled backe a∣gaine till they came to 38. degrees toward the Equinoctiall line, and from thence returned into England. There be others which say, that hee went as farre as the Cape of Florida, which stan∣deth in 25. degrees.

In the yeere 1497. the King of Spaine Don Fernando sent out Christopher Columbus with sixe ships, and hee himselfe prouided two ships at his owne cost, and sending his brother before, he made sayle from the Bay of Cadiz, carrying with him his Son Don Diego Colon. It was then re∣ported that he went to take the Iland of Madera, because he mistrusted the French-men, & ther∣fore sent thither three ships: others say it was to the Canaries. But howsoeuer it was, this is [ 20] true, that he and three more went vnto the Ilands of Cape Uerde, and ranne along by the line * 1.49 finding great calmes and raine, and the first land which they came vnto of the Antiles was an I∣land standing in 9. degrees of Latitude towards the North joyning fast vnto the maine land, which they called La Trinidada; and so he entred into the Gulfe of Paria, and came out of the mouth which they name Bocca de Dragone, or the Dragons mouth: and they tooke their course hard by the Coast, where they found three small Ilands, which they named Los Testigos, that is to say, The Witnesses, beyond which standeth the Iland of Cubagua, where is great fishing of muscle Pearles: where also, as they say, there springeth a Well of oyle: and beyond that Iland they came to the Iles of Frailes, Roques, Aruba, and Curacao, with other small ones all along the Bay: and they came to the point of Cabo de Uela, and discouered along the Coast almost [ 30] two hundred leagues, from whence they crossed ouer to Hispaniola, hauing had also sight of the Iland called Beata.

In this same yeere 1497. on the twentieth day of the moneth of Iune, one Vasques de Gama, sayled from Lisbon by the King Emmanuels commandement to India with three ships, wherein * 1.50 there went for Captaines Uasques de Gama, Paulus de Gama his brother, and Nicolas Coello with one hundred and twentie men; with whom also there went one ship laden onely with victuals, and in fourteene dayes they came vnto Cape Verde, vnto the Iland of Saint Iago, where they re∣freshed themselues, and from thence they went along the coast beyond the Cape of Bona Spe∣ranza, * 1.51 whereupon they erected certayne Pillers of stone, and so came vnto Mosambique, stan∣ding in 15. degrees to the South of the line, where they stayed not long, but went from thence to Mombaza, and vnto Melinde: where the King of that place gaue them Pilots, which con∣ducted [ 40] them into India, in which discouerie they found out Los Baxos do Padua, that is to say; the flats of Padua.

In the yeere 1498. in the moneth of May, they came to an anker before the Citie of Calicut, and Panana, where they remained all the winter: and the first day of September they set sayle * 1.52 towards the North, discouering the Coast all along till they came to the Iland of Angediua, which standeth on that side in in 15. degrees of latitude, where they came to an anker in the be∣ginning of October, and so they departed from Angediua in Februarie, in the yeere 1499. and came in sight of the coast of Africa about Melinde towards the North 3. or 4. degrees, and from thence they sayled vnto the said Citie, and so vnto Mosambique againe, and to the Cape of Bo∣na [ 50] Speranza, sayling along by the Coast, and then they came to the Ilands of Cape Verde, and last of all to the Citie of Lisbon in the moneth of September, hauing beene in the voyage six and * 1.53 twentie moneths.

In the yeere 1499. on the thirteenth day of the moneth of Nouember, there departed from Pales one Uincent Yannez Pinson and his nephew Aries Pinson, with foure ships well appointed at their owne cost and charges, to discouer the new world vnder the licence of the King of Ca∣stile, and with commandement not to touch there, where the Admirall Columbus had beene. * 1.54 And so they went to the Ilands of Cape Verde, and passed the line to the Southward, and dis∣couered the Cape of Saint Augustine, standing on that side in 8. degrees of latitude, and there * 1.55 they wrote on the rindes of Pine trees the names of the King and Queene, also the yeere and [ 60] day when they arriued there. They fought with the people of Brasil, but got nothing, they tooke their course all along the coast towards the West vnto the Riuer Maria Tambal, and at * 1.56 that time they had taken thirtie and odde Prisoners. The chiefe places where they touched were the Cape of S. Augustine, and the angle or point of S. Luke, and Tierra de los Humos, the

Riuers of Marannon, and of the Amazones, and Rio dolce, or the Sweet Riuer, and other places along the Coast: and they came to 10. degrees of latitude on the North side, where they lost * 1.57 two ships and their companie, and remained in that Voyage of discouerie ten moneths and fifteene dayes.

In the yeere 1500. and in the moneth of March, one Pedro Aluarez Cabral sayled out of Lis∣bon with thirteene ships, with commandement not to come neere the coast of Africa to shorten * 1.58 his way; and he losing the sight of one of his ships, went to seeke her, and in seeking of her lost his course, and sayled till he came within sight of the land. The Generall was so long in see∣king his ship, that the companie were wearie of it, and entreated him to leaue his enterprise. The next day they fell in sight of the Coast of Brasil: whereupon the Generall commanded a Barke to goe to land and seeke a hauen: which they did, and found a good and safe hauen, and [ 10] they named it Puerto Seguro, that is to say, The safe Hauen, standing on the South side in 17. de∣grees of latitude. From thence they sayled towards the Cape of Bona Speranca, and Melinde, * 1.59 and crossed ouer to the Riuer of Cochin, which before was not knowne, where they laded them∣selues with Pepper, and at their returne Sancho de Thouar discouered the Citie of Sofala vpon the coast of Africa. * 1.60

In this same yeere 1500. it is reported that Gaspar Cortereal craued a generall licence of the King Emmanuel to discouer the New found land. Hee went from the Iland Tercera with two * 1.61 ships well appointed at his owne cost, and hee sayled vnto that climate which standeth vnder the North in 50. degrees of latitude, which is a land now called after his name; and hee came home in safetie vnto the Citie of Lisbon: And making another time this voyage, the ship was [ 20] lost wherein he went, and the other came backe into Portugall. Wherefore his brother Michael Cortereal went to seeke him with three ships well appointod at his owne cost; and when they came vnto that Coast, and found so many entrances of Riuers and Hauens, euery ship went into * 1.62 her seuerall Riuer, with this rule and order, that they all three should meet againe the twentieth day of August. The two other ships did so, and they seeing that Michael Cortereal was not come at the day appointed, nor yet afterwards in a certaine time, returned backe into the realme of Portugall, and ueuer heard any more newes of him, nor yet any other memorie. But that Countrey is called, The land of Cortereall vnto this day.

In this yeere 1501. in the moneth of March, Iohn de Noua departed from the Citie of Lisbon with foure ships, and passed the line on the South side into 8. degrees of latitude, and he disco∣uered * 1.63 [ 30] an Iland, which he called the Ile de Ascension: and hee went vnto Mosambique, and to Melinde, and from thence he crossed ouer vnto the other side, where they tooke lading, and so came backe and doubled the Cape, and found an Iland called Santa Helena, being but a small thing, but yet of great importance in respect of the situation thereof. * 1.64

In this same yeere 1501. and in the moneth of May, there departed out of Lisbon, three ships vpon the commandement of Emmanuel the King to discouer the coast of Brasil: and they sayled in the sight of the Canaries, and from thence to Cape Verde, where they refreshed themselues in the Towne of Bezequiche, and passed from thence beyond the line Southward, and fell with the * 1.65 land of Brasill in 5. degrees of latitude, and so went forward till they came in 32. degrees little more or lesse, according as they accounted it, and from thence they came backe in the moneth [ 40] * 1.66 of Aprill, because it was there at that time cold and tempestuous. They were in that voyage fif∣teene moneths, and came to Lisbon againe in the beginning of September, 1502.

In the yeere 1502. one Alfonso Hoteda went to discouer Terra firma, and followed his course till he came to the Prouince of Vraba. * 1.67

The next yeere following, also one Roderigo Bastidas of Siuill went out with two Carauels at his owne cost, and the first land of the Antiles that hee saw was an Iland which he named Isla Verde, that is, the Greene Iland, standing fast by the Iland of Guadalupe, towards the land: and from thence they tooke their course towards the West to Santa Martha, and Cape De la Vela, and to Rio Grande, or the Great riuer, and they discouered the Hauen of Zamba, the Coradas, Carthagena, and the Ilands of Saint Barnard, of Baru, and Isla•• de Arenas, and went forward [ 50] vnto Isla fuerte, and to the point of Caribana, standing at the end of the Gulfe of Vraba, where they had sight of the Farrallones standing on the other side hard by the Riuer of Darien, and from Cape De la Vela vnto this place are two hundred leagues: and it standeth in 9. degrees and two parts of latitude. From thence they crossed ouer vnto the Iland of Iamaica, where they re∣freshed themselues. In Hispaniola they graued their ships because of the holes which certaine wormes of the water had eaten into the plankes. In that Countrey they got foure hundred markes of Gold, although the people there be more warlike then in Noua Spania: for they poi∣son their arrowes which they shoote.

In this same yeere 1502. Christopher Columbus entred the fourth time into his discouerie with foure ships, at the commandement of Don Fernando to seeke the Straight, which as they said [ 60] did diuide the land from the other side, and he carried with him Ferdinando his sonne. They went first to the Iland of Hispaniola, to Iamaica, to the Riuer Azua, to the Cape of Higueras, and vnto the Ilands Gamares, and to the Cape of Hunduras, that is to say, the Cape of the Depthes:

from thence they sayled towards the East vnto the Cape Gracias a Dios and discouered the Pro∣uince and Riuer of Veragua, and Rio Grande, and others which the Indians call Hienra. And * 1.68 from thence he went to the Riuer of Crocodiles, which now is called Rio de Chagres, which hath his springs neere the South sea, within foure leagues of Panania, and runneth into the North Sea: and so he went vnto the Iland which hee called Isla de Bastimentos, that is the Ile of Victuals, and then to Puerto Bello, that is, the Faire Hauen, and so vnto N••mbre de Dios, and to Rio Francisco, and so to the Hauen of Retrete, and then to the Gulfe of Cabesa Cattina, and to the Ilands of Caper••sa, and lastly to the Cape of Marble, which is two hundred leagues vpon the Coast: from whence they began to turne againe vnto the Iland of Cuba, and from thence to Ia∣maica, where he grounded his ships being much spoyled and eaten with Wormes. [ 10]

In this yeere also 1502. Don Vasques de Gama being now Admirall, went againe into India * 1.69 with nineteene or twentie Caruels. Hee departed from Lisbon the tenth day of Februarie, and by the last day of that moneth he came to an anker at Cape Uerde, and from thence he went vnto Mosambique, and was the first that crost from that Iland into India: and hee discouered another * 1.70 in 4. degrees of Latitude, which he called the Iland of the Admirall, and there he tooke his la∣ding of Pepper and Drugs, and left there one Uincent Sodre to keepe the Coast of India with fiue ships. These were the first Portugals that with an Armie did runne along the Coast of A∣rabia Foelix. It is there so barren, that their Cattell and Camels are onely maintayned with drie Fish brought from the sea; whereof there is such plentie and abundance, that the Cats of the * 1.71 Countrey doe vse to take them. [ 20]

In the yeere following, as it is reported, one Antonie de Saldania, discouered the Iland which in old time was called Coradis, and now Socotora, and the Cape of Guardafu, which adioyneth vnto that Countrey.

In the yeere 1504. Roderigo de Bastidas obtayned licence of King Ferdinando, and by the meanes of Iohn d•• Ledesma, and others of Siuill, armed and furnished out two ships, hauing for his Pilot one Iohn de Cosa of Saint Marie Port, and he went to discouer that part of Tierra firma, where now standeth Carthagena, being in 10. degrees and a halfe of Northerly latitude. And it * 1.72 is said that they found the Captaine Luis de la Guerra; and they together tooke land in the He of Codego, where they tooke sixe hundred persons of the Sauages: And going farther along the * 1.73 Co••st they entred into the Gulfe of Vraba, where they found Sand mingled with Gold, being [ 30] the first that was brought to the King Don Ferdinando: from thence they returned to the Citie of Santo Domingo laden with Slaues without victuals, because they of the Countrey would not bargaine with them, which grew to their great trouble and griefe. In the latter end of this * 1.74 yeere dyed Ladie Isabella Queene of Castile: Which Queene while she liued would not suffer a∣ny man of Arragon, Catalunia, Valencia, nor any borne in the Countrey of Don Fernando her hus∣band to enter into these discoueries, saue those which were there Seruants, or by speciall com∣mandement, but onely the Castillians, Biscaines, and those which were of her owne Signories, by whom all the lands aforesaid were discouered.

In the yeere 1505. vpon our Lady day in March, Francisco de Almeida Viceroy of India, tooke * 1.75 his course with two and twentie sayles towards India as now is accustomed. He came vnto the [ 40] Citie of Quiloa, where he built a Fort, appointing one Peter Fereira to bee Captayne thereof: and beyond Melind•• hee trauersed to the Iland of Angediua, where he placed as Captayne one Emmanuell Passauia. In Cananor also he built another Fort, giuing the Captainship of it to Lau∣rence de Brit••. In Cochin he did the like, where Don Alfonso de Noronia was made Captayne. This yeere one Peter de Anhaya did build the Fortresse of Sofala, whereof also himselfe was made Captayne. In the latter end of this yeere, the Viceroy commanded his Sonne, whose name was Don Laurenzo to make some entrie vpon the Ilands of Maldiua, and with contrarie weather he arriued at the Ilands, which of ancient time were called Tragan••, but the Moores called them Y••ter••be••ero, and wee call them Ceilan: where he went on land, and made peace with the peo∣ple there, and afterward came backe vnto Cochin, sayling along the Coast and fully discouering [ 50] it. In the middest of this Iland, there stands a Rocke of stone very high hauing the signe of the foot of a man vpon the top of it, which they say to be the footstep of Adam, when he went vp into the Heauens, and the Indians haue it in great reuerence. * 1.76

In the yeere 1506. after the death of the Queene of Spaine, King Philip and Queene Ioan his wife, came into Spaine to take possession thereof, and King Don Fernando went into Arragon being his owne Patrimonie. In this same yeere the said King Philip dyed, and then Fernando came againe to gouerne Spaine, and hee gaue licence vnto all Spaniards to goe vnto the New Land, & to the Antiles, but not to the Portugals. In this yeere & in the month of May Christopher Columbus dyed, and his Son Don Diego Columbus succeeded in his roome (Ad〈…〉〈…〉rall of the West Indies. In the yeere 1506. in the moneth of March Tristan de Acunna and Alfonso de Albuquerque [ 60] went into India with 14. ships in their company, & sayled til they came to an anker at the Town * 1.77 of Bezequiche, where they refreshed themselues: and before they came to the Cape of Bona Spe∣rança in 37. degrees they found certaine Ilands, which now are named the Isles of Tristan de Acunna, where they had such a tempest that therewithall the Fleet was disperced. Tristan de A∣cunna

and Alfanso de Albuquerque went vnto Mosambique, and Aluaro Telez ranne so farre that he came to the Iland of Samatra, and so backe againe vnto the Cape of G〈…〉〈…〉dafu; h〈…〉〈…〉g disco∣uered many Ilands, Sea, and Lands neuer seene before that time of any Portugall: E〈…〉〈…〉 Te∣lez * 1.78 de Meneses was also driuen without the great Iland of S〈…〉〈…〉ce and he 〈…〉〈…〉g the coast thereof, and arriued at last at Mosambique, and there met with Tristan de Acun〈…〉〈…〉, who was the first Captaine that wintred there; and by them it was to〈…〉〈…〉, that in this Iland was much▪ G〈…〉〈…〉ger, Cloues and Siluer: whereupon he went and discouered much of it within the land; b•••• ••••nding * 1.79 nothing he came backe againe vnto Mosambique; from whence he sayled vnto Melinde, and ran along that coast and entred into Braua, and from thence they ••••ost ouer to the Iland of Soc〈…〉〈…〉a, where they built a Fortresse, and made one Do•• Antonio de No••o••ia Captaine thereof.

In the yeere 1507. in the moneth of August, Tristan de Acunna tooke shipping for Indi••, and [ 10] Alfonso de Albuquerque remained there with fiue or sixe ships to keepe the coast and entr〈…〉〈…〉 of the Straight; but being not therewith satisfied hee tooke his course ouer vnto Arabia, and 〈…〉〈…〉ng along that coast he doubled the Cape of Rosalgate, standing vnder the Tropike of C〈…〉〈…〉.

In the yeere 1509. one Diego Lopez de Sequeira, went out of Lisbon with 〈…〉〈…〉e sayle vnto the I∣land of S. Laurence, and continued in his voyage almost a yeere, and in the moneth of May the same yeere he arriued in Cochin, where the Viceroy gaue him one ship more and in the begin∣ning of the moneth of September, he tooke his course vnto Mal••coa passing between the Ilands of Nicubar, and many others: He went also to the land of Samarta to the Cities of Pe〈…〉〈…〉 and Pa∣cem, and all along by all that Coast vnto the Iland of A Poluoreira, and the flats of Capacia: and from thence hee went ouer vnto Malacc••, standing in 2. degrees of latitude toward the North: but in that Citie the people killed & tooke Prisoners some of his men: and thereupon he turned backe againe into India, hauing discouered in this voyage 500. leagues. This Iland of Samatra is the first land wherein wee knew Mans fles•• to bee eaten by certaine people which liue in the Mountaines called Bacas, who vse to gild their t••••th. They hold opinion that the flesh of the black people is sweeter then the flesh of the white. The Buffe••, Kine and Hens which are in that Countrey are in their flesh as blacke as any inke. They say that there are certaine people there called Daraqus Dara which haue tailes like vnto sheepe; and some of their Wells yeeld Oyle.

The King of P••dir is reported to haue a Riuer in his land running with Oyle: which is a thing not to be maruelled at, seeing it is found written, that in Bactria there is also a Well of Oyle: it is farther said, that there groweth here a Tree, the joyce whereof is strong poyson, and if it touch the blood of a man he dyeth immediately: but if a man doe drinke of it, it is a soueraigne reme∣die [ 30] against poyson, so seruing both for life, and death. Here also they doe coyne pieces of Gold which they call Diachmas, brought into the land as they say by the Romans: which seemeth to haue some resemblance of truth: because that from that place forward there is no ••oyned gold: but that which is thus coyned doth run currant in the buying of Merchandise and other things.

In the yeere 1508. one Alfonso de Hoida with the fauour of D••n Fernando purposed to goe vn∣to Tierra firma to conquer the Prouince of Darien. He went forth at his owne charges, and dis∣couered The firme Land, where it is called Vraba, which he named Castil•••• del Or••, that is Golden Castilia, because of the Gold which they found among the sand along the Coast: And they were the first Spaniards that did this. Alfonso de Hoida went first from the Iland of Hispaniola and the [ 40] Citie of San Domingo with foure Ships and three hundred Souldiers, leauing behind him the Bacheler Anciso, who afterwards compiled a Booke of these Discoueries: And after him there * 1.80 went also one ship with victuals, munition, and 150. Spaniards. He went on land at Carthagena: but there the people of the Countrey tooke, slew and eate seuentie of his Souldiers, whereupon he grew very weake. In this yeere 1508. one Diego de Niquesa, prepared seuen ships in the Port of B••ata to goe vnto Veragua, and carried in them almost 800. men. When he came to Carthage∣na, he found there Alfonso de Hoieda sore spoyled with his former losse: but then they both ioy∣ned together, and went on land and auenged themselues of the people. And in this voyage Die∣go de Niquesa went and discouered the Coast called Nombre de Dios, and went vnto the sound of * 1.81 Darien, and called it Puerto de Misas, which is vpon the Riuer of Pito. When they were come vn∣to [ 50] Veragua, he went on shore with his Armie, his Souldiers being out of hope to returne to Hi∣spaniola. Alfonso de Hoida began a Fortresse in Caribana against the Caribes; which was the first Towne that the Spaniards builded in the Firme land: and in Nombre de Dios they built another, and called it Nuestra Sennora de la Antigua. They builded also the Towne of Vraba. And there * 1.82 they left for their Captaine and Lieutenant one Francis Pizarro, who was there much troubled. They builded other Townes also, whose names I here omit. But these Captaines had not that good successe which they hoped for.

In the yeere 1509. the second Admirall Don Diego Columbus went into the Iland of Hispanio∣la with his wife and houshold: And she being a Gentlewoman carried with her many other wo∣men of good Families, which were there married, and so the Spaniards & Castilians began to peo∣ple [ 60] the Countrey: for Don Fernando the King had giuen them licence to discouer and people the Townes of Hispaniola; so that the same place grew to bee famous and much frequented. The foresaid Admirall also gaue order to people the Iland of Cuba, which is very great and large * 1.83

and placed there as his Lieutenant one Diego Velasques, who went with his father in the se∣cond voyage.

In the yeere 1511. in the moneth of Aprill Alfonso de Albuquerque went from the Citie of * 1.84 Cochin vnto Malacca. In which yeere and moneth the Chineans went from Malacca into their owne countrey, and Alfonso sent with them for Master a Portugall called Duarte Fernandes, with letters also and order vnto the King of the Mantias, which now is called Sian standing in the South. They passed through the Streight of Cincapura, and sailed towards the North, we••t along the coast of Patane vnto the Citie of Cuy, and from thence to Odia, which is the chiefe Citie of the Kingdome, standing in 14. degrees of Northerly latitude. The King greatly ho∣noured and welcomed Duarte Fernandes being the first Portugall that hee had seene, and with him hee sent backe Ambassadours to Albuquerque. They passed ouer land towards the west vn∣to [ 10] the Citie of Tanazerim standing vpon the sea on the other side in 12. degrees, where they * 1.85 imbarked themselues in two ships, and sailed along the coast vnto the Citie of Malacca, lea∣uing it all discouered.

The people of this countrey of Sian are people that eate of all kinde of beasts, or vermine. * 1.86 They haue a delight to carrie round bels within the skin of their priuie members: which is for∣bidden to the King and the religious people. It is said that of all other people of those parts they be most vertuous and honest. They commend themselues much for their chastitie and po∣uertie. They bring no hennes nor doues vp in their houses. This Kingdome hath in length two hundred and fiftie leagues, and in breadth eightie. Of this only Kingdome the King may [ 20] bring forth into the field thirtie thousand Elephants, when hee goeth to warre, besides those * 1.87 which remaine in the Cities for the guarde of them. The King much esteemeth a white Elephant and a red one also, that hath his eyes like vnto flaming fire.

There is in this countrey a certaine small vermine, which vseth to cleaue fast to the trunke of the Elephant, and draweth the bloud of the Elephant, and so he dieth thereof. The skull of this vermine is so hard, that the shot of an handgun cannot enter it: they haue in their liuers the fi∣gures of men and women, which they call Toketa, and are much like vnto a Man-drake. And they affirme, that hee which hath one of them about him cannot die with the stroke of any iron They haue also wilde Kine in this countrey, in the heads of whom they finde stones, which are of vertue to bring good hap and fortune to Merchants. [ 30]

After that Duarte Fernandes had beene with the Mantales or people of Sian, Alfonso de Al∣buquerque sent thither a Knight called Ruy Nunnez de Acunna with letters and Ambassage vn∣to the King of the Seguies, which we call Pegu. He went in a Iunco of the countrey in sight of the Cape Rachado, and from thence went vnto the Citie of Pera which standeth fast by the Riuer Salano, and many other Villages standing all along this Riuer, where Duarte Fernandes had beene before, vnto the Cities of Tanazerim and of Martauan, standing in 15. degrees to∣ward the North, and the Citie of Pegu standeth in 17. This was the first Portugull, which tra∣uailed in that Kingdome: and hee gaue good information of that Countrey, and of the people which vse to weare bels in their priuities euen as the Mantales doe.

In the end of this yeere 1511. Alfonso de Albuquerque sent three s••••ps to the Ilands of Banda, and Maluco. And there went as Generall of them one Antonio de Breu, and with him [ 40] also went one Francis Serrano: and in these ships there were 120. persons. They passed through the Streight of Saban, and along the Iland of Samatra, and others, leauing them on the left hand, towards the east: and they called them the Salites. They went also to the Ilands of Pa∣limbam and La Puparam; from whence they sailed by the noble Iland of Ia••••, and they ranne their course East, sailing betweene it and the Iland Madura. The people of this are very war∣like and strong, and doe little regard their liues. The women also are there hired for the wars and they fall out often together, and kill one another, as the Mocos doe, delighting onely in shedding of bloud.

Beyond the Iland of Iaua they sailed along by another called Bali: and then came also vnto [ 50] others called Auiaue, Zambaba, Solor, Galao, Mallua, Vitara, Rosalanguin, and Arus, from whence are brought delicate birds, which are of great estimation because of their feathers: they came also to other Ilands lying in the same parallell on the South side in 7. or 8. degrees of Latitude. And they be so neere the one to the other, that they seeme at the first to bee one en∣tire and maine land. The course by these Ilands is aboue fiue hundred leagues. The Ancient * 1.88 Cosmographers call all these Ilands by the name Iauos: but late experience hath found their names to bee verie diuers, as you see. Beyond these there are other Ilands toward the North, which are inhabited with whiter people going arraied in shirts, doublets and slops like vnto the Portugals, hauing also money of siluer. The Gouernours among them doe carrie in their hands red staues, whereby they seeme to haue some affinitie with the people of China. There [ 60] are other Ilands and people about this place, which are redde, and it is reported that they are of the people of China.

Antonie de Breu and those that went him, tooke their course toward the North, where is a small Iland called Gumnape or Ternate, from the highest place whereof there fall continually

into the Sea flakes or streames like vnto fire; which is a wonderfull thing to behold. From thence they went to the Ilands of Burro and Amboino, and came to an anchor in an hauen of it * 1.89 called Guliguli, where they went on land and tooke a Village standing by the Riuer, where they found dead men hanging in the houses; for the people there are eaters of mans flesh. Here the Portugals burnt the ship wherein Francis Serrano was, for she was old and rotten. They went to a place on the other side standing in 8. degrees toward the South, where they laded cloues, nutmegs, and mace in a Iunco or Barke which Francis Serrano brought here. They say * 1.90 that not farre from the Ilands of Banda there is an Iland, where there breedeth nothing else but Snakes, and the most are in one caue in the middest of the land. This is a thing not much to be wondred at; for as much as in the Leuant Sea hard by the Iles of Maiorca and Minorca there is [ 10] another Iland of old named Ophiusa, and now Fornientera, wherein there is great abundance of these vermine: and in the rest of the Ilands lying by it there are none.

In the yeere 1512. they departed from Banda toward Malacca, and on the Baxos or flats of Luzapinho, Francis Serrano perished in his Iunke or Barke, from whence escaped vnto the Ile of Mindanao nine or ten Portugals which were with him, and the Kings of Maluco sent for them * 1.91 These were the first Portugals that came to the Ilands of Cloues, which stand from the Equino∣ctiall line towards the North in one degree, where they liued seuen or eight yeeres.

The Iland of Gumnape now called Ternate is much to be admired, for that it casteth out fire. * 1.92 There were some Princes of the Mores and couragious Portugals which determined to go neere to the firie place to see what it was; but they could neuer come neere it. But Antonie Galuano [ 20] hearing of it, vndertooke to goe vp to it, and did so, and found a riuer so extreame cold that he could not suffer his hand in it, nor yet put any of the water into his mouth: And yet this place standeth vnder the line, where the sunne continually burneth. In these Ilands of Maluco there is a kinde of men that haue spurres on their ankles like vnto Cocks. And it was told me by the King of Tydore, that in the Ilands of Batochina there were people that had tayles, and had a thing like vnto a dug betweene their cods, out of the which there came milke. There are small hennes also which lay their egges vnder the ground aboue a fathome and a halfe, and the egges are bigger then ducks egges, and many of these hennes are blacke in their flesh. There are hogs also with hornes, and parats which prattle much, which they call Noris. There is also a riuer of water so hot, that whatsoeuer liuing creature commeth into it, their skins will come off, and [ 30] yet fish breede in it. There are crabs which be verie sweete, and so strong in their clawes, that they will breake the iron of a Pikeaxe. There bee others also in the sea little and hairie, but whosoeuer eateth of them dieth immediately. There be likewise certaine oysters, which they doe call Bras, the shels whereof haue so large a compasse, that they doe Christen in them. In the Sea also there are liuely stones, which doe grow and increase like vnto fish, whereof verie good lime is made: and if they let it lye when it is taken out of the water, it loseth the strength and it neuer burneth after. There is also a certaine tree, which beareth flowers at the sun set, which fall downe as soone as they be growne. There is a fruit also, as they say, whereof if a woman that is conceaued of child eateth, the child by and by mooueth. There is further a kind of herbe there growing, which followeth the Sunne, and remooueth after it, which is a verie [ 40] strange and maruailous thing.

In the yeere 1512. In the moneth of Ianuarie Alfonsus de Alhuquerque went backe from Malaca vnto Goa, and the ship wherein he went was lost, and the rest went from his compa∣nie. Simon de Andrada, and a few Portugals were driuen vnto the Ilands of Maldina, being ma∣ny and full of palme trees: and they stand lowe by the water: which stayed there til they knew what was become of their Gouernour. These were the first Portugals that had seene those I∣lands, wherein there growe Cocos, which are verie good against all kind of poyson.

In this yeere 1512. there went out of Castile one Iohn de Solis borne in Lisbon, and chiefe Pi∣lot vnto Don Fernando. And he hauing licence went to discouer the coast of Brasil. Hee tooke * 1.93 the like course that the Pinsons had done: hee went also to the Cape of Saint Augustine, and [ 50] went forwards to the South, coasting the shoare and land, and he came vnto the Port De Lagoa: and in 35 degrees of southerly latitude he found a riuer which they of Brasil call Parana-guaz••, that is, The great Water. He saw there signes of siluer, and therefore called it Rio de Plata, that is, The Riuer of siluer. And it is said that at that time he went farther because he liked the coun∣trey * 1.94 well: but he returned backe againe into Spaine, and made account of all things to Don Fernando, demaunding of the King the gouernment thereof, which the King granted him. Whereupon he prouided three ships and with them in the yeere 1515. he went againe into that Kingdome; but he was there slaine. These Solisses were great discouerers in those parts, and * 1.95 spent therein their liues and goods.

In the same yeere 1512. Iohn Ponce of Leon, which had beene gouernour of the Ile of Saint [ 60] Iohn armed two ships and went to seeke the Ile of Boyuca, where the naturals of the countrey * 1.96 reported to be a Wel, which maketh olde men young. Whereupon he laboured to finde it out, and was in searching of it the space of sixe moneths, but could finde no such thing. Hee entered into the Ile of Bimini; and discouered a point of the firme land, standing in 29. degrees towards

the North vpon Easter-day, and therefore he named it Florida. And because the Land seemed to yeeld Gold and Siluer and great riches, hee begged it of the King Don Fernando, but hee died in * 1.97 the Discouerie of it, as many more haue done.

In the yeere 1513. Vasco Nunnes de Valboa hearing speech and newes of the South Sea, de∣termined to goe thither, although his companie disswaded him from that action. But being a man of good valour with those Souldiers that he had, being two hundred and ninetie, hee resol∣ued to put himselfe into that ieoperdie. Hee went therefore from Dariene the first day of Sep∣tember, carying some Indians of the Countrie with him to be his Guides, and he Marched ouer∣thwart the Land sometimes quietly, sometimes in Warre: and in a certaine place called Careca he found Negroes Captiues with Curled haire. This Valboa came to the sight of the South Sea on * 1.98 the 25. day of the said Moneth, and on Saint Michaels day came vnto it: where hee Imbarked [ 10] himselfe against the will of Chiapes, who was the Lord of that Coast, who wished him not to do so because it was verie dangerous for him. But he desirous to haue it knowne. that he had beene vp∣on those Seas, went forwards, and came backe againe to Land in safetie, and with great content∣ment, bringing with him good store of Gold, Siluer, and Pearles, which there they tooke. For which good seruice of his Don Ferdinando the King greatly fauoured and honoured him.

This yeere 1513. in the Moneth of Februarie, Alfonsus de Albuquerque went from the Citie of * 1.99 Goa towards the Streight of Mecha with twentie Ships. They arriued at the Citie of Aden and battered it, and passed forward and entred into the Streight. They say that they saw a Crosse in the Element and worshipped it. They Wintered in the Iland of Camaran. This was the first Portu∣gall [ 20] Captain that gaue information of those Seas, and of that of Persia, being things in the World of great accompt.

In the yeere 1514. and in the Moneth of May, there went out of Saint Lucar, one Pedro Arias de Auila at the commandement of Don Ferdinando. He was the fourth Gouernour of Castillia del Oro or Golden Castile: for so they named the Countries of Dariene, Carthagena, and Vraba, and that Countrie which was newly Conquered. Hee caried with him his Wife the Ladie Elizabeth, and one thousand fiue hundred men in seuen Ships; and the King appointed, Vasco Nunnez de Valboa Gouernour of the South Sea and of that Coast.

In the beginning of the yeere 1515. the Gouernour Pedro Arias de Auila, sent one Gaspar Mo∣rales with one hundted and fiftie men vnto the Gulfe of Saint Michael, to Discouer the Ilands of [ 30] Tararequi, Chiapes, and Tumaccus. There was a Casique Valboas friend, which gaue him many * 1.100 Canoas or Boates made of one Tree to Rowe in, wherein they passed vnto the Iland of Pearles: the Lord whereof resisted them at their comming on Land. But Chiapes and Tumaccus did pacific him in such order, that the Captaine of the Isle had them home vnto his House, and made much of them, and receiued Baptisme at their hands, naming him Pedro Arias after the Gouernours name, and hee gaue vnto them for this a Basket full of Pearles, waying one hundred and tenne pounds, whereof some were as bigge as Hasell-nuts, of twentie, twentie fiue, twentie sixe, or thir∣tie one Carats: and euerie Carat is foure Graines. There was giuen for one of them, one thou∣sand and two hundred Duckets. This Iland of Tararequi standeth in fiue Degrees of Latitude to∣wards the North.

In this verie yeere 1515. in the Moneth of May, Alfonsus de Albuquerque Gouernour of India, [ 40] sent from the Citie of Ormuz one Fernando Gomes de Lemos as Ambassadour vnto Xec or Shaugh * 1.101 Ismael King of Persia: and it is reported that they trauailed in it three hundred Leagues, and thar it is a pleasant Countrie like vnto France, This Xec or Shaugh Ismael went on Hunting and fish∣ing for Troutes, whereof there are many. And there be the fairest Women in all the world. And so Alexander the Great affirmed, when hee called them The Women with Golden eyes. And this yeeee this worthie Vice-roy, Alfonsus de Albuquerque died.

In the yeere 1416. and one hundred yeeres after the taking of Ceuta in Barbarie, Lopez Sua∣res being Gouernour of India, there was a dispatch made by the commandemenr of the Kings Highnesse, vnto one Fernando Perez de Andrada to passe to the great Countrie and Kingdome of [ 50] China. He went from the Citie of Cochin in the Moneth of Aprill. They receiued Pepper, being * 1.102 the principall Marchandise to be sold in all China of any value: And hee was farther commanded by the King Don Emmanuel to goe also to Bengala with his Letter and dispatch to a Knight called Iohn Coelo. This was the first Portugall as farre as I know, which drunke of the water of the Riuer Ganges. This yeere 1516. died Don Fernando King of Spaine.

In the yeere 1517. this Fernando Perez went vnto the Citie of Malacha, and in the Moneth * 1.103 of Iune he departed from thence towords China with eight Sailes, foure Portugals and the others Malayans. He arriued in China: And because hee could not come on Land without an Ambas∣sage, there was one Thomas Perez which had order for it: and he went from the Citie of Canton, where they came to an Anker: They went by Land foure hundred Leagues, and came vnto the [ 60] Citie of Pekin, where the King was for this Prouince and Countrie is the biggest that is in the World. It beginneth at Sailana in twentie Degrees of Latitude towards the North, and it endeth almost in fiftie * 1.104 Degrees. Which must be fiue hundred Leagues in length: and they say that it containeth three hundred Leagues in bredth, Fernando Perez was fourteene Moneths in the Isle

Da Veniaga, learning as much as he could of the Countrie, according as the King his Master had commanded him. And although one Raphael Perestrello had beene there in a Iunke or Barke of * 1.105 certaine Marchants of Malaca, yet vnto Fernando Perez there ought to be giuen the praise of this Discouerie: as wel for that he had commandement from the King, as in discouering so much with Thomas Perez by Land, and George Mascarenhas by Sea, and for coasting vnto the Citie of Fo∣quiem standing in twentie foure Degrees of Latitude. * 1.106

In the same yeere 1517. Charles, which afterward was Emperour, came into Spaine and tooke possession thereof. And in the same yeere Francis Fernandes de Gordona, Christopher Morantes, * 1.107 and Lopez Ochoa armed three Ships at their owne proper charges from the Iland of Cuba. They had also with them a Barke of Diego Velasques, who then was Gouernour: They came on Land [ 10] in Iucatan standing in twentie Degrees of Latitude, at a Point which they called Punta de las Du∣ennas; that is to say, The point of Ladies, which was the first place wherein they had seene Temples and Buildings of Lime & Stone. The people here goe better Apparelled then in any other place.

In the yeere 1518. Lopez Suares commanded Don Iohn de Silueira to goe to the Ilands of Maldiua: and he made peace with them: and from thence hee went to the Citie of Chatigam, * 1.108 situated on the mouth of the Riuer Ganges, vnder the Tropicke of Cancer. For this Riuer, and the Riuer Indus, which standeth an hundred Leagues beyond the Citie of Diu, and that of Canton in China, doe all fall into the Sea vnder one Paralell or Latitude. And although before that time Fernando Perez had beene commanded to goe to Bengala, yet notwithstanding Iohn de Silueira ought to beare away the commendation of this Discouerie: because he went as Captaine Gene∣rall, and remained there longest. learning the commodities of the Countrie, and maners of the [ 20] people.

In the said yeere 1518. the first day of May, Diego Velasques Gouernour of the Iland of Cuba, * 1.109 sent his Nephew Iohn de Grisalua, with foure Ships and two hundred Souldiers to discouer the Land of Iucatan. And they found in their way the Iland of * 1.110 Cosumel, standing towards the North in nineteene Degrees, and named it Santa Cruz, because they came to it the third of May. They coasted the Land lying on the left hand of the Gulfe, and came to an Iland called Ascensi∣on, because they came vnto it vpon Ascension day: They went vnto the end of it standing in six∣teene Degrees of Latitude: from whence they came backe because they could finde no place to goe out at: and from hence they went round about it to another Riuer, which they called The Riuer of Grisalua, standing in seuenteene Degrees of Latitude: the People thereabout troubled [ 30] them sore, yet notwithstanding they brought from thence some Gold, Siluer, and Feathers, be∣ing there in great estimation, and so they turned backe againe to the Iland of Cuba.

In the same yeere 1518. one Francis Garay armed three Ships in the Ile of Iamaica at his owne charges, and went towards the Point of Florida, standing in twentie fiue Degrees towards the * 1.111 North, seeming to them to be an Iland most pleasant, thinking it better to people Ilands then the firme Land, because they could best Conquer them and keepe them. They went there on Land, but the people of Florida killed many of them, so that they durst not Inhabit it. So they Sayled along the Coast, and came vnto the Riuer of Panuco, standing fiue hundred Leagues from the point of Florida in Sayling along the Coast; but the People resisted them in euerie place. Many * 1.112 of them also were killed in Chila, whom the Sauages Flayed and eate, hanging vp their Skinnes [ 40] in their Temples, in memoriall of their valiantnesse. Notwithstanding all this, Francis de Garay went thither the next yeere and begged the Gouernment of that Countrie of the Emperour, be∣cause he saw in it some shew of Gold and Siluer.

In the yeere 1519. in the Moneth of Februarie, Fernando Cortes went from the Iland of Cuba, to the Land which is called Noua Spania with eleuen ships and fiue hundred and fiftie Spaniards * 1.113 in them.

The Countrie of Tenich and vp the Riuer were not subiect to Muteçuma, but had Warre with him, and would not suffer the Mexicans to enter into their Territorie. They sent Ambassadours vnto Cortes with presents, offering him their estate, and amitie; whereof Muteçuma was nothing glad. They which went to Tututepec standing neere the South Sea, did also bring with them ex∣amples [ 50] of Gold, and praised the pleasantnesse of the Countrie, and the multitude of good Har∣bours vpon that Coast, shewing to Cortes a Cloth of Cotten Wooll, all Wouen with goodly * 1.114 workes, wherein all the Coast with the Hauens and Creekes were set foorth. But this thing then could not be prosecuted, by reason of the comming of Pamphilus de Naruaez into the Countrie, * 1.115 who set all the Kingdome of Mexico in an vprore.

In this yeere 1519. the tenth day of August, one Fernande de Magallanes, departed from Siuill with fiue Ships toward the Ilands of Maluco.

About this time Pope Leo the tenth, sent one Paulis Centurio as Ambassador to the great Duke of Moscouie, to wish him to send into India an Armie alongst the Coast of Tartarie. And by the reasons of this Ambassadour, the said Duke was almost perswaded vnto that action, if other in∣conueniences * 1.116 [ 60] had not letted him.

In this same yeere 1520. in Februarie Diego Lopes de Sequeir, Gouernour of India, went to∣wards the Streight of Mecha, and carried with him the Ambassadour of Presbyter Iohn, and

Roderigo de Lima who also went as Ambassador to him. They came vnto the Iland of Macua standing in the Red Sea on the side of Africa in 17. degrees towards the North: where he set * 1.117 the Ambassadors on land, with the Portugals that should goe with them. Peter de Couillan had beene there before, being sent thither by King Iohn the Second of Portugall: but yet Francis * 1.118 Aluarez gaue principall light and knowledge of that Countrie.

In the yeere 1520. the Licenciate Lucas Vasques de Aillon and other Inhabitants of Saint * 1.119 Domingo furnished two ships, and sent them to the Iles of Lucayos to get slaues, and finding none they passed along by the firme land beyond Florida vnto certaine Countries called Chi∣cora and Gualdape, vnto the Riuer Iordan and the Cape of Saint Helena standing in 32. degrees * 1.120 toward the North. They of the Countrie came downe to the Sea side to see the ships, as ha∣uing neuer before seene the like: The Spaniards went on land, where they receiued good en∣tertainment, [ 10] and had giuen vnto them such things as they lacked. But they brought many of them into their ships, and then set sayle and brought them away for slaues: but in the way one of their ships sunke, and the other was also in great hazard. By this newes the Licenciate Ail∣lon knowing the wealth of the Countrie, begged the gouernment thereof of the Emperour, and it was giuen him: whither he went to get money to pay his debt.

In the yeere 1521. in December Emmanuel King of Portugall died, and after him his sonne * 1.121 King Iohn the Third raigned.

In the yeere 1522. in Ianuarie one Gilgonzales armed foure ships in the Iland of Tararequi standing in the South Sea, with intent to discouer the Coast of Nicaragua, and especially a [ 20] Straight or Passage from the South Sea into the North Sea. And sayling along the Coast hee came vnto an Hauen called Saint Vincent, and there landed with an hundred Spaniards and cer∣taine horsemen, and went within the Land two hundred leagues, and he brought with him two hundred pesoes of gold, and so came backe againe to Saint Uincent: where he found his Pi∣lot Andrew Nigno, who was as farre as Tecoantepec, in 16. degrees to the North, and had sailed three hundred leagues: from whence they returned to Panama, and so ouer land to Hispaniola.

In the same yeere 1522. in the moneth of Aprill the other ship of Magallanes called The Tri∣uitie * 1.122 went from the Iland of Tidore, where in was Captaine Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, shaping their course toward Noua Spania: and because the winde was scant, they steared toward the North-east into 16. degrees, where they found two Ilands, and named them the Iles of Saint [ 30] Iohn, and in that course they came to another Iland in 20. degrees, which they named La Grie∣ga, where the simple people came into their ships, of whom they kept some to shew them in Noua Spania: They were in this course foure moneths, vntill they came into 42. degrees of Northerly latitude, where they did see Sea-fishes called Seales and Tunies. And the climate seemed vnto them comming newly out of the heate, to be so cold and vntemperate, that they could not well abide it, and therefore they turned backe againe to Tidore, being thereunto en∣forced also by contrary windes. These were the first Spaniards which had beene in so high a latitude toward the North. And there they found one Antonie de Britto building a Fortresse, which tooke from them their goods, and sent eight and forty of them prisoners to Malaca.

In this yeere 1522. Cortes desirous to haue some Hauens on the South Sea, and to discouer * 1.123 [ 40] the Coast of Noua Spania on that side, whereofhe had knowledge in Muteçuma his time, (be∣cause he thought by that way to bring the drugs from Maluco and Banda, and the spicery from Iaua, with lesse trauell and danger) he sent foure Spaniards with their Guides to Tecoantepec, Quahutemallan, and other Hauens: where they were well receiued, and brought some of the people with them to Mexico: And Cortes made much of them; and afterwards sent ten Pilots * 1.124 thither to search the Seas thereabout. They went seuenty leagues in the Sea but found no Ha∣uen. One Casique or Lord called Cuchataquir vsed them well, and sent with them to Cortes two hundred of his men with a Present of gold and siluer, and other things of the Countrie: and they of Tecoantepec did the like: and not long after, this Casique sent for aide to Cortes against his neighbours which did warre against him. [ 50]

In the yeere 1523. Cortes sent vnto him for his aide Peter de Aluarado, with two hundred * 1.125 Souldiers footmen, and fortie horsemen, and the Casiques of Tecoantepec and Quah••temallan as∣ked them for the Monsters of the Sea which came thither the yeere past, meaning the ships of Gil Gonzales de Auila, being greatly amazed at the sight of them, and wondring much more when they heard, that Cortes had bigger then those: and they painted vnto them a mightie * 1.126 Carrake with sixe Masts, and Sayles and Shroudes, and men armed on horsebacke. This Alua∣rado went through the Countrie and builded there a Citie of Saint Iago or Saint Iames, and a * 1.127 Towne which he called Segura leauing certaine of his people in it.

In the same yeere 1523. in the moneth of May Antonie de Britto being Captaine of the Iles of Maluco sent his Cousin Simon de Breu to learne the way by the Ile of Borneo to Malaca: [ 60] They came in sight of the Ilands of Manada and Panguensara: They went through the Straight of Treminao and Tagui; and to the Ilands of Saint Michael standing in 7. degrees, and from thence discouered the Ilands of Borneo, and had sight of Pedra branca or the White stone, and passed through the Straight of Cincapura, and so to the Citie of Malaca.

In this same yeere 1523. Cortes went with three hundred footmen; and an hundred and fifty horsemen, and forty thousand Mexicans, to Pannco, both to discouer it better, and also to in∣habite * 1.128 it and withall to bee reuenged vpon them which had killed and eaten the Souldiers of Francis Garay. They of Panuco resisted him, but Cortes in the end ouerthrew them, and con∣quered the Countrie: And hard by Chila vpon the Riuer he built a Towne, and named it San∣to Stephano del puerto, leauing in it an hundred footmen, and thirty horsemen, and one Peter de * 1.129 Palleio for Lieu••enant. This Iourney cost him seuenty sixe thousand Castillians, besides the Spa∣niards, Horses, and Mexicans which died there.

In this yeere 1523. Francis de Garay made nine Ships and two Brigandines to goe to Pa∣nuco, * 1.130 and to Rio de las Palmas, to be there as Gouernour: for that the Emperour had granted [ 10] vnto him from the Coast of Florida vnto Panuco, in regard of the charges which hee had beene at in that Discouerie. He carried with him eight hundred and fifty Souldiers, and an hundred and fortie Horses, and some Men out of the Iland of Iamaica, where he furnished his Fleet with munition for the warre: and he went vnto Xagua an Hauen in the Iland of Cuba, where he vnder∣stood that Cortes had peopled the coast of Panuco: & that it might not happen vnto him as it did to Pamphilus de Naruaez, he determined to take another companion with him, and desired the Doctor Zuazo to goe to Mexico and procure some agreement betweene Cortes and him. And they departed from Xagua each one about his businesse. Zuazo came in great ieopardie, and Garay went not cleere without. Garay arriued in Rio de las Palmas on Saint Iames his day, and * 1.131 then he sent vp the Riuer one Gonsaluo de Ocampo, who at his returne declared that it was an [ 20] euill and desart Countrie: but notwithstanding Garay went there on land with foure hundred footmen and some horsemen; and he commanded one Iohn de Grijatua to search the Coast, and he himselfe marched by land towards Panuco, and passed a Riuer which hee named Rio Mont∣alto; he entred into a great Towne where they found many Hennes, where with they refreshed * 1.132 themselues, and he tooke some of the people of Chila which he vsed for messengers to certaine * 1.133 places: And after great trauell comming to Panuco they found no victuals there by reason of the warres of Cortes, and the spoile of the Souldiers. Garay then sent one Gonzalo de Ocampo to Sant Isteitan del puerto to knowe whether they would receiue him or no. They had a good answere. But Cortes his men priuily by an ambushment tooke forty of Garayes horsemen, al∣leaging that they came to vsurpe the gouernment of another: and besides this misfortune he [ 30] lost foure of his ships: whereupon he left off to proceed any farther.

While Cortes was preparing to set forward to Panuco: Francis de las Casas, and Roderigo de * 1.134 la Paz arriued at Mexico with Letters Patents, wherein the Emperour gaue the gouernment of Nueua Spagna and all the Countrie which Cortes had conquered to Cortes, and namely Panu∣co. Whereupon he stayed his Iourney. But hee sent Diego de Ocampo with the said Letters Patents, and Pedro de Aluarado with store of footmen and horsemen. Garay knowing this thought it best to yeeld himselfe vnto Cortes his hands, and to goe to Mexico; which thing he did hauing discouered a great tract of Land.

In this yeere 1523. Gil Gonzales de Auila made a Discouerie, and peopled a Towne called * 1.135 San Gil de buena vista, standing in 14. degrees toward the North, and almost in the bottome of the Bay called the Ascension or the Honduras. He began to conquer it because he best knew [ 40] the secrets thereof, and that it was a very rich Countrie.

In this yeere 1523. the sixt day of December Peter de Aluarado went from the Citie of Mexico by Cortes his commandement to discouer and conquer Qualiutemallan, Vilatlan, Chia∣pa, Xochnuxco, and other Townes toward the South Sea. He had with him three hundred Soul∣diers, an hundred and seuenty Horsemen, foure Field-pieces, and some Noblemen of Mexico, with people of the Countrie to aide him as well it the warre, as by the way being long. Hee went by Tecoantepec to Xochnuxco, and other places abouesaid with great trauell and losse of his men: but he discouered and subdued all the Countrie. There are in those parts certaine Hills that haue Alume in them, and out of which distilleth a certaine liquor like vnto Oyle, and * 1.136 Sulphur or Brimstone, whereof the Spaniards made excellent Gun-powder. He trauelled foure [ 50] hundred leagues in this Voyage, and passed certaine Riuers which were so hot, that they could not well endure to wade thorow them. Hee builded a Citie calling it Sant Iago de Quahute∣mallan. Peter de Aluarado begged the gouernment of this Countrie, and the report is that it was giuen him.

In the yeere 1523. the eight day of December Cortes sent Diego de Godoy with an hundred * 1.137 Footmen and thirty Horsemen, two Field-pieces, and many of his friends Indians vnto the Towne Del Espiritu santo: He ioyned himselfe with the Captaine of that Towne, and they went to Chamolla the head Citie of that Prouince, and that being taken all the Countrie grew quiet.

In the yeere 1524. in Februarie Cortes sent one Roderigo Rangel with an hundred and fifty [ 60] Spaniards & many of the Tlaxcallans and Mexicans against the Zapotecas and Nixticas, and vnto other Prouinces and Countries not so well discouered: they were resisted at the first, but quick∣ly put the people to the worst, and kept them for euer after in subiection. In this same yeere 1524. one Roderigo de Bastidas was sent to discouer, people, and gouerne the Countrie of Santa

Martha: where he lost his life because hee would not suffer the Souldiers to take the spoile of a certaine Towne. They ioyned with Peter Uilla-forte, and he being sometimes his entire friend did helpe to kill him with Daggers lying in his Bed. Afterward Don Pedro de Lugo, and Don Alfonso his sonne were Gouernours of that place, which vsed themselues like couetous Tyrants; whereof grew much trouble.

In this same yeere also 1524. after that the Licenciate Lucas Vasques de Aillon had obtai∣ned * 1.138 of the Emperour the gouernment of Chicora, he armed for that purpose certaine Ships from the Citie of Santo Domingo and went to discouer the Countrie, and to inhabite it. but he was lost with all his companie, leauing nothing done worthie of memorie. And I cannot tell how it commeth to passe, except it bee by the iust iudgement of God, that of so much Gold and Precious stones as haue beene gotten in the Antiles by so many Spaniard;, little or none remai∣neth, [ 10] but the most part is spent and consumed, and no good thing done.

In this yeere 1524. Cortes sent one Christopher de Olid with a Fleet to the Iland of Cuba, to * 1.139 receiue the victuals and munition which Alonso de Contreras had prepared, and to discouer and people the Countrey about Cape De Higueras, and the Honduras; and to send Diego Hurtada de Mendoça by sea, to search the Coast from thence euen to Darien, to finde out the Straight which was thought to runne into the South sea, as the Emperour had commanded. He sent al∣so two ships from Panisco to search along the coast vnto Florida. Hee commanded also certaine Brigandines to search the coast from Zacatullan vnto Panama. This Christopher de Olid came to the Iland of Cuba, and made a league with Diego Volasquez against Cortes, and to set sayle and [ 20] went on land hard by Puerto de Cauallos standing in 10. degrees to the North, and built a Towne which he called Triumpho de la Cruz. Hee tooke Gil Fonzales de Auila prisoner, and kil∣led his nephew and the Spaniards that were with him, all sauing one Childe, and shewed him∣selfe an enemy to Cortes, who had spent in that expedition thirtie thousand Castellans of gold to doe him pleasure withall. Cortes vnderstanding hereof the same yeere 1524. in the moneth * 1.140 of October he went out of the Citie of Mexico, to seeke Christopher de Olid to bee reuenged of him, and also to discouer, carrying with him three hundred Spanish footmen and horsemen, and Quahutimoc King of Mexico, and other great Lords of the same Citie. And comming to the Towne called Lavilla del Espiritu santo, he required guides of the Lords of Tauasco and Xicalan∣co: and they sent him ten of their principall men for guides: who gaue him also a Map of Cot∣ton-wooll, * 1.141 [ 30] wherein was painted the situation of the whole Countrey from Xicalanco vnto Naco, and Nito, and euen as farre as Nicaragua, with their Mountaines. Hils, Fields, Meadowes, Val∣lies, Riuers, Cities, and Townes. And Cortes in the meane time sent for three ships which were at the Hauen of Medellin to follow him along the coast.

In this yeere 1524. they came to the Citie of Izancanac, where hee vnderstood that the King * 1.142 Quahutimoc and the Mexicans that were in his company were conspired against him and the Spaniards: for the which he hanged the King and two others of the chiefe: and so came to the Citie of Mazatlan, and after that to Tiaca, the head Citie of a Prouince so called standing in the middest of a Lake: and heere about they began to finde the traine of the Spaniards, which they went to seeke, and so they went to Zuzullin, and at length came to the Towne of Nito: from [ 40] Nito Cortes with his owne companie and all the Spaniards that hee found there, departed to the shore or strand called La Batade Sant Andres, and finding there a good hauen hee builded a Towne in that place and called it Natividad de nuestra Senora. From hence Cortes went to the Towne of Truxillo standing in the hauen of the Honduras, where the Spaniards dwelling there did entertaine him well: and while hee was there, there arriued a ship which brought newes of the stirre in Mexico in Cortes his absence: whereupon hee sent word to Gonsola de Sandoual to march with his companie from Naco to Mexico by land toward the South sea vnto Quahute∣mallan, because that is the vsuall plaine and safest way, and hee left as Captaine in Truxillo Fer∣nando de Saavedra his Cousen: and he himselfe went by sea along the Coast of Iucatan, to Chal∣chicoeca, now called Sant Iuan de Ullhua, and so to Medellin, and from thence to Mexico, where [ 50] hee was well receiued, hauing beene from thence eighteene moneths, and had gone fiue hun∣dred leagues trauelling often out of his way, and enduring much hardnesse.

In the yeere 1525. Francis Pizarro and Diego de Almagro, went from Panama to discouer * 1.143 Peru standing beyond the line toward the South, which they called Nueua Castillia. The Go∣uernour Pedro Arias would not entermeddle with this expedition, because of the euill newes which his Captayne Francis Uezerra had brought.

In the same yeere 1525. there was sent out of Spaine a Fleet of seuen ships, whereof was * 1.144 Captayne generall Don Garsia de Loaisa to the Ilands of Maluco. They went from the Citie of the Groine and passed by the Ilands of the Canaries, and went to Brasil, where they found an I∣land in two degrees, and named it Saint Mathew: and it seemed to be inhabited because they [ 60] found in it Orenge trees, Hogs, and Hens in caues, and vpon the rindes of most of the trees there were grauen Portugall letters, shewing that the Portugals had beene there seuenteene yeeres be∣fore that time. A Patach or Pinnesse of theirs passed the straight of M••gettane, hauing in her one Iohn de Resaga, and ranne all along the coast of Peru and Noua Spagna: They declared all

they declared all their successe vnto Cortes, and told him, that Frier Garsia de Loaisa was passed to the Ilands of Cloues. But of this fleete the Admirall onely came thither, wherein was Cap∣tayne one Martin Mingues de Carchoua: for Loaisa and the other Captaines dyed by the way. All the Moores of Maluco were found well affectioned to the Spaniards.

In the same yeere 1525. the Pilot Stephen Gomes, went from the Port of the Groine toward * 1.145 the North to discouer the straight vnto the Malucos by the North, to whom they would giue no charge in the fleete of Frier Garsia de Loaisa. But yet the Earle Don Fernando de Andrada, and the Doctor Beliram, and the Merchant Christopher de Sarro furnished a Gallion for him, and hee went from the Groine in Galicia to the Iland of Cuba, and to the point of Florida, sayling by day because he knew not the land. He passed the bay Angra, and the riuer Enseada, and so went o∣uer to the other side. It is also reported that he came to Cape Razo in 46. degrees to the North: [ 10] from whence he came backe againe to the Groine laden with Slaues. The newes hereof ranne by and by through Spaine, that hee was come home laden with Cloues as mistaking the word and it war carried to the Court of Spaine: but when the truth was knowne it turned to a plea∣sant jest. In this voyage Gomes was ten moneths.

In this yeere 1525. Don George de Meneses Captayne of Maluco, and with him Don Garcia Henriques, sent a foyst to discouer land towards the North, wherein went as Captaine one Die∣go de Rocha, and Gomes de Sequeira for Pilot. In 9. or 10. degrees they found certaine Ilands stan∣ding close together, and they called them the Ilands of Gomes de Sequeira, hee being the first Pi∣lot that discouered them. and they came backe againe by the Iland of Batochina.

In the yeere 1526. there went out of Siuill one Sebastian Cabota a Venetian by his father, but [ 20] borne at Bristoll in England, being chiefe Pilot to the Emperour, with foure ships toward Ma∣luco. They came to Pernambuco, and stayed there three moneths for a winde to double the Cape of Saint Augustine. In the Bay of Patos or of Ducks, the Admirall ship perished; & being with∣out hope to get to the Iles of Maluco, they there made a Pinnesse to enter vp the Riuer of Plate, and to search it. They ranne 60. leagues vp before they came to the barre: where they left their great ships, and with their small Pinnesses passed vp the Riuer Parana, which the Inhabitants count to bee the principall Riuer. Hauing rowed vp one hundred and twentie leagues, they made a Fortresse and stayed there aboue a yeere: and then rowed further till they came to the mouth of another Riuer called Paragioa, and perceiuing that the Countrey yeelded Gold and Siluer they kept on their course, and sent a Brigandine before; but those of the Countrey tooke [ 30] it: and Cabote vnderstanding of it thought it best to turne backe vnto their Fort, and there tooke in his men which he had left there, and so went downe the Riuer where his ships did ride, and from thence he sailed home to Siuill in the yeere 1530. leauing discouered about two hun∣dred leagues within this Riuer, reporting it to bee very Nauigable, and that it springeth out of * 1.146 a Lake named Bombo. It standeth in the firme land of the Kingdome of Peru, running through the Vallies of Xauxa, and meeteth with the Riuers Parso, Bulcasban, Cay, Parima, Hiucax, with others which make it very broad and great. It is said also, that out of this Lake runneth the Riuer called Rio de San Francesco; and by this meane the Riuers come to bee so great. For the Riuers that come out of Lakes are bigger then those which proceed from a Spring.

In the yeere 1527. one Pamphilus de Naruaez went out of Saint Lucar de Barameda, to bee [ 40] Generall of the coast and land of Florida, as farre as Rio de las Palmas, and had with him fiue * 1.147 Ships, sixe hundred Souldiers, one hundred Horses, besides a great summe and quantitie of Vi∣ctuals, Armour, Clothing and other things. Hee could not goe on land where his desire was but went on land somewhat neere to Florida with three hundred of his companie, some Horses, and some victuals, commanding the ships to goe to Rio de las Palmas; in which voyage they were almost all lost: and those which escaped passed great dangers, hunger and thirst.

This yeere 1527. when Cortes vnderstood by the Pinnesse aforesaid, that Don Garcia de Loai∣sa was passed by the Straight of Magelan, toward the Ilands of Cloues, hee prouided three * 1.148 ships to goe seeke him, and to discouer by that way of New Spaine as farre as the Iles of Malu∣co. There went as Gouernour in those ships one Aluaro de Saavedra Ceron, cousen vnto Cortes, [ 50] a man fit for that purpose. Hee made sayle from Ciuatlaneio, now named Saint Christopher stan∣ding in twentie degrees toward the North on All Saints day. They arriued at the Ilands which Magelan named The Pleasures: and from thence sayled to the Ilands, which Gomes de Sequeira had discouered, and not knowing thereof, they named them Islas de los Reyes, that is to say, The * 1.149 Iles of the Kings, because they came vnto them on Twelfe day. In the way Saavedra lost two ships of his company, of which they neuer after heard newes. But from Iland to Iland hee still sayled and came to the Iland of Candiga, where he bought two Spaniards for seuentie Ducats, which had beene of the companie of Frier Loaisa, who was lost thereabout. In the yeere 1528. * 1.150 in March, Saavedra arriued at the Ilands of Maluco, and came to an anker before the Ile of Gilo∣lo: hee found the sea calme and winde at will, without any tempests: and he tooke the distance [ 60] * 1.151 from thence to Noua Spagna to bee two thousand and fiftie leagues. At this time Martin Yuni∣guez de Carquiçano dyed, and Fernando de la Torre was chosen their Generall, who then was in the Citie of Tidore, who had there erected a Gallowes and had fierce warre with Don George de

Meneses Captaine of the Portugals: and in a fight which they had the fourth day of May, Saa∣vedra tooke from him a Galiot and slew the Captaine thereof called Fernando de Baldaya, and in Iune hee returned towards New Spaine, hauing with him one Simon de Brito Patalin, and other Portugals, and hauing beene certayne moneths at Sea, he was forced backe vnto Tidore, where Patalin was beheaded and quartered, and his companions hanged.

In this yeere 1528. Cortes sent two hundred Footmen and 60. Horsmen, and many Mexicans to * 1.152 discouer and plant the Countrey of the Chichimecas, for that it was reported to be rich of Gold. This being done he shipped himselfe, and came into Castile with great pompe, and brought with him 250000. markes of Gold and Siluer: and being come to Toledo where the Emperour then say, hee was entertayned according to his deserts, and the Emperour made him Marquesse Del [ 10] Valle, and married him to the Lady Iane de Zuniga, Daughter vnto the Earle De Aguilar, and sent him backe againe to be Generall of New Spaine.

In the yeere 1529. in May, Saavedra returned backe againe towards New Spaine, and hee had * 1.153 sight of a land toward the South in two degrees, and he ranne East along by it aboue fiue hun∣dred leagues till the end of August. The Coast was cleane and of good ankerage, but the peo∣ple blacke and of curled hayre; from the girdle downward, they did weare a certayne thing plaited to couer their lower parts. The people of Maluco call them Papuas, because they bee blacke and frizeled in their hayre: and so also doe the Portugals call them. Saavedra hauing * 1.154 sayled 4. or 5. degrees to the South of the line, returned vnto it, and passed the Equinoctiall to∣wards the North, and discouered an Iland which hee called Isla de los Pintados, that is to say, [ 20] The Ile of painted people: for the people thereof bee white, and all of them marked with an Iron: and by the signes which they gaue hee conceaued that they were of China. There came vnto them from the shore a kinde of Boate full of these men, making tokens of threatnings to the Spaniards; who seeing that the Spaniards would not obey them, they began to skirmish with slinging of Stones, but Saavedra would suffer no shot to bee shot at them, because their stones were of no strength, and did no harme. A little beyond this Iland in 10. or 12. degrees, they found many small low Ilands full of Palme trees and grasse, which they called Los Iardines, and * 1.155 they came to an anker in the middest of them, where they tarried certayne dayes. The people seemed to descend from them of China, but by reason of their long continuance there they are become so brutish, that they haue neither Law, nor yet giue themselues to any honest labour. [ 30] They weare white chothing which they make of Grasse. They stand in maruelous feare of fire, * 1.156 because they neuer saw any. They eate Cocos in stead of Bread, breaking them before they bee ripe, and putting them vnder the sand, and then after certayne dayes they take them out and lay them in the Sunne, and then they will open. They eate Fish which they take in a kinde of boat called a Parao, which they make of Pine wood, which is driuen thither at certayne times of the * 1.157 yeere, they know not how, nor from whence, and the tooles wherewith they make their boates are of shells.

Saavedra perceiuing that the time and weather was then somewhat better for his purpose, made sayle towards the firme land and Citie of Panama, where hee might vnlade the Cloues and merchandise which he had, that so in Cartes it might bee carried foure leagues to the Riuer of [ 40] Chagre, which they say is Nauigable running out into the North sea, not farre from Nombra de Dios, where the ships ride, which come out of Spaine: by which way all kinde of goods might be brought vnto them in shorter time, and with lesse danger, then to sayle about the Cape of Bona Speranza. For from Maluco vnto Panama they sayle continually betweene the Tropikes and the line: but they neuer found winde to serue that course, and therefore they came backe * 1.158 againe to Maluco very sad, because Saavedra dyed by the way: who if hee had liued meant to haue opened the land of Castillia del Oro and New Spaine from sea to sea. Which might haue beene done in foure places: namely from the Gulfe of S. Michael to Vraba, which is fiue and twentie leagues, or from Panama to Nombre de Dios being seuenteene leagues distance: or through Xaquator, a Riuer of Nicaragua, which springeth out of a Lake three or foure leagues [ 50] from the South sea, and falleth into the North sea; whereupon doe sayle great Barks and Cray∣ers. The other place is from Tecoantepec through a Riuer to Uerdadera Cruz, in the Bay of the Honduras, which also might be opened in a straight. Which if it were done, then they might sayle from the Canaries vnto the Malucos vnder the climate of the Zodiacke in lesse time and * 1.159 with much lesse danger, then to sayle about the Cape de Bona Speranza, or by the straight of Magelan, or by the Northwest. And yet if there might bee found a straight there to sayle into the sea of China, as it hath beene sought, it would doe much good.

In this yeere 1529. one Damian de Goes a Portugall being in Flanders, after that he had trauel∣led * 1.160 ouer all Spaine, was yet desirous to see more Countries and fashions, and diuersities of peo∣ple; and therefore went ouer into England and Scotland, and was in the Courts of the Kings of [ 60] those parts: and after that came againe into Flanders, and then trauelled through Zealand, Hol∣land, Brabant, Luxenburgh, Suitzerland, and so through the Cities of Colen, Spyres, Argentine, Basill, and other parts of Almaine, and then came backe againe into Flanders: and from thence hee went into France through Picardie, Normandie, Champaine, Burgundie, the Dukedome of

Borbon, Gascoigne, Languedoc, Daulphinie, the Dukedome of Sauoy, and passed into Italie into the Dukedome of Millaine, Ferrara, Lombardie, and so to Uenice, and turned backe againe to the territorie of Genoa, and the Dukedome of Florence through all Tuscane: and hee was in the Citie of Rome, and in the Kingdome of Naples from the one side to the other. From thence hee went into Germanie to Vlmes, and other places of the Empire, to the Dukedome of Sueuia, and of Bauier, and the Archdukedome of Austrich, the Kingdome of Boeme, the Dukedome of Mora∣uia, and the Kingdome of Hungarie, and so to the Confines of Grecia. From thence he went to the Kingdome of Poland, Prussia, and the Dukedome of Liuonia, and so came into the great Dukedome of Moscouia. From whence hee came backe into high Almaine, and through the Countries of the Lantzgraue, the Dukedome of Saxonie, the Countries of Denmarke, Gotland, and Norway, trauelling so farre, that hee found himselfe in 70. degrees of latitude toward the [ 10] North. He did see, speake and was conuersant with all the Kings, Princes, Nobles, and chiefe Cities of all Christendome, in the space of two and twentie yeeres: So that by reason of the greatnesse of his trauell, I thought him a man worthie to be heere remembred.

In the yeere 1529. or 1530. one Melchior de Sosa Tauarez went from the Citie of Ormuz vn∣to Balsera and the Ilands of Gissara with certaine ships of warre, and passed vp as farre as the place where the Riuers Tygris and Euphrates meete one with the other. And although other * 1.161 Portugals had discouered and sailed thorow that Strait, yet neuer any of them sailed so farre vpon the fresh water till that time, when hee discouered that Riuer from the one side to the other, wherein he saw many things which the Portugals knew not. Not long after this, one Ferdinan∣do Coutinho a Portugall came vnto Ormuz, and being desirous to see the world, he determined [ 20] * 1.162 to goe into Portugall, from thence ouer land to see Asia and Europe; And to doe this the bet∣ter, he went into Arabia, Persia, and vpwards the Riuer Euphrates the space of a moneth, and saw many Kingdomes and Countries, which in our time had not beene seene by the Portugals: He was taken prisoner in Damasco, and afterward crost ouer the Prouince of Syria, and came vnto the Citie of Alepo. He had beene at the holy Sepulchre in Ierusalem, and in the Citie of Cayro, and at Constantinople with the Great Turke; and hauing seene his Court he passed ouer vnto Venice, and from thence into Italie, France, Spaine, and so came againe to Lisbon. So that he and Damian de Goes were in our time the most noble Portugals, that had discouered and seen most Countries and Realmes of their owne affections.

In the yeere 1531. there went one Diego de Ordas to be Gouernour in the Riuer of Maragnon, [ 30] * 1.163 with three ships, sixe hundred Souldiers, and thirty fiue Horses. He died by the way, so that the intention came to none effect. After that, in the yeere 1534. there was sent thither one Hie∣rome Artal with an hundred and thirty Souldiers, yet he came not to the Riuer, but peopled Saint Michael de Neueri, and other places in Paria. Also there went vnto this Riuer Maragnon a Portugall Gentleman named Aries Dacugna, and hee had with him ten ships, nine hundred * 1.164 Portugals, and an hundred and thirty horses. Hee spent much, but hee that lost most was one Iohn de Barros. This Riuer standeth in 3. degrees toward the South, hauing at the entrance of it fifteene leagues of bredth and many Ilands inhabited, wherein growe trees that beare Incence of a greater bignesse then in Arabia, gold, rich stones, and one Emerald was found there as bigge as the palme of a mans hand. The people of the Countrie make their Drinke of a kind [ 40] of Dates, which are as big as Quinces.

In the same yeere 1531. one Nunnez de Gusman went from the Citie of Mexico towards the North-west to discouer and conquer the Countries of Xalisco, Ceintiliquipac, Ciametlan, Toual∣la, C••ixco, Ciamolla, Culhuacan, and other places. And to doe this he carried with him two hun∣dred and fifty Horses, and fiue hundred Souldiers. He went thorow the Countrie of Mechua∣can, where he had much Gold, ten thousand Markes of Siluer, and sixe thousand Indians to car∣rie burdens. He conquered many Countries, called that of Xalisco Nueua Galicia, because it is * 1.165 a ragged Countrie, and the People strong. He builded a Citie which he called Compostella, and another named Guadalaiara, because hee was borne in the Citie of Guadalaiara in Spaine. Hee * 1.166 likewise builded the Townes De Santo Espirito, De la Conception, and De San Miguel standing [ 50] * 1.167 in 24. degrees of Northerly latitude.

In the yeere 1532. Ferdinando Cortes sent one Diego Hurtado de Mendoça vnto Acapulco se∣uenty leagues from Mexico, where he had prepared a small Fleet to discouer the Coast of the South Sea as he had promised the Emperour. And finding two ships ready, he went into them, and sailed to the Hauen of Xalisco, where he would haue taken in Water and Wood: but Nun∣nez de Gusman caused him to be resisted, and so he went forward: but some of his men muti∣ned against him, and hee put them all into one of the shippes, and sent them backe into New Spaine. They wanted water, and going to take some in the Bay of the Vanderas, the Indians killed them. But Diego Hurtado sailed two hundred leagues along the Coast, yet did nothing worth the writing. * 1.168 [ 60]

In the yeere 1533. Francis Pizarro went from the Citie of Tumbes to Caxamalca, where he tooke the King Attabalipa. Peter Aluarado found Mountaines full of Snowe, and so cold, that seuenty of his men were frozen to death. When he came vnto Quito, he began to inhabite it, and named it S. Francis.

In the yeere 1534. a Briton called Iaques Cartier, with three ships went to the land of Corte∣realis, and the Bay of Saint Laurence, otherwise called Golfo Quadrato, and fell in 48. degrees and * 1.169 an halfe towards the North; and so he sailed till he came vnto 51. degrees hoping to haue pas∣sed that way to China, and to bring thence drugs and other merchandise into France. The next yeere after he made another Voyage into those parts, and found the Countrie abounding with Victuals, Houses, and good Habitations, with many and great Riuers. He sailed in one Riuer toward the South-west three hundred leagues, and named the Countrie thereabout Noua Fran∣cia: at length finding the water fresh, he perceiued he could not passe thorow to the South Sea, and hauing wintered in those parts, the next yeere following he returned into France.

In the yeere 1535. or in the beginning of the yeere 1536. Don Antonie de Mendoza came vn∣to the Citie of Mexico, as Vice-roy of New Spaine. In the meane while Cortes was gone for * 1.170 [ 10] more men to continue his Discouerie, which immediatly he set in hand sending forth two ships from Tecoantepec which hee had made ready. There went as Captaines in them Fernando de Grijalua, and Diego Bezerra de Mendoza, and for Pilots there went a Portugall named Acosta, and the other Fortunio Ximenez a Biscaine. The first night they diuided themselues. Fortunio Ximenez killed his Captaine Bezerra, and hurt many of his confederacy: and then he went on land to take Water and Wood in the Bay of Santa Cruz, but the Indians there slue him, and * 1.171 aboue twenty of his companie. Two Mariners which were in the Boat escaped, and went vn∣to Xalisco, and told Nunnes de Gusman that they had found tokens of Pearles: hee went into the ship, and so went to seeke the Pearles, he discouered along the Coast aboue an hundred and [ 20] fifty leagues. They said that Ferdinando de Grijalua sailed three hundred leagues from Tecoante∣pec without seeing any land, but onely one Iland which he named The Ile of Saint Thomas, be∣cause * 1.172 he came vnto it on that Saints day: it standeth in 20. degrees of latitude.

In this same yeere 1535. Nunnez Dacunna being Gouernour of India, while he was making a Fortresse at the Citie of Diu, he sent a Fleet to the Riuer of Indus, being from thence ninety * 1.173 or an hundred leagues towards the North vnder the Tropike of Cancer. The Captaines name was Vasques Perez de San Paio: also he sent another Armie against Badu the King of Cambaia, * 1.174 the Captaine whereof was C••sesofar a Renegado. They came to the barre of that mighty Ri∣uer in the moneth of December, of the water whereof they found such triall as Quintus Cur∣tius writeth of it, when Alexander came thither. [ 30]

In this yeere 1535. one Simon de Alcazaua went from Siuill with two ships and two hun∣dred * 1.175 and forty Spaniards in them. Some say they went to New Spaine, others that they went to Maluco, but others also say to China, where they had beene with Ferdinando Perez de An∣drada. Howsoeuer it was, they went first vnto the Canaries, and from thence to the Straight of Magelan, without touching at the Land of Brasill, or any part at all of that Coast. They entred into the Straight in the moneth of December with contrary windes and cold weather. The Souldiers would haue had him turne backe againe, but he would not. Hee went into an Hauen on the South side in 53. degrees: There the Captaine Simon of Alcazaua commanded Roderigo de Isla with sixty Spaniards to goe and discouer Land: but they rose vp against him and killed him, and appointed such Captaines and Officers as pleased them, and returned. [ 40] Comming thwart of Brasill they lost one of their ships vpon the Coast, and the Spaniards that escaped drowning were eaten by the Sauages. The other ship went to Saint Iago in Hispaniola, and from thence to Siuill, in Spaine.

In this same yeere 1535. Don Pedro de Mendoza went from Cadiz towards the Riuer of Plate * 1.176 with twelue ships, and had with him two thousand men: which was the greatest number of ships and men, that euer any Captaine carried into the Indies. Hee died by the way returning homewards. The most part of his men remained in that Riuer, and builded a great Towne contayning now two thousand houses, wherein great store of Indians dwell with the Spaniards. * 1.177 They discouered and conquered the Countrie till they came to the Mines of Potossi, and to the Towne La Plata, which is fiue hundred leagues distant from them. [ 50]

In the yeere 1536. Cortes vnderstanding that his ship wherein Fortunio Ximenez was Pilot * 1.178 was seized on by Nunnez de Guzman, hee sent forth three ships to the place where Guzman was, and he himselfe went by Land well accompanied, and found the ship which he sought all spoiled and rifled. When his three other ships were come about, hee went aboord himselfe with the most part of his Men and Horses, leauing for Captaine of those which remained on land one Andrew de Tapia. So he set sayle, and comming to a Point the first day of May he called it S. Philip, and an Iland that lieth fast by it he called Sant Iago. Within three dayes after he * 1.179 came into the Bay where the Pilot Fortunio Ximenez was killed, which hee called La plaia de * 1.180 Santa Cruz, where he went on land, and commanded Andrew de Tapia to discouer. Cortes tooke shipping again, and came to the Riuer now called Rio de San Pedro y 1.181 San Paulo, where by a tem∣pest [ 60] the ships were separated, one was driuen to the Bay de Santa Cruz, another to the Riuer of Guaiaual, & the third was driuen on shore hard by Xalisco, and the men thereof went by land to Mexico. Cortes long expected his two ships that he wanted: but they not cōming he hoised saile and entred into the Gulfe now called Mar de Cortes, Mar Vermeio, or the Gulfe of California,

and shot himselfe fiftie leagues within it: where he espied a ship at anker, and sayling towards her hee had beene lost if that ship had not succoured him. But hauing graued his ship, hee de∣parted * 1.182 with both the ships from thence. He bought victuals at a deare rate at Saint Michael of Culhuacan; and from thence he went to the Hauen of Santa Cruz, where hee heard that Don Antonio de Mendoça, was come out of Spaine to be Viceroy. He therefore left to be Captayne of his men one Francis de Ulloa, to send him certaine ships to discouer that Coast.

While he was at Acapulco, messengers came vnto him from Don Antonio de Mendaça the Viceroy, to certifie him of his arriuall: and also hee sent him the copie of a Letter, wherein Francis Pisarro wrote, that Mango Yuga was risen against him, and was come to the Citie of Cusco with an hundred thousand fighting men, and that they had killed his brother Iohn Pisarro, and aboue foure hundred Spaniards, and two hundred Horses, and hee himselfe was in danger [ 10] so that hee demanded succour and ayde. Cortes being informed of the state of Pisarro, and of the arriuall of Don Antonio de Mendoça, because he would not as yet bee at obedience; First he determined to send to Maluco to discouer that way along vnder the Equinoctiall line, because the Ilands of Cloues stand vnder that paralell: And for that purpose hee prepared two ships with prouision, victuals and men, besides all other thinges necessarie. Hee gaue the charge of one of these ships to Ferdinando de Grijalua, and of the other vnto one Aluarado a Gentleman. They went first to Saint Michael de Tangarara in Peru to succour Francis Pisarro, and from thence to Malucco all along neere the line as they were commanded. And it is declared that they sayled aboue a thousand leagues without sight of land, on the one side, nor yet on the other of the Equinoctiall. And in 2. degrees toward the North they discouered one Iland named Asea, [ 20] which seemeth to be one of the Ilands of Cloues: fiue hundred leagues little more or lesse as * 1.183 they sayled, they came to the sight of another which they named Isla de l••s Pescadores. Going * 1.184 still in this course they saw another Iland called Hayme towards the South, and another named Apia: and then they came to the sight of Seri: turning towards the North one degree, they came to anker at another Iland named Coroa, and from thence they came to another vnder the line named Meousum, and from thence vnto Bufu, standing in the same course. The peo∣ple of all these Ilands are blacke, and haue their haire frizled, whom the people of Maluco doe call Papuas. The most of them eate mans flesh, and are Witches, so giuen to diuelishnesse, that the Diuels walke among them as companions. If these wicked spirits doe finde one alone, they kill him with cruell blowes or smoother him. Therefore they vse not to goe, but when two or [ 30] three may bee in a companie.

There is heere a Bird as bigge as a Crane: hee flyeth not, nor hath any winges wherewith to flie, he runneth on the ground like a Deere: of their small feathers they doe make haire for * 1.185 their Idols. There is also an Herbe, which being washed in warme water, if the leafe thereof be laid on any member and licked with the tongue, it will draw out all the blood of a mans bo∣dy: and with this leafe they vse to let themselues blood. From these Ilands they came vnto o∣thers named the Guelles standing one degree towards the North-east, and West from the Ile Te∣renate, wherein the Portugals haue a Fortresse: these men are haired like the people of the Ma∣lucos. * 1.186 These Ilands stand one hundred and foure and twentie leagues from the Iland named Moro; and from Terenate betweene fortie and fiftie. From whence they wentto the Ile of Mo∣ro, * 1.187 [ 40] and the Ilands of Cloues, going from the one vnto the other. But the people of the Coun∣trey would not suffer them to come on land, saying vnto them: Goe vnto the Fortresse where the Captayne Antonie Galuano is, and we will receiue you with a good will: for they would not * 1.188 suffer them to come on land without his licence: for hee was Factor of the Countrey, as they named him. A thing worthie to be noted that those of the Countrey were so affectioned to the Portugals, that they would venter for them their liues, wiues, children and goods.

In the yeere 1537. the Licenciate Iohn de Vadillo Gouernour of Cartagena, went out with a good Armie from a port of Vraba called Saint Sebastian de buena Uista, being in the Gulfe of V∣raba, and from thence to Rio verde, and from thence by land without knowing any way, nor yet hauing any Carriages, they went to the end of the Countrey of Peru, and to the Towne La [ 50] plata, by the space of one thousand two hundred leagues: a thing worthie of memorie. For from this Riuer to the Mountaines of Abibe the Countrey is full of Hils, thicke Forests of trees, and many Riuers: and for lacke of a beaten way, they had pierced sides. The Mountaines of A∣bibe as it is recorded haue twentie leagues in bredth. They must be passed ouer in Ianuarie, Fe∣bruarie, March, and Aprill. And from that time forward it raineth much, and the Riuers will be so greatly increased, that you cannot passe for them. There are in those Mountaines many heards of Swine, many Dantes, Lions, Tygres, Beares, Ounses, and great Cats, and Monkies, and mightie Snakes, and other such vermine. Also there bee in these Mountaines abundance of Partridges, Quailes, Turtle doues, Pigeons, and other Birds and Fowles of sundrie sorts. Like∣wise in the Riuers is such plentie of Fish, that they did kill of them with their staues: and carry∣ing [ 60] Canes and Nets, they affirme that a great armie might bee sustained that way without be∣ing distressed for want of victuals. Moreouer they declared the diuersities of the people, tongues, and apparell that they obserued in the Countries, Kingdomes, and Prouinces which

they went through, and the great trauels and dangers that they were in till they came to the towne called Villa de la Plata, and vnto the sea thereunto adioyning. This was the greatest dis∣couerie * 1.189 that hath beene heard of by land, and in so short a time. And if it had not beene done in our dayes, the credit thereof would haue beene doubtfull.

In the yeere 1538. there went out of Mexico certaine Friers of the order of Saint Francis to∣wards * 1.190 the North to preach to the Indians the Catholike Faith. He that went farthest was one Frier Marke de Nizza, who passed through Culhuacan, and came to the Prouince of Sibola, where he found seuen Cities.

In the same yeere 1538. Antonie Galuano being chiefe captaine in the Iles of Maluco sent a ship towards the North, whereof one Francis de Castro was captaine, hauing commandement to conuert as many as he could to the Faith. He himselfe christened many, as the Lords of the [ 10] Celebes, Macasares, Amboynos, Moros, Moratax, and diuers other places. When Francis de Ca∣stro arriued at the Iland of Mindanao, sixe Kings receiued the water of Baptisme, with their wiues, children and Subiects: and the most of them Antonie Galuano gaue commandement to be called by the name of Iohn, in remembrance that King Iohn the third raigned then in Portugall.

The Portugals and Spaniards which haue beene in these Ilands affirme, that there be certaine bogs in them, which besides the teeth which they haue in their mouthes, haue other two grow∣ing out of their snouts, and as manie behinde their eares of a large span and an halfe in length. Likewise they say there is a tree, the one halfe whereof, which standeth towards the ••ast is a good medecine against all poyson, and the other side of the tree which standeth toward the * 1.191 [ 20] West is very poyson; and the fruit on that side is like a bigge pease; and there is made of it the strongest poyson that is in all the World. Also they report that there is there another tree, the fruit whereof whosoeuer doth eate, shall bee twelue houres besides himselfe, and when he com∣meth againe vnto himselfe, he shall not remember what hee did in the time of his madnesse. Moreouer there are certaine crabs of the land, whereof whosoeuer doth eate shall be a certaine space out of his wits. Likewise the countrey people declare that there is a stone in these Ilands whereon whosoeuer sitteth shall be broken in his bodie. It is farther to be noted, that the peo∣ple * 1.192 of these Ilands doe gild their teeth.

In the yeere 1539. Cortes sent three ships with Francis Uilloa to discouer the coast of Culua∣can Northward. They went from Acapulco, and touched at Saint Iago de buena speranza, and [ 30] entred in the gulfe that Cortes had discouered, and sailed till they came in 32, degrees, which is almost the farthest end of that gulfe, which place they named Ancon de Sant Andres, because they came thither on that Saints day: Then they came out a long the coast on the other side, and doubled the point of California and entred in betweene certaine Ilands and the point, and so sailed along by it, till they came to 32. degrees, from whence they returned to New Spaine, enforced thereunto by contrary windes and want of victualls; hauing been out about a yeere. Cortes according to his account, spent two hundred thousand ducats in these discoueries.

From Cabo del Enganno to another Cape called Cabo de Liampo in China there are one thou∣sand or twelue hundred leagues sayling. Cortes and his Captaines discouered new Spaine, from 12. degrees to 32, from the South to the North, being seuen hundred leagues, finding it more [ 40] warme then cold, although Snow doe lie vpon certaine mountaines most part of the yeere. In New Spaine there be many trees, flowers and fruits of diuers sorts and profitable for many things. The principall tree is named Metl. It groweth not very high nor thicke. They plant and dresse it as we doe our vines. They say it hath fortie kinde of leaues like wouen clothes, which serue for many vses. When they be tender they make conserues of them, paper, and a thing like vnto flaxe: they make of it mantles, mats, shooes, girdles, and cordage. These trees haue certaine prickles so strong and sharpe, that they sewe with them. The roots make fire and ashes, which ashes make excellent good lie. They open the earth from the root and scrape it, and the inyce which commeth out is like sirrupe. If you doe seeth it, it will become honie; if if you purisie it, it will be sugar. Also you may make wine and vineger thereof. It beareth the [ 50] Coco. The rinde rosted and crushed vpon soares and hurts healeth and cureth. The iuyce of the tops and roots mingled with incense are good against poyson, and the biting of a Viper. For these manifold benesits it is the most profitable ••ree knowne to grow in those parts. Also * 1.193 there be there certain small birds named Vicmalim, their bil is smal & long. They liue of the dew, and the iuyce of flowers and roses. Their feathers bee verie small and of diuers colours. They be greatly esteemed to worke gold with. They die or sleepe euery yeere in the moneth of Octo∣ber, sitting vpon a little bough in a warme and close place: they reuiue or wake againe in the * 1.194 moneth of Aprill after that the flowers bee sprung, and therefore they call them the reui∣ued birdes.

Likewise there be Snakes in these parts, which sound as though they had bels when they [ 60] creepe. There be other which engender at the mouth, euen as they report of the Viper. There bee hogges which haue a nauell on the ridge of their backes, which assoone as they bee killed and cut out, will by and by corrupt and stinke. Besides these there be certain fishes which make a noyse like vnto hogs, and will snort, for which cause they bee named Snorters.

In the yeere 1538. and 1539. after that Diego de Almagro was beheaded, the Marquesse Francis Pisarro was not idle. For he sent straight one Peter de Baldiuia with a good companie of * 1.195 men to discouer and conquer the countrey of Chili. He was well receiued of those of the coun∣trey, but afterwards they rose against him and would haue killed him by treason. Yet for all the warre 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hee had with them, he discouered much Land, and the coast of the Sea toward the South-east, till he came into 40. degrees and more in Latitude. While he was in these dis∣coueries * 1.196 he heard newes of a King called Leucengolina, which commonly brought to the field two hundred thousand fighting men against another King his neighbour, and that this Leucen∣golina had an Iland, and a Temple therein with two thousand Priests: and that beyond them were the Amazones, whose Queene was called Guanomilla, that is to say, The golden heauen. But [ 10] as yet there 〈◊〉〈◊〉 none of these things discouered. About this time Gomez de Aluarado went to conquer the Prouince of Guanuco: and Francis de Chauez went to subdue the Conchineos, which troubled the towne of Truxillo, and the countreys adioyning. Peter de Vergara went to the Bra∣camores, a people dwelling toward the North from Quito. Iohn Perez de Vergera went against the Ciaciapoians: Alfonsus de Mercadiglio went vnto Mulubamba. Ferdinando and Gonzaluo Pi∣sarros went to subdue Collao, a countrey very rich in golde. Peter de Candia went to the lower part of Collao. Peranzures also went to conquer the said countrey. And thus the Spaniards dis∣persed themselues, and conquered abone seuen hundred leagues of countrey in a very short space, though not without great traua les and losse of men.

The countreyes of Brasill and Peru stand East and West almost eight hundred leagues di∣stant. [ 20] The neerest is from the Cape of Saint Augustine vnto the hauen of Truxillo: for they stand both almost in one parallell and Latitude.

In some places of the Andes and Countries the earth is of diuers colours, as blacke, white, * 1.197 red, greene, blew, yellow, and violet, wherewith they die colours without any other mixture. There grow on these mountaines many turneps, rapes, and other such like rootes and herbes. One there is like vnto Aipo or Rue which beareth a yellow flower, and healeth all kinde of rot∣ten sores, and if you apply it vnto whole and cleane flesh it will eate it vnto the bone: so that it is good for the vnsound and naught for the whole.

Those which liue on the tops of these mountaines of Andes betweene the cold and the heat for the most part be blinde of one eye, and some altogether blinde, and scarce you shall finde [ 30] two men of them together, but one of them is halfe blinde. Also there groweth in these fieldes, notwithstanding the grea•• hea••e of the sand good Maiz, and Potatoes, and an herbe which they name Coca, which they carrie continually in their mouthes (as in the East India they vse ano∣ther herbe named Betele) which also (they say) satisfieth both hunger and thirst. Also they sow * 1.198 much cotton wooll, which of nature is white, red, blacke, greene, yellow, orange tawnie, and of diuers other colours.

Likewise they affirme, that from Tumbez Southward it doth neither raine, thunder, nor lighten, for the space of fiue hundred leagues of land: but at some times there falleth some little shower. Also it is reported, that from Tumbez to Chili there breede no Peacocks, Hens, Cocks * 1.199 nor Eagles, Falcons, Haukes, Kites, nor any other kinde of rauening Fowles, and yet there are [ 40] of thm in all other regions and countreyes: but there are many Ducks, Geese, Herons, Pigeons Partridges, Quailes, and many other kinds of birdes. There are also a certaine kinde of foule, like vnto a duck which hath no wings to flie withall, but it hath fine thinne feathers which co∣uer all the bodie. Likewise there are Bitters that make warre with the seale or Sea-wolfe: for finding them out of the water they will labour to picke out their eyes, that they may not see to get to the water againe, and then they doe kill them. They say it is a pleasant sight to behold the fight betweene the said Bitters and Seales. With the beards of these Seales men make clean their teeth, because they bee wholesome for the tooth-ache. There are certaine beasts which those of the countrey call Xacos, and the Spaniards sheepe, because they beare wooll like vnto a * 1.200 sheepe, but are made much like vnto a Deere, hauing a saddle backe like vnto a Camell. They [ 50] will carrie the burthen of an hundred weight. The Spaniards ride vpon them, and when they be wearie they will turne their heads backeward, and voide out of their mouthes a wonderfull stinking water.

From the Riuer of Plata and Lima Southward there breede no Crocodiles nor Lizards, nor Snakes, nor any kinde of venemous vermine, but great store of good fishes breede in those Ri∣uers. On the coast of Saint Michael in the South Sea there are many rockes of salt couered with ••gges. On the point of Saint Helena are certaine Well springs which cast forth a liquor, that * 1.201 serueth in stead of pitch and tarre. They say that in Chili there is a fountaine, the water where∣of will conuert wood into stone. In the hauen of Truxillo there is a Lake of fresh water, and the bottome thereof is of good hard salt. In the Andes beyond Xauxa there is a riuer of fresh wa∣ter, [ 60] in the bottome whereof there lieth white salt.

In the yeere 1540. the Captaine Ferdinando Alorchon went by the commandement of the Vice-roy Don Antonio de Mendoza with two ships to discouer the bottome of the gulfe of Ca∣lifornia, * 1.202 and diuers other countries.

In this yeere 1540. Gonsaluo Pisarro went out of the Citie of Quito, to Discouer the Countrie of Canell or Cinamome, a thing of great fame in that Countrie. Hee had with him two hundred Spaniards, Horse men and Foore-men, and three hundred Indians to carie burthens. Hee went forward till he came to Gui••os, which is the farthest place gouerned by the Ingas: where there * 1.203 hapned a great Earthquake with Raine and Lightning, which sunke seuentie Houses. They pas∣sed ouer cold and Snowie hils, where they found many Indians Frozen to death, maruelling much of the great Snow that they found vnder the Equinoctiall line. From hence they went to a Pro∣uince called Cumaco, where they taried two Moneths, because it Rained continually. And be∣yond they saw the Cinamome-trees, which be very great, the Leaues there of resembling Bay∣leaues, both Leaues, Branches, Rootes, and all tasting of Cinamame. The Rootes haue the whole taste of Cinamome. But the best are certaine knops like vnto Alcornoques or Acornes, which are * 1.204 [ 10] good merchandise. It appeareth to be wild Cinamome, and there is much of it in the East Indies, and in the Ilands of Iaoa or Iau••i From hence they went to the Prouince and Citie of Coca, where they rested fiftie dayes. From the place forwards they trauelled along by a Riuers side be∣ing sixtie Leagues long, without finding of any Bridge, nor yet any Foorde to passe ouer to the otherside. They found one place of this Riuer, where it had a fall of two hundred fathoms deepe, where the Water made such a noyse, that it would make a man almost deafe to stand by it. And not farre beneath this fall, they say they found a Channell of stone verie smooth, of two hundred foote broad, and the Riuer runneth by: and there they made a Bridge to passe ouer on the other side, where they went to a Countrie called Guema, which was so poore, that they could get no∣thing [ 20] to eate, but onely Fruites and Herbes. From that place forward they found a people of some reason, wearing certaine Clothing made of Cotton-wooll, where they made a Brigandine, and there they found also certaine Canoas, wherein they put their Sicke men, and their Treasure and best Apparell, giuing the charge of them to one Francis de Orellana: and Gonsaluo Pizarr•• went by Land with the rest of the Companie along by the Riuers side, and at night went into the Boates, and they trauelled in this order two hundred Leagues as it appeareth. When Pizarro came to the place where he thought to finde the Brigandine and Canoas, and could haue no sight of them nor yet heare of them, he thought himselfe out of all hope, because hee was in a strange Countrie without Victuals, Clothing, or any thing else: wherefore they were faine to eate their Horses, yea and Dogs also, because the Countrie was poore and barren, and the Iourney long, to [ 30] goe to Quito. Yet notwithstanding, taking a good heart to themselues they went on forward in * 1.205 their Iourney, trauelling continually eighteene Moneths; and it is reported, that they went al∣most fiue hundred Leagues, wherein they did neither see Sunne nor any thing else, whereby they might be comforted, wherefore of two hundred men which went forth at the first, there re∣turned not backe past ten vnto Quito, and these so weake, ragged and disfigured, that they knew them not. Orellan•• went fiue hundred or sixe hundred Leagues downe the Riuer, seeing diuers * 1.206 Countries and people on both sides thereof, among whom he affirmed some to bee Amazones. He came into Castile, excusing himselfe, that the water and streames draue him downe perforce. This Riuer is named the Riuer of Orellana, and other name it the Riuer of the Amazones, because there be Women there which liue like vnto them.

In the yeere 1540. Cortes went with his Wife into Spaine, where hee died of a Disease seuen * 1.207 [ 40] yeeres after.

In the yeere 1541. it is recorded that Don Stephan de Gama Gouernour of India, Sayled to∣ward the Streit of Mecca.

In the same yeere 1541. Don Diego de Almagro killed the Marques Francis Pizarro, and his brother Francis Martinez of Alcantara in the Citie de los Reyes, otherwise called Lima, and made himselfe Gouernour of that Countrie.

In the yeere 1540. the Vice-roy Don Antonie de Mendoza, sent one Francis Vasquez de Coro∣nado * 1.208 by Land vnto the Prouince of Sibola, with an Armie of Spaniards and Indians.

In the yeere of our Lord 1542. one Diego de Freitas, being in the Realme of Siam, and in the [ 50] Citie of Dodra as Captaine of a Ship, there fled from him three Portugals in a Iunco (which is a kind of Ship) towards China. Their names were Antonie de Mota, Francis Zeimoro, and Antho∣nie Pexoto, directing their course to the Citie of Liampo, standing in thirtie and odde Degrees of Latitude. There fell vpon their Sterne such a storme, that it set them off the Land, and in fewe dayes they saw an Iland towards the East standing in thirtie two Degrees, which they doe name Iapan, which seemeth to be the Ile of Zipangri, whereof Paulus Venetus maketh mention, and of * 1.209 the riches thereof. And this Iland of Iapan hath Gold, Siluer, and other riches.

In this yeere 1542. Don Antonio de Mendoça Vice-roy of Nueua Spagna, sent his Captaines and Pilots to Discouer the Coast of Cape del Enganno, where a Fleete of Cortez had heene before. They Sailed till they came to a place called Sierras Neuadas, or The Snowie mountaines, standing infortie Degrees toward the North, where they saw Ships and Merchandises, which carried on [ 60] their Stems the Images of certaine Birds called Alcatarzi, and had the Yardes of their Sailes gil∣ded, and their Prowes laide ouer with siluer. They seemed to be of the Iles of Iapan, or of China; * 1.210 forthey said that it was not aboue thirtie dayes sayling into their Countrie.

In the same yeere 1542. Don Anthonie de Mend••ça, sent vnto the Ilands of Mindanao a Fleete of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ships with foure hundred Souldiers, and as many Indians of the Gou••••rie, the Generall * 1.211 whereof was one R•••• Lopez de villa Lobos, being his Brother in law and a man in great estimati∣on. They set Sayle from the Hauen of Natiuidad standing in twentie Degrees towards the North, vpon All Saints Eeue, and shaped their course towards the West. They had sight of the Iland of Saint Thomas, which Hernando de Grijalua had Discouered, and beyond in seuenteene Degrees * 1.212 they had sight of another Iland which they named La Nublada, that is, The Cloudse Iland. From thence they went to another Iland named Roca partida, that is; The Clouen Rocke. The third of December they found certaine Baxos or Flats of sixe or seuen Fathoms deepe. The fifteene of the same Moneth they had sight of the Ilands, which Diego de Roca, and Gomez de Sequeira, and [ 10] Aluaro de Saanedra had Discouered, and named them Los Reyes, because they came vnto them on Twelfe-day. And beyond them they found other Ilands in ten Degrees all standing round, and in the midst of thew they came to an Anker, where they tooke fresh water and wood.

In the yeere 1543. in Ianuarie they departed from the foresaid Ilands with all the Fleete, and had sight of certaine Ilands, out of which there came vnto them men in a certaine kind of Boates, and they brought in their hands Crosses, and saluted the Spaniarth in the Spanishcongue, saying, Bue••as dias, Matelotes, that is to say, Good morrow companions; where at the Spaniards much mar∣uerled, being then so farre out of Spaine to see the men of that Countrie with Crosses, and to bee saluted by them in the Spanish tongue, and they seemed in their behauiour to enchne somewhat to our Catholicke Faith. The Spainards not knowing, that many thereabout had beene Christ∣ned [ 20] by Francis de Castro, at the commandement of Antonie Galuano, some of them named these Hands, ••slas de las Cruzes, and others named them Islas de los Matelotes. In the same yeere 1543. * 1.213 the first of Februarie Rui Lopez, had fight of that noble Iland Mindanao standing in nine De∣grees: they could not double it nor yet come to an Ancre as they would, because the Christened Kings and people resisted them, hauing giuen their obedience to Anthonie Galuano, whom they had in great estimation, and there were fiue or sixe Kings that had receiued Baptisme, who by no meanes would incurre his displeasure. Rin Lopez perceiuing this, and hauing a contrarie wind, Sayled along the Coast to find some ayde: and in foure or fiue Degrees, hee found a small Iland which they of the Countrie call Sarangam, which they tooke perforce, and in memorie of the Vice roy who had sent them thither, they named it Antonia, where they remained a whole yeere. [ 30] * 1.214 In the same yeere 1543. and in the moneth of August, the Generall Rui Lopez sent one Bartho∣lomew de la torre in a small Ship into new Spaine, to acquaint the Vice-roy Don Antonio de Men∣doca with all things. They went to the Ilands of Siria, Gaonata, Bilata, and many others, stan∣ding * 1.215 in eleuen and twelue Degrees towards the North, where Magellan had beene, and Francis de Castro also, who there Baptized many, and the Spaniards called them the Philippinas in memo∣rie of the Prince of Spaine. Here they tooke victuals and wood, and hoysed Sayles, they Sayled for certaine dayes with afore-wind, till at came vpon the skanting, and came right vnder the Tro∣picke of Cancer. The twentie fiue of September they had sight of certaine Ilands, which they na∣med Malabrigos, that is to say, The euill Roades. Beyond them they Discouered Las des Herma∣nas, That is, The two Sisters. And beyond them also they saw foure Ilands more, which they cal∣led [ 40] los Volcanes. The second of October they had sight of Farfana, beyond which there standeth an high pointed Rocke, which casteth out Fire at fiue places. So Sayling in sixteene Degrees of Northerly Latitude, from whence they had come, as it seemeth wanting Wind, they arriued a∣gaine at the Ilands of the Philippinas. They had sight of sixe or seuen Ilands more, but they An∣kered not at them. They found also an Archipelagus of Ilands, well Inhabited with people, ly∣ing * 1.216 in fifteene or sixteene Degrees: the people be White, and the Women well proportioned, and more beautifull and better Arraied then in any other place of those parts, hauing many Iew∣cls of Gold, which was a token, that there was some of that Mettall in the same Countrie. Heere were also Barkes of fortie three Cubits in length, and two Fathoms and a halfe in breadth, and the Plankes fiue Inches thicke, which Barkes were rowed with Oares. They told the Spaniards, [ 50] that they vsed to Saile in them to China, and that if they would goe thither they should haue Pi∣lots * 1.217 to conduct them, the Countrie not being aboue fiue or sixe dayes Sayling from thence. There came vnto them also certaine Barkes or Boates handsomely decked, wherein the Master and prin∣cipall men sate on high, and vnderneath were very Black-moores with Frisled haire: and being demanded where they had these Black moores, they answered, that they had them from certaine Ilands standing fast by Sebut, where there were many of them, a thing that the Spaniards much maruailed at, because from thence it was aboue three hundred Leagues to the places where the Blacke people were. Therefore it seemed, that they were not naturally borne in that Climate, but that they be in certaine places scattered ouer the whole circuit of the World. For euen so they be in the Ilands of Nicobar and Audeman, which stand in the Gulfe of Bengala, and from [ 60] thence by the space of fiue hundred Leagues, we doe not know of any Blacke people. Also V••sco Nunez de Vaiboa declareth, that as he went to Discouer the South Sea, in a certaine Land named Quareca, he found Blacke people with Frisled haire, whereas there were neuer any other found either in Noua Spagna, or in Castilia del Oro, or in Peru.

In the yeere 1544. Don Gutierre de Vargas Bishop of Placenza sent a Fleet from the Citie of * 1.218 Siuill vnto the Straits of Magellan: which is reported to haue beene done by the counsell of the Vice-roy Don Antonie de Mendoça his Cousin. Some suspected, that they went to Maluco, others to China, others, that they went onely to discouer the Land betwixt the Strait and the Land of Peru on the other side of Chilt, because it was reported to bee very rich in Gold and Siluer. But this Fleet by reason of contrary windes could not passe the Strait, yet one small Barke passed the same, and sayled along the coast, and discouered all the Land, till he came vnto Chirimai, and Arequipa.

In the yeere 1545. and in the moneth of Ianuary Rui Lopez de villa Lobos, and Giraldo with the Castilians came to the Iland of Moro, and the Citie of Camafo, where they were well recei∣ued * 1.219 of the Kings of Gilole and Tidore, and of the people of the Countrie (because Antonie [ 10] Gualuano was gone) and put the Captaine Don George de Castro to great trouble, as appeared by those things which passed betweene him and the Portugals, and the great expences where∣unto he put the Fortresse.

In the same yeere 1545. Rui Lopez de villa Lobos sent from the Iland of Tidore another ship towards New Spaine by the South side of the Line, wherein was Captaine one Inigo Ortez de Rotha, and for Pilot one Iaspar Rice. They sailed to the Coast of Os Papuas, and ranged all a∣long * 1.220 the same, and because they knew not that Sa••••edra had been there before, they chalenged the honour and fame of that Discouerie. And because the people there were blacke and had frisled haire, they named it Nueua Guinea. For the memory of Saauedra as then was almost lost, * 1.221 [ 20] as all things else doe fall into obliuion, which are not recorded, and illustrated by writing.

In this yeere 1545. and in the moneth of Iune, there went a Iunke from the Citie of Borneo, wherein went a Portugall called Peter Fidalgo, and by contrary winds he was driuen towards the North; where he found an Iland standing in 9. or 10. degrees, that stretched it selfe to 22. degrees of latitude, which is called The Ile of the Luçones, because the Inhabitants thereof * 1.222 were so named. It may haue some other name and harbours which, which as yet we know not: it runneth from the North vnto the Southwest, and standeth betweene Mindanao and China. They say they sayled along by it 250. leagues, where the Land was fruitfull and well couered, * 1.223 and they affirme, that there they will giue two Pezos of gold for one of siluer.

CHAP. II. [ 30]

The summe of a Letter of NICOLAS TRICAVTIVS a Iesuite, touching his Voyage to India, and of the State of Christianitie in China and Iapan. A Letter also of Capt. R. COCKE, and Relations of Master ROBERTS wracke on the Coast of China in the Vnicorne.

WEe set sayle from Lisbon, the sixteenth of Aprill, 1618, being three ships: foure * 1.224 and thirty of the society were distributed into two ships: one of them called Saint Maure carried twelue destined for Iapon, of which was the Reuerend Lord, L. Iames Valent Bishop of Iapon of our societie. Father Gabriel Matos [ 40] was Superiour of the other ten. In the other ship two and twenty of vs were carried for China, ten Portugals, three Italians, foure Germans, and besides my selfe, foure Bel∣gians. Wee sayled prosperously, sauing that all Ours were Sea-sicke till wee came to the Cana∣ries. There I know not how the ships parted companie. Wee sayled to the Torrid Zone plea∣santly appointing set and distinct houres for taking care of the sicke, for Sermons, the Masse (almost daily) Cases of Conscience, Mathematicall disciplines, exerc••se of the China Language, &c. About the Line we were infested with Feuers, all saue one, and fiue died; lastly, I and my brother Philip were sicke, and kept our beds fifty dayes, insomuch as I receiued Unction likely in few houres to die. Wee passed the Cape on Saint Iames his Day, and a few dayes after (ha∣uing [ 50] hitherto had no tempest) were three nights together horribly tossed. The Captaine of our ship also died, and scarcely could another succeed in peace.

After fiue moneths and a halfe sayling, wee came to Goa. The Saint Maure came thither a moneth after vs, one of our Societie (an Italian) being dead. The Admirall a fortnight after that, arriued with disgrace, for that hauing fallen in companie with sixe English ships, shee chose rather with eighty thousand pieces of money which they call Patacas, to redeeme the fight, then to fight it out with victorie or death. For which cause the Admirall and some other Officers are depriued and sent backe to the King in bonds to be punished, or to ••ender accounts of their fact. A few dayes after, my brother falls sicke and dieth. The rest follow their studies at Goa, till affaires of China and Iapon hee more quieted. For howsoeuer I had left the China [ 60] businesse quiet, and imagined still the same, yet they which aspire now to their helpe must pro∣pound crosses and martyrdome to themselues.

At Nanquin Christianitie thriued well and in other our houses. Thence arose the beginning of euill. A chiefe Iudge in the third Tribunall named Xin, a great Idolater, sought to chase

Christianitie out of the Kingdome, and therefore opposed Ours by putting vp many Petitions fraught with calumnies, which he sent secretly to the King. But after often petitioning obtay∣ning no rescript, he employeth others & vseth bribes, getting to his party the chief President of the Third Tribunal, to which Court belongs the knowledge of forren affaires, and of Religion. He also petitions the King, but with such effect, that the King makes no answere (which with the Chinois is a denyall) and at last he writes to the King, that according to his Office he will send them out of the Kingdome, such excepted as remained in the Royall Citie. This he did, but the Magistrates of those Cities where Ours resided dissembled the matter, except that * 1.225 Nanquin aduersarie, which apprehended two Priests and a Brother, their Pupils, Seruants, and some new Conuerts, but durst not send them away before the Kings answer. Meane while he [ 10] exercised them all in diuers Courts about nine moneths space, and some were often whipped after their cruell manner; one or two died in prison by force of the torments. Many of the Ethnikes fauoured Ours; but the Christian Magistrates Paulus, Michael, Leo did maruellously bestirre themselues. Nor did any Conuert apostatise, but beyond the China pusillanimitie were both constant and cheerfull in their sufferings.

At last our Nanquin aduersarie bribing the Eunuchs with ten thousand pieces of Gold ex∣torted from the King that Ours should be sent backe to their owne, but not (which he sought) their death. Ours therefore honorably dismissed from Pequin, came to Canton. Those of Nan∣quin * 1.226 were sent away with shame, and two were carried in Cages to Canton. In other residen∣ces they were more gently vsed, and all continued in the Kingdome but two of Pequin and two [ 20] of Nanquin. After this the Pequin Magistrate was depriued and sent home with dishonour: he of Nanquin also fell sicke, and lost his onely daughter, which the Chinois esteeme a great euill; for which cause in great rage he burned a certaine Idoll to which hee had commended that his daughter. Ours adorned a new seat or residence in Xausi. Father Felicianus à Sylua a * 1.227 Portugall, his carkasse hauing lien foure yeeres in the Coffin, kept at home after the China fa∣shion, was opened and found entire with his garments. The skie suddenly ouercast was calmed on the shutting of the Coffin; a horrible thing to the Chinois, which are very scrupulous to open Graues. His body was buried in the fields, and is reported to worke miracles, and to be fre∣quented of the New Conuerts. I am called by my Superiours with all speed, and there is hope * 1.228 that all things will bee amended.

Now for the Iaponian Church. Daifu, after that noble victorie which he obtained against [ 30] * 1.229 Fideiori and Zaca, is dead: in the glorie whereof his sonne obtained the Empire without tu∣mult. The Church had quiet a yeere and halfe; but by the indiscreet zeale of some Religious at Nangasaque, the sore brake out againe. Foure men, a Dominican, Austinian, Franciscan, and Iesuite, haue beene martyred, other two continued in prison. Twenty in all Iapon haue died for the Faith, others haue beene exiled and punished, the story whereof is not vnlike to those which I left in Europe comprehended in foure Bookes of Iaponian triumphs, which I hope ere this haue seene the light. I looke for other intelligence within these two moneths, which I will leaue in Latine before I goe for the next ships.

In India things remayne in the wonted state. At Bazain was an vnwonted tempest, where∣upon [ 40] Processions were made in all India. Two Comets were seene at the same time, one four∣teene dayes after the other: the later directed his course to the North, and still is seene whiles * 1.230 I write these things the twentieth of December, beginning to appeare the eleuenth of No∣uember, 1618.

Extracts out of TRIGAVTIVS his Martyrologe, or Fiue Bookes of Christian Triumphs among the Iaponians, before mentioned.

THe Iaponian State being oppressed, He is Emperour which possesseth the Imperiall Pro∣uinces called Tenca (or Tensa) a name receiued of the Chinois, of whom the Iaponian I∣lands * 1.231 [ 50] are a Colonie (by the Chinois called Iepuen, the beginning of the Sunne, by themselues Gitp••n or Nitpon) and that which the Chin••is call Thienhia, that is, Whatsoeuer is vnder Heauen, the Iaponians terme Tenca, expressed with the same characters, howsoeuer differing in pro∣nunciation. * 1.232 Taicosama died An. 1598. and left for his Heire a childe called Fideyori. Daifusa∣ma King of Quanto with others were appointed his Tutors or Protectors, which quarrelling for themselues, A. 1600. Daifusama getting the better, entituled himselfe Xogun or Cubósama. He left Fideyori in the most famous Fort of Iapon, with a tolerable reuenue. This continued till the yeere 1614. He remoued the Imperiall seat from Miaco to Surunga the chiefe Citie of the Kingdome of Fuchu, and built there a Castle to keepe his treasure: his Sonne * 1.233 destined to the Inheritance, he placed at Yendo (or Ed••o) and married him to the Neece of Nabunanga, which [ 60] was next Emperour before Taicosama, and Aunt to Fideyori, being Sister to his Mother. This * 1.234 Fideyori being now growne in yeeres at his Castle of Ozaca, Daifusama fearing that he might interuert the Inheritance from his Sonne, deuised trickes first, which being eluded brake forth into open warre.

He had set Fideyori on worke to build a sumptuous Temple in the Suburbs of Miaco, in which Daibut (that is, a great Idoll or Colosse of guilded Brasse, his thumbe a spanne compasse and the rest proportionable,) should be worshipped. His Father Taicosama had before built at great expence this Temple, but the fire had consumed it, and the Sonne was incited to renue it by him, which sought by that meanes to exhaust his Treasures, the sinewes of warre. This Temple at the eighth Moone (which is our September) was to be dedicated by three thousand Priests thither assembled with great pompe, the Emperour meane while intending to seize on Ozaca. To this end hee had sent for Ichinocam the Gouernour of the Citie and wonne him to his part. But at his returne vpon suspition he was forced to quit the Towne, and the Emperours intents made knowne, and that Dedication deferred. The Emperour came before Ozaca with * 1.235 [ 10] a great Armie of two hundred thousand, of which he lost thirtie thousand in the Siege, and was forced to depart with dissembled Conditions of Peace, in Ianuarie 1615. This lasted but few moneths, and hee returned with another Armie as great as the former. Fideyori is also reported to haue two hundred thousand in his armie. Sacay was burned, and in two Battels Fideyori had the better. In the third the Emperour was so out of hope that hee thought there to haue ended his dayes, and spake to some to dispatch him, if they saw no meanes for him to escape his Ene∣mies hands. But Samandonus the Generall seeing the Victorie sure, sent for Fideyori that hee should come to haue the honour thereof, who in youthfull hast neglecting his old Captaines, they enraged at this seeming contempt, and perhaps corrupted by Cubosamas money, set fire on * 1.236 the Castle. This forced Fideyori backe to saue his Mother, Wife, and what he could from the [ 20] flames, preferring safetie before honour. But hee lost both, with himselfe together, no man yet knowing what became of him. Ozaca was quite destroyed in Iuly 1615. and the Emperour re∣turned * 1.237 Victorious to Surunga, and magnified his Idols which had done him this Honour for his zealous persecution of Christians. But in March 1616. this Tryumph was turned to his Fune∣rall. Hee was buried in his Castle Cuno, where his Treasure was kept. One of his Sonnes hee would not see, his other sonne succeeded, who is thought not likely to containe the mutable Iaponian spirits in order: Two other sonnes he left, of which hee gaue order, that if they would not otherwise bee ordered they should lose their Heads. Some hopes by his death befell the Christians of more libertie, and they haue since performed their holies, but secretly, least they should seeme to insult on the Dead. For in pretence of wrongs by Portugall Merchants, and [ 30] Contempts of his Imperiall Edicts, and of Death, and the reports of worshipping some execu∣ted * 1.238 Christian Malefactors (at whose death some kneeling had commended them to Christ, which was thus Paganly misconstrued) hee had exiled many, and done many to diuers kindes both of tortures and death; which our Author handles at large in fiue * 1.239 Bookes, where they which please may both read and see in Pictures their diuersified passions: which also from Cap∣taine Saris, Captaine Cocke and others, wee haue in part before deliuered, with another Cause inciting the Emperour thereto, namely Iesuiticall hypocrisie, who vnder pretence of Conuer∣ting soules, had become Factors and Agents for the Portugall Merchants. But we shall giue you further and later Iaponian intelligence from our owne Countrymen.

A Letter concerning later Occurrents in Iapon from Master R. COCKE to [ 40] Captaine SARIS, written at FIRANDO in Iapon, the 31. of December. 1622.

Captayne SARIS:

I Haue written you two former Letters to one effect, the one dated the Fourteenth vltimo, sent by a Scotchman called Iohn Portis, in the Ship Moone. And the other kept till the Twentieth ditto, and sent per Master Iohn Munden, in the ship Bull. In both which Letters, I wrote you at [ 50] large as time then offered, vnto the which I referre me, not doubting, but one of them will come to your hands, if not both.

Since which time I am informed of the greatest Conspiracie that euer was heard of in Iapon, pretended against the person of Shouga Samma, the Emperour of Iapon now raigning, the Fa∣ctors being such great personages, that it is thought the Emperour dare not meddle with them, but winke at it and make Peace with them. Nine of them being named as followeth, viz.

Cangano Figen Dono, the Emperours kinsman, and of the greatest reuenues in Iapon, per An∣num 200. Mangocas. (Which Master G. Saris calculated at 1875000. pounds sterling money: and so of the rest proportionably.)

Shimaszu Dono, King of Xaxica and Liqueas, most feared of any Prince in Iapon, for the [ 60] strength of his Countries and valiantnesse of his Souldiers, his reuenues more then per annu•• 100. Mangocas.

Micauano Camy Dono, Sonne to this Emperours eldest Brother, called by the same name, a valiant man, but disinherited by Ogosho Samma his Father, because hee had lost his Nose by too

much Venerie, and Shongosama his brother (now Emperour) Constituted in his place: this mans reuenues rated at 70. Mangocas.

Massamoneda Dono, King of Oshew, per annum 70. Mangocas.

Mengamy Dono, King of, per annum 35. Mangocas.

Yechew Dono, King of Cocora, per annum 34. Mangocas.

Catto Samma Dono, King of I. O. per annum 30. Mangocas.

Nancobo Dono, High Priest or Bonse of Edo, and second to the Daire in Church matters, and Tu∣tor to this Emperour Shonga Samma, per annum 001. Mangoco.

Codgsque Dono, Secretarie to Ogosho Samma when you were in Iapon, then had 3. Mangocas, but aduanced per Shougo Samma, per annum to 015. Mangocas.

Euery Mangoca is 10000. Gocas, and each Gaca is 100. Gantas of Rice, and each Ganta may [ 10] be some three Ale pintes in England, for it is aboue three Wine pintes as I haue seene it proued * 1.240 per an English wine pinte in Iapon. And this King * 1.241 (or Tono) of Firando, hath but six Mango∣cas, as I thinke you doe remember, yet is esteemed as much as the greatest Earledome in Eng∣land, hee being stinted at foure thousand Souldiers or men at Armes, two thousand to keepe his owne Countrey, and two thousand to serue the Emperor at demand, but is able to set out many thousands more if need require.

And it is now some sixe or seuen yeere past, that Calsa Samma this Emperours second Bro∣ther, (who is married to Massamonedas Daughter) was vpon suspition disinherited by his Bro∣ther, and shauen a Pagan Bonse or Monke, and Confined into a Pagan Monasterie, with gaurds set about him. Attending euer since when the Emperour his brother would command him to [ 20] cut his belly, but yet liuing.

Thus much I thought good to aduise you of the present state of Iapon, much altered from that it was at your being heere; and for the rest, I hope to tell you by word of mouth at my re∣turne into England, which I hope to doe the next yeere, God sparing me life and libertie.

Master Edmond Sayer departed from hence towards Edo, the tenth day of this moneth of December; as the Hollanders did the like, to carry Presents to the Emperour: and wee haue newes that they arriued at Osaca tenne dayes past. And now this Ship the Elizabeth being rea∣dy to depart towards Bantam and so I thinke from thence for England, I thought it good to write you these few lines of Aduise; and so end with my heartie Commendations to your selfe, not forgetting all the rest of our friends and acquaintance.

A Note of the Vnicornes Companie in China. [ 30]

ALthough wee haue referred China relations to another Tome, yet because in Captayne Prings former relations, mention is made of the Vnicorne wracked by foule weather on the dangerou•• shores of China; I thought good to mention thus much heere. I spake with Ma∣ster Roberts the Master of the Ship, also with Master Pickering another of the companie: which both told me, that their Ship being lost, the Companie saued themselues and with part of the goods went a shore. The rude Chinois would haue assaulted and rifled them, but they stood to their defence, till an Offi••er or Magistrate came and relieued them from the vulgar: after which [ 40] they found both just dealing and kind vsage. They were permitted to buy for their money two Vessels with all necessarie prouisions for their departure, and one part of the Companie went to Iapon, the other (as I remember) to Malacca. If thou hast no compleater storie (of those, the onely English-men which I know to haue been on land in China) I must excuse my selfe by their promises of perfecter Relations, which whiles I expected, I was lesse inquisitiue then otherwise I would haue beene. They fayled me, and as I heare, are returned to the Indies: and I, if I seeme to fayle heere, shall in the next Tome repay thee with vse.

CHAP. III.

A Letter touching Iapon with the Gouernment, Affaires and later Occurrents [ 50] there, written to me by Master ARTHVR HATCH Minister, lately returned thence.

Salutem in authore salutis. Worthy SIR:

HAuing promised to impart vnto you some obseruations of those Countries where I haue trauelled, especially of Iapan, I was loath either to breake my promise, or in the least respect frustrate your expectation. Late performance is better then [ 60] none; but the multiplicitie of my businesse hath beene the occasion of my late writing vnto you, which I hope you will excuse; and being now called into the Countrey, and so barred from conference with you, I know not how or in

what manner fully to accomplish your desire; and therefore I intend at this time to make rela∣tion vnto you of some particular passages onely, vntill I heare farther from you, but if I may stand you in any stead for the furtherance of your intended purpose, I would intreat you to ac∣qu〈…〉〈…〉nt me with your request, and you shall finde me most ready and willing to the vttermost of my slender power to accomplish it.

The Countrey of Iapan is very large and spacious, consisting of seuerall Ilands and pet••le Pro∣uinces; * 1.242 it is Mountainous and craggie, full of Rockes and stonie places, so that the third part of this Empire is not inhabited or manured; neither indeed doth it affoord that accommodation for Inhabitants which is needfull, or that fatnesse and conueniencie for the growth of Corne, * 1.243 Fruit, and small grayne as is requisite; which causeth the people to select the choysest and plai∣nest parts and places of the land Both to till and dwell in. The Clima••e is temperate and heal∣thie [ 10] * 1.244 not much pestred with infectious or obnoxious ayres, but very subiect to fierce windes, tempestuous stormes, and terrible Earthquakes, insomuch that both Ships in the harbour haue beene ouer-set, and driu••n a shore by the furre of the one, and Houses on the land disjoynted and shaken to pieces by the fearefull trembling of the other.

It is gouerned by an Emperour who hath threescore and fiue Kings vnder his command; * 1.245 they haue but small and pettie Kingdomes, yet all of them challenge and assume to themselues that Royall state and dignitie, which may well become the persons of farre more famous Prin∣ces. There are but fiue of the Emperours priuie Counsell, who commonly are such, that for * 1.246 Wisdome, Policie, and carefull vigilencie in managing the State affaires, in preuenting of Trea∣sons [ 20] and Rebellions, in executing of Iustice and continu••ng of peace and quietnesse may bee compared with many, nay most in Christendome. No man may make knowne any cause vnto the Emperour himselfe, either by word of mouth or petition, but euery one must acquaint the Counsell with his cause, and if they approue it, the Emperour shall know of it, if not, you must be content to haue it drowned in obliuion. The Emperour liues in great Royaltie and seldome * 1.247 goes abroad either to Hawke or Hunt without a thousand followers at least to attend him: he hath but one Wife, and it is generally reported that hee keepes companie with no other, but * 1.248 her onely; and if it bee true as it is thought, hee may in that respect be tearmed the Phoenix of all those parts of the world: as for those within his owne Dominions they are so farre either from imitating or following him, that one is scarcely contented with a hundred women, and [ 30] they are so shamelesse in that kinde, that they will boast of it, and account it a glory vnto them to make relation of the multitude of women which they haue had the vse of. Consuetudo peccan∣di tollit sensum peccati. This Emperour hath abundance of Siluer and Gold, and not onely his * 1.249 Coff••rs but whole Store-houses are cramm'd with coyne; hee hath some balls of Gold which were brought to his Court from Ozechya Castle of that waight and magnitude, that fifteene or sixteene men are scarcely able to beare one of them.

All Riuers doe in a kinde of thankfull renumeration returne their waters to the Sea, because they tooke them from thence, but the Princes of Iapon doe cleane contrarie, for they receiue nothing from the Emperour, and yet they giue all to the Emperour, for they doe euen impo∣uerish * 1.250 themselues, by enriching him by presents; nay, they striue and contend who may giue * 1.251 [ 40] the greatest and chiefest Present. And each of those seuerall Princes must alwayes bee either himselfe in person, or his Brother, eldest Sonne, or the chiefe Nobleman within his Realme at the Emperours Court; the reason of it is not well knowne, but it is pretended, that it is done to keepe the seuerall Kingdomes in quiet, and free from tumults, treasons and rebellions. The Em∣perour doth ordinarily requite his Princes presents after this manner: hee giues them a Feather for a Goose, some few Kerrimoones or Coates, for Gold, Siluer or other precious and rare com∣modities; and that they may not grow rich, and of sufficient abilitie to make head against him, * 1.252 he suffers not their Fleeces to grow, but sheares them off, by raising Taxes on them for the buil∣ding of Castles, and the repairing of Fortifications, and yet they are not suffered to repaire their owne, or any way to fortifie themselues. [ 50]

Ozechya is the most famous Castle that the Emperour hath, or that is within the Empire; it is * 1.253 of an extraordinarie bignesse and compassed round with three seuerall walls; the Castle of Edo is likewise walled and moated, hauing some few Ordnance on it; at Crates and Falkata there are likewise Castles both walled and moated, the circumference of each of them is neere about two mile. The chiefe Noble-men of those Kingdomes haue Houses within the Castle walls to come and liue there, either at the Kings or their owne pleasures, within each of those Castles there is a Storehouse kept ordinarily full of Rice, which may serue for their prouision at all oc∣casions and needs. At Falkata there is a Wood of Pine trees neere about three mile square, * 1.254 which is all the Summer time swept and kept so cleane, that you shall hardly see any small twig bough, or leafe vnder the Trees, and the trees stand so close together, that you may solace and [ 60] recreate your selfe there at all houres of the day without any hurt or heat of the Sunne. In the midst of it there is a great Pagod or Church very richly adorned with gilded Images, and all sorts of curious carued workes.

The people are generally Courteous, affable and full of Complements, they are very punctu∣all * 1.255

in the entertayning of Strangers, and they will assoone lose a limbe as omit one Ceremonie in welcomming their friend; they vse to giue and receiue th•• emptie Cup at one the others bands, and before the Master of the house begins to drinke, he•• will proffer the Cup to euery one of his Guests, making shew to haue them to begin though it bee farre from his intention; they feed not much vpon varietie; for Fish, Rootes and Rice are their common junkates, and if they chance to kill a Hen, Ducke or Pigge, which is but seldome, they will not like Ch••••les eate it alone, but their friends shall be surely partakers of it. Their ordinary drinke is Water, and that is made most times hot, in the same pot where they seeth their Rice, that so it may re∣ceiue some thicknesse and substance from the Rice. They haue strong Wine and Rack distill'd of Rice, of which they will sometimes drinke largely, especially at their Feasts and meetings, and [ 10] being moued to anger or wrath in the heate of their Drinke, you may assoone perswade Tygres to patience and quietnesse as them, so obstinate and wilfull they are in the furie of their impati∣ence. Their Lawes are very strict and full of seueritie, affoording no other kinde of punishment but either Death or Banishment: Murther, Theft, Treason, or the violation of any of the Empe∣rours Proclamations or Edicts, are punished with death, so is Adulterie also if it bee knowne and the parties pursued, but the D••uill their master in those actions hath taught them such cleanly conueyances, that seldome or neuer are they apprehended; they proceed both in Con∣trouersies and criminall causes according to the verdict of the produced witnesses, and the Sen∣tence being once past, t••ey will not reuoake or mittigate the seueritie of it, but if the parties at∣tached haue deserued death they shall surely haue it, and for the manner, they are either Behea∣ded or Crucified; hee kneeles downe on his knees and then comes the Executioner behind him [ 20] and cuts off his head with a Catan or their Countrie-sword, and his head being off, the young Caualleers trie their weapons on his limbes, and proue whether they can cut off an Arme or Leg at a blow; the other haue their armes and legges spread abroad on a Crosse, which done, they set the Crosse vpright in the ground, and then comes one either with a Lance or Speare and runnes the partie through the bodie, where hee hangs vntill he rots off, no man being suffered to take him downe.

Euery one may change his Name three times, when he is a childe, when he is a young-man, and when he is old; some change their names more often, euery one as hee pleaseth may make choyse of his owne name, and they are commonly named either by the King, or else by some Noble or Greatman with whom they are chiefely in fauour.

They haue the vse of Writing and Printing, and haue had, the space of many yeeres, no man [ 30] knowes certainly how long. They haue seuen sorts of Letters, each single letter seruing for a word, and many of them in their placing serue for sixe or seuen; and each Alphabet hath eight and fortie Letters, and yet with all these letters they are not able to write our Christian names; they haue not the true pronounciation of H. B. T. and some other letter, and a Chinesse if his life lay on it, cannot truely pronounce D.

They obserue no Sabbath, but certaine Feast dayes according to the Moone, as the first of the Moone, the 15. or 28.; on these dayes they goe to the Church, visit the Sepulchers of the dead, and vse many foolish and apish Ceremonies, which time will not permit me now to relate.

The ninth day of the Moone throughout the yeere they hold for accursed, and therefore in [ 40] that day they will not begin or vndertake any worke of consequence and importance.

They strictly obserue a Fast on that day of the moneth, in which their Father or Mother dyed, which they doe so precisely keepe, that they will not touch or eate any thing that hath blood.

Kind Sir, if I haue not in this satisfied you according to your expectation, yet I will assure you it is according as the time and my wayward affaires will now permit me; I would intreat to heate from you, and God willing as I haue leasure I will more fully declare vnto you my par∣ticular obseruations of Iapon, in the meane time I will pray for your health and good successe in all your affaires and godly enterprises.

From Wingham in Kent the 25. of November. 1623.

Resting yours to vse in what hee may: ARTHVR HATCH. [ 50]

CHAP. IIII.

Extracts of Master CaeSAR FREDERIKE his eighteene yeeres Indian Obseruations.

IN the yeere of our Lord God 1563, I Caesar Fredericke being in Venice, and very * 1.256 desirous to see the East parts of the World, tooke my iourney to Alepo, and there I acquainted my selfe with Merchants of Armenia, and Moores, that were mer∣chants, [ 60] and consorted to goe with them to Ormus, and wee departed from Ale∣po, and in two dayes iourney and a halfe, we came to a Citie called Bir. (Thence to Babylon or Bagdet, and so to Basora and Ormus.)

Ormus hath a Moore King of the race of the Persians, who is created and made King by the * 1.257 Captaine of the Castle, in the name of the King of Portugall. At the creation of this King I was there, and saw the ceremonies that they vse in it, which are as followeth. The old King being dead, the Captaine of the Portugals chuseth another of the bloud Royall, and maketh this ele∣ction in the Castle with great Ceremonies, and when hee is elected, the Captaine sweareth him to be true and faithfull to the King of Portugall, as his Lord and Gouernour, and then he giueth him the Scepter regall. After this with great feasting and pompe, and with great company, he is brought into the royall Palace in the Citie. This King keepeth a good traine, and hath suf∣ficient reuenues to maintayne himselfe without troubling of any, because the Captaine of the Castle doth maintayne and defend his right, and when that the Captaine and he ride together, he is honoured as a King, yet he cannot ride abroad with his traine, without the consent of the [ 10] Captaine first had: it behooueth them to doe this, and it is necessarie, because of the great trade that is in this Citie: their proper language is the Persian tongue. There I shipped my selfe to goe for Goa, a Citie in the Indies, in which passage the first Citie that you come to in the Indies, is called Diu, and is situate in a little Iland in the Kingdome of Cambaia, which is the greatest * 1.258 strength that the Portugals haue in all the Indies, yet a small Citie, but of great trade, because there they lade very many great ships for the straights of Mecca and Ormus with marchandise, and these ships belong to the Moores and Christians, but the Moores cannot trade neither saile into those seas without the licence of the Vice-roy of the King of Portugall, otherwise they are taken and made good prises. The merchandise that they lade these ships withall commeth from Cambaietta a Port in the Kingdome of Cambaia, which they bring from thence in small barke••, * 1.259 [ 20] because there can no great shippes come thither, by reason of the sholdnesse of the water there∣abouts, and these sholdes are an hundred or fourescore miles about in a straight or gulfe, which they call Macareo, which is as much to say, as a race of a tide, because the waters there run out of that place without measure, so that there is no place like to it, vnlesse it be in the Kingdome * 1.260 of Pegu, where there is another Macareo, where the waters run out with more force then these doe. Cambaietta is situate on the seas side, and is a very faire Citie. The time that I was there, the Citi•• was in great calamitie and scarcenesse, so that I haue seene the men of the country that were Gentiles take their children, their sonnes and their daughters, and haue desired the Portu∣gals to buy them, and I haue seene them solde for eighr or ten Larins a piece, which may bee of [ 30] our money ten shillings or thirteene shillings foure pence. For all this, if I had not seene it, I could not haue beleeued that there should bee such a trade at Cambaietta as there is: for in the time of euery new Moone and euery full Moone, the small barkes (innumerable) come in and out, for at those times of the Moone the tides and waters are higher then at other times they be. These barkes be laden with all sorts of spices, with silke of China, with Sandols, with Ele∣phants teeth, Veluets of Uercini, great quantitie of Pannina, which commeth from Mecca, Chickinos which be pieces of gold worth seuen shillings a piece sterling, with money, and with diuers sorts of other merchandise. Also these barkes lade out, as it were, an infinite quantitie of cloth made of Bumbast of all sortes, as white stamped and painted, with great quantitie of In∣dico, dried ginger and conserued, Myrabolans drie and condite, Boraso in paste, great store of [ 40] Sugar, great quantitie of Cotton, abundance of Opium, Assa Ferida, Puchio, with many other sorts of drugges, Turbants made in Dui, great stones like to Corncolaes, Granats, Agats, Dia∣spry, Calcidonij, Hematists and some kinde of naturall Diamonds.

During the time I dwelt in Cambaietta, I saw very maruellous things: there were an infinite * 1.261 number of Artificers that made Bracelets called Mannij, or bracelets of Elephants teeth, of di∣uers colours, for the women of the Gentiles, which haue their armes full decked with them. And in this occupation there are spent euery yeere many thousands of crownes: the reason whereof is this, that when there dieth any whatsoeuer of their kindred, then in signe and token of mour∣ning and sorrow, they breake all their bracelets from their armes, and presently they goe and buy new againe, because that they had rather bee without their meat then without their [ 50] bracelets.

There come euery yeere to Chaul from Cochin, & from Cananor ten or fifteen great ships laden with great Nuts cured, and with Sugar made of the selfe same Nuts called Giagra: the tree wher on these Nuts doe grow is called the Palmer tree, and thorow out all the Indies, and especially from this place to Goa, there is great abundance of them, and it is like to the Date tree. In the whole world there is not a tree more profitable and of more goodnesse then this tree is, neither doe men reape so much benefit of any other tree as they doe of this, there is not any part of it but serueth for some vse, and none of it is worthy to be burnt. With the timber of this tree they * 1.262 make Ships without the mixture of any other tree, and with the leaues thereof they make Sayles, and with the fruit thereof, which bee a kinde of Nuts, they make Wine, and of the wine [ 60] they make Sugar and Placetto, which Wine they gather in the spring of the yeere: out of the middle of the tree where continually there goeth or runneth out white liquor like vnto water, in that time of the yeere they put a vessell vnder euery tree, and euery euening and morning they take it away full, and then distilling it with fire it maketh a very strong liquor: and then they

put it into Buts, with a quantity of Zibibbo, white or blacke and in short time it is made a perfect Wine. After this they make of the Nuts great store of Oyle: of the tree they make great quan∣titie of boords and quarters for buildings. Of the barke of this tree they make Cables, Ropes, and other furniture for ships, and, as they say, these Ropes be better then they that are made of Hempe. They make of the Bowes, Bedsteds, after the Indies fashion, and Scauasches for merchan∣dise. The leaues they cut very small, and weaue them, and so make Sayles of them, for all man∣ner of shipping, or else very fine Mats. And then the first rinde of the Nut they stampe, and make thereof perfect Ockam to calke ships, great and small: and of the hard barke thereof they make Spoones and other vessels for meate, in such wise that there is no part thereof throwne a∣way, or cast to the fire. When these Mats be greene they are full of an excellent sweet water to [ 10] drinke: and if a man bee thirsty, with the liquor of one of the Mats he may satisfie himselfe: and as this Nut ripeneth, the liquor thereof turneth all to kernell.

In the yeer of our Lord 1567. I went from Goa to Bezeneger the chiefe Citie of the Kingdom of Narsinga eight dayes iourney from Goa, within the Land, in the companie of two other Merchants which carried with them three hundred Arabian Horses to that King: because the Horses of that Countrie are of a small stature: and at the going out of Goa the Horses pay custome, two and forty Pagodies for euery Horse, which Pagody may be of sterling mo∣ney sixe shillings eight pence, they be pieces of gold of that value. So that the Arabian Horses * 1.263 are of great value in those Countries, as 300. 400. 500. and to 1000. Duckets a Horse.

THe Citie of Bezeneger was sacked in the yeere 1565. by foure Kings of the Moores, which [ 20] were of great power and might: the names of these foure Kings were these following the first was called Dialcan * 1.264 , the second Zamaluc, the third Cotamaluc, and the fourth Uiridy: and yet these foure Kings were not able to ouercome this Citie and the King of Bezeneger, but by treason. This King of Bezeneger was a Gentile, and had, amongst all other of his Captaines, two which were notable, and they were Moores: and these two Captaines had either of them in charge threescore and ten or fourescore thousand men. These two Captaines being of one Religion with the foure Kings which were Moores, wrought meanes with them to betray their owne King into their hands. The King of Bezeneger esteemed not the force of the foure Kings his enemies, but went out of his Citie to wage battell with them in the fields; and when the Armies were ioyned, the battell lasted but a while, not the space of foure houres, because [ 30] the two traiterous Captaines, in the chiefest of the fight, with their companies turned their faces against their King, and made such disorder in his Armie, that as astonied they set them∣selues to flight. Thirty yeeres was this Kingdome gouerned by three brethren which were Tyrants, the which keeping the rightfull King in prison, it was their vse euery yeere once to shew him to the people, and they at their pleasures ruled as they listed. These brethren were three Captaines belonging to the father of the King they kept in prison, which when he died, left his sonne very young, and then they tooke the gouernment to themselues. The chiefest of these three was called Ramaragio, and sate in the Royall Throne, and was called the King: the second was called Temiragio, and he tooke the gouernment on him: the third was called Ben∣gatre, and he was Captaine generall of the Armie. These three brethren were in this battell, [ 40] in the which the chiefest and the last were neuer heard of quicke nor dead. Onely Temiragi•• fled in the battell, hauing lost one of his eyes. When the newes came to the Citie of the ouer∣throwe * 1.265 in the battell, the wiues and children of these three Tyrants, with their lawfull King (kept prisoner) fled away, spoyled as they were, and the foure Kings of the Moores entred the Citie Bezeneger with great triumph, and there they remained sixe moneths, searching vnder houses and in all places for money and other things that were hidden, and then they departed to their owne Kingdomes, because they were not able to maintayne such a Kingdome as that was, so farre distant from their owne Countrie.

When the Kings were departed from Bezeneger, this Temiragio returned to the Citie, and then beganne for to repopulate it, and sent word to Goa to the Merchants, if they had any [ 50] Horses, to bring them to him, and he would pay well for them, and for this cause the aforesaid two Merchants that I went in companie withall, carried those Horses that they had to Beze∣neger. Also this Tyrant made an order or law, that if any Merchant had any of the Horses that * 1.266 were taken in the aforesaid battell or warres, although they were of his owne marke, that he would giue as much for them as they would: and beside he gaue generall safe conduct to all that should bring them. When by this meanes hee saw that there were great store of Horses brought thither vnto him, he gaue the Merchants faire words, vntill such time as he saw they could bring no more. Then hee licenced the Merchants to depart, without giuing them any thing for their Horses, which when the poore men saw, they were desperate, and as it were mad with sorrow and griefe. [ 60]

I rested in Bezeneger seuen moneths, although in one moneth I might haue discharged all my businesse, for it was necessarie to rest there vntill the wayes were cleere of Theeues, which at that time ranged vp and downe. And in the time I rested there, I saw many strange and beastly

deeds done by the Gentiles. First, when there is any Noble man or woman dead, they burne their bodies: and if a married man die, his wife must burne herselfe aliue, for the loue of her husband, and with the body of her husband: so that when any man dyeth, his wife will take a moneths leaue, two or three, or as shee will, to burne herselfe in, and that day being come, * 1.267 wherein she ought to be burnt, that morning she goeth out of her house very earely, either on Horsebacke or on an Elephant, or else is borne by eight men on a small stage: in one of these or∣ders shee goeth, being apparelled like to a Bride, carried round about the Citie, with her haire downe about her shoulders, garnished with Iewels and Flowers, according to the estate of the partie, and they goe with as great ioy as Brides doe in Venice to their Nuptials: she carrieth in her left hand a looking-glasse, and in her right hand an arrow, and singeth through the Citie as she passeth, and saith, that she goeth to sleepe with her deere spouse and husband. Shee is ac∣companied [ 10] with her kindred and friends vntill it be one or two of the clocke in the afternoone, * 1.268 then they goe out of the Citie, and going along the Riuers side called Nigondin, which runneth vnder the walls of the Citie, vntill they come vnto a place where they vse to make this burning of Women, being widdowes, there is prepared in this place a great square Caue, with a little pinnacle hard by it, foure or fiue steps vp: the foresaid Caue is full of dryed wood. The wo∣man being come thither, accompanied with a great number of people which come to see the * 1.269 thing, then they make ready a great banquet, and she that shall bee burned eateth with as great ioy and gladnesse, as though it were her Wedding day: and the feast being ended, then they goe to dancing and singing a certaine time, according as she will. After this, the woman of her [ 20] owne accord, commandeth them to make the fire in the square Caue where the drie wood is, and when it is kindled, they come and certifie her thereof, then presently she leaueth the feast, and taketh the neerest kinsman of her husband by the hand, and they both goe together to the banke of the foresaid Riuer, where she putteth off all her iewels and all her clothes, and giueth them to her parents or kinsfolke, and couering herselfe with a cloth, because shee will not bee seene of the people being naked, she throweth herselfe into the Riuer, saying: O wretches, wash away your sinnes. Comming out of the water, she rowleth herselfe into a yellow cloth of four∣teene braces long: and againe she taketh her husbands kinsman by the hand, and they goe both together vp to the pinnacle of the square Caue wherein the fire is made. When shee is on the pinnacle, she talketh and reasoneth with the people, recommending vnto them her children and [ 30] kindred. Before the pinnacle they vse to set a Mat, because they shall not see the fiercenesse of the fire, yet there are many that will haue them plucked away, shewing therein an heart not * 1.270 fearefull, and that they are not affraid of that sight. When this silly woman hath reasoned with the people a good while to her content, there is another woman that taketh a pot with oyle, and sprinkleth it ouer her head, and with the same shee annointeth all her body, and afterwards throweth the pot into the fornace, and both the woman and the pot goe together into the fire, and presently the people that are round about the fornace throw after her into the caue great pieces of wood, so by this meanes, with the fire and with the blowes that shee hath with the wood throwen after her, she is quickly dead, and after this there groweth such sorrow and such * 1.271 lamentation among the people, that all their mirth is turned into howling and weeping, in such [ 40] wise, that a man could scarse beare the hearing of it. I haue seene many burnt in this manner, because my house was neere to the gate where they goe out to the place of burning: and when there dyeth any Great man, his Wife with all his Slaues with whom hee hath had carnall copu∣lation, burne themselues together with him. Also in this Kingdome I haue seene amongst the * 1.272 base sort of people this vse and order, that the man being dead, hee is carried to the place where they will make his sepulcher, and setting him as it were vpright, then commeth his wife before him on her knees, casting her armes about his necke, with imbracing and clasping him, vn••ill such time as the Masons haue made a wall round about them, and when the wall is as high as their neckes, there commeth a man behind the woman and strangleth her: then when shee is dead, the workmen finish the wall ouer their heads, and so they lie buried both together. [ 50]

In the yeere of our Lord God 1567. for the ill successe that the people of Bezeneger had, in that their Citie was sacked by the foure Kings, the King with his Court went to dwell in a Ca∣stle eight dayes iourney vp in the land from Bezeneger, called Penegonde. Also sixe dayes iour∣ney from Bezeneger, is the place where they get Diamants: I was not there, but it was told me * 1.273 that it is a great place, compassed with a wall, and that they sell the earth within the wall, for so much a squadron, and the limits are set how deepe or how low they shall digge. Those Dia∣mants that are of a certaine size and bigger then that size are all for the King, it is many yeeres agone, since they got any there, for the troubles that haue beene in that Kingdome. The first cause of this trouble was, because the sonne of this Temeragio had put to death the lawfull King which hee had in Prison, for which cause the Barons and Noblemen in that Kingdome would [ 60] not acknowledge him to be their King, and by this meanes there are many Kings, and great di∣uision in that Kingdome, and the Citie of Bezeneger is not altogether destroyed, yet the houses stand still, but emptie, and there is dwelling in them nothing, as is reported, but Tygres and o∣ther * 1.274 wild beasts. The circuit of this Citie is foure and twentie miles about, and within the walls

are certaine Mountaines. The houses stand walled with earth, and plaine, all sauing the three Pa∣laces of the three tyrant Brethren, and the Pagodes which are Idoll houses: these are made with Lime and fine Marble. I haue seene many Kings Courts, and yet haue I seene none in greatnesse like to this of Bezeneger, I say, for the order of his Palace, for it hath nine Gates or Ports. First when you goe into the place where the King did lodge, there are fiue great ports or gates: these are kept with Captaines and Souldiers: then within these there are foure lesser gates, which are kept with Porters. Without the first Gate there is a little porch, where there is a Captaine with fiue and twentie Souldiers, that keepeth watch & ward night and day: and within that another with the like guard, where thorow they come to a very faire Court, and at the end of that Court there is another porch as the first, with the like guard, and within that another Court. And in [ 10] this wise are the first fiue Gates guarded and kept with those Captaines: and then the lesser Gates within are kept with a guard of Porters: which gates stand open the greatest part of the night, because the custome of the Gentiles is to doe their businesse, and make their feasts in the night, rather then by day. The Citie is very safe from Theeues, for the Portugall Merchants sleepe in the streets, or vnder Porches, for the great heat which is there, and yet they neuer had any ha••me in the night. At the end of two moneths, I determined to go for Goa in the company of two other Portugall Merchants, which were making ready to depart, with two Palanchines or little Litt••rs, which are very commodious for the way, with eight Falchines which are men hired to carry the Palanchines, eight for a palanchine, foure at a time: they carry them as we vse to carry Barrowes. And I bought me two Bullocks, one of them to ride on, and the other to car∣ry [ 20] my victuals and prouision, for in that Countrey men ride on bullocks with pannels, as wee * 1.275 te••me them, girts and bridles, and they haue a very good commodious pace. From Bezeneger to Goa in Summer it is eight daies iourney, but we went in the midst of Winter, in the month of Iu∣ly, and were fifteene dayes comming to Ancola on the Sea coast, so in eight dayes I had lost my two Bullocks: for he that carried my victuals was weake and could not goe, the other, when I came vnto a Riuer where was a little bridge to passe ouer, I put my Bullocke to swimming, and in the middest of the Riuer there was a little Iland, vnto the which my bullocke went, and fin∣ding pasture, there hee remained still, and in no wise we could come to him: and so perforce, I was forced to leaue him, and at that time there was much raine, and I was forced to goe seuen dayes a foot with great paines: and by great chance I met with Falchines by the way, whom I [ 30] hired to carry my clothes and victuals. We had great trouble in our iourney, for that euery day we were taken Prisoners, by reason of the great dissention in that Kingdome: and euery mor∣ning at our departure we must pay rescat foure or fiue P••gies a man. And another trouble wee had as bad as this, that when as we came into a new Gouernours Country, as euery day we did, although they were all tributarie to the King of Bezeneger, yet euery one of them stamped a se∣uerall coyne of Copper, so that the money that wee tooke this day would not serue the next: at length, by the helpe of God, we came safe to Ancola, which is a Countrey of the Queen of Gargo∣pam, tributarie to the King of Bezeneger. The Merchandize that went euery yeere from Goa to * 1.276 Bezeneger were Arabian Horses, Veluets, Damaskes, and Sattens, Armesine of Portugall, and pie∣ces of China, Saffron and Scarlets: and from Bezeneger they had in Turkie for their commodi∣ties, [ 40] Iewels, and Pagodies which be Ducats of gold: the apparell that they vse in Bezeneger is Veluet, Satten, Damaske, Scarlet, or white Bumbast cloth, according to the estate of the person, with long Hats on their heads, called Colae, made of Veluet, Satten, Damaske, or Scarlet, gir∣ding themselues in stead of girdles with some fine white Bumbast cloth: they haue breeches af∣ter the order of the Turkes: they weare on their feet plaine high things called of them Aspergh, and at their eares they haue hanging great plentie of Gold.

Returning to my voyage, when we were together in Ancola, one of my companions that had nothing to lose, tooke a guide, and went to Goa, whither they goe in foure dayes, the other Por∣tugall not being disposed to goe, tarried in Ancola for that Winter. The Winter in those parts of * 1.277 the Indies beginneth the fifteenth of May, and lasteth vnto the end of October: and as we were [ 50] in Ancola, there came another Merchant of Horses in a Palanchine, and two Portugall Souldiers which came from Zeilan, and two carriers of Letters, which were Christians borne in the Indies: all these consorted to goe to Goa together, and I determined to go with them, and caused a pal∣lanchine to be made for me very poorely of Canes; and in one of them Canes I hid priuily all the Iewels I had, and according to the order, I tooke eight Falchines to carie me: and one day a∣bout eleuen of the clocke we set forwards on our iourney, and about two of the clocke in the af∣ternoone, as we passed a Mountaine, which diuideth the territorie of Ancola and Dialcan, I being a little behind my company, was assaulted by eight theeues, foure of them had swords and tar∣gets, and the other foure had bowes and arrowes. When the Falchines that carried me vnder∣stood the noise of the assaule, they let the Pallachine and me fall to the ground, and ranne away [ 60] and left me alone, with my clothes wrapped about me: presently the theeues were on my necke and rifling me, they stripped me starke naked, and I fained my selfe ficke, because I would not leaue the Pallanchine, and I had made me a little bed of my clothes; the theeues sought it very narrowly and subtilly, and found two Purses that I had, well bound vp together, wherein I had

put my Copper money which I had changed for foure Pagodies in Ancola. The theeues thin∣king it had beene so many Ducats of gold, searched no further: then they threw all my clothes in a bush, and hied them away, and as God would haue it, at there departure there fell from them an hankercher, and when I saw it, I rose from my pallanchine or couch, and tooke it vp, and wrapped it together within my pallanchine. Then these my Falchines were of so good conditi∣on, that they returned to seeke me, whereas I thought I should not haue found so much good∣nesse in them: because they were payed their money aforehand, as is the vse, I had thought to haue seene them no more. Before there comming I was determined to plucke the Cane wherein my Iewels were hidden, out of my coutch, and to haue made me a walking staffe to carry in my hand to Goa, thinking that I should haue gone thither on foot, but by the faithfulnesse of my Fal∣chines, I was rid of that trouble, and so in foure dayes they carried me to Goa, in which time I [ 10] made hard fare, for the theeues left me neither money, gold, nor siluer, and that which I did eate was giuen me of my men for Gods sake: and after at my comming to Goa I payed them for eue∣ry thing royally that I had of them. From Goa I departed for Cochin, which is a voyage of three hundred miles, and betweene these two Cities are many holds of the Portugals, as Onor, Man∣galor, * 1.278 Barzelor, and Cananor. The Hold or Fort that you shall haue from Goa and Cochin that belongeth to the Portugals, is called Onor, which is in the Kingdom of the Queen of Bart••cella, which is tributarie to the King of Bezeneger: there is no trade there, but onely a charge with the Captaine and companie hee keepeth there. And passing this place, you shall come to ano∣ther small Castle of the Portugals called Mangalor, and there is very small trade but onely for a little Rice: and from thence you goe to a litle Fort called Barzelor, there they haue good store [ 20] of Rice which is carried to Goa: and from thence you shall goe to a Citie called Cananor, which is a Harquebush shot distant from the chiefest Citie that the King of Cananor hath in his King∣dome being a King of the Gentiles: and hee and his are very naughtie and malicious people, al∣wayes hauing delight to bee in warres with the Portugals, and when they are in peace, it is for their interest to let their Merchandise passe: there goeth out of this Kingdom of Cananor, all the Cardamomum, great store of Pepper, Ginger, Honie, ships laden with great Nuts, great qu••ntitie of Archa, which is a fruit of the bignesse of Nutmegs, which fruit they eate in all those parts of the Indies, and beyond the Indies, with the leafe of an Herbe which they call Bettell, the which is * 1.279 like vnto our Iuie leafe, but a litle lesser and thinner: they eate it made in plaisters with the lime [ 30] made of Oistershels, and thorow the Indies they spend great quantitie of money in this compo∣sition, and it is vsed daily, which thing I would not haue beleeued, if I had not seene it. The cu∣stomers get great profit by these Herbes, for that they haue custome for them. When this peo∣ple eate and chawe this in their mouthes, it maketh their spittle to be red like vnto blood, and they say, that it maketh a man to haue a very good stomacke and a very sweet breath, but sure in my iudgement they eate it rather to fulfill their filthie lusts, and of a knauerie, for this Herbe is moist and hote, and maketh a verie strong expulsion. From Cananor you goe to Cranganor, which is another small Fort of the Portugals in the land of the King of Cranganor, which is ano∣ther King of the Gentiles, and a Countrey of small importance, and of an hundreth and twentie miles, full of Theeues, being vnder the King of Calicut, a King also of the Gentiles, and a great e∣nemie [ 40] * 1.280 to the Portugals, which when he is alwaies in warres, he and his Countrie is the nest and resting for stranger Theeues, and those be called Moores of Carposa, because they weare on their heads long red Hats, and these Theeues part the spoiles that they take on the Sea with the King of Calicut, for he giueth leaue vnto all that will goe a rouing, liberally to goe, in such wis••, that all along that Coast there is such a number of Theeues, that there is no sailing in those Seas but with great ships and very well armed, or else they must goe in companie with the armie of the Portugals. From Cranganor to Cochin is fifteene miles.

COchin is next vnto Goa, the chiefest place that the Portugals haue in the Indies, and there * 1.281 is great trade of Spices, Drugges, and all other sorts of Merchandize for the King∣dome [ 50] of Portugall, and there within the land is the Kingdome of Pepper, which Pepper the Portugals lade in their shippes by bulke, and not in Sackes: the Pepper that goeth for Portu∣gall is not so good as that which goeth for Mecca, because that in times past the Officers of the King of Portugall made a contract with the King of Cochin, in the name of the King of Portu∣gall, for the prices of Pepper, and by reason of that agreement between them at that time made, the price can neither rise nor fall, which is a ver••e low and base price, and for this cause the v••l∣laines bring it to the Portugals, greene and full of filth. Coohin is two Cities, one of the Portu∣gals, and another of the King of Cochin: that of the Portugals is si••uate neerest vnto the Sea, and that of the King of Cochin, is a mile and a halfe vp higher in the land, but they are both set on the bankes of one Riuer which is verie great and of a good depth of water, which [ 60] Riuer commeth out of the Mountaines of the King of the Pepper, which is a King of the Gen∣tiles, in whose Kingdome are many Christians of Saint Thomas order: the King of Cochin is also a King of the Gentiles, and a great faithfull friend to the King of Portugall, and to those Portugals which are married, and are Citizens in the Citie of Cochin of the Portugals. And by this name

of Portugals throughout all the Indies, they call all the Christians that come out of the West, whether they bee Italians, Frenchmen, or Almaines, and all they that marrie in Cochin doe get * 1.282 an Office according to the Trade he is of: this they haue by the great priuiledges which the Ci∣tizens haue of that Citie, because there are two principall commodities that they deale withall in that place, which are these. The great store of Silke that commeth from China, and the great store of Sugar which commeth from Bengala: the married Citizens pay not any custome for these two commodities: for all other commodities they pay foure per cento custome to the King of Cochin, rating their goods at their owne pleasure. Those which are not married and Stran∣gers, pay in Cochin to the King of Portugall eight per cento of all manner of Merchandise.

This King of Cochin is of a small power in respect of the other Kings of the Indies, for he can [ 10] make but seuentie thousand men of Armes in his Campe: he hath a great number of Gentlemen which he calleth Amochi, and some are called Nairi: these two sorts of men esteeme not their * 1.283 liues any thing, so that it may bee for the honour of their King, they will thrust themselues for∣ward in euery danger, although they know they shall die. These men goe naked from the gir∣dle vp wards, with a cloth rolled about their thighes, going bare-footed, and hauing their haire very long and rolled vp together on the top of their heads, and alwayes they carrie their Bucklers or Targets with them and their Swords naked, these Nairi haue their wiues common amongst themselues, and when any of them goe into the house of any of these women, hee lea∣ueth his Sword and Target at the doore, and the time that he is there, there dare not any bee so hardie as to come into that house. The Kings children shall not inherite the Kingdome after [ 20] their Father, because they hold this opinion, that perchance they were not begotten of the King their Father, but of some other man, therefore they accept for their King, one of the sonnes of the Kings sisters, or of some other woman of the blood Royall, for that they bee sure they are of the blood Royall.

The Nairi and their Wiues vse for a brauerie to make great holes in their Eares, and so big and wide, that it is incredible, holding this opinion, that the greater the holes bee, the more * 1.284 Noble they esteeme themselues. I had leaue of one of them to measure the circumference of one of them with a threed, and within that circumference I put my arme vp to the shoulder, clothed as it was, so that in effect they are monstrous great. Thus they doe make them when they be little, for then they open the care, and hang a piece of gold or lead thereat, and within the opening, in the hole they put a certaine leafe that they haue for that purpose, which maketh [ 30] the hole so great.

The ships euery yeere depart from Cochin to goe for Portugall, on the fifth day of December, * 1.285 or the fifth day of Ianuary. Now to follow my voyage for the Indies: From Cochin I went to Co••lam, distant from Cochin seuentie and two miles, which Coulam is a small Fort of the King of Portugals, situate in the Kingdome of Coulam, which is a King of the Gentiles, and of small trade: at that place they lade onely halfe a ship of Pepper, and then she goeth to Cochin to take in the rest and from thence to Cape Comori is seuentie and two miles, and there endeth the coast of the Indies: and alongst this Coast, n••ere to the water side, and also to Cape Comori, downe to the law land of Chilao, which is about two hundre•• miles, the people there are as it were all turned to the Christian Faith: there are also Churches of the Friers of Saint Pauls order, which [ 40] Friers doe very much good in those places in turning the people, and in conuerting them, and * 1.286 take great paines in instructing them in the law of Christ.

THe Sea that lyeth betweene the Coast which descendeth from Cape Comori, to the low land of Chilao, and the Iland Zeilan, they call The fishing of Pearles, which fishing they * 1.287 make euery yeere, beginning in March or Aprill, and it lasteth fiftie dayes, but they doe not fish euery yeere in one place, but one yeere in one place, and another yeere in another place of the same Sea. When the time of this fishing draweth neere, then they send very good Diuers, that goe to discouer where the greatest heapes of Oysters bee vnder water, and right against that place where greatest store of Oysters be, there they make or plant a V••llage with houses and a [ 50] Bazaro, all of stone, which standeth as long as the fishing time lasteth, and it is furnished with all things necessarie, and now and then it is neere vnto places that are inhabited, and other times fa••re off, according to the place where they fish. T••e Fishermen are all Christians of the * 1.288 Countrey, and who so will may goe to fishing, paying a certaine dutie to the Fing of Portu∣gall, and to the Churches of the Fr••ers of Saint Paul, which are in that Coast. All the while that they are fishing there are three or foure Fusts armed to defend the Fishermen from Rouers. It wa•• my chance to bee there one time in my passage, and I saw the order that they vsed in fish∣ing, which is this. There are three or foure Barkes that make consort together, which are like to our little Pilot boates, an a little lesse, there goe seuen or eight me•• in a Boat: and I haue seene in a morning a great umber of them goe out, and anker in fifteene or eighteene fathom [ 60] of water, which is the ordinarie depth of all that Coast. When they are at anker, they cast a rope into the Sea, and at the end of the ••ope, they make fast a great stone, and then there is rea∣die a man that hath his nose and his eares well stopped, and annointed with Oyle, and a basket

about his necke, or vnder his left arme, then hee goeth downe by the rope to the bottome of the Sea, and as fast as he can he filleth the basket, and when it is full, hee shaketh the rope, and his fellowes that are in the Barke hale him vp with the Basket: and in such wise they goe one by one vntill they haue laden their Barke with Oysters, and at euening they come to the Vil∣lage, and then euery companie maketh their mount or heape of Oysters one distant from ano∣ther, in such wise that you shall see a great long row of mounts or heapes of Oysters, and they are not touched vntill such time as the fishing be ended, and at the end of the fishing euery com∣panie sitteth round about their mount or heape of Oysters, and fall to opening of them, which they may easily doe because they be dead, drie and brittle: and if euery oyster had pearles in * 1.289 them, it would bee a very good purchase, but there are very many that haue no pearles in them: when the fishing is ended, then they see whether it bee a good gathering or a bad: there are [ 10] certaine expert in the Pearles, whom they call Chitini, which set and make the price of Pearles according to their carracts, beautie, and goodnesse, making foure sorts of them. The first sort be the round Pearles, and they be called Aia of Portugall, because the Portugals doe buy them. The second sort which are not round, are called Aia of Bengala. The third sort which are not so good as the second, they call Aia of Canara, that is to say, The Kingdome of Bezeneger. The fourth and last sort, which are the least and worst sort, are called Aia of Cambaia. Thus the price being set, there are Merchants of euery Countrey which are readie with their money in their hands, so that in few dayes all is bought vp at the prises set according to the goodnesse and carracts of the Pearles. [ 20]

In this Sea of the fishing of Pearles, is an Iland called Manar, which is inhabited by Christi∣ans of the Countrey which first were Gentiles, and haue a small hold of the Portugals being situ∣ate ouer against Zeilan: and betweene these two Ilands there is a Channell, but not very bigge, and hath but a small depth therein: by reason whereof there cannot any great Ship passe that way, but small Ships, and with the increase of the water which is at the change, or the full of the Moone, and yet for all this they must vnlade them and put their goods into small vessels to ligh∣ten them before they can passe that way for feare of Sholdes that lie in the Channell, and after lade them into their ships to goe for the Indies, and this doe all small ships that passe that way, but those ships that goe for the Indies Eastwards, passe by the Coast of Coromandel, on the o∣ther side by the land of Chilao, which is betweene the firme land and the Iland Manor: From [ 30] Cape Comori to the Iland Zeilan is one hundred and twentie miles ouerthwart.

ZEilan is an Iland, in my iudgement, a great deale bigger then Cyprus: on that side towards * 1.290 the Indies lying Westward is the Citie called Columba, which is a hold of the Portugals, but without walls or enemies. It hath towards the Sea a free Port, the lawfull King of that I∣land is in Columbo, and is turned Christian and maintained by the King of Portugall, being de∣priued of his Kingdome. The King of the Gentiles, to whom this Kingdome did belong, was called Madoni, which had two sonnes, the first named Barbinas the Prince; and the second Ra∣gine. This King by the policie of his younger Sonne, was depriued of his Kingdome, who be∣cause hee had entised and done that which pleased the Armie and Souldiers, in despight of his [ 40] Father and Brother being Prince, vsurped the Kingdome, and became a great Warriour. First, this Iland had three Kings; the King of Cotta with his conquered Prisoners: the King of Can∣dia, which is a part of that Iland, and is so called by the name of Candia, which had a reasona∣ble power, and was a great friend to the Portugals, which said that hee liued secretly a Christi∣an; the third was the King of Gianifampatan. In thirteene yeeres that this Ragine gouerned this Iland, he became a great Tyrant.

In this Iland there groweth fine Sinamom, great store of Pepper, great store of Nuts and A∣rochoe: * 1.291 there they make great store of Cairo to make Cordage: it bringeth forth great store of Christall Cats eyes, or Ochi de Gati, and they say that they finde there some Rubies, but I haue sold Rubies well there that I brought with me from Pegu. I was desirous to see how they ga∣ther [ 50] the Sinamom, or take it from the tree that it groweth on, and so much the rather, because the time that I was there, was the season which they gather it in, which was in the moneth of Aprill, at which time the Portugals were in Armes, and in the field, with the King of the Coun∣trey; yet I to satisfie my desire, although in great danger, tooke a guide with me and went into a Wood three miles from the Citie, in which wood was great store of Sinamom trees growing together among other wild trees; and this Sinamom tree is a small tree, and not very high, and hath leaues like to our Bay-tree. In the moneth of March or Aprill, when the sappe goeth vp * 1.292 to the top of the Tree, then they take the Sinamom from that tree in this wise. They cut the barke off the tree round about in length from knot to knot, or from ioynt to ioynt, aboue ••nd below, and then easily with their hands they take it away, laying it in in the Sunne to drie, and [ 60] in this wise it is gathered, and yet for all this the Tree dyeth not, but against the next yeere it * 1.293 will haue a new barke, and that which is gathered euery yeere is the best Sinamom: for that which groweth two or three yeeres is great, and not so good as the other is; and in these woods groweth much Pepper.

FRom the Iland of Zeilan men vse to goe with small ships to Negapatan, within the firme * 1.294 land, and seuentie two miles off is a very great Citie, and very populous of Portugals and Christians of the Countrey, and part Gentiles: it is a Countrey of small trade.

FRom Negapatan following my voyage towards the East an hundred and fiftie miles, I found * 1.295 the House of blessed Saint Thomas, which is a Church of great deuotion, and greatly regar∣ded of the Gentiles, for the great Miracles they haue heard to haue beene done by that blessed Apostle: neere vnto this Church the Portugals haue builded them a Citie in the Countrey sub∣iect to the King of Bezeneger, which Citie although it bee not very great, yet in my iudgement it is the fairest in all that part of the Indies. It is a maruellous thing to them which haue not [ 10] seene the lading and vnlading of men and merchandize in Saint Tome as they doe: it is a place so dangerous, that a man cannot bee serued with small Barkes, neither can they doe their busi∣nesse with the Boates of the ships, because they would be beaten in a thousand pieces, but they make certaine Barkes (of purpose) high, which they call Masadie, they be made of little boards; one board being sowed to another with small cordes, and in this order are they made. And when they are thus made, and the owners will embarke any thing in them, either men or goods, they lade them on land, and when they are laden, the Barke-men thrust the Boate with her la∣ding into the streame, and with great speed they make hast all that they are able to row out a∣gainst the huge waues of the Sea that are on that shore vntill that they carrie them to the ships: and in like manner they lade these Masadies at the ships with merchandise and men. When [ 20] they come neere the shore, the Bark-men leape out of the Barke into the Sea to keepe the Barke * 1.296 right that shee cast not thwart the shore, and being kept right, the Suffe of the Sea setteth her lading drie on land without any hurt or danger, and sometimes there are some of them that are ouerthrowen, but there can bee no great losse, because they lade but a little at a time. All the Merchandize they lade outwards, they emball it well with Oxe hides, so that if it take wet, it can haue no great harme.

In my voyage, returning in the yeere of our Lord 1566. I went from Goa vnto Malacca, in a ship or Gallion of the King of Portugall, which went vnto Banda for to lade Nutmegs and Ma∣ces: * 1.297 from Goa to Malacca are one thousand eight hundred miles, wee passed without the Iland Zeilan, and went through the Channell of Nicubar, or else through the channell of Sombrero. [ 30] which is by the middle of the Iland of Sumatra, called in old time Taprohana: and from Nicu∣bar to Pegu, is as it were a rowe or chaine of an infinite number of Ilands, of which many are inhabited with wild people, and they c••••l those Ilands the Ilands of Andemaon, and they call their people Sauage or wilde, because they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 one another: also these Ilands haue warre one * 1.298 with another, for they haue small Barkes, and with them they take one another, and so eate one another: and if by euill chance any Ship bee lost on those Ilands, as many haue beene, there is not one man of those ships lost there that escapeth vneaten or vnslaine. These people haue not any acquaintance with any other people, neither haue they trade with any, but liue onely of such Fruites as those Ilands yeeld: and if any Ship come neere vnto that place or Coast as they passe that way, as in my voyage it hapned as I came from Malacca through the channell of Som∣brero, [ 40] there came two of their Barkes neere vnto our Ship laden with Fruit, as with M••••ces which we call Adams Apples, with fresh Nuts, and with a fruit called Inani, which fruit is like to our Turneps, but is very sweet and good to eate: they would not come into the ship for my thing that wee could doe: neither would they take any money for their Fruit: but they would trucke for olde Shirts or pieces of old Linnen breeches: These ragges they let downe with a Iope into their Barke vnto them, and looke what they thought those things to bee worth, so much fruit they would make fast to the rope and let vs hale it in: and it was told me that at sometimes a man shall haue for an old Shirt a good piece of Amber.

SIon was the Imperiall seat, and a great Citie, but in the yeere of our Lord God 1567. it was [ 50] taken by the King of Pegu, which King made a voyage or came by land foure moneths iour∣ney * 1.299 with an Armie of men through his land, and the number of his Armie was a million and foure hundreth thousand men of Warre: when he came to the Citie, hee gaue assault to it, and befieged it one and twentie moneths before he could winne it, with great losse of his people, this I know, for that I was in Pegu sixe moneths after his departure, and saw when that his Of∣ficers * 1.300 that were in Pegu, sent fiue hundreth thousand men of warre to furnish the places of them that were slaine and lost in that assault: yet for all this, if there had not beene Treason against the Citie, it had not beene lost: for on a night there was one of the Gates set open, through the which with great trouble the King gate into the Citie, and became Gouernour of Sion: and when the Emperour saw that hee was betrayed, and that his Enemie was in the Citie, he poy∣soned [ 60] himselfe: and his Wiues and Children, Friends and Noblemen, that were not slaine in the first affront of the entrance into the Citie, were all carried Captiues into Pegu, where I was at the comming home of the King with his tryumphs and victorie, which comming home and returning from the warres was a goodly sight to behold, to see the Elephants come home in a

square, laden with Gold; Siluer, Iewels, and with Noble men and women that were taken Priso∣ners in that Citie.

Now to returne to my Voyage: I depared from Malacca in a great Ship which went for Saint Tome, being a Citie situate on the Coast of Coromandell: and because the Captaine of the Castles of Malacca had vnderstanding by aduise that the King of * 1.301 Assi would come with a great Armie and power of men against them, therefore vpon this hee would not giue licence that any Ships should depart: Wherefore in this Ship we departed from thence in the night, without ma∣king any prouision of our water: and we were in that Ship foure hundreth and odde men: wee departed from thence with intention to goe to an Iland to take in water, but the winds were so * 1.302 contrarie that they would not suffer vs to fetch it, so that by this meanes wee were two and fortie dayes in the Sea as it were lost, and we were driuen too and fro, so that that the first Land that wee [ 10] Discouered, was beyond Saint Tome, more then fiue hundred miles which were the Mountaines of Zerzerline, neere vnto the Kingdome of Orisa, and so we came to Orisa with many Sicke, and * 1.303 more that were dead for want of water: and they that were Sicke in foure dayes died: and I for the space of a yeere after had my Throate so sore and hoarse, that I could neuer satisfie my thirst in drinking of water: I iudge the reason of my hoarsenesse to be with Sops that I wet in Vineger and Oyle, wherewith I susteined my selfe many dayes. There was not any want of Bread nor of Wine: but the Wines of that Countrie are so hot that being drunke without Water they will kill a man: * 1.304 neither are they able to drinke them: when we began to want water, I saw certaine Moores that were officers in the ship, that solde a small dish full for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Duckat, after this I saw one that would haue giuen a barre of Pepper, which is two quintals and a halfe, for a little measure of water, and [ 20] he could not haue it. Truely I beleeue that I had died with my slaue, whom then I had to serue mee, which cost me very deare: but to prouide for the danger at hand, I solde my Slaue for halfe that he was worth, because that I would saue his drinke that he drunke, to serue my owne pur∣pose, and to saue my life.

ORisa was a faire Kingdome and trusty, through the which a man might haue gone with gold * 1.305 in his hand without any danger at all, as long as the lawfull King reigned which was a Gen∣tile, who continued in the Citie called Catecha, which was within the Land sixe dayes iourney. This King loued strangers marueilous well, especially merchants which had trafficke in and out of his Kingdome, in such wise that hee would take no Custome of them, neither any other grie∣uous [ 30] thing. Onely the Ship that came thither payde a small thing according to her portage, and euery yeere in the Port of Orisa were laden fiue and twentie or thirtie ships great and small, with Rice and diuers sorts of fine white bumbast cloth, oyle of Zerzeline which they make of a seede, * 1.306 and it is very good to eate and to frye fish withall, great store of Butter Lacca, long Pepper, Gin∣ger, Mirabolans drie and condite, great store of cloth of Herbes, which is a kind of silke which groweth amongst the woods without any labour of man, and when the bole thereof is growne round as bigge as an Orenge, then they take care onely to gather them. About sixeteene yeeres past, this King with his Kingdome were destroyed by the King of Patane, which was also King of the greatest part of Bengala, and when he had got the Kingdome, he set custome there twentie [ 40] pro cento, as Merchants paide in his Kingdome: but this Tyrant enioyed his Kingdome but a small time, but was conquered by another Tyrant, which was the great Mogol King of Agra, Delly, and of all Cambaia, without any resistance. I departed from Orisa to Bengala, to the har∣bour Piqueno, which is distant from Orisa towards the East an hundred and seuentie miles. They goe as it were rowing alongst the coast fiftie and foure miles, and then we enter into the riuer Ganges: from the mouth of this Riuer, to a City called Satagan, where the Merchants gather them∣selues together with their trade, are an hundred miles, which they rowe in eighteene houres with the increase of the water: in which riuer it floweth and ebbeth as it doth in the Thames, and when the ebbing water is come, they are not able to rowe against it, by reason of the swistnesse of the water, yet their barks be light and armed with Oares, like to Foistes, yet the cannot preuaile a∣gainst [ 50] * 1.307 that Streame, but for refuge must make them fast to the banke of the Riuer vntill the next flowing water, and they call these Barkes Bazaras and Patuas: they rowe as well as a Galliot, or as well as euer I haue seene any. A good Tides rowing before you come to Satagan, you shall haue a place which is called Buttor, and from thence vpwards the Sips doe not goe, because that vpwards the Riuer is very Shallow, and little water. Euery yeere at Buttor they make and vnmake a Village, with Houses and Shops made of Straw, and with all things necessarie to their vses, and this Village standeth as long as the Ships ride there, and till they depart for the Indies, and when they depart, euerie man goeth to his plot of Houses, and there setteth fire on them, which thing made me to maruaile. For as I passed vp to Satagan, I saw this Village standing with a great number of people, with an infinite number of Ships and Bazars, and at my returne comming [ 60] downe with my Captaine of the last Ship, for whom I tarried, I was all amazed to see such a place so soone razed and burnt, and nothing left but the signe of the burnt Houses. The small Ships goe to Satagan, and there they lade.

IN the Port of Satagan euery yeere they lade thirtie or fiue and thirtie ships great and small, with Rice, Cloth of Bombast of diuers sorts, Lacca, great abundance of Sugar, Mirabolans dried * 1.308 and preserued, long Pepper, Oyle of Zerzeline, and many other sorts of merchandise. The Citie of Satagan is a reasonable faire Citie for a Citie of the Moores, abounding with all things, and was gouerned by the King of Patane, and now is subiect to the Great Mogol. I was in this Kingdome foure moneths, whereas many Merchants did buy or fraight boates for their benefits, and with these Barkes they goe vp and downe the Riuer of Ganges to Faires, buying their commoditie with a great aduantage, because that euery day in the weeke they haue a Faire, now in one place, and now in another, and I also hired a Barke and went vp and downe the Riuer and did my busi∣nesse, and so in the night I saw many strange things. The Kingdome of Bengala in time; past [ 10] * 1.309 hath beene as it were in the power of Moores, neuerthelesse there is great store of Gentiles among them: alwaies whereas I haue spoken of Gentiles, is to be vnderstood Idolaters, and whereas I speake of Moores I meane Mahomets Sect. Those people especially that be within the Land doe greatly worship the Riuer of Ganges: for when any is sicke, he is brought out of the Countrey to * 1.310 the banke of the Riuer, and there they make him a small Cottage of strawe, and euery day they wet him with that water, whereof there are many that die, and when they are dead, they make a heape of stickes and boughes and lay the dead bodie thereon, and putting fire thereunto, they let the bodie alone vntill it be halfe rosted, and then they take it off from the fire, and make an emptie Iarre fast about his necke, and so throw him into the Riuer. These things euery night as I passed vp and downe the Riuer I saw fo•• ••he space of two moneths, as I passed to the Fayres to buy my commodities with the Merchants. And this is the cause that the Portugals will not drinke of [ 20] the water of the Riuer Ganges, yet to the sight it is more perfect and clearer then the water of Nilus is. From the Port Piqueno I went to Cochin, and from Cochin to Malacca, from whence I depar∣ted for Pegu being eight hundred miles distant. That voyage is wont to bee made in fiue and * 1.311 twentie or thirtie dayes, but we were foure moneths, and at the end of three moneths our ship was without victuals. The Pilot tolde vs that wee were by his Altitude not farre from a Citie called Tanasary, in the Kingdome of Pegu, and these his words were not true, but wee were (as it were) in the middle of many Ilands, and many vninhabited rockes, and there were also some Portugals * 1.312 that affirmed that they knew the Land, and knew also where the Citie of Tanasary was.

This Citie of right belongeth to the Kingdome of Sion, which is situate on a great Riuers side, which commeth out of the Kingdome of Sion: and where this Riuer runneth into the Sea, there is [ 30] a Village called Mirgim, in whose Harbour euery yeere there lade some ships with Verzina, Ny∣pa, * 1.313 and Beniamin, a few Cloues, Nutmegs and Maces which come from the coast of Sion, but the greatest marchandise there is Verzin and Nypa, which is an excellent Wine, which is made of the floure of a tree called Nyper. Whose liquor they distill, and so make an excellent drink cleare as Christall, good to the mouth, and better to the stomacke, and it hath an excellent gentle vertue, that if one were rotten with the French poxe, drinking good store of this, hee shall bee whole againe, and I haue seene it proued, because that when I was in Cochin, there was a friend of mine, whose nose began to drop away with that disease, and he was counselled of the Doctors of Phisick that he should goe to Tanasary at the time of the new Wines, and that hee should drinke of the * 1.314 Nyper wine, night and day, as much as hee could before it was distilled, which at that time is most [ 40] delicate, but after that it is distilled, it is more strong, and if you drinke much of it, it will fume into the head with drunkennesse. This man went thither, and did so, and I haue seene him af∣ter with a good colour and sound. This Wine is very much esteemed in the Indies, and for that it is brought so farre off, it is very deare: in Pegu ordinarily it is good cheape, because it is neerer to the place where they make it, and there is euery yeere great quantitie made thereof. And re∣turning to my purpose, I say, being amongst these rockes, and farre from the Land which is ouer against Tanasary, with great scarcitie of victuals, and that by the saying of the Pilot and two Por∣tugals, holding then firme that wee were in front of the aforesayde harbour, wee determined to goe thither with our boat and fetch victuals, and that the ship should stay for vs in a place assigned Wee were twentie and eight persons in the boat that went for victuals, and on a day about twelue [ 50] of the clocke wee went from the ship, assuring our selues to bee in the harbour before night in the aforesaid Port, wee rowed all that day, and a great part of the next night, and all the next day without finding harbour, or any signe of good land, and this came to passe through the euil coun∣sell * 1.315 of the two Portugals that were with vs.

For wee had ouershot the harbour and left it behinde vs, in such wise that wee had lost the land inhabited, together with the ship, and wee eight and twentie men had no manner of victuall with vs in the boate, but it was the Lords will that one of the Mariners had brought a little Rice with him in the boat to barter away for some other thing, and it was not so much but that three or foure men would haue eaten it at a meale: I tooke the gouernment of this Rice, promising that * 1.316 by the helpe of God that Rice should be nourishment for vs vntil it pleased God to send vs to some [ 60] place that was inhabited: and when I slept I put the Rice into my bosome because they should not rob it from me: we were nine dayes rowing alongst the coast, without finding any thing but Countries vninhabited, and desert Ilands, where if we had found but grasse it would haue seemed

Sugar vnto vs, but we could not finde any, yet we found a few leaues of a tree, and they were so hard that we could not chew them, we had water and wood sufficient, and as we rowed, we could go but by flowing water, for when it was ebbing water we made fast our Boat to the banke of one of those Ilands, and in these nine dayes that wee rowed, wee found a Caue or Nest of Tortoise * 1.317 egges, wherein were 144. egges, the which was a great helpe vnto vs: these egges are as big as a Hennes egge, and haue no shell about them but a tender skinne, euery day we sod a Ketle full of those Egges, with a handfull of Rice in the broth thereof: it pleased God that at the end of nine dayes we discouered certaine Fisher-men fishing with small Barkes, and we rowed towards them, with a good cheere, for I thinke there were neuer men more glad then we were for wee were so sore afflicted with penurie, that wee could scarce stand on our legges. Yet according to the order that wee set for our Rice, when wee saw those Fisher-men, there was left sufficient for foure daies. [ 10] The first Village that wee came to was in the Gulfe of Ta••ay, vnder the King of Pegu, whereas we * 1.318 found great store of victuals: then for two or three dayes after our arriuall there, we would eate but little meate any of vs, and yet for all this, wee were at the point of death the most part of vs. From Tauay to Martauan in the Kingdome of Pegu, are seuenty two miles. We laded our Boat with victuals which were abundantly sufficient for sixe moneths, from whence wee departed for the Port and Citie of Martanan, where in short time we arriued, but we found not our ship there as we had thought we should, from whence presently we made out two barkes to goe to looke for her. And they found her in great calamitie, and need of water, being at an anchor with a con∣trary winde, which came very ill to passe, because that shee wanted her Boat a moneth, which [ 20] should haue made her prouision of wood and water, the ship also by the grace of God arriued safely in the foresaid Port of Martauan.

WEe found in the Citie of Martauan ninety Portugals of Merchants and other base men, * 1.319 which had fallen at difference with the Rector or Gouernour of the Citie, and all for this cause, that certaine vagabonds of the Portugal, had slaine fiue Falchine•• of the King of Pe∣gu, which chanced about a moneth after the King of Pegu was gone with a million and foure hun∣dred thousand men to conquere the Kingdome of Sion. They haue for custome in this Countrie and Kingdome, the King being wheresoeuer his pleasure is to be out of this Kingdom, that euery fifteene dayes there goeth from Pegu a Carauan of Falchines, with euery one a basket on his head * 1.320 [ 30] full of some Fruits or other delicates of refreshings, and with cleane clothes: it chanced that this Carauan passing by Martauan, and resting themselues there a night, there happened betweene the Portugals and them words of despight, and from words to blowes, and because it was thought that the Portugals had the worse, the night following, when the Falchines were a sleepe with their companie, the Portugals went and cut off fiue of their heads. Now there is a law in Pegu, * 1.321 that whosoeuer killeth a man, he shall buy the shed bloud with his money, according to the estate of the person that is slaine, but these Falchines being the seruants of the King, the Retors durst not doe any thing in the matter, without the consent of the King, because it was necessary that the King should knowe of such a matter. When the King had knowledge thereof, he gaue comman∣dement that the malefactors should be kept vntill his comming home, and then he would duely * 1.322 minister iustice, but the Captaine of the Portugals would not deliuer those men, but rather set [ 40] himselfe with all the rest in Armes, and went euery day through the Citie marching with his Drumme and Ensignes displayed. For at that time the Citie was empty of men, by reason they were gone all to the warres and in businesse of the King: in the middest of this rumour wee came thither, and I thought it a strange thing to see the Portugals vse such insolency in another mans Citie.

From Martauan I departed to goe to the chiefest Citie in the Kingdome of Pegu, which is al∣so called after the name of the Kingdome, which Voyage is made by Sea in three or foure dayes; they may goe also by Land, but it is better for him that hath merchandise to goe by Sea, and lesser charge. And in this Voyage you shall haue a Macareo, which is one of the most maruellous * 1.323 [ 50] things in the world that Nature hath wrought, and I neuer saw any thing so hard to bee beleeued as this, to wit, the great encreasing and diminishing of the water there at one push or instant, and the horrible Earth-quake and great noise that the Macareo maketh where it commeth. Wee de∣parted from Martauan in Barkes, which are like to our Pilot-Boats, with the encrease of the wa∣ter, and they goe as swift as an Arrowe out of a Bowe, so long as the Tide runneth with them, and when the water is at the highest, then they draw themselues out of the channell towards some banke, and there they come to anchor, and when the water is diminished, then they rest on drie land: and when the Barkes rest drie, they are as high from the bottome of the channell, as as any house top is high from the ground. They let their Barkes he so high for this respect, that if * 1.324 there should any ship rest or ride in the channell, with such force commeth in the water, that it [ 60] would ouerthrowe Ship or Barke: yet for all this, that the Barkes be so farre out of the channel, and though the water hath lost her greatest strength and furie before it come so high, yet they make fast their Prow to the streame, and oftentimes it maketh them very fearefull, and if the an∣chor did not hold her Prow vp by strength, shee would be ouer throwne and lost with men and

goods. When the water beginneth to encrease, it maketh such a noise, and so great, that you would thinke it an Earthquake, and presently at the first it maketh three waues. So that the first washeth ouer the Barke, from stemme to sterne, the second is not so furious as the first, and the * 1.325 third raiseth the anchor, and then for the space of sixe houres while the water encreaseth, they rowe with such swi••tnesse that you would thinke they did flie: in these tides there must be lost no ••ot of time, for if you arriue not at the stagions before the Tide bee spent, you must turne backe from whence you came. For there is no staying at any place but at these stagions, and there is more danger at one of these places then at another, as they bee higher and lower one then another. When as you returne from Pegu to Martauan, they goe but halfe the Tide at a time, because they will lay their Barkes vp aloft on the bankes, for the reason aforesaid. I [ 10] could neuer gather any reason of the noise that this water maketh in the encrease of the Tide, and in diminishing of the water. There is another Macareo in Cambaya, but that is nothing in * 1.326 comparison of this.

By the helpe of God we came safe to Pegu, which are two Cities, the old and the new, in the old Citie are the Merchant strangers, and Merchants of the Countrie, for there are the greatest doings and the greatest trade. This Citie is not very great, but it hath very great Suburbs. Their houses be made with canes, and couered with leaues, or with straw, but the Merchants haue all one house or Magason, which house they call Godon, which is made of brickes, and there they put all their goods of any value, to saue them from the often mischances that there happen to houses made of such stuffe. In the new Citie is the Palace of the King, and his abi∣ding [ 20] place with all his Barons and Nobles, and other Gentlemen; and in the time that I was there, they finished the building of the new Citie: it is a great Citie, very plaine and flat, and foure square, walled round about, and with Ditches that compasse the Walls about with wa∣ter, in which Diches are many Crocodiles. It hath no Draw-bridges, yet it hath twenty Gates, fiue for euery square on the Walls, there are many places made for Centinels to watch, made of Wood and couered or gilt with Gold, the Streets thereof are the fairest that I haue seene, they are as streight as a line from one Gate to another, and standing at the one Gate you may dis∣couer to the other, and they are as broad as ten or twelue men may ride a-breast in them: and those Streets that be thwart are faire and large, these Streets, both on the one side and the other, are planted at the doores of the Houses with Nut trees of India, which make a very commodi∣ous [ 30] shadow, the Houses be made of wood, and couered with a kind of tiles in forme of Cups, very necessary for their vse: the Kings Palace is in the middle of the Citie, made in forme of a walled Castle, with ditches full of water round about it, the Lodgings within are made of wood all ouer gilded, with fine pinacles, and very costly worke, couered with plates of gold. Truly it may be a Kings house: within the gate there is a faire large Court, from the one side * 1.327 to the other, wherein there are made places for the strongest and stoutest El••phants, hee hath foure that be white, a thing so rare, that a man shall hardly finde another King that hath any such, as if this King knowe any other that hath white Elephants, he sendeth for them as for a * 1.328 gift. The time that I was there, there were two brought out of a farre Countrie, and that cost me something the sight of them, for that they command the Merchants to goe to see them, and [ 40] then they must giue somewhat to the men that bring them: the Brokers of the Merchants giue for euery man halfe a Ducket, which they call a Tansa, which amounteth to a great summe, for * 1.329 the number of Merchants that are in that Citie; and when they haue payd the aforesaid Tansa, they may chuse whether they will see them at that time or no, because that when they are in the Kings stall, euery man may see them that will: but at that time they must goe and see them, for it is the kings pleasure it should be so.

This King amongst all other his Titles, is called The King of the white Elephants, and it is re∣ported, that if this King knew any other King that had any of these white Elephants, and would not send them vnto him, that he would hazard his whole Kingdome to conquere them. He esteemeth these white Elephants very deerely, and they are had in great regard, and kept [ 50] with very meet seruice, euery one of them is in a house, all gilded ouer, and they haue their meate giuen them in vessels of siluer and gold. There is one blacke Elephant, the greatest that hath beene seene, and he is kept according to his bignesse; he is nine cubits high, which is a maruellous thing. It is reported that this King hath foure thousand Elephants of warre, and * 1.330 all haue their teeth, and they vse to put on their two vppermost teeth sharpe pikes of Iron, and make them fast with rings, because these beasts fight and make battell with their teeth; hee hath also very many young Elephants that haue not their teeth sprouted forth: also this King hath a braue deuise in hunting to take these Elephants when he will, two miles from the Citie. He hath builded a faire Palace all gilded, and within it a faire Court, and within it and round * 1.331 about there are made an infinite number of places for men to stand to see this hunting: neere [ 60] vnto this Palace is a mighty great Wood, through the which the Hunts-men of the King ride continually on the backes of the female Elephants, teaching them in this businesse. Euery Hunter carrieth out with him fiue or sixe of these females, and they say that they anoint the se∣cret place with a certaine composition that they haue, that when the wilde Elephant doeth

smell: hereunto, they follow the females and cannot leaue them: when the Hunts-men haue made prouision, and the Elephant is so entangled, they guide the females towards the Palace which is called Tambell, and this Palace hath a doore which doth open and shut with engines, before which doore there is a long straight way with trees on both the sides, which couereth the way in such wise, as it is like darkenesse in a corner: the wilde Elephant when he commeth to this way thinketh that hee is in the Woods. At the end of this darke way there is a great field: when the Hunters haue gotten this prey, when they first come to this field, they send presently to giue knowledge thereof to the Citie, and with all speed there goe out fifty or sixty men on horsebacke, and doe beset the field round about: in the great field then the females which are taught in this businesse goe directly to the mouth of the darke way, and when as the wilde Elephant is entred in there, the Hunters shoute and make a great noise, as much as is pos∣sible, [ 10] to make the wilde Elephant enter in at the gate of that Palace, which is then open, and as soone as he is in, the gate is shut without any noise, and so the Hunters with the female Ele∣phants and the wilde one are all in the Court together, and then within a small time the females withdraw themselues away one by one out of the Court, leauing the wilde Elephant alone: * 1.332 and when hee perceiueth that hee is left alone, hee is so mad that for two or three houres to see him, it is the greatest pleasure in the world: he weepeth, he flingeth, he runneth, he iustleth, he thrusteth vnder the places where the people stand to see him, thinking to kill some of them, but the posts and timber is so strong and great that he cannot hurt any body, yet he oftentimes breaketh his teeth in the grates. At length when he is weary, and hath laboured his body that he is all wet with sweat, then he plucketh in his trunke into his mouth, and then he throweth [ 20] out so much water out of his belly, that he sprinkleth it ouer the heads of the lookers on, to the vttermost of them, although it be very high: and then when they see him very weary, there goe certaine Officers into the Court with long sharpe canes in their hands, and pricke him that * 1.333 they make him to goe into one of the houses that are made alongst the Court for the same pur∣pose: as there are many which are made long and narrow, that when the Elephant is in, hee cannot turne himselfe to goe backe againe. And it is requisite that these men should bee very wary and swift, for although their canes belong, yet the Elephant would kill them if they were not swift to saue themselues: at length when they haue gotten him into one of those houses, they stand ouer him in a loft, and get ropes vnder his belly and about his neck, & about his legs, and bind him fast, and so let him stand foure or fiue dayes, and giue him neither meate nor drinke. At * 1.334 [ 30] the end of these foure or fiue dayes, they vnloose him, and put one of the females vnto him, and giue them meate and drink, and in eight dayes he is become tame. In my iudgement there is not a beast so intellectiue as are these Elephants, nor of more vnderstanding in all the world: for he will doe all things that his keeper sayth, so that he lacketh nothing but humane speach.

It is reported that the greatest strength that the King of Pegu hath, is in these Elephants, for when they goe to battell, they set on their backes a Castle of wood bound thereto, with bands vnder their bellies: and in euery Castle foure men very commodiously set to fight with Har∣quebusses, with Bowes and Arrowes, with Darts and Pikes, and other lancing weapons: and they say that the skinne of this Elephant is so hard, that an Harquebusse will not pierce it, vn∣lesse it be in the eye, temples, or some other tender place of his body. And besides this, they * 1.335 [ 40] are of great strength, and haue a very excellent order in their battell, as I haue seene at their Feasts which they make in the yeere, in which Feasts the King makes Triumphs, which is a rare thing and worthie memorie, that in so barbarous a People there should bee such goodly orders as they haue in their Armies, which be distinct in squares of Elephants, of Horsemen, of Har∣quebussers and Pikemen, that truly the number of them are infinite: but their armour and * 1.336 weapons are very naught and weake, as well the one as the other: they haue very bad Pikes, their Swords are worse made, like long Kniues without points, his Harquebusses are most ex∣cellent, and alwaies in his warres he hath eighty thousand Harquebusses, and the number of them encreaseth daily. Because the King will haue them shoot euery day at the Planke, and so [ 50] by continuall exercise they become most excellent shot: also he hath great Ordnance made of very good metall; to conclude, there is not a King on the Earth that hath more power or strength then this King of Pegu, because hee hath twenty and sixe crowned Kings at his com∣mand Hee can make in his Campe a million and an halfe of men of warre in the field against * 1.337 his Enemies. The state of his Kingdome, and maintenance of his Armie, is a thing incredible to consider, and the victuals that should maintayne such a number of people in the warres: but he that knoweth the nature and qualitie of that people, will easily beleeue it. I haue seene with mine eyes, that those people and Souldiers haue eaten of all sorts of wilde beasts that are on the earth, whether it be very filthie or otherwise all serueth for their mouthes: yea, I haue seene them eate Scorpions and Serpents, also they seed of all kinde of herbes and grasse. So [ 60] that if such a great Armie want not Water and Salt, they will maintayne themselues a long time in a bush with rootes, flowers, and leaues of trees, they carrie Rice with them for their Voyage, and that serueth them in stead of Comfits, it is so dainty vnto them.

This King of Pegu hath not any Armie or power by Sea, but in the Land, for People, Do∣minions, * 1.338

Gold and Siluer, he farre exceeds the power of the great Turke in treasure and strength. This King hath diuers Magasons full of treasure, as Gold, and Siluer, and euery day he encrea∣seth it more and more, and it is neuer diminished. Also hee is Lord of the Mines of Rubies, Sa∣phirs, * 1.339 and Spinels. Neere vnto his Royall Palace there is an inestimable treasure whereof he ma∣keth no account, for that it standeth in such a place that euery one may see it, and the place where this treasure is, is a great Court walled round about with walls of stone, with two gates which stand open euery day. And within this place or Court are foure gilded houses couered with Lead, and in euery one of these are certaine heathenish Idols of a very great valure. in the first house there is a Statue of the image of a Man of gold very great, and on his head a Crowne of gold be∣set with most rare Rubies and Saphires, and round about him are foure little children of gold. [ 10] In the second house there is the Statue of a Man of siluer, that is set as it were sitting on heapes of money: whose stature in height, as he sitteth, is so high, that his highnesse exceeds the height of any one roofe of an house; I measured his feet, and found that they were as long as all my bo∣dy was in height, with a Crowne on his head like to the first. And in the third house there is a Statue of brasse of the same bignesse, with a like Crowne on his head. In the fourth and last house, there is a Statue of a Man as big as the other, which is made of Gausa, which is the metall they make their money of, and this metall is made of Copper and Lead mingled together. This Statue also hath a Crowne on his head like the first: this treasure being of such a value as it is, standeth in an open place that euery man at his pleasure may goe and see it: for the keepers there∣of neuer forbid any man the sight thereof. I say as I haue said before, that this King euery yeere in his feasts triumpheth: and because it is worthie of the noting, I thinke it meet to write there∣of, [ 20] which is as followeth. The King rideth on a triumphant Cart or Wagon all gilded, which * 1.340 is drawne by sixteene goodly Horses: and this Cart is very high with a goodly Canopie ouer it, behind the Cart goe twenty of his Lords and Nobles, with euery one a rope in his hand made fast to the Cart for to hold it vpright that it fall not. The King sitteth in the middle of the Cart; and vpon the same Cart about the King stand foure of his Nobles most fauoured of him, and before this Cart wherein the King is, goeth all his Armie as aforesaid, and in the middle of his Armie goeth all his Nobilitie, round about the Cart, that are in his Dominions, a maruellous thing it is to see so many people, such riches and such good order in a People so barbarous as they be. This King of Pegu hath one principall wife which is kept in a Seralio, hee hath three hun∣dred Concubines, of whom it is reported that he hath ninety children.

This King sitteth euery day in person to heare the suits of his Subiects, but he nor they neuer [ 30] * 1.341 speake one to another, but by supplications made in this order. The King sitteth vp aloft in a great Hall, on a Tribunall seate, and lower vnder him sit all his Barons round about, then those that demand audience enter into a great Court before the King, and there set them downe on the ground forty paces distant from the Kings person, and amongst those people there is no dif∣ference in matters of audience before the King, but all alike, and there they sit with their suppli∣cations * 1.342 in their hands, which are made of long leaues of a tree, these leaues are three quarters of a yard long, and two fingers broad, which are written with a sharpe Iron made for the purpose, and in those leaues are their supplications written, and with their supplications, they haue in their hands a present or gift, according to the weightinesse of their matter. Then come the Secreta∣ries [ 40] downe to reade these supplications, taking them and reading them before the King, and if the King thinke it good to doe to them that fauour or iustice that they demand, then hee com∣mandeth to take the presents out of their hands: but if he thinke their demand be not iust or according to right, he commandeth them away without taking of their gifts or presents.

In the Indies there is not any merchandise that is good to bring to Pegu, vnlesse it be at some times by chance to bring Opium of Cambaia. and if hee bring money hee shall lose by it. Now the commodities that come from Saint Tome are the onely merchandise for that place, which is the great quantitie of Cloth made there, which they vse in Pegu; which Cloth is made of Bom∣bast * 1.343 wouen and painted, so that the more that kinde of Cloth is washed, the more liuely they shew their colours, which is a rare thing, and there is made such account of this kinde of Cloth [ 50] which is of so great importance, that a small bale of it will cost a thousand or two thousand duc∣kets. Also from Saint Tome they lade great store of red yarne, of Bombast died with a root which they call Saia, as aforesaid, which colour will neuer out. With which merchandise euery yeere there goeth a great ship from S. Tome to Pegu, of great importance, and they vsually depart from Saint Tome to Pegu the eleuenth or twelfth of September, and if shee stay vntill the twelfth, it is * 1.344 a great hap if shee returne not without making of her Voyage. Their vse was to depart the sixt of September, and then they made sure Voyages, and now because there is a great labour about that kinde of Cloth to bring it to perfection, and that it bee well dried, as also the greedinesse of the Captaine that would make an extraordinary gaine of his fraight, thinking to haue the winde al∣waies to serue their turne, they stay so long, that at sometimes the winde turneth. For in those [ 60] parts the winds hlowe firmely for certaine times, with the which they goe to Pegu with the wind in poope, and if they arriue not there before the winde change, and get ground to anchor, per∣force they must returne backe againe: for that the gales of the winde blowe there for three or

foure moneths together in one place with great force. But if they get the coast and anchor there, then with great labour they may saue their Voyage. Also there goeth another great ship from Bengala euery yeere, laden with fine cloth of Bombast of all sorts, which arriueth in the Har∣bour of Pegu, when the ship that commeth from Saint Tome departeth. The Harbour where these two ships arriue is called Cosmin. From Malaca to Martauan, which is a Port in Pegu, there come * 1.345 many small ships, and great, laden with Pepper, Sandolo, Procellan of China, Camfora, Bru••eo, and other merchandise. The ships that come from Mecca enter into the Port of Pegu and Ci∣rion, and those ships bring cloth of Wooll, Scarlets, Veluets, Opium, and Chickinos, by the * 1.346 which they lose, and they bring them because they haue no other thing that is good for Pegu: but they esteem not the losse of them, for that they make such great gaine of their commodities, that they carrie from thence out of that Kingdome. Also the King of Assi * 1.347 his ships come thi∣ther [ 10] into the same Port laden with Pepper; from the coast of Saint Tome of Bengala, out of the Sea of Bara to Pegu are three hundred miles, and they goe it vp the Riuer in foure dayes, with the encreasing water, or with the floud, to a Citie called Cosmin, and there they discharge their ships, whither the Customers of Pegu come to take the note and markes of all the goods of eue∣ry man, and take the charge of the goods on them, and conuey them to Pegu, into the Kings house, wherein they make the Custome of the merchandise. When the Customers haue taken the charge of the goods, and put them into Barkes, the Retor of the Citie giueth licence to the Merchants to take barke, and goe vp to Pegu with their merchandise; and so three or foure of them take a Barke and goe vp to Pegu in companie. God deliuer euery man that he giue not a * 1.348 [ 20] wrong note, and entrie, or thinke to steale any Custome: for if they doe, for the least trifle that is, he is vtterly vndone, for the King doeth take it for a most great affront to bee deceiued of his Custome; and therefore they make diligent searches, three times at the lading and vnlading of the goods, and at the taking of them a land. In Pegu this search they make when they goe out of the ship for Diamonds, Pearles, and fine Cloth which taketh little roome: for because that all the Iewels that come into Pegu, and are not found of that Countrie, pay Custome, but Rubies, Saphyrs and Spinels pay no Custome in nor out: because they are found growing in that Coun∣trie. All Merchants that meane to goe thorow the Indies, must carrie all manner of houshold∣stuffe * 1.349 with them which is necessary for a house, because that there is not any lodging, nor Innes, nor Hosts, nor chamber roome in that Countrie, but the first thing a man doth when hee com∣meth to any Citie is to hyre a house, either by the yeere, or by the moneth, or as hee meanes to [ 30] stay in those parts.

In Pegu their order is to hire their houses for sixe moneths. Now from Cosmin to the Citie of Pegu they goe in sixe houres with the floud, and if it be ebbing water, then they make fast their Boate to the Riuer side, and there tarrie vntill the water flowe againe. It is a very commodious * 1.350 and pleasant Voyage, hauing on both sides of the Riuers many great Villages, which they call Cities: in the which Hennes, Pigeons, Egges, Milke, Rice, and other things bee very good cheape. It is all plaine, and a goodly Countrie, and in eight dayes you may make your Voyage vp to Macceo, distant from Pegu twelue miles, and there they discharge their goods, and lade them in Carts or Waines drawne with Oxen, and the Merchants are carried in a Closet which [ 40] they call Deling, in the which a man shall be very well accommodated, with Cushions vnder his * 1.351 head, and couered for the defence of the Sunne and Raine, and there he may sleepe if he haue will thereunto: and his foure Falchines carrie him running away, changing two at one time, and two at another. The custome of Pegu and fraight thither, may amount vnto twenty or twenty two per cento, and twenty three according as he hath more or lesse stolne from him that day they custome the goods. It is requisite that a man haue his eyes watchfull, and to bee care∣full, and to haue many friends, for when they custome in the great Hall of the King, there come many Gentlemen accompanied with a number of their slaues, and these Gentlemen haue no shame that their slaues robbe strangers: whether it be Cloth in shewing of it, or any other thing, they laugh at it. And although the Merchants helpe one another to keepe watch, and looke to their goods, they cannot looke thereto so narrowly but one or other will robbe something, ei∣ther [ 50] more or lesse, according as their merchandise is more or lesse: and yet on this day there is a worse thing then this: although you haue set so many eyes to looke there for your benefit, that you escape vnrobbed of the slaues, a man cannot choose but that hee must be robbed of the Officers of the Custome house. For paying the custome with the same goods oftentimes they take the best that you haue, and not by rate of euery sort as they ought to doe, by which meanes a man payeth more then his dutie. At length when the goods be dispatched out of the Custom∣house in this order, the Merchant causeth them to be carried to his house, and may doe with them at his pleasure.

There are in Pegu eight Brokers of the Kings, which are called Tareghe, who are bound to sell all the merchandise which come to Peru, at the common or the current price: then if the * 1.352 [ 60] Merchants will sell their goods at that price, they sell them away, and the Brokers haue two in the hundred of euery sort of merchandise, and they are bound to make good the debts of those goods, because they bee sold by their hands or meanes, and on their words, and oftentimes the

Merchant knoweth not to whom he giueth his goods, yet he cannot lose any thing thereby, for that the Broker is bound in any wise to pay him, and if the Merchant sell his goods without the consent of the Broker, yet neuerthelesse hee must pay him two per cento, and bee in danger of his money: but this is very seldome seene, because the Wise, Children and Slaues of the debtor are bound to the Creditor, and when his time is expired and paiment not made, the creditor may take the debtor and carrie him home to his house, and shut him vp in a Magasin, whereby pre∣sently hee hath his money, and not being able to pay the creditor, he may take the Wife, Chil∣dren, * 1.353 and Slaues of the debtor, and sell them, for so is the Law of that Kingdome. The currant money that is in this Citie, and throughout all this Kingdome is called Gansa or Ganza, which is made of Copper and Lead: It is not the money of the King, but euerie man may stampe it [ 10] that will, because it hath his iust partition or value: but they make many of them false, by put∣ting ouermuch lead into them, and those will not passe, neither will any take them. With this * 1.354 money Ganza, you may buy Gold or Siluer, Rubies and Muske, and other things. For there is no other money currant amongst them. And Gold, Siluer and other Merchandize are at one time dearer then another, as all other things bee.

This Ganza goeth by weight of Byze, and this name of Byza goeth for the account of the weight, and commonly a Byza of a Ganza is worth (after our account) halfe a Ducket, litle more or lesse: and albeit that Gold and Siluer is more or lesse in price, yet the Byza neuer changeth: euerie Byza maketh a hundreth Ganza of weight, and so the number of the money is Byza. He that goeth to Pegu to buy Iewels, if hee will doe well, it behooueth him to bee a whole yeere [ 20] there to doe his businesse. For if so be that he would returne with the Ship he came in, hee can∣not * 1.355 doe any thing so conueniently for the breuitie of the time, because that when they custome their goods in Pegu that come from Saint Tome in their ships, it is as it were about Christmas: and when they haue customed their goods, then must they sell them for their credits sake for a moneth or two: and then at the beginning of March the ships depart. The Merchants that come from Saint Tome take for the paiment of their goods, Gold and Siluer, which is neuer wan∣ting * 1.356 there. And eight or ten dayes before their departure they are all satisfied: also they may haue Rubies in paiment, but they make no account of them: and they that will Winter there for another yeere, it is needfull that they bee aduertized, that in the sale of their goods, they speci∣fie in their bargaine, the terme of two or three moneths paiment, and that their paiment shall be [ 30] in so many G••••za, and neither Gold nor Siluer: because that with the Ganza they may buy and sell euerie thing with great aduantage. And how needfull is it to be aduertized, when they will recouer their paiments, in what order they shall receiue their Ganza? Because he that is not ex∣perienced may doe himselfe great wrong in the weight of the Ganza, as also in the falsenesse of them: in the weight hee may bee greatly deceiued, because that from place to place it doth rise and fall greatly: and therefore when any will receiue money or make paiment, hee must take a publike weigher of money, a day or two before he goe about his businesse, and giue him in pai∣ment for his labour two Byzaes a moneth, and for this hee is bound to make good all your mo∣ney, and to maintaine it for good, for that he receiueth it and seales the bags with his seale: and when he hath receiued any store, then he causeth it to be brought into the Magason of the Mer∣chant, [ 40] that is the owner of it.

That money is verie weightie, for fortie Byza is a strong Porters burthen; and also where the Merchant hath any paiment to bee made for those goods which hee buyeth, the Common weigher of money that receiueth his money must make the paiment thereof. So that by this meanes, the Merchant with the charges of two Byzes a moneth, receiueth and payeth out his money without losse or trouble. The Mercandizes that goe out of Pegu, are Gold, Siluer, Rubies, Saphires, Spinelles, great store of Beniamin, long Pepper, Lead, L••cca, Rice, Wine, some Sugar, * 1.357 yet there might be great store of Sugar made in the Countrey, for that they haue abundance of Canes, but they giue them to Eliphants to eate, and the people consume great store of them for food, and many more doe they consume in vaine things, as these following. In that Kingdome [ 50] they spend many of these Sugar-canes in making of Houses and Tents which they call Varely for their Idols, which they call Pagodes, whereof there are great abundance, great and small, and these houses are made in forme of little Hils, like to Sugar-Ioaues or to Bels, and some of these houses are as high as a reasonable Steeple, at the foot they are verie large, some of them be in circuit a quarter of a mile. The said houses within are full of earth, and walled round about with Brickes and dirt in stead of lime, and without forme, from the top to the foot they make a couering for them with Sugar-canes, and plaister it with lime all ouer, for otherwise they would bee spoyled, by the great abundance of Raine that falleth in those Countries. Also they con∣sume * 1.358 about these Varely or Idol-houses great store of leafe-gold, for that they ouerlay all the tops of the houses with Gold, and some of them are couered with gold from the top to the [ 60] foot: in couering whereof there is great store of Gold spent, for that euery ten yeeres they new ouerlay them with gold, from the top to the foot, so that with this vanitie they spend great a∣bundance of Gold. For euery ten yeeres the raine doth consume the gold from these houses. And by this meanes they make gold dearer in Pegu then it would bee, if they consumed not so

much in this vanitie. Also it is a thing to bee noted in the buying of Iewels in Pegu, that he that hath no knowledge shall haue as good Iewels, and as good cheape, as hee that hath beene pra∣ctised there a long time, which is a good order, and it is in this wise. There are in Pegu foure men of good reputation, which are called Tareghe, or Brokers of Iewels. These foure men haue all the Iewels or Rubics in their hands, and the Merchant that will buy commeth to one of these Tareghe and telleth him, that hee hath so much money to imploy in Rubies. For through the hands of these foure men passe all the Rubies: for they haue such quantitie, that they know not * 1.359 what to doe with them, but sell them at most vile and base prices. When the Merchant hath broken his mind to one of these Brokers or Tareghe, they carrie him home to one of their shops, although hee hath no knowledge in Iewels: and when the Iewellers perceiue that hee will em∣ploy a good round summe, they will make a bargaine, and if not, they let him alone. The vse [ 10] generally of this Citie is this; that when any Merchant hath bought any great quantitie of Ru∣bies, and hath agreed for them, hee carrieth them home to his house, let them bee of what va∣lue they will, he shall haue space to looke on them and peruse them two or three dayes: and if hee hath no knowledge in them, he shall alwayes haue many Merchants in that Citie that haue very good knowledge in Iewels; with whom hee may alwayes conferre and take counsell, and may shew them vnto whom he will; and if he finde that he hath not employed his money well, he may returne his Iewels backe to them whom he had them of, without any losse at all. Which thing is such a shame to the Tareghe to haue his Iewels returne, that he had rather beare a blow on the face then that it should bee thought that he sold them so deare to haue them returned. [ 20] For these men haue alwayes great care that they affoord good penniworths, especially to those that haue no knowledge. This they doe, because they would not lose their credite: and when those Merchants that haue knowledge in Iewels buy any, if they buy them deare, it is their owne faults and not the Brokers: yet it is good to haue knowledge in Iewels, by reason that it may some what ease the price. There is also a very good order which they haue in buying of * 1.360 Iewels, which is this; There are many Merchants that stand by at the making of the bargaine, and because they shall not vnderstand how the Iewels bee sold, the Broker and the Merchants haue their hands vnder a cloth, and by touching of fingers & nipping the joynts they know what * 1.361 is done, what is bidden, and what is asked. So that the standers by know not what is deman∣ded for them, although it be for a thousand or ten thousand Duckets. For euery ioynt and eue∣ry finger hath his signification. For if the Merchants that stand by should vnderstand the bar∣gaine, it would breed great controuersie amongst them. And at my being in Pegu in the [ 30] moneth of August, in Anno 1569. hauing gotten well by my endeuour, I was desirous to see mine owne Countrey, and I thought it good to goe by the way of Saint Tome, but then I should ••arie vntill March.

In which journey I was counsailed, yea, and fully resolued to goe by the way of Bengala, with a Ship there ready to depart for that voyage. And then wee departed from Pegu to Chatigan a great Harbour or Port, from whence there goe small ships to Cochin, before the Fleet depart for Portugall, in which ships I was fully determined to goe to Lisbon, and so to Uenice. When I * 1.362 had thus resolued my selfe, I went a boord of the ship of Bengala, at which time it was the yeere of Touffon: concerning which Touffon you are to vnderstand that in the East Indies oftentimes, there are not stormes as in other Countries; but enery ten or twelue yeeres there are such tem∣pests [ 40] and stormes, that it is a thing incredible, but to those that haue seene it, neither doe they know certainly what yeere they will come.

Vnfortunate are they that are at Sea in that yeere and time of the Touffon, because few there * 1.363 are that escape that danger. In this yeere it was our chance to bee at Sea with the like storme, but it happened well vnto vs, for that our ship was newly ouer plancked, and had not any thing in her saue victuall and balasts, Siluer and Gold, which from Pegu they carrie to Bengala, and no other kind of Merchandize. This Touffon or cruel storme endured three dayes and three nights: in which time it carried away our sayles, yards, and rudder; and because the ship laboured in the Sea, wee cut our Mast ouer-boord: which when we had done, shee laboured a great deale more then before, in such wise, that she was almost full with water that came ouer the highest [ 50] part of her and so went downe: and for the space of three dayes and three nights, sixtie men did nothing but hale water out of her in this wise, twentie men in one place, and twentie men in another place, and twentie in a third place: and for all this storme, the ship was so good, that she tooke not one iot of water below through her sides, but all ranne downe through the hat∣ches, so that those sixtie men did nothing but cast the Sea into the Sea. And thus driuing too and fro as the wind and Sea would, wee were in a darke night about foure of the clocke cast on a shold: yet when it was day, we could neither see Land on one side nor other, and know not where we were. And as it pleased the Diuine power, there came a great waue of the Sea, which draue vs beyond the shold. And when wee felt the ship afloat, we rose vp as men reuiued, be∣cause * 1.364 the Sea was calme and smooth water, and then sounding we found twelue fathom water, [ 60] and within a while after wee had but sixe fathom, and then presently wee came to anker with a small anker that was left vs at the sterne, for all our other were lost in the storme: and by

and by the ship strooke a ground, and then wee did prop her that shee should not ouerthrow.

When it was day the ship was all drie, and wee found her a good mile from the Sea on drie land. This Touffon being ended, wee discouered an Iland not farre from vs, and we went from the ship on the sands to see what Iland it was: and wee found it a place inhabited, and, to my iudgement the fertilest Iland in all the world, the which is deuided into two parts by a channell * 1.365 which passeth betweene it, and with great trouble wee brought our ship into the same chan∣nell, which parteth the Iland at flowing water, and there we determined to stay fortie dayes to refresh vs. And when the people of the Iland saw the ship, and that we were comming a land: presently they made a place of Bazar or Market, with Shops right ouer against the ship with all manner of prouision of victuals to ea••e, which they brought downe in great abundance, and [ 10] sold it so good cheape, that wee were amazed at the cheapnesse thereof. I bought many salted Kine there, for the prouision of the ship, for halfe a Larine a piece, which Larine may be twelue smillings sixe pence, being very good and fatte; and foure wilde Hogges ready dressed for a Larine; great fat Hennes for a Bizze a piece, which is at the most a Penie: and the people told vs that we were deceiued the halfe of our money, because we bought things so deare. Also a sacke of fine Rice for a thing of nothing, and consequently all other things for humaine suste∣nance were there in such abundance, that it is a thing incredible but to them that haue seene it. This Iland is called Sondiua belonging to the Kingdome of Bengala, distant one hundred and * 1.366 twentie miles from Chatigan, to which place we were bound. The people are Moores, and the King a very good man of a Moore King, for if he had bin a Tyrant as others bee, he might haue [ 20] robbed vs of all, because the Portugall Captaine of Chatigan was in armes against the Retor of that place, and euery day there were some slaine, at which newes wee rested there with no small feare, keeping good watch and ward aboord euery night as the vse is, but the Gouernour of the Towne did comfort vs, and bad vs that we should feare nothing, but that we should repose our selues securely without any danger, although the Portugals of Chatigan had slaine the Gouer∣nour of that Citie, and said that we were not culpable in that fact; and moreouer he did vs eue∣ry day what pleasure he could, which was a thing contrarie to our expectations considering that they and the people of Chatigan were both subiects to one King.

Wee departed from Sondiua, and came to Chatigan the great Port of Bengala, at the same time when the Portugals had made peace and taken a truce with the Gouernours of the Towne, [ 30] * 1.367 with this condition that the chiefe Captaine of the Portugals with his ship should depart with∣out any lading: for there were then at that time eighteen ships of Portugals great and small. This Captaine being a Gentleman and of good courage, was notwithstanding contented to depart to his greatest hinderance, rather then he would seeke to hinder so many of his friends as were there, as also because the time of the yeere was spent to goe to the Indies. The night before hee departed, euery ship that had any lading therein, put it aboord of the Captaine to helpe to ease his charge and to recompence his courtesies. In this time there came a messenger from the King of Rachim to this Portugall Captaine, who said in the behalfe of his King, that hee had heard of * 1.368 the courage and valour of him, desiring him gently that hee would vouchsafe to come with the ship into his Port, and comming thither he should be very well intreated. This Portugall went [ 40] thither and was very well satisfied of this King.

This King of Rachim hath his sea••e in the middle coast betweene Bengala and Pegu, and the greatest enemie he hath is the King of Pegu: which King of Pegu deuiseth night and day how to make this King of Rachim his subiect, but by no meanes hee is able to doe it: because the King of Pegu hath no power or armie by Sea. And this King of * 1.369 Rachim may arme two hundreth Gallies or Fusts by Sea, and by land hee hath certaine Sluces with the which when the King of Pegu pretendeth any harme towards him, hee may at his pleasure drowne a great part of the * 1.370 Countrey. So that by this meanes hee cutteth off the way whereby the King of Pegu should come with his power to hurt him.

Now to returne to my voyage, when I came to Ormus, I found there Master Francis Berettin [ 50] of Venice, and we fraighted a Barke together to goe for Basora for seuentie Duckets, and with vs there went other Merchants, which did ease our fraight, and very commodiously wee came to Basora, and there we stayed fortie daies for prouiding a Carouan of Barkes to goe to Babilon, be∣cause they vse not to goe two or three Barkes at once, but fiue and twentie or thirtie, because in the night they cannot goe, but must make them fast to the bankes of the Riuer, and then wee must make a very good and strong guard, and bee well prouided of armour, for respect and safegard of our goods, because the number of Theeues is great that come to spoile and rob the Merchants.

And when we depart for Babilon wee goe a little with our sayle, and the voyage is eight and thirtie or fortie dayes long but we were fiftie daies on it. When we came to Babilon we stayed [ 60] * 1.371 there foure moneths, vntill the Carouan was readie to goe ouer the Wildernesse or Desert for A∣lepo; in this Citie we were sixe Merchants that accompanied together, fiue Venetians and a Por∣tugall; whose names were as followeth, Messer Florinasa with one of his kinsmen, Messer An∣drea de Polo, the Portugall, and Master Francis Berettin and I, and so we furnished our selues with

victuals and Beanes for our horses for fortie dayes; and wee bought Horses and Mules, for that they be very good cheape there. I my selfe bought a Horse there for eleuen Akens, and sold him after in Alepo for thirtie Duckets. Also we bought a Tent which did vs very great pleasure: we had also amongst vs two and thirtie Camels laden with Merchandise: for the which wee paid two Duckets for euery Camels lading, and for euery ten Camels they made eleuen, for so is their vse and custome. We take also with vs three men to serue vs in the voyage, which are vsed to goe in those voyages for fiue Duckets a man, and are bound to serue vs to Alepo: so that we passed very well without any trouble: when the Camels cryed out to rest, our Pauilion was the first that was erected. The Carouan maketh but small iournies about twentie miles a day, and they set forwards euerie morning before day two houres, and about two in the afternoone they sit downe. We had great good hap in our voyage, for that it rained: for which cause we neuer [ 10] wanted water, but euery day found good water, so that wee could not take any hurt for want of water. Yet we carried a Camell laden alwaies with water for euery good respect that might chance in the Desert, so that we had no want neither of one thing nor other that was to be had in the Countrey. For we came very well furnished of euerie thing, and euerie day we eate fresh Mutton, because there came many Shepheards with vs with their flocks, who kept those sheepe that wee bought in Babilon, and euerie Merchant marked his sheepe with his owne marke, and we gaue the shepheards a Medin, which is two pence of our money, for the keeping and feeding our sheepe on the way, and for killing of them. And beside the Medin they haue the Heads, the Skinnes, and the intrals of euerie sheepe they kill. Wee fixe bought twentie sheepe, and when [ 20] we came to Alepo we had seuen aliue of them. And in the Carouan they vse this order, that the Merchants doe lend flesh one to another, because they will not carrie raw flesh with them, but pleasure one another by lending one one day, and another another day.

From Babilon to Alepo is fortie daies iourney, of the which they make sixe and thirtie daies * 1.372 ouer the Wildernesse, in which sixe and thirtie dayes they neither see House, Trees nor people that inhabite it, but onely a Plaine, and no signe of any way in the world. The Pilots goe be∣fore, and the Carouan followeth after. And when they sit downe, all the Carouan vnladeth and sitteth downe, for they know the stations where the wells are. I say, in sixe and thirtie dayes we passe ouer the Wildernesse. For when we depart from Babilon two dayes wee passe by Villages inhabited vntill we haue passed the Riuer Euphrates. And then within two dayes of Alepo wee haue villages inhabited. In this Carouan there goeth alway a Captaine that doth Iustice vnto * 1.373 [ 30] all men: and euery night they keepe watch about the Carouan, and comming to Alepo we went to Tripoli, whereas Master Florin, and Master Andrea Polo, and I, with a Frier, went and hired a Barke to goe with vs to Ierusalem. Departing from Tripolie, wee arriued at Iaffa: from which place in a day and a halfe we went to Ierusalem, and wee gaue order to our Barke to tarie for vs vntill our returne. Wee stayed in Ierusalem fourteene dayes, to visit those holy places: from whence we returned to Iaffa, and from Iaffa to Tripolie, and there we shipped our selues in a ship * 1.374 of Venice called the Bagazzana: And by the helpe of the Diuine power, we arriued safely in Ve∣nice the fifth of Nouember 1581. I will not bee vnmindfull to put them in remembrance, that haue a desire to goe into those parts, how they shall keepe their goods, and giue them to their heires at the time of their death, and how this may be done very securely. In all the Cities that * 1.375 [ 40] the Portugals haue in the Indies, there is a House called the schoole of Sancta misericordia comissa∣ria: the Gouernours whereof, if you giue them for their paines, will take a copie of your Will and Testament, which you must alwayes carrie about you; and chieflie when you goe into the Indies. In the Countrey of the Moores and Gentiles, in those voyages alwaies there goeth a Captaine to administer Iustice to all Christians of the Portugals. Also this Captaine hath autho∣ritie to recouer the goods of those Merchants that by chance die in those voyages, and they that haue not made their Wills and registred them in the aforesaid Schooles, the Captaines will consume their goods in such wise, that little or nothing will be left for their heires and friends. Also there goeth in these same voyages some Merchants that are Commissaries of the Schoole of Sancta misericordia, that if any Merchant die and haue his Will made, and hath giuen order [ 05] that the Schoole of Misericordia shall haue his goods and sell them, then they send the money by exchange to the Schoole of Misericordia in Lisbon, with that copie of his Testament, then from Lisbon they giue intelligence thereof, into what part of Chistendome soeuer it be, and the heires of such a one comming thither, with testimoniall that they bee heires, they shall receiue there the value of his goods: in such wise that they shall not lose any thing. But they that die in the Kingdome of Pegu lose the third part of their goods by ancient custome of the Coun∣trey, that if any Christian dieth in the Kingdome of Pegu, the King and his Officers rest heires of a third of his goods, and there hath neuer beene any deceit or fraud vsed in this matter. I haue knowne many rich men that haue dwelled in Pegu, and in their age they haue desired to goe into their owne Countrey to die there, and haue departed with all their goods and sub∣stance [ 60] without let or trouble.

In Pegu the fashion of their apparell is all one, as well the Nobleman, as the simple: the one∣ly * 1.376 difference is in the finenesse of the Cloth, which is cloth of Bombast one finer then another,

and they weare their apparell in this wise: First, a white Bombast cloth which serueth for a shirt, then they gird another painted Bombast cloth, of fourteene braces, which they bind vp betwixt their legs, and on their heads they weare a small Tocke of three braces, made in guise of a Myter, and some goe without Tockes, and carrie (as it were) a Hiue on the heads, which doeth not passe the lower part of his eare, when it is lifted vp: they goe all bare-footed, but the Noblemen neuer goe on foot, but are carried by men in a seate with great reputation, with a Hat made of the leaues of a tree to keepe him from the Raine and Sunne, or otherwise they ride on horsebacke with their feet bare in the stirrops. All sorts of women whatsoeuer they be, weare a smocke downe * 1.377 to the girdle, and from the girdle downewards to the foot they weare a cloth of three braces, open before, so straight that they cannot goe, but they must shew their secret as it were aloft, and in [ 10] their going they faigne to hide it with their hand, but they cannot by reason of the straightnesse of their cloth. They say that this vse was inuented by a Queene to be an occasion that the sight thereof might remoue from men the vices against nature, which they are greatly giuen vnto: which sight should cause them to regard women the more. Also the women goe bare-footed, their armes laden with hoopes of Gold and Iewels: And their fingers full of precious Rings, with their haire rolled vp about their heads. Many of them weare a cloth about their shoulders in stead of a Cloake.

CHAP. V. [ 20]

GASPARO BALBI his Voyage to Pegu, and obseruations there, gathered out of his owne Italian Relation.

ANno 1579. on the thirteenth of December Gasparo Balbi a Ieweller of Venice tra∣uelled with the Carauan from Aleppo towards Bagdet and the East Indies: the first day came to Bebbe, the second to Saguir, the third to Bir, or Albir on the banke of Euphrates on the left hand, and there embarked their goods for Felugia. They stayed till the eleuenth of Ianuarie in cold and snowe to expect fiue other Barkes. These Barkes of Albir are double keeled or botomed to preuent harmes. [ 30] * 1.378 On the twelfth they came to Telleuini much afflicted with winde, snowe and cold. Thence to Matao Lantache on the right hand: and so on to Calatelnegiur a dishabited Castle, to Zoxenia∣sir, to Miserafi, to Blis (many dangerous shelues and trunkes of trees are in that dayes way) to Meliolzura, to Chalagiabar, to Elaman, to Suriech, to Raccha, to Elamora, to Aman, to Auagia Abulena, to Casabi, to Celibi, the ruinous Castle Zelebe, and the same day halfe an houre together vnder mountainous beetlebrowed ouerlookers threatning to fall on them, many stones whereof lying falne in the water made it more dreadfull (the Mountaine is called Eltoreftrouil) and the * 1.379 next day came to two Falls or Precipices caused by the stones carried thither from that ouerhang∣ing Hills ruines, so heightning the water, that the Fall was ten cubits, euery one there making his prayer for a good Voyage. At night they came to Elder on the right hand of the Riuer, an∣ciently * 1.380 [ 40] called Port of the Chaine, in which was a Turkish Saniak and Cadi, goodly men and fairer women then in the rest of those parts. Thence to Muachesir, to Elpisara, the Riuer Cabur fal∣ling into Euphrates (comming from Merdin) of reddish colour, to Rahabi, to Zoxosuldan, to * 1.381 Siara, to Gorur, and then vnder a Mountaine hollowed by the course of the water, called Carte∣ron, minacing a downfall vpon vs, made the more fearefull by a threefold fissure and manifold ruines of stones; which passed in a quarter of an houre, they came to Sora a Castle neere to a great ruined Citie dishabited on the left hand seeming to them greater then Cairo; the Mariners affirmed that they had heard their Progenitors tell, that there had beene in it three hundred sixty and sixe Gates; it is called Elersi, and rowing downe the streame with foure Oares from morning * 1.382 to noone, we hardly passed beyond one side thereof. Thence to Anga another ruined Citie, with [ 50] many Mills, whereby it appeareth that Euphrates hath now a larger chanell then in those times. Next was Chaime, and neere it an Engine to throwe water into a chanell to water the fields; to Sema, to Carpilchelbi, to Fochelcurmi, to Edir, to Rechtalmel, to Zafara, beyond which are straight passages, and a Sepulchre which they held in veneration, and each Mariner threw in a Bisket su∣perstitiously to preuent Shipwracke: to Elcuxi, to Elmesetana, to Castle Anna, neere to which in Diana, Aborise an Arabian Lord liueth; to the Ile Anatelbes; after dangerous passages to Beg∣gian another Ile full of Date trees, to Cabin, to Sberie, to Zouia, to Giera, Germa, Benexi, Dulet∣gidit, then to two Ilands namelesse being newly made by the Riuer, to Zibida, Vrasa, Fuochelbe∣ra, Abusabur, Adit•• (in which an Arabike Saniak keepeth to Zezirnalus, to Giuba, (residence of a Saniak) to Nausa, to Eit, neere to which is a boiling Fountaine of Pitch, wherewith the Inha∣bitants [ 60] build their houses, daubing it on boughes cut from trees, so that they may seeme rather of Pitch then Wood, euery one taking what him pleaseth freely; and if the ouerflowing Eu∣phrates * 1.383 should not carrie away the Pitch throwne into the field where it ariseth, they say there would be hills raised by it. Against the forcible streame of the Riuer is no rowing, or so difficult

that a Boat in Bir costing fiue and twenty Duckets in Eit or Felugia is not worth aboue fiue. Fol∣lowing their Voyage they came to Caraguol, the Inhabitants whereof speake Arabike, Turkish * 1.384 and Persian. To water t〈…〉〈…〉 fields they vse abundance of skin-bottles (fastned to a chaine with cords) drawne vp by Oxen in a Mill (as in the Water-house at London) which empty themselues into water-passages. These mens Religion is reputed a Gallimaufrey or Heresie. On the one and twentieth of Februarie they arriued at Felugia. On the foure and twentieth at Sunne-rising they passed a Bridge ouer a Streame which runneth when the water is high from Euphrates to Tigris, and came at noone to the ruines of a Citie called Sendia, and then halfe an houre after to the be∣ginnings of old Babylon, and going along by the same, at night came to Nareisa, ••••dway from * 1.385 Felugia to Bagdet, a place perilous for Robbers and Lions. Before Sun-rising next day we trauel∣led againe alongst those ruines leauing them on the left hand, seeing pieces of great walls ruined, [ 10] and one piece of the great Tower of Babylon, till comming to Mascadon they saw the Towers of Bagdet or new Babylon. From Felugia thither the soyle seemes good, yet neither is there Tree or greene Grasse, House or Castle: but Mushromes so good that the Moores eate them raw. They were nine and forty dayes from Bir to Bagdet by reason of the Winter.

The thirteenth of March, 1580. they departed from Bagdet towards Balsara, embarked in the * 1.386 Tigris, a Riuer seeming like Nilus, not so endangered with shelues and bodies of trees as Euphra∣tes. At Elmaca the Riuer is diuided into two, one running after into Euphrates, the other to Bal∣sara. The Inhabitants on the right hand are Arabs, on the left Gurgi. On the eighteenth they came to ••her. There are many Lions, and Arab Theeues. There are also many keepers of Oxen, Sheepe and Goats. Thence to Encaserami, where each Mariner cast in a Bisket for deuotion to a [ 20] holy man there buried. Hitherto both in Euphrates and Tigris they had good aire; but there * 1.387 they began to haue an ill sent of the Riuer, very noisome, and they were in the night endangered with a kinde of whirlepoole, and were faine to call to their consorts which towed them out. The * 1.388 next day they came to Casale, a Saniaks residence, where the Persian Riuer Maroan disembo∣gueth. Heere the Tide was first encountred out of the Persian Gulfe. A little beyond at Ca∣laetel they fasten their Barkes when the Tide ariseth, which otherwise could force them backe. The Champaines are well inhabited. They entred Corno, and a little beyond encountred a piece of Euphrates ioyning with Tigris, where abide many Souldiers with a Saniak to preuent theeues, which by hundreds in a companie vse to robbe. Here the Riuer (which in some places had beene like Brent) was as large as Nilus, and well inhabited. At certaine times it is here so * 1.389 [ 30] hote that many die thereof: and in this Voyage foure persons wearied with heate and trauell sate downe to refresh themselues a while, and were ouercome by a hote winde which strangled them all foure. The one and twentieth they arriued at Balsara.

The Authors Voyage from Balsara to Ormus, Diu, Goa, Cochin, Cananor, Seilan, Negapatan, I omit, and will first welcome him to Saint Thome.

On the nine and twentieth of May, 1582. in the name of Christ wee set sayle, directing our Prow towards the North to auoide certaine shelues which are very perilous; we saw many Fishers, which tooke great store of fish, which they eate with Rice. All that night we sayled with a South winde Northerly. About three of the clocke the next morning we came to a place which is cal∣led the Seuen Pagods, vpon which are eight pleasant hillockes not very high, which are seuen * 1.390 [ 40] leagues from Saint Thomas, right ouer against it, where wee arriued about noone the thirtieth of May, saluting it with three Peeces of Ordnance. The Citie of Saint Thomas is so called of the * 1.391 Reliques of that Saint, which are kept here with great veneration; it is scituated in 13. degrees and a third part. The Front is towards the West, very strong by reason of the Blocke-houses, which are vpon the Port, along towards the Sea, this Port is so low that Elephants cannot enter in at it, for the Horses enter with not a little trouble. There are three Churches: one very faire, of Saint Thomas, which is well serued with Priests, the chiefe of them is a Vicar (for so they call him) who was sent thither by the Archbishop of Goa. There is another of Saint Francis, very wel serued * 1.392 with Capuchins: and another of Saint Iohn the Baptist, where the Fathers of Saint Paul of the [ 50] Companie of Iesus, are in continuall prayer; to build this they had not so many transomes as were sufficient, when miraculously a great piece of timber was cast vp by the Sea, which seemed to be made by the line and measure of that Church. I was here when this piece of timber was cast vp; for one day going to Masse to the Church of our Lady, I saw great concourse of people running to the Sea-side, and I went also to see what was the matter, and saw this piece of timber cast vpon the shoare. Then the Church of Saint Iohn Baptist was finished, but because they wan∣ted transomes to make the roofe they couered it with straw. This was held for a great miracle, that so great a piece of timber should bee cast vp by the Sea, the point lay towards the Quire of the Church. Moreouer, when they sawed this piece of wood, they perceiued in the outside of it, as also within it a stinke of * 1.393 Oase, so that they could not come neere * 1.394 it: whereupon they [ 60] iudged, that it was caused by the abundance of water, wherewith it was inuolued in the Sea, and that it came from some farre Countrie. But after a while they set it on end; and now it is so hard, that the Portugals may make vse of it. The foresaid Fathers of Saint Paul haue another Church in the Citie, dedicated to Our Lady, where they baptise the Gentiles, and exhort and instruct

them in matters of Faith. There is another Church called Our Lady of Light, which is serued by Saint Thomas his Priests; but it is three miles out of the Towne. There is also another cal∣led Our Lady of the Mount, and another of the Crosse, here is also the Church of Mercy; out of the Towne there is one of Saint Lazarus, and many others well serued. Saint Thomas is as faire a Citie as I saw any in that Countrie, and the houses ioyne one to the other, so to be able to succour one another. Without the Citie of Saint Thomas is another Citie enuironed with walls, made of earth, and inhabited with Gentiles Souldiers, whose Chiefraine is called Adicario, who * 1.395 hath power to execute iustice. They obserue the custome to burne their Dead in this Citie, as at Negapaton; but neere to this is a Citie called La Casta de gli Orefici. Goldsmiths rowe; they haue a custome when the Husband is dead, to make a pit in the earth, and there to place the dead corps [ 10] crosse-legged; and on the other side set his liuing Wife in the same manner, and their kindred * 1.396 cast earth vpon her, pressing her downe, that shee may die also; and when they wiue, they marrie with their Comperes, as a Carpenter takes the daughter of a Carpenter, and so of others. The foresaid Inhabitants worship sometimes the figure of a Kow, and otherwhiles of a Serpent called * 1.397 Bittia di Cappella, whose biting is deadly, and it hath one part of the flesh from the middle inuer∣ted towards the head.

The Bramins are wont to burne Kowes excrements, and with the ashes for deuotion meeting * 1.398 with the Gentiles to dawbe their forehead and nose; who so painted wash not that day for deuo∣tion of the Kow. The men which are deuoted to the Pagod or Statue, after they haue liued a whole yeere after their will in carnall pleasures, are wont to take a Bowe and an Arrowe, and shoot their owne flesh aloft in the aire, which they slash off in morsels, and when they can conti∣nue [ 20] no longer in this manner, they cut their owne throat, thus sacrificing their body to the Pagod. There are some also which are called Amocchi, who are a kinde of people called Chiani, and are not of those Gentiles of Saint Thomas, but of the Coast of Chiaua, who being weary of liuing, set * 1.399 themselues in the way with a weapon in their hands, which they call a Crise, and kill as many as they meete with, till some body killeth them; and this they doe for the least anger they conceiue, as desperate men. These Gentiles are very different in their adoration, for some worship the image * 1.400 of a Man, some of a Kow, others of Serpents; others the Sunne, or the Moone, some a Tree or the Water, and other things. They are accustomed to celebrate many Feasts; but in the moneth of Septemb. I saw one: the people planted a tree in the ground like the Mast of a ship, with the Main∣yard acrosse, vpon which Main-yard were two hooks fastned: and there are many which desire [ 30] * 1.401 to free themselues from some trouble or misery, who make a vow to the Pagod, to hooke or ganch themselues; and for this there are some deputed that stand there, who seeing any that will ganch themselues for deuotion, they first make an offering, and then they loosen a cord and let downe the hookes, and with them they fasten the shoulders of him that will hooke himselfe, and then they hoise him vp aloft, making him turne his face to the Pagod, and salute it three times with his hands in suppliant wise before his breast, and make him play with a weapon, which hee carrieth in his hands while he is in drawing vp: and after a while they let him downe, and colour the tree with his bloud, saying they doe it in reuerence to the Pagod; and then they let him downe, and put a rope thorow the holes which the hookes made, and fastning that cord to the Pagod, they draw him by little and little to the Statue by that cord; then the women of the Pagod con∣duct [ 40] him to the Statue to reuerence it, and after this they take care to heale him if they can. And this they doe by a vow or promise to the Pagod to obtaine any thing, or in sicknesse to reco∣uer health. They haue another Feast by night which dureth eight nights in a long street of the Citie full of lights on both sides, and three or foure persons take one another by the hands, who haue on their armes certaine baskets full of viands made of Rice and Milke, and then they runne and cast that meate behind them, which they say the Deuill eats who runnes behind them, and while they are in this motion they neuer looke behind them; for they say, if they doe, they shall suddenly die: and this is sufficient for the mad customes of this Countrie.

On the thirteenth of September, 1583. in the name of Iesus Christ, after wee had laded our merchandise, and payd our Customes, we went a shipboord; And hauing sailed vntill the three [ 50] and twentieth of this moneth, we found our selues neere to Maccareo, it is very strange which * 1.402 is reported of the ebbings and flowings of the water, and certainly he which hath not seene them will scarcely beleeue them; Certaine Pilots goe from Martouan, as swift as an Arrow in the encreasing of the water, as long as the Floud lasteth, and the Tide being at the height, they turne out of the chanell, and there ride; when the water is fallen on drie land; and the bore or tide comes as some great tree: and in such a time they oppose the Prow against it, and so expect the furie of the water, which resembleth the noise of a great Earthquake; so that maugre their strength and skill the Barke is washed from head to stearne, and with that violence is carried swiftly into the chanell. After that, the winde blew from the South-west, and wee sailed to the North-west, till the morning, when we found our selues at Bara, right ouer Negrais (they call [ 60] * 1.403 so in their language the Hauen which goeth into Pegu) where wee discouered on the left side of the Riuer a Pagod or Varella all gilded ouer, which is seene afarre off by the vessels that come from the Maine, and especially when the Sunne shines, which makes it glister round about as farre

as it is seene. And because the raine washeth it often and consumeth the gold, the men of that place often regild it, that the ships by the splendor thereof may haue this benefit, to know the Hauen: and they doe it for deuotion and reuerence to the place. Wee then all reioyced at that time, and made merrie; because we considered that if we had arriued there foure or fiue dayes later we could not haue entred the Hauen by reason of the continual winds which blowe there with great ••u••••e. Then ••as••ing anchor, to expect the floud, so to shunne some Rockes which are vnder the water: we saw a place very curiously adorned with Bowers and a Church (where the Talipois reside, which are there as the Friers with vs) where the people of this Countrie as∣semble * 1.404 to pray. It is reported that in this place there are abundance of Tigres which deuoure the men and beasts of the Countrie. On the foure and twentieth of September, there came a little Barke neere vs called a Salangara, whereby the Captaine of our ship sent a Portugall with [ 10] a present to the King, to giue him notice of our arriuall, and the euening following wee drew neere to the Iland of Flies, so called of the multitudes of them there caused from the abundance * 1.405 of fish there salted, wherewith also we furnished our ship. In the meane time the ship went to * 1.406 Cosmi, to the Lord of the Countrie, who sent twenty Boats with eight Oares a piece, and a royall Almadie, which is a certaine long Barke, rowed with many Oares, and it beganne to put forth, and two dayes after the Lord of Cosmi came together with the ship, who presented our Moorish Captaine with great faire Hennes, of a very good taste, and many Oranges, which growe in great quantitie in the Countrie. The said Lord was rowed in a Barke made very fan∣tastically, it was of the length of a Foist; but so narrow that in the middle it seemed not to be aboue one pace ouer, at the head and stearne it was as narrow as our Gondolos; but it was [ 20] very high, and there were more then an hundred Rowers, which rowe at the side with an hun∣dred Oares like stickes, and they did obserue in their rowing to draw the water towards them all together by reason of foure Trumpeters, which sound when they should rowe, and fit in the middle of the Barke; the Signior was in a high Cabbin made in the middle of the Boat co∣uered after the manner of the middle part of a Gondolo, but greater, with a Port before to shut, and open as he pleaseth.

Now the fift of October we came to Cosmi, whose Territories on both sides are woody, and frequented with Parrots, Tigres, wilde Boares, Apes, and such like creatures. Cosmi is seated in 16. degrees and a third part, and hath the houses made of great Indian canes, and couered with straw, fronted towards the North-east, scituate in a very fine place, but subiect to the raue∣ning [ 30] of Tigres, which often enter into the Towne, and catch men and beasts, and deuoure them; * 1.407 but this they doe in the night, for they abide in the Woods all day.

Wee departed from Cosmi the sixe and twentieth of Octocter, with a little Paro, which is to say, a voyage Barke, hauing committed our merchandise to the Guardian of the great Paro, and sayling down the Riuer, at euen we arriued at a Village on the left hand of the Riuer called Pain Perlon; and about three of the clocke the next morning at Marma Mala, and about the * 1.408 euening before a great Citie on the left hand of the Riuer called Iaccubel; and an houre after at another on the right side called Tegiatden. The morning following we came to a place called Balatin, where they make Pots and Iarres of excellent fine earth, and a little after we saw Dian * 1.409 a fertile Countrie, plentifull in timber both for Houses, Ships, and Barkes, where they haue [ 40] certaine vessels like Galeasses, which haue on both sides from head to sterne Cabbins with di∣uers merchandises, and in the middle in stead of the Mast there is a house like ours, so that with∣in them they traffique for store of Muske, Beniamin, and diuers Iewels. On the nine an twen∣tieth day we saw the Land of Bedogiamana, Lagapala, and Purdabui, and the euening wee came to a great Countrie called Gungiebui, where wee tarried with great feare of being assaulted by * 1.410 theeues, who vnder the shew of friendship betray dispersed passingers; and in like manner we auoyded the danger of the multitude of Tigres, which in these parts assaile men, and destroy as many as they can get. For this cause we strengthned ourselues in the middle of the Riuer; yet they report, that the fiercenesse of this creature is such that he will prey in the water. The [ 50] day following wee went in a narrow Riuer like our Brent by Padua, which is shadowed with * 1.411 Palme trees that growe in great abundance in both sides of the Riuer; there is the great Citie of Coilan, which is a league long on each side, which being a perfect square make twelue of our miles. After that, we came by another Citie called Tuuaguedan, where are many Pagods and Statues; and at euening we arriued at Leungon a very faire Citie, seated in a pleasant Territo∣rie, replenished with Palme trees: parting from thence after wee had seene many buildings on both sides of the Riuer: about morning we came to a great populous Citie called Siluansedi, and at euening before another called Moggio, where were infinite store of great and small ves∣sels, all couered from head to sterne with straw, within which are the families of one house, so that they serue for conuenient habitations, they vse to drinke in them hot waters made of Rice, [ 60] as strong as our Aquauitae, these Barkes sell fresh fish, and salted and dressed in diuers fashions, and other sorts of prouision, so that along that Riuer, to the mouth of the Sea, which is fresh water, they may sayle without carrying any victuals, but only money to spend. The second of Nouember we came to the Citie of Dala, where besides other things are ten large roomes full * 1.412

of Elephants: which are kept there by diuers seruants of the King of Pegu. The day following we came to the faire Citie of Dogon, it is finely seated, and fronted towards the Southwest, and where they land are twenty long steps, as from the Pillar of Saint Marke to the Straw-bridge, * 1.413 the matter of them is strong and great pieces of timber, and there are great currents of water both at ebbe and floud, because it is a place neere Maccareo, which entreth and goeth out of the mouth of Sirian, which is a Sea-port: and alwaies when the water encreaseth, they goe vp∣on the Staires: and when it is ebbe, it discouers all about, and makes it a great way drie land. On both sides the Riuer, at the end of the banke, or at the staires, is a woodden Tigre, ve∣ry great, and painted after the naturall colou•• of a Tigre; and there are two others in the midst of the staires, so farre one from another, that they seeme to share the staires equally. They stand [ 10] with open mouth, shewing their teeth and tongue, with their clawes lifted vp and stretched forth, prepared to affaile him that lookes on them. Concerning these they told mee a foolish beliefe which they haue, that they stand there to guard, for if any should be so bold to displease the Pagod, those Tigres should defend him, for he would giue them life. After we were landed * 1.414 we began to goe on the right hand in a large street about fifty paces broad, in which wee saw woodden houses gilded, and adorned with delicate gardens after their custome, wherein their Talapois, which are their Friers, dwell, and looke to the Pagod, or Varella of Dogon. The left * 1.415 side is furnished with Portals and Shops, very like the new Procuratia at Venice: and by this street they goe towards the Varella, for the space of a good mile straight forwards, either vn∣der painthouses, or in the open street, which is free to walke in. When we came at the Varella, [ 20] we found a paire of staires of ninety steps, as long in my iudgement as the chanell of the Rialto at Venice. At the foot of the first staire are two Tigres, one at the right hand, and the other at the left, these are of stone, and stand in the same fashion that they doe on the shoare-side. The staires are diuided into three, the first is forty steps, the second thirty, and the third twenty, and at the top of each of them is a plaine spacious place. On the last step are Angels of stone, each with three Crowns one vpon the other; but so, that that which is vndermost is the greatest, and that which is next lesser then that, yet greater then the vppermost, which is the least. They haue the right hand lifted vp, ready to giue the benediction, with two fingers stretched out. The other hand of the one is layd vpon the head of a Childe, and of the other vpon the head of an Ape; those Statues are all of stone. At the right hand is a Varella gilded in a round forme, made of stone, and as much in compasse as the streete before the Venetian Palace, if it were [ 30] round: and the height may equall Saint Markes Bell-tower, not the top of it, but the little Pinnaces. At the left hand is a faire Hall carued and gilded within and without. And this is the place of deuotion, whither the people goe to heare the Talapois preach: the streete is greater then Saint Markes, at the least larger. And this is a place of great deuotion a∣mongst them, and yeerely multitudes of people come by Sea and by Land. And when they celebrate a solemne Feast, the King in person goeth before them all, and with him the Queene, the Prince, and his other sonnes, with a great traine of Nobles and others, who goe to get a pardon. And on this day there is a great Mart where are all sorts of merchan∣dises * 1.416 which are current in those Countries, which they frequent in great multitudes, which come thither not so much for deuotion as traffique, and wee may freely goe thither if wee [ 40] will. Round about this and vpon another Varella were Apes running vp and downe, the great and small staires also are full of them. After wee had seene this, at the foot of the first staire * 1.417 when I went downe I turned my face to the left side, and with some Portugals which were in my companie found in a faire Hall a very large Bell, which we measured, and found to be seuen paces and three hand bredths, and it is full of Letters from the top to the bottome, and so neere * 1.418 together that one toucheth the other, they are very well and neatly made: but there was no Nation that could vnderstand them, no not the men of Pegu, and they remember not whence, nor how it came thither.

At the eueningabout one of the clocke at night wee went from this place, and about three we came among some Fishers Nets, which almost shipwrackt vs, as they did one of our com∣panie, [ 50] who being entangled in them went vnder them, and so was sunke, and this was through the negligence of some Fishers, who when they lay forth such Nets, ought to haue a barke with a light or fire all the night to giue warning to Saylers, that they come not on that side. But praised be God, we freed our selues in the best manner we could; that day after the Sunne was vp wee arriued ouer against the mouth of Sirian, which is on the South side, where with some * 1.419 difficulty we landed, for the violence of the water drew vs into Maccareo. Sirian was an Im∣periall Citie, where an Emperour resided, the Walls and Bulwarkes are ruined, by which one may see that it hath beene very strong, and almost impregnable: but Anno 1567. it was sub∣dued by the King of Pegu, who to take it sent a million and an halfe of men; and after he had besieged it two yeeres with the losse of halfe a million of his men, he tooke it by treason. Which [ 60] when the Emperour vnderstood he poisoned himselfe, and the rest of his familie were carried away prisoners vpon Elephants, who returned in great numbers laden with Gold, Iewels, and other precious things: departing from Sirian we followed our Voyage, seeing many inhabi∣ted

Townes called by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 names. Finally we came to a place called Meccao, wh••••e we dis∣i〈…〉〈…〉b acq〈…〉〈…〉 goe by l〈…〉〈…〉d 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pegu, being about t••••lue miles. Ouer ag••inst Me••cao are cer∣taine * 1.420 habitations where the King of Peg•••• was then for his disport; who causeth th•••••• beautifull gilded vessels to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 do, beseeming such a King. Fro〈…〉〈…〉 C〈…〉〈…〉 to Meccao we we〈…〉〈…〉en dayes in our Moyage, sayling ab••ai••s by Riuers of fresh wa••e••••, which e•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and flowe, and on both sides * 1.421 there are 〈◊◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊◊〉 ou•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vpon piles planted in the earth, so that the Tigres cannot molest ••he ••••••habitants; they goe vp to their vpon Ladders made of lightwood, which they draw vp. Some of the In••abi••••nts keepe Bufalos in thei•• houses; for they say, th•••• the Tigres will * 1.422 not come ••e••re the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 here these beasts are, ••y r••••son of their ill fauour: they are in these Countries of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 greatnesse and thi〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 For the Voy••ge of Saint Thomas to Peg••, it is good to 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, which they make of glasse in Saint Thomas; for with these b••tt•••• [ 10] then vvith money you••••ay buy vi〈…〉〈…〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 her•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Citie where you buy them they are sold at a lowe price, but if they are 〈…〉〈…〉lled they ••ell the•••• deare. The number of ••••gods or V••∣rellas which wee saw in this Voyage I write no••, for they are in〈…〉〈…〉ble, and 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 s••apes; but I onely say, that on the shoare where wee landed to goe to Dogon, which is made of large strong ••••••bers, are two Statues, which resemble two Boyes from the head down••••ard so, their faces after the likenesse of Deuils with two wings. There are some 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 gild••d, and set in * 1.423 faire places, to which they come and offer Gold and other me〈…〉〈…〉dise in great 〈◊〉〈◊〉, to maintayne their gilding, for the rainespoiles it. A••••iut these Vare••l•••• are found〈…〉〈…〉 many Apes of that ••inde which 〈…〉〈…〉ble Mountain cats, which wee call Mo〈…〉〈…〉yes; they keepe them very * 1.424 carefully, holding them to be creatures beloued of God, because they haue their hands and fear [ 20] like humane creatures; and therefore their Woods are full of them, for they ne••e•• take any, ex∣cept for their Vare••l•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Statues.

There are two Cities of Peg••, the old and the new; in the former Strangers and Merchants in∣habit••; * 1.425 who are many, and vtter great store of merchandise, in this also is the Kings Nobles, and Gentlemen, and other people. The new is not very large, it was built by the father of the present King, on a sudden, in a very neat fashion and with wonderfull strength: The old is very ancient and reasonable great with many houses made of great canes, and many Magasins of brick to keep•• wares in: and to speake of the old Citie of Pegu, as of the nobler, because of the Kings resi••ent•• in it, and of all his Court, you must knowe that the Citi•• is pleasanti•• ••eated in the alti∣tude [ 30] of 16. degrees and a third part, it is enuironed with walls, and hath the forme of a persit squa••e, and in euery square are fiue gates: round about it are many ditches full of water, which continues all the yeere, and in them are many Crocodiles, which are put there, that if any will * 1.426 wade ouer these ditches they may be taken and killed.

After that I was prouided of a good Druggerman and Interpreter, the noise of Trumpets was heard, which signified wee should see the King and haue audience of him, wee entred within * 1.427 the second gate, whereby they goe into the Court yard, and the Interpreter and I cast our selues vpon our knees on the ground, and with our hands eleuated in humble wise, and making a shew three times before we rose of kissing the ground; and three other times we ••••d thus before wee came neere to the place where the King sate with his Se••••ni, prostrate on the earth (for no Chri∣st••••••, [ 40] how neere so euer to the King, nor Moorish Captaines, except of his Semini, come in that * 1.428 place so neere the King) I heard all his Speach, but vnderstood it not: I gaue the Emeralds to the Interpreter, who lifted them vp ouer his head, and againe made reuerence, of them called Rombee: and as soone as the King saw it, a Nagiran, that is to say, the Lord of his words, or In∣terpreter, making the like Rombee, tooke the Emeralds, and gaue them into the Kings hand, and then went out of his presence, who a little while after called him, commanding him as Lord of his words, that he should aske mee what Countriman I was, how many yeeres it was since I left my Countrie, and what was my name, and from what place I had brought those Emeralds, and I with the accustomed Rombee (for at euery word they speake they must make such an obei∣sance) answered that my name was Gaspar Balb••, that I had beene in my Voyage foure yeeres, and [ 50] that I brought the Emeralds from Venice to giue his Maiestie, the fame of whose bo••ntie, cour∣tesie and greatnesse was spread ouer the world, and especially in our parts, to be the greatest King in the world; all this was written in their letters, and read by the Lord of his words to his Ma∣iestie. He commanded to aske me in what parts Venice was seated, and what King gouerned it; and I told him that it was in the Kingdome of Italie, and that it was a Republike or free State, not gouerned by any King. When the King heard this, ••e greatly wondered; so that he began to laugh so exceedingly, that hee was ouercome of the cough, which made him that hee could hardly speake to his Great men. Lastly, hee demanded, if that King which last tooke Portugall were as great, and if Venice were warlike. To which I answered, that King Philip that had taken Portugall was the potentest King among the Christians, and that the Venetians were in league with [ 60] him, but had no feare of any, yet fought friendship with all. And then I reported the ouerthrow which the Venetians gaue the Emperour of the Turkes. A••ethi, who at that time was at Mecca, confirmed this to be true of the defeat of the Turkish Armado. Then he gaue me a Cup of gold, and fiue pieces of China Damaske of diuers colours, and bad them tell me, that he gaue me these, * 1.429

and did not so pay me for my Emeralds, for which I should be contented of his publike Terre∣ca, which are his Treas••••ers. This was holden for nouelty with them that saw it, for it was not the Kings custome to present any thing to any. Moreouer, the King ordered that for the wares which I had brought, the Deca••ini should not make me pay any Taxe or Custome.

The King nourisheth at his charges more then eight hundred domesticall Elephants of * 1.430 warre; but for wilde ones they may haue as many as they will, for the Woods are full of them. The Bufalos of this Countrie are of berettine colour, but so great, that they are like Elephants. There are other creatures as with vs, and many also of other kinds. When he goeth to his re∣creations solemnely, or in his Robes, foure white Elephants goe before him vested with Gold, hauing their teeth inclosed in a sheath wrought with Iewels. The King of Pegu hath great store [ 10] of A••tillarie of all sorts; but he wants men to manage them, he might make as many Gallies, Foists & Galleasses as he would, if he had men to gouerne them, and to make them, and there∣fore makes none: yet when he vndertakes any enterprise, he carries with him small Ordnance, which are gouerned by certaine Gunners, Moores of Bengala, of whom, as of strangers, he hath small confidence.

The King of Auua, being subiect to the King of P••gu, and Brother to his Father, had a pur∣pose * 1.431 to make him selfe Master of his Nephewes Kingdome, and to make himselfe King, because he was the ancienter of the Royall branch; therefore at the Inauguration of the present King, he would not come to doe him homage as he ought, and as other Kings and Dukes his subiects did; he did not onely absent himselfe, but also kept backe the Present of Iewels which he was [ 20] wont to giue, and restrained also the trade from his Countrie to Pegu, not suffering any Mer∣chant to passe, but sought to conspire with his chiefe Courtiers against the King of Pegu, who as a good Nephew dissembled it, the said King of Auua being recommended to him from his Father before his death. Finally, the King of Pegu, willing to cleare himselfe of the ill will conceiued against the King of Auua his Vncle, sent one of his houshold seruants to him, who was slaine by the King of Auua because of the warre, trusting that the Grandes of the King∣dome * 1.432 of Pegu would fauour his part, and reuolt from their naturall Lord, to set Him in his place. Therefore the King of Pegu proclaimed warre against Auua, and called to him his Bag∣nia and Semini, and gaue order to his Decagini, that as they came he should put them in pri∣son; which being performed by the Decagini, the King ordained that the morning following [ 30] they should make an eminent and spacious Scaffold, and cause all the Grandes to come vpon it, and then set fire to it, and burne them all aliue. But to shew that he did this with iustice, he * 1.433 sent another mandate, that he should doe nothing till he had an Olla or Letter written with his hand in letters of gold, and in the meane time he commanded him to retaine all the prisoners of the Grandes families vnto the women great with child, and those which were in their swad∣ling clothes, and so he brought them all together vpon the said Scaffold; and the King sent the Letter that he should burne them, and the Decagini performed it, and burned them all, so that there was heard nothing but weepings, shrikings, cryings, and sobbings: for there were foure thousand in this number which were so burned great and small, for which execution were pub∣like Guards placed by the King, and all of the old and new Citie were forced to assist them; I [ 40] also went thither, and saw it with great compassion and griefe, that little children without any fault should suffer such martyrdome, and among others there was one of his chiefe Secretaries, who was last put in to be burned, yet was freed by the Kings order; but his legge was begunne to be burnt, so that he was lame.

And after followed this order from his Maiestie, that those other Captaines which remained should come to him, and he said to them, You haue seene what we haue done to Traitors, but be faithfull, and set in order all the people as you can, for I am a Captaine that warre iustly, going without any feare of not ouercomming: and so on a sudden, and within few dayes, he * 1.434 gathered together out of both the Cities more then three hundred thousand persons, and en∣camped without the Citie. Ten dayes after that I saw the King vpon an Elephant all ouer co∣uered [ 50] with Gold and Iewels, goe to the warre with great courage, with a Sword after our cu∣stome sent him by the Vice-roy of Goa, the hilt whereof was gilded: the said Vice-roy was called Do•• Luis de Zuida: he left the white Elephants in the Citie. After that, the King fell sicke of the small poxe, but when he was well, he encountred with the King of Auua, and they two fought body to body without any hinderance of the Armies; who being equally * 1.435 matched, as their vse is, combated brauely, as did also the Guard of this King with that of the other, and after the Kings had fought a while hand to hand, first with Harquebusses, then with Da••ts, and lastly with the Sword, the Elephant of the King of Pegu brake his right tooth with charging that of Auua, in which furie he so coupled with the other Elephant, that the King of Pegu killed the King of Auua, and he remained lightly wounded on one arme, and in the meane [ 60] while his Elephant fell dead vnder him, and the King of Pegu mounted vpon that of Auua. But when the Armie of Auua saw their King dead, they ceased to fight, and demanded pardon of the King of Pegu, who with a ioyfull countenance praising their valour pardoned them all, and * 1.436 making a muster, found that of three hundred thousand which hee brought from Pegu, there

died in that battell more then 200000. and little lesse of those of Auua. After this victorie he or∣dered that Auua should be destroyed, and all the people made prisoners, among which was the Queene taken prisoner, who was sister of the King of Pegu, and confined, during her life in a large house with many royall attendants; but shee agreed neuer to goe forth. The rest of the * 1.437 Citizens were banished to liue in Woods among Tigres, and other creatures, and this was be∣cause the King of Pegu could not finde the great treasure which the King of Auua had. This warre was in the beginning of the moneth of Aprill, when in that Countrie fall great store of raines, causing great cold in a place called Meccao; and the fourteenth day of Iuly, in sixe dayes he returned vnexpectedly to Pegu, not finding the Citie with those guards which his Maiestie had appointed, but at the request of the Prince his sonne he did no other iustice.

At this his arriuall he vnderstood, that when hee was at the warre, there was arriued vnder ex∣cuse [ 10] to come to his fauour in the old Citie of Pegu the sonne of the Emperour of Silon (or Siam) * 1.438 with fifty Elephants of warre, and eight hundred Horses, besides Harquebussers, Pikemen, and Souldiers with swords, who were sent towards Auua by the great Brama; but instead of taking his way towards that coast he returned to Silon.

In the mean time was brought into Pegu the Elephant of the King of Auua, which was so much discontented, that all the day long he mourned, I my selfe saw him lament, and that hee would eate but very little; and this I saw in the lodging where the King of Pegu was wont to keepe his, * 1.439 where continually were two Semini, that prayed him to eate, and mourne no longer, but be merry, for he was come to serue a King greater then his own. Notwithstanding the said Elephant would not cease from teares, and alwaies in token of sorrow held down his trunk: and thus he continued [ 20] the space of 15. dayes, and then he began to eate, to the Kings great content. With the teeth of the Kings Elephant which died in battell by command from his Maiestie were made certaine Pagods or Statues, which were layd vp to bee kept among the Pagods of gold and siluer. After the King made fiue other of * 1.440Gonza, which was a maruellous thing to see, for sitting crosse-legged, they were as high as a strong man could fling a stone, and they were ingraued fairely and curiously: one to•• of the foot was greater then a man, and the said Pagods were set in publike before the Palace, and bespangled with gold.

The warre of Anna being now finished, the King of Silon, who was subiect to the King of Pegu, sent one to his Maiestie to tell him, that it grieued him that a slaue had giuen answer to his sonne, whom he had sent to aide the King himselfe, and therfore now he made no more account of him, [ 30] nor held him for his Lord; therefore the King Pegu sent forth a great Armie against Silon, vnder * 1.441 the conduct of the great Brama, who after he had lost many people through the heat; & through the great fortitude of Silon, could obtaine nothing of him but this, that if the King of Pegu would come to the campe he would reuerence him, but he would not yeeld himselfe to his inferior; and the King of Pegu answered, that he would haue his least slaue subdue his subiect. Although they kept a straight siege against Silon, yet the Citie stood it out manfully. It hath beene an Imperiall Citie; the houses are of timber, built high because of the ouerflowing of the Riuer. In Winter euery house hath a Boat to transport their people from one side of the Riuer to the other: there are many houses of poore people made vpon great plankes with edifices of wood or great canes built * 1.442 on them, which they guide whither they will, to buy and sell any sort of merchandise, which is ex∣ercised [ 40] by women, who when a ship comes to that place, doe not vnlade it; but goe themselues vpon these Rafts to negotiate, buy and sell. The people of Silon are Gentiles, as those of Pegu, they are white and beautifull; they feare not to bee ouercome by the King of Pegu after this manner; for his father brought them to his obedience, going in person, and accompanied with eight * 1.443 hundred thousand men, neither had he taken it, if it had not beene by treason, by opening a Gate, there were many Portugals then taken prisoners, who were freed by the present King of Pegu with commendations for doing what the King of Silon commanded them. In the meane time there was a great fire kindled in a street of the Portugals in Pegu, by the diuersitie of winds which blew, it burned more then 3800. houses, and some Pagods, and praying places: and be∣cause [ 50] it is a custome, that the King of Pegu in such cases proceeds against those which are authors of such a fire, there was search made who kindled the fire, and he was certified, that it was in the house of a Portugall Pilot which brought vs to the Citie. The King made no shew of iudging this to haue beene for malice: but we were in continuall feare of burning, and so much the rather, be∣cause one of the Kings Diuiners told him, that if hee would haue the victorie of Silon, hee must * 1.444 burne a Citie, as his father did; and therefore we doubted that hee would destroy this old Citie of Pegu; but he was disswaded from it by the Prince his sonne, who is very courteous and plea∣sant, and much delighted in discharging Harquebusses, and to shoot in Bowes, hee is of great stature, and browne, as his father; when he goes abroad he is carried vp in a Palamkin very pom∣pously (as his other three little brothers are also) vnder a Cloth of state openly. [ 60]

Our Author proceedeth in large discourses of this Countrie, and the ••••currents of that time, which (so much as is necessary) we haue in some of our other Peguan Relat••rs, Frederike, Fitch, or the Ie∣suites, and are therefore here omitted.

CHAP. VI.

The Voyage of Master RALPH FITCH Merchant of London to Ormus, and so to Goa in the East India, to Cambaia, Ganges, Bengala; to Bacola, and Chonderi, to Pegu, to Iamahay in the Kingdome of Siam, and backe to Pegu, and from thence to Malacca, Zeilan, Cochin, and all the Coast of the East India: begun in the yeere of our Lord 1583. and ended 1591. [ 10]

IN the yeere of our Lord 1583. I Ralph Fitch of London Merchant, being desirous to see the Countries of the East India, in the companie of Master Iohn Newberis Merchant, (which * 1.445 had beene at Ormus once before) of William Leedes Iewel∣ler, and Iames Storie Painter, being chiefly set foorth by the right Worshipfull Sir Edward Osborne Knight, and Master Richard Staper Citizens and Merchants of London, did ship my selfe in a Ship of London called the Tygre, wherein wee went for Tripolis in Syria: and from thance wee tooke the way for Alepo, which we went in se∣uen dayes with the Carouan. Being in Alepo and finding good companie, we went from thence to Birra, which is two dayes and a halfe trauell with Camels.

Birra is a little Towne, but very plentifull of victuals: and neere to the wall of the Towne [ 20] runneth the Riuer Euphrates. Here wee bought a Boate and agreed with a Master and Barge∣men, for to goe to Babilon. These Boates be but for one voyage; for the streame doth tunne so fast downwards that they cannot returne. They carry you to a Towne which they call Felugia, and there you sell the Boat for a little money, for that which cost you fiftie at Birra, you sell there for seuen or eight. From Birra to Felugia is sixteene dayes iourney, it is not good that one Boat goe alone, for if it should chance to breake, you should haue much adoe to saue your goods from the Arabians, which bee alwayes thereabouts robbing: and in the Night when your Boates be made fast, it is necessarie that you keepe good watch. For the Arabians that be Thieues, will come swimming and steale your goods and flee away, against which a Gunne is very good, for they doe feare it very much. In the Riuer of Euphrates from Birra to Felugia, [ 30] there bee certaine places where you pay Custome, so many Medines, for a some or Camels lading, and certaine Raisens and Sope, which is for the sonnes of A••••rise, which is Lord of the Arabians and all that great Desart, and hath some Villages vpon the Riuer. Felugia where you vnlade your goods which come from Birra, is a little Village: from whence you goe to * 1.446 Babilon in a day.

Babilon is a Towne not very great but very populous, and of great traffique of Strangers, for that it is the way to Persia, Turkia, and Arabia: and from thence doe goe Carouans for these * 1.447 and other places. Here are great store of victuals, which come from Armenia downe the Riuer of Tygris. They are brought vpon rafts made of Goat-skinnes blowne full of winde and bords layd vpon them: and thereupon they lade there goods which are brought downe to B〈…〉〈…〉, [ 40] which being discharged they open their skinnes, and carrie them backe by Camels, to serue another time. Babilon in times past did belong to the Kingdome of Persia, but now is subiect to the Turke. Ouer against Babilon there is a very faire Village from whence you passe to Babi∣lon vpon a long Bridge made of Boates, and tyed to a great Chayne of Iron, which is made fast on either side of the Riuer. When any Boates are to passe vp or downe the Riuer, they take away certaine of the Boates vntill they be past.

The Tower of Babell is built on this side the Riuer Tygris, towards Arabia from the Towne about seuen or eight miles, which Tower is 〈…〉〈…〉ated on all sides, and with the fall thereof hath made as 〈…〉〈…〉re a little Mountaine, so that it hath no shape at all: it was made of Brickes dryed in the Sunne, and certaine C••••es and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the P〈…〉〈…〉 ••ree layed betwixt the Brickes. There [ 50] is no entrance to be seene to goe into it▪ It doth stand vpon a great Plaine betwixt the Riuers of E〈…〉〈…〉▪ and Tygris.

By the Riuer Euphrates two dayes iourney from Babilon at a place called Ait, in a Field neere vnto it, is a strange thing to see: a mouth that doth continually throw foorth against the * 1.448 ayre boyling Pitch with a filthy smoa〈…〉〈…〉: which ••itch doth runne abroad into a great field which is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 full thereof. The M〈…〉〈…〉 say that it is the mouth of Hell. By reason of the great qu〈…〉〈…〉se of it, the men of that Countrey doe pitch their Boats two or three in〈…〉〈…〉 thicke on the out-side, so that no water doth enter into th〈…〉〈…〉. Their Boates bee called Danee. When there is great store of water in Tygris, you may goe from Babilon to Basora in eight) or nine [ 60] dayes: i•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be small store it will cost you the more dayes.

B〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈…〉〈…〉es past was vnder 〈◊〉〈◊〉 A••••bians, but now is subiect to the Turke. But some of them the Turke cannot subdue, for that they hold certaine Ilands in the Riuer Euphrates, which the Turke cannot winne of them. They be Thieues all and haue no setled dwelling, but remoue

from place to place with their Camels, Goates, and Horses, Wiues and Children and all. They haue large blew Gownes, their Wiues eares and noses are ringed very full of rings of Copper and Siluer, and they weare rings of Copper about their legs.

Basora standeth neere the Gulfe of Persia, and is a Towne of great trade of Spices and Drugs which come from Ormus. Also there is great store of Wheat, Rice, and Dates growing therea∣bout, where with they serue Babilon and all the Countrey, Ormus, and all the parts of India. I went from Basora to Ormus downe the Gulfe of Persia, in a certaine ship made of bordes, and sowed together with Cayro, which is threed made of the huske of Cocoes, and certaine Canes or straw leaues sowed vpon the seames of the bordes which is the cause that they leake very much. And so hauing Persia alwayes on the left hand, and the Coast of Arabia on the right hand wee passed many Ilands, and among others, the famous Iland Baharim, from whence [ 10] come the best Pearles which be round and Orient.

Ormus is an Iland in circuit about fiue and twentie or thirtie miles, and is the dryest Iland in the world: for there is nothing growing in it but onely Salt; for their water, wood, or victu∣als, * 1.449 and all things necessary come out of Persia, which is about twelue miles from thence. All thereabout be very fruitfull, from whence all kind of victuals are sent vnto Ormus. The Portu∣gals haue a Castle * 1.450 here which standeth neere vnto the sea, wherein there is a Captaine for the King of Portugall, hauing vnder him a conuenient number of Souldiers, where of some part re∣maine in the Castle, and some in the Towne. In this Towne are Merchants of all Nations, and many Moores and Gentiles. Here is very great trade of all sorts of Spices, Drugs, Silke, [ 20] cloth of Silke, fine Tapestrie of Persia, great store of Pearles which come from the Ile of Baha∣rim, and are the best Pearles of all others, and many Horses of Persia, which serue all India. They haue a Moore to their King which is chosen and gouerned by the Portugals. Their Wo∣men * 1.451 are very strangely attired, wearing on their Noses, Eares, Neckes, armes and legges, many rings set with Iewels, and lockes of Siluer and Gold in their eares, and a long barre of gold vp∣on the side of their Noses. Their Eares with the weight of their Iewels be worne so wide, that a man may thrust three of his fingers into them. Here very shortly after our arriuall wee were put in Prison, and had part of our goods taken from vs by the Captaine of the Castle, whose name was Don Mathias de Albuquerque; and from hence the eleuenth of October hee shipped vs and sent vs for Goa vnto the Vice-roy, which at that time was Don Francisco de Mascaren••as. The ship wherein wee were imbarked for Goa belonged to the Captaine, and carried one hun∣dred * 1.452 [ 30] twentie and foure Horses in it. All Merchandize carried to Goa in a ship wherein are Horses, pay no Custome in Goa. The Horses pay custome, the goods pay nothing; but if you come in a ship which bringeth no Horses, you are then to pay eight in the hundred for your goods. The first Citie of India that wee arriued at vpon the fifth of Nouember, after wee had passed the Coast of Zindi, is called Diu, which standeth in an Iland in the Kingdome of Cam∣baia, * 1.453 and is the strongest Towne that the Portugals haue in those parts. It is but little, but well stored with Merchandize; for here they lade many great ships with diuers commodities for the straights of Mecca, for Ormus, and other places, and these bee ships of the Moores and of Christians. But the Moores cannot passe, except they haue a Pasport from the Portugals. [ 40]

Cambaietta is the chiefe Citie of that Prouince, which is great and very populous, and fairely builded for a Towne of the Gentiles: but if there happen any Famine, the people will sell their Children for very little. The last King of Cambaia was Sultan Badu, which was killed at the siege of Diu, and shortly after his Citie was taken by the great Mogor, which is the King of A∣gra and of Delli, which are fortie dayes iourney from the Countrey of Cambaia. Here the Wo∣men weare vpon their armes infinite numbers of rings made of Elephants teeth, wherein they * 1.454 take so much delight, that they had rather bee without their meat then without their Bracelets. Going from Diu wee come to Daman, the second Towne of the Portugals in the Countrey of Cambaia, which is distant from Diu fortie leagues. Here is no trade but of Corne and Rice. They haue many Villages vnder them which they quietly possesse in time of Peace, but in time of * 1.455 [ 50] Warre the enemie is master of them. From thence wee passed by Basaim, and from Basaim to Tana, at both which places is small trade but onely of Corne and Rice.

The tenth of Nouember, wee arriued at Chaul which standeth in the firme land. There bee * 1.456 two Townes, the one belonging to the Portugals, and the other to the Moores. That of the Por∣tugals is neerest to the Sea, and commandeth the Bay, and is walled round about. A little a∣boue that, is the Towne of the Moores which is gouerned by a Moore King called Xa-Maluco. Heere is great traffique for all sorts of Spices, and Drugges, Silke, and clo•••• of Silke, Sandales, Elephants teeth, and much China worke, and much Sugar which is made of the N•••• called Ga∣gara: the Tree is called the Palmer: which is the profitables•• Tree in the world: it doth al∣wayes * 1.457 beare fruit, and doth yeeld Wine, Oyle, Sugar, Vineger, Cordes, Coles, of the leaues are made Thatch for the houses, Sayles for ships, Mats to sit or lie on: of the branches they make [ 60] their Houses, and broomes to s••eepe, of the Tree wood for ships. The wine doth issue out of the top of the tree. They cut a branch of a bough and binde it hard, and hang an earthen pot vpon it, which they emptie euery morning and euery euening, and still it and put in certaine

dried Raisins, and it becommeth very strong Wine in short time. Hitherto many ships come from all parts of India, Ormus, and from M••••ca: heere bee many Moores and Gentiles. They haue a very strange order among them, they worship a Cow, and esteeme much of the Cowes * 1.458 dung to paint the walls of their houses. They will kill nothing not so much as a Louse: for they hold it a sinne to kill any thing. They eate no flesh, but liue by Roots, and Rice, and Milke. And when the husband dyeth his wife is burned with him, if shee be aliue: if shee will not, her * 1.459 head is shauen, and then is neuer account made of her after. They say if they should bee buri∣ed, it were a great sinne, for of their bodies there would come many Wormes and other ver∣mine, and when their bodies were consumed, those Wormes would lacke sustenance, which were a finne, therefore they will bee burned. In Cambaia they will kill nothing, nor haue any [ 10] thing killed: in the Towne they haue Hospitals to keepe lame Dogs and Cats, and for Birds. They will giue meate to the Ants.

Goa is the most principall Citie which the Portugals haue in India, wherein the Vice-roy re∣maineth * 1.460 with his Court. It standeth in an Iland, which may be fiue and twentie or thirtie miles about. It is a fine Citie, and for an Indian Towne very faire. The Iland is very faire, full of Or∣chards and Gardens, and many Palmer trees, and hath some Villages. Here be many Merchants of all Nations. And the Fleet which commeth euery yeere from Portugall, which be foure, fiue, or sixe great ships, commeth first hither. And they come for the most part in September, and remaine there fortie or fiftie dayes; and then got to Cochin, where they lade their Pepper for Portugall. Oftentimes they lade one in Goa, the rest goe to Cochin, which is from Goa an hun∣dred [ 20] * 1.461 leagues Southward. Goa standeth in the Countrey of Hidalcan, who lyeth in the Countrey sixe or seuen dayes iourney. His chiefe Citie is called Bisapor. At our comming we were cast in∣to Prison, and examined before the Iustice and demanded for Letter, and were charged to bee spies, but they could proue nothing by vs. Wee continued in Prison vntill the two and twen∣tie of December, and then wee were set at libertie, putting in sureties for two thousand Duckets not to depart the Towne; which sureties Father Stephens an English Iesuite which wee found there, and another religious man a friend of his procured for vs. Our sureties name was An∣dre••s Taborer, to whom we payd two thousand one hundred and fiftie Duckets, and still he de∣manded more: whereupon we made sute to the Vice-roy and Iustice to haue our money again, considering that they had had it in their hands neere fiue moneths and could proue nothing a∣gainst [ 30] vs. The Viceroy made vs a very sharpe answer, and said we should bee better sifted be∣fore it were long, and that they had further matter against vs.

Whereupon wee presently determined rather to seeke our liberties, then to bee in danger for euer to be Slaues in the Countrey, for it was told vs wee should haue the Strapade. The fifth * 1.462 day of Aprill 1585. in the morning wee ranne from thence. And being set ouer the Riuer, we went two daies on foot not without feare, not knowing the way nor hauing any guide, for we durst trust none. One of the first Townes which we came vnto, is called Bellergan, where there is a great Market kept of Diamants, Rubies, Saphires, and many other soft Stones. From Bel∣lergan wee went to Bisapor, which is a very great Towne where the King doth keepe his Court. He hath many Gentiles in his Court and they be great Idolaters. And they haue their Idols stan∣ding [ 40] in the Woods, which they call Pagodes. Some bee like a Cow, some like a Monkie, some like Buffles, some like Peacockes, and some like the Diuell. Here bee very many Elephants which they goe to warre withall. Here they haue good store of Gold and Siluer: their houses are of stone very faire and high. From hence we went for Gulconda, the King whereof is called Cu••up de lashach. Here, and in the Kingdome of Hidalcan, and in the Countrey of the King of * 1.463 Dec••••, be the Diamants found of the olde water. It is a very faire Towne, pleasant, with faire houses of Bricke and Timber, it aboundeth with great store of Fruits and fresh water. Here the men and the women doe goe with a cloth bound about their middles, without any more appa∣rell. We found it here very hote. * 1.464

The Winter beginneth here about the last of May. In these parts is a Port or Hauen called [ 50] Masulipatan, which standeth eight dayes iourney from hence toward the Gulfe of Bengula, whe∣ther * 1.465 come many ships out of India, Pegu, and Sumatra, very richly laden with Pepper, Spices, and other commodities. The Countrey is very good and fruitfull. From thence I went to Ser∣uidore, which is a fine Countrey, and the King is called, The King of Bread. The houses here bee all thatched and made of Lome. Here be many Moores and Gentiles, but there is small Religi∣on among them. From thence I went to Bellapore, and so to Barrampore, which is in the Coun∣trey of Zelabdim Echebar. In this place their money is made of a kind of Siluer round and * 1.466 thicke, to the value of twentie pence, which is very good siluer. It is maruellous great and a po∣pulous Countrey. In their Winter which is in Iune, Iuly, and August, there is no passing in the streets but with Horses, the waters bee so high. The houses are made of some and thatched. [ 60] Here is great store of Cotton-cloth made, and painted clothes of Cotton-wooll: here groweth great store of Corne and Rice. We found Marriages great store both in Towne and Villages in many places where wee passed, of Boyes of eight or ten yeeres, and Girles of fiue or sixe yeeres * 1.467 old. They both doe ride vpon one Horse very trimly decked, and are carried through the

Towne with great piping and playing, and so returne home and eat of a Banquet made of Rice and Fruits, and there they dance the most part of the night, and so make an end of the marriage. They lie not together vntill they bee ten yeeres old. They say they marrie their Children so young, because it is an order, that when the man dyeth, the woman must be burned with him: so that if the Father die, yet they may haue a Father in law to helpe to bring vp the Children which be married: and also that they will not leaue their Sonnes without Wiues, nor their Daughters without Husbands.

From thence we went to Mandoway, which is a verie strong Towne. It was besieged twelue * 1.468 yeeres by Zelabdim Echebar, before hee could winne it. It standeth vpon a verie great high Rocke as the most part of their Castles doe, and was of a very great circuit. From hence wee went to Ugins and Serringe, where we ouertooke the Ambassadour of Zelabdim Echebar with a [ 10] maruellous great companie of men, Elephants, and Camels. Here is great trade of Cotton and Cloth made of Cotton, and great store of Drugs. From thence we went to Agra, passing many Riuers, which by reason of the raine were so swollen, that we waded and swamme oftentimes for our liues. Agra is a very great Citie and populous, built with stone, hauing faire and large * 1.469 streets, with a faire Riuer running by it, which falleth into the Gulfe of Bengala. It hath a faire Castle and a strong, with a very faire Ditch. Here bee many Moores and Gentiles, the King is called Zelabdim Echebar: the people for the most part call him The great Mogor. From thence * 1.470 we went for Fatepore, which is the place where the King kept his Court. The Towne is greater then Agra, but the houses and streets bee not so faire. Here dwell many people both Moores and Gentiles. The King hath in Agra and Fatepore, as they doe credibly report, one thousand [ 20] Elephants, thirtie thousand Horses, one thousand and foure hundred tame Deere, eight hundred Concubines: such store of Ounces, Tygres, Buffles, Cockes and Hawkes, that is very strange to see. He keepeth a great Court, which they call Dericcan. Agra and Fatepore are two very great Cities, either of them much greater then London, and very populous. Betweene Agra and Fatepore are twelue miles, and all the way is a Market of victuals and other things, as full as though a man were still in a Towne, and so many people as if a man were in a Market. They * 1.471 haue many fine Carts, and many of them carued and gilded with Gold, with two wheeles which bee drawne with two little Bulls about the bignesse of our great Dogs in England, and they will runne with any Horse, and carrie two or three men in one of these Carts: they are co∣uered with Silke or very fine cloth, and bee vsed here as our Coaches be in England. Hither is [ 30] great resort of Merchants from Persia, and out of India, and very much Merchandize of Silke and Cloth, and of precious Stones, both Rubies, Diamants, and Pearles. The King is apparel∣led in a white Cabie made like a Shirt tyed with strings on the one side, and a little cloth on his head, coloured oftentimes with red or yellow. None come into his house but his Eunuches which keepe his women.

Here in Fatepore wee stayed all three vntill the eight and twentieth of September 1585. and * 1.472 then Master Iohn Newberie tooke his iourney toward the Citie of Lahor, determining from thence to goe for Persia, and then for Aleppo or Constantinople, whether hee could get soonest passage vnto; and directed me to goe to for Bengala and for Pegu, and did promise me, if it plea∣sed [ 40] God, to meet me in Bengala within two yeeres with a ship out of England. I left William * 1.473 Leades the Ieweller, in seruice with the King Zelabdim Echebar in Fatepore, who did enter∣tayne him verie well, and gaue him an House and fiue Slaues, an Horse, and euery day sixe S. S. in money.

I went from Agra to Satagam in Bengala, in the companie of one hundred and fourescore Boates laden with Salt, Opium, Hinge, Lead, Carpets, and diuers other commodities downe the Riuer Iemena. The chiefe Merchants are Moores and Gentiles. In these Countries they haue many strange Ceremonies. The Bramenes which are their Priests, come to the water and haue * 1.474 a string about their necks made with great ceremonies, & lade vp water with both their hands, and turne the string first with both their hands within, and then one arme after the other out. [ 50] Though it be neuer so cold, they will wash themselues in cold water or in warme. These Gen∣tiles will eate no Flesh, nor kill any thing. They liue with Rice, Butter, Milke, and Fruits. They pray in the water naked, and dresse their meat and eate it naked, and for their penance they lie flat vpon the earth, and rise vp and turne themselues about thirtie or fortie times, and vse to heaue vp their hands to the Sunne, and to kisse the earth, with their armes and legs stretched a∣long out, and their right leg alwayes before the left. Euery time they lie downe, they make a * 1.475 score on the ground with their finger, to know when their stint is finished. The Bramenes marke themselues in the foreheads, eares, and throats, with a kind of yellow geare which they grind, and euery morning they doe it. And they haue some old men which goe in the streets with a boxe of yellow Powder, and marke men on their heads and neckes as they meet them. And [ 60] their wiues doe come by ten, twentie, and thirtie together, to the water side singing, and there doe wash themselues, and then vse their Ceremonies, and marke themselues in their foreheads * 1.476 and faces, and carrie some with them, and so depart singing. Their Daughters bee married, at, or before the age of ten yeeres. The men may haue seuen wiues. They be a kind of craftie

people, worse then the Iewes. When they salute one another, they heaue vp their hands to their heads, and say, Rame, Rame.

From Agra I came to Prague, where the Riuer Iemena entreth into the mightie Riuer Ganges, and Iemena Ioseth his name. Ganges commeth out of the Northwest, and runneth East into the * 1.477 Gulfe of Bengala. In those parts there are many Tygres, and many Partridges and Turtle∣doues, and much other Fowle. Here be many Beggers in these Countries which goe naked, and * 1.478 the people make great account of them: they call them Schesche. Here I saw one which was a Monster among the rest. He would haue nothing vpon him, his beard was very long, and with the haire of his head hee couered his priuities. The nailes of some of his fingers were two in∣ches long, for he would cut nothing from him, neither would he speake. He was accompanied [ 10] with eight or ten, and they spake for him. When any man spake to him, he would lay his hand vpon his brest and bowe himselfe, but would not speake. Hee would not speake to the King. We went from Prague downe Ganges, the which is here very broad. Here is great store of Fish of sundrie sorts, and of wild Fowle, as of Swannes, Geese, Cranes, and many other things. The Countrey is very fruitfull and populous. The men for the most part haue their faces shauen, and their heads very long, except some which be all shauen saue the crowne: and some of them are as though a man should set a dish on their heads, and shaue them round, all but the crowne. In this Riuer of Ganges are many Ilands. His water is very sweet and pleasant, and the Countrey * 1.479 adioyning very fruitfull.

From thence we went to Bannaras which is a great Towne, and great store of Cloth is made * 1.480 there of Cotton, and Shashes for the Moores. In this place they bee all Gentiles, and be the grea∣test [ 20] Idolaters that euer I saw. To this Towne come the Gentiles on Pilgrimage out of farre * 1.481 Countries. Here alongst the waters side, bee very many faire houses, and in all of them, or for the most part they haue their Images standing, which bee euill fauoured, made of stone and wood, some like Lyons, Leopards, and Monkies, some like Men and Women, and Peacockes, and some like the Diuell with foure armes & foure hands. They sit crosse legged, some with one thing in their hands, and some another, and by breake of day and before, there are men and wo∣men which come out of the Towne and wash themselues in Ganges. And there are diuers old men, which vpon places of earth made for the purpose, sit praying, and they giue the people three or foure strawes, which they take and hold them betweene their fingers when they wash themselues: and some sit to marke them in the foreheads, and they haue in a cloth a little Rice, [ 30] Barlie, or money, which, when they haue washed themselues, they giue to the old men which sit there praying. Afterwards they goe to diuers of their Images, and giue them of their Sacri∣fices. And when they giue, the old men say certaine prayers, and then is all holy. And in diuers places there standeth a kind of Image which in their language they call Ada. And they haue diuers great stones carued, whereon they powre water, & throw thereupon some Rice, Wheat, * 1.482 Barley, and some other things. This Ada hath foure hands with clawes. Moreouer, they haue a great place made of Stone like to a Well with steps to goe downe; wherein the water stan∣deth very foule and stinketh: for the great quantitie of Flowers, which continually they throw into it, doe make it stinke. There be alwayes many people in it: for they say when they wash themselues in it, that their sinnes be forgiuen them, because God, as they say, did wash him∣selfe [ 40] in that place. They gather vp the sand in the bottome of it, and say it is holy.

They neuer pray but in the water, and they wash themselues ouer head, and lade vp water with both their hands, and turne themselues about, and then they drinke a little of the water three times, and so goe to their Gods which stand in those houses. Some of them will wash a place which is their length, and then will pray vpon the earth with their armes and legges at length out, and will rise vp and lie down, and kisse the ground twentie or thirtie times, but they will not stirre their right foot. And some of them will make their Ceremonies with fifteene or * 1.483 sixteene pots little and great, and ring a little Bell when they make their mixtures ten or twelue times: and they make a circle of water round about their pots and pray, and diuers sit by them, [ 50] and one that reacheth them their Pots: and they say diuers things ouer their pots many times, and when they haue done, they goe to their Gods, and strow their Sacrifices which they thinke are very holy, and marke many of them which sit by, in the foreheads, which they take as a great gift. There come fiftie and sometime an hundred together, to wash them in this Well, and to offer to these Idols. They haue in some of these Houses their Idols standing, and one sitteth by them in warme weather with a fanne to blow winde vpon them. And when they see any companie comming, they ring a little Bell which hangeth by them, and many giue their almes, but especially those which come out of the Countrey. Many of them are blacke and haue clawes of brasse with long nayles, & some ride vpon Peacocks & other Fowles which bee euill fauoured, with long hawkes bills, and some like one thing and some another, but none with a [ 60] good face. Among the rest there is one which they make great account of: for they say hee giueth them all things both food and apparell, and one sitteth alwayes by him with a fanne to make winde towards him.

Here some bee burned to ashes, some scortched in the fire and throwne into the water, and * 1.484

Dogs and Foxes doe presently eate them. The Wiues here doe burne with their Husbands when they die, if they will not, their heads be shauen, and neuer account is made of them afterward. The people goe all naked saue a little cloth bound about their middle. Their women haue their * 1.485 neckes, armes and eares decked with rings of Siluer, Copper, Tinne, and with round hoopes made of Iuorie, adorned with Amber stones, and with many Agats, and they are marked with a great spot of red in their foreheads, and a stroke of red vp to the crowne, and so it runneth three manner of wayes. In the Winter, which is our May, the men weare qailted Gownes of cotton like to our Mattraces and quilted Caps like to our great Grocers morters, with a slit to looke out at, and so tyed downe beneath their eares. If a man or a woman be sicke and like * 1.486 to die, they will lay him before their Idols all night, and that shall helpe him or make an end of him. And if he doe not mend that night, his friends will come and sit with him a little and crie, [ 10] and afterwards will carrie him to the waters side, and set him vpon a little raft made of reeds, and so let him goe downe the Riuer. When they bee married the man and the woman come * 1.487 to the water side, and there is an old man which they call a Bramane, that is, a Priest, a Kow, and a Calfe, and a Kow with Calfe. Then the Man and the Woman, the Kow and Calfe, and the old man goe into the water together, and they giue the old man a white cloth of foure yards long, and a basket crosse-bound with diuers things in it: the cloth hee layeth vpon the backe of the Kow, and then he taketh the Kow by the end of the tayle, and sayeth certaine words: and shee hath a Copper or a Brasse pot full of water, and the man doeth hold his hand by the old mans hand, and the wiues hand by her husbands, and all haue the Kow by the tayle, * 1.488 [ 20] and they powre water out of the pot vpon the Kowes tayle, and it runneth through all their hands, and they lade vp water with their hands, and then the old man doeth tye him and her together by their clothes. Which done, they goe round about the Kow and Calfe, and then they giue somwhat to the poore which be alwaies there, and to the Bramane or Priest they giue one Kow and Calfe, and afterward goe to diuers of their Idols and offer money, and laidowne flat vpon the ground and kisse it diuers times, and then goe their way. Their chiefe Idols be blacke * 1.489 and euill-fauored, their mouthes monstrous, their eares gilded, and full of Iewels, their teeth and eyes of Gold, Siluer, and Glasse, some hauing one thing in their hands, and some another. You may not come into the houses where they stand, with your shooes on. They haue conti∣nually Lampes burning before them.

From Bannaras I went to Patenaw downe the Riuer Ganges: where in the way wee passed * 1.490 [ 30] many faire Townes, and a Countrie very fruitfull: and many very great Riuers doe enter into Ganges, and some of them as great as Ganges, which cause Ganges to be of a great bredth, and * 1.491 so broad that in the time of raine you cannot see from one side to the other. These Indians when they be scorched and throwne into the water, the men swimme with their faces downewards, the women with their faces vpwards, I thought they tyed something to them to cause them to doe so: but they say no. There bee very many Thieues in this Countrie, which bee like to the Arabians: for they haue no certaine abode, but are sometime in one place, and sometime in another. Here the women be so decked with Siluer and Copper, that it is strange * 1.492 to see, they vse no shooes by reason of the rings of Siluer and Copper which they weare on [ 40] their toes. Here at Patanaw they finde Gold in this manner. They dig deepe pits in the earth, and wash the earth in great bolls, and therein they find the Gold, and they make the pits round about with bricke, that the earth fall not in. Patanaw is a very long and a great Towne. In times past it was a Kingdome, but now it is vnder Zelabdim Echebar the Great Mogor. The Men are tall and slender, and haue many old folkes among them: the Houses are simple, made of earth, and couered with straw, the Streets are very large. In this Towne there is a trade of Cotton, and cloth of Cotton, much Sugar, which they carrie from hence to Bengala and India, very much Opium, and other commodities. Hee that is chiefe here vnder the King, is called Tipperdas, and is of great account among the people. Here in Patanaw I saw a dissembling Pro∣phet * 1.493 which sate vpon an Horse in the Market place, and made as though he slept, and many of [ 05] the people came and touched his feet with their hands, and then kissed their hands. They tooke him for a great man, but sure he was a lasie lubber. I left him there sleeping. The people of these Countries be much giuen to such prating and dissembling hypocrites.

From Patanaw I went to Tanda, which is in the Land of Gouren. It hath in times past beene * 1.494 a Kingdome, but now is subdued by Zelabdim Echebar. Great trade and traffique is here of Cotton, and of cloth of Cotton. The people goe naked with a little cloth bound about their waste. It standeth in the Countrie of Bengala. Here be many Tigres, wilde Buffes, and great store of wilde Fowle: they are very great Idolaters. Tanda standeth from the Riuer Ganges a league, because in times past, the Riuer flowing ouer the bankes in time of raine did drowne the Countrie and many Villages, and so they doe remaine. And the old way which the Riuer Ganges was wont to runne, remaineth drie, which is the occasion that the Citie doeth stand so [ 60] farre from the water. From Agra downe the Riuer Iemena, and downe the Riuer Ganges, I was * 1.495 fiue moneths comming to Bengala, but it may be sayled in much shorter time.

I went from Bengala into the Countrie of Couche, which lieth fiue and twenty dayes iour∣ney * 1.496

Northwards from Tanda. The King is a Gentile, his name is Suckel Counse: his Countrie is great, and lieth not farre from Cauchin China; for they say they haue Pepper from thence. The Port is called Cacchegate. All the Countrie is set with Bambos or Canes made sharpe at both * 1.497 the ends and driuen into the earth, and they can let in the water and drowne the ground aboue knee deepe, so that Men nor Horses can passe. They poison all the waters if any warres bee. Here they haue much Silke and Muske, and cloth made of Cotton. The people haue eares which be maruelous great of a spanne long, which they draw out in length by deuices when they bee young. Here they be all Gentiles, and they will kill nothing. They haue Hospitals for Sheepe, * 1.498 Goats, Dogs, Cats, Birds, and for all other liuing creatures. When they be old and lame they keepe them vntill they die. If a man catch or buy any quicke thing in other places and bring it [ 10] thither, they will giue him money for it, or other victuals, and keepe it in their Hospitals, or let it goe. They will giue meat to the Ants. Their small money is Almonds, which oftentimes they vse to eate.

From thence I returned to Hugeli, which is the place where the Portugals keepe in the Coun∣trie of Bengala which standeth in 23. degrees of Northerly latitude, and standeth a league from * 1.499 Satagan: they call it Porto Piqueno. We went through the Wildernesse, because the right way was full of thieues, where we passed the Countrie of Gouren, where we found but few Villages, but almost all Wildernesse, and saw many Buffes, Swine and Deere, Grasse longer then a man, and very many Tigres. Not farre from Porto Piqueno South-westward, standeth an Hauen which is called Angeli, in the Countrie of Orixa. It was a Kingdome of it selfe, and the King was a [ 20] great friend to strangers. Afterwards it was taken by the King of Patan, which was their neigh∣bour, but he did not enioy it long, but was taken by Zelabdim Echebar, which is King of Agra, Delli, and Cambaia. Orixa standeth sixe dayes iourney from Satagan South-westward. In this place is very much Rice, and cloth made of Cotton, and great store of cloth which is made of * 1.500 Grasse, which they call Yerua, it is like a Silke. They make good cloth of it which they send for India, and diuers other places. To this Hauen of Angels come euery yeere many ships out of India, Negapatan, Sumatra, Malacca, and diuers other places; and lade from thence great store of Rice, and much cloth of Cotton wooll, much Sugar, and long Pepper, great store of Butter and other victuals for India. Satagam is a faire Citie for a Citie of the Moores, and very * 1.501 plentifull of all things. Here in Bengala they haue euery day in one place or other a great Mar∣ket [ 30] which they call Chandean, and they haue many great Boats which they call Pericose, where∣withall they goe from place to place and buy Rice, and many other things: these Boats haue foure and twenty or sixe and twenty Oares to rowe them, they be great of burthen, but haue no couerture. Here the Gentiles haue the water of Ganges in great estimation, for hauing good * 1.502 water neere them, yet they will fetch the water of Ganges a great way off, and if they haue not sufficient to drinke, they will sprinkle a little on them, and then they thinke themselues well. From Satagam I trauelled by the Countrie of the King of Tippara or Porto Grande, with whom the Mogores or Mogen haue almost continuall warres. The Mogen which be of the Kingdome * 1.503 of Recon * 1.504 and Rame, be stronger then the King of Tippara, so that Chatigan or Porto Grande is oftentimes vnder the King of Recon. [ 40]

There is a Countrie foure dayes iourney from Couche before mentioned, which is called Bot∣tanter, and the Citie Bottia, the King is called Dermain; the people whereof are very tall and * 1.505 strong, and there are Merchants which come out of China, and they say out of Muscouia or Tartarie. And they come to buy Muske, Cambals, Agats, Silke, Pepper, and Saffron like the Saffron of Persia. The Countrie is very great, three moneths iourney. There are very high Moun∣taines in this Countrie, and one of them so steepe, that when a man is sixe dayes iourney off it he may see it perfectly. Vpon these Mountaines are people which haue eares of a spanne long: if their eares be not long they call them Apes. They say that when they bee vpon the Moun∣taines, they see ships in the Sea sayling to and fro; but they know not from whence they come, nor whither they goe. There are Merchants which come out of the East, they say, from vnder [ 50] the Sunne, which is from China, which haue no beards, and they say there it is somthing warme. But those which come from the other side of the Mountaines, which is from the North, say there it is very cold. These Northerne Merchants are apparelled with woollen Cloth and Hats, * 1.506 white Hosen close, and Boots which bee of Muscouia or Tartarie. They report that in their Countrie they haue very good Horses, but they bee little: some men haue foure, fiue, or sixe hundred Horses and Kine: they liue with Milke and Flesh. They cut the tayles of their Kine, * 1.507 and sell them very deare, for they be in great request, and much esteemed in those parts. The haire of them is a yard long, the rumpe is aboue a spanne long: they vse to hang them for bra∣uerie vpon the heads of their Elephants: they be much vsed in Pegu and China: they buy and sell by scores vpon the ground. The people be very swift on foot. [ 60]

From Chatigan in Bengala, I came to Bacola; the King whereof is a Gentile, a man very well disposed, and delighteth much to shoot in a Gunne. His Countrie is very great and fruitfull, * 1.508 and store of Rice, much Cotton cloth, and cloth of Silke. The Houses be very faire and high builded, the Streets large, the People naked, except a little cloth about their waste. The Wo∣men * 1.509

weare great store of siluer hoopes about their neckes and armes, and their legs are ringed with Siluer and Copper, and rings made of Elephants teeth.

From Bacola I went to Serrepore which standeth vpon the Riuer of Ganges, the King is called * 1.510 Chondery. They be all hereabout Rebels against the King Zelabdim Echebar: for here are so many Riuers and Ilands, that they flee from one to another, whereby his Horsemen cannot preuaile against them. Great store of Cotton cloth is made here.

Sinnergan is a Towne sixe leagues from Serrepore, where there is the best and finest cloth made * 1.511 of Cotton that is in all India. The chiefe King of all these Countries is called Isacan, and he is chiefe of all the other Kings, and is a great friend to all Christians. The Houses here, as they * 1.512 be in the most part of India, are very little, and couered with straw, and haue a few mats round about the walls, and the doore to keepe out the Tigres and the Foxes. Many of the people are [ 10] very rich. Here they will eate no flesh, nor kill no beast: they liue of Rice, Milke, and fruits. * 1.513 They goe with a little cloth before them, and all the rest of their body is naked. Great store of Cotton cloth goeth from hence, and much Rice, wherewith they serue all India, Ceilon, Pegu, Malacca, Sumatra, and many other places.

I went from Serrepore the eight and twentieth of Nouember, 1586. for Pegu in a small Ship or Foist of one Albert Carauallos, and so passing downe Ganges, and passing by the Iland of Sun∣diua, * 1.514 Porto Grande, or the Countrie of Tippera, the Kingdome of Recon and Mogen, leauing them on our left side with a faire winde at North-west: our course was South and by East, which brought vs to the Barre of Negrais to Pegu: if any contrary winde had come, wee had * 1.515 throwne many of our things ouer boord: for we were so pestered with people and goods, that [ 20] there were scant place to lie in. From Bengala to Pegu is ninety leagues. We entred the Barre of Negrais, which is a braue Barre, and hath foure fathomes water where it hath least. Three dayes after we came to Cosmin, which is a very pretie Towne, and standeth very pleasantly, ve∣ry * 1.516 well furnished with all things. The people be very tall and well disposed; the women white, round faced, with little eyes: the houses are high built, set vpon great high posts, and they goe * 1.517 vp to them with long Ladders for feare of the Tigres which be very many. The Countrie is ve∣ry frui full of all things. Here are very great Figs, Oranges, Cocoes, and other fruits. The Land is very high that we fall withall; but after we be entred the Barre, it is very lowe and full of Riuers, for they goe all to and fro in Boats, which they call Paroes, and keepe their houses [ 30] with wife and children in them.

From the Barre of Nigrais to the Citie of Pegu is ten dayes iourney by the Riuers. We went from Cos〈…〉〈…〉 to Pegu in Paroes or Boats, and passing vp the Riuers wee came to Medon, which * 1.518 is a pretie Towne, where there be a wonderfull number of Paroes, for they keepe their Houses and Markets in them all vpon the water. They rowe to and fro, and haue all their merchandi∣ses in their Boats with a great Sombrero or Shadow ouer their heads to keepe the Sunne from them, which is as broad as a great Cart wheele made of the leaues of the Coco trees and Figge trees, and is very light.

From Medon we went to Dela, which is a very faire Towne, and hath a faire Port into the * 1.519 Sea, from whence goe many ships to Malacca, Mecca, and many other places. Here are eigh∣teene [ 40] or twenty very great and long houses, where they tame and keepe many Elephants of the Kings: for there about in the Wildernesse they catch the wilde Elephants. It is a very fruitfull Countrie. From Dela wee went to Cirion, which is a good Towne, and hath a faire * 1.520 Port into the Sea, whither come many ships from Mecca, Malacca, and Sumatra, and from di∣uers other places. And there the ships stay and discharge, and send vp their goods in Paroes to Pegu.

From Cirion we went to Macao, which is a pretie Town, where we left our Boats and in the * 1.521 morning taking Delingeges, which are a kinde of Coaches made of cords and cloth quilted, and carried vpon a stang between three or foure men: we came to Pegu the same day. Pegu is a Citie very great, strong, and very faire, with walls of stone, and great ditches round about it. There are [ 50] two Townes, the old Towne and the new. In the old Towne are all the Merchants strangers, and very many Merchants of the Countrie. All the goods are sold in the old Towne which is very great, and hath many suburbs round about it, and all the houses are made of Canes which * 1.522 they call Bambos, and be couered with straw. In your House you haue a Ware-house, which they call Godon, which is made of bricke, to put your goods in, for oftentimes they take fire and burne in an houre foure or fiue hundred houses: so that if the Godon were not, you should bee in danger to haue all burned, if any winde should rise, at a trice. In the new Towne is the King, and all his Nobilitie and Gentrie. It is a Citie very great and populous, and is made square and with very faire Walls, and a great Ditch round about it full of water with many Crocodiles in it: it hath twenty Gates, and they be made of stone, for euery square * 1.523 [ 60] fiue Gates. There are also many Turrets for Centinels to watch, made of wood, and gilded with Gold very faire. The Streets are the fairest that euer I saw, as straight as a line from one Gate to the other, and so broad, that ten or twelue men may ride afront thorow them. On both * 1.524 sides of them at euery mans doore is set a Palmer tree, which is the Nut-tree which make a very

faire shew and a very commodious shadow, so that a man may walke in the shade all day. The houses be made of wood, and couered with tiles.

The Kings house is in the middle of the Citie, and is walled and ditched round about: and the buildings within are made of wood very sumptuously gilded, and great workmanship is vp∣on * 1.525 the fore-front, which is likewise very costly gilded. And the house wherein his Pagode or Idoll standeth is couered with tiles of siluer, and all the walls are gilded with gold. Within the first Gate of the Kings house is a great large roome, on both sides whereof are houses made for the Kings Elephants, which bee maruellous great and faire, and are brought vp to warres and in seruice of the King. And among the rest hee hath foure white Elephants, which are very strange and rare: for there is none other King which hath them but hee if any other King [ 10] hath one, hee will send vnto him for it. When any of these white Elephants are brought vn∣to * 1.526 the King, all the Merchants in the Citie are commanded to see them, and to giue him a present of halfe a Ducat, which doth come to a great summe: for that there are many Merchants in the Citie. After that you haue giuen your present you may come and see them at your pleasure, al∣though they stand in the Kings house. This King in his Title is called the King of the white Ele∣phants. * 1.527 If any other King haue one, and will not send it him, hee will make warre with him fot it: for hee had rather lose a great part of his Kingdome, then not to conquer him. They doe very great seruice vnto these white Elephants; euery one of them standeth in an house gil∣ded with gold, and they doe feed in vessels of siluer and gilt. One of them when hee doth goe to the Riuer to bee washed, as euery day they doe, goeth vnder a Canopie of cloth of gold or of [ 20] silke carried ouer him by sixe or eight men, and eight or ten men goe before him playing on Drummes, Shawmes, or other Instruments: and when hee is washed and commeth out of the Riuer, there is a Gentleman which doth wash his feet in a siluer Basin: which is his office giuen him by the King. There is no such account made of any blacke Elephant, bee he neuer so great. And surely there bee wonderfull faire and great, and some bee nine cubits in height. And they doe report that the King hath aboue fiue thousand Elephants of warre, besides many other which be not taught to fight.

This King hath a very large place wherein hee taketh the wilde Elephants. It standeth about * 1.528 a mile from Pegu, builded with a faire Court within, and is in a great Groue or Wood: and there be many Hunts-men, which goe into the Wildernesse with shee Elephants: for without the shee they are not to be taken. And they be taught for that purpose: and euery Hunter hath fiue or sixe [ 30] of them: and they say that they anoint the shee Elephants with a certaine ointment, which when the wilde Elephant doth smell, he will not leaue her. When they haue brought the wilde Ele∣phant neere vnto the place, they send word vnto the Towne, and many Horsemen and footmen come out and cause the shee Elephant to enter into a straight way which doth goe to the Palace, and the shee and hee doe runne in: for it is like a Wood: and when they be in, the gate doth shut. Afterward they get out the female: and when the male seeth that he is left alone, he weepeth and crieth, and runneth against the walls, which be made of so strong trees, that some of them doe breake their teeth with running against them. Then they pricke him with sharpe canes, and cause him to goe into a strait house, and there they put a rope about his middle & about his feet, and let him stand there three or foure dayes without eating or drinking: and then they bring a female [ 40] to him, with meate and drinke, and within few dayes he becommeth tame. The chiefe force of * 1.529 the King is in these Elephants. And when they goe into the warres they set a frame of wood vp∣on their backes, bound with great cords, wherein sit foure or sixe men, which fight with Gunnes, Bowes and Arrowes, Darts and other weapons. And they say that their skinnes are so thicke that a pellet of an Harquebusse will scarce pierce them, except it bee in some tender place. Their weapons be very bad. They haue Gunnes, but shoot very badly in them, Darts and Swords short without points.

The King keepeth a very great State: when hee sitteth abroad, as hee doth euery day twice, all his Noblemen which they call Shemmes. sit on each side, a good distance off, and a great guard * 1.530 without them. The Court yard is very great. If any man will speake with the King, hee is to [ 50] kneele downe, to heaue vp his hands to his head, and to put his head to the ground three times, when hee entreth, in the middle way, and when hee commeth neere to the King: and then hee sitteth downe and talketh with the King: if the King like well of him, hee sitteth neere him within three or foure paces: if hee thinke not well of him, hee sitteth further off. When hee goeth to warre, hee goeth very strong. At my being there hee went to Odia in the Countrie of * 1.531 Siam with three hundred thousand men, and fiue thousand Elephants. Thirty thousand men were his Guard. These people doe eate Roots, Herbes, Leaues, Dogs, Cats, Rats, Serpents, and Snakes; they refuse almost nothing. When the King rideth abroad, he rideth with a great Guard, and many Noblemen, oftentimes vpon an Elephant with a fine Castle vpon him very fairely gil∣ded with gold; and sometimes vpon a great frame like an Hors-liter, which hath a little house vp∣on * 1.532 [ 60] it couered ouer head, but open on the sides, which is all gilded with gold, and set with many Rubies and Saphires, whereof hee hath infinite store in his Countrie, and is carried vpon six∣teene or eighteene mens shoulders. This Coach in their Language is called Serrion. Very great

feasting and triumphing is many times before the King both of men and women. This King hath little force by Sea, because he hath but very few ships.

Hee hath houses full of Gold and Siluer, and bringeth in often, but spendeth very little, and hath the Mines of Rubies and Saphires, and Spinelles. Neere vnto the Palace of the King, there is a Treasure wonderfull rich; the which because it is so neere, hee doth not account of it: and it standeth open for all men to see in a great walled Court with two Gates, which bee alwayes o∣pen. There are foure Houses gilded very richly, and couered with Lead: in euery one of them are Pagodes or Images of huge stature and great value. In the first is the Picture of a King in * 1.533 Gold with a Crowne of gold on his head, full of great Rubies and Saphires, and about him there stand foure Children of Gold. In the second house is the picture of a Man in Siluer wonderfull great, as high as an house; his Foot is as long as a man, and hee is made satting, with a Crowne [ 10] on his head very rich with Stones. In the third house is the picture of a Man greater then the other made of Brasse, with a rich Crowne on his head. In the fourth and last house doth stand another made of Brasse, greater then the other, with a Crowne also on his head very rich with Stones. In another Court not farre from this, stand foure other Pagodes or Idols, maruellous great of Copper, made in the same place where they doe stand; for they bee so great, that they be not to be remoued: they stand in foure Houses gilded very faire, and are themselues gilded all ouer saue their heads, and they shew like a blacke Mortan. Their expences in gilding of their Images are wonderfull. The King hath one Wife and aboue three hundred Concubines, by which they say he hath fourescore or fourescore & ten Children. He sitteth in Iudgement almost [ 20] euery day. They vse no speech, but giue vp their supplications written in the Leaues of a Tree * 1.534 with the point of an Iron bigger then a Bodkin. These Leaues are an elle long, and about two inches broad; they are also double. Hee which giueth in his supplication, doth stand in a place a little distance off with a present. If his matter bee liked of, the King accepteth of his present, and granteth his request: if his sute be not liked of, hee returneth with his present; for the King will not take it.

In India there are few commodities which serue for Pegu, except Opium of Cambaia, painted Cloth of Saint Thome, or of Masulipatan, and white cloth of Beng••la, which is spent there in great quantitie. They bring thither also much Cotton, Yarne red coloured with a Root which * 1.535 they call Saia, which will neuer lose his colour: it is very well sold here, and very much of it commeth yeerely to Pegu. By your money you lose much. The ships which come from Benga∣la, [ 30] Saint Thome, and Masulipatan, come to the barre of Nigrais and to Cosmin. To Martauan a port of the Sea in the Kingdome of Pegu, come many ships from Malacca laden with Sandall, Porcelanes, and other wares of China, and with Camp••••r•• of Borneo, and Pepper from Achen in Sumatra. To Cirion a Port of Pegu come ships from Mecca with Woollen cloth, Scarlets, Vel∣uets, * 1.536 Opium, and such like. There are in Pegu eight Brokers, whom they call Tareghe, which are bound to sell your goods at the price which they bee worth, and you giue them for their labour two in the hundred: and they be bound to make your debt good, because you sell your Merchan∣dizes vpon their word. If the Broker pay you not at his day, you may take him home, and keepe him in your house: which is a great shame for him. And if hee pay you not presently, you may take his Wife and Children and his Slaues, and bind them at your doore, and set them in the [ 40] Sunne; for that is the Law of the Countrey. Their current money in these parts is a kind of brasse * 1.537 which they call Gansa, wherewith you may buy Gold, Siluer, Rubies, Muske, and all other things. The Gold and Siluer is Merchandise, and is worth sometimes more, and sometimes lesse, as other wares bee. This brasen money doth goe by a weight which they call a Biza••; and com∣monly this Biza after our account is worth about halfe a Crowne or somewhat lesse. The Mer∣chandize which bee in Pegu, are Gold, Siluer, Rubies, Saphires, Spiuells, Musk, Beniamin or Fran∣kincense, * 1.538 long Pepper, Tinne, Lead, Copper, Lacca whereof they make hard Waxe, Rice, & Wine made of Rice, and some Sugar.

The Elephants doe eate the Sugar Canes, or else they would make very much. And they con∣sume many Canes likewise in making of their Varellaes or Idoll Temples, which are in great [ 50] number both great and small. They bee made round like a Sugar loase, some are as high as a * 1.539 Church, very broad beneath, some a quarter of a mile in compasse: within they be all earth done about with stone. They consume in these Varellaes great quantitie of Gold; for that they bee all gilded aloft: and many of them from the top to the bottome: and euery ten or twelue yeeres they must be new gilded, because the raine consumeth off the Gold: for they stand open abroad. If they did not consume their gold in these vanities, it would bee very plentifull and good cheape in Peg••. About two dayes iourney from Pegu, there is a Varelle or Pagode, which is the Pilgri∣mage of the Pegues: it is called D••go••ne, and is of a wonderfull bignesse, and all gilded from the foot to the top. And there is an house by it, wherein the Tallipoies which are their Priests doe * 1.540 Preach. This house is fiue and fiftie p••ces in length, and hath three pawnes or walkes in it, and [ 60] fortie great Pillars gilded, which stand betweene the walkes; and it is open on all sides with a number of small pillars▪ which bee likewise gilded: it is gilded with Gold, within and without. * 1.541 There are houses 〈◊〉〈◊〉 round about for the Pilgrimes to lie in: and many goodly Houses for

the Tallipoies, to Preach in, which are full of Images both of men and women, which are all gil∣ded ouer with Gold. It is the fairest place, as I suppose, that is in the world: it standeth very high, and there are foure wayes to it, which all along are set with Trees of fruits, in such wise that a man may goe in the shade aboue two miles in length. And when their Feast day is, a man can hardly passe by water or by land for the great presse of people; for they come from all places of the * 1.542 Kingdome of Pegu thither at their Feast.

In Pegu they haue many Tallipoies or Priests, which Preach against all abuses. Many men re∣sort vnto them. When they enter into their Kiack, that is to say, their holy place or Temple, at the doore there is a great larre of water with a Cocke or ladle in it, and there they wash their feet; and then they enter in, and lift vp their hands to their heads, first to their Preacher, and then [ 10] to the Sunne, and so sit downe. The Tallipoies goe very strangely apparelled, with one Cambo∣line * 1.543 or thinne cloth next to their bodie of a browne colour, another of yellow, doubled many times vpon their shoulder: and those two bee girded to them with a broad Girdle: and they haue a Skinne of leather hanging on a string about their neckes, whereupon they sit, bare headed and bare footed; for none of them weareth Shooes; with their right armes bare, and a great broad Sombrero or shadow in their hands to defend them in the Summer from the Sunne, and in the Winter from the Raine. When the Tallipoies or Priests take their Orders, first they goe to Schoole vntill they bee twentie yeeres old or more, and then they come before a Tallipoie, appointed for that purpose, whom they call Rowli: hee is of the chiefest and most learned, and hee opposeth * 1.544 them, and afterward examineth them many times, whether they will leaue their Friends, and the [ 20] companie of all Women, and take vpon them the habite of a Tallipoie. If any be content, then he rideth vpon an Horse about the streets very richly apparelled, with Drums and Pipes, to shew that he leaueth the riches of the world to bee a Tallipoie. In few dayes after, he is carried vpon a thing like an Horslitter, which they call a Serion, vpon ten or twelue mens shoulders in the apparell of * 1.545 a Tallipoie, with Pipes and Drums, and many Tallipoies with him, and all his friends, and so they goe with him to his House, which standeth without the Towne, and there they leaue him. Eue∣ry one of them hath his House, which is very little, set vpon sixe or eight Posts, and they goe vp to them with a Ladder of twelue or fourteene staues. Their Houses bee for the most part by the high wayes side, and among the Trees, and in the Woods. And they goe with a great Pot made * 1.546 of wood or fine earth, and couered, tyed with a broad girdle vpon their shoulder, which commeth [ 30] vnder their arme, wherewith they goe to begge their victuals which they eate, which is Rice, Fish, and Herbes. They demand nothing, but come to the doore, and the people presently doe giue them, some one thing, and some another: and they put all together in their Pot: for they say they must eate of their Almes, and therewith content themselues. They keepe their Feasts by the Moone: and when it is new Moone they keepe their greatest feast: and then the people send Rice * 1.547 and other things to that Kiack or Church of which they bee; and there all the Tallipoies doe meete which bee of that Church, and eate the victuals which are sent them. When the Tallipoies doe Preach, many of the people carrie them gifts into the pulpit where they sit and preach. And there is one which sitteth by them to take that which the people bring. It is deuided among them. They haue none other Ceremonies nor seruice that I could see, but onely Preaching. [ 40]

I went from Peg•• to Iamahey, which is in the Countrey of the Langeiannes, whom wee call Iangomes; it is fiue and twentie dayes iourney Northeast from Pegu. In which iourney I passed many fruitfull and pleasant Countries. The Countrey is very low, and hath many faire Riuers. * 1.548 The Houses are very bad, made of Canes, and couered with Straw. Here are many wilde Buffes, and Elephants. Iamahey is a very faire and great Towne, with faire houses of stone, well peopled, the streetes are very large, the men very well set and strong, with a cloth about them, bare headed and bare footed: for in all these Countries they weare no Shooes. The Women bee much fairer then those of Pegu. Heere in all these Countries they haue no Wheat. They make some cakes of Rice. Hither to Iamahey come many Merchants out of China, and bring great store of Muske, Gold, Siluer, and many other things of China worke. Heere is great store of Victuals: they haue [ 50] such plentie, that they will not milke the Buffles, as they doe in all other places. Heere is great store of Copper and Beniamin. In these Countries when the people bee sicke they make a vowe to offer meat vnto the Diuell, if they escape: and when they bee recouered they make a Ban∣quet with many Pipes and Drums and other Instruments, and dauncing all the night, and their * 1.549 friends come and bring gifts, Cocos, Figges, Arrecaes, and other Fruits, and with great dauncing and reioycing they offer to the Diuell, and say, they giue the Diuell to eate, and driue him out. When they bee dauncing and playing they will cry and hallow very loud; and in this sort they say they driue him away. And when they be sicke a Tallipoie or two euery night doth sit by them and sing, to please the Diuell that hee should not hurt them. And if any die hee is carried vpon a great frame made like a Tower, with a couering all gilded with gold made of Canes, carried with [ 60] fourteene or sixteene men, with Drums and Pipes and other instruments playing before him to a place out of the Towne and there is burned. He is accompanied with all his Friends and Neigh∣bours, * 1.550 all men: and they giue to the Tallipoies or Priests many Mats and Cloth: and then they returne to the house and there make a Feast for two dayes: and then the Wife with all the neigh∣bours

Wiues and her friends, goe to the place where he was burned, and there they sit a certaine time and cry, and gather the peeces of bones which bee left vnburned and burie them, and then returne to their houses and make an end of all mourning. And the men and women which bee neere of kin doe shaue their heads, which they do not vse except it be for the death of a friend: for they much esteeme of their haire.

Caplan is the place where they finde the Rubies, Saphires, and the Spinelles: it standeth sixe * 1.551 dayes iourney from Aua in the Kingdome of Pegu. There are many great high Hills out of which they digge them. None may goe to the Pits but onely those which digge them.

In Pegu, and in all the Countries of Aua, Langeiannes, Siam, and the Bramas, the men weare bunches or little round Balls in their priuie members: some of them we are two and some three. They cut the skinne and so put them in, one into one side and another into the other side; which [ 10] they doe when they bee fiue and twentie or thirtie yeeres old, and at their pleasure they take one or more of them out as they thinke good. When they be married the Husband is for euery Child which his Wife hath, to put in one vntill hee come to three, and then no more: for they say the women doe desire them. They were inuented because they should not abuse the Male sexe. For in times past all those Countries were so giuen to that Villanie, that they were very scarse of people. It was also ordayned, that the Women should not haue past three cubites of Cloth in their nether clothes, which they bind about them; which are so strait, that when they goe in the streets, they shew one side of the legge bare aboue the knee. The bunches aforesaid * 1.552 bee of diuers sorts: the least be as bigge as a little Walnut, and very round: the greatest are as bigge as a little Hens egge: some are of Brasse, and some of Siluer: but those of siluer bee for [ 20] the King and his Noblemen. These are gilded and made with great cunning, and ring like a little bell. There are some made of Lead, which they call Selwy, because they ring but little: and these be of lesser price for the poorer sort. The King sometimes taketh his out, and giueth them to his Noblemen as a great gift: and because hee hath vsed them, they esteeme them greatly. They will put one in, and heale vp the place in seuen or eight dayes.

The Bramas which bee of the Kings Countrey (for the King is a Brama) haue their legges or bellies, or some part of their body, as they thinke good themselues, made blacke with certaine things which they haue: they vse to pricke the skinne, and to put on it a kind of Anile or Black∣ing, which doth continue alwayes. And this is counted an Honour among them: but none may haue it but the Bramas which are of the Kings kindred. [ 30]

These people weare no Beards: they pull out the haire on their faces with little pinsons made * 1.553 for that purpose. Some of them will let sixteene or twentie haires grow together, some in one place of his face and some in another, and pulleth out all the rest: for he carrieth his pinsons al∣wayes with him to pull the haires out assoone as they appeare. If they see a man with a beard they wonder at him. They haue their teeth blacked both men and women, for they say a Dog hath his teeth white, therefore they will blacke theirs.

The Pegues if they haue a sute in the law which is so doubtfull that they cannot well deter∣mine * 1.554 it, put two long Canes into the water where it is very deepe: and both the parties goe in∣to the water by the poles, and there sit men to Iudge, and they both doe diue vnder the water, and he which remaineth longest vnder the water doth winne the sute. [ 40]

The tenth of Ianuarie I went from Pegu to Malacca, passing by many of the Ports of Pegu, as * 1.555 Martauan, the Iland of Tani, from whence commeth great store of Tinne which serueth all In∣dia, the Ilands of Tanaseri, Iunsalaon, and many others; and so came to Malacca the eight of Fe∣bruarie, where the Portugals haue a Castle which standeth neere the Sea. And the Countrey fast without the Towne belongeth to the Malayos, which is a kind of proud people. They goe na∣ked with a cloth about their middle, and a little roll of cloth about their heads. Hither come many ships from China, and from the Malucos, Banda, Timor, and from many other Ilands of the Ianas, which bring great store of Spices and Drugs, and D••amants and other Iewels. The voyages into many of these Ilands belong vnto the Captaine of Malacca: so that none may goe thither without his licence: which yeeld him great summes of money euery yeere. The Portu∣gals [ 50] heere haue oftentimes warres with the King of Achem, which standeth in the Iland of Su∣matra: from whence commeth great store of Pepper and other Spices euery yeere to Pegu and Mecca, within the Red Sea, and other places.

When the Portugals goe from Macao in China to Iapan, they carrie much white Silke, Gold, * 1.556 Muske, and Porcelanes: and they bring from thence nothing but Siluer. They haue a great Caracke which goeth thither euery yeere, and shee bringeth from thence euery yeere aboue sixe hundred thousand Crusadoes: and all this Siluer of Iapan, and two hundred thousand Crusa∣does * 1.557 more in Siluer which they bring yeerely out of India, they imploy to their great aduantage in China: and they bring from thence Gold, Muske, Silke, Copper, Porcelanes, and many other things very costly and gilded. When the Portugals come to Canton in China to traffique, they [ 60] must remaine there but certaine dayes: and when they come in at the Gate of the Citie, they must enter their names in a booke, and when they goe out at night they must put out their names. They may not lie in the Towne all night, but must lie in their Boats without the Towne.

And their dayes being expired, if any man remaine there, they are euill vsed and imprisoned. A man may keepe as many Concubines as hee will, but one Wife onely. All the Chineans, Ia∣ponians, and Cauchin Chineans doe write right downwards, and they doe write with a fine Pen∣sill * 1.558 made of Dogs or Cats haire.

Laban is an Iland among the Ianas from whence come the Diamants of the New water. And they find them in the Riuers: for the King will not suffer them to digge the Rocke. Iamba is an * 1.559 Iland among the Ianas also, from whence come Diamants. And the King hath a masse of earth which is Gold; it groweth in the middle of a Riuer: and when the King doth lacke Gold, they cut part of the earth and melt it, whereof commeth Gold. This masse of earth doth appeare but * 1.560 once in a yeere; which is when the water is low: and this is in the moneth of Aprill. [ 10]

Bima is an other Iland among the Ianas, where the Women trauell and labour as our men doe in England, and the Men keepe house and goe where they will. * 1.561

The nine and twentieth of March 1588. I returned from Malacca to Martauan, and so to Pe∣gu, where I remained the second time vntill the seuenteenth of September, and then I went to * 1.562 Cosmin, and there tooke shipping: and passing many dangers by reason of contrarie winds, it pleased God that wee arriued in Bengala, in Nouember following: where I stayed for want of passage vntill the the third of Februarie 1589. and then I shipped my selfe for Cochin. In which * 1.563 Voyage wee endured great extremitie for lacke of fresh water: for the weather was extreame hot, and we were many Merchants and Passengers, and we had verie many calmes, and hot wea∣ther. Yet it pleased God that we arriued in Ceylon the sixth of March, where we staied fiue daies [ 20] to water and to furnish our selues with other necessarie prouision. This Ceylon is a braue Iland, * 1.564 verie fruitfull and faire; but by reason of continuall Warres with the King thereof, all things are verie deare: for he will not suffer any thing to be brought to the Castle where the Portugals be: wherefore oftentimes they haue great want of victuals. Their prouision of victuals commeth out of Bengala euerie yeere. The King is called Raia, and is of great force; for hee commeth to Columbo, which is the place where the Portugals haue their Fort, with an hundred thousand men, and many Elephants. But they be naked people all of them; yet many of them bee good with their Pieces which be Muskets. When the King talketh with any man, hee standeth vpon one legge, and setteth the other foot vpon his knee with his Sword in his hand: it is not their order for the King to sit but to stand. His apparell is a fine painted cloth made of Cotton-wooll a∣bout [ 30] his middle: his haire is long and bound vp with a little fine cloth about his head: all the rest of his bodie is naked. His Guard are a thousand men, which stand round about him, and hee in the middle; and when he marcheth, many of them goe before him, and the rest come af∣ter him. They are of the race of the Chingalayes, which they say are the best kind of all the Malabars. Their Eares are verie large; for the greater they are, the more Honourable they are * 1.565 accounted. Some of them are a spanne long. The Wood which they burne is Cinamon wood, and it smelleth verie sweet. There is great store of Rubies, Saphires, and Spinelles in this Iland: * 1.566 the best kinde of all bee here; but the King will not suffer the Inhabitants to digge for them, lest his Enemies should know of them, and make Warres against him, and so driue him out of his Countrey for them. They haue no Horses in all the Countrey. The Elephants bee not so [ 40] great as those of Pegu, which bee monstrous huge: but they say all other Elephants doe feare them, and none dare fight with them, though they bee verie small. Their Women haue a cloth bound about them from their middle to their knee: and all the rest is bare. All of them bee Blacke and but little, both Men and Women. Their Houses are verie little, made of the bran∣ches * 1.567 of the Palmer or Coco-tree, and couered with the Leaues of the same tree.

The eleuenth of March wee sayled from Ceylon, and so doubled the Cape of Comori. Not farre from thence, betweene Ceylon and the maine land of Negapatan, they fish for Pearles. And * 1.568 there is fished euery yeere verie much; which doe serue all India, Cambaia, and Bengala, it is not so orient as the Pearle of Baharim in the Gulfe of Persia. From Cape de Comori, wee passed by Coulam, which is a Fort of the Portugals: from whence commeth great store of Pepper, which [ 50] commeth for Portugall: for oftentimes there ladeth one of the Carackes of Portugall. Thus * 1.569 passing the Coast we arriued in Cochin the two and twentieth of March, where wee found the weather warme, but scarsitie of Victuals: for here groweth neither Corne nor Rice: and the * 1.570 greatest part commeth from Bengala. They haue here very bad water, for the Riuer is farre off. This bad water causeth many of the people to bee like Lepers, and many of them haue their legges swollen as big as a man in the waste, and many of them are scant able to goe. These peo∣ple * 1.571 here be Malabars, and of the race of the Naires of Calicut: and they differ much from the o∣ther Malabars. These haue their heads very full of haire, and bound vp with a string: and there doth appeare a bush without the band wherewith it is bound. The men be tall and strong, and good Archers with a long Bow and a long Arrow, which is their best weapon: yet there bee [ 60] some Caliuers among them, but they handle them badly.

Here groweth the Pepper; and it springeth vp by a Tree or a Pole, and is like our Iuie berry, but something longer like the Wheat-eare: and at the first the bunches are greene, and as they * 1.572 waxe ripe they cut them off and drie them. The leafe is much lesser then the Iuie lease and

thinner. All the Inhabitants here haue very little houses, couered with the leaues of the Coco-trees. The men be of a reasonable stature; the women little; all blacke, with a cloth bound a∣bout * 1.573 their middle hanging downe to their hammes: all the rest of their bodies be naked: they haue horrible great Eares with many rings set with Pearles and Stones in them. The King go∣eth incached, as they doe all; he doth not remaine in a place aboue fiue or sixe dayes: he hath many houses, but they be but little: his Guard is but small: he remoueth from one house to an∣other according to their order. All the Pepper of Calicut and course Cinamom, groweth here in this Countrey. The best Cinamom doth come from Ceylon, and is pilled from fine young Trees. Here are verie many Palmer or Coco-trees, which is their chiefe food: for it is their meat and drinke: and yeeldeth many other necessarie things, as I haue declared before.

The Naires which be vnder the King or Samorin, which bee Malabars, haue alwayes Warres * 1.574 [ 10] with the Portugals. The King hath alwayes peace with them; but his people goe to the Sea to rob and steale. Their chiefe Captaine is called Cogi Alle; he hath three Castles vnder him. When the Portugals complaine to the King, he saith he doth not send them out: but hee consenteth that they goe. They range all the Coast from Ceylon to Goa, and goe by foure or fiue Parowes or Boates together; and haue in euery one of them fiftie or threescore men, and boord present∣ly. They doe much harme on that Coast, and take euery yeere many Foists and Boates of the Portugals. Many of these people bee Moores. This Kings Countrey beginneth twelue leagues from Cochin, and reacheth neere vnto Goa. I remained in Cochin vntill the second of Nouem∣ber, which was eight moneths; for that there was no passage that went away in all that time: if I had come two dayes sooner I had found a passage presently. From Cochin I went to Goa, [ 20] where I remained three dayes. From Cochin to Goa, is an hundred leagues. From Goa I * 1.575 went to Chaul, which is threescore leagues, where I remained three and twentie dayes: * 1.576 and there making my prouision of things necessarie for the Ship, from thence I departed to Ormus; where I stayed for a passage to Balsora fiftie dayes. From Goa to Ormus is foure hun∣dred * 1.577 leagues.

Heere I thought good, before I make an end of this my Booke, to declare some things which India and the Countrey farther Eastward doe bring forth.

The Pepper groweth in many parts of India, especially about Cochin: and much of it doeth * 1.578 grow in the Fields among the bushes without any labour: and when it is ripe they goe and ga∣ther it. The Shrub is like vnto our Iuie-tree: aad if it did not runne about some Tree or Pole, it [ 30] would fall downe and rot. When they first gather it, it is greene; and then they lay it in the Sunne, and it becometh blacke.

The Ginger groweth like vnto our Garlike, and the root is the Ginger: it is to bee found in * 1.579 many parts of India.

The Cloues doe come from the Iles of the Moluccoes, which bee diuers Ilands: their Tree is * 1.580 like to our Bay-tree.

The Nutmegs and Maces grow together, and come from the Iles of Banda: the tree is like to * 1.581 our Walnut-tree, but somewhat lesser.

The white Sandoll is wood very sweet and in great request among the Indians; for they grind it with a little water, and annoint their bodies therewith: it commeth from the Ile of Timor. [ 40]

Camphora is a precious thing among the Indians, and is sold dearer then Gold. I thinke none * 1.582 of it commeth for Christendome. That which is compounded commeth from China: but that which groweth in Canes and is the best, commeth from the great Ile of Borneo.

Lignum Aloes commeth from Cauchinchina. * 1.583

The Benjamin commeth out of the Countries of Siam and Iangomes.

The Long Pepper groweth in Bengala, in Pegu, and in the Ilands of the Iauas. * 1.584

The Muske commeth out of Tartarie, and is made after this order, by report of the Merchants which bring it to Pegu to sell; In Tortarie there is a litle beast like vnto a yong Roe, which they take in snares, and beat him to death with the blood: after that they cut out the bones, and beat the flesh with the blood very small, and fill the skin with it: and hereof commeth the Muske. [ 50]

Of the Amber they hold diuers opinions; but most men say it commeth out of the Sea, and * 1.585 that they finde it vpon the shores side.

The Rubies, Saphires, and Spinelles, are found in Pegu. * 1.586

The Diamants are found in diuers places, as in Bisnagar, in Agra, in Delli, and in the Ilands of the Iauas.

The best Pearles come from the Iland of Baharim in the Persian Sea, the worser from the Piscaria, neere the Ile of Ceylon, and from Aynam a great Iland on the Southermost Coast of China.

Spodium and many other kindes of Drugges come from Cambaia. * 1.587

Now to returne to my Voyage; from Ormus I went to Balsora or Basora, and from Basora * 1.588 [ 60] to Babilon: and wee passed the most part of the way by the strength of men by halling the Boat vp the Riuer with a long cord. From Babilon I came by land to Mosul, which standeth neere to Niniue, which is all ruinated and destroyed; it standeth fast by the Riuer of Tigris. From

Mosul I went to Merdin, which is in the Countrey of the Armenians; but now there dwell in that place a people which they call Cordies, or Curdi. From Merdin I went to Orfa, which is a * 1.589 very faire Towne, and it hath a goodly Fountaine full of Fish; where the Moores hold many great Ceremonies and opinions concerning Abraham: for they say hee did once dwell there. From thence I went to Bir, and so passed the Riuer of Euphrates. From Bir I went to Aleppo, where I stayed certaine moneths for companie; and then I went to Tripolis; where finding * 1.590 English shipping, I came with a prosperous voyage to London, where by Gods assistance I safely arriued the nine and twentieth of Aprill 1591. hauing beene eight yeeres out of my na∣tiue Countrey.

CHAP. VII. [ 10]

Indian Obseruations gathered out of the Letters of NICOLAS PIMENTA, Visiter of the Iesuites in India, and of many others of that Societie, written from diuers Indian Regions; principally relating the Countries and accidents of the Coast of Coromandel, and of Pegu.

NIcholas Pimenta, the Indian Visiter in his Letter to Claudius Aquauiua the Gene∣rall [ 20] of the Iesuites, relateth his visitation-Voyage from Goa in December 1597. * 1.591 To Cochin first, the occurrents wherein hee had certified by Letter in the Vice∣royes ship or Caracke, which being richly laden was accidentally and irreco∣uerably * 1.592 fired, the Ordnance thundring Death and lightning manifold mis∣chieues to the Rescuers. Hee sent from Cochin a Mission to Bengala, Francis Fernandes, and Dominicke Sosa; another to Pegu, Melchior Fonsera, and Andrew Boues. The ef∣fect whereof appeared in their letters. Fernandes writ from Siripur in Bengala, in Ianuarie 1599. * 1.593 the dangers of their Voyage by Malabar Pirats, a three dayes Tempest, the shelues of Ganges, before they arriued at G••llum, two hundred and ten miles vp that Riuer: where they left one of [ 30] their Societie which could meanly write to teach that Schoole. Sosa indeuoured to learne the Bengalan Language and translated into it a tractate of Christian Religion, in which were confu∣ted the Gentile and Mahumetan errours: to which was added a short Catechisme by way of Dialogue, which the Children frequenting the Schoole learned by heart, and taught the Ser∣uants in their Families, with the signe of the Crosse and other things belonging to Christianitie. They perswaded them to erect an Hospitall, buying a house and housholdstuffe to that purpose, and reformed the courses of many which liued in Piracie, and loose lusts: and in October de∣parted thence to the Great Port sixe hundred miles from the Small Port or Porto Pequeno, not without dangers from Tigres and Theeues. In the midway in the Kingdome of Chandecan, * 1.594 where they stayed a moneth to reforme disorders by Lusts and Discord, and Baptised two hun∣dred; [ 40] The King gaue them a place to build a Church in, and monies to that purpose, with liber∣tie to Preach the Gospell. In the Woods of that Kingdome great store of Waxe is made which * 1.595 is thence transported to other parts of India. At Siripur in December, they arriued and were re∣ceiued as Angels from Heauen, by reason the Bishop of Cochin had Excommunicated the new * 1.596 Captayne with his followers, from which Sentence they hoped the Iesuites would exempt them: and although wee were loth to intermeddle, yet could we not but giue answer to them. At Siripur the Gouernour gaue vs leaue to Preach and assigned sixe hundred peeces of Gold for reuenue, and roome to build a Church, with promise of all necessaries. I send you two Boyes of Bengala to bee instructed in the Colledge, and next yeere will send two others as your Wor∣ship commanded. When we came to Chatigan wee learned that the King of Aracan was gone [ 50] to the warre of Pegu. Thus farre Fernandes.

Father Baltasar Sequeira was Elected to the Peguan mission, which went to the Towne of Saint Thomas, thence to sayle with the first opportunitie with Father Iohn Costa for Pegu: but wee arriued at Saint Thomas before they were gone. We departed from Cochin, and in the way visited the new Church in the Kingdome of Porca; thence came to Coulan, and passed the rest * 1.597 of the way with great feare; for the King of Trauancor had certified vs, that the King of Ma∣dure was comming against him with seuentie thousand armed men, and many Elephants. But wee visited three and thirtie Churches in his Kingdome, and turned to the Promontorie Cori, and beyond that to the Fishing Coast euen to Turacurin. In the Towne Punicale; I met F. Henrie whom F. Xauier had there left two and fiftie yeeres before, still of able bodie, and [ 60] daily writing in the Malabar language to illustrate the Christian Religion. Periapatan is the * 1.598 chiefe Citie of the Parauelines, where wee left a Residence of two Priests, which might passe as farre as Tripalacur, which two places by Cape Ramanancor are made farre distant by Sea, but by * 1.599 Land are neere each other. We passed that Cape and came to Talemanare at the entrance of the

Ile Manare, and hauing visited the Churches in that Iland, passed the Riuer and went by land * 1.600 to the Pearle-fishing.

Wee rested all night in the Tents of Fishermen, which with many lights round about prohi∣bited * 1.601 he assaults of Elephants. But we saw nothing but Peacockes; and a Viper had conuey∣ed herselfe into our stuffe, which vseth to kill within seuen houres after her striking, which was espied. There come from the Regions about sixtie thousand into these Tents of Fishermen, bringing all their Families: Our Priests say Masse in the Churches erected on the shore, appease tumults and haue care of good order, without whom all that companie would bee dissolued. Wee passed from Manare not without great perill by tempest to Negapatan, where Father Fran∣cis * 1.602 Paez lieth buried, whom the Inhabitants worship as a Saint. Many Portugals dwell there, and many winter there, which come from the Coast of China, Bengala, Pegu, and Malaca. They [ 10] buy a place for fiue hundred Duckets for a new Residence of ours.

The Naich of Tan••••or desired a Church in his Port, and at Trangobar sixe miles from Nega∣patan * 1.603 another was begun. From hence wee went by land to Saint Thomas, trauelling twelue dayes in a pleasant Countrey, beautified with Groues and Streames, enriched with a fertile soile and wholsome eyre. But so prodigious and innumerable were their Idols, in many very faire Temples, and other lesse Oratories almost without number, that Superstition contended with Ambition; and the Colosses of their Idols were remoued from place to place in Chariots as * 1.604 high as steeples, by thousands of men setting their shoulders to the Wheeles. In our way wee saw Cidambaran the mother Citie of their Superstitions, furnished with gorgeous Temples. * 1.605 Their Brachmanes haue thirtie thousand Duckets reuenue, whereof but twelue thousand are [ 20] now payed.

The Naichus of Gingi was come thither, in whose Dominion it standeth. Hee commanded * 1.606 that we should be brought to his Presence. Before vs two hundred Brachmanes went in a ranke to sprinkle the house with Holy water, and to preuent Sorcerie against the King, which they vse to doe euery day that the King first entreth into any house. We found him lying on a silken Carpet leaving on two Cushions, in a long silken Garment, a great Chaine hanging from his necke, distinguished with many Pearles and Gemmes, all ouer his brest, his long haire tyed with a knot on the crowne, adorned with Pearles; some Princes and Brachmanes attended him. He entertained vs kindly, and maruelled much that wee chewed not the leaues of Betele which were offered vs, and dismissed vs with gifts of precious Clothes wrought with Gold, desiring a Priest of vs for his new Citie which hee was building. The next day wee went away, which [ 30] we had not done, had any told vs of a strange Spectacle that day there to bee seene, which wee after came certainly to know.

There were twentie Priests which they call Iogues, which threw themselues from the highest * 1.607 pinnacle of the Temple for this cause. There is a Temple of Perimal, in which is worshipped an Ape called Hanimant, whom they report to haue beene a God, and for I know not what offence, with many other thousands of Gods (in like wise metamorphosed) to haue beene transformed into an Ape, and to haue ruled ouer all those Apes in that place. But hauing necessarie occasion to passe from Ramanancor to Ceilan, wanting shipping, hee leaped ouer the waters, and at euery leape made an Iland or hill of Sands, so making way for himselfe and his. They say it was his [ 40] Tooth, which the Viceroy Constantine cast into the fire, notwithstanding the Ethnikes offer of three hundred thousand Duckets for the Redemption. These Ethnikes also fable, that a holy man at Cidambaran for penance sake kept his foot many yeeres nayled thorow with an Iron nayle; and when God forbad him that penance, hee refused and said he would neuer giue it o∣uer, till hee might see God dancing about him. At length God yeelded to him, and with the Sunne, Moone and Starres danced before that Saint, they playing on Instruments and dancing, From God, as he danced, fell a Gold chaine off his foot, whence Cidambaran receiued the name, signifying A Golden Chaine. Now at this time was a great Controuersie amongst these Gentiles, whether it were lawfull to place the Signe of Perimal (which is nothing but a Mast or Pole gil∣ded, with an Ape at the foot) in the Temple of Cidambaran. Some refused, others by their Le∣gats [ 50] importunatly vrged, and the Naichus of Gingi Decreed to erect it in the Temple, the Priests of the Temple which were the Treasurers, withstanding, and threatning if it were done to cast downe themselues from the top. The Brachmanes of the Temple sware to doe the like after they had buried the former, which yet after better aduise they performed not. About twentie had perished in that precipitation on that day of our departure; whereat the Na〈…〉〈…〉s angrie, caused his Gunners to shoot at the rest, which killed two of them, the rest wandring in vncer∣taine places. A Woman also was so hote in this zealous quarrell that shee cut her owne throat. The Mast with the Ape was neuerthelesse erected.

Wee trauelled by the fauour of the Naichus and the Princes of Triuidin, and Salauaccha his * 1.608 Subiects, to Saint Thomas. This was the ancient Citie Meliapor, sometimes chiefe Citie of the Kingdome of Coromandel, now subiect to the Ragiu or King of Uissanagor, (by the Portugals [ 60] called Bisnaga, and by Writers termed Narsinga, of a King of that name) who of the Ethnikes * 1.609 in those parts is acknowledged with this portentuous Stile. The Husband of Subuast (that it)

of good Fortune, God of great Prouinces, King of the greatest Kings, and God of Kings, Lord of all Horse-forces, Master of those which know not how to Speake, Emperour of three Emperours, Conque∣rour of all which heeseeth, and Keeper of all which hee hath ouercome; Dreadfull to the eight Coasts of the world, the Vanquisher of Mahumetan Armies, Ruler of all Prouinces which hee hath taken, Taker of the Spoiles and Riches of Ceilan; which farre exceedeth the most Valiant men, which cut off the head of the Inuincible Viraualalan; Lord of the East, South, North, West, and of the Sea; Hunter of Ele∣phants, which liueth and glorieth in virtue Militarie. Which titles of Honour enioyeth the most Warlike Uencatapadin, Ragiu, Deuamagan Ragel, which now raigneth and gouerneth this World. Hee now resideth in Chandegrin, and in times past raigned farre and wide, from Cape * 1.610 Cori to the Kingdomes adjoyning to Goa, on the Coasts of both Seas, till Idalcan and others (as [ 10] the Naichi before mentioned) shooke off his yoke. Hee was now embroiled in warre with the Naichus of Madure. I appointed Father Simon Sa Rector of the Colledge of Saint Thomas, to begin a Mission thither as soone as hee could. A Seminarie was erected at Meliapor, of the chiefe Children of the Badagades by the almes of Deuout men, and a Schoole of the Malahars adioyned, in which is taught the Tongue of Tamul (or vulgar) and the Badagan vsed by the Courtiers. Whiles a new Peguan mission was talked of, there came ships from Pegu which rela∣ted the turbulent state of that Kingdome, and I will heere adioyne what I learned of credible persons which a long time had beene eye-witnesses of Pegues prosperitie and aduersitie.

THe King of Pegu, Father of the present, of the race of the Bramas, was the mightiest of all [ 20] * 1.611 which haue raigned in Pegu. For hee subdued twelue Kingdomes to his Empire * 1.612 viz. the Kingdome of Cauelan, whence come the best Saphires and Rubies; Aua, in which are Mines of Ciprian Brasse, Lead and Siluer; Bacan, in which are many Gold mines; Tangram, which a∣bounds with Lead and Lac; Prom, which aboundeth also in Lead and Lac; Iangoma, stored with Copper, Muske, Pepper, Silke, Gold, Siluer; Lawran, where is store of Bejoine, enough to lade ships; the eight and ninth, are the Kingdomes of Tr••con; whence many China wares are transported to vs; the tenth and eleuenth, are the Kingdomes of Cablan abounding in Gemmes, neere to the Kingdome of A••ua, betwixt it and China. The twelfth, is the Kingdome of Sion (or Siam) which he subdued last, and in that Expedition is said to haue armed 1060000. men, * 1.613 taking one of ten with him to that warre. Hee raigned sixe and thirtie yeeres in such affluence [ 30] of all things, that one hundred Ships laden with Rice would not haue seemed to diminish the store. The plentie of Gemmes was such, that in one moneth a man might haue bestowed many talents of Gold thereon. Yet now there are scarsely found in all that Kingdome any men, but a few which with the King haue betaken themselues to the Castle, which with Women and Children are said not to exceed seuen thousand. For in late times they haue beene brought to * 1.614 such miserie and want, that they did eate Mans flesh and kept publike shambles thereof, Pa∣rents abstained not from their Children, and Children deuoured their Parents. The stronger by force preyed on the weaker, and if any were but skinne and bone, yet did they open their intrailes to fill their owne and sucked out their braines. The women went about the streets with kniues to like butcherly purposes. The cause of this misery was this. [ 40]

The former King being dead, his Sonne the second moneth of his Raigne hearing that the King of Aua his Vncle affected some change of State, and that fortie of his Grandes had conspi∣red * 1.615 with him, committed those fortie and Burned them all, together with their Wiues, Chil∣dren, Friends and Familiers, causing all that fled out of the fire to bee Cut in peeces. This estran∣ged his Subiects hearts, whereof hee had experience in the Warre against his Vncle, and there∣fore * 1.616 offered him single Combate vpon an Elephant, the suruiuor to possesse the Scepter, In this Combat, the King of Pegu slew his Vncle of Aua. But whiles hee was in that expedition, the King of Siam entred the Peguan Confines with an Armie as farre as a Towne called Satan, di∣uulging a rumour that hee came to ayde his Lord the King. This was much stomacked by the King of Pegu, who sent an Armie against him, commanding the Generall to bring him [ 50] Captiue. But this Armie disposed it selfe, and neglecting the Kings command, returned to their homes. The King after his returne sent to the Stamite to come to him, who offered to con∣tinue his Tribute, but refused to come.

Two yeeres after, the Peguan with an Armie of nine hundred thousand men, marcheth against Siam and besiegeth it. The Siamite makes him faire offers, but protracted the time till the * 1.617 third moneth, that in the inundation which happeneth in March, the Kings Armie might be in∣dammaged. That Riuer like Nilus (but in another moneth) vseth to couer one hundred and twentie miles circuit in ground, and so ouerwhelmed this Armie, that scarsely seuenty thousand of that great multitude returned to Martauan, and those without Horses and Elephants. The * 1.618 King of Peg•• hauing once and againe made such Expeditions in vaine, at length hee sent his [ 60] Brother the King of Iangoma with many Commanders; twise also hee sent his Sonne thither with a great Armie: which committed hostile spoyles, but yet euer returned with the losse of more then halfe their Armie: and his Sonne in the last Expedition was killed with shot of a Piece. Thus enraged and resolued to teuenge, hee made great preparations three yeeres toge∣ther,

and then thought to carrie with him all the Peguans to this warre. But of them, presenting the former dreadfull slaughters and losses to their mindes, some became Talapoies (Friers in their Ethnicisme) others hid themselues in Desarts, and Woods, and many sold themselues for Slaues. The King caused Ximibogo his Vncle to search the publike Records, and to presse one halfe to the warres, he also proclaimed that all which in such a space had turned Talapoies should returne secular; the young should be compelled to the warres, the old to be exiled in∣to the Region of the Bramas, whom also he after changed away for Horses. He ordained also that all the Peguans should be branded in the right hand, that euery mans name, Countrie and condition might be known. They seeing themselues thus opprobriously branded, Talapoies for∣ced to returne Secular, and old men exchanged for Horses, began to rebell.

The Cosmians first set a King ouer them, against whom the King sent an Armie, which spoiled * 1.619 [ 10] all the Countrie, and brought many Captiues, whom the King caused to be burned: and con∣tinuing his warre vpon them, forced by famine, they yeelded to his mercy, but he with exqui∣site torments slue them all. The next stage of his furie was the Kingdome of Aua, where hee * 1.620 commanded his sonne the Gouernour to bring them all into the Kingdome of Pegu, now so de∣stitute of Inhabitants; but the aire not agreeing, they brake out in pushes and diseases, which also infected the Natiues, that some with impatience of the torture threw themselues into the Riuer. Some of the Pegusians in this time had with the Siamites help, brought the Castle of Mur∣mulan into their possession, whom the King besieged a yere together. And the Siamites comming * 1.621 on them vnexpected, ouerthrew his Armie, killed his Horses and Elephants, slue and drowned many, tooke others: and so became Lords of all that Countrie, and many Peguan Peeres fled [ 20] to them; whose wiues, children, and families the King after his manner destroyed vtterly with fire, sword and water. And thus the whole tract from Pegu to Martauan and Murmulan, was * 1.622 brought to a Wildernesse.

Whiles hee besieged Murmulan, hee sent for his sonne the Vice-roy of Prom, who imagined that it was to proclaime him Heire apparant, and so preferre him to his elder brother the Prince of Aua: but when he came was sent to the siege of Murmulan, which he excusing was threat∣ned by his father, and commanded presently to salute his brother, and bee gone thither. Hee returned to Prom, and rebelled against his father. In these broiles the Siamite taketh oppor∣tuni••ie, * 1.623 and marcheth against Pegu in haruest time. Some of their fruits were hastily inned, [ 30] the rest burned by the Kings command. The Siamite layeth siege to Pegu, in which were then * 1.624 numbred an hundred and fifty thousand Peguans, Bramans, and of other Nations; three thou∣sand peeces of Ordnance, one thousand of them brasse. The siege continued from Ianuarie to Aprill, 1596. By the helpe of some Portugals and Turkes, the Citie escaped, and the rumour of Portugals comming by the way of Camboia raised the siege, the Siamite fearing to lose his owne, whiles he sought to winne that which was anothers. But Famine succeeded with a worse * 1.625 siege, which made the forren Souldiers leaue the Citie, a few remayning which were fled from Tangu. The King hereupon commanded the King or Vice-roy of Tangu, to gather the haruest then ripe, and to imbarke it and the people for Pegu. Hee answered that hee would send halfe, and that he or his sonne would come. The King sends foure principall men to fetch him and [ 40] the prouision by force. The Tanguan kills those Commissioners, possessed himselfe of the ships and Souldiers, and by Proclamation prohibiteth returne and aide to Pegu. Thus the famine * 1.626 encreased in the Citie, insomuch that they killed and did eate each other. The King caused the people to be numbred, and there finding seuen thousand Siamites, caused them all to be slaine, and diuided the prouision to the rest, of which there were not of all ages and sexes aboue thir∣ty thousand remayning.

The King of Prom held out three yeeres against his father, and then repenting, sent messen∣gers that he would bring all the people of Prom, which were 50000. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Citie. Hereupon the King pardoned him, and sent him presents. But his chiefe Counsellour which had set him on worke, fearing his head would be the price of his reconciliation, poisoned this young Prince, [ 50] and aspiring to the Kingdome, was within seuen dayes after killed by the Grandes, of whom euery weeke almost yeelded a rising Sunne setting in a bloudy Cloude: insomuch that in two moneths space, of fifty thousand scarcely fifty men remained, which going to Pegu, left Prom * 1.627 to the habitation of wilde beasts. Many Pegusians yet remained in other Countries whither they had fled, as in Iangoma, Arracan, Siam. The Talipois perswaded the Iangoman, brother to the King of Pegu, to vsurpe the Kingdome, which he refused, pretending his Oath. They re∣plied, * 1.628 that no Religion hindered, if he placed his brother in the Vahat, that is a Golden throne, to be adored of the people for a God. He also found out another tricke, that his brother of Pegu was borne before his father was enthronized, himselfe after he was now King, begotten also of the old King of Pegus daughter, whereas the Kings mother was not a Kings daughter. [ 60] The King is said to haue killed two hundred Eunuches, lest they should betray his huge trea∣sures: * 1.629 it is also reported, that his father caused to be cast three hundred sixty sixe Combalen∣gas of Gold (a great kinde of Gourd) which none knoweth where they be. He hath also sixty seuen Idols of Gold adorned with Iewels of all sorts, foure Store-houses with great plenty of

Lead, Brasse, Ordnance, without weight. This was then the state of the Kingdome of Pegu, brought to one Citie, and that almost destroyed.

The rest wee will supply out of the Epistle of Andrew Bones, and Francis Fernandes, Iesuites. This * 1.630 writes concerning Martauan, that it is a large Kingdome, but now desolate by the Siamites warre no lesse then Pegu. But two hundred thousands of the Inhabitants lurke in Woods and Mountaines. The King hath only two or three fortified Cities, not able to withstand the Sia∣mite. The fertilitie of that Countrie is such, that it yeeldeth yeerely a threefold Haruest, and * 1.631 at what time of the yeere soeuer they sowe, the seeds come to ripenesse. Cochin and Malaca alone carrie from thence yeerely thirty ships laden with Graine. The Woods also abound with diuers Fruit-trees; the Herbes are almost all both odoriferous and medicinable. It is able to [ 10] lade yeerely twenty of the greatest ships with Pitch and Timber. Their Fountaines, Riuers, wilde and tame Beasts, Mines of Gold, Siluer, Brasse, Iron, and Lead, also of Rubles and Gemmes, likewise their commodious Ports I omit: as also the temperature of the aire, and the hopes of conuerting the countrie, since frustrated.

Boues writeth, the eight and twentieth of March, 1600. that the King of Pegu beleagred * 1.632 with a straight siege by the Kings of Tangu and Arracan, deliuered himselfe (vnable to hold out any longer) to the King of Tangu, which caused his head and the Queenes also to bee cut off. The like he did to his sonne the Prince. After this he went to the Tower where the Kings trea∣sure was kept, which was so much that scarcely sixe hundred Elephants and as many Horses * 1.633 were sufficient to carrie away the Gold and Gemmes onely. For I say nothing of the Siluer [ 20] and other Metals, as things of no price. The King of Arracan then absent, hearing that the King of Tangu against his agreement with him had taken all this treasure for himselfe, and dis∣missed the Armie without his Knowledge, came thither with the aide of the Portugals to in∣uade Tangu. I went thither with Philip Brito, and in fifteene dayes arriued at Sirian, the chiefe * 1.634 Port in Pegu. It is a lamentable spectacle to see the bankes of the Riuers set with infinite fruit∣bearing trees, now ouerwhelmed with ruines of gilded Temples, and noble edifices; the wayes * 1.635 and fields full of skulls and bones of wretched Peguans, killed or famished and cast into the Riuer, in such numbers that the multitude of carkasses prohibiteth the way and passage of any ship; to omit the burnings and massacres committed by this the cruellest of Tyrants that euer breathed.

The King of Arracan is now ending his businesse at the Tower of Macao, carrying thence [ 30] * 1.636 the Siluer which the King of Tangu had left, exceeding three millions, besides many and rare pieces of brazen Ordnance remayning in that Castle. The Kings of Siam and Iangoma with great forces haue inuaded the King of Tangu to despoile him of his spoiles. The King of Ar∣racan is yet Lord of Pegu, though not acknowledged by those which fled or bid themselues, and hath deliuered the Port of Sirian to Philip de Brito, that the Peguan fugitiues might haue refuge vnder Portugall protection. Brito is in hand with building the Fort, and is earnest for a Residence of our Society. The King of Siam in his way towards Tangu made irruption into the Kingdome of Martauan, but was twice repelled with losse; and hath therefore reenforced * 1.637 his Armie, withall commanding two of his Captaines for negligence and cowardise to bee drowned in Caldrons of scalding Oile, after which entring a third time hee hath sub dued that [ 40] Kingdome of Martauan. What after happened in Pegu and Siam, See before in Master Floris his Iournall. Wee will returne to Coromandel with Pimenta.

THe Towne of Saint Thomas is famous by the Cathedrall Church, the Apostles Sepulchre, * 1.638 his house in the little Hill, his martyrdome in the great Hill, and the miracle of the Crosse. Wee went thence to Gingi; the greatest Citie we haue sent in India, and bigger then any in Por∣tugall, Lisbon excepted. In the midst thereof is a Castle like a Citie, high walled with great hewen stone and encompassed with a ditch full of water: in the middle of it is a Rocke framed into Bulwarkes and Turrets, and made impregnable. The Naicus shewed vs his golden stuffe, [ 50] amongst which were two great Pots carried on their shoulders full of water for the King to drinke. The Iogues which had returned by land from Bengala, brought in such vessels water from * 1.639 Ganges for the Courtiers, they were encompassed with filthie base clothes, which they kissed as holy vessels notwithstanding. The Naicus appointed our lodging in the Tower, but the heat forced vs to the Groue (though consecrated to an Idoll) the Iogues ambitiously affecting applause by tolerating in the open Court the most intolerable Sun-beames, sometimes at noone (but sildome) interposing a thinne Vaile. Wee saw one of them, which being shut vp in Iron Cage had there made himselfe perpetuall prisoner, so walking with his head and feet out, that be neuer could sit nor lie downe. At the sides of the Caue hung forth an hundred Lampes, which at certaine times foure Iogues his attendants lighted. He ietted with great iollitie and glorie as [ 60] if he gaue light to the world by his splendour.

The next day the inner part of the Castle was shewed vs, hauing no entrance but by the Gates which are perpetually guarded. In the Court the younger sort were exercised in Tilts. Wee saw much Ordnance, Powder, and Shot; a Spring also of cleare water. The Naicus had

beene here kept by his Vncle, whom yet by helpe of his friends he forced to become in the same place his vnwilling successour, hauing put out his eyes. He was guarded homeward with a thou∣sand armed men: in the Streete were ranked three hundred Elephants as it were fitted to the warre. At the Porch one entertained him with an Oration in his praise, a thing vsuall in their so∣lemne pompes. Christ apanaichus (that is his name) shewed vs another day his store of Iewels, and gaue vs leaue in his new Citie, which hee called Christapatama, to fixe a residence and erect a Church, two hundred pieces of gold being assigned to the Priest thereof, his Letters Patents writ∣ten in the Tamulan and Badagan Languages. This new Citie is seated in the Land Arungor, neere the mouth of the Riuer Velarius. Thence we came to the Riuer Colocam. Cholgana a great man * 1.640 receiued vs with great kindnesse. Hee is old and seuere, and hath caused Crocodiles to bee put in his Riuer for his securitie, charging them not to hurt his owne people. They neuerthelesse kil∣led [ 10] a man, whereupon I knowe not by what arts hee tooke two of them which were the malefa∣ctors, and put chaines about their neckes, and cast them into a miry place, there to bee stoned by the people, and to die of famine. One of these we saw.

Wee passed thence to Trangambaran, and thence to Taniaor, the walls whereof are built of * 1.641 hewen stone, and it is the seat of another Naichus, who had lately renounced the world and pre∣pared himselfe for death, accompanied in that deuotion by his seuenty wiues, all which were to * 1.642 be burned in the same fire with his carkasse. Hee had bestowed fiue thousand pieces of gold in sweet woods against that day. The Naichus of Madure is very superstitious, and resigned his Palace to his Idol Chochanada, vpon the authoritie of a Priest which said the Idoll by night had [ 20] bidden him tell the King, that hee or I must dwell in this house. Hee daily sits in iudgement, a Bramene standing by, which euer and anone whineth out the name of the Idoll Aranganassa; and when one is weary another succeedeth, and continueth that acclamation, though hee sits sixe houres.

Simon Sa writes from Meliapor, the twentieth of Nouember, 1598. amongst many other things * 1.643 of Paparagi••, which in one house kept three hundred Brachmans, and gaue hospitalitie to the Pilgrims which went to, or came from Tripiti, a famous Idoll three miles from Chandegrin. They purge their sinnes by washing their bodies and shauing their heads and beards. The Idoll is in a cold hill compassed with fertile valleyes abounding with fruits, which none dare touch. There are plenty of Apes, which are so tame, that they will take meate out of ones hand. The people [ 30] take them for a Nation of gods which hold familiaritie with Perimal. They worship Perimal in many figures, of a Man, an Oxe, Horse, Lion, Hog, Ducke, Cocke.

The Archbishop of Goa Alexius Menesius visited the Diocesse of Angamala, the Archbishop * 1.644 there being dead: he caused their bookes to be purged from innumerable Nestorianismes, appoin∣ted eighty Parishes, kept a Synode, and tooke away those things, which in their bookes were a∣gainst the Pope.

Emanuel Carualius in his Letters from Malaca, in Ianuarie, 1599. writeth of an Embassage * 1.645 sent thither from the King of Camboia to obtaine some of the Fathers of Saint Paul (so the Ie∣suites are called in the East Indies) to bee sent into his Kingdome. This Kingdome of Camboia * 1.646 hath Cauci or Cochinchina on the North, Sion (or Siam) on the South, which also lieth in the [ 40] midst betwixt Pegu and Camboia, the Sea on the other side. It hath a Riuer which ouerfloweth yeerely. The Region is fertile, and hath also store of Beioine and other merchandise. Within twenty yeeres last past this numerous people hath beene much diminished by warres with Siam. Beyond Camboia are the Laos, which inhabite on the Riuers sides, and Lakes made by it. For the Riuer runneth twelue hundred miles, and the head thereof is not knowne by the Camboy∣ans. The Laos which dwelt aboue on the Riuer twenty yeeres agoe, would needs come downe * 1.647 the Riuer with an Armie of two hundred thousand men, which all perished, and the King of Camboia perished also in the battell. His sonne by helpe of the Portugals expelled the Laos, which ten yeeres together infested the Countrie. They haue many Cities and Temples like the Chinois and Iaponians, with their Bonzos. [ 50]

Emanuel de Ueiga from Chandegrin, in September, 1599. writeth of his Voyage from Saint * 1.648 Thomas thither. The second day at night they lay at Triualur, where they saw their Idols so∣lemne Procession by night, carried into the street by eight Porters in a high Throne: the I∣mage it selfe not aboue three spannes long clothed with an vpper garment of red silke, an inner shirt of linnen. An Elephant went before the pompe, consecrated to the Idoll, carrying a white Banner on his backe; and after him three Oxen sacred also thereto, on which sate Drummers: after them Trumpetters and Pipers with diuersified Instruments, straight, crooked, great, small. These all made a confused sound, without any obseruation of order and time. Afterthese came * 1.649 30. women-dancers, which haue deuoted themselues to the Idols perpetuall seruice, which may not marrie, but prostitute themselues for the most part, all goodly and richly arrayed, all carry∣ing [ 60] Lampes burning. And the Idoll came in the Rere with his Porters and Priests, liuing on the reuenues of the Temple. The common people followed with lights. They passed foure streets, and in their returne set the Idoll in a place erected with pillars with a stone roofe, and all the companie compassed the Idoll three times, which done, they carried him to the Temple, where

foure Brachmanes entertained him, which bowed their heads to the Idoll; one of them bring∣ing on his head a basket of boyled Rice for the Idols supper, attended with Fanners to scarre a∣way Flies. When the meate was set downe, a Curtaine was drawne, lest any might see the Idoll eating, the Instruments sounding the while. Soone after the Curtaine was drawne againe, the Rice remoued, the Ministers gone in, and one comes forth which makes an Oration in his praise, and then all went into the Temple, where foure houres were spent in idle-idol-rites. The King of Bisnagar gaue vs leaue to erect a Church and make residence there, and was much delighted with the picture of Our Lady, and the things vttered by Father Ricius. This Father Francis Ri∣cius * 1.650 writ at the same time of the great pleasure which the King tooke in beholding the Image of our Sauiour, and of the blessed Virgin aduocatae nostrae, (these are his words) by whose inter∣cession the King and Nobilitie became so kinde to vs to giue vs leaue to build a Church, erect [ 10] Crosses, and conuert men, insomuch that fifty families were to giue place, and depart from the ground, thereto assigned vs. The King of Bisnagar writ a Letter to Pimenta, beginning thus, The King of Kings and Great Lord, the Knight of Knights, Ouencatepati, that is, King after God, &c.

Melchior Cotignus his Letter of that Mission mentioneth Alexander an Englishmen a Brother * 1.651 of the Iesuiticall Order (Linschoten cap. 92. mentioneth Newbury, Fitch, and two other English∣men imprisoned at Goa, where a Iesuite sought, in hope so to get the wealth of the Merchants in their hands, to bring them to their Order, whereto one was perswaded, a Painter, of which fa∣cultie they haue few in the Indies, and so made vse of him, hoping also to winne the rest, which after escaped: Fitches Voyage you haue before) He mentioneth also their superstitious opinion [ 20] touching the Sunnes Eclipse, caused, as that of the Moone, when the Dragon (one of their con∣stellations) biteth either of them; for which cause they all fast that day, crying out that the Dra∣gon * 1.652 deuoureth the Sunne. At the Feast of Perimals marriage was such concourse of people, that that dayes offering amounted to two hundred thousand Ducats, the King, Queene and Cour∣tiers being present. The Idoll was carried in a great triumphall Chariot drawne by ten thou∣sand men, about midnight, a mile and an halfe. The Feast of Kowes was solemnized a moneth before, and all the wayes filled with them: for they hold Perimal to haue beene the sonne of a Kow. The rumour was that the King would warre vpon the Naichus of Tangaor called Astapa∣naicus, but his death preuented it, his three hundred Concubines being burned with him to ho∣nour his Exequies, willingly leaping into the flames. Three Tribes are the principall Inhabitants [ 30] of Chandegrin, Bramenes, Raius, and Cietius, of which they say that Perimal brought forth the first out of his head, the second out of his breast, the third out of his bellie, the rest as baser vul∣gar from his feet. No maruell that they are all so apish from such originall.

CHAP. VIII.

IOHN HVIGHEN van Linschoten his Voyage to Goa, and obseruations of the East Indies, abbreuiated.

VPon the eight of Aprill, being Good-friday, in the yeere of our Lord 1483. which [ 40] commonly is the time when their ships set sayle within foure or fiue dayes vnder or ouer, wee all together issued out out of the Riuer of Lisbon, and put to Sea, setting our course for the Ilands of Madera.

The ships are commonly charged with foure or fiue hundred men at the least, * 1.653 sometimes more, sometimes lesse, as there are Souldiers and Saylers to be found. When they goe out they are but lightly laden, onely with certaine pipes of Wine and Oyle, and some small quantitie of merchandise, other thing they haue not in, but balast, and victuals for the companie, for that the most and greatest ware that is sent into India, are Rials of eight, be∣cause the principall Factors for Pepper doe euery yeere send a great quantitie of money, where∣with [ 50] to buy Pepper, as also diuers particular Merchants, as being the least ware that men can car∣rie into India: for that in these Rials of eight they gaine at the least forty per cento: when the ships are out of the Riuer, and enter into the Sea, all their men are mustered, as well Saylers as Souldiers, and such as are found absent and left on land, being registred in the Bookes, are mar∣ked by the Purser, that at their returne they may talke with their Sureties, (for that euery man putteth in Sureties) and the goods of such as are absent, being found in the ship are presently brought forth and prised, and an Inuentorie being made, it is left to be disposed at the Captaines pleasure. The like is done with their goods that die in the ship, but little of it commeth to the owners hands, imbeseled and priuily made away.

The Master and Pilot haue for their whole Voyage forth and home againe, each man an hun∣dred [ 60] and twenty Milreyes, euery Milrey being worth in Dutch money seuen Gilders, and receiue before hand, each man foure and twenty Milreyes, besides that they haue Chambers both vnder in the ship, and Cabbins aboue the hatches, as also Primage, and certaine tunnes fraight. The

like haue all the other Officers in the ship according to their degrees, and although they receiue money in hand, yet it costeth them more in gifts before they get their places, which are giuen by fauour and good will of the Pro••••••d••r.

The chiefe Boat-swain hath for his whole pay 10. Milreyes, and receiueth 10. in ready mo∣ney. The Guardian, that is the quarter master, hath 1400. Reyes the moneth, and for fraught 2800. and receiueth 7. Milreyes in ready money. The Seto Piloto, which is the Masters mate, hath 1200. Reyes, which is three Duckets the moneth, and as much fraught as the quarter Master. Two Car∣penters, and two Callafaren which helpe them, haue each man foure Ducats a moneth, and 3900. Milreyes fraught. The Steward that giueth out their meate and drinke, and the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which is he that imprisoneth men aboord, and hath charge of all the Munition and Powder, with the [ 10] deliuering forth of the same, hath each man a Milreye the moneth, and 2340. Reyes fraught, be∣sides their Chambers and freedome of Custome, as also all other Officers, Saylers, Pikenien, Shot, &c. haue euery man after the rate, and euery one that serueth in the ship. The Cooper hath three Duckets a moneth, and 3900. Reyes fraught. Two Str••••eros, those are they which hoise vp the Main-yard by a wheele, and let it downe againe with a wheele as neede is, haue each man one Milrey the moneth, and 2800. Reyes fraught. Three and thirty Saylers haue each man one Mil∣rey the moneth, and 2800. Reyes fraught. Seuen and thirty Rowers haue each man 660. Reyes the moneth, and 1860. Reyes fraught, foure Pageants, which are Boyes, haue with their fraught 443. Reyes the moneth, one master Gunner, and eight vnder him, haue each man a different pay, some more, some lesse. The Surgeon likewise hath no certaine pay. The Factor and Purser haue [ 20] no pay but onely their Chambers, that is belowe vnder hatches, a Chamber of twenty pipes, for each man ten pipes, and aboue hatches each man his Cabbin to sleepe in, whereof they make great prosit. These are all the Officers and other persons which sayle in the ship, which haue for their portion euery day in victuals, each man alike, as well the greatest as the least, a pound and three quarters of Bisket, halfe a Can of wine, a Can of water, an Aroba which is 32. pound of salt flesh the moneth, some dried Fish, Onions and Garleeke are eaten in the beginning of the Voyage, as being of small value; other prouisions, as Sugar, Honie, Raisins, Prunes, Rice, and such like, are kept for those which are sicke: yet they get but little thereof, for that the Officers keepe it for themselues, and spend it at their pleasures, nor letting much goe out of their fingers: as for the dressing of their meate, Weede, Pots, and Pannes, euery man must make his owne prouision: [ 30] besides all this there is a Clarke and Steward for the Kings Souldiers that haue their parts by them∣selues, as the Saylers haue.

This is the order and manner of their Voyage when they sayle vnto the Indios, but when they returne againe, they haue no more but each man a portion of Bisket and Water vntill they come to the Cape de Bona Esperance, and from thence home they must make their owne prouisions. The Souldiers that are passengers haue nothing else but free passage, that is roome for a Chest vn∣der hatches, and a place for their Bed in the Orloope, and may not come away without the Vice∣royes pasport, and yet they must haue beene fiue yeeres Souldiers in the Indies before they can haue licence, but the Slaues must pay fraught for their bodies, and custome to the King. The one and twentieth of September wee entred the Riuer into the Road vnder the Land of Bardes. [ 40]

Of the Towne and Iland of Goa, chiefe Citie of India.

THe Citie of Goa, is the Metropolitan or chiefe Citie of all the Orientall Indies, where the * 1.654 Portugals haue their traffique, where also the Vice-roy, the Arch-bishop, the Kings Coun∣sell, and Chancerie haue their residence, and from thence are all places in the Orientall Indies, gouerned and ruled. There is likewise the Staple for all Indian commodities, whither all sorts of Merchants doe resort, comming thither both to buy and sell, and out of Arabia, Armenia, Persia Cambaia, Bengala, Pegu, Sian, Malacca, Iaua, Molucca, China, &c. The Citie and Iland of Goa lieth vnder 15. degrees, on the North side, and is distant from the Equinoctiall, (by the [ 50] way that the Portugals ships doe come thither from Mossambique) foure hundred miles. It is an Iland wholly compassed about with a Riuer, and is aboue three miles great, it lieth within the Coast of the Firme Land, so that the Iland, with the Sea coast of the Firme Land, doe both reach as farre each as other into the Sea. It is onely separated from the firme Land, by an arme of the Sea, or of the Riuer, that runneth in by the North side of the Towne, and so round about the I∣land to the South side, where it entreth againe into the Sea, and is in forme almost like a Halfe∣moone. The Riuer runneth euen vnto the Towne, and is indifferent broad, there are betweene the Firme Land and the Iland, certaine small Ilands that are all inhabited by the naturall borne Countrimen, and on the other side of the Towne the Riuer is there so small, that in Summer time, by wading to the knees in water, a man may passe it ouer on foot. On the which side the [ 60] Iland hath a wall with certaine Bulwarkes, which the Portugals of late yeeres haue caused to be made, to defend them from the Firme Land in time of warre, as it often hapneth, for it hath diuers times beene besieged by Dialcan or Hidalca••, at the mouth and the entrie of the Riuer. On the North side lieth the Land of Bardes, which is high Land, vnder which Land the Portugals doe

anchor safely out of all danger, and there they haue a place to lade and vnlade their wares. This Land of Bardes is also vnder the Portugall subiection, and is full of Villages inhabited with people * 1.655 that are of the Firme Land, lying aboue it, called Canarijns, who for the most part are Christians, but obserue their owne manner of apparell, which is to goe all naked, their priuie members one∣ly couered. This Land is full of Indian Palme trees, whereon the Indian Nuts called Cocos doe growe, as also all the other Ilands lying in the Riuer. This Iland of Bardes is separated from the Firme Land by a small Riuer, which is so little, that it cannot almost be discerned from the Firme Land. On the South side off the Iland of Goa, where the Riuer runneth againe into the Sea, there commeth euen out with the coast a Land called Salsette, which is also vnder the subiection of * 1.656 the Portugals, and is inhabited, and planted both with people and fruit, like the Land of Bardes, and is likewise parted with a little Riuer from the Firme Land. Betweene this Land of Salsette, [ 10] and the Iland of Goa, he also some small Ilands, all full of Indian Palmetrees, and by the mouth or issue of the Riuer, lieth an Iland which is called Goa Ve••••a, that is old Goa, from whence there commeth no speciall thing, neither is it much inhabited. Those Lands of Bardes and Salsette, are by the Kings of Portugall let out to farme, and the rents thereof are employed to the payment of the Arch-bishop, Cloisters, Priests, and other the Kings Officers, yeerely ••••••pends, which is gran∣ted them by speciall Priuiledges and Patents from the King. The Iland is very hilly; and in some places so desart and rough, that on some sides men can hardly trauell ouer land (but with great labour) to the Towne of Goa. The Iland euen to the Sea side is full of Villages, and inhabited by the Canarijns which are the naturall borne people of the Land, and doe altogether line by wor∣king vpon the Land, and by their Palme trees. The Villages and dwellings of these Canarijns are [ 20] most round about the Iland, and on the water sides, or by small Lakes, whereof there are some few within the Iland, and the cause why they dwell thus, is for that the Palme trees will not growe in any other place but on lowe ground, by the waters, specially in sandy ground: so that there are no Palme trees to bee found on the high land within the Countrie vnlesse it bee vpon sandy grounds on the Sea coast, or Riuers sides. On the East side of the Towne of Goa vpwards, into the Riuer, about three miles from the Towne of Bardes, lieth a place where the Portugals ships doe anchor, the Riuer hath some creekes, and a ship of two hundred tunnes or there abouts, may easily discharge before the Towne, but the Portugals great ships must discharge themselues at Bardes: which being done, they may if they will freely goe and l••e before the Towne. The Towne is well built with faire houses and streets, after the Portugall manner, but because of the [ 30] heate they are somewhat lower. They commonly haue their Gardens and Orchards at the back-side of their houses, full of all kind of Indian fruits: as also the whole Iland through, they haue many pleasant Gardens and Farmes, with houses to play in, and trees of Indian fruits, whe∣ther they goe to sport themselues, and wherein the Indian women take great delight. The Towne hath in it all sorts of Cloysters and Churches as Lisb•••• hath, onely it wanteth Nunnes, for the men cannot get the women to trauell so farre, where they should bee shut vp, and for∣sake Venus.

Touthing the Portugals iustice and ordinances, as well in worldly as spirituall causes, they are all one as they are in Portugall. They dwell in the Towne among all sor••s of Nations, as Indians, Heathens, Moores, Iewes, Armenians, Gusarates, Benianes, Bramenes, and of all Indian Nations [ 40] and People, which doe all dwell and traffique therein, euery man holding his owne Religion, without constraining any man to doe against his conscience, onely touching their ceremonies of burning the dead, and the liuing, of marrying and other supperstions, and deuillish inuentions, * 1.657 they are forbidden by the Arch-bishop to vse them openly, or in the Iland, but they may freely vse them vpon the Firme Land, and secretly in their houses, thereby to shunne and auoide all oc∣casions of dislike that might be giuen to Christians, which are but newly baptised: but touching the worldly policy or good gouernment of the Countrie, and executing of iustice, as also for the ruling of the Townes-men in the Citie: it is common to them all, and they art vnder the Portugals law, and hee that is once christned, and is after found to vse any heathenish supersti∣tions, is subiect to the Inquisition, whatsoeuer he be, or for any point of Religion whatsoeuer. * 1.658 [ 50]

The Iland hath nothing of it selfe to nourish it withall, but only some Cattell, Hennes, Goats, Doues, &c. but very few, because of the barrennesse and euill situation of the place, which is a most hilly, barren, and wilde Countrie, and full of waste ground: all their necessaries, as Beasts, Hennes, Hogges, Egges, Milke, &c. come from Salsette and Bardes, but most part out of the Firme Land, Corne, Rice, and other Graine: also Oyle, and all other necessaries come from other Countries, and are brought in by the Riuer, as from Cambaia on the North side, and from the coast of Malabar, and other places, as in the description of the coast we haue in part declared: of Wine called Wine of Palme trees, they haue enough, and so much that they haue to spare for other places. They haue but little fresh water, but onely one Well, called Banga••ijn, which stan∣deth about a quarter of a mile without the Citie, wherewith the whole Towne is serued, which [ 60] the slaues fetch in Pots and sell it in the Towne, and is very good to drinke: for water to dresse meate, wash, and doe other things withall, they commonly haue Wells within their houses: the Land of it selfe is very stony and drie, hauing a kind of red earth, so that some Italian Alchimists

haue promised to get Copper and Gold out of the same, which neither the King nor Vice-roy would euer consent vnto, fearing lest the report of such treasure would bee occasion of grea∣ter * 1.659 trouble.

THe Portugals in India, are many of them married with the natural born women of the Coun∣trie, * 1.660 and the children proceeding of them are called Mestiços, that is, half-countrimen. These Mestiços are commonly of yellowish colour, notwithstanding there are many women among them, that are faire and well formed. The children of the Portugals, both boyes and girles, which are borne in India, are called Castiços, and are in all things like vnto the Portugals, only somwhat diffring in colour, for they draw toward a yellow colour: the children of those Castiços are yellow, and altogether like the Mestiços, and the children of Mestiços are of colour and fashion like the [ 10] naturall borne Countrimen or Decanijns of the Countrie, so that the posteritie of the Portugals, both men and women being in the third degree, doe seeme to be naturall Indians, both in colour and fashion. Their liuings and daily traffiques are to Bengala, Pegu, Malacca, Cambaia, China, and euery way, both North and South: also in Goa there is holden a daily assemblie or meeting toge∣ther, as well of the Citizens and Inhabitants, as of all Nations throughout India, and of the Coun∣tries bordering on the same, which is like the meeting vpon the Burse in Antwerpe, yet differeth much from that, for that hither in Goa there come as well Gentlemen, as Merchants and others, and there are all kindes of Indian commodities to sell, so that in a manner it is like a Faire. This meeting is onely before noone, euery day in the yeere, except Sundayes and Holidayes: it begin∣neth [ 20] in the morning at seuen of the clocke, and continueth till nine of the clocke, but not in the heate of the day, nor after noone, in the principall street of the Citie, named the Straight street, and is called the Leylon, which is as much to say, as an outroop: there are certaine Criers appoin∣ted by the Citie for the purpose, which haue of all things to be cried and sold: these goe all the time of the Leylon or Outroop, all behangd about with all sorts of gold chaines, all kinds of costly Iewels, Pearles, Rings, and Precious stones: likewise they haue running about them, many sorts of Captiues and Slaues, both men and women, young and old, which are daily sold there, as beasts are sold with vs, where euery one may chuse which liketh him best, euery one at a certaine price. There are also Arabian Horses, all kind of Spices and dried Drugs, sweet Gummes, and such like things, fine and costly Couerlets, and many curious things, out of Cambaia, Sinde, Bengala, China, [ 30] &c. and it is wonderfull to see in what sort many of them get their liuings, which euery day come thither to buy wares, and at another time sell them again. And when any man dieth, all his goods are brought thither and sold to the last peniworth, in the same outroop, whosoeuer they be, yea al∣though they were the Vice-royes goods: and this is done to doe right and iustice vnto Orphans and Widowes; and that it may bee sold with the first, where euery man may see it, so that euery yeere there is great quantitie of ware sold within that Citie, for that there die many men within the Towne, by meanes of their disordered liuing, together with the hotnesse of the Countrie: the like assemblie is holden in all places of India, where the Portugals inhabite. There are some mar∣ried Portugals that get their liuings by their slaues, both men and women, whereof some haue 12. some 20. and some 30. for it costeth them but little to keep them. These slaues for money do labor [ 40] for such as haue need of their helpe, some fetch fresh water, and sell it for money about the streets: the women slaues make all sorts of confectures and conserues of Indian fruits, much fine needle-worke, both cut and wrought workes, and then their masters send the fairest and the youngest of them well drest vp with their wares about the streets to sell the same, that by the neatnesse and beauty of the said women slaues, men might be moued to buy, which hapneth more for the affe∣ction they haue to the slaues, & to fulfill their pleasure with them, then for any desire to the con∣serues or needle-workes: for these slaues do neuer refuse them, but make their daily liuing there∣by, and with the gaines that they by that meanes bring home, their masters may well keepe and maintayne them. There are others that vse exchanging of moneyes, and to buy money when it commeth, as time serueth to sell it again, for they buy the Rials of eight, when the ships come from [ 50] Portugall, whereof some buy at the least ten or twelue hundred, and keepe them till the moneth of April, which is the time when the ships sayle to China, for then are the Rials of eight sought for to carrie thither, & are commonly worth fiue and twenty or thirty in the hundred profit, and then they receiue for them a certaine money, which at the same time is brought from Ormus, called Larrijns, that come out of Persia, which they buy for eight or ten in the hundred profit, and keep them till the Portugals on the moneth of September come thither, and so deliuer them againe for twenty or fiue and twenty in the hundred profit, in exchange for Rials of eight, as I said be∣fore, for they must haue these Larrijns with them to Cochin, to buy Pepper and other wares, for that it is the best and most profitable money. There are yet other sorts of money called Pagods, Venetianers, and Santhones, which are gold, all which they doe likewise buy and sell, so that there [ 60] are many that doe nothing else, and become rich, specially he that hath a good stocke. This ex∣change commeth most commonly from the Spiritualtie, who doe secretly vse it, by other mens meanes, without any let or hinderance. Some there are that liue vpon their rents which they haue by their Palme trees.

There are among them but two manner of people, that is, Married men, and Souldiers, for that all Young men vnmarried are named Souldiers, which is the best name that a man can haue; not that the Souldiers are any wayes bound or vnder the commandement and Regiment of any Captaine, which throughout India, is not vsed, but when the Portugals come into India out of Portugall, and are arriued there, euery man goeth where he thinketh best, although in Portugall euery mans name that goeth in the ship is written and registred, which is done in this sort: euery man is written vp, both his name and sirname, with a note what pay they receiue of the King, whereof some beare the title of Fidalgo da Caza del Rey nossas Senor, that is, a Gentle∣man of the Kings House, which is the chiefest title: there are others named Mozos Fidalgos, which is also an Honourable title, and they are commonly Gentlemens Sonnes, or by the Kings fauour aduanced thereunto: There are yet others that are named Caualhiero Fidalgo, which is [ 10] not so much as the other two, yet it is an Honourable title, and is the title of a Knight, who for some Valiant act by him done is made Knight, which they doe for a small matter: for that if he doe any Act to be accounted of, or be in a manner of such an action doing, presently he is of a Captaine or a Gentleman made a Knight, whereof they much boast themselues: and it is now growne so common among them, that very Cookes Boyes and others as meane as they, are made Knights: there are others also that are named Mosos da Camara, do Numero, e do Serui∣ço, which is seruants to the King, some of his Chamber, some of his Accounts, and some for his Seruice, this is the first Title or Degree of credite, whereby through their good seruice they at∣taine vnto better, and are more glorious of their Titles, then of all the riches in the world. There are also that are named Escuderos Fidalgos, that is Esquires, which is likewise a degree of [ 20] credit: Others are named Hommes honorados, which is men of Honour, and the poorest among them (which are not named by any title) are set downe for Souldiers, which are the common and Rascall sort: these are euery man paied their wages according to their Titles, and may each man in his qualitie (by long seruice, or some good action, but most by fauour) rise to higher degree; for that according to their Titles their seruice is rewarded. The Portugals which sayle for India, being thus registred and written downe, the said Register at their arriuall there, is deliuered to be kept by one of the Kings Officers thereunto appointed, which euery three yeeres is likewise changed, as other Officers are, and is called the chiefe Clerke of the Matri∣cola Generall.

THe Portugals, Mesticos, and Christians, keepe Worshipfull and bountifull Houses, hauing [ 30] commonly (as it is said before) fiue, sixe, ten, twentie, some more, some lesse Slaues, both * 1.661 men and women, in their houses euery man according to his estate and qualitie, I meane Mar∣ried men. They are very cleanly and sweet in all things belonging to their Houses, specially in their Linnen, for that euery day they change Shirts and Smockes both men and women, and their Slaues and Seruants likewise, with other things that they weare, which they doe because of the great heat in that Land. The Portugals are commonly serued with great grauitie, with∣out any difference betweene the Gentleman and the common Citizen, Townesman or Souldi∣er, and in their going, curtesies, and conuersations, common in all things: when they goe in the Streets they step very softly and slowly forwards, with a great pride and vaine-glorious [ 40] maiestie, with a Slaue that carrieth a great Hat or vayle ouer their heads, to keepe the Sunne and Raine from them. Also when it raineth they commonly haue a Boy that beareth a Cloake of Scarlet or of some other Cloth after them, to cast ouer them: and if bee before Noone, he carrieth a Cushion for his Master to kneele on when he heareth Masse, and their Rapier is most commonly carried after them by a Boy, that it may not trouble them as they walke, nor hin∣der their Grauities. When they meet in the streets a good space before they come together, they begin with a great Besolas maos, to stoope with their bodies, and to thrust forth their foot to salute each other, with their Hats in their hands, almost touching the ground: likewise when they come into the Church where they haue Stooles readie, which their Slaues haue pre∣pared for them: all that are by him that commeth in, doe stand vp, and with the same manner [ 50] of bowing their bodies doe him great Reuerence, and if it chanceth that any doth him reue∣rence (as the manner is) and that hee to whom it is done doth not greatly esteeme thereof, so that he doth him not the like curtesie, they doe altogether for that cause goe after him, and cut his Hat in peeces, saying that he had disgraced the partie, wherein it is not for them to aske wherefore they should so doe, for it would bee the greatest shame and reproach in the world vnto them, if they should not reuenge so great an iniurie: and when they seeke to be reuenged of any man that hath shewen them discurtesie, or for any other cause whatsoeuer it bee, they assemble ten or twelue of their Friends, acquaintance or companions, and take him whereso∣euer they find him, and beat him so long together, that they leaue him for dead, or verie neare dead, or else cause him to be stabbed by their Slaues. But if they desire not to kill him, [ 60] they baste him well about the ribbes and all his bodie ouer with a thicke Reed, as big as a mans legge, which is called Bambus, whereby for eight daies after and more he hath enough to doe to keepe his Bed, and sometime in that manner they leaue him for dead. This is their

common Custome, and is neuer looked vnto or once corrected. Also they vse long bagges of full of Sand, wherewith they will giue such blowes each vpon other, that therewith they will breake each others limbes, and for euer after make them lame.

When any man goeth to visit another in his House; although he which is visited bee one of the principall Gentlemen of the Citie, and the visitor but a simple Souldier, or some other man, it is the manner that hee which is visited commeth vnto the doore of his House, with his Hat in his hand, and with great curtesie to receiue him that commeth to visit him, and so leadeth him vp into his Hall or Chamber, wherein hee will speake with him, where he offereth him a Chaire to sit downe, and then he himselfe sitteth by him, then he asketh him what hee would haue, which hauing vnderstood hee bringeth him downe againe to the doore in the like sort, and so with a Besolas manos biddeth him farewell, and if hee should not doe so, or when he gi∣ueth [ 10] him a Stoole, should giue him one vnlined, or one that is lesse or lower then that he taketh for himselfe, hee that visiteth him would take it in euill part, esteeming it a great scorne, and seeke to be reuenged on him for the same.

When they haue any Weddings and are married, whosoeuer they bee if they haue any wealth, all the Friends and Neighbours come together, euery man on Horsebacke, and hee that hath not a Horse will borrow one, and are euery man very co••••ly Apparelled, at the least some fiftie or a hundreth Horses little more or lesse, as the person is of qualitie, and so they ride altogether in good order vnto the Church with their Seruants, and euery man his Hat for the Sunne, the Parents and Friends in the hinder part, and in the last row the Bridegroome be∣tweene two of them, whom they call Gossops: after them followeth the Bride betweene two [ 20] Commeres, each in their Pallamkin, which is most costly made, and after follow the Slaues both men and women going in Troupes, as if they ranne to Hunt, and so comming to the Church, and being Married according to the order vsed in the Church of Rome: they are in the same order brought home againe, and passing through the streets, the neigbours leaning vpon Indian Carpets looke out of the windowes, and throw Rose water vpon the Bride and Bridegroome, and other sweet smelling waters, with Roses and Sugar Comfets, or Corne. In the meane time their Slaues play vpon Shalmes and Trumpets most pleasant and melodious to heare, and com∣ming to the House where the Bride and Bridegroome dwell, with great reuerence and courte∣sie bowing downe their bodies, they take their leaues of all the Companie, which are all on [ 30] Horsebacke about the doore. And so the Bride, the Bridegroome and the Commeres, goe vp and sit with great grauitie in a Window, and then begin the Horsemen that led them to Church, in honour of the Married couple, one after the other to runne a course, the Gossops beginning first, and the rest following twice or thrice one after the other, with continuall playing on Shalmes, which are very common in India, for that he which is of any wealth hath them of his owne within his House. This being ended, they all passe before the window where the Bride & Bridegroome sit with a great reuerence, and so passe on all sauing the Gossops, for they goe vp to the Bride and Bridegroome, and bid God giue them ••oy; then is there some Comfets and Marchpane brought forth, to drinke a Cup of water withall, and after some curte∣ous salutations and congratulations to the new Married couple, they take their leaues and de∣part: [ 40] so there remaineth with the Bride and Bridegroome but three or foure of their nearest friends and kinsmen, for whom there is a Dinner prepared, with litle meat, yet very costly, which they passe ouer very lightly, and not many words, which done they presently bring the Bride to Bed, without any other Ceremonies or Charges, wherewith the Marriage is done and ended. Oftentimes it chanceth, that they goe to bed at the least two houres before Sun-setting, not ha∣uing the patience to stay so long as wee doe in these Countries.

When a Child is to bee Christened, it is likewise in the same sort led to Church with Hor∣ses, and last of all commeth the Father alone, after whom followeth two men on Foot, the one with a great Siluer or Gilt vessell full of Bread baked like Cracklings, which in Portugall are called Rosquilhos, and in the middle a great Waxe candle, well made and gilded, thrust [ 50] through with some peeces of money of Gold and Siluer, for an Offering to the Priest that bap∣tiseth the Child, and all ouer strowed and couered with Roses: the other carrieth a great Siluer or gilt Saltseller in one of his hands, and a Lampe of the same stuffe in his other hand, each with rich and costly Towels on their shoulders: after that followeth two Pallamkins, on the one side the Commere, on the other side the Midwife with the Child, couered with a costly Mantle, made for the purpose, and so the ceremonies of Baptisme being ended in the Church, it is againe in the like sort brought home, and being there, they haue the like manner of Mu∣sicke & Shalmes, running and leaping with their Horses before the window where the Commere sitteth, with the same Ceremonies as at the Wedding. This is the manner and custome of those that are Married and keepe House. [ 60]

But concerning the Souldier that is vnmarried, thus it is. They goe in the Summer time in∣to the Armado lying on the water, and being within the Townes and on the Land, they are ve∣rie stately apparelled, and goe verie grauelie along the streets with their Slaues or men hired for the purpose, that beare a Hat ouer them for the Sunne and Raine: for there are many Indians

that are daily hired fort he purpose, and haue twelue Basarucos the day, which is as much as two Stiuers or a Stoter, and they serue such as haue no slaues, and that will not keepe any to that end. The Souldiers dwell at least ten or twelue in a house, where they haue among them a slane or hired Indian or two which serueth them, and washeth their Shirts, and haue foure or fiue * 1.662 Stooles with a Table, and euerie man a Bed. Their meat is Rice sodden in water, with some salt Fish, or some other thing of small value (without Bread) and cleare Fountaine water for their drinke, wherewith they are well pleased. They haue amongst them all one or two good suites of Apparell, all of Silke as the manner is there, and when one goeth abroad, the other stay at home, for in the house they haue no need of Clothes, (but sit whosoeuer they be) in their Shirts and a paire of linnen Breeches, and so as it were naked by reason of the great heat, for if some of them haue occasion to goe out twentie times in one day, they must so often; lend him [ 10] their Apparell, and he must likewise put off his clothes, as often as he commeth home againe. Some Souldiers haue a Gentleman or Captaine to their friends which lendeth them money to apparell themselues withall, to the end when Summer time commeth, they may bee readie to goe with them in Fleet to Sea, as also to haue their friendship, by night and at other times to beare them companie, or to helpe them to be reuenged of any iniurie by them receiued, as I said before: for that he which in India hath most Souldiers to his friends, is most regarded and feared. So that to be short, in this manner they doe maintaine themselues in common, where∣by they are able to come in presence of the best of the Countrey. Many and most of them haue their chiefe maintenance from the Portugals and Mesticos wiues, as also the Indian Christians wiues, which doe alwaies bestow liberall rewards and gifts vpon them to fulfill their vnchaste [ 20] and filthie desires, which they know very well how to accomplish, and secretly bring to passe. There are some likewise that get their liuing by their Friends, trauelling for them from place to place with some wares and Merchandizes, and they are called Chattijns. These doe giue ouer and leaue the office of a Souldier in the Fleet, and the Kings seruice: and now likewise they are all giuen to scraping and catching, as well the Vice-roy, Gouernours, and others, as also the Church-men and Spiritualtie, little passing or esteeming the common profit or the seruice of the King, but onely their particular profites, making their account, that the time of their abode is but three yeeres: wherefore they say they will not doe otherwise then those that were before them did, but say that others which come after them shall take care for all: for that the King (say they) gaue them their Offices, thereby to pay them for their seruices [ 30] in times past.

THe Portugals, Mesticos, and Indian-Christian women in India, are little seene abroad, but * 1.663 for the most part sit still within the house, and goe but seldome forth, vnlesse it bee to Church, or to visit their friends, which is likewise but verie little, and when they goe abroad, they are well prouided not to be seene, for they are carried in a Pallamkin couered with a Mat or other cloth, so that they cannot be seene.

When they goe to Church, or to visit any friend, they put on very costly apparell, with brace∣lets of Gold, and Rings vpon their armes, all beset with costly Iewels & Pearles, & at their eares hang laces full of Iewels. Their clothes are of Damaske, Veluet, and cloth of Gold, for Silke is [ 40] * 1.664 the worst thing they doe weare. Within the house they goe bare headed, with a Wastcoate called Baiu, that from their shoulders couereth their nauels, and is so fine that you may see all their body through it, and downwards they haue nothing but a painted cloth wrapped three or foure times about their bodies. These clothes are very faire, some of them being verie costly wrought with Loome-worke, and diuers figures and flowers of all colours, all the rest of the body is naked without any hose, but onely bare-footed in a paire of Moiles or Pantofles, and the men in like sort. This is their manner in the House both old and young, rich and poore, none excepted, for they goe forth but very little, and then they are both couered and carried, and what they need abroad, that the Slaues both men and women doe fetch in. The Women * 1.665 eate no Bread or very little, nor yet the Slaues, not that they refuse it for the dearenesse or want [ 50] of bread, (for they haue enough and great abundance) but they are so vsed to eate Rice, that they desire no other, which they seeth with water and eate it with some salt Fish, or a kind of salt fruit called Mangas, or with some other composition both of Fish and Flesh, with Pottage which they powre vpon it, and so eate it with their hands: for there they eate nothing with Spoones, and if they should see any man doe so, they would laugh at him. When they drinke they haue certaine pots made of blacke earth verie fine and thinne, much like those that wee vse in Holland for Flower-pots, hauing in the necke thereof a partition full of holes with a spout, (and these Cruses are called Gorgoletta,) to this end, that when they drinke, they may hold the pot on high, and touch it not with their mouthes, but the water running from the spout falleth into their mouthes, neuer spilling drop, which they doe for cleanlinesse, because no man should [ 60] put it to his mouth, and when any man commeth out of Portugall, and then beginneth to drinke after their manner, because he is not vsed to that kind of drinking, hee spilleth it in his bosome, wherein they take great pleasure and laugh at him, calling him Reynol, which is a name giuen in

iest to such as newlie come from Portugall, and know not how to behaue themselues in such graue manner, and with such ceremonies as the Portugals vse there in India: so that at the first they are much whooped and cried at in the streets, vntill by vse and practice they haue learned the Indian manner, which they quicklie doe. The men are very iealous of their Wiues, for they * 1.666 will neuer bring any man into their houses, how speciall a friend soeuer hee be, that shall see their Wiues or their Daughters, vnlesse it be some gossip or other married man with his wife in companie. When they will goe together to some place to sport and solace themselues, they are alwaies well guarded by their Slaues, both men and women, both for their safetie and seruice. If any man commeth to the doore to aske for the Master of the House, presently their Wiues and their Daughters runne to hide them, and so leaue the man to answer him that standeth at the doore: likewise they suffer no man to dwell within their houses, where the Women and [ 10] Daughters be, how neere kinsman souer he bee vnto them, being once fifteene yeeres of age, nor their owne Sonnes, but haue certaine Chambers and places beneath, or besides their house where they lie, and may in no sort come among the women, and thither they send them their meat and other prouisions, for it hath oftentimes beene seene in those Countries, that the Ne∣phew hath layne by his Aunt, and the Brother by the Brothers wife, and the Brother with his Sister: whereof I haue knowne some that haue been taken with the manner, and that both they and the woman haue beene slaine by the Husbands. The women are very Luxurious and vn∣chaste, * 1.667 for there are very few among them, although they be married, but they haue besides their husbands one or two of those that are called Soldiers, with whom they take their pleasures: which to effect, they vse all the slights and practises they can deuise, by sending out their Slaues [ 20] and Baudes by night, and at extraordinary times, ouer Walls, Hedges, and Ditches, how nar∣rowly soeuer they are kept and looked vnto. They haue likewise an Hearbe called Deutroa, * 1.668 which beareth a seed, whereof bruising out the sap, they put it into a Cup or other vessell, and giue it to their Husbands, either in meat or drinke, and presently therewith, the man is as though he were halfe out of his wits, and without feeling, or else drunke, doing nothing but laugh, and sometime it taketh him sleeping, whereby he lyeth like a dead man, so that in his presence they may doe what they will, and take their pleasure with their friends, and the husband neuer know of it. In which sort he continueth foure and twentie houres long, but if they wash his feet with cold water hee presently reuiueth, and knoweth nothing thereof, but thinketh [ 30] hee had slept.

There are many men poysoned by their wiues, if once they be moued: for they know how * 1.669 to make a certaine Poyson or Venome, which shall kill the person that drinketh it, at what time or houre it pleaseth them: which poyson being prepared, they make it in such sort, that it will lie sixe yeeres in a mans body, and neuer doe him hurt, and then kill him, without missing halfe an houres time. They make it also for one, two, or three yeeres, moneths or dayes, as it plea∣seth them best, as I haue seene it in many, and there it is very common. There are likewise ma∣ny women brought to their ends by meanes of their Husbands, and slaine when soeuer they take them in Adulterie, or that they doe but once suspect them; which if they doe, presently they cut their throats, and bring three or foure witnesses to testifie that strange men entred into [ 40] their houses by night, at vnaccustomed times, or else by day, and had their pleasures of their Wiues, or in other sort as they will deuise it; whereby they are presently discharged of the crime, according to the Lawes and Ordinances both of Spaine and Portugall, and presently may marrie with another wife. This notwithstanding is no meanes to make the Women feare, or once to leaue their filthy pleasures, although there are euery yeere many women without num∣ber so dispatched and made away by their husbands, and it is so common with them, that no man thinketh it strange, or once wondereth thereat, because of the Custome. The Women also for their part say and flatly affirme, that there can be no better death then to die in that manner, saying that so they are sacrificed for Loue, which they thinke to be a great Honour vnto them.

The women are by nature very cleanly and neat, as well in their Houses as in Apparell, for [ 50] that although all whatsoeuer shee putteth on her bodie euery day, is both white, cleane and * 1.670 fresh: yet they haue a manner euery day to wash themselues all the bodie ouer, from head to foot, and sometimes twice a day, in the morning and at euening: and as often as they ease themselues or make water, or else vse the companie of their Husbands, euery time they doe wash themselues, were it a hundreth times a day and a night: they are no great workers, but * 1.671 much delighted in sweet Hearbes, and in perfumes and Frankincense, and to rub their bodies and their foreheads with sweet Sanders and such like woods, which with water they doe steepe or breake in peeces: also the whole day long they doe nothing, but sit and chaw Leaues or Herbes, called Bettele, with Chaulke and a certaine Fruit called Arrequa, whereof in another place among Fruits and Herbes I will speake more. This Arrequa, some of it is so strong, that * 1.672 [ 60] it maketh men almost drunke, and wholly out of sence, although in shew and in taste it is al∣most like Wood or Rootes: these three things they sit all the whole day chawing in their mouthes, like Oxen or Kine chawing the cudde: they let the sap goe downe into their throats, and spit the rest out of their mouthes, whereby they make their mouthes so red and blackish,

that to such as know it not it is strange to see: all which, with their washing, Frankinsence, and rubbing with Sanders, they haue learned and receiued of the Indian Heathens, which haue had those Customes of long time, and yet till this day vse them: they say it preserueth the Teeth, and keepeth them sound, good for the mawe, and against a stinking mouth and euill breath, in∣somuch as they are so vsed to chaw it, that wheresoeuer they goe or stand, they must alwaies haue of those Leaues caried with them, and the women Slaues doe likewise goe alwaies chaw∣ing, and are so vsed thereunto, that they verilie thinke, that without it they can not liue, for their common worke is to sit all day, when their Husbands are out of doores, behind the Mat which hangeth at the window, alwaies chawing the herbe Bettele, seeing those that passe by in the streets, and no man seeth them: but as any man passeth by which liketh them, and they will let them haue a sight, they lift vp the Mat, whereby they doe the passenger a great fauour, [ 10] and with that manner of shewing themselues and casting lookes, they make their beginnings of Loue, which by their slauish women they bring to effect: to the which end they haue all di∣uellish * 1.673 deuises that possible may bee inuented, for that both night and day they doe practise nothing else, but make it their onely worke, and to make nature more liuely to abound and moue them thereunto, they doe vse to eate those Betteles, Arrequas and Chaulke, and in the night it standeth by their bed sides, this they eate, whole handfuls of Cloues, Pepper, Ginger, and a baked kind of meat called Chachunde, which is mixed and made of all kindes of Spices and Herbes, and such like meates, all to increase their leacherie.

And they are not content therewith, but giue their Husbands a thousand Herbes for the same purpose to eate, they not knowing thereof, thereby to fulfill their pleasures, and to satisfie their [ 20] desires, which can not by any meanes bee satisfied. They are likewise much vsed to take their pleasures in Bathes, by swimming therein, which they can verie well doe, for there are verie few of them, but they would easilie swim ouer a Riuer of halfe a mile broad.

EVerie three yeeres there is a new Vice-roy sent into India, and sometime they stay longer, as it pleaseth the King, but verie few of them, he continueth in Goa. In the Hall of his Palace * 1.674 stand the Guard, and in the great Hall, where his Councell sit, are painted all the Viceroyes, that haue gouerned in India, since the first Discouerie and Conquest thereof, and as they new come, their Pictures are likewise placed there. These Viceroyes haue great reuenues, they may spend, giue, and keepe the Kings treasure, which is verie much, and doe with it what pleaseth [ 30] them, for it is in their choise, hauing full and absolute power from the King, in such sort, that they gather and hoord vp a mightie quantitie of Treasure, for that besides their great allowance from the King, they haue great Presents and Gifts, bestowed vpon them. For it is the custome in those Countries, when any Viceroy commeth newly ouer, that all the Kings bordering about Goa, and that haue peace and friendship with the Portugals, doe then send their Ambassadours vnto him, to confirme their Leagues with great and rich Presents, therewith likewise to bid the Viceroy welcome, which amounteth to a great masse of Treasure: these Presents in this sort giuen, the Iesuites by their practises had obtained of the King, and for a time enioyed them at * 1.675 their pleasure (looking verie narrowly vnto them, that they might not be deceiued) vntill long time since, a Viceroy named Don Lois de Taide Earle of Atougia came thither, and refused to [ 40] let them haue them, saying that the King being in Portugall knew not what was giuen him in India, and that those Presents were giuen vnto the Viceroy and not to the King, and said the King had no power to giue them to the Iesuites: so that hee kept them for himselfe, which the Iesuites tooke in euill part, and said, the Viceroy was an Hereticke. Yet from his time euer since * 1.676 the Viceroyes haue vsed to keepe them for themselues. They say, and it is found to bee most true, that the first yeere of the Viceroyes time, he hath enough to doe to repaire and furnish his House. and to know the manners and customes of the Countries, without any further trou∣bling of himselfe. The second yeere to gather Treasure, and to looke vnto his particular pro∣fits, for the which cause he came into India. The third and last yeere to prepare himselfe and set all things in order, that he bee not ouertaken or surprised by the new Vice-roy when [ 50] hee commeth, but that he may returne into Portugall with the goods which he had scraped to∣gether. The same is to bee vnderstood of all the Captaines in the Fortes, and of all other Of∣ficers in India.

IN the Towne and Iland of Goa, are resident manie Heathens, Moores, (which are Mahume∣tans) * 1.677 Iewes, and all strange Nations bordering thereabout, euerie one of them vsing seuerall customes and superstions in Religion. The Moores eate all things except Swines flesh, and dy∣ing are buried like the Iewes; but the Heathens, as Decanijns, Gusarates, and Canaras, and other Indians being dead, are burnt to ashes, and some Women being aliue are burned with them, thatis, such as are Gentlemen or Noblemen, and the Wiues of the Bramenes, which are their I∣dolatrous [ 60] Priests. Also for the Merchants, some of them eate all things, except Kowes, or Buf∣fles flesh, which they esteeme to bee Holy. Others eate not any thing whatsoeuer, that hath either life or bloud in it, as those of Gusarata, and the Banianes of Cambaia, which obserue Py∣thagoras

Law: most of them pray vnto the Sunne and Moone, yet they doe all acknowledge a God that made, created and ruleth all things, and that after this life there is another, wherein men shall be rewarded according to their workes. But they haue Idols and Images, which they * 1.678 call Pagodes, cut and formed most vglie, and like monstrous Diuels, to whom daily they offer, and say, that those Holy men haue beene liuing among them, whereof they tell so many Mira∣cles, as it is wonderfull, and say, that they are intercessours betweene them and God. The Di∣uell oftentimes answereth them out of those Images, whom they likewise know, and doe him * 1.679 great honour by offering vnto him, to keeph friendship with him, and that hee should not hurt them. They haue a Custome, when any Maide is to be married, and that they will honour their Pagode, for the more credit to the Bridegroome, they bring the Bride with great Triumph and Musicke before their Pagode, which is made with a Pinne of Iuorie bone, to whom the nearest * 1.680 [ 10] friends and kinswomen of the Bride, together with the Bride doe goe, and by force make the I∣mage to take the Brides maidenhead, so that the blood remaineth still vpon the Image, for a re∣membrance thereof, and then after other diuellish Superstitions and Ceremonies, hauing made their Offerings, they bring the Bride home, where shee is deliuered to the Bridegroome, hee being very ioyfull and proud, that their Pagode hath honoured him so much and caled him of so * 1.681 much labour. They haue for the most part a custome to Pray vnto the first thing they meet withall in the Morning, and all that day after they pray vnto it, bee it Hog, or any other thing. And if in the morning they goe out, they chance at the first sight to see a Crow (whereof there are great numbers in India) they will not goe forth of their doores all that day, no not for all the goods in the world, for they esteeme it an euill signe, and an vnluckie day. They pray like∣wise [ 20] to the New Moone, and when shee first appeareth, they fall vpon their knees, and salute her with great Deuotion. There are among them certaine people called Iogos, which are such as we * 1.682 call Hermits, & those doe they esteem for Holie men, these men liue a verie strict life with great Abstinence, and make the common people beleeue many strange things. They haue likewise many Southsaiers and Witches, which vse Iugling, and trauell through the out Countrie, hauing about them many liue Snakes, which they know how to bewitch, and being shut vp in little Baskets, they pull them out and make them dance, turne, and winde at the sound of a certaine Instrument, whereon they play, and speake vnto them. They wind them about their neckes, armes, and legges, kissing them, with a thousand other deuises, onely to get money. They are all for the most part verie skilfull in preparing of Poysons, wherewith they doe many strange [ 30] things, and easilie poyson each other, their dwellings and Houses are verie little and low, co∣uered with Straw, without windowes, and verie low and narrow doores, so that a man must almost creepe vpon his knees to goe in; their Housholdstuffe is Mats of straw, both to sit and * 1.683 lie vpon, their Tables, Table-clothes, and Napkins, are made of the great Indian Fig-leaues, they serue them not onely for Tables, Sheets, and other Linnen, but also for Dishes, wherein they put their meat, which you shall likewise see in the Grocers, and Pothecaries shops, to put and wrap in all things whatsoeuer they haue within their shops, (as wee doe in Paper.) They likewise joyne them together in such sort, that they can put both Butter, Oyle, and such liquid stuffes therein, and also whatsoeuer commeth to hand. To dresse their meat they haue certaine Earthen pots wherein they seeth Rice, and make holes in the ground, wher••••n they stampe it, [ 40] or beat it with a woodden Pestell made for the purpose, and they are so miserable, that they buy the Rice in the Huskes, as it groweth on the ground, and some of them haue Rice sowen behind their House to serue their necessarie vse. They vse to drinke out of a Copper kanne with a spout, whereby they let the water fall downe into their mouthes, and neuer touch the Pot with their * 1.684 lippes. Their Houses are commonly strawed with Kow-dung, which (they say) killeth Fleas. They are verie cleane on their Bodies, for euerie day they wash themselues all their bodie ouer, as often as they ease themselues or make water, both men and women, like the Moores and Mahometans. They wash themselues with the left hand, because they eate with the right hand, and vse no Spoones. They doe keepe and obserue their Ceremonies and Superstitions, with great deuotion, for they neuer goe forth without praying, when they trauell by the way. They * 1.685 [ 50] haue on euery Hill, Cliffe, Hole, or Denne their Pagodes and Idols in most deuillish and defor∣med shapes, cut and hewed out of the stones and rockes, with their Furnaces hard by them, and a Cisterne not farre from them, which is alwaies full of water, and euery one that passeth by, washeth their feet therein, and so fall downe before their Idoll, some setting before him for an offering Fruits, Rice, Egges, Hennes, &c. as their deuotions serue, and then commeth the Bramene their Priest and taketh it away and eateth it, making the common people beleeue that the Pagode hath eaten it.

When they will make a voyage to Sea, they vse at the least fourteene daies before they enter into their Ships, to make so great a noise with sounding of Trumpets, and to make Fires, that it may bee heard and seene both by night and day, the Ship being hanged about with Flagges, [ 60] wherewith (they say) they feast their Pagode, that they may haue a good Voyage. The like doe they at their returne for a Thanksgiuing fourteene daies long, & thus they vse to doe in all their Feasts, Affaires, Mariages, Childbirths, & at other times of the yeere, as Sowing, & Mowing, &c.

The Heathenish Indians that dwell in Goa are very rich Merchants, and traffique much, there is one street within the Towne, that is full of shops kept by those Heathenish Indians, that not onely fell all kinds of Silkes, Sattins, Damaskes, and curious workes of Porceline from China and other places, but all manner of wares of Veluet, Silke, Sattin and such like, brought out of Portugall, which by meanes of their Brokers they buy by the great, and sell them againe by the piece or elles, wherein they are very cunning, and naturally subtile. There is also another street, where the Benianes of Cambaia dwell, that haue all kinds of wares out of Cambaia, and all sorts of precious stones, and are very subtile and cunning to bore and make holes in all kinds of stones, Pearles, and Corrals: on the other side of the same street dwell other Heathens, which sell all sorts of Bedsteads, Stooles, and such like stuffe, very cunningly couered ouerwith Lacke, most pleasant to behold, and they can turne the Lacke into any colour that you will de∣sire. [ 10] There is also a street full of Gold and Siluer Smiths that are Heathens, which make all kind of workes, also diuers other Handicrafts men, as Copper-smiths, Carpenters, and such like Occupations, which are all Heathens, and euery one a street by themselues. There are like∣wise other Merchants that deale all by great, with Corne, Rice, and other Indian wares and merchandises, as Wood and such like. Some of them farme the Kings Rents and Reuenues, so that they are skilfull euery way to make their profits. There are also many Heathen Brokers, very cunning and subtile in buying and selling, and with their tongues to pleade on both sides.

There are in Goa many Heathen Physicians which obserue their grauities with Hats carried ouer them for the Sunne, like the Portugals, which no other Heathens doe, but onely Ambas∣sadors, [ 20] or some rich Merchants. These Heathen Physicians doe not onely cure their owne Na∣tions and Countrimen, but the Portugals also, for the Vice-roy himselfe, the Arch-bishop, and all the Monkes and Friers doe put more trust in them then in their owne Countrimen, whereby they get great store of money, and are much honoured and esteemed. The Countrimen in the Villages round about Goa, and such as labour and till the land are most Christians: but there is not much difference among them from the other Heathens, for that they can hardly leaue their Heathenish superstitions, which in part are permitted them, and is done to draw the other * 1.686 Heathens to bee christened, as also that otherwise they would hardly bee perswaded to con∣tinue in the Christian Faith. There is in euery place of the street Exchangers of money, by them called Xaraffos, which are all Christian Iewes. They are very ready and expert in all manner of [ 30] accounts, and in knowing of all sorts of money, without whose helpe men dare not receiue any money, because there is much counterfeit money abroad, which is hard to be knowne from the good, were it not for these Xaraffos, which can discerne it with halfe an eye. The Indian Heathens haue a custome, that no man may change nor alter Trade or Occupation, but must vse his fathers Trade, and marrie mens daughters of the same Occupation, Trade, or dea∣ling, * 1.687 which is so neerely looked vnto, that they are diuided and set apart, each Occupation by it selfe, as Countries and Nations are, and so they call one another: for if they speake to a man, they aske him of what Trade he is, whether he be a Goldsmith, Barber, Merchant, Gro∣cer, Fisherman, or such like. They giue no houshold-stuffe with their daughters, but onely Iewels, and pay the charges of the Wedding. The Sonnes inherite all their goods. [ 40]

THe times and seasons of the yeeres are as followeth. Winter beginneth on the last of A∣prill, throughout the whole coast which is called India, from Cambaia to the Cape de Co∣morin, * 1.688 and commeth with a Westerne winde, which bloweth out of the Sea vpon the Coast: the beginning thereof is with thunder and lightning, and after that a stedfast and continuall raine, which lasteth night and day till the moneth of September, and then Winter endeth with thunder and lightning: and by reason of that continuall raine, it is called Winter, as also be∣cause at that time they cannot trauell on the Seas. But in warme weather, when fruit time commeth on, it is then right Summer: for the time, which in India is called Summer, because of the clearenesse and drinesse of the weather, is the colder and the wholsomer, and then there [ 50] blowe East windes, so that the nights are then very coole, and somewhat sharpe; and then there are no speciall kindes of fruits in season, but such as growe continually all the yeere. A∣gainst the Winter commeth, euery man maketh his prouision of victuals, and all other necessa∣ries, like as in a ship that is to make a Voyage of fiue or sixe moneths; also all their ships are brought into the Riuer, and vnfurnished of tacklings, and euery thing being taken out of them they are couered with Mats, otherwise they would rot with the raine, which is so stedfast and continuall all the Winter, that many times diuers houses by reason of the great moistnesse doe fall vnto the ground: and as soone as Winter beginneth, there driueth into the mouth of the Hauen great bankes and shoales of sands, which stop it vp, so that neither Ship nor Boat can either goe out or in: and the Sea both there and along the coast maketh so great a roaring and [ 60] noise, that men can neither heare nor see: also the water of the Riuer of Goa which runneth about the Iland in Winter, by meanes of the land-waters that by the continuall raine falleth from the Hills, is cleane fresh water, and of a red colour, which in Summer is cleane contrarie

and like sea-water, by reason of the concourse it hath with the Sea. In the Moneth of Septem∣ber, when Winter endeth, the bankes of sand doe fleet and vade away out of the Riuer, so that not onely small ships may come in and goe out, but also the great Portugall ships of sixteene hundred tunnes may freely enter without a Pilot, for it is deepe enough, and without danger. In Winter it is a heauy and melancholike being there, for there is no other exercise to be vsed, but onely to sit in their shirts, with a paire of linnen breeches, and goe and passe the time away with their neighbours, in playing and such exercises, for that throughout the whole Towne there is no other doing. The women and Mesticos take great pleasure in the Winter time when it raineth, with their husbands and slaues to goe into the fields, or some Garden, whether they carrie good store of victuals, and there in their Gardens haue many Cesternes or Ponds of wa∣ter, wherein they take their delights to swimme and to bathe themselues. In this time most of [ 10] their Indian fruit is in season.

The Summer beginneth in September, and continueth till the last of Aprill, and is alwaies cleare skie and faire weather, without once or very little raining: Then all the ships are rigged and made ready to sayle for all places; as also the Kings Armie to keepe the Coast, and to con∣uoy Merchants, and then the East windes beginne to blowe from off the Land into the Seas, whereby they are called Terreinhos, that is to say, the Land winds. They blowe very pleasant∣ly and coolly, although at the first, by changing of the weather they are very dangerous, and cause many great diseases, which doe commonly fall in India, by the changing of the time. These winds blowe alwaies in Summer, beginning at midnight, and continue till noone, but * 1.689 they neuer blowe aboue ten miles into the Sea, from off the coast, and presently after one of [ 20] the clocke vntill midnight the West winde bloweth, which commeth out of the Sea into the Land, and is called Uirason. These winds are so sure and certaine at their times, as though men held them in their hands, whereby they make the Land very temperate, otherwise the heate would be vnmeasurable.

It is likewise a strange thing that when it is Winter vpon the coast of India, that is from Din * 1.690 to the Cape de Comorin, on the other side of the Cape de Comorin, on the coast called Chora∣mandel, it is cleane contrary, so that there it is Summer, and yet they lie all vnder one height or degrees, and there is but seuenty miles by land betweene both coasts, and in some places but twenty miles, and which is more, as men trauell ouer land from Cochin to Saint Thomas (which lieth on the same coast of Choramandel) and comming by the Hill of Ballagatte, where men [ 30] must passe ouer to goe from the one coast vnto the other: on the one side of the Hill to the top thereof it is pleasant cleare sunne shining weather, and going downe on the other side there is raine, winde, thunder and lightning, as if the world should end and be consumed: which is to be vnderstood, that it changeth from the one side to the other, as the time falleth out, so that on the one side of the Hills it is Winter, and on the other side Summer: and it is not onely so in that place and Countrie, but also at Ormus, on the coast of Arabia Felix by the Cape of Rosol∣gatte, where the ships lie, it is very still, cleare, and pleasant water, and faire Summer time; and turning about the Cape on the other side, it is raine and wind with great stormes and tem∣pests, which with the times of the yeere doe likewise change on the other side, and so it is in many other places of the Orientall Countries. [ 40]

The sicknesses and diseases in Goa, and throughout India, which are common, come most with the changing of the times and the weather, as it is said before: there raigneth a sicknesse called Mordexijn, which stealeth vpon men, and handleth them in such sort, that it weakneth a man, and maketh him cast out all that he hath in his body, and many times his life withall. This sicknesse is very common, and killeth many a man, whereof they hardly or neuer escape. The bloudy Fluxe is there likewise very common and dangerous, as the Plague with vs. They haue many continuall Feuers, which are burning Agues, and consume mens bodies with ex∣treme heate, whereby within foure or fiue dayes they are either whole or dead. This sicknesse is common and very dangerous, and hath no remedie for the Portugals but letting bloud: but the Indians and Heathens doe cure themselues with herbes, as Sanders, and other such like [ 50] ointments, wherewith the ease themselues. This sicknesse consumeth many Portugals euery yeere, some because they haue little to eate, and lesse to drinke of any meate or drinke that is nourishing, and vse much company of women, because that Land is naturall to prouoke them thereunto, as also the most part of the Souldiers by such meanes haue their liuing and their maintenance, which oftentimes costeth them both life and limme, for although men were of Iron or Steele, the vnchaste life of a woman, with her vnsatiable lusts were able to grind him to powder, and sweepe him away like dust, which costeth many a mans life, as the Kings Hospi∣tall can well beare witnesse, wherein they lodge, whensoeuer they are sicke, where euery yeere at the least there entred fiue hundred liue men, and neuer come forth till they are dead, and they are onely Portugals, for no other sicke person may lodge therein, I meane such [ 60] as are called white men, for the other Indians haue a Hospitall by themselues. In this Ho∣spitall they are very well looked vnto by the Iesuites, and Gentlemen: whereof euery moneth one of the best is chosen and appointed, who personally is there by them, and giueth the sicke

persons whatsoeuer they will desire, and sometimes spend more by foure or fiue hundred Duc∣kets of their owne purses, then the Kings allowance reacheth vnto.

But returning to our matter of sicknesse, Pockes and Piles, with other secret diseases, they are in those Countries very common, and not hidden or concealed, for they thinke it no shame, more then to haue any other disease. They heale them with the root China: there are some that haue had them at the least three or foure times, and are not any thing at all shunned or disliked for the same, but dare both boast and bragge thereof. It is not any thing perilous for the bo∣dy, insomuch that they had rather haue them, and feare them lesse then any of the foresaid dis∣eases. The Plague hath neuer beene in India, neither is it knowne vnto the Indians, but poiso∣ning, witch craft, and such like, whereby some lose their healths, and some their liues, is their [ 10] daily exercise, and very common with them. The stone grauell, and rupture raigneth much a∣mong them, specially among married men, by reason of the great quantitie of water that they drinke being giuen to all pleasure and riotousnesse, enioying all what their hearts desire, sit∣ting alwaies with their bellies open in their shirts in a Gallerie, recreating themselues with the wind which cooleth them, sometimes hauing a slaue to scratch and pare their nayles and feet, another the head, the third holds a Fanne to driue away the Flies. This is the common vse for two houres after noone, where likewise they take an afternoones sleepe, and euer as they haue thirst, they bring him a dish of Conserues or other Com••ets, that the water should not worke too much in his body, but taste the better. With such and the like exercises they doe passe the day till night comes on, so that commonly they haue all swollen bellies like Bacchus, whereby [ 20] the Souldiers and other Indians call them Barrigois, that is, Bellies, or Great bellies.

The day both Summer and Winter is there all of a length, not much difference, onely in the change they haue about an houres difference. The Sun riseth at sixe, and setteth at sixe. When it is noone, commonly they haue the Sunne in the middle of the element iust ouer their heads, and it giue ••••no shadow, although it stretcheth somewhat out as the Sunne taketh his course. In Goa you may see both the Poles of the world, the North and South Starres stand not farre aboue the Horizon.

THe Bramenes are the honestest and most esteemed Nation among all the Indian Heathens: * 1.691 for they doe alwaies serue in the chiefest places about the King, as Receiuers, Stewards, [ 30] Ambassadors, and such like Offices. They are likewise the Priests and Ministers of the Pagods, or deuilish Idols. They are of great authoritie among the Indian people, for that the King doth nothing without their counsell and consent, and that they may bee knowne from other men, they weare vpon their naked bodie, from the shoulder crosse vnder the arme ouer their bodie downe to the girdle, or the cloth that is wrapped about their middle, three or foure strings like sealing threed, whereby they are knowne: which they neuer put off although it should cost them their liues, for their Profession and Religion will not permit it. They goe na∣ked, sauing onely that they haue a cloth bound about their middles to hide their priuie mem∣bers. They weare sometimes when they goe abroad, a thinne cotton linnen Gowne called Ca∣baia; lightly cast ouer their shoulders, and hanging downe to the ground like some other In∣dians, as Benianes, Gusarates, and Decanijns. Vpon their heads they weare a white cloth, wound [ 40] twice or thrice about, therewith to hide their haire, which they neuer cut off, but weare it long and turned vp as the women doe. They haue most commonly round rings of gold hang∣ing at their eares, as most of the Indians haue. They eate not any thing that hath life, but feed themselues with herbes and Rice, neither yet when they are sick will for any thing be let bloud, but heale themselues by herbes and ointments, and by rubbing their bodies with Sanders, and such like sweet woods. In Goa and on the Sea coasts there are many Bramenes, which com∣monly doe maintayne themselues with selling of Spices and other Apothecarie ware, but it is not so cleane as others, but full of garbish and dust. They are very subtile in writing and ca∣sting accounts; whereby they make other simple Indians beleeue what they will. [ 50]

Touching the points of their Religion, wherein the common people beleeue them to bee Prophets: whatsoeuer they first meet withall in the streets at their going forth, that doe they all the day after pray vnto. The women when they goe forth haue but one cloth about their bodies; which couereth their heads, and hangeth downe vnto their knees: all the rest of the body is naked. They haue rings through their noses, about their legs, toes, neckes, and armes, and vpon each hand seuen or eight rings or bracelets, some of siluer and gilt, if they be of wealth and abilitie: but the common people of glasse, which is the common wearing of all the In∣dian women. When the woman is seuen yeeres old, and the man nine yeeres, they doe marrie, but they come not together before the woman be strong enough to beare children. When the Bramenes die, all their friends assemble together, and make a hole in the ground, wherein they [ 60] throwe much wood and other things: and if the man bee of any account, they cast in sweet Sanders, and other Spices, with Rice, Corne, and such like, and much Oyle, because the fire should burne the stronger. Which done, they lay the dead Bramenes in it: then commeth his wife with musike and many of her neerest friends all singing certaine praises in commendation

of her husbands life, putting her in comfort, and encouraging her to follow her husband, and goe with him into the other world. Then shee taketh all her Iewels, and parteth them among her friends, and so with a cheerfull countenance, she leapeth into the fire, and is presently coue∣red with Wood and Oyle: so shee is quickly dead, and with her Husbands body burned to ashes: and if it chance, as not very often it doth, that any woman refuseth to be burnt with her Husband, then they cut the haire cleane off from her head: and while she liueth she must ne∣uer after weare any Iewels more, and from that time shee is despised, and accounted for a di∣shonest woman. These Bramenes obserue certaine Fasting dayes in the yeere, and that with so great abstinence, that they eate nothing all that day, and sometimes in three or foure dayes to∣gether. They haue their Pagodes and Idols, whose Ministers they are, whereof they tell and shew many Miracles, and say that those Pagodes haue beene men liuing vpon earth, and because [ 10] of their Holie liues, and good Workes done here in this world, are for a reward thereof, be∣come Holie men in the other world, as by their miracles, by the Diuell performed, hath beene manifested vnto them, and by their commandements their formes and shapes are made in the most vgly and deformed manner that possible may be deuised. Such they Pray and Offer vnto, with many diuellish Superstitions, and stedfastly beleeue that they are their Aduocates and In∣tercessors vnto God. They beleeue also that there is a supreame God aboue, which ruleth all things. and that mens soules are Immortall, and that they goe out of this world into the other, both Beasts and Men, and receiue reward according to their workes, as Pythagoras teacheth, whose Disciples they are.

THe Gusarates and Banianes, are of the Countrey of Cambaia: many of them dwell in Goa, * 1.692 [ 20] Diu, Chaul, Cochin, and other places of India, because of their trade and traffique in Mer∣chandise, which they vse much with all kindes of wares, as Corne, Cotton, Linnen, Anil, Rice, and other wares, specially all kind of precious Stones wherein they haue great skill. They are most subtill and expert in casting of Accounts and Writing, so that they doe not onely surpasse and goe beyond all Iewes and other Nations thereabouts, but also the Portugals: and in this respect they haue no aduantage, for that they are very perfect in the trade of Merchandise, and very readie to deceiue men. They eate not any thing that hath Life or Blood in it, neither would they kill it for all the goods in the world, how small or vnnecessarie soeuer it were, for that they stedfastly beleeue, that euery liuing thing hath a Soule, and are next after Men to be accounted of, according to Pythagoras law, and know it must die: and sometimes they doe buy [ 30] certaine Fowles or other Beasts of the Christians or Portugals, which they meant to haue killed, and when they haue bought them, they let them flee and runne away.

They haue a custome in Cambaia, in the High-wayes, and Woods, to set Pots with water, and to cast Corne and other Graine vpon the ground to feed Birds and Beasts withall: and throughout Cambaia they haue Hospitals to cure and heale all manner of Beasts and Birds therein whatsoeuer they ayle, and receiue them thither as if they were Men, and when they are healed, they let them flie or runne away whither they will, which among them is a worke of great Charitie, saying, it is done to their euen neighbours. And if they take a Flea or a Louse, they will not kill it, but take or put it into some hole or corner in the wall, and so let it goe, [ 40] and you can doe them no greater iniurie then to kill it in their presence, for they will neuer leaue intreating and desiring with all curtesie not to kill it, and that man should not seeme to commit so great a sinne, as to take away the life of that, to whom God had giuen both Soule and Bodie: yea, and they will offer much money to a man to let it liue, and goe away. They eate no Radishes, Onions, Garlicke, nor any kind of Herbe that hath any colour of Red in it, nor Egges, for they thinke there is blood in them. They drinke not any Wine, nor vse any Vi∣neger, but onely water. They are so dangerous of eating and drinking with other men which are not their Countrimen, that they would rather starue to death then once to doe it. It happe∣neth * 1.693 oftentimes that they sayle in the Portugals ships from Goa to Cochin, to sell their Wares, and to traffique with the Portugals, and then they make their prouisions for so long time as they [ 50] thinke to stay vpon the way, which they take aboord with them, and thereupon they feed. And if the time falleth out longer, then they made account of their water and prouision being all spent, as it happened when I sailed from Goa to Cochin, they had rather die for hunger and thirst then once to touch the Christians meat. They wash themselues before they eate, as the Bramenes doe, as also euerie time when they ease themselues or make water. They are of a yel∣low colour like the Bramenes, and somewhat whiter, and there are Women among them which are much whiter and clearer of Complection then the Portugall women. They are formed and made both in Face, Limbes, and in all other things like men of Europe, colour onely excepted. Their Apparell is a thinne white Gowne vpon their naked bodies, from the head to the feet, and made fast on the side vnder their armes, their Shooes of red leather, sharpe at the toes, and [ 60] turning vp like hookes, their Beards shauen like the Turkes, sauing onely their Moustachios, they weare on their Heads a white cloth three or foure times wrapped about like the Bramenes, and vnder their haire a Starre vpon their foreheads, which they rub euery morning with a little

white Sanders tempered with water, & three or foure graines of Rice among it, which the Bra∣mene; also doe as a superstitious Ceremonie of their Law. Their Bodies are commonly anoyn∣ted with Sanders and other sweet Woods, which they doe verie much vse, as also all the Indi∣ans. Their Women are apparelled like the Bramenes wiues, they eate like the Mahometans, and all other Indians vpon the ground. In their Houses or Assemblies they sit on the ground vpon Mats or Carpets, and alwayes leaue their Shooes without the doore, so that they are alwayes barefoot in their Houses: wherefore commonly the heeles of their shooes are neuer pulled vp, to saue labour of vntying or vndoing them, they haue a thousand other Heathenish superstitions which are not worth the rehearsall.

THe Canaras and Decanijns are of the Countrey of Decam, commonly called Ballagate, lying [ 10] * 1.694 behind Goa: many of them dwell in Goa. Their Apparell is like the Gusurates and Benia∣nes, except their Shooes, which they weare like Antiques with cut toes, and fastned aboue vp∣on their naked feet, which they call Alparcas. They weare their Beards and haire long, as it groweth without cutting, but onely turne it vp, and dresse it as the Benianes and Bramenes vse to doe, and are like them for colour, forme, and making. They eate all things except Kine, Hogges, and Buffles, Flesh and Fish. They account the Oxe, Kow or Buffle to bee Holie, which they haue commonly in the house with them, and they besmeere, stroke, and handle them with * 1.695 all the friendship in the world, and feed them with the same meat they vse to eate themselues, and when the Beasts ease themselues, they hold their hands vnder their tailes and so throw the dung away. In the night time they sleepe with them in their Houses, and to conclude, vse them [ 20] as if they were reasonable Creatures, whereby they thinke to doe God great seruice. In their Eating, sitting in the House, Washing, making Cleane, and other Ceremonies and Superstitions they are altogether like the Bramenes, Gusurates, and Banianes. In their Marriages they con∣tract each with other at seuen yeeres, and at eleuen or twelue yeeres they are married, and dwell together. When they are to bee married, they begin foureteene dayes before to make a great sound with Trumpets, Drummes, and Fires, which continueth day and night for all those foureteene dayes, with so great a noise of songs and Instruments, that men can neither heare, nor see: On the Wedding day, all the friends and kindred on both sides doe assemble toge∣ther, and sit vpon the ground, round about a Fire, and goe seuen times about it vttering cer∣taine words, whereby the Wedding is done. They giue their Daughters no Houshold-stuffe, [ 30] but onely some Iewels, as Bracelets, Eare-rings, and such like of small value, wherewith their Husbands must be content, for the Daughters are no Heyres, but the Sonnes inherite all, but they keepe and maintaine their Daughters and Sisters till they marrie: when they die, they are likewise burnt, and some of their Wiues with them, but not so many as of the Bramenes. Euery one of them followeth his Fathers occupation, and marrieth with the Daughters of such like Trades, which they name Kindreds. They haue their Fasting dayes, and Ceremonies like the Bramenes, for they are as the Laitie, and the Bramenes as the Spiritualtie, the Ministers, Priests, and Prophets of their Idols. They hire and farme the Customes and Rents of the Portugals, and the Kings reuenues in the Land of Bardes, Salsette, and the Iland of Goa, so that oftentimes for any question or strife they must appeare in Law, where they alwayes come without Councell [ 40] or Atturney, and know so well how to place their words, according to the Lawes of Portugall, not onely Temporall but Spirituall, that they are able to set downe, and shew where it standeth written, as well as any Counsellour could doe, and make their Petitions and Requests without any mans aduise, that the Portugals doe wonder at their readie wits, as I haue oftentimes found in them. When they are to take their Oathes to beare witnesse with any man, they are set * 1.696 within a Circle made of Ashes vpon the pauement where they stand, still laying a few Ashes on their bore Heads, holding one hand on their heads, the other on their brests, and then in their owne speech sweare by their Pagode, that they will tell the Truth without dissimulation, what∣soeuer shall bee asked them, for that they certainly beleeue they should be damned for euer, if as then they should not say the truth, but conceale it. [ 50]

THe Canarijns and Corumbijns are the Countrimen, and such as deale with Tilling the Land, * 1.697 Fishing and such like labours. These are the most contemptible, and the miserablest peo∣ple of all India, and liue very poorely, maintaining themselues with little meat. They eate all kind of things, except Kine, Oxen, Buffles, Hogges, and Hens flesh; their Religion is like the Decanijns and Canaras, for they are all of one Countrey and Custome, little differing: they goe naked, their priuie members onely couered with a cloth. The Women goe with a cloth bound about their middle beneath their nauels, and hanging downe to the middle of their thighes, and the other end thereof they cast ouer their shoulders, whereby halfe their brests are couered. They are in a manner blacke, or of a darke browne colour, many of them are Christians, be∣cause [ 60] their chiefe habitation and dwelling places are on the Sea-side, in the Countries borde∣ring vpon Goa, for that the Palme-trees doe grow vpon the Sea coasts, or vpon the bankes by Riuer sides. The Rice is sowed vpon low ground, which in Winter time is couered with water, * 1.698

wherewith those Canarijns doe maintaine themselues: these bring Hennes, Fruit, Milke, Egges, and other such like wares into the Towne to sell. They dwell in little straw Houses, the doores whereof are so low, that men must creepe in and out, their houshold-stuffe is a Mat vpon the ground to sleepe vpon, and a Pit or hole in the ground to beat their Rice in, with a Pot or two to seeth it in, and so they liue and gaine so much as it is a wonder. For commonly their Houses are full of small Children, which crall and creepe about all naked, vntill they are seuen or eight yeares old, and then they couer their priuie members. When the women are readie to trauell * 1.699 with Child, they are commonly deliuered when they are all alone, and their Husbands in the fields, as it fortuned vpon a time, as I and some other of my friends went to walke in the fields, and into the Villages where the Canarijns dwell, and hauing thirst, I went to one of the Canarijns houses to aske some water, therewith to refresh vs, and because I was very thirstie, I stooped [ 10] downe and thrust my head in at the doore, asking for some water where I espied a Woman a∣lone within the house, tying her cloth fast about her middle, and before her hauing a woodden Trough (by the Portugals called Gamell••) full of water, where shee stood and washed a Child, whereof as then she had newly beene deliuered without any helpe: which hauing washt, she laid it Naked on the ground vpon a great Indian Figge leafe, and desired me to stay and she would presently giue me water. When I vnderstood by her that she had as then newly beene deliuered of that Child without any helpe, I had no desire to drinke of her water, but went vn∣to another to aske water, and perceiued the same woman not long after going about her house, as if there had beene no such matter, and the Children are brought vp in that manner cleane naked, nothing done vnto them, but onely washed and made cleane in a little cold water, and [ 20] doe in that sort prosper and come vp as well as man would wish, or as any Child within these Countries can doe with all the tending they haue, and liue many times vntill they be a hun∣dreth yeares old, without any Head-ach, or Tooth-ach, or losing any of their Teeth. They we are onely a tuske of haire on the tops of their Heads, which they suffer to grow long: the rest of their haire is cut short, they are very expert in Swimming and Diuing, they row vp and downe the Riuers in Boates called Almadias, whereof some of them are hewen out of a peece of wood, and so narrow that a man can hardly sit in them, and it chanceth oftentimes that they turne ouer and ouer twice or thrice before they passe the Riuer, and then they leape out into the water and turne them vp, and so powring out the water they get into them againe. They are so miserable, that for a Penie they would indure to be Whipped, and they eate so little, that [ 30] it seemeth they liue by the Aire, they are likewise most of them leane, and weake of limbes, of little strength and very Cowards, whereby the Portugals doe them great outrage and villa∣nie, vsing them like Dogs and Beasts.

In their Marriages and Deaths they obserue the manner of the Decanijns and Canaras, as also in their Religion and Ceremonies. When the Man is dead his body is burnt, and the Woman cuts her haire off, and breaketh all her Iewels, although they bee but few and small, for they are most of Glasse.

THere are many Arabians and Abexijns in India. The Arabians obserue Mahomets Law, * 1.700 and the Abexijns, some are Mahometans, some Christians, after their manner, for they are of [ 40] Prester Iohns land. The Abexijns that are Christians, haue on their Faces foure burnt markes in manner of a Crosse, one ouer their Nose in the middle of the forehead, betweene both their eies, on each of their Cheekes one, betweene their eyes and their eares, and one vnder their nether Lip downe to the chinne. These Abexijns and Arabians, such as are free doe serue in all India for Saylers and Sea-faring men. The Portugals (although they serue for Saylers in the * 1.701 Portugals Ships) that come into India, and haue neuer beene other in Portugall but Saylers, yet are they ashamed to liue in that order, and thinke it a great discredit vnto them, together with a great diminishing of their Authorities and estimations, which they account themselues to hold in India, so that they giue themselues out for Maisters of ships, and by their Captaines are also called Pilots and chiefe Boatswaines, but not lower: for if they should descend but one [ 50] step lower, it would be a great blot and blemish vnto them all their liues after, which they would not indure for any thing in the world. These Abexijns and Arabians, serue for small money, and being hired are verie lowly and subiect, so that oftentimes they are beaten and smitten, not as Slaues, but like Dogs, which they beare very patiently, not once speaking a word: they commonly haue their Wiues and Children with them in the ship wherein they are hired, which continually stay with them, what Voyage soeuer they make, and dresse their owne meat, which is Rice sodden in water with salt Fish among it. The cause why the Women saile in the ship, is, for that in Summer and not else, their ships goe to Sea, when they alwaies haue calme water and faire weather, with good windes: they haue commonly but one Portu∣gall or two for Captaine, Master and Pilot, and they haue a chiefe Boatswaine, which is an A∣rabian, [ 60] which they call Mocadon, and he is ruler of the Arabians and Abexijns, that are Sailers, whom he hath vnder his subiection, euen as if they were his Slaues or Subiects.

This Mo••adon is hee that conditioneth and maketh bargaine with the owners of the Ship,

to haue so many Sailers, and hee receiueth the monethlie money for their wages, and accoun∣teth with the Sailers particularly, but for gouernment of the ship hee hath not to doe, neither troubleth himselfe therewith. The ships when they saile, vse no Caske for water, because there is not any throughout all India, nor any made there, saue onely such as come out of Portugall, and vsed in the Portugall shippes: but in stead of Pipes they vse a great foure cornered woodden Cesterne, that standeth by the maine Mast, at the very foot thereof, vpon the keele of the ship, which is very well pitched, and made fast, wherein they lade as much water as they thinke will serue them for their Voyage. The Captaine, Master or Pilot, Marchants and Passengers, haue euerie man their meat by themselues, and their water in great Indian pots called Martauans. [ 10]

THe Blacke people or Caffares of the Land of Mosambique, and all the Coast of Ethiopia, * 1.702 and within the land to the Cape de bona Speranza, goe all naked, although those of Mo∣sambique, (that is the Women) doe a little couer themselues, which they doe by meanes of the daily conuersation they haue with the Portugals. Some haue all their bodies rased and seared with Irons, and all figured like rased Satten and Damaske, wherein they take great pride, thin∣king there are no fairer people then they in all the world, so that when they see any white peo∣ple, that weare Apparell on their bodies, they laugh and mocke at them, thinking vs to bee Monsters and vgly people: and when they will make any diuellish forme and Picture, then they inuent one after the forme of a White man in his apparell. There are among them that [ 20] file there Teeth as sharpe as Needles, which they likewise esteeme for a great ornament.

There are some of them that are become Christians since the Portugals came thither, but there is no great paines taken about it in those Countries, because there is no profite to bee had, as also that it is an infectious and vnwholsome Countrey: And therefore the Iesuites are warie enough not to make any Houses or habitations therein, for they see no great profite to be rea∣ped * 1.703 there for them, as they doe in India and the Ilands of Iapan, and in other places, where they find great quantities of Riches, with the sappe whereof they increase much and fill their Bee∣hiues, therewith to satisfie their thirstie and insatiable desires.

They haue a Custome among them, that when they goe to Warre against their enemies, if they winne the Battell, or ouerthrow each other, he that taketh or killeth most men, is holden [ 30] and accounted for the best and brauest man among them, and much respected, and to witnesse the same before their Kings, of as many as they haue slaine or taken Prisoners, they cut off their priuie members, that if they bee let goe againe, they may no more beget Children, which in processe of time might mischiefe them, and then they drie them well, because they should not rot: which being so dryed, they come before their Kings with great reuerence, in the presence of the principall men in the Village, and there take these members so dried one by one in their mouthes, and spit them on the ground at the Kings feet, which the King with great thankes ac∣cepteth, and the more to reward and recompence their Valour, causeth them all to be taken vp and giuen to them againe, for a signe and token of Honour, whereby euer after from that time forwards they are accounted as Knights, and they take all those members, wherewith the King [ 40] hath thus honoured them, and tie them all vpon a string like a Bracelet or Chaine, and when * 1.704 they Marrie, or goe to any Wedding, or Feasts, the Bride or Wiues of those Knights doe weare that Chaine of mens members about their neckes, which among them is as great an Honour, as it is with vs, to weare the Golden Fleece.

From Mosambique great numbers of these Caffares are carried into India, and many times they sell a Man or Woman that is growne to their full strength, for two or three Duckets. When the Portugals ships put in there for fresh Water and other necessaries, then they are dea∣rer. In time of Pouertie or Dearth the Fathers may sell their Children, as it happened in my time, that there was such a dearth, and scarsitie of Victuals in the firme land, and Countries bordering vpon Goa, that the men of India came to Goa (and other places where the Portugals [ 50] are resident) to sell their Children in great numbers, and for small prices, to buy them victuals. I haue seene Boyes of eight or ten yeares, giuen in exchange for fiue or fixe measures of Rice, and some for three or foure Duckets the peece, and some came with their Wiues and Children to offer themselues to bee Slaues, so that they might haue meate and drinke to nourish their bodies.

And because the Portugals haue Traffique in all places (as wee haue beene in many) it is the cause why so many are brought out of all Countries to be sold, for the Portugals doe make a li∣uing by buying and selling of them, as they doe with other wares.

THe Malabares, are those that dwell on the Sea-coast, betweene Goa, and the Cape de Co∣morijn [ 60] * 1.705 Southward from Goa, where the Pepper groweth. They haue a speech by them∣selues, and their Countrey is diuided into many Kingdomes, they goe all naked onely their priuie members couered, the Women likewise haue but a cloth from their Nauell downe to their knees, all the rest is naked, they are strong of limbes, and verie arrogant and proud, of

colour altogether black••e, yet verie smooth both of haire and skinne, which commonly they anoynt with Oyle, to make it shine; they weare their haire as long as it will grow, tyed on the top or crowne of their heads with a Lace, both men and women: the lappes of their Eares are open, and are so long that they hang downe to their shoulders, and the longer and wider they are, the more they are esteemed among them, and it is thought to be a beautie in them. Of Face, Bodie and Limbes; they are altogether like men of Europe, without any difference, but onely in colour, the men are commonly verie hairie, and rough vpon the brest, and on their bodies, and are the most Leacherous and vnchaste Nation in all the Orient, so that there are verie few women Children among them, of seuen or eight yeeres old, that haue their Maiden∣heads: They are verie readie to catch one from another, though it bee but for a small Penie. [ 10]

In their Houses they are not verie curious, their houses and housholdstuffe, differeth not much from the Ca••••rijns and Corumbijns of Goa. Their Idolatrie, Ceremonies and Superstiti∣ons, are like the Heathens. Of these Malabares there are two manner of people, the one is No∣blemen or Gentlemen, called Nayros, which are Souldiers, that doe onely weare and handle * 1.706 Armes, the other is the common people, called Polyas, and they may weare no Weapons, nor beare any Armes. The Nayros must in all places where they goe or stand, weare such Armes as are appointed for them, and alwayes be readie at the Kings commandement to doe him seruice, some of them doe alwayes beare a naked Rapier or Courtelas in their right hands, and a great Target in their left hand, those Targets are very great: and made of light wood, so that when they will they can couer their whole bodies therewith; they are so well vsed thereunto, that [ 20] they esteeme it nothing to beare them, and when they trauell on the way, they may be heard a great way off, for that they commonly make a great knocking with the Hilt of their Rapier a∣gainst the Target, because they would be heard. There are some that carrie a Bow and a vene∣mous Arrow vpon their shoulder, wherein they are verie expert, others carrie long Pikes, some Pieces, with the Match ready lighted, and wound about their armes, and haue the best Lockes that possible may be found in all Europe, which they know so well how to vse, that the Portu∣gals can haue no aduantage against them. Wheresoeuer they goe, they must alwaies haue their Armes with them, both night and day. Not any of them are Married, nor may not marrie du∣ring their liues, but they may freely lie with the Nayros Daughters, or with any other that li∣keth them, what women soeuer they be, yea though they be Married women. When the Nay∣ro [ 30] hath a desire thereunto, hee entreth into a house where he thinketh good, and setteth his Armes in the street without the doore, and goeth in and dispatcheth his businesse, with the good Wife or the Daughter, the doore standing wide open, not fearing that any man should come in to let him; for whosoeuer passeth by, and seeth the Nayros armes standing at the doore, although it be the Goodman himselfe, hee goeth by, and letteth him make an end, and hauing done, he taketh his Armes and departeth thence, and then the Husband may come to the house without making any words, or once mouing question about it. In that manner they goe where they will, and no man may denie them. As these Nayros goe in the streets, they vse to crie Po, Po, which is to say, Take heed, looke to your selues, or I come, stand out of the way, for that the other sort of people called Polyas, that are no Nayros, may not once touch or trouble one of them; [ 40] for if any of the Polyas should stand still, and not giue them place, whereby he should chance to touch their bodies, he may freely thrust him through, and no man aske him why he did it. And when they are once touched by any Polyas, or by any other Nation except Nayros, they must (before they eate, or conuerse with other Nayros) wash and cleanse their bodies with great Ce∣remonies and Superstitions. Likewise they must not be touched by any Christian, or any other man. And when the Portugals came first into India, at Cochin it was concluded, (to pacifie the matter, and to keepe peace and quietnesse among them) that two men should be chosen, one for the Nayros, and the other for the Portugals, that should Fight bodie to bodie, and hee that should be ouerthrowne, that Nation should giue place vnto the other, this was done in the presence of both Nations, and the Portugall ouercame the Nayro, whom he slew; whereupon [ 50] it was agreed, that the Nayros should giue place vnto the Portugall, and stand aside vntill he be past wheresoeuer they meet. The Nayros weare the nailes of their hands very long, whereby they shew that they are Gentlemen, because the longnesse of the Nailes doth let and hinder men from working or doing any labour. They say likewise that they doe it, the better and faster to gripe a thing in their hands, and to hold their Rapiers, which some Portugals and Mesticos doe likewise vse, and hold the same opinion with the Nayros, whereof there are many in India, which let their Nailes grow for the same cause.

The principallest or chiefest of those Nayros, which are Leaders or Captaines of certaine numbers of Nayros, weare a Gold or Siluer bracelet, or Ring, about their armes, aboue their elbowes: as also their Gouernours, Ambassadours, and Kings, whereby they are knowne from [ 60] other men, for otherwise they goe all naked. Also their Kings, Rulers, and other Captaines and Leaders, when they goe abroad, are guarded and accompanied by other Nayros. They are ve∣rie good and stout Souldiers, and will set vpon a man very fiercely, they are also veriefull of reuenge, so that whensoeuer they fight against their Enemies either by water or by land, and

that they chance to be thrust into the bodie with a Pike, they are not presently therewith con∣tent to he downe, but if they cannot speedily plucke the Pike forth, they will not spare to pull it forth with both their hands, and draw it through their bodies, therewith to set vpon them that gaue them the wound, and to be reuenged on them.

The King may not Iudge nor execute those Nayros openly, for if they haue deserued Death, he causeth them by other Nayros to be put to death. The Daughters of the Nayros, may not haue the companie of any man, but onely of Nayros, although secretly they haue the company of many Portugals and Christians, but if the Nayros once perceiued it, or finde them in the deed doing, they might kill them without further question. In euery place where they dwell, they haue a Pit or Weil digged, wherein they doe hold water, which standeth openly in the way where euery man passeth by, wherein euery morning when they rise, they wash themselues all [ 10] ouer, beginning first at the Foot and so rising vp to the Head, as well Men as Women, without being ashamed to be seene of such as goe by, or looke vpon them, and the King himselfe like∣wise: which water is so greene, slimie and stinking, that a man can not chuse but stop his Nose as he goeth by it: and they certainly beleeue, that whensoeuer they should forget to wash themselues in that water, that they should then be whollie vncleane and full of finne: and this washing or making cleane, must not be done in any running water, but it must be in a * 1.707 place where the water standeth in a Pit or Well, and by their Bramenes conjured with many Words and Ceremonies, otherwise it were of no vertue but whollie vnprofitable, for their I∣dolatrous seruices. They are like the other Heathens, and are burned when they are Dead: their Sonnes may not be their Heyres, because they haue no Wiues, but vse all women, where [ 20] * 1.708 and when they will, doubting which is their owne Sonne: for the Bramenes also haue the Kings wiues at their pleasures, and doe him great honour when it pleaseth them to lie with their Queene. Their heyres are their Sisters sonnes, for they say, although they doubt of their Fathers, yet they know their Sisters are the Mothers of them. Thus much touching the Nay∣ros and Gentlemen or Souldiers.

The other common people of the Malabares, called Polyas, are such as are the Countrey Husbandmen and Labourers, men of Occupations, Fishers, and such like: those are much con∣temned * 1.709 and despised, they liue miserably, and may weare no kind of Weapon, neither yet touch or bee conuersant with the Nayros, for as the Nayros goe on the streets, and they heare him call, they step aside, bowing their Armes, and stooping with their Heads downe to the [ 30] grou••d, not daring so much as once looke vp before the Nayros be past: in other things they obserue the Customes of the other Indians, for that euery man followeth the Occupation of his Elders, and may not change it for any thing.

THere are great numbers of Moores and Iewes in all places of India, as at Goa, Cochin, and within the Land. In their Houses and Apparell they follow the manner of the Land * 1.710 wherein they are resident: amongst the Indians they haue their Churches, Sinagogues and Mesquitas, wherein they vse all Ceremonies according to their Law: but in the places where the Portugals inhabite and gouerne, it is not permitted vnto them to vse them openly, neither to any Indian, although they haue their Families and dwelling Houses, and get their liuings, [ 40] and deale one with the other: but secretly in their Houses they may doe what they will, so that no man take offence thereat: without the Townes and where the Portugals haue no com∣mandement, they may freely vse and exercise their Ceremonies and Superstitions, euery one as liketh him best, without any man to let or denie them: but if they bee found openly doing it in the Portugals Townes and Iurisdictions, or that they haue any point of Christian ceremonies mingled among theirs, both men and women die for it, vnlesse they turne vnto the Christian Eaith: they are most white of colour, like men of Europa, and haue many faire Women. There are many of them that came out of the Countrey of Palestina and Ierusalem thither, and speake ouer all the Exchange verie perfect and good Spanish.

The Moores likewise haue their Mesquitos, wherein they pray, and aboue the Church they [ 50] haue many Sellers and Galleries, where they learne their Children their principles of Religion before they goe to Church: they wash their Feet, for the which purpose they haue alwayes a Cesterne with water standing without the Church, and leaue their Alparcos (which are their Shooes) standing at the Church doore before they goe in, and being in the Church they fall flat on the ground vpon their faces, and so with their armes and hands lifted vp, make many counterfeit faces. They are also Circumcised like the Iewes, and eate no Hogs-flesh, and when they are dead they are buried. In their Churches they haue not any Images, but onely some Stones or round Pillers standing vpright with certaine Chaldean letters (out of their Alcaron) grauen vpon them. As I and a friend of mine chanced to goe out of the Towne, wee were de∣strons [ 60] to see their Mahometicall Church, and their manner of Seruice, which was denied vs by the keeper of the doore, that bad vs put off our Shooes, but because we would not, hee said it was not lawfull for vs to enter in that sort into the Church: but to let vs see it, hee suffe∣red vs to stand within the doore, and opened some of the windowes, that wee might see what

was within it: then the Portugall asked him for their God and their Saints which they vsed to pray vnto, because he saw the Church emptie, as I said before: then the Moore answered him, that They vsed not to pray to Stockes and Stones, but to the liuing God, which is in Heauen, and said, that the proud Portugall Christians, and the Heathens were all of one Religion, for that they pray to * 1.711 Images made of Wood and Stones, and giue them the Glorie which onely appertaineth to the liuing God: with the which answer the Portugall was so angrie, that hee began to chide; so that there had growne a great quarrell, had it not beene for me.

IN the Kingdome of Narsinga, or the Coast called Choramandel, there standeth a Pagode, that * 1.712 is very great, exceeding rich, and holden in great estimation, hauing many Pilgrimages & Vi∣sitations made vnto it from all the Countries bordering about it, where euery yeere they haue [ 10] many Faires, Feasts, and Processions, and there they haue a Waggon or a Cart, which is so great and heauie, that three or foure Elephants can hardly draw it, and this brought foorth at Faires, Feasts, and Processions. At this Cart hang likewise many Cables or Ropes, whereat also all the Countrey people, both men and women of pure deuotion doe pull and hale. In the vpper part of this Cart standeth a Tabernacle or Seat, wherein fitteth the Idoll, and vnder it sit the Kings Wiues, which after their manner play on all Instruments, making a most sweet melodie, and in that sort is the Cart drawne forth, with great Deuotions and Processions: there are some of * 1.713 them, that of great zeale and pure deuotion doe cut peeces of flesh out of their bodies, and throw them downe before the Pagode: others lay themselues vnder the wheeles of the Cart, and let the Cart runne ouer them, whereby they are all crushed to peeces, and pressed to death, [ 20] and they that thus die, are acounted for holy and deuout Martyrs, and from that time forwards * 1.714 are kept and preserued for great and holy Reliques, besides a thousand other such like beastly Superstitions, which they vse, as one of my Chamber fellowes, that had seene it shewed me, and it is also well knowne throughout all India.

Vpon a time I and certaine Portugals my friends, hauing licence from the Vice-roy were at a Banquet and meeting, about fiue or sixe miles within the firme Land, and with vs wee had certaine Decanijns, and naturall borne Indians, that were acquainted with the Countrey, the chiefe cause of our going, was to see their manner of burning the dead Bramene, and his Wife with him being aliue, because we had beene aduertised, that such a thing was to bee done. [ 30] And there among other strange deuises that we saw, we came into some Villages, and places inhabited by the Indians, where in the way, and at euerie Hill, stonie Rocke or hole, almost with∣in a Pater noster length, we found a Carued Pagode, or rather Deuils, and monsters in hellish shapes. At the last we came into a Village, where stood a great Church of stone, wherein wee entred, and found nothing in it but a great Table that hung in the middle of the Church, with the Image of a Pagode painted therein so mishaped and deformed, that more monstrous was neuer seene, for it had many Hornes, and long Teeth that hung out of his mouth downe to the knees, and beneath his nauell and belly, it had another such like face, with many hornes and tuskes. Vpon the head thereof stood a triple Crowned Myter, not much vnlike the Popes tri∣ple Crowne, so that in effect it seemed to bee a Monster, such as are described in the Apocalips. [ 40] It hung before a Wall, which made a partition from another Chamber, in manner of a Quier, yet was it close made vp without windowes, or any place for light, in the middle whereof was a little narrow close doore, and on both sides of the doore, stood a small Furnace made within the wall, wherein were certaine holes or Lattices, thereby to let the smoke or sauour of the fire to enter into that place, when any Offering should be made. Whereof we found some there, as Rice, Corne, Fruits, Hennes, and such like things, which the Indians daily offered, but there came so filthie a smoke and stinke out of the place, that whosoeuer went neere it, was almost ready to choke, the said place being all black, smeerie and foule therwith. Before this doore be∣ing shut, in the middle of the Church, there stood a Calfe of stone, whereon one of our compa∣nie leaped, and laughing, began to crie out, which the Bramene that kept the Church percei∣uing, [ 50] began to call and crie for helpe, so that presently many of the neighbours ranne thither, to see what the cause migh be, but before the throng of people came, we dealt so well with the Bramene (acknowledging our fault, and saying it was vnaduisedly done) that he was well con∣tent, and the people went home againe. Then we desired the Bramene to open vs the doore that stood shut, which after much intreatie hee yeelded vnto, offering first to throw certaine Ashes vpon our foreheads, which we refused, so that before he would open vs the doore, we were for∣ced to promise him that we would not enter further in, then to the doore.

The doore of their Sancta Sanctorum, or rather Diabolorum, being opened, it shewed within * 1.715 like a Lime-kill, being close vaulted round about, ouer the head without either hole or win∣dow to cast in light, but onely at the doore, neither was there any light in all the Church, but [ 60] that which came in at the doore we entred by. Within the said Cell or Vault, there hung at the least one hundred burning Lamps, in the middle wherof stood a litle Altar, & couered ouer with cloth made of Cotton-wooll, and ouer that with pure Gold, vnder the which (as the Bramene told vs) sate the Pagode being of cleane Gold, of the bignesse of a Puppet or a Babie sold in

Faires: hard by the Church without the great doore, stood within the earth a great foure cor∣nered or square Cesterne, hewed out of Free stone, with stayres on each side to goe downe into it, full of greene, filthie and stinking water, wherein they wash themselues when they meane to enter into the Church to pray. From thence wee went further, and still as we went, in euery place we found Pagodes hewed out of hard Stones, and standing in their holes, of such liuely shapes and figures as we told you before. These stand in the wayes vnder certaine couertures, without the Churches, and haue hard by each of them a small Cesterne of water, cut o•••• of the stone to wash their feet, with halfe an Indian Nut, that hath a handle and hangeth there to take vp water withall. And this is ordayned for Trauellers that passe by, who commonly at euery one of those Pagodes doe fall downe and make their Prayers, and wash their feet in those Ce∣sternes. By the said Pagodes, commonly doe stand two little Furnaces, with a Calfe or Kow of [ 10] stone, before the which they set their Offerings, which are of such things, as are to bee eaten, euery man as his Deuotion serueth, which they thinke the Pagode eateth in the Night, but it is taken away by the Bramene. We found in euery place such Offerings standing, but we had lit∣tle desire once to taste thereof, it looked so filthily, and as we had sufficiently beholden their mishapen figures and monstrous Images, we returned againe into the Village, wherein we saw the stone Church, because the Bramene had aduertised vs, that the same day about Euening, the Pagode should be carried in Procession, to sport it selfe in the Fields, and to fetch a circuit, which we desired to see. And about the time which hee appointed, they rung a little Bell, which they had gotten of the Christians, wherewith all the people began to assemble, and tooke the Pagode out of his diabolicall Cell, which with great reuerence, they set in a Palamkin borne [ 20] by the chiefe men of the Towne, all the rest with great deuotion following after, with their vsuall noyse and sounds of Trumpets and other Instruments, wherewith they went a reasonable way round about a Field, and then brought him to the stone Cesterne, where washing him very cleane (although he were very filthie stinking) they carried him againe into his Cell, leauing him shut herein withall his Lampes, to make good cheere, and hauing made a foule smoake and stinke about him, and euery man left his Offering behind him, they went home to their houses, leauing the Bramene alone, who in stead of the Pagode, made good cheere at their costs with his Wife and Familie.

THere is ouer all India great store of Cattell, as Oxen, Kine, Sheepe, Hogges, Goates, Kids, [ 30] and such like, and very good cheape, and in great abundance, although the flesh is not * 1.716 of so good a ••aste as that in Europe, which proceedeth from the heat of the Countrey, and therefore it is not much esteemed. A man may buy the best Kow in Goa, for fiue or sixe Par∣dawes. Oxen are there little killed to eate, but are most kept to till the Land, all other things as Hogs, Sheepe and Goates, are sold after the rate. Mutton is little esteemed of, and not much vsed to be eaten, for it is forbidden to such as are sicke, and the Hogs flesh is much better and sounder, which is rather permitted vnto sicke persons then Mutton. There are Sheepe in that Countrey of fiue quarters in quantitie, for that the tayle is as great, and hath as much flesh vpon it, as any of the quarters, there are many Buffles, but nothing good to bee eaten, vnlesse it be by poore people, but their Milke is very good, and is very well sold and ordinarily eaten, [ 40] * 1.717 for you shall see the Slaues and Canarijns in great numbers, all day going about the streets to sell the Milke of Buffles, and Goates, and excellent sweet Creame, and fresh Butter in small peeces. They make likewise some small white Cheeses, but they are very salt and drie: wilde * 1.718 Bores, some Hares, Conies, Harts, and Hindes are there also to be found but not many Cockes, Capons, Pheasants, and Doues are there in great abundance and good cheape. In the Iland of Goa and there about ar•• Sparrowes, and some other small Birds, yet not many: but on the Coast * 1.719 of Cochin and Malabar, ••••ere are very few Sparrowes, nor any such like small birds. There are in India many Battes, and some of them so great, that it is incredible to tell. They doe great mischiefe to Trees, Fruits and Herbes, whereby the Canarijns are constrained ••o set men to watch in their Trees, and yet they can hardly rid them away. The Indians eate them, and say [ 50] they are as good meat as a Partridge.

There is a most wonderfull number of blacke Crowes, which doe much hurt, and are so bold that oftentimes they come flying in at their windowes, and take the meat out of the dish, as it standeth vpon the Table, before them that are set downe to eate: and as I my selfe sa••e writing aboue in a Chamber of the house, the windowes being open, one of those Crowes flew in at the window, and picked the Cotton but of mine I••ke-horne, and blotted all the paper that lay on my Table, doe what I could to let him. They fit commonly vpon the Buffles backes, and peeke off their haire, so that you shall find very few Buffles that haue any haires vpon their backes, and therefore to auoyd the Crowes they get themselues into Marishes, and warrie pla∣ces, [ 60] where they stand in the water vp to the neckes, otherwise they could neuer be rid of them.

There are likewise great numbers of Rats, and some as bigge as young Pigges, so that the Cats da•••• not touch them. Sometimes they digge downe the Houses, for that they vndermine * 1.720 the walles and foundations through and through, whereby many times the houles fall downe

and are spoyled. There is another sort of Rats, that are little and reddish of haire. They are cal∣led sweet smelling Rats, for they haue a smell as if they were full of Muske. * 1.721

Of An•••• or Pismires there is so great abundance throughout all India, and so noisome, that it is incredible to such as haue not seene it: for that men may set nothing whatsoeuer it be, that is to be eaten, or fatty, nor yet their clothes nor linnen, but you shall presently find at the least a thousand vpon it: and in the twinkling of an eye they will presently consume a loafe of bread: wherefore it is the manner throughout India, to make all the Cupboords wherein they keepe their victuals, and Chests, where their linnen and apparell lieth, with foure feet or pillars, and vnder euery foot or pillar a stone or woodden Cesterne full of water, and place the Cupboord or Chest in the middle of the roome, not neere the wall, whereby they cannot come at it, other∣wise it would be spoiled, and if they doe neuer so little forget to powre water into the Cesterns, [ 10] if it be but a Pater noster while, presently there will be so many Pismires crawling all ouer it, that it is wonderfull: so that it seemeth to be a curse or plague of God sent vpon that Coun∣trie. There are some likewise that vse such Cesternes of water vnder their bedstead, because they would not be troubled with them as they lie in their Beds, and also vnder their Tables. Some men which keepe Canarie birds, or such small sowles (that are brought thither from Portugall, or out of Turkie and Persia for their pleasures) are forced to set them on a sticke or pearch made for the purpose, with a Cesterne of water vnder it, otherwise it would presently be killed by the Pismires: and though it hangeth in the top of the house, yet they will come at it if it haue a string, to hold it by. The Souldiers and poore people that haue not the meanes to buy Cupboords, with Cesternes) put the bread and other victuals which they leaue (which [ 20] is not ouermuch) in a cloth tied on knots, and hang it on a naile against the w••ll, and make a circle about it of Charcole, so that the Pismires cannot get ouer, nor come at it. There is ano∣ther sort of Pismires which are almost a finger long, and reddish of colour: they runne into * 1.722 the fields, and doe great hurt to the herbes, fruits, and plants.

Moths and wormes which creepe and eate through mens clothes, are there in great abun∣dance, * 1.723 whereby men must vse no more clothes nor linnen in those Countries then that he ne∣cessarily and daily weareth on his backe, otherwise they are presently inoth-eaten and spoiled. They can hardly keepe any Paper or Bookes from wormes, which are like eare-wormes, but they doe often spoile and consume many Papers and euidences of great importance. There are also many Wall-lice. There is a kind of beast that flieth, twice as bigge as a Bee, and is called * 1.724 [ 30] Ba••••tta: These creatures also doe much ••••rt, and are commonly in Sugar, Honie, Butter, Oile, and all fat wares and sweet meates. Many of them likewise come into their Chests among their clothes and linnen, which they doe also spoile and spot. They are in great numbers and very hurtfull. There can be nothing so close shut or made fast, but they will get in and spoile it, for where they lie or be, they spot all things with their egges, which sticke as fast as ••••••op vpon a Paper, so that they may be esteemed as a plague like to the Pismires.

Within the Land there are also Tigres: other cruell beasts, as Lions, Beares, and such like there are few or none: but venomous beasts, as Snakes, Lizards, and such like there are many, for the Lizards will clime and creepe vpon the walls in their houses, and oftentimes fall vpon men, as they lie in their Beds and sleepe, and therefore many men that are of abilitie, doe hang [ 40] Testers and Curtains ouer and about their Beds. There are likewise many Chamelions, which are said to liue by the aire, but they are not hurtfull.

There are many Monkies or Marmosets, that doe great hurt to the Palme trees, wherein the * 1.725 Indian Nut or Cocus doth growe. In those trees you shall commonly see certaint little beasts, called Bis has de Palmeyras, that is, Beasts of the Palmetrees: They are much like Ferrets, where∣with men vse to hunt and catch Cunnies, and haue a taile like the Penner of an Ink-horne, and grayish speckled haire: they are pretie beasts to keepe and to passe the time with all. Parrots are there in great numbers, and flie abroad in the Woods. There commeth in India out of the Iland of Mol••cas beyond Malacca, a kind of birds, called Nayras: they are like Parrots, but they haue, many red feathers, and speake like Parrots: they are worth in India twenty or thir∣ty [ 50] Pardawes the piece: they are very faire to looke on, and speake sweetly: they claw or tickle men with their tongues vpon their heads and beards, and make them cleane at the roots, as al∣so their eares and their teeth, so that they are very pleasant to keepe in a house, for that both in colour and beauty of feathers they surpasse all birds and Parrots whatsoeuer: but there could neuer yet be any of them brought liuing into Portugall, although they haue sought and vsed all the meanes they could to bring them for a Present to the King, which he greatly desireth: but they die vpon the way, for they are very delicate, and will hardly be brought vp.

ELephants are in many places of India. In the Iland of S••••lon there are also great numbers, * 1.726 which are esteemed the best and sensi••••lest of all the world, for wheresoeuer they meet with [ 60] any other Elephants (the Indians report for a truth, that they haue tried it) those Elephants of other Countries doe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and honour to the Elephants of Seylon. The most seruice that they vs•• them for in India is to dra•• their Pipes, Buts, Packes, and other goods, and to ship

them, all which they doe with Elephants. They are kept at the Kings charges, and he that nee∣deth them, speaketh to their Keepers, and agreeth with them for a price to haue their labour: Then the Keeper getteth vpon the necke of the Elephant, and thrusteth his feet vnder his eares, hauing a hooke in his hand, which he sticketh on his head, where his stones lie, that is to say, aboue betweene both his eares, which is the cause, that they are so well able to rule them: and comming to the thing which they are to draw, they bind the Fat or Packe fast with a rope, that he may feele the weight thereof, and then the Keeper speaketh vnto him: whereupon hee taketh the corde with his snout and windeth it about his teeth, and thrusteth the end into his mouth, and so draweth it hanging after him, whither they desire to haue it. If it be to be put into a Boat, then they bring the Boat close to the shoare of the Key, and the Elephant putteth [ 10] it into the Boat himselfe, and with his snout gathereth stones together, which he layeth vnder the Fat, Pipe, or Packe, and with his teeth striketh and thrusteth the Packe or Vessell, to see if it lie fast or not. It will draw any great shot or other Iron worke, or metall being made fast vnto it, be it neuer so heauie. They draw Fusts, small Gallies, and other great Boats, as Car∣uels, and such like, as easily out of the water vpon the land, as if no man were in them: so that they serue their turnes there, euen as our Sleds or Carts with Horses doe heere, to carrie our wares and merchandises. Their meate is Rice and water, they sleepe like Kine, Oxen, Horses, and all foure-footed beasts, and bow their knees and all their members as other beasts doe. In Winter when it beginneth to raine, then they are vnquiet, and altogether mad, so that their Keepers cannot rule them, and then they are let some whither out of the Towne to a great tree, [ 20] and there tied vnto it by the legs with a great Iron chaine, where they carrie him meate, and so he lieth in the open aire, as long as he is mad, which is from Aprill to September, all the Win∣ter time when it raineth, and then he commeth to himselfe, and beginneth to serue againe as tamely, that a man may lie vnder his bellie, so you doe him no hurt: but he that hurteth him, he must take heed, for they neuer forget when any man doth them iniurie, vntill they be reuen∣ged. They are very fearefull of a Rat or Mouse, and also of the Pismires, because they feare they would creepe into their snouts. They are likewise afraide of gun-shot and of fire, vnlesse by length of time they be vsed vnto them. When they haue the companie one of the other, the male Elephant standeth vpon the higher ground, and the female somewhat lower. As they goe along the way, although you see them not, you may heare them a farre off by the noise of their [ 30] feet and clapping of their eares, which they continually vse. They are as swift in going almost as a Horse, and are very proude, and desirous of honour. When there is any great Feast or Ho∣liday kept in Goa, with solemne Procession, commonly the Elephants goe with them, the young before, and the old behind, and are all painted vpon their bodies with the Armes and Crosses of Portugall, and haue euery one fiue or sixe Trumpetters or Players vpon the Shalmes, fitting vpon them that sound very pleasantly, wherewith they are as well pleased, and goe with as great grauitie, and in as good order, as if they were men. It happened in Goa, that an Elephant should draw a great Fust out of the water vnto the land, which Fust was so great and heauie, that he could not doe it alone, so that they must haue another to helpe him: whereupon the Keeper chid him, vsing many hard words, saying, that he was idle and weake, and that it would be [ 40] an euerlasting shame for him, that they must fetch another to helpe him, wherewith the Elephant was so desperate, that hee thrust away his fellow (which was brought to helpe him) and beganne freshly againe to draw, with so great force, more then he was well able to doe, that with ex∣treme labour he burst and fell downe starke dead in the place. At such time as I was to make my Voyage from Cochin to Portugall, the Rudder of our ship was out of order, so that it must of force be brought on land to make it fit againe, and so it was drawne to the Riuers side at the sterne of the Boat, which the Elephant should draw on land vpon two boords, that it might slide vp, and because it was heauie, (as the Rudder of a ship of fourteene hundred or sixteene hundred tunnes requireth) as also that the Elephant was as yet but young, and not growne to his full strength, so that he could not draw it out alone, yet he did the best he could: but see∣ing [ 50] he could not doe it, he fell on his fore-legs, and beganne to crie and weepe, that the teares ranne out of his eyes, and because many of vs stood vpon the shoare to behold this fight, the Keeper began to chide him, and with hard words to curse him, because he shamed him thus in presence of so many men, not to be able to draw vp such a thing: but what strength or labour soeuer the Elephant vsed, he could not doe it alone, but when they brought another Elephant to helpe him, they both together drew it halfe out of the water, so that it lay partly vpon the boords. The first Elephant perceiuing that, with his head and teeth thrust the other Elephant away, and would haue no more helpe, but drew it out himselfe.

They are likewise very thankful & mindful of any good done vnto them. When new yeres day commeth, their keepers vse of common custome to aske new yeeres gifts of the Viceroy, the Arch∣bishop, [ 60] and other Gouernours and Gentlemen, and then the Elephants come to the doore and bow their heads downe, and when anything is giuen, they kneele on their knees with great low∣linesse, and thankfulnesse, for the good deedes so done vnto their keepers (which they thinke to be done vnto themselues.) They vse as they passe by such houses, to bow their heads at the dores,

as also when they passe by the Church doores, and by Crosses, which their Masters teach them. They haue a custome that they goe often into the Market where hearbs are sold, as Reddish, Let∣rice, Coleworts, and such like stuffe, and those that are liberall to the Elephant, doe vse to throw something before him. Among the rest there was one hearbe wife which alwayes vsed to throw something of her wares before the Elephant. Now when the time came on that the Elephant groweth mad, as I said before, they vse to goe with them three or foure dayes, or a weeke about the streets before they binde them vp, (being as then but halfe mad) to aske something of euery bodie for the feeding of the mad Elephant in the winter time. And going thus about the streets, the Master is not able to rule him, for hee runneth about with his head downward, and by his roaring giueth the people warning to beware, and when he findeth or seeth no man, nee leapeth and ouerthroweth whatsoeuer he meeteth withall, whereby hee maketh great sport and pastime, [ 10] much like to the baiting of Oxen in Spaine, which neuer ceaseth, vntill one, two, or more of them be slaine, the like rule is kept with the mad Elephant in India. It chanced in this running about that the Elephant ranne through the streetes, and in haste at vnawares came into the market, throwing downe all that was in his way, whereat euery man was abasht, and leauing their ware, ranne to saue themselues from being ouer runne by the Elephant, and by meanes of the noyse and prease of people, they fell one ouer another, as in such cases is commonly seene. Among them was this woman, that alwayes vsed to giue the Elephant something to eate, which had a little childe in the market lying by her in a basket, and by the hastie rising vp and throng of the people, the woman ranne into a House, not hauing time to snatch vp her Child, and take it with her; and when the Elephant was alone in the Market place, where hee roared vp and downe, ouer∣throwing [ 20] all things that were before him, hee came by the Child (that as I said) lay still in the Market, and as euerie man looked, specially the Mother, which cried out, and verily thought that the Elephant had taken it and cast it on his shoulder and spoyled it as he did all other things. He on the contrarie notwithstanding all his madnesse, being mindfull of the good will and libe∣ralitie of the Childes Mother dayly vsed vnto him, tooke vp the Child handsomely and tender∣ly with his Snout, and laide it softly vpon a Stall by a Shop side, which done, he began againe to vse the same order of stamping, crying, and clapping as he had done at the first, to the great won∣dering of all that beheld it, specially to the ease and ioy of the Mother, that had recouered her Child sound and well againe.

THe Abada or Rhinoceros is not in India, but onely in Bengala and Patane. They are lesse * 1.727 [ 30] and lower then the Elephant. It hath a short horne vpon the nose, in the hinder part some∣what bigge, and toward the end sharper, of a browne blew, and whitish colour; it hath a snout like a Hog, and the skin vpon the vpper part of his body is all wrinckled, as if it were armed with Shields or Targets. It is a great enemie of the Elephant. Some thinke it is the right Vnicorne, be∣cause that as yet there hath no other beene found, but onely by heare-say, and by the Pictures of them. The Portugals and those of Bengala affirme, that by the Riuer Ganges in the Kingdome of Bengala, are many of these Rhinocerots, which when they will drinke, the other beasts stand and waite vpon them, till the Rhinoceros hath drunke, and thrust their horne into the water, for hee cannot drinke but his horne must be vnder the water, because it standeth so close vnto his nose, [ 40] and muzzle: and then after him all the other beasts doe drinke. Their hornes in India are much esteemed and vsed against all venome, poyson, and many other diseases: likewise his teeth, clawes flesh, skin, and bloud, and his very dung and water and all whatsoeuer is about him, is much estee∣med in India, and vsed for the curing of many diseases and sicknesses, which is very good and most true, as I my selfe by experience haue found. But it is to bee vnderstood, that all Rhino∣ceros are not a like good, for there are some whose hornes are solde for one, two or three hundred Pardawes the piece, and there are others of the same colour and greatnesse that are sold but for three or foure Pardawes, which the Indians know and can discerne. The cause is that some Rhi∣nocerots, which are found in certaine places in the countrie of Bengala haue this vertue, by reason of the hearbs which that place onely yeeldeth and bringeth forth, which in other places is [ 50] not so, and this estimation is not onely held of the horne, but of all other things in his whole bo∣die, as I said before. There are also by Malacca, Sion, and Bengala some Goates that are wilde, whose hornes are esteemed for the best hornes against poyson, and all venome that may be found: * 1.728 they are called Cabras de Mato, that is, wilde Goates.

FIsh in India is very plentifull, and some very pleasant and sweete. Most of their fish is eaten with Rice, that they seeth in broth which they put vpon the Rice, and is somewhat sowre, as * 1.729 if it were sodden in Gooseberries, or vnripe Grapes, but it tasteth well, and is called Carriil, which is their daily meate, the Rice is in steade of bread: there are also good Shads, Soales, and other sorts of fishes. The Crabs and Creuishes are very good and marueilous great, that it is a wonder [ 60] to tell, and that which is more wonderfull, when the Moone is in the full, here with vs it is a com∣mon saying, that then Crabs and Creuishes are at the best, but there it is cleane contrarie: for with a full Moone they are emptie and out of season, and with a new Moone good and full. There are

also Musckles and such like Shel-fishes of many sorts, Oysters very many, specially at Cochin; and from thence to the Cape de Comorijn. Fish in India is very good cheape, for that with the valew of a stiuer of their money, a man may buy as much fish and Rice to it, as will serue fiue or sixe men for a good meale.

As our ship lay in the Riuer of Cochin, readie to sayle from thence to Portugall, it hapned that as wee were to hang on our Rudder, which as then was mended, the Master of the Ship, with foure or fiue Saylers, went with the boate to put it on, and another Sayler beeing made fast with a corde about his middle, and tied to the Ship, hung downe with halfe his bodie into the water * 1.730 to place the same vpon the hookes, and while hee hung in the water, there came one of those Hayens, and bit one of his legs, to the middle of his thigh, cleane off at a bit, notwithstanding [ 10] that the Master strooke at him with an Oare, and as the poore man was putting downe his arme to feele his wound, the same fish at the second time for another bit did bite off his hand and arme aboue the elbow, and also a peece of his buttocke.

In the Riuer of Goa in winter time, when the mouth of the Riuer was shut vp, as commonly at that time it is, the fishermen tooke a Fish of a most wonderfull and strange forme, such as I think was neuer seene either in India, or in any other place, which for the strangenesse therof was presen∣ted to my Lord the Archbishop, the picture whereof by his commandement was painted, and for a wonder sent to the King of Spaine.

It was in bignesse as great as a middle sized dog, with a snout like a Hog, small eyes, no eares, * 1.731 but two holes where his eares should bee, it had foure feete like an Elephant, the tayle beginning [ 20] somewhat vpon the backe broad, and then flat, and at the very end round and somewhat sharpe. It ranne along the Hall vpon the floore, and in euery place of the house snorting like a Hog. The whole bodie, head, tayle, and legs being couered with scales of a thumb breadth, harder then I∣ron, or Steele: Wee hewed and layd vpon them with weapons, as if men should beate vpon an Anuill, and when we strooke vpon him, he rouled himselfe in a heape, head and feet altogether, so that hee lay like a round ball, we not being able to iudge where he closed himselfe together, neyther could we with any instrument or strength of hands open him againe, but letting him a∣lone and not touching him, he opened himselfe and ranne away as I said before.

A Ship sayling from Mosambique into India, hauing faire weather, a good sore winde, as much * 1.732 as the sayles might beare before the winde for the space of foureteene dayes together, directing [ 30] their course towards the Equinoctiall line, euery day as they tooke the height of the Sunne, in steade of diminishing or lessening their degrees, according to the winde and course they had and helde, they found themselues still contrarie, and euery day further backewardes then they were.

At the last the chiefe Boteson whom they call the Masters mate, looking by chance ouer-boord towards the beake-head of the ship, he espied a great broad taile of a Fish that had winded it selfe as it were about the beake head, the body thereof being vnder the keele, and the head vnder the Rudder, swimming in that mannet, and drawing the shippe with her against the winde and their right course: whereby presently they knew the cause of their so going backwards: so that hauing at the last stricken long with staues and other weapons vpon the fishes tayle, in the end they stroke [ 40] it off, and theredy the Fish left the ship, after it had layen fourteene dayes vnder the same, draw∣ing the ship with it against winde and weather: for which cause the Vice-roy in Goa caused it to be painted in his palace for a perpetuall memory, where I haue often reade it, with the day and time, and the name both of the Ship and Captaine.

There are by Malacca certaine fish shels found on the shoare, much like Scalop shels, so great and so heauie, that two strong men haue enough to doe with a Leauer to draw one of them after them. Within them there is a fish which they of Malacca doe eate. There were some of those shels in the ballast of the ship that came from Malacca, and kept companie with vs from the Iland of Saint Helena, to the Iland of Tercera, where the ship was cast away, and some of the shels taken out of her, which the Iesuites of Malacca had sent vnto Lisbon, to set in the wals of their Church [ 50] and Cloyster, which they there had caused to bee made, and most sumptuously built. The like happened to a ship called Saint Peter that sayled from Cochin towards Portugall, that fell vpon a Sand, which at this day is called after the same ships name Saint Peters Sand, lying from Goa South South-east vnder 6. degrees vpon the South side, where it was cast away, but all the men saued themselues, and of the wood of the ship that was cast away, they made a small Barke or Caruell, wherewith they all arriued in India: and while they were busied about building of their ship, they found such great Crabs vpon that Sand, and in so great numbers, that they were con∣strayned to make a sconce, and by good watch to defend themselues from them, for that they * 1.733 were of an vnreasonable greatnesse, so that whomsoeuer they got vnder their clawes, it cost him his life. * 1.734 [ 60]

ANanas is one of the best fruits, and of best taste in all India, but it is not a proper fruit of India, but a strange fruit, for it was first brought by the Portugals out of Brasill, so that at the first it was sold for a noueltie, at a Pardaw the piece, and sometimes more, but now there

are so many growne in the Countrie, that they are very good cheape. The time when they are ripe is in Lent, for then they are best and sweetest of taste. They are as bigge as a Melon, and in forme like the head of a Distaffe, without like a Pine apple, but soft in cutting: of colour red and greenish: They growe about halfe a fathome high from the ground, not much more or lesse. The leaues are like the herbe that is brought out of Spaine, called Aloe, or Semper vina, because it is alwaies greene, and therefore it is hanged on the beames of houses) but somewhat smaller, and at the ends somewhat sharpe, as if they were cut out. When they eate them, they pull off the shell, and cut them into slices or pieces, as men desire to haue them drest. Some haue small kernels within them, like the kernels of Apples or Peares. They are of colour with in like a Peach, that is ripe, and almost of the same taste, but in sweetnesse they surpasse all fruits. [ 10] The iuyce thereof is like sweet Must, or new Renish Wine: a man can neuer satisfie him∣selfe therewith. It is very hot of nature, for if you let a Knife flicke in it but halfe an houre long, when you draw it forth againe, it will be halfe eaten vp, yet it doth no particular hurt, vnlesse a man should eate so much thereof, that hee surfet vpon them. The sicke are forbidden to vse them.

IAacas growe on great trees like Nut trees, and onely on the Sea shoares, that is to say, in * 1.735 such Countries as border on the Seas, cleane contrarie vnto all other fruits, for they growe aboue the earth, vpon the trunkes or bodies of the trees, and vpon the great thicke branches, but where the branches spread abroad, being small and full of leaues, there groweth none: they are as bigge as a great Melon, and much like it of fashion, although some of them are as [ 20] great as a man can well lift vp, and outwardly are like the Ananas, but smoother, and of a darke greene colour, the fruit within is in husks, like Chesnuts, but of another forme, and euery huske hath a Nut, which is halfe white, the rest yellowish, and sticketh to a mans hands like Honie, when it is in Bee-hiues among the Wax, and for toughnesse and in taste for sweetnesse not much vnlike. The fruit is on the outside like a Chesnut, and in forme or fashion like an Acorne, when the greene knob that groweth vnder it is taken away, and of that bignesse and somewhat big∣ger: this fruit that is outmost being eaten, the rest is good to be rosted or sodden, and are not much vnlike in taste to the Chesnuts in Europa. There are of these huskes in euery Iaacca an hundred and more, according to the greatnesse thereof. There are two sorts of them, the best are called Girasal, and the common and least esteemed, Chambasal, although in fashion and [ 30] trees there is no difference, saue that the Girasals haue a sweeter taste.

MAngas groweth vpon trees like Iaacca trees: they are as big as a great Peach, but som∣what * 1.736 long, and a little crooked, of colour cleere, greene, somwhat yellowish, and some∣times reddish: it hath within it a stone bigger then a Pe••ch stone, but it is not good to be ea∣ten: the Mangas is inwardly yellowish, but in cutting it is waterish, yet some not so much: they haue a very pleasant taste, better then a Peach, and like the Annanas, which is the best and the most profitable fruit in all India, for it yeeldeth a great quantitie for food and suste∣nance of the Countrie people, as Oliues doe in Spaine and Portugall: they are gathered when they are greene, and conserued, and for the most part salted in Pots, and commonly vsed to be [ 40] eaten with Rice, sodden in pure water, the huske being whole, and so eaten with Salt Mangas, which is the continuall food for their slaues and common people, or else salt dried fish in stead of Mangas, without Bread, for Rice is in diuers places in stead of Bread. These salted Mangas are in cutting like the white Spanish Oliues, and almost of the same taste, but somewhat sauory and not so bitter, yet a little sowre; and are in so great abundance, that it is wonderfull: there are others that are salted and stuffed with small pieces of greene Ginger, and Garleeke sodden: those they call Mangas Recheadas or Machar: they are likewise much vsed, but not so com∣mon as the other, for they are costly and more esteemed: these are kept in Pots with Oyle and Vineger salted. The season when Mangas are ripe is in Lent, and continueth till the moneth of August. [ 50]

CAius Groweth on trees like Apple trees, and are of the bignesse of a Peare, at one end by * 1.737 the stalke somwhat sharpe, and at the head thicker, of a yellowish colour, being ripe they are soft in handling: they growe very like Apples, for where the Apples haue a stalke, these Caius haue a Chesnut, as bigge as the fore-ioynt of a mans thumbe: they haue another colour and fashion then the Chesnuts of Iaquae, and are better and more sauotie to eate, but they must be rosted: within they are white like the Chesnuts of Europa, but haue thicker shells, which are of colour bluish and darke greene. When they are raw and vnrosted, you must not open them with your mouth, for as soone as you put them to your mouth, they make both your tongue and your lips to smart, whereby such as knowe it not are deceiued: wherefore you must [ 60] open their shells with a Knife, or rost them, and then they will peele. This fruit at the end where the stalke groweth, in the eating doth worke in a mans throat, and maketh it swell, yet it is of a fine taste, for it is moist and full of iuyce; they are commonly cut in round slices, and layd in a dish with Water or Wine, and Salt throwne vpon them.

THe trees whereon the Iambos doe grow are as great as Plum trees, and very like vnto them: it is an excellent and a very pleasant fruit to looke on, as big as an Apple: it hath a red co∣lour * 1.738 and somewhat whitish, so cleare and pure, that it seemeth to be painted or made of Wax: it is very pleasant to eate, and smelleth like Rose water; it is white within, and in eating moist and waterish; it is a most dainty fruit, as well for beauty to the sight, as for the sweet sauour and taste: it is a fruit that is neuer forbidden to any sick person, as other fruits are, but are freely giuen vnto sicke men to eate, that haue a desire thereunto, for it can doe no hurt. The blossoms are likewise very faire to the sight, and haue a sweet smell: they are red and somewhat whitish of colour. This tree beareth fruit three or foure times euery yeere, and which is more won∣derfull, it hath commonly on the one side or halfe of the tree ripe Iambos, and the leaues fallen off, and on the other side or halfe it hath all the leaues, and beginneth againe to blossome, and [ 10] * 1.739 when that side hath fruit, and that the leaues fall off, then the other side beginneth againe to haue leaues, and to blossome, and so it continueth all the yeere long: within they haue a stone as great (and very neere of the same fashion) as the fruit of the Cypresse tree.

THere is a fruit called Iangomas, which groweth on trees like Cherrie trees: they are in big∣nesse like small round Plummes of a darke red colour, they haue no stones in them, but * 1.740 some small kernels: they are of taste much like Plummes, whereof there are very many, but not much esteemed of.

There is another fruit called Carambolas, which hath eight corners, as big as a small Apple, [ 20] sowre in eating, like vntipe Plummes, and most vsed to make Conserues.

There are yet other fruits, as Brindoijns, Durijndois, Iamboloens, Mangestains, and other such like fruits; but because they are of small account, I thinke it not requisite to write seuerally of them, but onely of two of them.

The barkes of these trees are kept and brought ouer Sea hither, and are good to make Vine∣gar withall, as some Portugals haue done.

There is also a fruit that came out of the Spanish Indies, brought from beyond the Philipinas or Lusons to Malacca, and from thence to India, it is called Papaios, and is very like a Melon, as big as a mans fist, and will not growe, but alwaies two together, that is male and female: the male tree neuer yeeldeth any fruit, but onely the female; and when they are diuided, and set a part one from the other, then they yeeld no fruit at all. It is a tree of the height of a man, [ 30] with great leaues. This fruit at the first for the strangenesse thereof was much esteemed, but now they account not of it. There are likewise in India some Fig trees of Portugall, although the fruit doth neuer come to good perfection. Oranges, Limons, Citrons, and such like fruit, are throughout all India, in great abundance, and for goodnesse and taste surpasse those of Spaine. Grapes are not there to be found, but onely vpon some houses, as we haue them in Ne∣therland: yet against Christmas and Lent, there are Raisins brought into Goa, by the Decanaes and Indians out of the Firme Land, and from Ballagate, but they are not so good as those in Spaine, and very few they are, but for price as good cheape as other fruits. There are also in India many Melons, but not so good as those in Spaine, for that they must be eaten with Sugar, if you will haue any sweetnesse in them: but there is another sort like Melons, called Patecas or An∣guries, [ 40] or Melons of India, which are outwardly of a darke greene colour, inwardly white with black kernels: they are very waterish and hard to bite, and so moist, that as a man eateth them, his mouth is full of water, but yet very sweet, and very cold and fresh meat, wherefore many of them are eaten after Dinner to coole men. Cucumbers and Radices are there in great num∣bers, also Coleworts, but not so good as in Europe, for the Coleworts neuer growe to their full growth, but are loose with their leaues open. They haue likewise some Sallet herbes, but ve∣ry little: herbes whereof men make Pottage are not there to be had, nor many sweet smelling herbes nor flowers, as Roses, Lilies, Rosemarie, and such like sorts of flowers and plants there are none, yet they haue some few Roses, and a little Rosemarie, but of no great smell. The fields neuer haue any other flowers in them, but onely grasse, and that is in Winter when it raineth, [ 50] for in Summer it is cleane burnt off with the exceeding heate of the Sunne. There is onely a kind of blossomes of trees, which growe all the yeere long, called Fulle, that smell very sweet: the women doe ordinarily throwe them among their linnen and apparell to make them sweet. They likewise make Collars or strings full of them, which they weare about their neckes, and strew them in their Beds, for they are very desirous of sweet sauours, for other sorts of sweet flowers and herbes, whereof thousands are found in Europe, they are not in India to be had: so that when you tell them of the sweet flowers and herbes of these Countries, they wonder much thereat, and are very desirous of them.

INdian Figs there are many and of diuers sorts, one better then the other, some small, some [ 60] great, some thicke, some thinne, &c. but in generall they are all of one forme and colour, * 1.741 little more or lesse, but the trees are all one, and of the height of a man: the leaues are of a fa∣thome long, and about three spannes broad, which the Turkes vse in stead of browne Paper,

to put Pepper in. In the Tree there is no Wood, but it may rather bee called a Reede then a Tree. The bodie of the tree (I meane that which couereth the outward part when it beginneth somewhat to grow) is in a manner very like the inner part of a Siue made of ••aire, but in shew somewhat thicker, and is (as it were) the barke of it: but when you open it, it is full of leaues, closed and rowled vp together, of the height of halfe a mans length, and somewhat higher. These leaues doe open and spread abroad on the top of the Tree, and when those that are within the bodie doe in their time thrust themselues forth vpwardes out of the inner most part of the Tree, then doe the outmost leaues beginne to dry, and fall off, vntill the Tree bee come to his full growth, and the fruit to their perfect ripenesse. The bodie of the Tree may be a spanne thicke at the most. The leaues haue in the middle of them a very thicke and gray veine [ 10] which runneth cleane through them, and deuideth them out of the middest of the leaues, which are in the inner most part of the Tree at their springing vp, there commeth forth a flowre, as bigge as an Estridge Egge, of colour russet, which in time groweth to be long, with along stalke, and it is no Wood, but rather like a Colewort stalke: This stalke groweth full of figs, close one by the other, which at the first are in fashion like greene Beanes, when they are yet in the huskes, but after grow to halfe a spanne in lengh, and three or foure inches broad, as thicke as Cucumbers, which stalke beareth at the least, some two hundred figges, little more or lesse, and grow as close together as Grapes▪ the clusters are so great as two men can scarcely beare vpon a staffe, they are cut off when they are but halfe ripe, that is to say, when they are as yet halfe greene, and halfe yellow, and hanged vp in their houses vpon beames, and so with∣in [ 20] foure or fiue dayes they will be fully ripe and all yellow. The Tree or Plant yeeldeth but one bunch at a time, which being ripe, they cut the whole Tree downe to the ground, leauing on∣ly the root, out of the which presently groweth another, and within a moneth after bea∣reth fruit, and so continueth all the yeere long, and neuer leaueth bearing: they are in all places in so great abundance, and so common throughout all India that it is wonderfull, being the greatest meate and sustenance of the Countrey: they are of a maruellous good taste: when they eate them, they pull off the shels. The most and commonnest sort are by the Portugals called Figos dorta, that is, Garden figges, those are somewhat thicke; there are others which are smaller, and thinne without, and are called Senorijns, which are of the * 1.742 best sort: they smell well, and are very good of taste. [ 30]

There is another sort called Cadolijns, which are likewise well esteemed, but the best of all are called Chincapoloyns, and are most in the Countrey of Malabar: these are but a little yellow, but they continue commonly on the outside greene, and are small and long, with a speciall sweet smell, as if they were full of Rose Water. There are yet many sorts, some that are very great, about a soan long, and in thicknesse correspondent: these grow much in Cananor, and in the Coast of Malabar, and are by the Portugals called Figges of Cananor: and by reason of the great quantitie thereof are dried, their shels being taken off, and so being dried are carried ouer all In∣dia to be sold. These when they are ripe are most roasted, for they are but seldome eaten raw, as other Figges are, they are somewhat harsh in swallowing, and inwardly red of colour, and being roasted they are shaled or pilled like the others, and so cut in slices, which done, they cast some [ 40] beaten Sinamon vpon them, steeping them in Wine, and then they taste better then roasted Quinces; they are cut vp in the middle, as all the other kind of Figges vse to be, and then boy∣led or fried in Sugar, which is a very daintie meat, and very common in India: to conclude, it is one of the best and necessariest fruits in all India, and one of the principallest sustenances of the common people, they are found in all places of the Indies and Orientall Countries. There are also found in Arabia, and are called Musa, as also in Ierusalem, Damasco, and Cairo, as I haue beene truly informed by credible persons, which daily trauell and traffique into India. And they doe be∣leeue that this is the same fruit, which Adam did eate when he sinned first.

There grow in India many Iniamos and Batatas. These Iniamos, are as bigge as a yellow Root, but somewhat thicker and fuller of knots, and as thicke on the one place, as in the other, they grow vnder the Earth like Earth Nuts, and of a Dun colour, and white within like Earth Nuts, * 1.743 [ 50] but not so sweet.

The Batatas are somewhat red of colour, and of fashion almost like the Iniamos, but sweeter, of taste like an Earth Nut. These two fruits are very plentifull.

THis is the most profitable tree of all India. The tree waxeth very high and straight, of the thicknesse of a small span little more or lesse, it hath no branches but in the vppermost part * 1.744 thereof, and in the top grow the leaues, which spread like vnto Date trees, and vnder the leaues close to the tree grow the Coquos together, commonly ten or twelue one close by another, but you shall seldome find one of them growing alone by it selfe. The blossome of this fruit is very [ 60] like the blossome of a Chestnut. The wood of the tree is very sappy like a Sponge, and is not firme, they doe not grow but on the Sea sides, or bankes of Riuers close by the strand, and in sandy grounds, for there groweth none within the Land. They haue no great Rootes, so that a man would thinke it were impossible for them to haue any fast hold within the Earth, and yet

they stand so fast and grow so high, that it maketh men feare to see men climbe vpon them, lest they should fall downe. The Canarijns climbe as nimbly, and as fast vpon them, as if they were Apes, for they make smal steps in the trees like staires, whereon they step, and so climbe vp, which the Portugals dare not venter; their planting is in this manner. They first plant the Coquos or Nuts whereof the trees doe spring, and when they are about the height of a man, in winter time they plant them againe, and dung them with ashes, and in Summer time water them. They grow well about houses, because commonly there they haue good earth, and beeing well looked vnto & husbanded they yeeld fruit in few yeeres. Those trees are more abundant with them then Oliue trees in Spaine, or Willow trees in the Low Countreyes. The profits they reape thereby are these.

First, the wood is very good for many things, although it be spongious and sappy, by reason [ 10] of the length of it, for in the Ilands of Maldiua they make whole ships thereof, without any Iron * 1.745 naile in them, for they sow them together with the Cords that are made of the said Cocus, or Nut, the Ropes and Cables being likewise of the same tree, as also the Sailes which they make of the leaues, which leaues are called Olas. They serue likewise to make the Canarijns houses, and for Hats which they vse to carrie ouer their heads, for the Sunne or the raine; they make also Mats or Tents that lie ouer the Palamkins when it raineth, to couer the women when they are carried abroad, and such like things: they likewise make thereof very fine Hattes, that are much esteemed, and cost three or foure Pardawes the piece, which they weare in Sum∣mer for lightnesse. The Nuts are as great as an Estridge Egge, some smaller, and some grea∣ter and are outwardly couered with a huske or [ 20] shell, * 1.746 which as long as it groweth on the tree, is greene without, like an Acorne with his huske or cup.

This huske being dry and pulled off, is haire like Hempe, whereof all the Coards and Cables that * 1.747 are vsed throughout all India are made, as well vp∣on the Land as in the Ships. It is of colour very like the Ropes of Sparta in Spaine, they are very good, but they must bee kept in salt water, whereby they continue very long, but in fresh or [ 30] raine water they doe presently rot, because they are not drest with Pitch, and Tarre as our ships are. The ship wherein I came out of India into Portugall, had no other Ropes nor Cables, nor any such kind of stuffe, but such as were made of the Indian Cocus, called Cairo, which conti∣nued very good, sauing only that we were forced euery fourteene daies to wash our Cables in the Sea, whereby they serued vs as well as Cables of Hempe. The fruit when it is almost ripe is * 1.748 called Lanha, and within is full of water, and then it is white of colour, thinne and soft, and the longer the Cocus is on the tree, the more the water groweth and changeth into white, which is the meate of the Nut within, and tasteth much like a Hasel Nut, but somwhat sweeter. The Lan∣hos haue within them a good draught of water, which is very cleere, sweet, and coole to drinke. It is at the least halfe a Kan full, and when men walke abroad and are thirstie, they goe vnto the [ 40] Canarijns, who presently with a great Knife in their hands come vp to the tree, and cut off as many Lanhos as a man desireth, selling them for a Basaruco, or two a piece, which they make ve∣rie * 1.749 readie and cleere to be drunke. The first shell that is ouer the inward fruit (which as the Nut is come to his full ripenesse, becommeth almost to be wood) is then but thinne and soft, and very pleasant to eate with Salt and doe taste almost like Artichokes, a man may drinke as much of this water as he will, for it will not hurt him, but is a very pleasant drinke; when the fruit is ripe, there is not so much water in it, and is white within, and somewhat thicker of substance, and then the water is not so good as it was before beeing Lanhos, for then it becommeth some∣what sowre.

These Cocus beeing yet in their huskes, may bee carried ouer the whole World, and not [ 50] once hurt or bruised, and it happeneth oftentimes that by continuance of time, the water with∣in the Cocus doth conuert, and congeale into a certaine kind of yellow Apple, which is very sa∣uourie * 1.750 and sweet. The huske being taken off, the shell serueth for many vses, as to make Ladles with woodden handles, and also certaine little pots, which beeing fastned to a sticke, they doe there with take and lade water out of their great pots, they make thereof also small vessels to beare Wine in when they walke into the fields, and a thousand other things. These shels are likewise burnt, and serue for coales for Goldsmiths, which are very good and excellent. Of the * 1.751 white of these Nuts in India they make pottage, and dresse meate withall, strayning and pressing out the Milke, wherein with many other mixtures they seeth their Rice, and to bee short, they neuer dresse any Rice, which they call Carrijl, and is the sawce to their meate thereunto, but they [ 60] put some of their Cocus Milke into it, else the Cocus is but little eaten, for there it is not esteemed of, but serueth for meate for the slaues, and poore people. They likewise breake the Cocus in pieces, and taking off the shell they dry the fruit or white meate that is within it, and it is carried in great quantities out of Malabar to Cambaya, and Ormus, and to the Northerne Coasts and

quarters beyond Goa, as also to the Countrey of Ballagate, and Traffique much therewith. Of this white substance they make Oile, which they stampe in Cisternes like Oliues, and it maketh ve∣ry * 1.752 good Oile, as well to eate as to burne, which is likewise very medicinable.

This dried Cocus which is so carried abroad, is called Copra. When they desire to haue no Cocus * 1.753 or fruit thereof, they cut the blossomes of the Co∣cus away, and binde a round Pot with a narrow mouth, by them called Callao, fast vnto the Tree, and stop the same close round about with pot earth, so that neither Wind nor Aire can either en∣ter in, or come forth, and in that sort the Pot in * 1.754 [ 10] short space is full of water, which they call Sura, and is very pleasant to drinke like sweete Whay, * 1.755 and somewhat better.

The same water standing but one houre in the Sunne, is very good Vineger, and in India they haue none other. This Sura being distilled, is cal∣led Fula, or Nipe, and is as excellent Aqua vitae, as any is made in Dort of their best Rhenish Wine, * 1.756 but this is of the finest kind of Distillation. The second Distillation thereof is called Vraca, which is very good Wine, and is the Wine of India, for they haue no other Wine. It is very hot and [ 20] strong, yet the Indians drinke it as if it were water, and the Portugals vse it in this sort. They put it into Vessels, and to a Pipe of Vraca, they put three or foure Hands of Raisons that are brought for Merchandise into India from Ormus, (euery Hand is twelue pounds) which being washed they put into the Vessell leauing the bung open, and the Pipe not being full, for if it were it would burst, by reason of the heat, because therewith it seetheth in the Pipe like water on the fire, and boyling so, it is stirred euery day for the space of fourteene or fifteene dayes, in which time the Vraca getteth as faire a red colour, as if it were Portugall Wine, and differeth not much in taste, but yet sweeter and hotter of it selfe, howbeit it is altogether as faire, and of as good a colour as their Portugall Wine, so that they can hardly bee discerned one from the other: this Wine is called Wine of Passa, or Raisons. With this Wine there is great Traffique vsed to Ben∣gala, [ 30] Malacca, China, and other places, and euery Pipe thereof costeth within Goa thirtie Par∣dawen the piece, little more or lesse. Of the aforesaid Sura they likewise make Sugar, which is called Iagra: they seeth the water, and set it in the Sunne, whereof it becommeth Sugar, but it * 1.757 is little esteemed beause it is of a browne colour, and for that they haue so great quantitie and a∣bundance of white Sugar throughout all India. The innermost part of the tree or trunke is cal∣led Palmito, and is the pith or heart of the same trunke, which is much esteemed, and sent for a * 1.758 present vnto men of great account. It is as thin as Paper, and also white, and is as if it were plea∣ted or prest together, as they vse to pleate and presse womens Huykes in the Low Countreyes: it is also long and slender, and hath sometimes fifty or sixty folds or pletes in it like a Paper-book This the Indians vse for Paper and Bookes, which continueth in the same folds, whereon they▪∣write [ 40] when it is greene, and so let it dry, and then it is impossible to get the Letters out againe, for it is printed therein with a kind of Iron Instrument: The Indians call it Olla, whereof all their Bookes, Writings, and Euidences are made, which they can seale, and shut vp as wee doe our Letters.

Those Ilands haue no other dealing or liuing, but with Cairo, whereof they make Ropes and Cables, and with the Copra, or the white substance of the Cocus, whereof Oile is made, so that they doe oftentimes come into India, when the ship and all the furniture, victuall and Merchan∣dise is onely of those Palme-trees.

DUryoen is a fruit that only groweth in Malacca, and is so much commended by those * 1.759 [ 50] which haue prooued the same, that there is no fruit in the World to be compared with it: for they affirme, that in taste and goodnesse it excelleth all kind of fruits, and yet when it is first opened, it smelleth like rotten Onions, but in the taste the sweetnesse and dainti∣nesse thereof is tryed. It is as great as a Mellon, outwardly like the Iaacka, whereof I haue spoken, but somewhat sharper or pricking, and much like the huskes of Chesse-nuts. It hath within it certaine partitions like the Iaacka, wherein the fruit groweth, beeing of the great∣nesse of a little Hennes Egge, and therein are the Nuts as great as Peach-stones. The fruit is for colour and taste like an excellent meate, much vsed in Spaine, called Mangiar Blanco, which is made of Hennes flesh, distilled with Sugar: The trees are like the Iaacka trees, the blossomes white, and somewhat yellowish: the leaues about halfe a span broad, somewhat sharpe at the [ 60] end, within light greene, and without darke greene.

THere is a tree in India called Arbore de Rays, that is to say, a Tree of Roots: this tree is very wonderfull to behold, for that when it groweth first vp like all other trees, and spreadeth * 1.760 the branches: then the branches grow full of roots, and grow downwards againe towards the Earth, where they take root againe, and so are fast againe within the ground, and in lengthof time, the broader the tree is, and that the branches doe spread themselues, the more rootes doe hang vpon the branches, and seeme afarre off to be Cordes of Hempe, so that in the end the tree couereth a great piece of ground, and crosseth one root within the other like a Maze. I haue seene trees that haue contayned at the least some thirty or fortie paces in compasse, and all out of the roots which came from aboue one of the branches, and were fast growne and had taken root againe within the Earth, and in time waxed so thicke, that it could not be discerned, which [ 10] was the chiefe or principall trunke or bodie of the tree: in some places you may creepe betweene the roots, and the more the tree spreadeth, so much the more doe the roots spring out of the same branches, and still grow downe till they come to Earth, and there take roote againe within the ground, and still increase with rootes, that it is a wonder. This tree hath no fruit that is worth the eating, but a small kind of fruit like Oliues, and good for nothing but for Birds to eate.

There are in India other wonderfull and thicke trees, whereof shippes are made: there are trees by Cochin, that are called Angelina, whereof certayne Scutes or Skiffes called Tones are made: there are of those Tones that will lade in them at the least twentie or thirtie Pipes of water, and are cut out of one piece of Wood, without any piece or seame, or any ioynts: [ 20] whereby men may well coniecture the thicknesse of the tree, and it is so strong and hard a Wood, that Iron in tract of time would bee consumed thereby, by reason of the hardnesse of the Wood. There are also ouer all India many Sugar-canes in all places, and in great numbers, but not much esteemed of: and all along the Coast of Malabare there are many thicke Reedes, specially on the Coast of Choramandell, which Reedes by the Indians are called Mambu, and and by the Portugals Barbu: these Mambus haue a certaine matter within them, which is (as it were) the pith of it, such as Quils haue within them, which men take out when they make them Pens to write: the Indians call it Sac••r Mambu, which is as much to say, as Sugar of Mam∣bu, and is a very medicinable thing much esteemed, and much sought for by the Arabians, Pe∣sians, and Moores, that call it Tabaxijr. [ 30]

Those Reeds grow most in the Coast of Choramandell in Bisnagar, and Malacca in many pla∣ces, and in great abundance: they grow very high, and are diuided in each ioynt one from ano∣ther, at the least a span and a halfe, and rather more, and are as thicke as a mans legge aboue the knee: they doe commonly grow vpright, and most of them as high as the highest house in the Low-countreyes: they bow them many times in growing, that they may bring them into a forme or fashion to serue for their Palla••kins, wherein the Portugals and Indian Lords are carried, as I said before: the leaue•• of those Reeds or Bambus grow wide one from another, and haue al∣most the fashion of an Oliue leafe.

THe tree called Arbore Triste, that is, the Sorrowfull Tree, is so called, because it neuer [ 40] * 1.761 beareth blossomes but in the night time, and so it doth and continueth all the yeere long: it is a thing to bee wondred at: for that so soone as the Sunne setteth, there is not one blos∣some seene vpon the tree, but presently within halfe an houre after, there are as many blossomes vpon it, as the tree can beare: they are very pleasant to behold, and smell very sweet, and so soone as the day commeth on, and the Sunne is rising, presently all the blossomes fall off, and couer all the ground, so that there remayneth not one to bee seene vpon the tree: the leaues shut themselues close together, so that it seemeth as though it were dead, vntill Euening commeth againe, and then it beginneth to blossome as it did before: the tree is as great as a Plumme tree, and is commonly planted behind mens houses, in their Gardens for a pleasure, and for the sweet smell: it groweth very quickly vp, for that many young plants doe spring [ 50] out of the roote, and as soone as those young plants bee aboue halfe a fadome high, they haue presently as many blossoms vpon them as the branches on the trees, & although they cut the tree downe to the ground, yet within lesse then half a yeere there wil branches spring out of the root, and likewise if you breake abranch off from the tree and set it on the earth, it will presently take * 1.762 root and grow, and within few dayes after beareth blossomes: the blossomes are in a manner like Orange tree blossomes, the flowre being white, and in the bottome somewhat yellow and red∣dish, which in India they vse for Saffron, therewith to dresse their meates, and to die with all as we doe with our Saffron, but it is neither so good, nor of so pleasant a taste, yet it serueth there for want of the other.

BEttle is a leafe somewhat greater and longer out then Orange leaues, and is planted by [ 60] stickes, whereupon it climeth like Iuie or Pepper, and so like vnto Pepper, that a farre off * 1.763 growing each by other they can hardly be discerned. It hath no other fruit but the leaues onely, it is much dressed and looked vnto, for that it is the daily bread of India. The leaues being gathered do continue long without withering, alwaies shewing fresh and greene, and are sold by the dozen,

and there is not any woman or man in all India, but that euery day eateth a dozen or two of the same leaues or more: not that they vse them for food, but after their meale tides, in the morning and all the day long, as likewise by night, and as they goe abroad in the streets, wheresoeuer they bee you shall see them with some of these leaues in their hands, which continually they are chaw∣ing. These leaues are not vsed to bee eaten alone, but because of their bitternesse they are eaten with a certaine kind of fruit, which the Malabares and Portugalls call Arecca, the Gusurates and * 1.764 Decanijns, Suparij, and the Arabians Fa••ffel. This fruite groweth on trees like the Palme trees, that beare the Nut Cocus in India, but they are somewhat thinner, with leaues somewhat longer and smaller. The fruit is much like the fruit that groweth on Cypresse trees, or like a Nutmeg, though some of them are on the one side flat, and on the other side thicker, some being somewhat greater and very hard. They cut them in the middle with a knife, and so chaw them with Bet∣tele, [ 10] they are within full of veines, white, somewhat reddish. There is a kind of Arecca called Ce∣chanijn, which are lesse, blacker, and very hard, yet are likewise vsed with Bettele, and haue no taste but only of the Wood, and yet it moisteneth the mouth, and coloureth it with red and black, whereby it seemeth that the lippes and teeth are painted with blacke bloud, which happeneth when the Arecca is not well dried. There is another sort, which in the eating or chawing being swallowed downe, maketh men light in the head, as if they had drunke wine all the day long, but that is soone past. They vse yet another mixture which they eate withall, that is to say, a cake or role made of a certaine wood or tree called Kaate, and then they anoint the Bettele leaues with chalke made of burnt oyster shels, which can doe no hurt in their bodies by reason of the small quantitie of it; all this being chawed together, and the Iuice swallowed downe into their bodies, [ 20] for all the rest they spit forth; they say it is very good for the maw, and against a stinking breath, a soueraigne medecine for their teeth, and fastning of gummes, and very good against the Schorbuck, & it is most true that in India very few men are found with stinking breaths, or tooth aches, or troubled with the Schorbuck or any such diseases, and although they be neuer so old, they alwayes haue their teeth whole and sound, but their mouthes and teeth are still as if they were painted with black bloud, as I said before, and neuer leaue spitting reddish spittle like bloud. The Portugall women haue the like custome of eating these Bettele leaue, so that if they were but one day without eating their Bettele, they perswade themselues they could not liue: Yea, they set it in the night times by their beds heads, and when they cannot sleepe, they doe nothing else but [ 30] chaw Bettele and spit it out againe. In the day time wheresoeuer they doe fit, goe, or stand, they are continually chawing thereof, like Oxen or Kine chawing their cud.

The Noblemen and Kings, wheresoeuer they goe, stand, or sit, haue alwaies a seruant by them, with a Siluer Ketle in their hand full of Bettele and their mixtures, and when they will eat, giue them a leafe readie prepared. And when any Ambassadour commeth to speake with the King, although the King can vnderstand them well, yet it is their manner (to maintaine their estates) that the Ambassadour speaketh vnto them by an Interpreter, that standeth there in presence, which done, hee answereth againe by the same Interpreter. In the meane time the King lieth on a bed, or else sitteth on the ground vpon a Carpet, and his seruant standing by readie with the Bettele, which hee continually chaweth, and spitteth out the Iuyce and remainder thereof into a [ 40] Siluer Bason; standing by him, or else holden by some one of his slaues or his wiues, and this is a great hononr to the Ambassadour, especially if hee profereth him of the same Bettele that he himselfe doth eate.

THe Herbe called Dutroa is very common in India, and groweth in euery field. The leafe ther∣of * 1.765 is sharpe at the end like the point of a Speare, and is indented on the edges like the leafe of Beares-claw, and about that bignesse, hauing in it many long threeds or veines, it groweth without taste or moysture, and somewhat bitter and smelling like a Raddish. The flower or blos∣some of this Plant, is very like vnto the blossome of Rose-mary in colour: and out of this blos∣some groweth a bud, much like the bud of Popie, wherein are certaine small kernells like the ker∣nells of Melons, which being stamped and put into any meat, wine, water, or any other drinke or composition, and eaten or drunke therewith, maketh a man in such case as if hee were foolish or [ 50] out of his wits, so that hee doth nothing else but laugh, without any vnderstanding or sence once * 1.766 to perceiue any thing that is done in his presence. And sometime it maketh him sleepe as if hee were dead, in that sort he continueth for the space of twentie foure houres: but if his feet be wa∣shed with cold water, then hee commeth to himselfe againe before the twentie foure houres bee expired. There is yet another Herbe in India, called by the Portugalls Herba Sentida, or feeling Hearbe, the cause why it is called so, is for that if any man passeth by it and toucheth it, or throweth either Sand or any other thing vpon it, presently it becommeth as though it were wi∣thered, and closeth the leaues together and commeth not to it selfe, and to his first force againe as [ 60] long as the man standeth by it: but presently when the man is gone and turneth his backe, it o∣peneth the leaues againe, and becommeth stiffe and faire againe, as though they were newly growne: and touching it againe, it shutteth and becommeth withered as before, so that it is a pleasure to see it, and strange to bee obserued. Also there is a thing to be wondred at, and seemeth

vnpossible to such as haue not seene it: and this it is, within the Towne and Iland of Goa, at the one end of the Towne, where the Kine, Oxen, Seepe, and all kind of Cattle are killed and slaine to be sold for meat for the Inhabitants, called Matauaquas: in that place there lie all the Hornes of the said beasts scattered and throwne about, as if they were altogether vnprofitable, because the Portugalls and Indians vse them not, and it is likewise a great dishonour and iniury to the Spaniards and Portugalls to haue any Hornes, or once to shew a Horne to each other, or to throw * 1.767 it before his doore, for reuenge of which act they would kill each other, and there is sharpe Iu∣stice vsed, if any man doe offend in that sort, by shewing his neighbour the Horne, or naming it vnto him, for that thereby they meane he is a man that is made cookold by his wife. These hornes [ 10] hauing layne there a certaine time, doe sticke fast in the earth (I meane the inner part of the horne) and there it taketh root as if it were a tree, as I my selfe haue seene and pulled forth many of them that had rootes of two or three spannes in length, which was neuer seene in any place of the World.

Of the Spices, Drugs, Plants and Stuffes for Physicians and Apothecaries, ordinarily vsed in India, and of their growing.

PEpper is of diuers sorts, that is to say, blacke, white, and Long-pepper is called Canarijn: the blacke is the commonest. Pepper groweth and is planted at the foot of another tree, and most * 1.768 part at the foot of the Tree called Arecca, or some such like Tree, and groweth vpon the tree like Bettele or I••e. The leaues of Pepper are like Orange leaues, but somewhat smaller, they are [ 20] greene and sharpe at the ends, in chawing it biteth the tongue, and tasteth much like to Bettele, it growes in bunches like Grapes, but a great deale lesser and thinner, yet somewhat thicker then Gooseberries: they are alwayes greene till they begin to drie and to ripen, which is in De∣cember and Ianuary, for at that time they are gathered. The long Pepper groweth in Bengala, and some in the Iland of Iaua, and is another kind of tree: the long Pepper is of the length of a needle, or the tagge of a point, but somewhat thicker, and all of a like thicknesse: it is outward∣ly rugged, and of an ashie colour, and within somewhat white, with small seeds, but in taste and vse it is like the other blacke and white Pepper. The white Pepper (as I said) is like the black, both in taste and forme, yet it is accounted for better and stronger, and is not in so great quantitie as the black. The Pepper called Canarijns in the Countrey of Goa and Malabar, almost of the fashion of [ 30] Panike: it is an ashe colour, and hollow within, with some small kernells, which in eating tasteth and heateth like other Pepper, yet it is vsed only by the poore people, and therefore is called Ca∣narijn Pepper, that is to say, Countrey mens Pepper, or poore peoples Pepper: therefore it is neuer la∣den away, for it is very course and of a little value, neither would it bee able to raise the fraight, and therefore is it left in the Countrey.

CInamon trees are as great as oliue trees, & some lesser, with leaues of Colmi like Bay leaues, but * 1.769 of fashion like Citron leaues, though somewhat smaller. They haue white blossomes, and a certaine fruit of the greatnesse of blacke Portugall Oliues, whereof also Oyle is made, which is v∣sed for many things. The tree hath two Barks, but the second Barke is the Cinamon, it is cut off in [ 40] foure square peeces, and so laid to dry, at the first it is ashe colour, after as it beginneth to dry, it rol∣leth together of it selfe, and looketh of the colour as it commeth hither, which proceedeth of the heat of the Sun. The tree from whence the Barke is taken they let it stand, and within three yeers after it hath another Barke as it had before. These trees are in great abundance, for they grow of themselues without planting, in the open fields like bushes: the root of this tree yeeldeth a water which smelleth like Camphora, it is forbidden to bee drawne forth for spoyling the trees. The Ci∣namon that is not well dried is of ashe colour, and that which is ouermuch dried, blackish, but the best dried is reddish: there is much and excellent water distilled out of Cinamon while it is halfe greene, which is much vsed in India, and many times carried into Portugall and other places: it is [ 50] very pleasant both to drinke and to smell, but very hot and strong: it is vsed against the Colicke and other diseases proceeding of cold, it is likewise good against stinking breath, and euill sauor of the mouth. There is likewise a water made of the blossomes of this tree, but not so good, nor so well esteemed as that of Cinamon it selfe. The places where Cinamon groweth, is most and best in the Iland of Seylon, wherein there is whole Woods full of Cinamon trees: in the coast of Ma∣labar there groweth likewise great store, and some Woods of Cinamon, but not halfe so good, and lesser trees, the barke being grayer and thicker and of small vertue.

GInger groweth in many places of India, yet the best and most carried abroad, is that which groweth in the Coast of Malabar: it groweth like thin and young Netherland Reedes [ 60] * 1.770 of two or three spannes high, the Roote whereof is Ginger, being greene, it is much eaten in India for Sallets, as also sodden in Vineger, which they call Achar, as I said of Pep∣per, and other Fruits that are vsed in that manner throughout all India: the time when they are most gathered and begun to bee dried, is in December and Ianuarie: they drie it in this sort, that

is, they couer it with pot-earth, which they do to stop & fil vp the holes, & therby to make it con∣tinue the tresher, for the Pot-earth preserueth it from wormes, without the which it is presently consumed by them: it is little esteemed in India, notwithstanding there is much shipped, as well to the Red Sea, as to Ormus, Arabia and Asia.

THe Trees whereon Cloues grow are like Bay Trees, the blossomes at the first white, then * 1.771 greene, and at last red and hard, which are the Cloues, and when the blossomes are greene, they haue the pleasantest smell in all the world. The Cloues grow very thicke together and in great numbers they are gathered and then dried, their right colour when they are drie is a darke yellow, and to giue them a blacke colour they are commonly smoked. The Cloues that stay on the Tree vngathered are thicke, and stay on till the next yeere, which are those that are called the [ 10] Mother of Cloues. And in the place where the Trees stand, there groweth not any grasse or greene hearbe at all, but it is wholly drie, for that those Trees draw all the moisture vnto them. That which the Portugalls call Baston, or with vs the Stocke of the Cloue (and is the stalke where∣by they hang on the trees) is gathered with the Cloues, and so they are mingled together for that in Maluco they neuer garble their Cloues, but in India they are many times parted, though verie little: for they are most part sold and vsed with dust and stalkes, and altogether; but such as are to bee sent to Portugall are seuered and clensed. The Cloues are so hotte of nature, that when∣soeuer they are made cleane, and seperated from their garbish, if there chance to stand either tubbe or payle of water in the chamber where they clense them, or any other vessell with wine * 1.772 or any kind of moisture, it will within two daies at the furthest bee wholly soken out and dried [ 20] vp, although it stand not neere them, by reason of the great heat of the Cloues that draw all moi∣sture vnto them, as by experience I haue often seene. The same nature is in the vnspun Silke of China, so that whensoeuer the Silke lieth any where in a house vpon the flowre, that is to say, * 1.773 vpon boords, a foot or two aboue the ground, and that the flowre is sprinkled and couered with water, although it toucheth not the Silke, in the morning all that water will bee in the Silke, for that it draweth it all vnto it. And this tricke the Indians oftentimes vse to make their Silk weigh heauie when they sell it, for it can neither be seene nor found in the Silke.

THe Nutmeg Tree is like a Peare Tree, or a Peach Tree, but that they are lesse, and it hath * 1.774 [ 30] round leaues. These Trees grow in the Iland of Banda, not farre from Maluco, and also in the Ilands of Iauas and Sunda, from whence they are carried to China and Malacca, and also into * 1.775 India and other places. The fruit is altogether like great round Peaches, the inward part where∣of is the Nutmeg. This hath about it a hard shell like Wood, wherein the Nut lieth loose: and this woodden shell or huske is couered ouer with Nutmeg flower, which is called Mace, and ouer it is the fruit, which without is like the fruit of a Peach.

CArdamomum is a kind of spice, which they vse much in India to dresse with their meates, * 1.776 and commonly they haue it in their mouthes to chaw vpon. It is very good against a stinking breath and euill humours in the head, and serueth also for other thing in medicines: it groweth [ 40] like other graines, and is very like to Panyke, but of a white colour drawing somewhat towardes yellow. The huskes are as great as the huskes of Panyke grains, but somewhat small: within there is about ten or twelue graines of berries, which is the Cardamomum. There are two sorts of Car∣damomum, that is to say, great and small; most of it groweth in Calecut and Cananor, pla∣ces on the Coast of Malabar: it is likewise in other places of Malabar, and in the Iland of Iaua, and from the Countries aforesaid it is most carried into other places, but little brought into Portugall, because of the great charges and long way: yet many times the Saylers and other Trauellers bring it. They seeth no flesh in India, but commonly they put Cardomomum into the pot, it maketh the meate to haue as good a sauor and a taste as any of the other Spices of India. [ 50]

LAcke by the Malabares, Bengalers, and Decanijns, is called Assij, by the Moores Lac; the * 1.777 men of Pegu (where the best is found, and most trafficked withall) doe call it Treck, and deale much therewith by carrying it vnto the Iland of Sumatra (in time past called Taproba∣na) and there they exchange it for Pepper, and from thence it is carried to the Red Sea, to Persia and Arabia, whereupon the Arabians, Persians, and Turkes call it Loc Sumutri, that is, Lac of Sumatra, because it is brought from thence into their Countries. The manner how it is made is thus: in Pegu, and those places from whence it commeth, there are certaine very great Pismires with wings, which fly vp the trees that are there like Plum trees, and such other trees, out of the which trees comes a certaine gumme, which the Pismires sucke vp, and then they make the Lac [ 60] round about the branches of the trees, as Bees make Hony and Waxe, and when it is full, the owners of the trees come, and breaking off the branches lay them to drie, and being drie the branches shrinke out, and the Lac remaineth behind like a Reed: sometimes the Wood breaketh within them, but the lesse Wood it hath within it the better it is: the peeces and crummes that

fall vpon the ground, they melt them together, but that is not so good, for it hath filth and * 1.778 earth within it: it happeneth oftentimes that they finde the Pismires wings within the raw Lac. When the Lac is raw, as it commeth from the Tree, it is a darke-red-colour, but being refined and clensed, they make it of all colours in India.

BEnioin is a kinde of stuffe, like Frankinsence and Myrrhe, but more esteemed, for it serueth for many medicines, and other things

As when they make Balles or peeces of Amber and Muske, they must alwaies haue Benioin with it to make it perfect, it groweth much in the Kingdome of Syan, in the Iland of Sumatra, in the Ilands of Iauas, and the Countrey of Malacca, they are high Trees full of branches, with [ 10] leaues like Lemmon Tree leaues, with a thicke and high stemme or stocke in the middle, from whence proceedeth the Gumme, which is the Benioin. When the Tree is young, then it yeeldeth the best Benioin, which is blackish of colour, and of a very sweet smell, and is called Benioin de Bo∣ninas, that is to say, Benioin of the Flowers, because of the perfect smell. The second Benioin, is called Benioin Amendoado, that is, Benioin of Almondes, because it is mixed with pieces of white Benioin among the blacke, like to Almondes that are cut in pieces. This Benioin is not so good, because the white Benioin is of the old Trees.

FRankinsence groweth in Arabia, it is the Gumme that floweth out of the bodies of Trees, like Benioin. * 1.779 [ 20]

Mirre by the Indians is called Bola, it groweth in the same that Benioin and Frankinsence doth, and commeth also out of Arabia Faelix, but most out of the Countrie of Abexin from the inward parts of the Countrie, lying betweene Mosambique, and the red Sea, which is called Pre∣ster Iohns Land.

THere are three sorts of Sanders, that is, white, yellow and red: the white and the yellow, which is the best, come most out of the Iland of Tymor, which lieth by Iaua. This Iland hath * 1.780 whole woods and wildernesses of Sanders, both of white and yellow, and from thence it is car∣ried throughout all India, and other Countries, and traffique much there with: the red Sanders groweth most in the coast of Choramandel and Tanassarijn, which is in the Countrie of Pegu: the [ 30] trees of Sanders are like Nut trees, and haue a certaine fruit vpon them like Cherries, at the first greene, and after blacke, but of no taste nor any thing worth, for it presently falleth off, onely the wood of the tree is accounted of, which is the Sanders.

SNakewood is most-in the Island of Seylon: it is a lowe Tree: the roote thereof being the Snake-wood, is of colour white, shewing somewhat yellow, very hard and bitter in taste, it * 1.781 is much vsed in India: they stampe and bruise it like Sanders, in water or wine, and so drinke it, it is very good and well proued against all burning Feauers: one ounce thereof bruised and mixed with water is good against all poison and sicknesse, as the collicke, wormes, and all filthy humors and coldnesse in the body, and specially against the stinging of Snakes, whereof it hath the name: [ 40] it was first found by meanes of a little beast called Quil, or Quirpele, which is of bignesse very like a Ferret (wherewith in those Countries they vse to driue Cunnies out of their holes, and so catch them) whereof in India they haue many in their houses, which they play withall to passe the time away, as also to kill their Mice and Rats, and to driue them away. This Beast by nature is a great enemy to the Snake, so that wheresoeuer she findeth any, she fighteth with them: and be∣cause it is often bitten by the Snake, it knoweth how to heale it selfe with this Snake-wood, whereof there is much in Seylon, where also are many of those Beasts, and great store of Snakes) so that if it be neuer so sore bitten, hauing eaten of this wood, it is presently healed, as if it had neuer beene hurt.

THe Lignum Aloes which in India is called Calamba and Palo D'aguilla, is most in Malacca, in [ 50] the Iland of Sumatra, Camboia, Sion, and the Countries bordering on the same: the trees are * 1.782 like Oliue trees, and somewhat greater: when it is cut off, it smelleth not so well, because it is greene, for the drier it is, the better it smelleth: the best and that which smelleth most is the in∣ner most part of the wood: some of it is better then the rest, which the Indians doe presently know how to finde out: the best and finest is called Calamba, and the other Palo Daguilla. Now to know which is the best, you must vnderstand that the wood that is very heauie with blacke and browne veines, and which yeeldeth much Oyle or moistnesse (which is found by the fire) is the best, and the greater and thicker it is, the better it is, and hath the more vertue. Of this wood they make many costly things, and it hath a speciall and precious smell, so that it is greatly estee∣med: [ 60] specially the Calamba, which if it be good, is sold by weight against Siluer and Gold. The Palo Daguilla next after the Calamba is much accounted of. There is another kinde of Palo Da∣guilla, which is called Aquilla Braua, or wilde Aquilla, and is also much esteemed: for the Indi∣ans * 1.783 vse it therewith to burne the bodies of their Bramenes, and other men of account, when they

••re dead: and because it is costly, therefore it is a great honour to those that are burnt therewith, * 1.784 as it is to those that with vs are buried in Tombes of Marble stones: but it is not comparable to the other Palo Daguilla, nor the Calamba. The wilde Aguills groweth most in the Island of Sey∣lon, and on the coast of Choramandel, and the best Palo Daguilla, and Calamba groweth in Malac∣ca. These costly woods are much vsed in India for Beades, and Crucifixes, which are holden in great reuerence.

CHAP. IX.

Relation of Ormuz, and of the late taking thereof by the [ 10] English and Persians.

§. I.

A Relation of the Kings of Ormuz, and of the foundation of the Citie of Ormuz, taken out of a Chronicle which a King of the same Kingdome composed, called Pachaturunxa, [ 20] written in Arabicke.

KIng Mahomet raigning in Aman, which is within Arabia felix: in the beginning * 1.785 of his re••gne, desiring to amplifie his Kingdome and fame, assembled all the great men of his Kingdome, and said vnto them, how the Countries of the coast of Per∣sia had beene his predecessours, and by negligence of some of them they were lost, disinhabited, and vnprofitable: that hee determined with the principall of his Kingdome that would follow him to goe thither in person, and with some of the common sort for to build some Cities and Townes in that Countrie, and that it might be cul∣tiuated, seeing it was a good Countrie. And so would his Kingdome and his fame be augmen∣ted, [ 30] and that he would leaue for the gouernment of Arabia his Sonne, which was a man able to rule well. All condescending that his determination seemed them well, he commanded present∣ly to prepare much people, many of the principals following him; and departing from Aman, * 1.786 they came to Calciate, which is neere the Sea in the same Arabia. Hee thought good, and his also to build in that port a Citie, because it was a place disposed for them of the Countrie to traffique with the Ships that should passe that way: for the which his Sonne remained there with much people, putting in effect the determination of his Father and of his Counsell; and the Citie in time did so prosper, that at this day in the ruines it showeth to haue beene a very great and no∣ble Citie. After that King Mahomet had ordained the matters of Arabia and of Calciate, he embarked with the people he had for his company diuided in many ships, which hee caused [ 40] to be made ready, and passed to the side of the coast of Persia, and arriued at the Cape of Iasques, * 1.787 that is where Ormuz doth now stand, thirty leagues without the straight. And seeing that Coun∣try, and the disposition of it not conuenient to settle himselfe, iournying along the coast, hee arriued at a Countrie which then was called Harmuz, which is neere to that which now is cal∣led * 1.788 Magostan, and Braami, which now at this day they call Costeca, it stands right against that which now is called Harmuz, in the coast of Persia. And the King with his contenting themselues with the Countrie, determined to settle themselues in it and to inhabit, and so they tooke in hand presently to build houses, and to husband the ground.

And because this King was very liberall, and fauoured much the poore people of the Country, and the husbandmen, and receiued strangers louingly, hee was well beloued generally of all that * 1.789 [ 50] had notice of him. And the fame of his vertues speading abroad, and his noblenesse through all the place round about, many people came vnto him to dwell vnder his defence and gouernment. This was the cause whereby this new Citie was much enobled. The fame of his vertues and goodnesse was spread abroad among all the Kings of that straight, as well of Persia as of other parts of Ar••bia, all of them sent to visit him with great presents, shewing the great contentment they had with his good neighbourhood. When this King saw himselfe prosper, and fauoured of all about him, and with many people, to purchase more the loue of all men, he commanded money to be coined, for there was none in the Countrey, which increased greatly the loue of all men to∣ward him, and iointly the prosperity of his Country. For this benefit which hee did to all that Countrie in the inuenting mony for them, they called him generally Deranqun, which is to say, [ 60] seale of money. After the Citie of Ormuz built in the coast of Persia, and prosperous with many people and riches, the King commanded his great men to goe through the Countries of Mago∣stan, and euery one should take that which best liked him, for to cultiuate, inhabite, and build in it

diuers Townes. They did so, and euery one tooke the countrie that liked him best, and inhabited and husbanded it, and euery one gaue his owne name to the Countrie he tooke, of whom those Countries are nominated to this day. And because the Kings that succeeded Mahomet were migh∣ty and good in their gouernment, they held the Countrie in their successions, increasing alwaies in people and noblenesse. And their children that descended of them were such continually, that the Fathers in their life time gaue them the gouernment of the Kingdome, and they rested in their old age.

It was the custome among these Kings, because the memory of their forefathers might not pe∣rish, when they came to the tenth generation, they began their denominations anew, the tenne [ 10] * 1.790 following tooke the names of the ten before. In sort that the first of the number of the ten was to take the name of the founder; and so in order till the number of ten were ended. This order continued some yeeres, the reigne going by a direct line. Afterward this order and custome pe∣rished, because that one for couetousnesse of reigning did kill the other, and many were made blinde by others that would haue the gouernment of the Kingdome. But there is one great and notable thing in this Kingdome, that although there were many that reigned tyrannously, mur∣thering the lawfull Kings, yet vnto this day there neuer reigned any that was not of the bloud Royall. Onely Hormuz, being in the side of Persia, one that then reigned being dead, and hauing none of the bloud royall in the Countrie, the Goazill (which is the Gouernour of the Kingdome) * 1.791 did make himselfe King. At this time a Sonne in law of the King deceased which was his Ne∣phew, was with a great Armie of men of warre, by commandement of his Vncle, against the I∣land and Citie of Cays. Newes were brought him how his Vncle was dead, and how the Goazil [ 20] * 1.792 had made himselfe King; wherefore hee raised presently the siege from against Cays, and came with all the men he had to Ormuz: and assoone as he came he was receiued of all with great con∣tentments and feasts, for they were very sorry to haue for their King a man that was not of the bloud royall, wherefore with great feasts they tooke the Kings Nephew for their King. Which commanded presently to behead the Goazill which had made himselfe King, and all his associates and allies.

After that the direct line was broken in the succession of the Kingdome, there was no such good gouernment in the Kingdome, neither did the things thereof prosper, but went rather to decay and diminution, whereby there was not already so much resistance against their aduersaries, the [ 30] warres of the neighbour Kings increasing, the King of Chreman chanced to come, which is with∣in * 1.793 the land of Persia, with a great armie, and very puissant against Hormuz, for to destroy it. The King Cabadim which reigned at that time in Hormuz, not daring to abide the encounter and power of the King of Chreman, embarked himselfe with all the people hee could, and the Countrey forsaken, withdrew himselfe to the Iland that is called Quexome, which is neere the * 1.794 Iland of Ormuz. And being in it a few daies, and thinking he was not safe in it, being somewhat too bigge, and in it he could not well defend himselfe, he passed then with his people to the I∣land which now is called Hormuz, because it was closer, holding that in it he might defend him∣selfe from whatsoeuer enemies. This Iland was before desert, and had no more but a few poore * 1.795 Fishermen, and they called it Iarum, which is to say a Wood. For as the Iland is almost all of Salt, and the grounds almost all sal••ish, because some Riuers that run through it, which come [ 40] from a Mountaine that is in the middest of it, are of the salt water, and by the sides of the wa∣ter lieth the Salt white as Snow, and hee that is to passe the Riuer must step ouer the Salt. And the stones of the hill in some places are salt, which the shippes doe carrie for balast vnto India. Notwithstanding about the Iland there grow some very thin Woods and Trees like Apple trees of Anafega, which beare a Fruite that the Portugals doe call small Apples, like the Apples of Anafega, which doe not eate well, for they are sustained and liue by the raine water. So * 1.796 that because the Iland is barren, and beareth nothing but that which I said: because it is so salt, they call it Iarum. Also because it was not inhabited, it was in times past smaller and closer then now it is, as euen to this day the Inhabitants doe shew the places where the Sea did reach. The [ 50] King Cabad〈…〉〈…〉 landing now in this Iland, and determining to settle him selfe in it, began to build houses for himselfe and his to inhabit. They remedied themselues with that which they went to seeke in the Countries round about. And also because the King of Creman returned to his owne Countrey, they went from thence to maintaine the places which before they did possesse, cultiua∣ting them. And because the Citie built in the Iland of Iarum prospered, they made it the head of their Kingdome. Those which succeeded them named it Hormuz, which remaineth to this day, * 1.797 which was the name of the principall Citie which they had on the firme land, that the King of Geman destroyed and arruinated.

It is to be noted that this straight of Harmuz, some Ieagues within from Ormuz, is an Iland cal∣led * 1.798 Cays; in the which was built in times past a very rich and noble Citie, whereof at this day [ 60] there is a remembrance among them of the Country, and now the Iland is desert, in the which ap∣peare the memory of the old buildings that were in it. This Iland and Citie was very rich, po∣pulous, and very prosperous, because of the great resort of Ships that resorted from all parts of India, with great riches and great store of goods, and for the great concourse of people that from

Persia and Arabia come to it to seeke such goods as came thither from India, bringing also very rich merchandise, in change of the which or for mony which they made of them they bought those that from India came thither. In sort that all the riches which now Hormuz hath, & all the * 1.799 traffick then the Iland of Cays had, that which now is called Hormuz, being as I haue said vnhabited.

The King of Hormuz seeing the euils that had befallen to him by meanes of the Goazil of Cays (which had prouoked the King of Xiras against him) he went against him with a great Armie, and besieging him some daies, and not being able to subdue him, he returned to Hormuz, because winter came on: and the next yeere he went against it, and tooke and sacked it, and left in it a Goazill made with his owne hand, with great store of people. The Goazill ouercome had meanes to escape, and he fled in a Terrada to the Iland of Baren: and made him strong againe in Baren, with the fauour of the Goazill of Baren, and returned againe against Cays, and craftily comming [ 10] to a parley with the Goazil which the King of Hormuz had lefe there for safegard of the Citie, he tooke him and pulled out both his eyes, and possest him againe of the Citie.

But Pacaturunxa succeeding in the Kingdome of Hormuz (which was the Author of this Chro∣nicle, * 1.800 and reigned about 300. yeeres agoe, little more or lesse) brought it vnder his subiection, and from thence forward it remained subiect to the Kingdome of Hormuz. And presently this Pa∣chaturunxa subdued the Iland of Baren, in punishment for the fauour that hee gaue to the Goazil of Cays: and so the Kings of Hormuz were prosperous, so that they subdued all the Ilands that were in all the straight and all the Countrie along the coast of Arabia vnto Lassa and Catiffa, and others also on the side of Persia, whereby it was made a very great Kingdome and a rich and very prosperous: chiefly that all the traffick of Cays was passed to the Iland, which now is called Hor∣muz: [ 20] whereby Cays was vtterly lost, as well in her buildings as in her riches, and now it is alto∣gether * 1.801 destroyed and vnhabited, hauing beene the principall Iland in all those parts. And Hormuz being a barren and vnhabited Iland, and a Mountaine of Salt, is among the richest Countries of the India one of the richest, for the many and great merchandize that come to it from all places of India, and from all Arabia, and from all Persia, euen of the Mogores, and from Russia and Europe I saw Merchants in it, and from Venice. And so the Inhabiters of Hormuz doe say, that all the world is a ring, and Hormuz is the stone of it. Whereby it is commonly said, that the Custome-house of Hormuz is a channell of Siluer which alwaies runneth. The last yeere that I was in Hor∣muz, hauing continued there three yeeres, the Officers affirmed to mee that the Custome-house did yeeld 150000. Pardaos to the King of Portugall, besides that which is presumed the Moores [ 30] and the Goazill did steale, which are Officers of the Custome-house. And although this Iland yeeldeth no fruit, neither hath water nor victualls, yet it hath great abundance of flesh, bread, rice, and great store of fish, and many and good fruits, whereof it is prouided from many places, especially from Persia, &c.

§. II.

Relation of Ormuz businesse by Master W. PINDER.

A Briefe of some passages and accidents of a Voyage to the East Indie in the London, Cap∣taine [ 40] Andrew Shilling Commander of her, and three other Ships in the Company, * 1.802 namely the Hart, wherein Master Richard Blith was Viceadmirall, the Roe Bucke Rere admirall, Master Richard Swan Master of her, and Christopher Browne Master of the Egell, being the fourth Ship, the fiue and twentieth of March 1620. These foure Ships set saile from the Downes the foure and twentieth of Aprill. All foure Ships got into Saldan•• Bay, whose latitude is 33. degrees 57. minutes, and 29. degrees, 48. minutes, to the Easterne of the Lizart in Cornwall, and it hath 2. degrees 27. minutes Westerly variation. The same day ariued Captaine Fitz-Harbord with the Exchange and Unitie, who came from England in our Company with three Ships vnder his command, and left our company the fourth of Aprill: there was in the Bay an English Ship that came from Surat, named the Lyon, Captaine Widdall in [ 50] her: also there were ten Dutch Ships, bound for Iaccatra.

The thirtieth of Iune our Ships were watered, being the chiefe cause of putting into that Bay, but formerly there hath bin plenty of Oxen and Sheepe, to bin bought for small value, but by some abuse to the people, there is nothing to be had, except water: by some neglect, our conti∣nuance was vntil the 25. of Iuly, with much hassard and preiudice to our passage: so plying for Su∣rat, with purpose to haue gone within the Iland of S. Lawrence, we were forst to goe without the Iland, being the first passage of any English without, to the cost of India: and the eight of October wee came to sight of certaine Ilands, in latitude tenne degrees fiftie one minutes of North and longitude from the Cape of Good hope, Easterly fifte fiue degrees 58. minutes, and variation thirteene degrees fiftie foure minutes Westerly. These Ilands affords good reliefe, and are worth [ 60] discouery, their owne Inhabitants report. From these Iles we ran with the coast of Indie, and first sight thereof was Mount Del〈…〉〈…〉, which is the highest hill in India, our latitude at sight of it was 11. degrees 47. minutes longitude 56. degrees 51. minutes variation 15 degrees 43. minutes.

the tenth of October. The Coast of India is bold to runne with all dangers, sheweth it selfe from Cape Commeren you may bee bold to runne all the Coast to Diu head in tenne fathom the darkest night that may bee, and good anchoring off, to thirtie or fortie fathome depth from the Coast; and from September vntill Februarie, you may saile to and fro on that Coast, hauing the Land wind turnes at night, and Sea wind turnes at day, proued by many trials. The thirteenth of October, the Ship anchored in twelue fathoms, fiue leagues from the Coast, in the latitude 13. de∣grees Northerly, 14. minutes, longitude 58. degrees Easterly, 12. min. from Cape Bonasperanca the sixteenth, certaine Boats brought vs fish with some small store of fruit, and hence from the shoare riding then in the latitude, 13. degrees 33. minutes, and 14. degrees 44. variation so pling to∣ward Surat: the seuen and twentieth we anchored some seuen mile and a halfe from Dabull, in [ 10] eight fathome and a halfe depth, the Towne bearing East by North, by the Compasse. From this place we had good prouision for our men, who were most sickly, but God restored health in short time to them, the latitude of it is 17. degrees Northerly, 38. minutes Easterly. From Dabul, on the third of Nouember wee plied for Surat, and on the sixth, in latitude 19. degrees 51. minutes. Capt. Shilling sent the Hart and Egell toward Persia, for Cape Iasquis being so appointed by the worshipfull Company. The ninth, the London and Row Buck arriued at the Port of Swally neere Surat, whose latitude is 21. degrees Northerly 16. minutes; there vnderstood we that the Portu∣gall lay with a Fleet of Ships to surprise those that should come to Iasques in the Persian Gulfe, which to preuent we made all the hast that might be to strengthen our friends, and preuent their plot, and on the one and twentieth of Nouember, wee surprised one of their Ships of some two [ 20] hundred and fiftie tun, who came from Arabia; this Ship wee manned landing all the Portugalls, * 1.803 and plied for Iasques, and on the fifth of December, we met the Hart and Egell forced from Iasques by the Portugall, and had turned off a Ship of theirs the which they tooke in their passage. Our forces vnited wee made hast to our Port, the which the fifteenth of December wee had sight of, and also of the Portugall Fleet, who assaulted vs the seuenteenth, but let them boast their entertai∣ment, praise to the Lord he fought for vs; and if the firing of a Ship, that should haue fired them had taken effect, their glorious pride had beene quailed that day. Yet were we Commanders vn∣der God of the Rood, while hee sent to Ormus to renew his forces, and on the twentieth came to∣wards vs, and then thought by often waying and tiring our men, being not accustomed to those hot parts to bee master of vs; but one the eight and twentieth hee was taught a better lesson, with Gods guard, and vse of our Powder and Shot: which had it not failed vs, they had scarce [ 30] any of them troubled Englishmen more; but I referre to them how they sped. Our Capt. Andrew Shilling receiued a mortall wound, the sixth shot that past this eight and twentieth, yet was va∣liant and spake cheerefull, with thankefulnesse to God the last minute of his life, which ended the sixth of Ianuarie. Hee was buried the ninth, and on the fourteenth we set saile for Surat from Iasques, whose latitude is twentie fiue degrees Northerly, twentie foure minutes, and eleuen degrees twentie minutes Northerly to the Wester of Damans meridian, some 18. degrees 40. minutes variation. On the seuen and twentieth of Ianuarie, wee tooke a Portugall in our re∣turne, which on the first of Februarie we brought to Swalle, our Port of Surrat and rebuilt her, sen∣ding the Portugalls to their homes. And on the fifth of Aprill, 1621. hauing laden the Hart and [ 40] Row Buck to goe for England with foure saile, vnder the command of Captaine Blith wee put to Sea, the time being to late for the laden Shippes to goe for England, it was thought fit to goe for the Red Sea, there to stay vntill the next season, in which passage we met a Portugall Ship of two hundred and fiftie tunne laden with Rice and Cordige of bast, for to supply those wee formerly fought with. Also the seuenth of May we tooke another of one hundred tunne. With these two prizes the London and Andrew went for Cape Rosselgate, and the Hart and Row buck went for Mercera. Being neither of vs able to get into the Red Sea, the times so farre past, the Ships sepe∣rated. As soone as the London came to Zor, where formerly I had been, there we made hast to pro∣uide vs water, and put many Portugals on shore, many other with their Moores made their escape.

Then plied we for Tewe, where the Arabs vsed vs courteously, so that from the seuenth of [ 50] Iune to the ninth, wee had filled ninetie tunne of water: on the fourteenth came order from Museat to the Arabs, to withstand our watering; with the Portugalls aide they did their best, some seuen or eight hundred of them with small Shot and Bow, and Arrowes, but the Lord fought our battell, so that but one of our men were lost, yet landed we daily with Brasse, Base, and small Shot, vntill all our Ships were watered, it standeth in the latitude 22. degrees Northerly fiftie minutes, and some twelue leagues within Cape Rosselgate, and hath twentie degrees fiue minutes variation, the coast bold from Rosselgate to it. On the two and twentieth of Iune, setting saile from thence for Zor, where wee made fall of the Rice taken, and after broke and burned the Ship by reason of her wants, to bring prouision of victuall for our men, and there daily watering on our guard, hauing newes ouer Land from the Hart and Row buck, to whom was re∣turned [ 60] answere, that they should meet vs at a braue Harbour some league within Rosselgate, it hath latitude 22. degrees Northerly 32. minutes, being by the chiefest of our Fleet called Londons Hoope, it hath Wood and Water on the West side of the Bay, also multitude of fish) the eight of August the Hart & Row buck came to vs, and on the fifteenth, we all set saile for India to stop the

Ports for entry of certaine Ships, their Prince hauing much wronged our Masters, promising them free passage through his Countrey with their goods, but when it came within it, he pre∣sently made bootie of it with his Souldiers; so Captaine Blith with the London and Primros••, one of the prizes formerly taken lay before the Harbour of Dabull, and Master Keridge in the Hart, Master Browne in the Roe Bucke, my selfe in the Andrew, so named, being the first Prize ta∣ken after the Death of Captaine Shilling, and with her the other were taken. These three last spe∣cified, lay before Chaul from the thirtieth of August, vntill the thirtieth of September, on which Night I was sent to goe for Surat in the Andrew, by order from Captaine Blith, and to aduer∣tise Master Thomas Rastell of our Passage he being Chiefe in the Factorie, and in my passage for Surrat, I surprised a Ship of that Princes, which had formerly wronged our Masters, and carri∣ed her to Surrat surrendring her to the chiefe Factor: there found I riding Captaine Weddall in [ 10] the Ionas, Master Woodcocke in the Whale, Master Stephenson in the Dolphin, Master Beuerson in the Lyon, Master Iohnson in the Rose, Master Dauis in the Richard, a Pinnesse who had taken a prize from the Portugals the twentieth of October. The London, Hart, Roe Bucke, and Primrose, came to Swalle with a Prize by them taken. We continued there till the sixe and twentieth of No∣uember, at which time with nine sayle of Ships for Persia, and the Hart and Egell for England. The nine that went for Persia were vnder the Command of Captaine Blith, and Captaine Wed∣dall, and on the three and twentieth of December we came to Custacke, some seuen and twenty leagues from Iasquis, and lyeth Latitude 26. degrees, 40. minutes. Ormus in sight of it bearing West Northwest, by a Meridian Compasse some ten leagues from it. Our Persian Factors ad∣uertised vs that after our Fight the former yeare, the Chiefiaine of the Portugals had erected a * 1.804 [ 20] Castle on Kishme, an Ile in sight of Ormus, the which the Persian had layne siege vnto some seuen or eight moneths, and lost some eight or nine thousand men in siege of it. Wherefore he requi∣red our ayde in these Warres if we would haue our Masters goods from his Countrey, telling vs it was our Enemy as well as his; therefore if wee would haue our Masters goods or Trade * 1.805 with him, we must ayde him, and then we should haue the halfe bootie gotten by the Victorie, also great Priuiledges for the future good of our Masters. On these tearmes we Condiscended and went for Kishme on the nineteenth of Ianuary from Custacke, and the three and twentieth Besieged it by Sea, and the Persian by Land with some of our ayde, so that on the nine & twen∣tieth of Ianuary they came to Parley, and it was Concluded that they should part with Bag and * 1.806 Baggage; prouided, they went not for Ormus, onely their Commander to remaine as pledge. [ 30] There were two of our people flaine at this seruice, the one at the surrender namely Master Baffin, there were some one thousand of all sorts in this Castle, and the Portugals with some Moores were sent away, but the Persian required certaine Moores which had reuoked from him as hee pretended. So those being deliuered him, though he had formerly promised them mercy, yet he put them all to death. This Castle had in it 17. Pieces of Ordnance, one Brasse Cannon Pedro, two Brasse Culuering, 2. Iron Demiculuering, 4. Brasse Sackers, 2. Iron Minion, 6. Iron Falken, therein left to English-men, to hold possession with the Persian in the behalfe of the English part.

On the fourth of February, we all set sayle for Combroon, which is on the mayne of Persia some three leagues within Ormus. Then was sent the Portugall Commander of the aforesaid Castle by Master Beuersam in the Lyon for Surrat, also Master Iohnson in the Rose, Master Dauis in the Ri∣chard, [ 40] these went for Surrat, and the London, Ionas, Whale, Dolphin with two Prizes, each some two hundred and fiftie or neere, these sixe stayed to waft the Persian, for his securer landing on Ormus. On the ninth of February he landed, and with small losse got possession of the Towne, * 1.807 for the Portugals tetired to their Castle, and then the Persian began presently to intrench, and gathered daily nearer the Castle, and with our helpes made Bulwarks for Ordnance, and Scon∣ces for securing his men. With our Ordnance we galled their Ships, forcing them to hale close vnder the Castle, and on the 24. th with foure of our Boats fired one of their Gallions, the second of March sunke another, the 17. th of March there was made a Breach by blowing vp part of the Castle wall, so the Persian sought to enter but repulsed with losse and hurt of most of his best Souldiers. The 19. th one Gallion more sunke, and on the 20. th and 23. th two other Gallions [ 50] sunke. The 27. th the Portugals desired parley, the which they had but no Conclusion, so that the * 1.808 second of Aprill another breach was made by blowing vp the wall neere the first, and the 14. th another Flanker blowne vp. Also the 18. th another breach, on which the Persian made all his Forces to assault, and possest some part of the Castle. Then on the 21. th the Portugals being be∣straited, proffered by Parley to deliuer the Castle to the English, if they would saue their liues, the which was granted & performed, and in the two ships of 250. Tunnes they were shipt some 2400. of them, and some 200. left vntill we had procured shipping for their transport, which was performed. The 22. th being possest of the Castle, there were in it 53. Pieces of Ordnance moun∣ted, * 1.809 4. Brasse Cannon, 6. Brasse Demicannon, 16. Cannon Pedro of Brasse, 9 Brasse whole Culue∣ring, 2. Demiculuering, 3. Iron Demiculuering, 10. brasse Basses, one Iron Minion, 1. whole Cul∣uering [ 60] of Iron, and 1. Iron Cannon Pedro; also there were 92. Brasse pieces of Ordnance more vnmounted, & 7. Brasse Bastels which they had landed out of their ships that we sunke. This Ca∣stle and Ordnance were left with the Persian, onely 10. Pieces of the 92. on the former, we tooke

in our ships to make good what we had broken and spoyled out of our ships in their Seruice. I iudge the Latitude 27. degrees 2. minuts, & Variation 16. deg. 34. min. So the first of September we left the Port, and on the 24. th arriued at Swalle, where we in the London laded, and so did the Ionas & Lyon for England; the time of our stay there was vntill the the 30. th of December, there heard we of the sinking of three Caracks by the English and Dutch of the Port of Mosambique. * 1.810

§ III.

Part of a Letter written to Sir IOHN WOSTENHOLME by T. WILSON Chyrurgion; contayning many particulars of the Ormus warre and cause there∣of; [ 10] as also of the most most admirable taking of a Great Portugal Ship well manned, by a small English Pinnesse.

Right Worshipfull:

MY dutie remembred vnto you Sir, I am glad to heare of your good health and welfare, and shall be heartily glad to see you and all yours, the which I hope will be very shortly. Sir, I am very much bound vnto you, that I know not how I shall make re∣quitall for the same, in that in my absence you haue shewed vnto me that kindnesses for it which as at all other times I haue found you the best friend that I haue in the world, I doe giue you a thousand thankes, and will by Gods helpe make part requitall for the same, and I [ 20] shall be ready at all times to doe any thing for you that in me lyeth, to the vttermost of my power or to any of yours. I would haue writ vnto you concerning our Voyage, but I cannot be so briefe as to send it in a Letter, but I make no doubt but you will heare more of the passages thereof, then I can certifie or at least wise haue heard alreadie, for there were Letters sent out of Persin ouer land to the Company, concerning the taking of Kishme Castle and the Citie of Or∣mus wit•• the Castle, with the spoyling of fiue Ships and one great Galley, one ship burned and the rest sunke, the which I pray God may stand to the good liking of you all, for we had a ter∣rible time in Ormus, hauing pestilentiall Feuers with sodaine deaths, and among the Portugals famine, and that terrible contagious heat that in my dayes I neuer felt the like, and such sents of Dead bodies lying in the streets without heads being vnburned, and Cats & Dogs eating them, [ 30] within O••st end was neuer the like seene, with infinite many Flies, and that the Persians would not let the dead bodies be buried. We had such mortalitie among our men, that we thought we should haue perished, all the ships before mentioned were they which fought with Captaine Shilling, we tooke their principall Commander prisoner, whose name was Ruy Frera with his Viceadmirall. This ••••y Frera did proffer vnto our Captaine that if he would let him goe, hee would giue him a thousand pound, although he had no money of his owne, yet he would pro∣cure it of the Clergie men, the which our Captaine refused, and sent him to Surrat in the Lyon to the President, giuing them strait command of his safe looking to. And when he came to Surrat, he in the Night made his escape with the Ship-boat for want of the better Watch keeping. He was a proper tall Gentleman, swarthie of colour, sterne of Countenance, few of words, and of an [ 40] excellent spirit, he had liued here in India many yeares. Hee got Commission of their King for three seuerall Designes, the first was to haue sufficient Ships and Men with Munition, for the * 1.811 rooting out of the English out of India, the which he made no question to performe, and did be∣gin with Captaine Shillings Fleet: but God bee thanked therein he fayled as it fell out to his great griefe and all our comforts. The second thing that he was to performe, was to erect a Ca∣stle vpon the Iland of Kishme, the which he did: for when we came thither he had scarse furnishe it. Hee brought the frame thereof ready made in his Ships and got it a shore with great resi∣stance, * 1.812 but so many as would not yeeld vnto him, hee put to the Sword, and so many as would serue him he allowed meanes. Now the place where this Castle was to be erected, was about certaine Wels of fresh water the which was for the vse of Ormus, because vpon that Iland there [ 50] was none. Now for the building of this Castle they pulled downe a fine Towne with Churches and Tombes, onely for the Stones, some of which he burned and made Lime, and with the o∣ther he made the Castle wall of a great height and thicknesse, with halfe Moones and Flankers * 1.813 very artificially, which in fiue moneths and a halfe hee had finished: a thing wonderfull in so short a time to be effected, and with a great deepe drie Moat round about. He had erected on the Castle 12. Pieces of great Ordnance, to the great annoyance of the Persian Armie, which had almost beleaguered it round; onely a small passage which they had towards the Sea, on either side of it beset with Pallesadoes for the better going to their Boates and Frigots in safetie, though scarse able without great perill. Hee meant to take the whole Iland of Kishme in their owne hands, being a very fruitfull place, abounding with all manner of Fruits, Beasts, and fresh [ 60] Water, where of the Iland of Ormus hath none. The Portugals when they were first scituated in Ormus, did agree with the King of the Sea-coast vpon the mayne, which was a Kingdome of it selfe, and since hath beene Conquered of the Persiant to pay to the aforesaid King certaine tri∣butes or customes vpon euery head of Cattell, pots of Water and such like, which did yeerely a∣mount

vnto a great summe of money, which the Portugals haue not payed a long time, at least this thirtie yeares: and hauing been demanded it, since the English hath had trade heere in Per∣sia, they haue refused to pay the same. Moreouer they haue gotten into their possession great quantitie of Silke, which they haue refused to pay also. For that reason the Persians would not let the Portugals haue Cattell nor refreshing from the mayne, (for it was Death vnto them that sold them any) which was the reason of building the Castle vpon the Iland of Kishme. Now the Portu∣gals policie thought it was good to haue two strings to his bow, as this was one; the other was this at Muskat, a certaine place which the Portugals haue vpon Arabia. They made a great Feast and inuited the King of Arabia vnto the feast, and violently b••ought him away vnto Ormus, and there made him King of the Iland, and allowed him certaine Customes yeerely for his mainte∣nance. By this meanes they had Cattell and Water sufficient in great quantities, brought thither [ 10] in Arabian Boates, with Fruits, Fish and all other things, which was euery day sold in the Mar∣ket (by report) very plentifully. Likewise the Arabian Boats did fetch them water from Kish∣me, and were conducted with their Gallies and Frigots against the Persians. The King of Ara∣bia was Prisoner in the Castle of Ormus, vnto the Persian. The Portugals in these parts will not let any Commoditie passe to and againe vpon the Seas, vnlesse it be first brought vnto Ormus, and there to be Customed vpon losse thereof being taken by their Gallies or Frigots, whereof they haue heere great store that carrie pieces of Ordnance and other Munition: they trade to and fro in them and so are become Masters of the Seas in these parts. The Customes of Ormus did yeerly amount as I haue heard reported to a hundred thousand pounds, besides Rents and other Duties which they taxed the Inhabitants with. This Towne or Citie of Ormus, was of great big∣nesse, [ 20] the Houses all built of stone, and seemed a most famous thing to looke vpon from the ships with Steeples and Towres: they had faire and large Churches in it, strong & stately Buildings; the Castle of Ormus was the fairest, largest and strongest that euer I saw. Towards the Towne it had three Walls one within another, and well furnished with great Ordnance of Brasse, as Cannon, Demicannon, Cannon-Pedro, whole Culuerings and Basiliskes of 22. foot long.

Now concerning the third thing which was about the fishing for Pearle, he had but little lei∣sure, by reason of these turmoiles (and Warres in building of the Castle of Kishme, and the buil∣ding of a Wall and a Moat about Ormus, which was begun in seuerall places) he had burnt vp all the Boates both of the Persians and Arabians, by the reason they should not fish for Pearle, and burnt all the fishing Townes. Now they that had any Boats were forced to carrie them vp into the Countrey to hide them from the Portugals: but when the Persians were to goe ouer for [ 30] Ormus, the Arabians did voluntary (both they & their Boats to the quantitie of 400. Boats) car∣rie the Persian souldiers ouer to Ormus, against the Portugals, which otherwaies had neuer got o∣uer; for the Arabians could wish all the Portugals throats cut by the reason of their great hinde∣rances in burning of their Boats and Townes, and Slauery which they daily did sustaine.

I will certifie you concerning the wonderfull and strange manuer of the Richards taking a Portugall ship that came from Bumbasse; she was a rich Prize laden with Elephants teeth, Tur∣tle * 1.814 shels in Barrels, with Wax, Sea-horse teeth, and a certaine Gumme, the which I make no doubt but you haue heard already; the chiefe cause of her taking was Iohn Filps, who bad them be of good cheare being but thirteene Men and Boyes, and told them he would dismount their [ 40] Piece presently (which they were a discharging) the which he did. Plying the two Pieces, it was his fortune to kill the chiefe Merchant, who was going to encourage his men to Fight: which the Gunner perceiu••ng, trauerssed another Piece of Ordnance against them: hee was no sooner espied by this Filps, but he made a shot at the Piece but mist it; the shot flew betweene the Gunners legs as he was going to giue fire; hee forthwith threw away his Linstocke like a man distract and full of feare, and told them it was their fortunes to be taken. But the Richard plied still both her Pieces, and comming neerer vnto them, this Filps stept vpon the Forecastle bidding them amaine, which they presently did and lowed all her sayles. So they called vnto them to bring aboord their Master, Merchant, Pilot and Boatswaine; they puld vp their Boat and did it, when they came aboord they were bound and and put into hold. There were two [ 50] Merchants in this Ship, the one killed, and the other was he which came aboord, who confessed that the Elephants teeth which were in her cost 6000. pounds, at the first Penny in Bumbasse, which to be carried from Goa to Cambaia, would yeeld at the least 18000. pounds, besides eight * 1.815 Barrels of Turtle shels, which were the Merchants that was slaine, and that hee had in that ship of his owne 3000. pounds more which was in Wax, Sea-horse teeth, Gumme and Negroes. They sent the Boatswaine for the rest of the Portugals who brought fourteene more, which euery of them brought their Skreetaries and Keyes and presented them to Mr. Dauis, who carefully layd them vp. These 14. Portugals remained in the Boat; they thought them to be all the Portugals.

This Filps or Phillips went aboord with three Men and three Boyes. They had no sooner en∣tred the Ship and veered the Boat a sterne with the Portugals, but the Ship seemed to be full [ 60] of people: there were in all of the Portugals seuentie fiue, of the Negroes, Men, Women and Children ninetie, likewise fortie Chaul men which were their Mariners, which strucke, such an amazement among them being but seuen, that it daunted them much. This Phillips bidding

them be of good courage for hee would lessen their number presently: the which hee in two houres time effected, he placed his men vpon the poope and halfe decke, with their Peeces pru∣ned, and their Matches cockt, if they should resist: that done, hee went with his Sword and disarmed all the Portugals, and caused their weapons to be layd on the poope, which were thir∣ty Muskets ready laden and pruned, forty Rapiers besides Swords and Poniards, sixty Powder * 1.816 pots matched and pruned, forty Pikes and Launces, fifteene great Chambers belonging to eight peeces of Ordnance ready pruned. Then he found great store of Musket shot which he brought vp also, he tooke the Chambers and opened them, and tooke out of euery of them a good quantitie of Powder, and in the roome thereof he put in Musket shot, and tamked them vp againe. This done, he bound them fast to the decke round about him and pruned them, [ 10] and causes three Linslockes to be lighted, and with his small Shot standing by him; which the Portugals seeing, it strucke such amazement among them, that it made them to tremble, not knowing what they did determine. Hee giuing order vnto his small Shot, that if any should resist him, they should let flie as they thought fit: he steps forth into the wast, and called the Boat-swaine vnto him, demanding of him how many of his Countrimen there were in the shippe? Who said there were forty; so hee promised them to stay, if so be they would bee willing, and to doe their best indeauours, that he would aduance their meanes, and their ad∣uentures, rather then to diminish any part thereof: which words greatly reuiued them, and they all said, they were willing. Then presently hee called the Blackes, to hayle vp the Boat, placing two of his men with their Muskets bent to the Boat, that none of the Portugals which [ 20] were therein should enter the ship. Which done, he drew his Sword, and commanded all the Portugals vpon their liues to auoide the shippe immediatly; which they did, and happie was hee which could get into the Boat first; for some lept into the water for feare. Besides those which they tooke into the Boat to them, there were other three which hid themselues in the shippe that they knew not of, being almost starued and durst not come forth in sight for feare.

When we came to Kishme Castle, where out of each shippe was carried Ordnance to batter against the Castle with Powder and Shot fitting, where our Gunners and others went to trie their valorous skill, when they had beene two dayes on shoare at that exercise, Master Baffin being then aboord, promised he would goe ashoare to make a shot or two: this Philips got [ 30] leaue of our Captaine for the like; and seeing their worke of battering, who finding their plat-forme of the one side hollow, resting vpon a Basket within the reuerse of the Peece, which at firing caused the Peece to deliuer contrary, which when hee had perceiued, caused the plat-forme to be new cast; and the plankes layd firme, he loaded the Peece himselfe, and placed it to his best leuell towards a peece of Ordnance vvhich lay on the Castle vvall, vvhich the Portugall vvas euen ready to giue fire vnto, for they vvere at that time a leauelling, he fi∣red his Peece so leauelled, vvhich dismounted their Peece, split the carriage, and killed sixe * 1.817 men, vvhereof the Captaine of the Castle vvas one; vvhich the Persians seeing, gaue a great shout, and happy vvas he that could come to embrace him first, vvhich vvas a great credit to our Captaine, and our English Nation. He made but two shots, by reason there vvas no more [ 40] Shot on shoare. Master Baffin vvent on shoare vvith his Geometricall Instruments, for the taking the height and distance of the Castle vvall, for the better leauelling of his Peece to make * 1.818 his shot: but as he vvas about the same, he receiued a small shot from the Castle into his belly, vvherewith he gaue three leapes, by report, and died immediatly.

When Ormus was besieged, and the Persians had taken the Towne with small resistance, for they fled into the Castle, and we had brought our ships on the other side of the Iland without shot of the Castle, all our English Boats, as Barges and Skiffes did ouer night goe and lie with∣in Musket shot of the Castle with all the Arabian Boats, to keepe that no Frigats of the Portu∣gals * 1.819 should either come in or out, either for the bringing in of Souldiers or reliefe, or the car∣rying away of their treasure. The Arabians one night being very darke, went in close vnder [ 50] the wall of the Castle, and brought out two of the Portugals Frigats; whereof our Captaine gat one, and Captaine Blithe the other; and fitted as followeth, shee had one Sacar of Brasse, one great Brasse peece, which went with Chambers, and would carrie a Demi-culuering shot of stone, one other small Brasse peece, two Iron Bases, and two of the ships Murtherers, thirty Muskets, Powder and Shot munition fitting, with foure and thirty Englishmen, whereof fiue were Trumpetters and one Drumme, where our Captaine placed this Philips Commander, they had fifty Blackes to rowe and trimme their Sailes. Likewise the Londons Frigat was so fitted. The Frigats all the day rode at an anchor without shot of the Castle, but at night they set their watch with a vollie of small Shot, Drumme and Trumpets, which the Portugals might easily heare and see, and as it grew darker, they went neerer the Castle, and the Arabian Boats with [ 60] them. The Portugals at the first made as if they would come forth with the ships, which was but a shew, for we waited the time, but yet they came not. They rode a pretie distance from the wal, but still vnder command of the Castle, thinking we would haue come in to them. With∣in three dayes they got close vnder the wall: then our Commander thought fit, that the first

businesse that was to bee done, was for the destroying of those ships, for feare of any others comming to succour them: wherefore it was promised to our men, that they that would goe in our Barges for the firing of them, should be royally rewarded for their paines. So certaine of them agreed, and got things ready that night with their fire-workes in each Barge, they * 1.820 went and boorded Ruy Frera his ship, & set her on fire which in lesse then a quarter of an houre was all in a light flame. But in the firing of her in our Barge vnfortunatly hauing a quantitie of Powder in me of the Lockers, one of the fireworkes being flung against the ship strucke against some Iron, and rebounded backe againe, and strucke into his body that flung it, and tore out * 1.821 his stomacke that hee died withall, set the Powder in the Locker on fire, and blew one man cleane away, burning sixe others very shrewdly. They attempted the firing of another ship, [ 10] hauing sixe of the Countrie Boats chained together, with Tarre, Occam, Billet of wood, spits, and other trumperie in them for the fire-workes, so to driue them thwart their Halser; they went also with their Barges to cast fire-works into her, and one they cast, but it fell off, being espied by the Portugals. They shot a small shot thorow both the knees of one of the men in the Whales Barge, which is come home here in our ship. The Boats which were chained toge∣ther were set on fire, and the Tide droue them cleane besides the ship.

Now this Philips seeing this enterprise tooke none effect, towards the euening came close vn∣der * 1.822 the Castle with his Frigat (hauing an eye to the Ports of the Castle) and hearing that they had got the Ordnance out of their ships while it was yet day went in resolutely and dischar∣ged his facar, being lowe water and the ships aground, shot one of the ships thorow her Skeg * 1.823 [ 20] or Run, close by the water; the Persians seing the shot strucke against the wall, and when the water flowed her hold filled, the water ebbing againe shee cleane ouerset, and brake all her fasts that shee had on the wall, which were Cables and Hawsers. This ship was the Admirall that came from Goa, called Todos los Santos, shee was of burthen fifteene hundred tunnes, and carried in her forty fiue pieces of Ordnance of Brasse, the least whereof was Demiculuering. This ship was the cause of the rest ouersetting which lie by her with their toppes in the water. Her Vice-admirall was named Nostra Sen••••ra de Uictoria, being of burthen fourteene hundred tunnes with forty peeces of Ordnance. The Vice-admirall vnto Ruy Frera was named Saint Martin, which lieth sunke by her being of the same burthen, and the like force Ruy Frera his Rere-admirall being a Flemming, of burthen foure hundred tunnes, with twenty two peeces of [ 30] Ordnance, named Saint Antonie de cosso: she stands almost vpright, but bulged close vnder the Castle wall. Then Ruy Frera his Admirall, which was fired, lieth three leagues from Ormus at Combrone sunke vnder water; her name was Saint Pedro, being of burthen fourteene hundred * 1.824 tunnes, and forty foure peeces of Ordnance. Shee had Iron peeces in her hold, and a great deale of Shot. There was also a Galley sunke vnder the wall which had three peeces of Ordnance. Ruy Frera his Vice-admirall that was when they fought with Captaine Shilling was broke vp in Ormus, shee proued so leake after the fight, her timbers serued for the building of Kishme Castle, &c.

§. IIII. [ 40]

Relation of the late Ormuz businesse, gathered out of the Iournall of Master EDWARD MONOXE the Agent for the East Indian Merchants trading in Persia.

AT a consultation in Swally Road, the fourteenth of Nouember, 1621. commission was * 1.825 giuen by Master Thomas Rastell President, and the Counsell of the Merchants of Surat, to Richard Blithe, and Iohn Weddell bound for Iasques (a Persian Port) with [ 50] fiue good ships and foure Pinnaces (whereof the London, and Pinnace Shilling vnder Captaine Blithe; the Ionas, Whale, Dolphin, Lion, with their Pinnaces the Rose, Robert, and Ri∣chard, vnder command of Captaine Weddell) to set sayle with the soonest opportunitie towards Port Iasques, and to keepe together in such sort as they should thinke fittest for their defence against the common enemie; and seeing the Portugals had disturbed their trade by the slaugh∣ter, mayming and imprisoning of their men, and had made sundry assaults against their ship∣ping, that therefore it should be lawfull to them to chase and surprize whatsoeuer vessels per∣tayning to the Ports, and Subiects vnder the Vice-roy of Goa, thereof to be accountable, &c. And if they met with any of Decann••e, Dabul, Chaul, or any Port belonging to the Samorin of Calecut, to arrest them vpon account of iust pretences for goods robbed and spoiled &c. with∣out [ 60] imbezelling any part thereof, that full restitution may be made after satisfaction on their parts rendred: A sixt part of goods gotten from the Portugall to be distributed, and their per∣sons to bee reserued prisoners, that in exchange our Countrimen by them miserably captiued may be deliuered: to haste their lading and dispatch at Iasques, if possible within thirty dayes:

and seeing the reinforced Enemie Ruy Frera with his Armada of sixe Galliones and other small Vessels are attending on the Persian coast, in likelihood to assault their Fleet, that therefore it * 1.826 should be lawfull not defensiuely alone, but offensiuely to await all aduantages, euen in their owne Ports if there be apparance of performance approued by generall counsell warrantably to be vndertaken, &c.

In Costack Road, the sixe and twentieth of December, 1621. A consultation was holden a∣boord the Ionas, whereat were present Iohn Weddell, Richard Blithe, Edward Monoxe, William * 1.827 Baffin, and many others. The Can or Duke of Xiras had by his Ministers desired the aide of their Ships against the common Enemie the Portugall. The Articles being translated into the Persian Tongue were dispeeded by Xareeali Gouernour of the Prouince of Mogustan towards [ 10] the said Duke who was then vpon the way towards Mina; the summe whereof followeth.

For so much as by seuerall conferences had with diuers and sundry of the Chan or Duke of * 1.828 Xiras his Ministers and chiefe Commanders in the present warres, we haue well obserued they are fully determined and resolued to require the aide of our ships and people in this intended Expedition for the vanquishing not onely the Portugall Armada, but likewise for the taking and surprizing of the Iland and Castle of Ormuz: and we are very confident they will vse their indeauours to inforce vs vnto the said seruice by imbarging our goods vpon the shoare: which we haue well vnderstood by the Gouernours refusall to furnish vs with Camels to bring our goods from Mina to the Port; Edward Monox late Agent propounded, whether they might vndertake that seruice or no. The proposition being well debated, and the Factors commis∣sion [ 20] from Surat warranting to right themselues of the great losses and hinderances sustained by the Portugall, interrupting their peaceable Trade both in India and Persia, (the last yeeres at∣tempt of Ruy Frera against Captaine Shillings Fleet at Iasques, to the losse of that worthie Com∣mander, and other his Maiesties Subiects, being yet fresh) and for so much as the Persian now seeketh our aide (and in manner foreeth it) it is good to thinke on such conditions as may be for the publike benefit, and not to omit this opportunitie of a peaceable and profitable trade, the same to be sent vnto the Chan in these Articles.

First, In case God shall be pleased to deliuer the Iland and Castle of Ormuz into the hands of the Persian by our aide, the moitie of the spoile and purchase of both to remaine to the Eng∣lish, the other moitie to the Persian. Secondly, The Castle of Ormuz to be deliuered to the pos∣session of the English, with all the Ordnance, Armes and Munition thereto belonging, and the [ 30] Persian to build another for themselues at their owne charges. Thirdly, The Customes to bee equally diuided, the English to bee for euer Custome-free. Fourthly, That all Christian Cap∣tiues should be at the English disposing, the Musselmans at the Persian. Fiftly, The Persian to bee at halfe the ships charge for victuall, wages, weare and teare, and to furnish them at his charge with sufficient Powder and Shot. Diuers other Articles were concluded to be presen∣ted to the Chan; After his comming to Mina, Master Bell, and Master Monox, the eight of Ia∣nuarie were sent to him and entertained with a sumptuous banket: a great feast and triumph was also made for the ioyfull newes of the Kings taking in of a great Countrie in Arabia, and of Aweiza the chiefe Citie of that Countrie.

The next day the Duke sent his Visier accompanied with Sabander Sultan and Xareearee [ 40] * 1.829 with answer to the former Articles: The first was approued: For the second, the Castle should be equally possessed by both till the Kings pleasure were knowne. The third granted, proui∣ded onely, that the Kings and Dukes goods from India should also passe custom-free. To the fourth, they made reseruation of the two principall Captaines Ruy Frera Captaine of Kishme Castle, and Simon de Mela Captaine of the Castle of Ormuz, till the Kings pleasure knowne. Other Articles agreed on, and ordered also that no change of Religion should be admitted on either side; and charges of Powder and Shot to be diuided: The Duke and Master Bell signed, and presently the English goods were laden on the Dukes owne Camels on fire cost, which be∣fore * 1.830 no money could procure.

On the tenth we turned to Costack. We got aboord and acquainted the Commanders with [ 50] the successe of our Iourney, which being diuulged and made known amongst the seuerall ships Companies, it seemes they consulted together with one voice to refuse the businesse; the Lon∣dons * 1.831 companie beginning, fifty or sixty appearing therein, Captaine Blithe taking much paines to suppresse their disorder, and in the end preuayling with them, they promising to goe whither he would. The other ships in a day or two were in like opposition, alleaging it was no mer∣chandizing businesse, nor were they hired for any such exploit, nor could hee tell whether it might not be a breach of the peace (said a fauourer of that Religion) till protests being made against each ships companie, what with feare to lose their wages, and promise of a moneths pay, they at last yeelded.

The nineteenth of Ianuarie we set sayle toward Ormuz, where we arriued the two and twen∣tieth, [ 60] and that night anchored in fight of the Towne, about two leagues from the Castle, in ex∣pectation that the Enemies Armada, consisting of fiue Galeons and some fifteene or twenty Frigats, would haue come forth to fight with vs. But they hailed so neere the Castle that wee

could not come at them. Which we perceiuing, and vnderstanding that our vowed Enemie Ruy Frera was in his new erected Castle of Kishme, the next day wee addressed our selues to∣wards * 1.832 the said Castle, where we arriued in fit time to saue both the liues and reputations of the Portugals, not able long to hold out against the Persian siege, and willing rather to yeeld to vs. The first of February they yeelded both their persons and Castle after many meetings and trea∣ties into our possession. The fourth, we set sayle towards Gombrone, where we were royally * 1.833 feasted by the Duke, who was discontent that Ruy Frera was not deliuered to him, nor some of the Moores, contrarie to my liking, especially for the Moores: the Duke dissembling his dis∣content, in regard of further need of our helpe at Ormuz, and after his feast vesting all the En∣glish present according to their qualitie.

The ninth of Februarie we set sayle towards Ormuz with about two hundred Persian Boats * 1.834 [ 10] great and small with two Frigats in our companie, and in them fiue and twenty hundred or three thousand Persian Souldiers of all sorts, and anchored that night about two leagues from the Castle. The next day before noone the Persians were all landed, and marched in a confu∣sed manner towards the Citie, which they entred as farre as the Mydan or Market place with∣out meeting resistance. Which Market place they found barricadoed against them, and defen∣ded with Shot and Pike of the Portugals. But the Persians soone made way, and the Portugals like so many sheepe tooke their heeles into their Castle. One Persian onely which first entred was slaine with a Pike, and he which slue him lost his head in the Market place, his heeles being * 1.835 too heauy to carrie it away. Some eight or ten more, found scattered in seuerall houses of the Citie, were in the same places executed. [ 20]

The Persian Generall named Einam culibeg at his first entrance into the Citie placed his Cap∣taines and Souldiers in seuerall places of the Citie, and proclaimed vpon paine of death euery man to looke to his quarter, and none to fall on pillaging. Which some infringing were seuere∣ly executed: he hanged some, cut off eares and noses of others, and others he bastonadoed e∣uen for trifles. Yet within two or three dayes after shops and houses were broken open, and euery man wearied with carrying and recarrying spoiles all day, and sleeping so securely at night, that easily the Portugals in a sallie might haue slaine many. The same night we entred, I tooke possession of a very commodious house to settle a factorie there, which for conuenience of roomes I think exceeds any Factorie the Companie hath. But on the thirteenth it proued too hot for me, being set on fire in the night by one of the Masters mates of the Whale with other [ 30] his Consorts after I was in bed, carelesly with Candles romaging for pillage, and firing a roome in which were goods giuen me by the Generall. But the winde fauoured vs, so that the house was not consumed. When I consider the strength of the Citie, and almost of euery house, be∣ing a little Castle, I cannot but maruell that the Portugall would so soone abandon the same. * 1.836 But it seeme•• they feared the Persian would haue intercepted their way to the Castle, or that the Moores their neighbours would haue betrayed them.

The foure and twentieth of February our men by a stratagem of fire burned the Saint Pedro, * 1.837 quondam Admirall of Ruy Freras Fleet, which indangered all the rest, but the Tide carried her off to Sea; and her Reliques by the Arabs and other Countrie Boats were towed on shoare at Gombrone, and some Iron Ordnance and Shot taken out of her burnt Carkasse. At this exploit [ 40] the Duke much reioyced. The seuenteenth of March the Persians hauing placed aboue forty barels of Powder in a Mine which they had made vnder one of the Flankers of the Castle, fired the same, and blew vp the corne•• of the wall making a faire breach, where they gaue a fierce * 1.838 assault till nine at night. But the Portugals made a manfull defence, and with Powder pots, scalding Lead, and other fiery instruments▪ did much hurt to the assailants, burning, scalding, stoning many. Sha Culibeg notwithstanding, with two hundred of his most resolute men get vp into one of the Flankers, which they maintayned at least three houres, but in the end were fired out, the Portugals bestowing Powder pots as liberally as if they had come from Hell mouth. The same day the Citie was set on fire in diuers places, as it was reported, by the Ge∣nerals command, for that the Arabs lurked therein, and could not be gotten forth to doe any [ 50] seruice. Wee lay here foure or fiue thousand men in a barren Iland which yeelds nothing but * 1.839 Salt of it selfe, and I knowe not what policy the Generall had to send away all the Rice, and our prouision for victuall and water wholly to depend on the Continent, so that is a Fleet of Frigats had come, as was expected, they must haue famished in the Iland; the Countrie Boats not daring to aduenture to and from the Maine. The raine water in Cisternes abroad daily wa∣sted * 1.840 and waxed barkish, no care being taken to fill therewith the Iarres and Cisternes whiles it is good, prouided almost in euery house for that purpose. The Persians are ignorant of the art * 1.841 of warre, for they entred without feare or wit and lost with shame what they might haue main∣tayned with honour. Other defects I obserued in the very sinewes of warre, such that I cannot but wonder that one of the wonders of our age Sha Abas should send ouer an Armie so weak∣ly [ 60] prouided of money, armes, munition, ships and all nece〈…〉〈…〉rie furniture. For the first, I thinke the Dukes treasure was consumed in one moneths pay vnto our ships, and I feare we shall stay for the rest till money be made of the spoile. For Armes and Munition they haue no other then * 1.842

small Pieces, Bowes and Arrowes, Swords by their sides, and some of their chiefes haue Coates of Maile: Powder so scarce that after blowing vp the Castle they had scarcely Powder to plie their small Shot to enter the breach, and yet were furnished with twentie or fiue and twentie Barrels from our Ships. They had not one scaling Ladder to helpe their entrance. Sould wee forsake them, they would soone be at a stand, and yet they haue broken Conditions with vs in seuerall things: and yet I feare when all is done, wee shall bee serued with reuersions and what themselues please.

Till the three and twentieth, our Ordnance from the shore so galled the Vice-admirall and Reere-admirall of Ruy Freras Fleet, that they and the Galley are all three sunke close vnder the * 1.843 Castle wall; and the last night the Admirall that came last from Goa, yeelded her broad side to [ 10] the mercy of the water, hauing learned the same of her Consort who the night before shewed her the way, and so all the Portugall Armado are come to ruine: These two last Ships I thinke were voluntarily lost by the Captaines policy, to leaue the Portugals without meanes to escape the more manfully to fight it out. Some thinke they sunke by hurts receiued from sunken Rockes in haling them so neere to the Castle to be out of danger from our Ordnance; and o∣thers, by leakes from our Shot: how euer we saw the destruction of them that were designed instruments for ours; for which great mercy of the most High towards vs most sinfull men, his holy Name be euer praised and magnified.

March the seuen and twentieth, newes was brought me that some of the Portugals were come out of the Castle to treat of Peace, whereupon I made my repaire vnto the Generals Tent to vn∣derstand * 1.844 [ 20] the truth of the businesse where I found our two Commanders sitting, by whose countenance I well perceiued that my comming was not very welcome vnto them. But to re∣quite them before our departure, both they and I perceiued that neither of our being there was acceptable to the Persian. Yet there we sate almost an houre in expectation of the Portugals comming, which was purposely deferred in hope we would haue auoyded, but Night approa∣ching, * 1.845 and the Persian perceiuing we purposed to stay the Messengers comming, at length he was brought in. Who entring rudely without any great complement, deliuered as extraua∣gant a Speech or Message, yet with a kind of forced voyce as though he had been the prologue to some Play. The effect of his Speech was this: His Captaine had sent him to kisse the hands of the Generall, and to know how he did, (this was his Complement) and for what cause hee moued this [ 30] Warre against him, for the Portugals were the Persians friends, and so had beene for many yeeres, and now for so small a matter, onely for a Well or two of Water that so great Warre should bee made, and the * 1.846 antient League and friendship which had beene betwixt their King and the King of Persia, and the peo∣ple of both Nations should bee extinguished. Besides, his Captaine nor the Inhabitants of Ormus, was not to bee blamed for what Ruy Frera had acted at Kishme, yet were they willing so farre as might stand with the Honour of their King to purchase their Peace: which they need not doe either through feare or want, for they had within their Castle one thousand able men, and prouisions both of Victuals and Water to serue them for many moneths. Besides, they expected daily new succours from Goa. And if the Persian did thinke to get the Castle by force, hee would find it a hard matter to accomplish: for they were resolued to Fight it out to the last man. [ 40]

The later part of which speech being onely Portugall brauadoes, was not pleasing to the Per∣sian. Wherefore the Generall willed him to declare the cause of his comming, to which hee an∣swered, his Captaines desire was to know what the Persian would haue. To which the Persian replied he would haue their Castle, and that was it he came for. With which speech the Messen∣ger was dismissed (without so much as being offered a cup of wine, had not I caused one to bee giuen him) but notwithstanding, what is here related, I cannot be perswaded but he came with a more substantial message then he deliuered, which he omitted by reason of our being there, wher∣unto he was formerly instructed by Sha Cullibeg, in whose house hee was at least an houre before he was brought to the Generall. Wherefore I feare some sinister dealing of the Persian, which in fiue dayes will bee discouered: the Portugall dismissed. Our Captaines by their Interpreters mo∣ued [ 50] priuately their priuate businesse to the Generall, to which he gaue no great eare, but in con∣clusion his answer was, they would deferre that businesse till some other time: yet himselfe had written to them in great haste, that day to furnish him from the ships with a quantitie of powder, that night to attempt the blowing vp of the Castle: for their mines were all readie, and they wan∣ted nothing but powder. Which request of his, our Captaines were so forward to consent vnto, that presently they brought on shoare foure and thirtie barrells of powder, for which their for∣wardnesse I feare the companie at home will giue them but little thankes.

The eight and twentieth ditto. I went in companie of the Commanders to the Generals Tent for that wee vnderstood two chiefe men of the Portugals were in Sha Cullibeg his house, where * 1.847 they had beene in conference with the Persian foure or fiu•• houres; vnto which treatie none of [ 60] vs were called, nor by any meanes ••ade acquainted with it, which encreased our suspition of the Persians fraudulent dealing with v〈…〉〈…〉 Wherefore comming vnto the Generall, wee made knowne our dislike of the manner of proceeding, for wee were partakers in this warre with you, wherein wee had hazarded our liues, ships, and Merchants goods: besides the hinderance wee sustaine by

the losse of our Monson▪ and as wee were partakers and associates with them in the vndertaken enterprise, wee ought likewise to be of Counsell with them in all treaties and proceedings, and therefore desired to know what they had done, or what they entented to doe, to which he answe∣red they had done nothing, neither would he so much as drinke a cup of water without acquain∣ting vs therewith; which was a prettie complement where all his actions shewed nothing lesse. * 1.848 But we must bee content to vndergoe all with patience, yet were it not for our Merchants and their goods that are in the countrie, and subiect to whatsoeuer they will impose vpon them, wee could remedie this businesse well enough, and bring the Persian nolens volens vnto another recko∣ning: but we are tied from that, and therefore must of necessitie be subiect to accept the measure they please to lay vpon vs, which I feare will proue vnmeasurable ill: yet they tell vs all things [ 10] shall be to our owne content, but howsoeuer, it is vied and must now be seene. About noone this present day, seeing many pike and shot, all Arabs in the street, which formerly I haue not seene so armed, desiring to know the cause, at length I perceiued they were ranged on both sides the street, called the Mydan or Market place, where shortly after passed two Caualiers of the Portu∣gals, attended with their Pages and Seruants, to the number of sixe or eight, whereof one carried a faire Quintasol ouer the two Caualiers, who were accompanied by Sha Cullabeg and other chiefe men of the Persians, and conducted to the house of Agariza of Dabul: whither though vnsent for, or vninuited, I also addressed my selfe, where vnexpected, I found the Persian Generall ac∣companied with other chiefe men, his Assistants and Counsell, into whose presence I entruded my selfe. The Generall gaue mee a kind welcome, and caused mee to sit downe next vnto him, which I would not refuse, for that the Portugall should see our Nation was in grace and fauour with [ 20] them, where being set, hauing done my dutie to the Persians first, I after saluted the Caualiers which was requited with like complement; with whom I had some discourse of matters nothing pertaining to the present occasion, for that I would not presume to talke of that, till the Persian himselfe did first minister the occasion: which was not before wee had eaten a Persian collation of Pilaw, &c. Which being done, the Generall demanded the Portugals what was their request or * 1.849 desire, to which they answered, the Captaine of the Castle had giuen them instructions in writing but his desire was they should propound the same vnto the Duke himselfe, if they might bee per∣mitted to goe vnto him, who is now at Gombrone. To which the Generall replied, it was more then he durst doe without first acquainting the Duke therewith, by which I well perceiued they [ 30] were onely delayes and distractions on both sides, and to gaine time for effecting their seuerall de∣signes. Then the Portugals proceeded to their vsuall complayning against Ruy Frera, as if Ruy Frera as a priuate man and without order from the King his master had presumed to doe that which he had done, and to excuse themselues, demanded what reason or iustice it was to punish the Father for the Childrens offence: besides the matter in it selfe was small, onely for a Well of water or two, to which the Persian Generall replied againe, let the cause be what it would, they had moued warre against the King of Persia and his Subiects, for which their Castle of Ormus must make satisfaction: wherefore if without more bloudshed they would surrender their Castle and come forth into the Citie, they should finde good quarter and bee well vsed; to which the Portugals made answere, they had no Commission from their Captaine to treat of any such mat∣ter, [ 40] with which they were dismissed. Notwithstanding the deniall was made to the Portugals re∣quest for going to the Chan, yet the same night they had License and were sent vnto him to treat their businesse with his Excellencie. The certaintie of the Treatie I had no meanes to know, yet what I heard reported shall be here inserted. First, their demand was that the Duke would vouch∣safe to withdraw his Siege from their Castle and suffer them to enioy the same as in former times, in consideration whereof they would giue him two hundred thousand Tomans in hand, and also the rent annually they had in former times giuen to the King of Ormus out of the reuenue of the Custome house; which as hath beene reported vnto mee is but one hundred and fortie thousand Rials of eight per annum, but some report, they offer the Chan besides the two hundred thousand Tomans in hand, as much yeerely; and his demand was fiue hundred thousand Tomans in hand [ 50] (which amounteth to 172413. pounds ten shillings seuen pence sterling, or thereabouts) the yeerely rent of two hundred thousand Tomans.

The second of Aprill, the Persian with the ayde of the English did blow vp two other Mines, * 1.850 with which was made a very faire and passable breach, wherein they might haue entred with∣out any great difficultie: but there was no assault giuen thereunto at all. The passage of this businesse being well obserued, Captaine Weddell and my selfe made our repaire to the Persian Generall, to vnderstand his purpose and resolution; who to excuse the backwardnesse of his people in not assaulting the Breach, told vs it was very difficult and not to bee entred; of which we were contented to giue him the hearing, howbeit we were offered the contrarie, for that an English youth who is seruant to the Master of the Ionas, more bold then any Persian, went vp [ 60] the breach to the very top of the Castle wall: who told vs the way was as easie as to goe vp a * 1.851 paire of stayres, and spacious enough for many men to goe vp a brest. Wherefore wee deman∣ded to know his resolution for further proceeding: who told vs within three dayes he would be fitted for another Mine, and I beleeue it well; for his mining is for Gold, not to make brea∣ches

vnlesse it bee breach of promises vnto vs, which he can doe daily; for of late they per∣forme with vs in iust nothing, yet all this cannot warne vs to be circumspect to looke vnto our selues.

The greatest hurt the Portugall did vnto the Persian in assaulting the Castle was with Pow∣der pots, wherewith many were scalded and burnt: for preuention whereof, the Chan hath now sent ouer store of Coates and Iackets made of Leather, which indeed are nothing so subiect to take fire as are their Callico Coats bumbasted with Cotton wooll. But as the English prouerbe is, The burnt Child dreads the fire, for notwithstanding their Leather coates, there was none so hardie to attempt the breach that is now made (albeit much more easier to enter then the last was) further then to pillage certaine balls of Bastas and other stuffes which were fallen downe from the Baricado, the Portugals made for their defence against the Persians shot: in this ad∣uenture * 1.852 [ 10] one lost both his armes taken away with a great shot, by which meanes hee was faine to come backe againe without any Bastas or other Pillage.

The fifth of Aprill, newes was brought to the Generall of 100500. manes powder then arri∣ued from Bahrine. The twelfth ditto came a Portugall vnto the Persian Generall who escaped out * 1.853 of the Castle, and declared the great wants and weake estates the Souldiers were in generall, insomuch that daily did die six, seuen or eight of the Flux, which is chiefely occasioned through drinking their corrupt water. For the small quantitie of water which they haue in their Ce∣sternes, is growne so brackish and salt, that it infects them all with the Flux, and besides the badnesse of it they are put to such strait allowance that many die with thirst. Besides for victu∣all, they haue onely Rice and salt Fish, two very good preparatiues to a Cup of good drinke if [ 20] they had it. Notwithstanding all which the Persian deferres, yea I may say wasteth time in ma∣king new Mines, whereof hee hath no lesse then three in hand at this present, as if he would blow vp all the Castle wall round about before hee will make his entrie. The twelfth at night one of our Frigots namely the Londons, being appointed to her quarter for keeping in of the Portugall Frigots, that none of them should make escape riding single and alone by her selfe, the Portugals perceiuing it, sent off two of her Frigots which clapped her aboord but found her too hot for their handling, and therefore forsooke her; with what hurt to themselues I know not, but of the Londons men were slaine two outright, and seuen more hurt and wounded. And had not their blackes that rowed the Frigot forsaken them, they would haue put hard to haue surprised the surprisers. [ 30]

The fourteenth Ditto, the Persian sprung another of his Mines wherewith a very enterable breach was made but no assault giuen, nor yet shew of entrie made: but the troth is, hee was forced to blow vp the Mine before his time. For the Portugall from within the Castle was come so neere vnto him, that hee was in doubt he would haue defeated the same before he could place his powder. The fifteene Ditto, came another fugitiue from the Castle who confirmed the report of the others who came from thence in like manner before, and with all how the two Frigots which fought with our single Frigot aboue mentioned, came from Muscat wherein was the deeased Don Francisco de Sosa, late Captaine of the Castle his sonne, who came pur∣posely to fetch away his Mother and other women that are in the Castle. Those Moores in the * 1.854 Castle of Kishme who yeelded themselues into our hands vpon the instant request of the Gene∣rall, [ 40] were (partly with their owne consent) deliuered vnto him, whom hee promised should haue pardon for the errour they had fallen into, to serue the Portugals against their owne King and Countrey, and that they should also be prouided for and haue imployment in the then in∣tended expedition for Ormus. Which promise of his both to them and vs in their behalfes, hee * 1.855 seemed to ratefie by vsing some of the principals in our presence and gracing them by other seeming curtesies: notwithstanding all which, the next morning hee cut off eightie of their Heads, and those which he had made so fine in new Vests to the number of fiue or sixe of the principall, he sent them ouer to Coombrone to the Duke, by him to receiue their fatall Sentence. Which was not long deferred, but they were made to drinke of the same Cup their fellowes had formerly drunken of. Meer Senadine who was the chiefe Captaine of them, was executed [ 50] by the hands of Sherie Allie Gouernour of Mogustan, who had married his Daughter, which hee performed vpon his Father in law with as much willingnesse as if he had beene his mor∣tall Enemie.

The seuenteenth Ditto, they sprung another Mine adioyning to the first Mine was sprung, wherein was placed about sixtie Barrels of Powder, which tooke not the effect which was ex∣pected, for it flew out at the side and carried part of the Wall out with it, but strucke nothing at all vp vpward, whereby the first breach was very little bettered, which was the thing the Persi∣an * 1.856 aymed at, yet was it sufficient to giue him encouragement to make his second assault, which was done with at least two thousand Souldiers, who very resolutely ranne vp the breach into a part of a Bulwarke which they might wholly haue possessed that very instant, had they not at [ 60] first made such haste to runne their resolution out of breath; insomuch that onely eight or ten Portugals and a few Negros, made them onely with their Rapiers to giue ground and to retire themselues vnto the very outward skirt of the Bulwarke, where they had not roome for fortie

m•••• to stand in the face of their Enemie, yet there they barracadod themselues. Which before they could effect to their purpose, the Portugall plyed two or three Pieces of Ordnance from one of his Flankers that say open vnto them, in such sort, that they sent some scores of them to carrie newes vnto their Prophet Mortus Ali, that more of his Disciples would shortly be with him. Which accordingly was effected and proceeded chiefely out of their owne ignorance and dastardly Cowardise; for had they not made their stand in that place, but entred pell-mell with the Portugals into the Castle, with the losse of halfe those men they lost that day, they might haue gayned the Victorie, and with much lesse paine vnto themselues, who from that time the Mine was blowne vp (which was about nine of the clocke before Noone) the whole day stood stocking together in the Sunne without either meat or drinke, which was sufficient to [ 10] haue killed halfe of them; notwithstanding the Portugals made very slender resistance. The most that was done was by the Negroes, whom the Portugals did beat forwards to throw pow∣der Pots, with which many of the Persians were pittifully scalded and burnt. Had I not seene it, I should hardly haue beleeued that such had beene the grosse ignorance of the Persian, that hauing two breaches, the one not much inferiour to the other for his entrance, that he would apply all his Souldiers to the assault of the one and none at all to the other. Besides hauing prouided at least eightie or a hundred scaling Ladders, neuer so much as brought one of them neere vnto the Castle walls. But such as their proceedings are, such is also like to be their suc∣cesse. For his Souldiers hang in a cluster vpon the breach iust as a swarme of Bees vpon a tree or bush that want a Hiue; or like a flocke of Sheepe at a gappe, where none is so hardie to en∣ter, and the Portugals to put them out of that paine gleaneth away foure, fiue, sixe, sometimes [ 20] more at a shot; insomuch that I cannot but pittie them to see it.

The eighteenth Ditto, the Persian continued his assault but with more paines to himselfe * 1.857 then hurt vnto the Portugals. The last hight two Captiue Negroes made signes vnto the Persian that they were desirous to come vnto them, so the Persians let downe ropes vnto them and so plucked them vp vnto them, who declared that the Captaine of the Castle had gotten a hurt on his head with a Stone, and how there were not aboue a hundred Souldiers in the Castle able to manage their Armes, their water growne scant and daily worse and worse, which also increa∣sed mortalitie amongst them: how there is likewise difference among themselues, being of dif∣ferent opinions, some holding it best to aduenture their escape by Sea with those Erigots they [ 30] haue, others are contrary minded, and hold it more honour to sell their liues at the dearest rate and defend their Castle so long as they may, and when they can no longer, then to put their Women and Children with all their treasure into a house, and blow them all vp with Gunpow∣der * 1.858 (that the Turkes should neither inioy their wealth nor abuse their Wiues) which done, they would thrust themselues pell-mell with the Persians, and so end their dayes.

The nineteenth Ditto, at Euenbeing the third day the Persian that had lien resting himselfe in the breach, neuer offering to aduance himselfe, did then set forward; whereby he got himselfe better footing and possessed himselfe of all the Bulwarke, and forced the Portugall to forsake the same and retire himselfe further within the Castle: in which conflict many of the Portugals were wounded and scalded with fire Pots, wherein the Persian is now as cunning as themselues, [ 40] though many of them haue payed deare for their learning. In the said conflict were likewise foure Portugals slaine and their heads brought before the Generall to witnesse the same. Where∣in all the Persians are very well seene; for I doe not thinke there is any Hangman in all Germa∣nie * 1.859 that can goe beyond them in that Art; for he no sooner layeth hold on his enemie, but pre∣sently at one blow with his Sword, off goeth his head, and then with his Knife he thrusts a hole either in the Eare or through one of the Cheekes, and so thrusting his finger in at the mouth and out at the hole in the cheeke, brings sometimes two, three, or foure of them before the Ge∣nerall together, in such sort that not a Butcher in East-cheape could doe it better. But if (as commonly it happeneth) that these Heads of their Enemies so taken in the warres be sent to the view of the King or Chan, then are they no lesse cunning to flea off the skinne of the whole, [ 50] head and face and stuffe the same with Straw like a football, and so send them by whole sack∣fuls together. This night one of the Frigots that came from Muscat for the Donna Sosa, made her escape and got away, no doubt very richly fraighted. Her consort was chased in againe, which was likewise going: that which escaped, being haled by the Arab Boates, that lay in wayte to intercept their going, vsed the Watchword vsuall betwixt the English and Arabs, which was onely Ingres Ingresses; which Watchword hath neuer beene changed nor once alte∣red since our first attempting the businesse. Wherin both Persians & English are much to be bla∣med; for by the common vse of that one Watchword, the Portugals haue come to the know∣ledge of it, and haue made good vse of it to their owne benefites, which is their gayne and our losse. [ 60]

The twentieth Ditto at night, the other Frigot aboue mentioned offering to escape, was ta∣ken * 1.860 by the Londons men in her Frigot and Pinnace. She was sent to carry away the Almirante named Luis de Britto, a kinsman of the Viceroy of Goa, whom the Captaine of the Castle would not suffer to depart: wherefore the Portugals which were taken in her, being fearefull of the * 1.861

successe of the Castle, and that it was not able long to hold out, for safetie of their owne liues being seuen persons, held it their best course to aduenture their escape in the said Frigot, and in the night stole her away, and were taken as aboue mentioned. The one and twentieth Ditto, the Persian made preparation and shew, as if at once they would make short worke to possesse themselues of the rest of the Castle; but where we expected to see them put the same in execu∣tion, * 1.862 I perceiued that they and the Portugals were in parley together, wherefore I addressed my selfe to know the cause of so sodaine an alteration; and as I was fitting my selfe to goe vnto the Persian Generall for that purpose, I incountred a Messenger from our English Commanders who sent me word, that a Boat from the Castle was gone with a Flag of truce aboord their Ships, and they desired my company aboord with them to vnderstand what the businesse was; and com∣ming aboord the London, found two Portugals with Letters from the Captaine of the Castle and [ 10] from the Almirante, contayning, viz.

THere hath beene such antient friendship betwixt the Portugals and the English, that considering the Warres which at this present wee haue in this place, wee ought one to vnderstand the other, for it seemeth to me when I see the Mines are made by the Moores, that onely by your ayde Warre is made a∣gainst me, with which one of my Bulwarkes is gotten from me; wherefore your Worships would bee plea∣sed to doe me the fauour to bee a meanes to make Peace betwixt me and those Moores, if the same shall stand with their and your good liking, prouided it bee in that manner, that I lose not my credit, neither your selues leaue to gaine Honour in a Time so fauourable vnto you; Thus not else our Lord keepe you, &c. [ 20]

Symon de Mela Perera.

THis Fort is so beset and oppressed, that the Moores require vs to deliuer the same vp on Composi∣tion, the which wee will not doe by any meanes, for when wee shall bee forced to make Composition wee will call your Worships: for it is not reason we should treate with Moores where you are present. For wee hold it better to deliuer our innocent Women and other vnnecessarie people, to the rigour of our Weapons, then to the clemencie of the Moores, and for that the knowledge hereof should not bee wanting to your Worships, I haue written this besides what accompanieth the same from the Captayne, and for what else you desire to know, you may informe your selues from this Messenger, to whom you may giue the some credit as vnto my owne person, and so God keepe your Worships, &c.

[ 30]

The first of May 1622.

De V. S. Luis de Brito Dareto.

The request of the Portugals contayned in their seuerall Letters on the other side, being had to consideration and commiseration had of them as Christians, it was resolued to giue them a comfortable answer vnto their demands; which in effect was as followeth, but want of time the businesse requiring expedition, would not permit to keepe Copie of the said answers which was first vnto the Captaine Simon de Melles, to giue him notice of the receit of his Letter, and whereas the chiefe point therein was, that we would bee Terceras for them to procure them such conditions of agreement with the Persians, as that might be to the sauing of the liues of so many Christian soules as were with him in the Castle; our answer was, that such had beene [ 40] our care to prouide for them, that it was in our owne power to grant that request, which we * 3.1 were not onely ready to doe, but likewise to shew them any other curtesie, or performe any Christian dutie towards them that might any way tend to their good. Therefore aduised him to set downe his Demands, and send the same vnto vs with as much breuitie as was possible, and to the like purpose and effect was our answer vnto the Almirant his letter, with which the two Messengers were dispeeded in one of our owne Barges, who returned with another Letter both from the Captaine and Almirant, that viz. The necessitie of the businesse so requiring the Com∣manders and my selfe, would not lose so much time to write any other answer vnto the said Letters, least the Persian should take aduantage of the opportunitie, and sodainly presse in vpon them and put them all to the Sword: wherefore we addressed our selues vnto the Persian Ge∣nerall, [ 50] to be suiters vnto him in the distressed Christians behalfe, that hee would hold his pro∣mise with them of a faithfull Truce for two dayes, in which time wee might treate with them of such Conditions as should bee as well behouefull and beneficiall for the Persian as for our selues, and that there might be no more effusion of blood on either side. At length my selfe and a Persian Gentleman with me, was appointed to goe with the Portugals to the Castle, and to treat the businesse with the Captaine of the Castle, &c. And also they desired that our Vice∣admirall (Master Woodcocke) might come along with vs. So with consent of the Generall we went all three of vs to the Castle gate, but were not admitted to goe in. Where wee met with Signior Leuis de Britto the Almirant of the Portugals, accompanied with fiue or sixe Caualiroes [ 60] but did not see the Captaine, for the truth is, the vnder Captaines and Souldiers had muti∣ned * 3.2 against him and detayned him as Prisoner, so that all our Conference was onely with the Almirante, and his speech chiefely addressed vnto Master Woodcocke our Almirant or Vice∣admirall.

Meer Abel Hassan, and Pulot Beg were after sent to the Ship (where some had imbezled some treasure) to request their company & conference from the Chan. Comming on shoare to the English house, they began with a long speech, how kindly the Duke did take the seuerall seruices and helpes we had giuen them in this their warre, and how the same in his part should neither be for∣gotten, nor goe vnrewarded in a larger measure; then either he had promised, or was bound vnto. The next was to make knowne the Chans resolution to proceede both to the inuasion of Sware and Muscat, and therefore that they should not suffer the Portugals to depart vnto any of those places. The third and last part of his speech was most base and very dishonourable, tending to this purpose, that we should betray into their hands, after they were vnder our protection, the Captaine, and fiue or sixe more of the principall of the Portugals, alleadging that it would be much to the Chans honour to haue them to present vnto the Sha Abas; which vilde dishonorable * 3.3 [ 10] motion, when I heard, I absented my selfe, hating my eares for being g••••lty of the hearing of the same; and much more the tongue that could vtter so odious a businesse; and for my farwell, told them, I would not be guiltie of such a thing for the house full of Gold.

The 23. Ditto, the Portugals (whose meere necessity and pittifull estate wherein they were, had forced them to surrender their Castle vpon any conditions, whereby they might haue any hope at all to saue their liues, which stood then in great hazard to be spoiled by the Persians) * 3.4 sent this morning to giue notice vnto vs, they were contented to put themselues into our hands, on condition that we should giue them means to be transported either for Muscat or India, which was promised them and Captaine Blith with my selfe went as hostages into the Castle, to see the setting of them out, and the Persian promised that not one Souldier, or man of his, should enter [ 20] the Castle till they were dispended and sent away, and how that onely three of them and three of vs, or our people should sit at the gate to see that they should carry nothing of valew with * 3.5 them: which on their parts was so neerely seene into, that most basely they searched and abused the very women. But the King of Ormuz together with his rich Vesier, their Treasure, women and seruants were all conueied ouer the wals or breach, and not an English man either called or suffered to see what they carried out with them: and not onely these, but all other Moores and Banyans with their Treasure and best things, conueied forth the same way: yea, whole bales of goods, Chests, and Suppetas, with God knoweth what in them, carried ouer the breaches. And no sooner were the Gates open to passe out the Portugals, but there was [ 30] at least fortie Persians here and there in the Castle, yea and some of the ruder sort of the English also, whose comming in I may iustly feare was cause the Persians came in with them, iudging * 3.6 themselues as worthy of that liberty as our people.

The 24. Ditto before noone, the Persians and English began to pillage in such sort that I was both grieued and ashamed to see it; but could deuise no remedie at all for it: the Persians driuing out the sicke, maimed, and burnt Christians that were not able to helpe themselues, that made * 3.7 ••y very heart to earne in my body to see it; and in the euening, the Chan in person came as it were in triumphing manner to see the Castle, and to view the great Ordnance, whereof there are neere vpon three hundred peeces of Brasse, the most of them Cannon, Demicanon, Culuarin and Demiculuarin, part whereof were Ordnance belonging to the Gallions, the rest belong∣ing * 3.8 vnto the Castle; which purchase if wee can possesse, will be the greatest matter will fall to [ 40] our share. This euening the Commanders and my selfe desiring to remaine in possession of the Church, whither wee had conueied some quantitie of Plate and money, for the better and safer keeping thereof from being imbezelled, our motion was vtterly denied by Pullot Beg, who told the Commanders in plaine tearmes, they might lye without the doores: whereat they grew in choler (as they had iust cause) and so we came all three of vs out of the Castle together: the Captaines went aboord their shippes, and my selfe to the Citie; but the Sea being vp, and want of a Boate staied me at the Castle wals till it was neere midnight: at which time came no lesse then sixtie Persians by their owne report, sent by the Chan to watch that no Arabs should come and conuey away any of the Ordnance that lieth vpon the Sea strand; but I feare if the truth were knowne, their comming was to cut the poore Christians throates, that day at the [ 50] Sea side for want of Boates to carrie them away, if they had not found them to be guarded by the English; or else to see that wee should not conuey away any of the Ordnance aforesaid: our chiefe businesse this day was to see the poore Christians dispeeded out of the Castle, the greatest number of them so weakened with seuerall sorts of maladies, but chiefely with famine, and many so noysome both to themselues and others with their putrified wounds and scaldings with Gunpowder, and so pittifull were their seuerall complaints and cries, that it would haue moued a heart of stone to pittie them; yet such was the dogged nature of the Persians, that they droue them and hunted them out of the Castle like so many dogges, pillaging many of them to the very * 3.9 shirts. The 27. ditto at Euen, we licensed the Portugall to depart to the number of 2500. men, wo∣men, [ 60] and childen, to whom we gaue a passe to free them from molestation, in case they met with any of our ships at Sea: also our two prises the Robert and Shilling to passe them in, with victuals * 3.10 and water necessary to the voyage; and besides these, wee sent away vpwards a hundred persons maimed and sicke, that could not be dispeeded for want of shipping.

The King of Ormus was poore, and liued chiefly vpon his 140000. exhibition from the King of Spaine, and some helpes from the Custome-house in reseruation of some pettie Customes. In romaging there amongst his Papers was found this Letter written by him to the King of Spaine; the translated Copie whereof I here present.

THe Letters which for three yeeres last past I haue written vnto your Maiestie, both by Sea and Land are as yet vnanswered, which I daily expect; for the same doth much import this Kingdome of Ormus and seruice of your Maiestie, vnder whose protection I haue life and meanes thereof. In Iune last, 1620, arriued at this Fort the foure Galleons, of which is Captaine Generall Ruy frere Dan∣drada, who fitted himselfe with all things necessarie to goe and attend the comming of the English Ships [ 10] at Iasques, which accordingly he did of whose successe therin I shall not need to treate in particular, which is done by himselfe by this Post, who is sent at my charge and his; yet thus much I will say, this Gentleman laboured all that was possible to keepe the English from carrying away their silke, wherein hee performed the vttermost of his dutie, like a resolute and valiant Captaine: but by tempest and stormie weather his * 4.1 Ships were more separated then his enemies, by which occasion they had opportunitie to carry away their silke, which cost the life of their chiefe Commander, who was slaine in the fight, in which also died two of our Captaines.

By this occasion, and in the time, the Captaine Generall was incumbred with the English, the King of Persia commanded his Vassalls to send people into Arabia, to bring the same vnder his subiecti∣on, being without any to giue him impediment: Yet before they went I required the Captaine of [ 20] this Fort, also the Veeder Dafazenda, to send some Frigats in fauour of the Arabs (who are your Maiesties Subiects) that might defend them: for without such ayde it was not possible for them to defend themselues: and for this effect came thither certain Xegues to demand succour, which was not granted them; but the most the Captaine did, was to enioyne mee to send a kinsman of the Queene my wife, whom presently I sent, spending therein more then I was able or had to spare: yet his going was to no effect for want of Frigats, which onely might hinder the Boates wherein the Persi∣ans passed ouer, for which cause this day the King of Persia is become Lord of Arabia; and * 4.2 I also feare that verie shortly hee will come against this Fort, because of all this Kingdome no more is left mee, saue onely this Iland of Salt without water to drinke: for all things pertaining to the sustenance of mans life, come from such places as the King of Persia possesseth. The losse and o∣uerthrow [ 30] of this Kingdome of Ormus proceedeth altogether from the Captaines your Maie∣stie placeth therein, who for their particular interest, are content to dissemble and consent that the Kingdome bee taken, without cost of bloud, or labour vnto the King of Persia his Ministers, and this * 4.3 is so apparent that I need not write thereof, but that which I will speake with truth is, if that your Ma∣iestie bee pleased, that this Kingdome and Fort shall enioy either peace or meanes to subsist, you must send such Captaines as are no Merchants, because the Mariners which might serue in your Maie∣sties Nauie to keepe this streit, are all imployed in the Captaines Ships and Frigats, which hee onely im∣ployeth in Trade of Merchandise, in which Ships serue likewise the Souldiers of the Fort, insomuch that many times it is left with very few. But so long as this continueth, there shall euer bee wanting both Mariners and Souldiers to your Nauy, to defend and keepe this Iland from the power of the King [ 40] of Persia, which at this day hath more then a thousand Boates, and is commander of this streit more then is your Maiestie, and all by the faule of those Captaines, which for twentie or fiue and twentie yeeres past haue serued in this place. Those in former times contented themselues with the gaine of fortie or 50000. Cruzados for their three yeeres seruice, but now they are not contented with 200000. Likewise in former times they had onely two Shippes when most, but now they haue foure and as many Frigats, and there is nothing wanting vnto them; but it seemeth not iust, that to satisfie the couetousnesse of one, who aymeth at nothing but his owne profit, the weale publike should perish, and that euery one should haue but little that onely one may liue to inioy much. From hence is growne and groweth all the euills of this Kingdome, proceeding from such Ministers as are placed by your Maiestie, granting vnto them the command, which heretofore the Kings my predecessours euer held. But [ 50] I am now brought so low, and such as are vnder mee, that we remaine altogether vnable to repaire the ne∣cessities that are daily offered, as appeareth by this of Arabia; by which your Maiestie will bee forced to make warre, and continuall warre by Sea against this enemy, for that by Land you haue no power to con∣quer him, who is not contented with the taking away the firme Land of this Kingdome altogether, with the Iles of Barem and Kishme, but further, in confidence of his great number of Boats, hauing none to re∣sist him, hath taken from vs Arabia, which was the onely remedie of this Iland. Of the truth of what hath herein beene spoken, your Maiesties Ambassador Don Garcia de Sylua (God sending him well to your Maiestie) shall be a good witnesse, to whose report I referre mee, and to all others which goe from * 4.4 hence; God keepe your Maiesty.

Ormus the twelfth of February, 1621.

Mamede Xá Rey de Ormus. [ 60]

To this Letter, I haue added the translated Copies of diuers other Letters, for the Readers full more satisfaction.

The Vice Admirall his second Letter.

ILlustriss. S^rs I kisse the hands of your S^s. for writing vnto mee; and beleeue mee I esteeme * 4.5 the same as becommeth a Gentleman, whom aduerse fortune in the warres hath no whit dis∣animated. The Captaine hath writ vnto you, and all the Portugalls recommend themselues, and doe de∣sire you, and I for them, that you well deale with them as Christians, and the Nation who so many times haue ioyned in Armes with them against the Moores. Tomorrow shall you see in what manner they desire to bee deale with all, God keepe you with all the rest of your company, &c.

Primo May 1622.

De V. S. Luis de Brito Bareto. [ 10]

A Certificate made by sundry Portugalls, how the Treasure, Iewells, &c. belon∣ging to the King and his Vizeer of Ormus, which were secretly con∣ueyed out of the Castle of Ormus by the Persians.

VVE whose names are hereunder writtē, do certifie our knowledge how that Byram Aga with other Turkes, by the commandement of their superior, went vnto the house of the Goasil, within the Fort to watch the goods that there remained; also the money and riches which was therein at the time when the Fort was deliuered vp vnto the English. And the same night many other Turkes by the Tren∣ches [ 20] of the Bulwarke, named Saint Iago, vnseene of the English, by the breach in the Cisterne adioyning to the said Trench, and also through the said Trenches conueyed much riches belonging to the said Go••••l, and King of Ormus, and also of their women and kinsfolkes. In witnesse of the truth wee haue hereun∣der written our names:

Ormus the twentie fiue of May. 1622.

• Balthisar Carborius.
• Vtte Vallente.
• Franco Gomes.
• Saluador de Campos.
• Iodo. Vallente.
• Batta Iaus, &c.

A Certificate from the Portugalls, of their kind vsage, wherein was [ 30] performed more then was promised them.

VVEe all, whose names are here vnder written and mentioned, Housholders and Souldiers, In∣habitants of Ormus. Viz. Pe. visente Serentino rig. & Saluador de Campo, pro∣uider of the holy House, and Balthesar Francisco, chiefe Physician, and Don Antonio dasilua sol∣dado, and Visente Vallente, and Antonio Autunes, and Gaspar Soares, and Francisco Gomes, and Iacamo Artiquo, and Baltasar Borges, with others doe witnesse, how it is true the English Captaines haue performed their promise made vpon yeelding vp of the Castle, by giuing two of their owne ships or pin∣nasses to carry away all the people whither they would goe, also by defending them, that at no time nei∣ther Moore nor Infidell should doe them any hurt: and forasmuch as the said Pinnasses could not con∣taine [ 40] all the people, the same being dispeeded, they procured and did what soeuer from them might be ex∣pected to accommodate the sending away in safetie of such as remained, to which end and purpose they requested Boats and Mariners, from the Persians, but the Moores, as enemies to all Christians, refused to giue either Mariners or other helpe: Whereupon the English Captaines resolued, without being there∣to any way oblieged, to send one of their owne Fragats, with three small Boats with thirty or forty English∣men well armed for our safety and defence, vntill we should bee safely landed in some secure place; yea by the grace of God in Musquate it selfe without any impeachment or Embargo by the Turkes, and more they haue giuen hospitality to our sicke and wounded, which are neere about two hundred at the least, whom they haue sustained and cured with as great care and diligence, as if they had beene their owne brothers, without being therunto bound nor comprehended in the agreement. Also those, which at this present remain sicke, and not in case to bee sent away, being to the number of thirty or forty, they haue taken vpon their [ 50] charge, both to feed and also to cure, till such time as we can send Boats for them, and others of the Country which remaine here, the Boats not being able to carry any more. And as the said English Captaines haue done more for vs then they promised and giuen vs more then wee could expect, we remaine oblieged to answere their fauours and friendship aforesaid: whereupon wee doe promise and bind our selues that are here present, to intreat with much faithfulnesse, loue, and amitie those English which for our good and safe∣tie doe goe in our company, that none shall doe them euill or offence, neither in their goods, nor yet in their returne, that they may safely and freely both passe and returne with their said Vessells, who are not tied to stay longer for the Boats wee are to send for our said people, that here remaine then three dayes naturall. In witnesse of the truth, the aboue named with others haue ioyntly subscribed their names, May [ 60] the twenty fiue, 1622.

A Letter written from Ruy frera dandrada, and sent aboord the Ionas, by one of his Captaines, named ALFONSO BORGEA, at our first arriuall neere the Castle of Keshme.

COurtesie is the daughter of Nobilitie, as euer it hath beene found in the English 〈◊〉〈◊〉, from which I inf••••r•• that in these occasions may be drawne the same example, whereby in Europe may bee made publike your valours, and vnto his Maiestie may bee presented the great seruice vnto him is done: that from the estimation thereof may arise to bee made a good peace and conformitie, which wee will all write into India to that effect, as ministers of the same, if it shall seeme good vnto you. Therefore [ 10] wee request you not to moue warre in fauour of the King of Persia, thereby to diminish the glory of your Nation, with which so many times they haue helped vs against the Moores, whereby wee gained Lisbone in the dayes of King Don Antonio the first, and afterwards King Don second, was aided by the Duke of Lancaster in the action of Castile: but if these obligations are small on your part, and that ours now may bee made greater, in which wee will remaine, if you will but suffer vs to prosecute our warre against the Persian, without your valorous spirits hindering what wee are able to sustaine, and thereby impeach the commerce in Spaine to the hindrance of both Nations, and to the damage both of Shippes and Mer∣chants of which I doubt not, when his Maiesty shall bee aduised in what manner the English doe carry themselues, so that wee may reserue our dissentions for other voyàges, in which by valorous contending may bee satisfied, those wrongs that cannot well bee remembred in such times as these are, and for that [ 20] the same may with due interest and conformitie of both Nations English and Portugalls, I returne to put you in remembrance of the aboue written, which ought to be discoursed with good vnderstanding, as a matter in which your Worships may amplifie and aduance the generositie of your Nation, and retaine vs as friends vnto your affaires giuing vs motiue to procure in acknowledgement of this benefit all peace and quietnesse, and if you shall disesteeme the same, the first wee hope for is no more then to prouide our selues to die, defending that with Armes, we haue gotten by Armes, &c. .

the first of February, 11. 1622

Ruy Frera Dandrade.

Another Certificate of the kind vsage of the Portugalls. [ 30]

VVE the Captames, Souldiers, and Inhabitants of the Castle of Ormus, now in the possession of the English doe say and affirme for truth, that they the said English haue performed all what was promised by them, and more in giuing vs shipping of their owne to transport vs for India with victu∣alls and all things else necessary, and deliuered vs from the hands of the Turkes who sought our destructi∣on, and also suffered vs freely to passe out of the Castle with our apparell and bedding, and needfull money in our pockets. And commanded our sicke and may••••d people to be cured by their owne Surgeons, sending them daily food in great abundance, and would not suffer any of the Moores to hurt them in any case. In witnesse of the truth wee haue here vnder written our names:

[ 40]

Ormus the seuenth of May, 1622.

• Ioan de Mello.
• Costodio Pimentel.
• M. de Samperas
• Symao de Mello.

A third Certificate.

LEt it bee graunted, that the warres and offences receiued therein prouoke a man to reuenge, notwith∣standing wee cannot deny vnto your Worships, and vnto all the rest of your Company, how much we are indebted for the good intreatie shewed vnto these which yeelded themselues vnto you: and it shall for euer [ 50] liue in our memories those benefits, for which when time and fortune shall minister occasion, wee will inde∣uour to shew our selues gratefull with other, no lesse tokens of loue due vnto a Nation, which euer haue been so affectionated towards vs: and euill be to him that hath caused discord betwixt vs, for it euidently ap∣peareth how greatly the English and Portugall Nations doe loue together, and it doth well appeare wee doe all of vs adore one onely God, for notwithstanding the warre, you doe vse so many principles by the which it is not greatly to bee maruelled at, that in you there are such good workes, and in vs such a thanke∣fulnesse as may bee eternall, with a great desire that all discord may cease, and that wee may returne to the antient amitie in which I hope, and in the noble word and qualitie of your person and persons, and for that I will not bee further troublesome vnto your Worships, both in curing and sustaining those poore people that are with you, I haue sent these foure Boates to fetch them away; and if it shall seeme good to your [ 60] Worships, and the rest with you, to continue your former courtesies vnto the end, in performing the word of Conquerours and Christians, as formerly you haue done, now at this present to giue them a guard, that they may come safe from the Moores; for that like yeelded people they haue neither Armour to defend themselues, nor yet strength to vse them, if you like noble Conquerours giue them not conuoy; in

whose word I am confident: Thus as your seruant in what your Worships wil command mee, I rest.

Soar 27. of Iuly, 1622.

Amaro Roiz.

Powlet Beg the chiefe Commissioner, when the English exspected to haue receiued 1200. To∣manes pay, hee made them more in his debt, the fruit of some Mariners priuate discourse and im∣bezelling. * 5.1 The English returned demaunds of a greater summe due from the Persian in like case. At last three moneths pay was allowed, and they shifted off from their other demands, hee for∣sooth, hauing no power thereto without the Cans Order. It is said, that the Portugalls not onely kept the King bare, but tooke bribes of his substitutes in other Prouinces, to protect them from their lawfull King, whereby he was vsed more like a Portugall Slaue then an Arab King. [ 10]

After our businesse ended, our misery began, occasioned by the vnsufferable heat, and partly by the disorders of our owne people in drinking Rack, and vsing other exercises no lesse hurtfull: whereby grew such a mortalitie, that three fourths of our men were dangerously sicke, and many died so suddenly, that they feared the plague, whereof yet no tokens appeared. This extremitie lasted but fourteene daies, in which time sixe or seuen died euery day. After which it pleased God to stay it, and the rest recouered.

This Persian businesse hath inuited, and almost enforced mee to remember our noble Persian-English Sherlies, especially the present honourable Embassadour Sir Robert Sherly, Count and Knight of the Empire, and therein aduanced to many priuiledges: of whom so much hath before beene occasionally reci∣ted. I much desired to haue obtained some Relations from his Lordship: but hauing late acquaintance, and [ 20] hee much and weightie businesse, which hee hath beene forced to attend farre from the Citie, I rather thought fit to insert what by his humanitie and conference, I learned onely at one dinner with him (not knowing that I would publish what I then receiued) then not to imbellish these discourses, with so Illustrious an English Trauellers Name and Memory.

CHAP. X.

A briefe Memoriall of the Trauells of the Right Hon. Sir ROB. SHERLY Knight, Count and Knight of the Sacred Empire, now Embassador [ 30] from the Persian King to His Maiestie and other Christian Kings.

AMongst our English Trauellers, I know not whether any haue merited more respect then the Honorable, I had almost said Heroike Gentlemen, Sir Anthony & Sir Ro∣bert Sherleys. And if the Argonauts of old, and Graecian Worthies, were worthi∣ly reputed Heroricall for Europaean exploits in Asia: what may wee thinke of the Sherley-Brethren, which not from the neerer Graecian shoares, but from be∣yond the Europaean World, Et penitus toto diuisis Orbe Britannis; haue not coasted a little way (as did those) but pierced the very bowells of the Asian Seas and Lands, vnto the [ 40] Persian Centre: and that not by a combination of Princes, as those former; but (God directing their priuate Genius for publike benefit) to kindle a fire betwixt the two most puissant of both Asian and Mahumetan Princes, that by their diuision and diuersion of Turkish inuasions, Chri∣stian Princes, Countries, and States might bee indebted to their priuate vndertaking: Nor hath ten yeeres detained them at one Citie, or one voyage finished their worthy indeuours, as theirs at Troy and to Colchos; but about twentie yeeres together, all Turkie hath groaned, in which shee hath lost two millions of her vnhollawed * 5.2 Children; remoter India, Moscouia, Africa hath felt the Sherlian working, Poland, Spaine, the Emperour and Pope haue admired and adorned the English Name of Sherley. These indeed, especially Sir Robert (the subiect of our present Dis∣course) I shall honour for that Diuina Palladis Arte, that Ulyssean twentie yeeres trauell, and get∣ting [ 50] both Troies Palladium and Achilles his Armour; as also for Iasonian sowing the Dragons teeth indeed (beyond Poeticall Fables) whereby Mahumetans haue killed each others, whiles Christendome might haue gotten the Golden Fleece, the vsuall fruit of peace. Let mee admire such a Traueller, which trauells not of and for some vaine discourse, or priuate gaine or skill, but still trauelleth and is deliuered of the publike good, accounting his Countrey his Garden, Chri∣stendome his Orchard, the Vniuerse his Field, for this happy seed of publike beneficence. Who euer since the beginning of things and men, hath beene so often by Royall Employment sent Embassa∣dour to so many Princes, so distant in place, so different in rites? Two Emperours Rudolph and Ferdinand, two Popes Clement and Paul, twice the King of Spaine, twice the Polonian, the Muscouite also haue giuen him audience. And twice also (which I last mention, as most knowne [ 60] and at home, though not the least for a borne subiect to be Embassadour to his Soueraigne) His Maiestie hath heard his Embassage from the remote Persian. I omit his employment from the Em∣perour Rudolph with the Persian, his annual pay of 5000. duckets, besides other Imperiall gra∣ces. Noble attempt to goe meet the Sunne! and from the West and North where he was borne, to

visit the East and South, and that both in ouerland Diameter first, and Sea circumference after, coasting the Europaean and Asian, compassing the African shores, piercing the Persian Gulfe, and passing the Indus and Indian Continent, climbing the Candahar Hills, into, and ouer, and thorow and thorow Persia; passing the Caspian, and penetrating the Deserts more then Tartarian fortie two daies together, thorow high-trouble some grasse, without the sight of any man, but his retinue, and sixtie persons of his guard, each of which cost him a Roble a day all that time: Extra * 5.3 Anni Solisque vias, beyond, farre beyond both Tropikes, the Southerne Soldanian, the Northerne Russian, the many many Tartar Hoords, the Mogoll Emperour, the treacherous Buloches, the Goan Vice-roy, the! but what should I read a Geographicall Lecture in one mans trauells, in one mans Embassages? Quae regio in terris Sherlij non plena laboris? These haue seene him, [ 10] and hee hath seene them with Eyes more then of a Traueller, more then his owne, Him∣selfe being the Eyes of a mightie Monarch, which in his person visited so many Countries, Cities, and Courts.

The mightie Ottoman, terror of the Christian World, quaketh of a Sherly-Feuer, & giues hopes of approaching fates. The preuailing Persian hath learned Sherleian Arts of War, and he which before knew not the vse of Ordnance, hath now 500. Peeces of Brasse, & 60000. Musketiers; so that they which at hand with the Sword were before dreadfull to the Turkes, now also in remoter blowes and sulfurian Arts are growne terrible. Hence hath the present Abas won from the Turke seuen great Prouinces, from Derbent to Bagdat inclusiuely, and still hath his eyes, mouth, and hands open to search, swallow, and acquire more. In the renowmed battell with Cigala Bassa, of 160000. 2000 onely remained to flee with the Generall, who yet would not remaine after that disaster, but by [ 20] poyson preuented domestike shame: and there did our Noble Countryman receiue three wounds, as a triple testimony of his loue and seruice to Christendome. Great Abas, great by his Persian In∣heritance, is now made greater by English Merchants, Mariners, Souldiers, which aduanced his con∣quest of Ormuz, expelling those Portugals which had denied the English trade in Persia, from Per∣sian neighbourhood; and greatest by victories against the Great Ottoman, moued thereto, assisted and guided therein by the English Sherleys. And he againe hath gratified the Sherleyan name with competent reciprocall greatnesse; not in titles of Honor, and honorable employments alone, but in rewards, THIS MANS BREAD IS BAKED FOR SIXTIE YEERES, being the formall words of his Royall Charter to him (which he that vnderstandeth the Easterne phrase of [ 30] of daily bread in his pater noster, knows how to interprete) with an explication added of the allow∣ance to Him and his Assignes for that space, whether he liueth himselfe, or leaueth it to others in∣ioying. The Great Mogol (whom he commends for the goodnesse of his disposition, of his owne na∣turall inclination not bloudy, but humane and bountifull; and for his yeerly pay to his Army of 44. * 5.4 millions of Crowns) entertained him liberally, offered him the pay of 400. Horse if hee would serue him; which, had not fidelity and Persian confidence preuented, hee had accepted; the zeale whereof, in some harsh reflection of wordes spoken somewhat too liberally against his Master, by him with like liberty retorted, ecclipsed the Mogolls beneuolence towards him, which otherwise might haue beene worth 50000. pounds, and neuerthelesse was, in Elephants, huge massie Coines (inscribed, Consolation of Strangers) and other gifts, not lesse valuable then eight or 9000. pounds. [ 40] As for other Princes Reall and Royall acknowledgements of his loyall seruice to the Christian af∣faires, I omit. But his high valuation with the Emperour Rudolph, I could not passe by, I hauing seene the Originall Imperiall Charter vnder the Great Seale, and subscribed by the Emperor him∣selfe. I haue seene also the Originall Breue of Pope Paulus Quintus, sub annulo Piscatoris, where∣in the said Pope doth constitute him Earle of the sacred Laterau•• Palace, and Chamberlaine, with power to legitimate Bastards, for which many thousands at Goa were sutors to him (such is the Portugall dissolutenesse in those parts) the Archbishop there hauing vnder his hand acknowledged the said Grant, besides the priuiledges (allowances also annexed of so much bread, flesh, fish, a crowne a day, &c.) But the Imperiall Grant (to me of more respect and validity) I haue here de∣liuered verbatim, translated out of the Originall Latine; that his noble and great worth might by [ 50] noblest and greatest testimony bee acknowledged: the rather because I haue seene the same Title giuen him by his Maiesty, in his Letters commendatory of the said Noble Count to other Princes, and subscribed with his Royall hand and name, Iacobu••.

RUdolphus the Second, by the Diuine mercie Elect Emperour of the Romanes, Alwayes Au∣gustus, and of Germanie, of Hungarie, Bohemia, Dalmatia, Croatia, Sclauonia, &c. King, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundie, Brabant, Stiria, Carinthia, Carniola, &c. Marquesse of Morania, &c. Duke of Lucomburge, and of the higher and lower Silefia, Wirtemberge and Teck; Prince of Suenia, Earle of Habspurge, Tir••l, Terret, Kiburge and Goritia. Landgraue of Alsatia. Marquesse of the holy Romane Empire, of Burg••nie, and of the higher and lower Lusatia; Lord [ 60] of the Marches of Sclauonia, the Port of Naon and Salines, &c. To the Noble and of Vs entire∣ly beloued Count Robert Sherley Knight and Earle of the sacred Palace of Laterane, of Our C••∣sars Court, and Imperiall Consistorie. The assigned Embassador vnto Vs of the most Renowmed Lord and Prince Abbas, King of Persia, the Medes and Armenia, Our Imperiall Grace, and

all happinesse. As the most resplendent beames of the Sunne, doe illuminate with their light the whole World, and refresh the same, giuing vigour and increase to the inferiour bodies: So the Emperour of the Romanes being placed in the height of dignitie by Almightie God (whose Maiestie as full of the light of honours and dignities is resplendent amongst all men) doth of himselfe spread farre and neere the beames of his bountie, especially vpon those who doe ennoble their owne worthy vertuous Race by excellent deserts of the Common-wealth and their Soue∣reignes: Therefore not only for this cause, that themselues may reioyce, hauing obtained by de∣sert these honours from the Imperiall Maiestie, but that their Posteritie and others being allured and inflamed with these examples and beginnings, may apply their mindes to the most faire at∣tempts of vertue and glory.

Whereupon, we by the appointment and prouidence of the most mightie God, being placed [ 10] in this high top of Our Imperiall Throne, are desirous to obserue the worthy Ordinances of Our Predecessors, as well herein as in all other things, that We might entertaine with all fauour and clemencie, men excellent and famous for their vertue, and such as testifie their good will to Vs, and their singular loue and zeale towards the Sacred Empire, and Our noble houses of Austria and Burgundie.

Considering therefore the excellent parts of your mind, and wit wherwith you are endued. As first being born of such Parents, and such a race in England, who by birth themselues are noble, and besides, haue borne place and dignitie in that Kingdome: You haue from your Child-hood resolued not to degenerate from them, but by insisting and following their steps, and applying your selfe to the studie of vertue and honourable actions, that you might not only keepe and maintaine [ 20] safe and sound your reputation at home, but by your owne actions and deserts, more and more adorne and aduance the same, which you haue so farre forth performed, that when you had ser∣ued by Sea and Land in sundry places for certaine yeeres, and had trauelled through many King∣domes, and vndertooke with a couragious minde a Iourney into Persia, and together with your Brother Anthonie Sherley, to the good of all Chistendome, encouraged that King to vndertake that Warre which he did against the Turke valiantly and resolutely, which very happily fell out for Vs in Our Hungarian Warre: and moreouer, since you with your said Brother Anthonie haue procured and brought to passe, that the said King of Persia hath sent vnto Vs sundry Embassages, which partly the chiefe of Persia, partly your Brother and your selfe haue performed, and haue vsed all the meanes to make a league, and procure Amitie betweene Vs and his Maiestie, and [ 30] haue omitted nothing euen in your owne priuate thoughts and cares, whereby you might procure fit occasions for Our Warre from farre places: We haue thought you worthy for these commen∣dable Seruices to bee graced by vs by some notable testimony of Our fauour, and Imperiall boun∣tie, as We thinke may be an Ornament to your Kindred and Posteritie.

Therefore out of Our owne proper motion, out of Our owne certaine knowledge, with a de∣liberate minde, and out of the fulnesse of Our Imperiall Authoritie, We haue made, created, and ordained you the aboue named Robert Sherley a true and a lawfull Knight, and haue receiued you to the state, degree and honour of Knighthood, and haue adorned and inuested you with the Robes and Ensignes of the Girdle, Chaines, Rings, Spurres, and other Ornaments appertayning to the Order of Knighthood according to Our custome, as by the force of these presents, We doe [ 40] make, create, nominate, appoint, receiue, inuest and adorne, girding you with the Sword of va∣lour, and bestowing vpon you all Armes and Ornaments belonging to this Order, decreeing se∣riously and firmely by Our foresaid Imperiall Authoritie that euer hereafter you ought to bee e∣steemed, reputed, named, and honoured for a true and lawfull Knight. And that you may with∣out the let and contradiction of any, in all exercises, actions and enterprises vse, possesse, and enioy Chaines, Sword, Spurres, Robes, Trappings, and what else soeuer Furniture belonging to Horses either all Gold or Gilt, also whatsoeuer Honours, Prerogatiues, Ensignes, Priuiledges, Free∣domes, Fauours, and Liberties which the rest of Our owne Knights, the Knights of the Ro∣mane Empire, as also the Knights of Hierusalem doe vse, possesse, and enioy in what manner so∣euer either of right or custome, none whosoeuer forbidding the contrary. [ 50]

And that you may be graced with some singular testimony of Our bountie, of Our aforesaid proper motion, and out of the fulnesse of Our Imperiall Authoritie with deliberate aduise, and out of our owne knowledge We haue made, created, and ordained you Robert Sherley, Earle of the Sacred Palace of Laterane, of Our Caesars Court, and Imperiall Consistorie, and fauourably haue honoured you with the Title of an Earle Palatine, as by the force of these presents we doe make, create, erect, aduance, entitle you, and doe take, ascribe and entertaine you into the Or∣der and Fellowship of other Earles Palatines.

Decreeing, and by this our Imperiall Patent, firmely ordaining that from this time hence∣forth so long as you shall liue, you shall be able to enioy, vse, and possesse all and singular Priui∣ledges, Fauours, Rights, Immunities, Honours, Exemptions, Customes, and Liberties, which o∣ther [ 60] Earles of Our Sacred Palace of Laterane heretofore haue vsed and enioyed, or do vse by right or custome howsoeuer. Giuing and granting to you the said Robert Sherley full authoritie and power, by which you may and shall bee able throughout the whole Romane Empire, and what

place or Countrey else soeuer create and make publike Notaries or Registers, and ordinary Iudges, and to giue and grant the Office of Notarie or Register, and Iudge ordinarie to any persons who shall be meete and fit for the same (which we leaue to your owne conscience) and to inuest them, and euery one of them by the Pen and Penner according to the custome, in the aforesaid places. Prouided that of the aforesaid publike Notaries, and Iudges ordinary by you to bee created, and of euery of them in the Name of vs, and the Sacred Romane Empire, and for the Romane Em∣pire it selfe you take a corporall and personall Oath according to the custome in this manner. That they shall be true and faithfull vnto Vs, and to the Sacred Romane Empire, and to all Our Successors Emperours of the Romanes lawfully possessing the same, neither shall they bee present where Our danger is practised, but they shall defend and faithfully maintaine Our good and safe∣tie, [ 10] and they shall auoid and put by as much as in them lyeth whatsoeuer may be to Our damage.

Moreouer, they shall write all Instruments as well publike as priuate, Last Wils and Testa∣ments, Enrowlments, Legacies, all Decrees of Iudgement what-soeuer, and all and singular other things, which shall belong vnto them, or to any one of them to be made or written (accor∣ding as the place of the said Offices shall require) iustly, sincerely and faithfully, all dissimula∣tion, cunning, plotting, falshood, and deceit being set apart, also reade, make and pronounce the same, respecting neither hatred, money, gifts, or any passions or fauours.

Their writings which they ought to draw in publike forme, they shall write, reade, make, re∣hearse in faire Parchment, not in paper or sheetes torne and razed. They shall further to their power the causes of Hospitals, and of poore people, also see to Bridges and High-wayes. They shall secretly, and faithfully keepe depositions and verdicts of witnesses, vntill they shall be pub∣lished [ 20] and approued, and they shall doe all and singular other things rightly, iustly, and sincerely, which shall any wayes appertaine to their Offices either of custome or right, and that these pub∣like Notaries, or Registers and Iudges ordinarie to bee elected by you, may and shall bee able throughout the whole Romane Empire, and in all places and Countreyes else write, and publish Contracts, Decrees of Iudgements, Instruments, last Wils, also to insert Decrees and Authori∣ties, in all Contracts whatsoeuer requiring the same, and to doe, publish, and exercise all other things which are knowne to belong and appertaine to the publike Office of a Notarie, or Register, or ordinary Iudge, decreeing that absolute credit be giuen to all Instruments, and writings to be written by these publike Notaries, or Registers, or Iudges ordinary, in Iudgement and without, Constitutions, Statutes, and whatsoeuer else shall make for the contrarie notwithstanding. [ 30]

Moreouer, we doe grant and giue to you, the aforesaid Robert Sherley full power, that you may and shall be able to legitimate Bastards of what kinde soeuer, Incestuous persons whether they be together or separated, and whosoeuer else of that sort, yea, though they bee Infants present or absent, alreadie begotten or to be begotten of vnlawfull and disallowed coniunction, Males and Females, by what name soeuer they be called, whether the lawfull Sonnes be knowne or no, and no further inquirie made, whether their Parents bee liuing or dead (only the Children of great Princes, Earles and Barons excepted) and to restore them and euery one of them, to all and singular their Rights and Titles, and altogether to abolish the imputation of base birth by restoring and enabling them to all and their singular Rights of succession, Heredita∣ments of their Father and Mothers goods, though they died Intestate, also of their Kins-Kinsmen [ 40] and Kinswomen, and to all Honours, Dignities, and all lawfull actions, as well by con∣tract as by last Will bestowed, or howsoeuer else as well in Iudgement as without. Euen as if they had beene borne in lawfull Matrimonie, the obiection of Bastardie for euer resting; And we will that their legitimation made as aboue-said, may be held for good and lawful, as wel as it had beene performed with all Rites and Solemnities, the defect whereof wee will supply with our Imperiall Authoritie. Prouided the legitimations of this kind bee not preiudiciall to the lawfull Sonnes and Heires, and those that are naturally and rightly borne; but those that are to be made legitimate, after they shal be legitimated, let them be thought and named; for so they ought to be named and held in all places as legitimate and lawfully borne of the House, Family, and Linage [ 50] of their Parents, and that they may beare and carrie their Armes and Ensignes. Withall let them be made Noble if their Parents haue beene nobly borne. Notwithstanding certaine Lawes by which it is prouided, that Naturals, Bastards and Incestuous persons, either ioyntly or seuerally or any other whosoeuer either alreadie begotten, or to begotten by vnlawfull copulation, ney∣ther may, nor ought to be legitimated, naturall and children lawfully begotten remayning, or without the will and consent of the true and naturall, Sonnes, or Kinsmen, or the Lords of their Land, and you may especially reade in the Authentike after what manner a child is naturalized. Et quibus modis Nat. effic. sui per totum & §. Naturales li. de foedo fuerit controuers. inter Domin. & Agnat. & L. Iubemus C. de emancipat liberorum & similibus alijs. Which Lawes and euery one of which willingly and expresly we will to be of no force. Yea notwithstanding in certaine of the aforenamed cases, the depositions of the Plaintiffes, and the last Wils of the dead, other [ 60] Lawes, Statutes and Customes of other places, although they were such which ought to be ex∣pressed, or of which speciall mention here ought to be made. All which notwithstanding, and of their power being otherwise able to make of none effect, the premises onely in this case out

of our owne knowledge, and the fulnesse of our Imperiall Authoritie we will wholly that they be of no force at all.

Hereto moreouer, we doe giue and grant vnto the aforesaid Robert Sherley, that you may and shall be able to confirme assistants and ouer-seeers, and the same againe vpon lawfull cause to de∣priue & displace. Moreouer, to restore such as are notoriously infamous as wel by Fact as by Law a∣gaine to their former credit, and from them to take away all note of Infamie as well alreadie im∣posed vpon them, or to be hereafter layed to their charge, so that afterward a hey may be accoun∣ted meete and fit to be preferred to all and singular lawfull actions. Besides, to adopt and ordaine Children, and to make, ordaine and to confirme them as adopted, and acknowledged for lawfull. Moreouer, to make free children legitimate, or to be made legitimate, also those that be adopted, [ 10] and to giue your consent to all Adoptions, Naturallizings, and Freedomes whatsoeuer, of all and euery one, as well Infants as young men. And also to giue them time and yeeres if they sue vn∣to you, and in euery thing hereunto appertayning to interpose your authoritie. Moreouer, to make seruants free, in what kind soeuer, with or without the allegation and alienations, or trans∣actions of their necessary maintenance, and also herein to interpose your authoritie. Also to re∣store the lesser Churches, and Immunities to their former vse wholly, the one part hauing beene called before in question, and to grant the whole restitution vnto them againe, or to one of them. Notwithstanding a course of Law being obserued. These aforesaid premises shal not be preiudiced by any Lawes whatsoeuer, Constitutions, Decrees, Customes, Ordinances, Reformations, Pri∣uiledges, Exemptions, Fauours, and Prerogatiues, by what name soeuer they be called, or of what [ 20] tenour and force soeuer they be, as well made all readie, as to be made hereafter, by vs, our Prede∣cessours, our Successors, or by what Princes soeuer, Dukes, Marquesses, Earles, Vniuersities, orothers of what kind or cōdition soeuer, vnderwhat clauses or expresse words soeuer, although such things and the like should come to passe, of which it should bee needful here to make mention word for word, to those that should attempt the contrary. From all and euery of which by our Imperial Au∣thoritie, and out of the fulnesse of our own proper motion, and out of our own knowledge aboue rehearsed, by these presents as farre forth as they may derogate from this Our Graunt and Pa∣tent, we will the force and vigour to be taken away. Wherefore it shall be lawfull for no man of what state, degree, ranke, condition, dignitie, or preeminence he shall be, to infringe or teare this Graunt of Our Creation, Erection, Allowance, Gift, Patent, Decree, Pleasure, Priuiledge, and [ 30] Fauour, or contradict it by any rash attempt whatsoeuer.

If any man shall presume to doe it, let him know that he shall incurre ipso facto Our heauie dis∣pleasure, and of the whole Empire. Moreouer, the punishment of fiftie Markes of pure Gold, halfe of which shall be confiscate to Our Imperiall Treasurie, and the rest to bee imployed to his or their vses that haue had the wrong without release. By the testimonie of these Our Letters subscribed with Our owne hand, and confirmed with the putting to of our Imperiall Seale.

Giuen at Our Court at Prague, the second day of the moneth of Iune. In the yeere of our Lord 1609. In the 35. yeere of Our Kingdomes of Romanes. Of Hungarie the 37. and of Bohe∣miah * 5.5 in like manner the 34. Rudolph. [ 40]

CHAP. XI.

The Epitaphs on the Tombe of IACOB ALMANSOR the Saracenicall Empe∣rour, vnder whose Reigne Spaine was subdued to the Moores, written by MAHOMET ALGAZELI a learned Arabian, and grauen in the foure stones of his sump∣tuous Monument.

The first Epitaph historicall. [ 50]

HEre lyeth buried the high and highly reuerenced King of most noble birth, fa∣mous race and linage, descended of eightie * 5.6 and two Kings, Abilgualit Mira∣mamolim, Iacob Almansor who was worthily called the Conquerour, being neuer ouercome; the famousest of the Sonnes of Nasts Abu Malique, seeing hee wanne eightie and six battailes by Sea and by Land, and tooke fiue Kings; subdued three parts of the World, Asia, Afrike and Europe, and gaue peace and tranquillitie to his subiects, obseruing Iustice with benignitie and mercie. This is he that vsed Charitie and aug∣mented [ 60] his Religion hauing at his owne cost builded in his Kingdome fiue hundred and six prin∣cipall Mezquitas, eightie and two Hospitals with as many Royall Colledges, and endowed them with large and sumptuous Reuenues. This is he that married euery yeere at his charge a thou∣sand Orphans, he that banished ignorance, and embraced Learning. Hee that gaue to all the

World examples of life in his sayings and sentences, and notable deeds of Armes. He who was our example of good and laudable customes. Hee that killed the hunger and thirst and nakednesse of his subiects with his large and liberall hands. Let immortall fame euer attend on this Sepul∣chre acknowledge him that lyeth therein for her King and Lord, seeing by him shee is made tri∣umphant and victorious ouer all Ages. This great Monarch died continuing in his inuocation of the mercifull God the Creatour of Heauen and Earth without ceasing, so much as a moment vntill his last gaspe, imploring his incomprensible mercie and fearing his high Iustice. The third day of the Moone of Rageb, the night before Friday after the last Watch in the hundreth * 5.7 and second yeere of the Hixera. Praised bee God and blessed bee his most holy Name for euer. Amen. [ 10]

O how great is the misery of men, which hath brought a King of so great power, Empire, * 5.8 and command to the estate wherein hee is at this present, who as yesterday was honoured, re∣uerenced, and beloued of his people, and is now forgotten and forsaken of them all, and remai∣neth solitarie in the darke Caues of the earth. He which was wont to bee clad in silke and cloth of gold and siluer, and to sleepe in the softest and sweetest beds curiously and richly decked and adorned, lieth heere buried in the hard Earth. He which vsed to goe perfumed with Muske and Amber and other excellent odours, now yeeldeth in his base estate a noysome and stinking smell. He that as yesterday did eate the choicest meates, and dranke the most delicate drinkes is heere become himselfe to be the meate of wretched and loathsome Wormes. O mortall men, let none put confidence in the delights of this life: take example of him that lyeth heere buried: who [ 20] hauing possessed them, obserue how little while they continued. There is no confidence to bee placed in any but in God and in things eternall: let these terrene transitorie worldly things to be forgotten for his loue and reuerence. Let vs follow good and holy workes which endure for euer, that with them through his grace and mercie we may obtaine that eternall life which en∣dureth for euer and euer. Amen.

Here lieth buried the terrour and feare of the Moores, Christians and Gentiles, that ploughed vp the Sea, and made the Land euen and plaine. Hee that subdued the Nations of the World. * 5.9 The example and paterne of benignitie and mercie, and the right rule of executing Iustice seuere∣ly for the chastisement of those which doe not liue vertuously as the Souereigne God comman∣ded. Here resteth that liberall hand, that was neuer shut or closed to any that sought the reliefe thereof. The protector of the poore; the father of the Orphans; the refuge of the Widdowes; [ 30] the zeale of chastitie; the mirrour of honestie and shamefastnesse accompanied with Modestie; the paterne of Princes; the modell of gouernment; the picture of puritie and cleannesse; the type of Nobilitie; the preferuer of truth in his tongue; the banisher of lies, the true louer of Lear∣ning, he that hath left a liuing fame of himselfe for the future Ages; and a worthy example of such lasting memorie as time cannot consume, which hath consumed the great deeds and exploits of Kings, Princes and Emperours burying their memory in obliuion. O yee mortall men let vs pray to our Souereigne God, that he vouchsafe to prosper and augment his memorie for example of the Kings to come, that by imitation of him they may gouerne their Common-weales in peace, directing vs also to his holy seruice, and filling vs with his grace. Amen. [ 40]

Euen as gold is refined and purified in the Crusible, or placed on the fire which discouereth the finenesse therof among the flames: So a sinful man who preserues his patience in the persecutions * 5.10 of this life doth purifie & perfect himselfe therby. A man ought to consider that he was borne to suffer, and he may comfort himselfe in this, that all the trauels of this life shall haue an end with him at his death, and that only the good and holy workes are they which remayne for euer, be∣ing accepted and regarded of our Souereigne God. O man, consider that he created thee for his seruice: and that thou vngratefully hast departed from him without recompence of amends. Behold, how luke warme thy loue is towards him, and that of thy Creator towards thee is con∣stant and true, hauing giuen thee thy being and accomplishment for his mercie. Consider with how high a prize he bought thee, and gaue thee meanes to saue thy selfe by vsing well thy liber∣tie and freedome as he hath commended thee. And therefore doe I admonish thee that thou loose [ 50] not the much for the little, the certaine for the vncertaine, for if so thou doe, thou wilt finde thy selfe deceiued. Consider how misery and pouertie consists not in the wanting of Parents, or kindred, or of temporall goods, but in the want of the fauour of God and of his benediction. Imploring therefore his mercie and grace, let vs humbly intreate him to grant vs the same, and hold vs with his hand.

Amen. [ 60]

CHAP. XII.

Master THOMAS CORYATES trauels to, and Obseruations in Constantinople, and other places in the way thither, and his Iourney thence to Aleppo, Damasco and Ierusalem.

WE haue alreadie seene Master Thomas Coryate in his Indian peregrination. The be∣ginning of which his Iourny we could not then giue you for want of that Intelligence which since is comne to my hands, namely his owne Bookes; out of which I haue presented thee his Obseruations of Zante, Syo, and Constantinople, with some other places in his [ 10] way to Ierusalem, from whence he pierced Persia and India. Hee set forth October the twentieth, Anno 1612. and Ianuarie the thirteenth arriued in Zante. Out of his large Iournall I haue briefly presented this. * 5.11

The houses of this Towne are built with stone, such as is digged out of the Rockie side of the Mountaine. They are somewhat lower then I haue obserued in other Townes: their Roofes are somewhat flatte according to the forme of the ••talian Building, with a prettie round stone inserted into the middle of the out-side, which maketh the House there somewhat like to the broad Thrumbe Caps, that some of the olde women of the West parts of England, were wont to weare for some twentie yeeres since. Neither doth their manner of ti∣ling [ 20] differ from that of Italy, bring made all hollow within side, which is vsed seuerally ouer all Italie, and many parts of France. I could see no glasse windowes in their houses, but all Lattice made of Firre which I obserue to bee generally vsed amongst them. Which Lattice leaues in the Summer time they doe commonly take of, and then, seeing they are Greekes, and merrie Greekes too, they may be very properly said to keepe open houses. Now concerning their lowe houses, * 5.12 the reason why they build them so lowe is, because of the manifold Earthquakes which doe as much share this Iland as any other place in the World. The Earthquakes are so frequent with them, that sometimes they feele ten of them in a moneth. At the time of my being in the same there was a little feeling of an Earthquake, which was perceiued for some fiue or sixe dayes to∣gether. For which cause on Munday being the eleuenth of Ianuary, about tenne of the clocke in [ 30] the morning there was a Procession about the Castle solemnized by the Greeks Priests that prayed to God to cease the Earthquake. Sometimes when it is any thing vehement, they vse to ring out the Bels of all their Churches. The motion of the Earth doth neuer last aboue a quarter of an houre at the most, when it continueth longest most commonly but two or three minutes; during which time it often falleth out to bee so violent, that people fearing least the houses would fall downe then haue beene driuen out of doores, euen out of their naked beds, men in their shirts, women in their smockes, carrying their clothes with them, that they haue hastily caught vp, and haue at leisure put them on afterward. The time of the Earthquake is vncertaine, sometimes it commeth by day, and sometimes by night. The naturall cause of them is vnknowne vnto me: though some of the Englishmen that dwelt in the Towne doe coniecture that it proceedeth from [ 40] the hollow Caues and Cauernes that are in the bowels of the Earth. It is obserued, that their Earthquakes doe most commonly happen when there is a sudden calme in the Sea and quiet weather, and the winds which doe for the most part accompany it, or rather goe before it, and partly cause the same are West and by North and Westerly. Neither is this Iland only subiect to these Terremotes, but also the next Ile neere at hand called Cephalonia, which is more shaken * 5.13 with the same then Zante: which are the only two places of the whole Countrey thereabout, that are annoyed with Earthquakes. For neither Morea neere at hand, nor Arcadia, doe at a∣ny time feele these shakings, therefore the frequencie of those foresaid Earthquakes is the reason of the low building of the houses which would the sooner fall downe with the forcible motion of the Earth, if they were very high. Howbeit as lowe as they are sometimes two or three hou∣ses haue fallen downe with the Earthquakes, being rooted out from the very foundations, and [ 50] haue beene afterward reedified.

Now I will mention a matter of this Towne, which vnto most that shall read it will seeme al∣most incredible; that albeit it be no more then two miles and a halfe, or at the vttermost three miles in compasse, yet it should containe three and fortie Churches and Chappels. A thing so * 5.14 absolutely true that there is no contradiction to be made against it: only they are so little that a faire Towne Church of England, will make very neere halfe a score of them. These are the par∣ticular names of the totall number; first three in the Castle, Saint Francis, Saint Katharines, Saint Markes, Saint Maries in the Towne, in the Yard or Court of which before I came into any part of the Church I saw a very remarkable Monument that shall not passe vnmentioned, the Sepul∣chre [ 60] of Marcus Tullius Cicero and his Wife Terentia, but such an obscene and ignoble graue, that * 5.15 I could not but condole the misfortune of that famous and incomparable Orator, from the in∣exhausted Fountaine of whose incomparable Learning, so many excellent Orators haue drawne liquor of Rhetoricall inuention, to the great garnishing and adorning of their polite lucubrati∣ons.

For it standeth sub dio. in the open Aire, without any Sepulchrate or Titulararie stone, that might testifie to the Reader who lieth there; which cannot but strike a kinde of veneration into any man that hath any sparke of learning. But belike the Vrne wherein his ashes were laid may remaine there, though the Venetians haue robbed the place of the Monument, which I know to be very true, by a certaine ancient Inscription that I read in a stone in the Quadrangle of a Cla∣rissimoes house adioyning to the Piazza of Saint Marke in Venice, which I haue mentioned in my former Booke, viz. Marce Tulli Cicero, haue & tu Terentia Antoniana. These foure Churches be∣long to the Italians, all the rest (being 39.) to the Greekes.

Famous is this Citie ouer most part of Europe, Asia, and Africa for three principall Commo∣dities * 5.16 which the Iland doth minister to the same, and the Citie again to many remote Countries, [ 10] Wine, Oile, and Currans.

I obserued a strange custome in this Iland the day of their Marriages: for whensoeuer any of the Kindred is married, all the day, all of the same consanguinity do hang out of their Windowes certaine Carpets, by which it is generally knowne in the Towne that such a one is married: and * 5.17 they hang out most commonly two Carpets in euery house. I haue obserued also a custome a∣mongst their women which I neuer read or heard of amongst any other women. They ride on Asses astride; and that vpon Morocco Saddles, but all those that I saw ride were Gentlewomen of the better sort, attired in their Silkes or Damaskes, very seemely to behold, beeing atten∣ded by a Page that walketh along by their sides, many of them slaues that they bought with their money.

The first Caloieri that euer I saw were in this Towne of Zante, which are certaine Greekish [ 20] Priests, whose names are deriued from these two Greeke words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, an ho∣nest * 5.18 or good Priest. They are such as haue vndertaken the Vow of single life. But there are other Priests among them that are suffered to marry, but hauing buried one Wife they may not matri∣mony. Their ordinarie fasting Dayes of the weeke are Wednesday and Friday, in which they will neither eate flesh nor any fish that hath any bloud in it, also they obserue foure Lents euery yeere. And now we will follow our Author to Syo. * 5.19

Out of Syo a great Tribute of twentie thousand Chicquins ariseth vnto the Grand Signior, out of a principall Commoditie that this Iland yeeldeth, viz. Masticke, which groweth heere only of * 5.20 all the places of the World, the Tree that beareth it is a prettie kinde of shrub like vnto that [ 30] Lontiscus, that groweth in some parts of France and Italie, this shrub groweth low by the ground and beareth crooked little boughes and leaues, they are not dispersed ouer the whole Iland, but grow only in one place of it some sixe miles from the Citie, the iuyce of it is white, and in the moneth of August they begin their Recolta, that is, their Masticke Haruest; the men that are set a worke about that businesse, cutting the barke of the Tree with their Iron Instruments, which are like Pix-axes, and it is almost three moneths before they end their Recolta, the Guna distilling incessantly for that space.

Besides, there is another Commoditie that they sell in this Iland, Cotton, which groweth ve∣ry * 5.21 plentifully in sundry places of the same. The shrub or bush that beareth it is as low as the lowest sort of Vines, and there is a great multitude of plots of it neere to the Towne and in other [ 40] parts of the Countrie. The downie or woolly substance which proceedeth from the Cod of the shrub doth yeeld that matter, of which the Ilanders doe make a certaine stuffe called Dimitie, * 5.22 and another called Scammatie.

The day before we departed from Syo, I rode into the Countrey vpon an Asse(according to the custome of the Iland) being accompanied with some other of my Countreymen, whereof the chiefe was one Master Richard Southerne that had liued a prettie while in those parts, and vsed mee passing louingly in the Towne of Syo, also Master Robert Eldred, and Master Richard Lamp∣lin. We tooke our Iourney to a thing very famous and worthy to be seene by euery learned Tra∣ueller, if that bee true that the Inhabitants doe report of it. Namely, the Sepulchres of the * 5.23 Prince of all Poets Diuine Homer, my Master for many yeeres since [ 50]

—A quo, ceu fonte perenni Vatum Pierijs ora rigantur aquis.

for indeed they doe confidently affirme, that hee was borne in this Iland, and buried heere also. Yet there are fiue Cities more doe challenge him as well as Syo, according to an old Distich in the Methologie of Greeke Poets that read long since

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

But our sinister fortune was to goe too late out of the Towne that we could not possibly reach thither that night ouer the dangerous precipices and difficult passages of Rocks and home againe, for it was about some twelue miles to the place. But insteed of going thither (whither if wee [ 60] had gone wee could not haue seene any Monument at all, but only a Vineyard that yeeldeth ex∣cellent Wine, which was once a part of the possessions of that peerelesse Poet, and in which they say his bodie lieth interred) wee went to a goodly Monasterie called Emonia, which is by many degrees the fairest of the whole Iland: it is inhabited by Greeke Monkes called Caloieri, which * 5.24

which are in number two hundred, their reuenewes are at the least fiue thousand Dollars by the yeere, which make a thousand pound starling. The Monasterie standeth vpon the side of an hill, and was built about sixe hundred yeeres since, by the Emperour Constantinus Monom••chus; the Chappell is a very beautifull building, being built all round, and beautified with diuers faire Mar∣ble Pillars. There I saw the goodliest waxe Candle that euer I saw in my life, some eight foote high fastned to a wall, & so bigge as my middle, for I measured it with my girdle: the first Monke thereof was one Nicet••••. I know not what kinde of learned men the Monkes of this place haue * 5.25 bin in former times, but now they are so vnlearned, that they can onely read in their owne Manuscript Greeke Bookes, but can neither vnderstand nor speake any learned Greeke, but the moderne; for I could not finde as much as one learned man of the whole two hundred, They haue [ 10] a notable cisterne of water in their Monastery which is alwaies full of water, to the end to serue their turne in time of necessitie, if they should be besieged by the enemy. This Monastery is fa∣mous * 5.26 for the Bels that are therein, in number foure, not for the greatnesse thereof, but that those Coloiri onely of all the other Greekish Monkes of the whole Greekish territorie, are suffred to vse them. In this Iland is the Caue of Sibilla Hellespontia, but the shortnesse of time bared mee of the * 5.27 opportunitie to see it. The whole Iland is one hundred miles in compasse, and there are in it a∣bout eightie thousand soules.

FRom this Towne I sailed in an English Ship, to the Troian shoare, where I landed Feb. 22. with foureteene English men more and a Iew or Druggerman, all well weaponed for feare of any ho∣stile [ 20] inusion by the Turkes: by the way as we were going thither, we found a bare little plot of * 5.28 ground, not farre from the Sea, where their Oxen trode out wheate, according to the custome of * 5.29 most of these Asiaticke Countries; we walked towards the mouldor hauen of Troy; but before we came thither we obserued diuers antiquities worthy the relation: first on the left hand of vs we left the ruines of a goodly Fortresse; then a hillocke which was built in a round forme; there remained onely the lower part of the wall, without doubt it was a very strong fortification before * 5.30 it was destroyed: afterward on the right hand of vs, wee saw a peece of a wall vnder the shoare hard by the Sea side, but the breadth, height, and length of it we did so exactly behold, because we were a prettie way distant from it: likewise we saw a great many round Marble Pillars stan∣ding vpright in the ground, and dispersed in diuers parts of the lower side of the Citie that lay [ 30] neere to the Sea-shoare: these Pillars are most of gray Marble, but of no such notable bignesse as I saw afterward, most of them stood in the ground which was sowne with Wheate, which ground was so couered ouer with little broken stones, that I did very much maruell how it was possible that Corne should grow in that place; as for the Pillars, we beleeued that as much of e∣uery Pillar lay buried vnder the ground, as appeared aboue the ground. Once I was about to number these Pillars, but by reason that they were so extreamely scattered, I found an extreame difficultie in it, and could not doe it truely and exactly without a longer time then was limited me, but surely I thinke there were no lesse then one hundred of them, most of them were growne very rough and scabrous, which happened by the iniurie of all manner of weather in so long anti∣quitie of time; only one of them in a low plot of ground neere to the Sea, was passing smooth and [ 40] plaine, like a sleeking stone, and the fairest for length and compasse that I could see in the whole number: neere vnto some of these Pillars there be foure or fiue goodly Marble Sepulchers of a great length, one of which I measured, and found it to be nine of my feete long. These Tombes consist of one intire Marble stone, euen of white Marble; vpon euery corner of one whereof are foure round knobs, made in the forme of little pillowes, and the middle part riseth with a sharpe line, like vnto the sharpe part of a Costlet or breast plate; likewise there was another of white Marble, on the left side whereof the whole proportion of two hands (which I coniecture to haue bin the hnads of some great Lady) were so curiously expressed, that it is impossible for Praxiteles or any other that was the most excellent caruer in the World to surpasse it. I finde Petrus Bellonius his obseruations of these Sepulchers to be very true; for that which hee writeth of them is very [ 50] certaine, that they are excauated, that is, made hollow in the inside, in the forme of a Chest, & that the corners doe remaine whole and entire. I finde this to be true by my ocular experience: but most of these Sepulchers lye loosely vpon the ground, as hauing bin digged from the places where they were setled, ouer the bodies which lye vnderneath them: to what end I know not, onely I thinke that some imagining there might be treasure bid vnder them, might digge them vp in hope to finde some Gold or Siluer vnder these tombes: but whosoeuer doe digge vp the Se∣pulchers of dead men for gaine of treasure, I wish they may be as much frustrated of their hopes as he was that in the Citie of Babilon did digge vp the Monument of Nitocris, Queene of the Ba∣bylonians, and the wife of King Nebuchadnezer, in the outside of whose Tombe stone, there was written a certaine Epitaph, by some one or other that ment to delude the Reader, for though the [ 60] Epitaph promised treasure to him that should digge vp the Monument; yet after he had rooted it vp from the ground, instead of treasure he found this memorable inscription; Nisi auri insa••••abili cupiditate flagrasses, nunquam in defunctorum cadauera s••••itiam t••am exercuisses. It grieued me to the heart that I could not learne either by inscriptions, or any other meanes, whose Monuments

these were: for it is vaine to be induced by coniectures, to say they were these or these mens; onely I hope no man will taxe me of a rash opinion, if I beleeue one of them might be the Monu∣ment of King Ilus, the enlarger of the Citie of Troy; for I remember that Homer saith in his ele∣uenth Aeneid, that Ilus was buried in the open, as this was; and that another of them might be the Monument of King Priamus, it is not altogether vnlikely, for Virgil writeth in his second Aeneid that King Priamus, after the late fatall destruction of the Citie, was slaine by Pyrrhus the Sonne of Achilles; neere the Troian shoare: for thus saith he—iacei ingens littore t••uncus. Now though mercilesse Achilles persecuted the dead carkase of Hector with that barbarous crueltie, as to dragge him starke naked at a Carts taile, three times about the wals of the Citie: yet it is likely they would so much honour the old siluer haired King Priamus (especially since they had [ 10] now fully satisfied their furie, both by burning of the Citie and massacring of all the most Noble Citizens, and with the rest their last King) as to couer his body with some royall monument be∣seeming his regall state: pardon me (gentle reader) for this my coniecture. I affirme nothing cer∣tainely, onely I gesse, as another industrious traueller would doe, that hath or shall obserue the same things that I haue done, that one of those goodly Monuments might be the Sepulcher of King Priamus.

From the place where these Tombes lay, we went toward the hauen or mould of Troy, which seemeth to haue bin a notable place in former times; for there remaine worthy steps of antiqui∣ty to this day, a little on this side the water wee saw a very delicate trough of white Marble, which whether it serued for women to wash cloathes in, or for any beasts (as horses) to drinke in, [ 20] I know not, the mould was in former times a conuenient harbour for little vessels, as Carmisals Gallies, Frigats, but I doubt whether any great Ships could securely ride at anchor there; for the water is so shallow, that I think a vessell of any great burthen will quickly touch ground, although perhaps in those daies, when the Citie did flourish, the water neere the shoare might be much deeper then it is now, by reason of the continuall scouring and clensing of the channell. There re∣maine certaine memorable antiquities at this mould: certaine faire gray Marble Pillars, in num∣ber ten, that appeare aboue the water, being infixed in the ground; more then the halfe of them I beleeue are buried in the water: all these stand somewhat neere together, almost in a rowe. It is likely that they were heretofore placed there to this end, that Barges, Boates, and such kinde of vessels as anchored there, might by the meanes of cables, or other roapes be staied or tied there∣to. There also I saw a very stately and gallant ascent from the landing place vpwards to∣wards [ 30] the Citie, a faire kinde of pile built in the water, reaching vp at the least two but lengths (according to my opinion) till it ioyneth with the land, and made in the forme of a wall: It is so broade that I beleeue three Carts might easily goe together side by side vpon it: it is greatly rui∣ned and broken downe, the stones being dissipated and scattered a sunder; onely the foundation of a part of it that ioyneth almost to the land, remaineth very entire to this day, for as I walked vp from the water towards the land by chance, I cast mine eyes vpon the left side of the mould, and found it a very notable foundation; and to the end I might the more exactly view it, I lea∣ped downe vpon the sand to suruey the same: that part of the pile consisteth of a faire and strong white stone, squared out very artificially, and of a great length and thicknesse. As you [ 40] walke vp from this mould towards the Citie, you may see the stately Pallace of the King be∣fore you, standing in a direct line opposite to your face: by the consideration of which I did the better confirme that beliefe in my selfe, that the Pallace, which I will shortly speake of, might be the place of the Kings royall residence: for it was a very delicate passage for the King, either in a Chariot or a Horse backe from this mould through a stately faire streete, to his owne Pal∣lace, distant but a little mile from the water: from this mould wee went to a standing poole but a little remote from the shoare, being I thinke well neere a mile in compasse: which I first thought to haue bin fresh water, but when I tasted it, I found it salt, and therefore I gather that this is nothing but the inundation of the Sea, when it doth sometimes exceede his bankes: hard by one side of the Poole I saw a principall relique of antiquitie, a goodly grey Marble Pillar, the fairest that euer I saw in my life till then, lying on the ground, and bro∣ken [ 50] in the very middest: it was three and thirty Geometricall foot long (for I measured it ve∣ry exactly with a Carpenters rule of twelue inches) and fiue thicke: neere to the same Pillar there is a broken fragment of Marble, lying in the water, of the same colour and proportion with the former Pillar, whereby I know that it was part of the same Pillar: this was the very head of the Pillar, being wrought with such a kinde of worke as is vsed about the heads of Pillars: this part was fiue foot long, so that the whole Pillar was eight and thirty foot long, being of one entire stone as I thinke, though it be now broken in three peeces, which came to passe by the violent fall thereof.

But a little from this goodly Pillar, which I haue now mentioned, there is another almost as great, lying on the ground, and so couered with Brambles and Briers, that I could not perfectly [ 60] obserue the length of it. Againe, about a butt length further, there is one very memorable gray Marble Pillar more, lying on the ground, some thirty foot long, foure foot thicke, and broken in the middest. As we ascended higher from the Poole towards the Pillar, wee obserued a very la∣mentable

rubbish of stones intermingled here and there with a few little fragments of Brickes, and dispersed ouer those fields that were once filled vp with houses, so that I could not tread vp∣on * 5.31 any plot of ground from the mould; till I came to the Pallace, but I found round about me old broken stones; in some places whereof I saw greene Corne growing, whereof I did not a little wonder, because I could not conceiue how they should plough vp such hard stony earth: on the left hand of vs, as we ascended the side of the hill, we left the wall of the Citie, which by the ru∣ines that remaine there to this day, seemeth to haue bin a most stately thing indeede. Some thinke it is at the least thirty foot high, and of a great thicknesse, it consisteth of faire and great ashler stones of a white colour, being built with the same from the very foundation, till towards the top; and then are built againe vpon the same with certaine lesse stones: so that the whole in one part consisteth of two kinde of stones, a great faire ashler, and a little rough stone in another part [ 10] of the ashler onely: this wall runneth vp a great way into the Country, being in some places bro∣ken and interrupted.

In the outside of this Wall, which wee left on the left hand, wee obserued diuers faire buttresses, which were made for the strengthening of the same, by whom those wals were built: I am vncertaine, but this I haue read, that Ilus the fourth King of the Citie, who en∣larged the same, built some part of the wals of the Citie; and that Laomedon finished the same wals, which being by Hercules destroyed, King Priamus being restored into his Country, after he was carried away captiue into Greece, reedified them last of all: as we ascended the hill, wee left a little on the left hand of vs the ruines of a faire and stately building, which seemed to be the Pallace of some eminent Noble man, or Gentleman of the Citie, a good part of the wall re∣mained [ 20] and was of a faire height, hauing in the outside certaine faire peeces of white and red Marble curiously wrought, standing in the very corner of the wall: not farre from that we found a prettie Well, hauing a white Marble Pillar, which I therefore mention, because I haue read that Wels are very scarse in this part of the Troian territory.

In our iourney to the Pallace, wee found certaine faire peeces of stone, ••as curious∣ly carued and wrought with exquisite borders and workes as euer I saw. In one great peece, but broken, I found an inscription, which what it ment I could not deuise, it was written in Latine characters, viz. the word Numinid: likewise after I found astate∣ly peece of white Marble of some foure foot long, and two foot broad, on the which was a very ancient inscription in Latine words written with capitall Letters, but they are such exo∣ticke [ 30] characters, and so worne out with antiquitie, that neither I my selfe, nor any else of my whole Company could perfectly read it: againe, after that wee found the ruines of a stately building neere to this Towne, built in a round forme, which without all question was a Tem∣ple, dedicated to one of their heathen Gods, and therefore wee coniectured it to be a Religi∣ous House, because the manner of the structure thereof differed much from the forme of all the other buildings that we saw there: in the inside a little vnder the higher part of the wall, we perceiued some fiue or sixe peeces of white Marble standing round in a rowe, and very artificial∣ly wrought.

A little from this Temple wee found a vault in the ground, which I thinke in former times had bin a large thing, and of a goodly length, but now it is almost stopped vp. I with some few [ 40] more of our Company entred this vault, and found it full of ordure and dung of Cattle. Againe a little aboue this we came into another vault built with faire free stone, and stately arched this vault, was of a goodly-height and length, and distinguished with many arches throughout the whole length thereof: all our company entered it at one end, and went forth at another: here also wee saw abundance of ordure wherewith the bottome of the vault was filled from one end to the other; the reason of it is because the poore Heardsmen doe oftentimes in the winter put their Cattle all the night in these places: after that wee saw two more vaults vnder the ground, but entred neither: being now come something neere to the Pallace, wee left on the right hand a ruined Castle or Fortresse, built vpon a Mount, about the lower part whereof were sundry arches; this Fort (for so I take it to haue bin) was built round, and those arches [ 50] stand in a faire row round about the same, an ornament passing faire to the building when it was entire: a great part of the ground betwixt the mould and the Pallace is beset with certaine Trees of diuers kindes, as Mulberry trees, Figge trees, Boxe trees, Oliue trees, Liue Oake trees, Almond trees, whereof some wee saw beare blossmes when wee were there: also it beareth Broome of a great height, and such as yeeldeth a prettie kinde of sent: the next thing of remarke that presented it selfe vnto vs, immediately before wee entered the Pallace, was a certaine heape of stones vpon the top of a Mount neere to the foote of the Castle, and dis∣persed about the sides of the same Mount: these are free stones, many whereof presented a blackish hewe, and were cunningly squared out, as our ashler stones of England for buil∣ding. I neuer saw fairer stones in my life to adorne the frontispice of any Pallace then these [ 60] were, and being so neere vnto the Pallace, I am perswaded they are the ruines of some part thereof.

Hauing now beheld these foresaid square stones, we approached neere to the foot of the Pallace

which I thinke was by the ancient Poets both Greeke and Latine called Pergamum, by which word, whether they vnderstood the principall Castle of the Citie, or the Palace wherein the an∣cient Kings kept their Court, I cannot certainly affirme. The whole Frontispice consisted of a most beautiful white stone, cut square like our Azure stones in England, the fairst for the breadth, length, and thicknesse that euer I saw; though now through Antiquitie of time the beautifull grace of the stone is somewhat diminished. The whole front of the Palace sauing a little at the top consisteth of such square stones. Euery stone hath in the middle part of the front thereof a certaine little hole, which to what end it serued I know not. This front for a piece of plaine stone Worke doth yeeld the fairest shew that euer I saw in any Palace in my life. And though I thinke it is as ancient as the Citie of Troy, yet to strangers that saile vpon the Channell neere at hand it presenteth such a faire white shew, that the first time I looked vpon it [ 10] without the helpe of an Opticke Glasse, I thought it had beene some new Building raised with∣in these few yeeres.

The front is beautified with three Arches, whereof that in the rundle (which I thinke serued for a Gate) is farre the fairest, the other two standing in the same row, each on each side of the middle Arch, are by halfe lesser then that in the middle, which for height and breadth it by many degrees, the most magnificent that euer I saw, fairer not only then the goodliest Palace Gate that euer presented it selfe to mine eyes till then, but also then the greatest Gate of any Church that euer I beheld, which doth argue the incomparable magnificence of the Palace, when it flourished in his glory. It is some fortie Geometricall foote broad, and sixe and thirtie foot high, but from the very top of the Frontispice from the ground, I take it to bee eightie [ 20] foot high, for I tooke the Altitude and Latitude of it by a Mathematicall Instrument. Now in that I call it a Gate, you must conceiue (I meane) not the Instrument of a Gate which serueth to shut and open (for there remaines not the least step of any such thing) but a voide and open space which (as it is credible) was once furnished with a stately Gate, which Gate now it is probable, consisted of two leaues. Neither of those leaues if it were strengthened with great barres of Iron and Nailes correspondent to the proportion of such a Gate (as goodly Gates are now adayes) I beleeue could hardly bee opened or shut without the maine strength of ten excee∣ding strong men. The most entire and solid piece of Worke that I saw standing amongst all the ruines of Troy, was this front of the Palace, which standeth so perfectly, that I could not per∣ceiue the least blemish or cracke in the whole Frontispiece sauing in the vpper part thereof, a∣bout [ 30] the top which consisteth of Bricke, and is built in a bending forme. Besides, there is one little defect more for certaine stones of white Marble, which are pretily contriued in a row a∣boue the top of the Gate, and curiously wrought, are some what broken. At the corners of the middle Arch there are two pieces of white Marble very exquisitely carued with curious Bor∣ders and Workes expressed therein, the like also is in the further corner of the wall of this stone, from the which I brake of certaine stones to carrie with mee into my Countrey, and to reserue them in my safe custodie for memorable Antiquities while I liue at the top of the middle Arch, there are two prettie holes in which Bees doe breed honey at a certaine season of the yeere, as a certaine Turke that shewed vs these Antiquities did inforce vs. Halfe of the middle Arch is now stopped vp with the like kinde of great stones as are compacted into the Frontispice: and in [ 40] the other halfe which is partly open, there remaines diuers confused heapes of the like stones. It happened that when wee had throughly satiated our eyes, with contemplation of these an∣cient ruines, the Chiefetaine of the company, a sworne Brother of mine, whom I haue often named before in this my Booke.

Master Robert Rugge obseruing that I had taken paines for some few houres in searching out the most notabe Antiquities of this the worthiest part of Troy to yeeld mee some kinde of guer∣don or renumeration for my paines, in a merrie humour drew his Sword out of his Scab∣berd, and ascending to one of those great stones that lye in the open part of this middle Gate Knighted mee, that kneeled vpon another stone on my right knee, by the name of the first English Knight of Troy, and at the Knighting of mee, pronounced those wit••ie Ver∣ses * 5.32 [ 50] ex tempore.

Coryate no more, but now a Knight of Troy, Odcombe no more, but henceforth Englands Ioy. Braue Brute of our best English was commended, True Troiane from Aeneas race descended, Rise top of wit, the honour of our Nation, And to old Ilium make a new Oration.

Two poore Turkes that stood but a little way from vs when hee drew his naked Sword, thought verily hee meant to haue cut off my head for some notorious villany that I had per∣petrated, Those Verses I answered ex tempore, also our Musketeeres discharged two volleyes of [ 60] shot for ioy of my Knighthood.

Loe heere with prostrate knee I doe embrace * 5.33 The gallant title of a Troiane Knight.

In Priams Court which time shall ner'e deface; A grace vnknowne to any Brittish Wight. This noble Knighthood shall Fames Trumpe resound, To Odcombes honour maugre Enuie fell, O're famous Albion throughout that Iland round, Till that my mournfull friends shall ring my knell.

Withall I pronounced this extemporall Oration standing vpon a high stone at the entrance of the great Gate, calling my Countrimen my Commilitones, because I was at that time their Captaine and Leader next to the Chiefetaine. By Commilitones, I vnderstand fellow Souldiers, which terme Liuie doth often vse in his feigned Orations, that hee bringeth Captaines in spea∣king to their Souldiers. [ 10]

Master CORIATS Oration. Purus, putus CORIATVS. Quintessence of CORIAT.

MY worthy Commilitones, that which in the whole race of my life heretofore I neither wished nor hoped for, much lesse expected, lo•• now by the decree and ordinance of the Fates hath most fortu∣nately hapned vnto mee. I am arriued (with the rest of my deere Countrimen) after so many bitter stormes, and cruell conflicts of the winds, in the most renowmed place of the whole World (only Gods sacred [ 20] Citie of Ierusalem excepted) ancient Troy, old decayed Ilium, the Ladie or rather Queene of all Asia; yea the principall and most noble part thereof, is the most Noble place which our Brittish feete doe now tread vpon. Me thinkes, we being conducted hither by our good Genius haue euen aspired to the eminent degree of happinesse which thousands of our Countrimen that haue passed alongst this Coast, being carried away with a prosperous gale of wind haue wished to attaine vnto, but haue beene frustrated of opportunity to enioy these noble ruines that you here see haue had the attractiue vertue like the Adamant or Load∣stone to draw hither some of the most famous persons of the World to contemplate the same. Hither came the greatest and most victorious Monarch that euer liued Alexander the Great who hauing erected an Altar to the honour of Achilles from whose stocke he was lineally descended by his Mother Olympias, to the end to offer Sacrifice vpon it to his Ghost hard by his Tombe, which to this day remaines, hee pro∣nounced [ 30] him happie. for that after his death he had gotten so Noble a Poet as Homer to emblason and ce∣lebrate his inuincible courage. Hither came the Learned Emperour Adrian; Our Emperour Septimius Seuerus after he had destroyed Byzantium, his Sonne and Successour in the Empire Antonius Bassia∣nus Caracalla with many thousand worthy Peeres (I dare confidently affirme) that from time to time to come hither to suruey these (that I may speake with the Prince of Latine Poets)

—Campos vbi Troia fuit.

behold (my louing Commilitones) that lamentable rubbish of stones which hath beene honoured by the most elegant and singular Poets that euer handled Quill. This ruinous Palace which you see heere was the place without all question of the Royall Court of the most ancient Troiane Kings (as by the magnificence of these Arches, goodly squared stones and other remarkeable steps of venerable antiquitie is very infallibly to be gathered) namely King I••••s, whom I take to be the first Founder thereof, Laome∣don [ 40] and his vnfortunate Sonne Priamus the last Troiane King. There you see those loftie and stately walls, which though they were for thousands of yeeres since subuerted first by Hercules, and afterward by the hostile force of the warlike Graecians: yet you see the foundations thereof were not rooted vp from the ground, but that to this day most notable ruines thereof (obserue I pray you with an exact and accurate view the thicknesse, the height of them, the goodlinesse of the squared stones) doe present them∣selues as wofull spectacles to all strangers, and are obiects of sympathy and commiseration to the most A∣damantine heart in the World: there you may see decayed Castles and Fortifications: there also in ano∣ther place subterranean Crypts and Vaults, which I beleeue, serued partly for Granaries and Magazines of Corne in the time of the decennall siege of the Citie, and partly to containe Cisternes of water for the publike vse of the Citizens. Beneath also you may see a great multitude of broken Marble Pillars stan∣ding [ 50] vpon the ground, and dispersed ouer many parts of the old Citie. Cast your eyes againe vpon some other parts, where you may behold greene Wheate growing amidst the old fragments of stones, and then remember the notable speech of the Poet Ouid, Iam seges est vbi Troia fuit, &c. by all these pitifull rudera, I find that memorable sentence of the Greeke Poet Hesiod to be verified.

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

That is, Thunder thumping Ioue can make the loftiest matters the most low and despicable? Alas (my Commilitones) can you behold these things with irrelenting and dry eyes; let mee tell you as the wan∣dering Prince of Troy Noble Aeneas told the Punicke Queene Dido in his Harangue vnto her concer∣ning the destruction of this Citie [ 60]

—Quis talia fando * 5.34 Myrmidonum, Dolopumue aut duri miles Vlysses, Temperet à lachrymis?

Certainly, the consideration of this grieuous desolation may iustly draw both sorrow from the hearts and teares from the eyes of all such as are endued with a true instinct of humanitie, for what more Tra∣gicall example can you find in the whole Uniuerse of the inconstancie and mutabilitie of fortune then in this quondam gallant Citie? it flourished once in as great glorie as any Citie vpon the Earth did in her time, and her glorie was vntainted and vnstained for the space of three hundred yeeres wanting one, being gouerned by six potent Kings, the first of which being Dardanus, reigned sixe and thirty yeeres, Eri∣ct••onius, seuentie fiue; Tros, sixtie; Ilus〈…〉〈…〉 great amplifier and enlarger of the City 55. Laome∣don sixe and thirtie. Priamus the last Prince fortie: in all which time Fortune shined as merrily vpon her as vpon any other Citie then extant in the World, sauing for the ten yeeres of Priamus, in which it was besieged by the Greekes. But at last after the reuolution and period of that ten yeeres siege, it suffe∣red such a rufull deuastation by the meanes of that fatall Horse of armed men, that was conueyed within [ 10] the walls of the Citie, the mercilesse rage of the fire that was scattered euery where by the hostile hand, and carried to and fro by the wings of the wind, spoiling and depopulating all it met with all, that after that time neuer was there found any man that would reedifie any part thereof. This happened 1183. yeeres before the Incarnation of Christ, and 430. yeeres before the founding of Rome by Romulus, and in the time that Iephta iudged Israel. The like elsewhere hath happened to many other ancient and noble Ci∣ties that now lie buried in their owne ruines: as to Niniuie, Babylon, Tyrus, Carthage, Sangunton, and Numantia in Spaine; Athens, Thebes, Lacedemon and Corinth in Greece; Ptolemais now cal∣led Acon in Syria, and diuers other notable Cities; none of which I beleeue doe yeeld those stately ruines that you now behold in this part of the Troiane Territorie.

You may also obserue as in a cleere Looking-glasse one of the most pregnant examples of Luxurie, [ 20] that euer was in the World in these confused heapes of stones, that lie before your eyes. For Adulterie was the principall cause of the ruines of this Citie, which is well knowne to all those that haue a superficiall skill in Historie, by the remembrance whereof I will now take occasion to wish one charitable wish to the Me∣tropolitane Citie of mine owne Countrie, and with the same as with an Epilogue conclude my speech, that as Luxurie destroyed this Citie of old Troy, to which most ardent petitions vpon my prostrate knee, I beseech the great Iehoua, which is the rewarder of Chastitie, and seuere punisher of Incontience, to a••••rt the pu∣nishment from our new Troy, (for indeed, London was in former times called Troynouant) which I thinke is as much polluted and contaminated with extrauagant lusts, as euer was this old Troy.

Foelix quem faciunt aliena pericula contum.

Directly beyond this foresaid middle gate as you goe forward into the inward part of the Pa∣lace, [ 30] there standeth another stately Arch, which (I thinke in former times was garnished with a Gate also: this Arch is almost as large as the greatest at comming into the Palace, likewise on each side of them both on the right hand and left hand, as you goe betwixt the middle Arch at the entrance of the Palace, and the opposite Arch which I haue last mentioned, there is another stately Arch which, I thinke, serued for an entrance into the same of the principall parts of the Palace. After this we saw another part of the Palace, which is very worthy the mention, tenne stately Arches standing in a row ioyntly together. These stand intire without any diminution or impayring, euen on the left hand of the Palace, and make a beautifull shew. These are four∣teene foot high, and ten foot and a halfe thicke, and are built with the like hard stone as the wals of the Citie. There are three Arches more aboue the same, halfe buried in the ground. Then at the [ 40] very corners aboue the last of these three Arches there standeth the ruine of another most mag∣nificent Arch raised to a very loftie height, but broken about the top, at which Arch there be∣ganne the South wall of the Palace, betwixt that goodly Arch and another iust correspondent to the same in symmetrie of workmanship. There are sixe more of a lesser quantitie, but much more ruined then the ten intire Arches that I haue alreadie mentioned. Againe there ranne on in the same feries of building betwixt the middle great arch, and another of the same quantitie, that stan∣deth at the farther corner, sixe Arches more like the former, so that in that row there are twelue Arches, and three more of a very sumptuous and goodly Architecture, which when they all stood intire beautified with their seuerall ornaments which are now abolished, presented to the beholder, without all doubt, a most stately shew. Againe, on the right hand of the Palace, but [ 50] a little distant from the same, there remayneth the ruine of a very ancient Building, which wee coniectured to haue beene some Temple dedicated to the Ethnike Gods. From the Palace wee were conducted by our Turkish guides, to another old ruined Building some quarter of a mile off; very little whereof doth appeare aboue the ground, but if you descend into certaine Vaults vn∣der the ground, you may obserue many memorable ruines. Diuers stately Arches standing intire∣ly, wonderfull thicke wals, arched roofes made by Geometricall worke, as (I suppose) without any Iron or Timber. The Turkes told vs that this was once a passing faire Palace, the other parts of the Building being cleane defaced and demolished, so that not so much as any little ruines thereof are left, the stones, Marble Pillers and other ornaments beeing carried away into other Countries. For diuers of these Troiane ruines haue beene transferred to many of the Neighbour [ 60] Countries to serue for their publike and priuate Buildings, as to Constantinople, Lemnos, Les••os, Natolia, Syo, and diuers other parts. Yea the Turkes from some part or other of the Troiane Ter∣ritories doe daily carry away stones in their Gallies. Moreouer, they told vs that this Palace ser∣ued

for the Troian Queene to inhabite and keepe her Court in. Heere at this ruine they shewed vs a certaine Vault vnder the ground, wherein there was found great Treasure within these few yeeres, by certaine men that searched it out very diligently with Candles and Torches in their hands, and the same Treasure was put into the Coffers of the present Great Turke that li∣ueth now, Sultan Achmet.

Hauing seene all these things, wee went towards the Sea-side to take Boat and to goe backe to our Ship, but betwixt the Palace and the Ship we obserued these three things worthy the re∣lation; first a stately Arch standing alone by it selfe, which heretofore serued for a Spring or Fountaine, but I could not see the least drop of water about the Arch, for the Spring is vtterly dried vp, onely there is a Well neere to the same. Secondly, the ruines of a Wall that runneth vp into the Southerne part of the land, which is of such a marueilous thicknesse that vnto most of [ 10] the readers it will seeme perhaps incredible. For it was at the least thirtie Geometricall foot thicke, for I measured it very exactly. The stones of which it was built were rough and hard, but a little further vp in the Countrey we obserued some other part of the same Wall to stand more intirely, and to be built with such goodly square Ashler stone as is in the great wall before mentioned. Thirdly, a ruined old Castle or Fortification erected vpon a Mount, a Fort of great strength and beautie in ancient times: now it is onely a Shepheards habitation. We perceiuing that it was Inhabited by some people went into it, hoping to haue bought some Wine for the refreshing of our selues.

But when wee entred the same, in stead of people wee found onely the excrements of Cat∣tell, and a place where some Shepheard or Heardsman had reposed himselfe. Also wee ob∣serued [ 20] a very miserable rubbish of Stones that were dissipated and scattered ouer the face of the whole ground euery where within and without the Walles, after that I went to a plot of arable Ground, where I saw a Plough-man hold the Plough, and my selfe and one Master Francis Flyer did the like one after another, that if wee liue to be Old men we may say in our old age, we had once holden the Plough in the Troiane Territorie, especially in that part we saw the Citie stood. After this we saw Mount Ida, being by my estimation some two miles distant from that place, but we had not the opportunitie to goe so neere to it as to view it exactly. I wonder that the Epithets of Nemorosa should be giuen to it by the Poets, for I could perceiue no Tree at all growing about it, and doubt whether any grew vpon it in former times, by reason of the rockie and stonie matter it consisteth of, wee onely discerned the loftie toppe [ 30] of it called by the antient Poets, both Gargarus and Dyndima, vpon which Cybiles Priests were called Idaei. Dactyli, Galli, and Curetes, did celebrate their Sacrifices in honour of her, being the Mother of the Gods. I vnderstand that store of Turpentine doth grow vpon the Hill and the sides of it.

These notable things that I haue seen in Troy are so worthy the obseruation, that I would not for fiue hundred pounds but I had seene them, and had I not seene them now, I thinke I should haue taken a journey out of England of purpose to see the same. Therefore let me aduise all my Country-men that meane to trauell into the world for obseruation, to see this famous place in their Trauels, as being farre the most worthiest of all the ruined places in the world that are not Inhabited. [ 40]

At last when wee came to the shoare side to enter our Boat before wee left the land, we as∣cended a little Mount scituate hard by the Sea, which, it is likely to haue beene made by the Art of man and not by Nature, and that in the time of the tenne yeares Warres betwixt the Grecians and Troianes. Another artificiall Mount of the same kind I obserued beyond that al∣so. By whom (whether by the Grecians or by the Troianes) and to what end they were raised, I doe not know. Onely I coniecture they were made by the Troianes, to the end that from the same they might looke ouer the Walls, which I thinke were built alongst the Sea-coast, and so by Darts, Slings, Stones, Arrowes, and such other war-like Instruments to annoy the Greekes riding at Anchor neere to the shoare.

Besides the fruitfull Valley that I haue mentioned, which lyeth at the backside of the Pro∣montorie [ 50] Sygenm, through which runneth the Riuer Simois, there is another most fertile and de∣licious * 5.35 Valley, that lyeth by the Sea-side opposite to Tenedos, which I thinke is as pleasant and fat a Valley as any in the world, being extended at the least a dozen miles in length alongst the Sea-coast, and some ten miles as I coniecture in bredth, the ground being as fruitfull to produce all manner of Commodites as any plot of ground vnder the Sunne, but by reason that the In∣habitants of the Countrey are oftentimes infested by Pirats and men of Warre, which take a∣way from them what they list, they cannot find any secure place of habitation in all that tract: by meanes whereof it commeth to passe, that there are few dwelling Houses there, and so con∣sequently the Coast is more vntilled and vnmannured then otherwise it would bee. Notwith∣standing there are diuers goodly plots of Corne, onely Wheat to be seene in sundry parts of the [ 60] Valley neere to the Sea-side, but the other parts of the Valley further in the Countrey seeme vn∣to those that behold it a farre off vpon the Sea, to bee couered wholly with Wood, which con∣sisteth * 5.36 especially of liue Oake-trees. By a liue Oake-tree, I meane a strange kind of Oake which

groweth in diuers parts of Asia as well as heere, that differeth much from our English Oake, the body or trunke of it is much lesser then of our Forrest Oakes, that are but of an ordinarie size, also they are much lower then ours. As for the wood of this Tree it seemeth to be of an inpe∣netrable hardnesse, such as no Axe can cleaue or deuide a sunder without a great deale of diffi∣cultie when it is dry, but being greene it is easily hewed downe. It beareth a kind of Fruit or Acorne somewhat differing from ours, which is called Valania, which serueth for diuers vses. For besides that, it feedeth and fatneth Hogges making the flesh eate passing sweetly, they tanne their Leather with it, moreouer most of the Turkish Ships are made of this Wood, but it lyeth a long time in the water before they cleaue it and worke it for the Ship timber.

But me thinkes I heare some Troian complaine of another tedious ten-yeeres Siege: I will therefore [ 10] abruptly breake off the rest, with his comming to Constantinople, Entertainment there, his Oration to the Lord Ambassadour, Sir Paul Pinder, and manifold kindnesses from him, and other Constantinopo∣litan English: I will suddenly bring you in vpon him in a Franciscan Frierie, beholding a Superstitious Tragedie, which you shall heare from himselfe, with other Relations of that Citie.

Master CORYATS Constantinopolitan Obseruations abridged.

THe first of Aprill being Thursday, and the day immediatly before Good-friday, I with di∣uers of my Countrimen went about midnight to the Monastery of the Franciscan Friers, [ 20] where within a little after I came thither, I obserued a very rigorous and austere kind of Disci∣pline, whereof indeed I had often heard before that time, but neuer saw till then. Iust about the point of Midnight a little after Masse was begun, certaine fellowes prostrating themselues in the middle of the Quire of the Church, directly before the high Altar, Whipped themselues ve∣re * 5.37 cruelly, and continued in the mercilesse punishment of themselues at the least an houre and a halfe. At the first I thought they had beene some of the Friers themselues but therein I erred, for they loue to spare their flesh though it be otherwise reported of them. There were of those some foure or fiue and were indeed certaine Galley Slaues, that in lieu of the punishment which they did vndergoe for other men, that against Easter had confessed their finnes, and were en∣ioyned [ 30] a certaine for their offences, were to be released from the Gallies. This I vnderstand to bee the Custome euery yeere, that the richer sort of people hauing confessed their sinnes to the Priest, and thereupon required to performe such a Penance, doe procure these kind of Slaues vpon condition of Libertie to vndertake this punishment for them. The poore Villaines did endure such bitter chastisement which they inflicted vpon themselues, that I could scarse be∣hold them with drie eyes▪ their Faces were couered with Canuasse vayles so that no man could perceiue any of them, and all the middle part of their backe was naked which they lashed with certaine Napkins, at the ends whereof were Sitters, and againe at the end of those Sitters were inclosed certaine litle sharp peeces of Iron, made like the straight part of the rowell of a Spurre, which at the very first blow that it layd vpon the skinne did easily draw blood. They kept a [ 40] certaine order in laying on their blowes, now on the right shoulder, & after ouer the left, in the space of a quarter of an houre, I saw one of them that dealt somwhat roughly with himselfe by redoubling his blowes a little faster then the rest, did fetch off all the skin from the middle part of his backe, which was a very dolefull and tragicall Spectacle, and when hee had very bitterly whipped himselfe, there came a certaine fellow with a Cloth in his hand steeped in Vineger, with which he wiped away the blood that it should not rankle. After which the Slaue conti∣nued whipping of himselfe after a very terrible and cruell manner, but most of the rest fauoured themselues much more then this man did. Amongst diuers others Gentlemen of qualitie that came thither to behold this spectacle, the French Ambassadour presented himselfe with great Deuotion. This seuere Discipline being now ended, one of the Friers ascended the Pulpit and [ 50] made a Sermon in the Italian Tongue concerning the Passion of Christ. * 5.38

The Tuesday in the Easter weeke my Lord went to the Captaine Bashawes, and my selfe at∣tended vpon him. At his returne from the Bashawes Palace, his Lordship espying a certaine Turkish Fortune-teller called Rama, Fishing vnder the wall of the Seraglia neere to a holy Well, the water whereof is good (He was Fortune-teller to the Grand Signior himselfe) one that was a kinsman of Mahomets, for hee ware a Turbet of a very deepe green die. Vnto him my Lord sent me with Master Edward Connock his Secretary and one of his Druggermen, to the end he should tell me my Fortune, whereupon he deliuered vnto me two Dice, and willed them to cast them vpon a certaine smooth greene Stone that lay before him, which when I had done, hee wrote with his Pen certaine Turkish Characters vpon the same stone, by vertue whereof he Prognosti∣cated [ 60] my Fortune and presaged to this effect, as the Druggerman interpreted his speech, viz. That I was a man desirous to Trauell into remote Regions, that according to my desire I should trauell farre, and should be in danger for my Religion sake, and should also escape that danger, after that I should come to a great Citie (perhaps he meant London) where many would flocke

about me to heare me Discourse of those things that I had seene and done in my Trauels. At last Master Secretary gaue him certaine. Aspers for a gratuitie: hee said also that I should write a Booke of my Trauels, and publish it to the benefit of my Countrymen, and many thou∣sands besides.

There is a Colledge of Turkish Monkes in Galata, that are called Daruises, neere to one of * 5.39 their publike Buriall places, who euery Tuesday and Friday (which is the Turkish Sabbath) doe performe the strangest exercise of Deuotion that euer I saw or heard of. It was my chance to see it the ninth of Aprill, with some other English-men that went thither to obserue the same, and therefore I will write a little of it according to mine owne experience. About halfe an houre after twelue of the clocke the same day, I entred a prettie faire roome, to the which I passed through an outward Court, which roome was before almost full of Turkes that came thi∣ther [ 10] to serue God in their superstitious kind, and had put off their Shooes (according to their wonted custome) and placed them vpon Shelfes. Some part of the walls of this roome were in the inside decked with Inscriptions and Poesies written in the Turkish language, one directly o∣uer the Interpreter or Expounder of the Law, and others heere and there, all tending to Religi∣on. The middle part of the roome which is formed out square, is voyd, and reserued onely for the Religious men to sit in; but all the foure parts round about serued for the Spectators to be∣hold that which I will now expresse, which Spectators were as well Christians as Turkes. For hither the Turkes will suffer the Christians to haue accesse, though not to their Mosquies. There are other inner roomes also somewhat neere this where Women sate apart by themselues, with their Maskes before their Faces. A little after I came into the roome the Daruises repayred in∣to [ 20] the middle voyd space, sitting Crosse-legged, bending their Bodies lowe towards the floore for Religion sake, euen almost flat vpon their Faces, and that by murmuring out certaine Reli∣gious tearmes: the whole companie of them were about two and fiftie. Their habits differing * 5.40 much from the other Turkes, first the couering of their Head was of a differing sort from the o∣ther, for they weare certaine gray Felts made in a forme not vnlike the blockes of Hats that we vse in England, some whereof about the lower end are couered with a little white Shash, like∣wise the Cloake or vpper▪ Vest of most of them was exceedingly patched, and mended with a great multitude of seuerall peeces, to which torne Gowne I thinke they attribute matter of Holinesse.

The whole company of them being now setled in their places, and holding their Turkish ma∣nuscript [ 30] Bookes in their hands, a certaine Singing-m••n sitting a part in an vpper roome began to sing certaine Hymnes, but with the most vnpleasant and harsh notes that euer I heard, ex∣ceedingly differing from our Christian Church singing, for the yelling and disorderly squeaking of them did euen grate mine eares. Whensoeuer hee, pronounced the Name of Mahomet, all of * 5.41 them did cast downe their Heads to their knees. After hee had done, the Interpreter of the Law ascended into a Chaire, and read a certaine Turkish Booke for some halfe houre to the Assem∣bly, which contayned the Mahometane Doctrine, but when hee named him, they fell prostrate vpon their Faces and kissed the ground. Almost a quarter of an houre before he had done, three Pipers sitting in the roome with the Singer, began to play vpon certaine long Pipes not vnlike Tabors, which yeelded a very ridiculous and foolish Musicke, and continued so very neere a [ 40] quarter of an houre after the Clergie man had ended his Lecture: and with them there played another, that strucke with his hands a strange kind of Instrument made of Mettall, in the forme of a kind of Bason. Hauing played very neere a quarter of an houre, vpon a sodaine they soun∣ded * 5.42 much louder then ordinarie, whereupon some fiue and twentie of the two and fiftie Darui∣ses, suddainly rose vp bare legged and bare-footed, and casting aside their vpper Garment some of them hauing their their brests all vncouered, they began by little and little to turne about the Interpreter of the Law turning gently in the middest of them all, afterward they redoubled their force and turned with such incredible swiftnesse, that I could not chuse but admire it. A∣mongst the rest, there was one little Boy of some twelue yeares of age, that turning in a corner of the roome strucke no small admiration in all the Spectators that were Strangers. This tur∣ning [ 50] they kept for the space of one whole houre at the least: during which time, sometimes they turned exceeding swiftly, sometimes very gently. After they had halfe done, the Singer in the vpper roome began to sing againe, at the pronunciation of some of whose words, the Daruises sodainly mumbled out certaine strange te••rmes, with a most hideous kind of murmu∣ring that did in a manner terrifie and astonish vs that were meere strangers to these Ceremo∣nies. This they did three or foure seuerall times with an acclamation of all the Turks that stood by. The forme of their Dauncing is as strange as the continuance of their swiftnesse, for some∣times they stretch out their Armes as farre as they can in length, somtimes they contract them in a lesser compasse, sometimes they hold them about their Heads, sometimes againe they per∣forme certaine merry gestures, as if they were drawing a Bow and shooting forth an Arrow. [ 60] Likewise some of them did continue turning during the whole time in one and the selfe same place, and others more forward from one corner to another. This exercise now driuing to an end, one of the Daruises beginneth some Prayer in Arabicke, and continually turning about

with the rest of the Company, pronounceth it with a very audible voyce, and his Prayer being ended there is an vpshot of this ridiculous and Ethnike deuotion for this time, after it had continued almost an houre and a halfe. The violence of their turning is so great, that I haue heard some of them haue fallen downe dead in the place, through the extremitie of their swift Circumgyration, and whosoeuer hee is that doth so, is esteemed for a Saint. These Feasts are like those Trietericall Orgia that were performed by the furious Myrmalores the Priests of Bacchus, to the honour of their drunken God, vpon the Mountaines of Cithe∣ron in Baotia.

These Daruises though they are Religious men haue no lands to maintaine them as the Chri∣stian Monasteries haue, but a certaine stipend payed them euery day, partly by the Grand Sig∣nior, and partly by certaine Bashawes, and it is esteemed for so Holy an order, that diuers Ba∣shawes [ 10] haue renounced their Dignitie and pompe of the world, and entred themselues into this Order for the better saluation of their soules. And at this day the Grand Signior hath a Brother of this Soc••tie that liueth in the Seraglia, whom he hath often intended to put to Death, accor∣ding * 5.43 to the old principle of State that hath beene these many yeares obserued amongst the Turkish Emperours, but hee hath hapned to fall into some bitter Disease whensoeuer he hath thought vpon any such matter, which is the reason that he yet suffereth him to liue.

The twentieth of Aprill, there began a Fire in Constantinople about midnight, which was like to haue done much hurt, if it had not beene preuented by the care and industrie of the Captaine * 5.44 Bashaw. For hee came thither a little after it began with a great multitude of men to represse the furie of the flame as much as in them lay. Hee was so furious at that time, that with a cer∣taine [ 20] war-like Instrument called in the Turkish Tongue a Capooch, which is somewhat like a Mace, he strucke a Ianizarie that he saw rifling of a House, so fiercely vpon the head, that im∣mediatly he fell downe dead in the place: and had done the like to some other Ianizaries that were the adherents of the other, in his enterprise of ransacking other mens goods, if they had not sodainly escaped by flight. For indeed it doth happen that Ianizaries doe of purpose set Houses on fire, euen to the great endangering of the Citie for prey and spoyle sake, especially the houses of Iewes. For which cause the Iewes within these few yeares, haue both made their Houses stronger then they were wont to be, and also haue made Vaults vnder their houses, in∣to the which they may conueigh their Goods, whensoeuer there chanceth any sodaine Fire. Art the time of this Fire there came the Bustan which is a great man of the Grand Signiors, with [ 30] two thousand men out of the Seraglia, for the helping of the Bashaw. For indeed it behoued the Bashaw to looke to the maine chance for the quenching of the Fire, in the time of the Grand Signiors absence, least if there should haue beene any great hurt done, perhaps he might haue lost his Head after the Kings returne to the Citie, but the hurt was not so great as it was feared to haue beene, for there were not aboue fiftie Houses burnt. It is the Custome that whensoeuer any Fire riseth in the Citie, to Hang vp him in whose House it beginneth, as now a Cooke in whose house it began was Hanged presently after the Fire ceased. The like kinde of Fires and much more furious haue beene often seene in this Citie, as they are mentioned by the antient Historiographers, which haue wasted not only the priuate Hou∣ses of the Inhabitants, but also Temples, Statues, Pillers and other beautifull Ornaments of [ 40] the Citie.

The one and twentieth of Aprill about sixe of the clocke at night, I saw the most resplen∣dent and glittering shew that euer I did in my life. For the Turkes hanged all their Tur∣kish Mosquies both of Constantinople and Galbata with Lampes; which stood in a very decent and comely order found about the circle of their slender Towers, where the Priest doth vse to call the people to Prayers at certaine houres limited with a very loude voyce. Some of these Towers haue two and some three Circles in them, each aboue another, * 5.45 the shew at the first hanging out of the Lampes seemed strange vnto me, that neuer had seene the like before; but about Mid-night when it was much darker, then when they were [ 50] first hanged out, they yeelded a passing glorious and refulgent Spectacle, for it was my hap to see them againe. Aboue all the rest of the Towers those foure that belong to the Tem∣ple of Solyman the magnificent, made a most incompatable bright shew, for two of the soure being adorned with three Circles had three rowes of Lampes hanged out, and the other two with two Circles had two more; the Towers of which Temple made the brauest shew of all the ••owers of the whole Citie. These Lampes hanged till foure of the clocke in the Mor∣ning, and were then taken downe. The occasion of the hanging out of them, was because that Night Mahomet was borne in the Citie of Medina in Arabia. These kind of Lampes they hang out at foure times of the yeare besides; as in the time of Ramazan, which is their Lent and lasteth thirtie dayes, during which time, it is not lawfull for any Turke to eate or [ 60] drinke before Night, and then they vse to recompence their day Abstinence with their night Gluttonie. Also in that space Ianizaries commit insolencies against Christians, taking money from whomsoeuer they meet by the way. The second beginneth in December and lasteth three dayes, and is called Hodglar-byram, &c.

The eight and twentieth of April, being Wednesday, about fiue of the clocke in the mo〈…〉〈…〉 my Lord and his Company (whereof my selfe was one) went into Adrinople stree•• in Constan∣tinople * 5.46 neere to the gate of Adrinople, to see the Grand Signior come into the Citie from Adri∣nople, whether hee went vpon the one and twentieth day of December last, the pompe of it was so gallant that I neuer saw the like in my life; neither doe I thinke that the like hath beene vsed amongst any Princes of the world sauing these Musulmen, since the time of the triumphs of the Romane Emperours, when they went to the Capitol, after the conquering of some famous Coun∣try: the place where hence he came that morning is called Dowt Bashaw, a place standing by it self in the Countrey some three miles from Constantinople, the people that attended vpon his person at that time, were said to amount to the number of 15000. First rode the Subbashaw of Constan∣tinople [ 10] and Galata, with one hundred men on horsebacke, and other seruants also they had which * 5.47 went a foot, carrying certaine Muskets in their hands. Next followed French Souldiers, a com∣pany of fugitiue Rogues, that to get a large pay somewhat more then they haue, either in their owne Countrey, or could get in the Low Countries fled to Constantinople to bee entertained by the Grand Signior, of whom the greatest part of them doth receiue halfe a Doller a day for their pay: their Collonell rode with some twentie of his principall men, and all the rest to the number of one hundred with Muskets on foot, after them the Officers of the Arsenall a foot, with the chiefe of them a horsebacke, certaine of them carrying a Gallie with a man in it, a verie strange * 5.48 and ridiculous conceit: for indeed euerie one laughed heartily at it; after them came Squibsters, but how many in number I could not vnderstand; then came a great multitude of Gemiglandes [ 20] all on foot, whereof one had a feather sticking in his flesh, euen in his face somewhat neere to his right eye: then a Coach couered with cloth of Gold, which serued for the Grand Signiors riding, wherein himselfe and his Sultana did vse to ride: then a Delee, that is a foole with a Bears skinne vpon his backe, then Chauses on horsebacke, with Brasse and Iron Maces in their hands, which they carried vpon their right shoulders, these were in number 200. and their seruan••s a foot sixe hundred, and after them seuen Coaches, then came Ianizaries on foot foure thousand with Mus∣kets; some of these weare Beares skinnes; and after them other Ianizaries on horsebacke, euerie one hauing a Speare in his hand, with a little Flag in the same; after them againe other kind of Ianizaries that weare leather Cappes, on the top of which were great white Ostriches feathers: then came certaine Horses driuen by men of purpose, that carried water in Leather Bottles for [ 30] men to drinke in: then certaine Turkish Saints with verie long haire and ragged clothes. Next followed a black Elephant, after them Ladies, hundred & twelue on horsebacke, with three hun∣dred men attending on them, and the Muftie: then head Visiers, being eight or nine of the most principall of Turkie, with one hundred Chauses their attendants; then squeaking Musicke both Vocall and Instrumentall. The Daruises a foot vsing a ridiculous shooting and eleuation of their voyce. Then some one hundred Pikemen a foot, who besides their Pikes carried also Bowes and Arrowes. Then Mahomets kinsmen a horsebacke, with greene Halberts. Then Vice Ca∣dies on horsebacke, then Ladies againe; then nine goodly Horses of the Kings led by Chi∣auses, verie richly adorned with Saddles and Horse clothes of great price, a meruellous rich Tar∣get, being hanged at the Pomell of the Saddle of each Horse made of massie beaten Gold, and [ 40] garnished with varietie of precious Stones, each of these Horses is saide to be worth two hun∣dred pound sterling. Next the Kinges Grey-hounds, being ledde and clothed with couerings of Cloth of Gold: of these there were at the least one hundred. Then came Chiauses on horsebacke, namely twentie to attend the Kings person, and had fiftie seruants more atten∣ding vpon them: then rode one with a Streamer of greene Taffata, wherein was an Arabian Inscription in very great Letters; this is said to haue beene vsed by Mahomet himselfe their Prophet, in his warres with Cosoroes King of Persia and others also. Neere vnto this Ensigne, was carried another Ensigne (which is the common Standard that they vse in their warres, as heeretofore the Romanes vsed the Eagle) that is the taile of the Horse fastened vpon the toppe of a long Staffe. Next went his Archers, called Solackes, with Bowes and Arrowes attired in fine linnen shirts that reached to the calfe of their legges and long sleeues curiously wrought [ 50] with delicate seames of Needle Worke. Also they had couerings for their head (Hattes I cannot fitly call them) which consisted of Siluer fairely guilt, with long feathers, &c. The one and twentieth of May happened a terrible fire: three great fiers had fallen out betwixt the twentieth of April, and the one and twentieth of May.

Grashoppers sometimes doe fall so thick in Constantinople, and the Territories about the Citie in * 5.49 the Summer time, and that especially in Iune or Iuly, being brought in with an Easterne wind, that a man cannot passe in the streets of Constantinople or Galata, but hee shall euerie where tread vpon them. Also they flie so thicke vpon the tops of houses, that they doe euen couer the tiles: and in Medowes, Pastures, and vpon Hills, lie in such infinite and innumerable multitudes, that [ 60] they seeme to couer the grasse, and in the high-wayes horses that goe tread vpon them and kill them in their iourney; likewise vpon trees of all sorts, Vines, Corne, &c. they fall in such abun∣dance, that sometimes they annoy and spoile great store of Fruit; besides they are much greater then ours are in the West parts of Europe.

I obserued in Constantinople in the moneth of May, certaine Butter-flies as great as Reare-mise * 5.50 with foure wings, each whereof distinguished with a round spot made circularly, consisting of two colours Purple and Blacke, and two Hornes in their head made in the forme of branches of a Tree; they spawne thirtie or fortie Spawnes in a night.

All the Turkes and others, that doe ride in Constantinople or Galata, doe couer the backe and buttocks of the Horse with a faire cloth. The Turkes are exceedingly giuen to Sodomie, and * 5.51 therefore diuers keep prettie boyes to abuse them by preposterous venerie. A Cock and Hen of Phesants sold for sixtie Aspers, and Partridges for twentie Aspers a paire. Hawkes called Fawl∣cons * 5.52 so cheape, that a man may buy one young for twentie Aspers, being bred within fiue or sixe miles of the Citie. [ 10]

In the Moneth of May and Iuly, I obserued euery euening in Constantinople about seuen of the clocke, certaine little Flies flying abroad in the aire with fiery tailes, which seemed to mee * 5.53 the first time that I saw them, certaine little sparkes of fire flying to and fro in the aire. After∣ward hauing taken one of them and opened his bellie, I found a certaine bright and glistering sparke of fire in his taile, which I neuer saw before. These kinde of Flies doe much vse to flie a∣broad in the Summer time in Constantinople, onely in the euening, which a stranger that neuer saw them before, would take to be true flakes of fire. There are in the Turkish Empire two men of great authoritie, like the Lord Chancellors, called Cadileskeers, the one of Romalia, the other of Natolia; bee of Romalia hath the authoritie to remoue Cadys from their places in Romalia, and to * 5.54 substitute others in their roomes, the like hath he of Natolia. Also they are to sit in the Diuan with the Visiers and Bashawes, to giue their verdict in cases of Iustice; without whose opinion [ 20] and sentence nothing can be certainely determined.

The Turkes will not suffer these three things to be medled withall by a Christian or Iew, viz. his Religion, his Women, his Slaue. Those kind of Flies that troubled me in Italy, did in the night time as much infect mee in Constantinople, as being as familiar to Thrace as to Italy; I meane the Cimices, after that being once taken and bruised vpon the naile of a man, doth couer the whole naile with bloud and stinke. The Turke doth neuer at the saluting of his friend at any time of the * 5.55 day, or when hee drinketh to him at dinner or supper, put off his Turbant (as wee Christians doe our Hats one to another) but boweth his head and putteth his right hand vpon his brest, so that hee vtterly disliketh the fashion that, is vsed amongst vs of putting off our Hattes, therefore * 5.56 when hee wisheth any ill to his Enemie, he prayeth God to to send him no more rest then to a [ 30] Christians Hat.

The Turkes, as they shaue publikely in the streets, likewise they let bloud oftentimes in the streets, but so indiscreetly, that they suffer sometimes a man to bleed at the least two or three * 5.57 pounds of bloud, ••o the extreme weakning of their bodies: wheras few of our men suffer their Pa∣tient to bleed aboue halfe a pound. The true Musulman wil scaree kill a louse, if he find him in his apparell, but throwes him away, affirming, that it is contrary to the rules of charitie to kill him, * 5.58 or any thing else that hath life in it, except those things that they kill for their sustenance. And as for Buds that they see inclosed in a Cage, they will buy them for some money of the owner, and after let them flie out of the cage, for they thinke that there is iniurie done to them to debar them of their libertie. After the moneth of May, you shall scarce see till the end of September, any green [ 40] grasse growing abroad in the Medowes or Fields, because after that time it is all scorched away with the heat of the Sunne. So it falleth out in most of those Easterne Countries, otherwise then it doth here in England.

The pride of the Turkish Visiers or Bashawes is so great, that when a Christian Ambassador doth either bring them or send them a Present of great worth, they haue not the honestie as to thanke * 5.59 him. Whensoeuer the Turks or Greeks fall to buffets, they neither strike one another with their fists, but altogether with the palme of their hands, which I haue often obserued amongst them. In * 5.60 England onely our women, and those gentle doe carry Fannes in their hands made of Ostrich * 5.61 feathers, blacke, blue, red, yellow, &c. but no Gentlemen whatsoeuer; but here in Constantinople I [ 50] haue obserued the contrary, that onely men, and those Turkes, Greekes, and Franks doe carry these kind of Fannes, and neu•••• any women that I could perceiue.

The seuenth of August, being Saturday, my courteous friend Master William Pearch being desi∣rous to gratifie mee in a matter for the which I had often before sollicited him, inuited mee and Master William Ford, Preacher to our Nation, to the house of a certaine English Iew, called Amis, * 5.62 borne in the Cro••tched Friers in London, who hath two sisters more of his owne Iewish Religion, Commorant in Galata, who were likewise borne in the same place; to this mans house I say wee came, the foresaid day about nine of the clocke in the morning to see a matter, which in my for∣mer trauells I wished to haue seene, especially in Venice, but neuer till then had the opportunitie to attaine vnto, namely a circumcision. It was done in a priuate house, according to the custome * 5.63 of the Iewes resident in Constantinople, and not in a Synagogue as it is with the Iewes in other [ 60] Countries. This foresaid Amis, for the loue hee bore to our English Nation, in the which hee liued till hee was thirtie yeeres of age, being at the time of my residence in Constantinople sixtie, as also for his good will sake, which hee bore to my foresaid friend Master William Pearch, receiued vs

with very courteous entertainment, presenting vnto vs at a Table in a fine little roome where he placed vs, diuers delicate dishes and fruits with a cup of most excellent Wine, often welcom∣ming vs with many heartie and wel-wishing speeches. While wee were at breakfast, diuers Iewes came into the roome, and sung certaine Hebrew Songs; after which the child was brought to his Father, who sate downe in a chaire, and placed the child being now eight dayes old in his lap. The whole company being desirous that we Christians should obserue their ceremonie; called vs to approach neere to the child. And when we came, a certaine other Iew drawing forth a little Instrument made not vnlike those smal Cissers that our Ladies and Gentlewomen doe much vse, did with the same cut off the Prepuce or fore-skinne of the child, and after a very strange man∣ner vnvsed (I beleeue) of the ancient Hebrewes, did put his mouth to the childs yard, and sue∣ked vp the bloud. All his Priuities (before hee came. into the roome) were besprinkled with a [ 10] kind of powder, which after the Circumciser had done his businesse, was blowed away by him, and another powder cast on immediately. After he had dispatched his worke, the same also after his worke was done, tooke a little strong Wine that was held in a Goblet by a fellow that stood neere him, and powred it into the childs mouth to comfort him in the middest of his paines, who cried out very bitterly. The paine being for the time very bitter indeed, though it will be (as they told me) cured in the space of foure and twentie houres. But those of any riper yeeres that are circumcised (as it too often commeth to passe, that Christians which turne Turkes) as at fortie or fiftie yeeres of age, doe suffer great paine for the space of a moneth, the Prepuce that was cut off was carried to the Mother, who keepeth it very preciously as a thing of worth.

The twelfth of August being Thursday, the Turkes about eight of the clocke at night, illumi∣nated [ 20] * 5.64 the steeples of their Moskies, with abundance of Lampes ouer all Constantinople and Ga∣lata, (as they did vpon Mahomets birth day before mentioned by mee) as being the Eue of their first Sabbath in the Moneth or Moone of Regepf, by way of preparation for their great Feast of Ramazan, which followed afterward, which custome they obserue euery yeere vpon the foresaid day.

The eleuenth of September, some of the learned Turkes that were skilfull in their Law, ob∣seruing that the contagion of the Plague was lately dispersed ouer diuers places of the Citie, had recourse to some of their Musulman Bookes, to the end they might informe themselues of some conuenient and discreet course to be taken for the preuention of the sicknesse, and finding in one of them, that some thirtie yeeres since there was made an Edict for the banishing of all the Dogs * 5.65 [ 30] out of the Towne, as being principall Instruments of scattering the Plague, by reason of their free passing vp and downe from one house to another, they held it meet to imitate that example, and to doe the like. So that the matter being now propounded to the Grand Signior, it was at last determined, that the Dogges should be banished, and for the better performance of the matter, finally, they concluded thus, that euery Christian and Iew dwelling in Constantinople should by a day limited (vnder the paine of forfeiting foure Chiquins) present a Dogge to the Cad••e, and ta∣king of him a Teskeria (this is a Turkish word that signifieth a Certificate written vnder his hand) for a testimonie of performance of the same should afterward bring him to the water side, and see him imbarked for Saitan: for there were certaine vessels not much vnlike our lighters at Lon∣don, assigned only for transporting the Dogges, the Na••lum or passage being an Asper for euery [ 40] Dogge: by meanes whereof it came to passe that within one weeke there were no lesse then twentie thousand Dogges euen a great Armie of them carried ouer to Santan: and whereas the Citie did not yeeld Dogges enough for the seuerall Families of Christians and Iewes to present to the Cadie, those of Galata bought Dogges at a deere rate to transport them ouer to Constantin••∣ple, and to sell them there much deerer. Mungrels and masterlesse Curres that before strayed vp and downe the Citie, being now worth twenty or thirty Aspers. Now whereas the Grand Sig∣ui••r held it fit that they should be all killed when they came to the Saitanicall shoare, the Muftie * 5.66 who is the Tarkish Oracle, would not giue his consent to that, affirming, that it would be a very vncharitableaction.

The twentieth of September, three of the Uisiers sonnes Rod vp and downe in the Citie in * 5.67 [ 50] great pompe being accompanied with many Spahies mounted vpon their goodly Palfreyes that were richly furnished. And the same three were that day circumcised, the custome beeing such, that when the Sonnes of any eminent Turke is circumcised, a little before they performe the act vpon him, he rideth vp and downe the City with great solemnity with diuers Iewels of great prize in his Turbant, his long lock hanging downe behind his back artificially wouen and wrought in with curious pleites and tresses, and adorned with Diamonds and other sparkling stones of great value. Likewise they haue two long Pendants made of Gold Plate, that hang downe in the like manner ouer their backe. In their Turbant besides their Iewels they weare blacke O∣stridge-feathers. Some of them weare vpper Vests of Cloth of Gold, and Cimiters by their sides with a maruellous rich handle and scabberd: their horses very lustie, worth sometim•••• a hun∣dred [ 60] pounds sterling a Horse, garnished with most rich Furniture, the forepart and hi••der of the Saddle being of massie Siluer Plate double gilded: the headstall of his Bridle and ••ithell consi∣sting of the like siluer double gilded; a Horse-cloth couering all the buttockes of the Horse, worth

perhaps some two hundred Dollers. Before the youths certaine Gemilands walke afoot, car∣rying certaine strange deuices of a prettie height in their hands, made partly of little shreds of Paper, and partly of thinne Siluer Plate with round Figures made in the forme of the World. Likewise neere to them goe certaine Flutes that yeeld a very ridiculous and squea∣king Musicke with their Flutes. The Horsemen rode very orderly in their rankes, two and two together. After all this, returning to their Fathers House, they are feasted with much good cheere.

This day did these youths present themselues to the Grand Signior to kisse his hand, who be∣stowed vpon each of them two vpper Vests of Cloth of Gold, two Iewels and two rich Gob∣lets. The same day about seuen of the clocke at night, their Father the Visier made notable shewes [ 10] vpon the water before the Grand Signior with fire-workes. For there were sixteene Boates that serued for the same purpose, wherein prettie Castles were contriued, the people in which skir∣mished together at the least an houre, spending such abundance of Powder in their fire∣workes, that I neuer saw the like before, sending vp diuers of their flashes in the Aire, as high as the high∣est * 5.68 Steeple in Constantinople; a sight most notable to obserue so many Boats with their fire-workes encounter so long together, in which space there was no cessation or intermission, but that you should sometimes see foure, sometimes sixe fierie Steeples ascending into the Aire together with many burning lines passing too and fro vpon the water in diuers seuerall formes. Amongst the rest of these fire-workes I obserued some made vpon the very shoare it selfe with singular cunning resembling the shape of Cypresse-trees; a very pleasing and delectable obiect to behold. [ 20]

The twentieth of September being Munday, the Iewes of Constantinople and Galata, beganne their Feast of Tabernacles which lasted till the eight and twentieth of the same month, that is * 5.69 iust nine dayes in which they differ from the ancient Iewes who were commanded by Almigh∣tie God to spend only eight dayes in the colebration of their Feast. I talked with a Iew concer∣ning the reason of this their difference, who told me that it was because being so farre from Ie∣rusalem, as in Constantinople they did not altogether so certainly know the first day according to the course of the Moone, as those Iewes that liue in Ierusalem, and therefore for the better assu∣rance of this matter, they adde a day to the number that God limited and appointed their fore∣fathers, whereas the Iewes that liue in Ierusalem, and the parts of the Holy Land, neere there∣about, by the course of the Moone more certainly knowing the precise time of the beginning doe [ 30] spend only eight dayes in their Feast and no more. Againe, they do in another respect differ from Gods Institution. For he commanded only two dayes to bee more solemnely celebrated then the rest, that is, the first and the last, but they celebrate two at the beginning, and two also at the last. But as of the former two, the first day is the chiefest, being kept with more solemnitie then the second: so also of the two later, the last of all is more ceremoniously obserued then the for∣mer. In this space they are much giuen to holinesse, resting from all labour during the whole nine dayes, and they sometimes eate and drinke in their Tabernacles, which are made partly in their priuate Houses, or the corner of some Gallerie belonging thereto, at the least if they haue any, and partly neere to their Synagogues. They make the sides of their Tabernacles of Reeds of Bul∣rushes, and couer them at the top with Bayes. It was my hap to bee in one of them that was [ 40] made neere to a Synagogue. Also the ninth day which was the last of their Feast about foure of the clocke in the afternoone, I was at their Lyturgie in one of their Synagogues, being admitted * 5.70 to sit downe among them. I find the irreuerence of the Iewes in Venice, & of those of Constantinople to be like in the seruice of God. They neither vncouer nor kneele the whole time of their Prayer, somtimes they stand altogether, & sometimes they sit altogether. For some quarter of an houre after the beginning of the reading of their Law, they weare nothing ouer their backe, but their ordinary apparell, but then all of them put on their Ephod both men and children; which E∣phod is made of the same white stuffe, as the Turkish Turbants are, these hang ouer their backes * 5.71 and reach downe to the middle part of their bodies, after a looser manner then I thinke the an∣cient Iewes were wont to weare them, for I read in the 2. Sam. the 6. Chapter, and 14. Verse, [ 50] that King Dauid girt it about his middle when he danced before the Arke: but they hang it loose about their bodies. This Ephod many of them carried in a little scrip from their houses, and backe againe after the end of their Lyturgie. When they sat at their deuotion they vsed a most ridiculous and vnseemely gesture; for they alwayes mooued their bodies vp and downe very strangely, the head being in a continuall motion without any cessation. After that they mooue their right side then their left, and lastly their forepart forward; which kind of wagging of their bodies by interchangeable turnes they vse during the whole time of their seruice.

The forme of their Synagogue is built foure square, hauing abundance of little Glasses hang∣ing round about, that serue to containe Lampes, and some also of siluer. The Priest beeing * 5.72 in t••e middle roome, which is made in the same forme as those of Venice. That I saw de∣scribed [ 60] in my former Booke bellowed like an Oxe with a very hideous and roaring exaltation of his voyce at their seruice, they sung in Hebrew (in which Language their whole Seruice is said) the n••ne and twentieth Psalme, though nothing at all pertinent to their Feast, at the vpper end of their Synagogue they haue three distinct places drawne ouer with branched Vel∣uet

in the middle whereof was placed their Law, which consisted of tenne distinct par∣cels, each part contayning the selfe same matter written therein that the other doe, beeing folded vp with two Siluer handls at the ends; at the top of each whereof is a Siluer Pomegra∣nate, with many Bels hanging round about the same: within the which their Law is written in a Roll of Parchment. One of these parcels consisted of a goodly Plate of Siluer of no small price, all which tenne were carried in the middest of their Lyturgie round about the inside of the Synagogue, the Cachan (which is their Priest) being the Ringleader of the company, be∣fore whom diuers of the Iewes in a merrie manner went dancing as they also did that car∣ried the said parcels. The Rose-water that was spirted by little young Iewes, out of Sil∣uer Vessels vpon all those that carried about the Law was so much, that the Christian Specta∣tors * 5.73 thought that they would haue halfe drowned them in Rose-water. The ceremonie was [ 10] such at that time, that a little after our company departed thence, our Emperours Ambassa∣dour came to see their fashions.

That day in which the Iewes by night should haue taken downe their Tabernacles, that is, the Munday being the eighth day, after the beginning of their Feast (which was woont to bee the last day) the Christians of the Countrey beganne to erect their Tabernacles or Pauilions for their Vintage in all their Vineyards about Pera, and on both sides of the Bosphorus towards the blacke Sea, which Vintage lasted sixe dayes. In each of these dayes you might haue seene the greatest part of the way betwixt the farther end of Pera, and the Vineyards full of Horses that went to and fro from morning to night, to carrie away into the Towne the Grapes in cer∣taine deepe woodden pots after they were cut in the Vineyard: likewise the owners of the [ 20] Vineyards with their Families going and comming. And in these Pauilions was much solace a∣mongst the Christians for this time with good cheere, Musicke, &c. During the time of their Raccolta, whatsoeuer strangers came into their Vineyard might freely take as many Grapes as they were able to eate, which at another time they could not doe, for if before that they should be apprehended stealing Grapes in a Vineyard by any Ianizaries, and carried to the Subbashaw of Galata, perhaps he might haue twentie or fortie blowes vpon the fee••. Besides an imposition of a thousand Aspers. Of those Vineyards many belonged to Turkes; to whom it was lawfull to drinke Wine only at that time, while it was Must, but not else. I found not small recreation in expatiating abroad sometimes in the time of their Vintage to their Vineyards, where for exer∣cise [ 30] * 5.74 sake I holpe the poore Greeks both to gather their Grapes and to stampe some of their wine. For in certaine Buts and other lesser Vessels they bruised many of their Grapes in the Vineyards themselues, and afterward in their priuate houses finished the making of their Wine. Their vines * 5.75 grow not as in France and Germany, being vnderpropped, with little stalkes but rather as little small shrubs which grow so stiffe, that they need not any stakes to support them.

The third of October being Sunday, my Lord being accompanied with the greatest part of our English Nation resident in Galata, ouer and aboue his owne retinue went to congratulate the Polonian Ambassadours prosperous arriuall in Constantinople, who with much courtesie gaue him an Accoglienza speaking only in the Latine Tongue; and vsing sometimes in his dis∣course a certaine word that was neuer yet allowed by the Criticall censures of our time, name∣ly [ 40] Illustritas.

There happened one very memorable thing this Summer in Galata, which shall not escape my pen. A certaine Iew turned Turke, and after his conuersion to that Religion, buying once an Aspers worth of Fruit of a certaine poore Turke, because he obserued that the Turke did not de∣liuer him so much as did counteruaile his Asper, the Iewish Turke strooke the other about the face with some Instrument that he held in his hand, which gaue him such a sound blow that hee brake his face, insomuch that the bloud ran verie swiftly downe his face: another Iew that well knew this foresaid Iewish Turke, and saw the blow giuen by him to the poore Turke, came to the Turke, and demanded of him why hee did so patiently suffer that man to abuse him so outrage∣ously, encouraging him to giue him a blow, because otherwise euerie one that saw him put vp [ 50] that wrong so lightly, would take him for a ranke coward. I do not at all regard this blow (quoth the poore Turke) because it is giuen mee by one that is late made a Musulman, and I will not dis∣hearten * 5.76 him by giuing another for the same; but will as quietly take as much at his hands, as I haue alreadie receiued, if hee thinke fit to strike mee once more: yea I tell the Iew (quoth hee) that I will giue thee leaue to draw as much bloud from mee as hee hath done, without offering any reuenge at all, if thou also wilt turne Musulman: a notable example if it bee well considered.

The fourth of October, being Munday, the Turkish le••t called Ramazan began which conti∣nueth * 5.77 till the fourth day of Nouember, at which time they hanged out Lamps about their Stee∣ples, in the manner as they did twice before, that since the time of my arriuall in Constantinople [ 60] which burned till foure of the clocke in the morning, euen till that time when the Turke cryeth with a loud voice, &c. but it happened that their Lamps were hanged out much later this night then I haue obserued at other times. For before, they vsed to hang them out about the closing of the Euening, euen about Sun-set. But this night they did not before midnight, which came to

passe by reason that they could not see the Moone, notwithstanding the Grand Signior being ad∣uertised by his expert Astronomers about ten of the cloc••e at night, that it was very likely the Moone was risen, though being darkened by clouds it did not shine, commanded that there should bee an expresse order giuen forthwith that they should hang forth their Lamps; whereupon within the space of two houres, the Steeples belonging to all the Moskies in Constantinople and Galata shined suddenly with Lamps, a shew indeed very glorious and refulgent, some of their Steeples hauing onely one row of Lampes, which contained some fiftie particulars; some three rowes which make a very beautiful shew, yea each of the foure Steeples belonging to the Moskee of Sultan Solyman, had not onely three distinct rowes of Lampes, which hanged about as many seuerall pertitions in each Tower; but also three subdiuided rowes or series that pertained to the [ 10] said seuerall pertition, which Lampes were couered with certaine woodden Boxes to the end to keepe out the raine and the wind that they may not be blowne out; these Lampes were hanged out euery night. After the first, about the setting of the Sunne, before which time it was not law∣full * 5.78 for any man to eat or drinke; only sick folke and little children excepted that are not circum∣cised. If in the space of this Ramaza any Turke should bee found drunke hee is punished with * 5.79 death, as it happened to one when I was in Constantinople, who by the expresse commande∣ment of the Visier had hote burning Lead powred into his mouth and eares: and as for those that by reason of sicknesse haue beene constrained to violate this fast, looke how ma∣ny dayes they haue eaten in the Ramazau, they are to fast as many afterwarde to re∣compence the same. This manner of fast betwixt sunne and sunne was instituted by Ma∣homet himselfe. Immediately after the Lampes are hanged out, and the Talisman hath [ 20] cryed out, it is lawfull for people to eate, but not before: for though it bee not death for any one that shall bee found eating or drinking (sauing onely for Wine, for that is death without redemption) yet there is a certaine seuere punishment to bee inflicted vpon him.

There is great quantitie of Butter made in Turkie, but the most filthy and vnsauorie that is made in any other part of the world; for besides that it is defiled with many haires, it is al∣so * 5.80 stained with many colours, as blue, redde, greene, and all the other colours of the Raine-bow. It is made commonly in Moldania, Walachia, Mengr••••ia, and in some parts of Asia. Those that buy it in Constantinople refine it by setting it ouer the fire, and letting it settle, in mel∣ting whereof there is a must noysome and distastefull smell; then they poure out the cleere sub∣stance, [ 30] and the eight part remaineth as a muddy soot, or setling in the bottome. This Butter, though it bee so filthy, yet they preferred it before the best Butter that any of our Christians doe bring to the Citie. Againe, whereas wee make our Butter in all parts of Christendome with churning, they neuer doe so, but in this manner they make it. They set the Creame ouer the fire, and so the grosse substance descendeth to the bottome, and the Butter swimmeth to the top, which they s••i••me with a Ladle, and after poure it into the Hide of a Buffallo or an Oxe. This being cold looketh rather like Grease then Butter. They bring it to Constantinople in Buffallo Hides, which when they transport from Galata to Constantinople, they throw it downe into the water and dragge it at a Boates taile through the Sea and before they put it out at the shoare of Constantinople, they dragge it also through a great deale of mud. One of these Hides [ 40] is so great that when it is carried into the Citie eight men doe vsually carrie it vpon their backes by the helpe of Leuers and Ropes. The vse of this Butter is verie frequent, by rea∣son of the abundance of Pilla••e that is eaten in Constantinople, and in most places of Turkie. When they sell this Butter in their Shops, they hang it vp in the verie same Buffallo skinnes wherein they first brought it: and cut open the bellie, where they discouer the foresaid co∣lours. Their Butter hath little Salt mingled with it, which is the cause of the ranke sa∣uour thereof. Their Cheese likewise is brought in lesser skinnes, as of Goates and Sheepe to the Citie, not pressed as our Cheese is, but in crumbles. It is verie leane and drie, but fierie salt. But one Prison in all Constantinople, where there are but a few prisoners, be∣cause * 5.81 whensoeuer a man is committed to prison for any offence, hee is quickly brought [ 50] to his triall.

The seuenth of Ianuary, being Thursday, I went with a worthy Greeke, Michael Cauacco to Timotheus the Patriarch of Constantinople, whose house is in that part of Constantinople, which is * 5.82 called Phariaria, he is a man vnlearned and verie vnworthy of the place. When wee came to the doore of his Conclaue, wee did put off our shooes, and leauing them without the doore went in to him; and sate vpon our tailes crosse-legged as the Turkes doe vpon certaine Carpets, without either Chaire, Stoole, or Forme to sit on, he himselfe sate in the like manner, clad in a black broad cloth Gowne that was furred, and a blacke habit of Say ouer his head like to the Coloires; his re∣uenue is one yeere with another at the least 6000. Chicquins. Neere to his house is a Church of the Greekes, in which the foresaid Greeke Michael shewed me a certaine piece of a blacke Mar∣ble [ 60] Pillar some fiue foot long, that he said was brought from Ierusalem, and that our Sauiour was tied to the same when he was scourged. Hee told mee that the Greekes doe esteeme it so deere∣ly, that though the Duke of Florence did offer foure thousand Chicquins for the same, they

will not leaue it. It standeth in a corner of the Church, on the right hand as you goe into their Chancell.

On Saturday, being the ninth of Ianuary, was presented to my Lord, about fiue of the clocke in the afternoone, the strangest Bird that euer I saw in my life, a Pellican killed in the S••a by a * 5.83 seruant of our English Councel, Master Abbot with a Musket: it was white and much greater then any Bird that euer I saw before. His wings being stretched out were so long, that betwixt the extremitie of them both there was at the least nine foot distance, each wing contained fortie great feathers, which feathers yeelded so great a quill, that it was almost as great as an ordinarie finger: but the strangest thing in him was his beake, which yeelded two matters worthy the ob∣seruation; first the length, which was not so little as a Geometricall foot, and a quarter long, the [ 10] top of the vpper part of which bill was hooked like to the bill of an Eagle, and couered cleane o∣uer the lower parts of the beake. Secondly, the greatnesse of the jaw or chap in the lower part of the beake, being a kind of thinne fleshie substance, which indeed was so large that I saw a dogge of a prettie bignesse put within it, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 contained the whole bodie thereof. I heard that it would containe very neere a pecke of wheat, he is a great deuourer of fish, and hauing once got it within this jaw, his prey is certainely become his owne. Great plentie of these Birds are in the Propontis and Hellespont, and doe liue partly vpon the Land, and partly vpon the Sea, but most vpon the Sea.

In Constantinople, Peru. and Galata there are fiue thousand and seuen hundred and fiftie Parishes, * 5.84 of the Turkes Turkish Muskies great and little seuen hundred and seuentie: Karabassaries or [ 20] Xenodochta foure hundred and eighteen; publike Fountaines or Wells six hundred and fiftie, pri∣uate foure hundred and ninetie eight; Ouens or Bakc-houses three hundred and eightie fiue; horse-mills fiue hundred and eightie three; Christian Churches an hundred and fiftie; Synagogues thirtie sixe; a hundred thousand Houses, and amongst them fiue thousand Shops. As for the Bird before mentioned, the Turkes say that when Mecca was building, these to helpe forward the * 5.85 worke brought stones in their bills, that serued for the building of the Walles of the Citie: the * 5.86 Grand Signior is of the company of the Archers, as most of the Sultans of the Ottoman Familie haue beene free of some company or other. His Father Mahomet was of the Company of the Ring-makers, those I meane that make Rings of the teeth of a certaine Sea-fish, which Ring are very commonly worne by the Turkes. They hold it a bad omen, when the Grand Signior on any [ 30] occasion goeth out of Constantinople to meet in his way a Christian, for which onely fault one of Sir Thomas Glouers men, was taken and had so many blowes on his buttockes (his breeches be∣twixt) that he died thereof within few daies after. The Greekes that cannot pay their debts are deliuered to a Turk, who leads him with a chaine about his neck, the other end fastned to the Kee∣pers middle to begge till he hath paid. Sometimes at the great Bayram, the Sultan, or Visier, or Bassas will pay halfe the debts.

The Turkish Boyes that learne the first Alphabet, obserue the strangest custome that euer I saw, for sitting crosse-legged as their father doe, and holding their festers in their hands, they moue themselues vp and downe towards their booke that lieth before them, a motion so quaint that I could not chuse but laugh at them, and so did many other Christians beside my selfe. This I saw [ 40] to be obserued by the Turkish boyes of Constantinople, Gallipoli and Syo, and I thinke it is vsed in all parts of the Turkish Dominion. I departed from Constantinople towardes Ierusalem, in an English Ship, called the Great Defince, which about a month before came from Syo to Constantinople, which are at the least eighty leagues asunder, in the space of forty two houres, a thing that I name for the raritie thereof, because there are few Ships that performe it in so short a space, for the Ship in the which I went, being called the Samaritane, was almost sixe weekes performing it. I departed I say there hence, the one and twentieth of Ianuary being Friday, about eight of the clocke in the morning, in as tempestuous and extreame a season as euer I trauelled in my life, either by Land or water, for the snow which fell incessantly for the space of almost two dayes and two nights, bred such a rigid cold that some of vs were euen benummed. Besides, the contrarie winds so crossed our passage, that we found it a very fastidious and tedious voyage. Notwithstanding the aduerse [ 50] windes when we came within three or foure miles of Gallipoli, by tacking about and turning to windward, as they call it (those are nauticall words) by the which is meant sailing against the winde; with some kind of difficultie we entred into the Port. After we were come in, a certaine Iew that was in our Ship perceiuing that wee sailed so brauely against the winds, told me that the Englishmen by reason of their dexteritie in sailing, might bee not improperly called the fishes of the Sea: there we tarried three dayes, partly for the dispatch of our businesse with the Turkish Magistrates of the Towne, and partly by a thicke mist vpon the Sea, during which wee could not securely goe forward for feare of falling into shallow parts of the Sea. This Gallipoli is some * 5.87 ninetie leagues distant from Constantinople: there endeth the Propontis and beginneth the [ 60] Hellespout.

The fourteenth of Februarie wee went ashoare at Lesbos, now called Mitylene: it is very mountainous and rough. The Sheepe bare the coursest Wooll that euer I saw, like Goats haire. The people flocked about vs, many of them women, the vgliest sluts that euer I saw, sauing the

Armenian trulls of Constantinople. Februarie eighteene we came to Syo. On the twentieth say∣ling by the Sanijan Coast wee discerned Pathmos, and passed neere Cos the birthplace of Hippo∣••rates. On the twentie three, wee espied the tops of Ararat said to bee eightie leagues within Land, and wee fourteene from shoare. On the twentie foure we landed at Scanderone, infamous for the infectious aire caused by foggie clouds after Sun-set, and till nine in the morning houering about the mountaines, and letting fall an vnwholsome dew, the waters being also pestiferous; which cause many to leaue their carkasses there to be deuoured of the Iackals, which scrape thē out of their graues. I saw one, somewhat like a Mastiue Dog, but somewhat lesse, his taile as long as of a Foxe. They are therefore forced to fetch their water from a Fountaine sixe miles off. Scan∣derone hath about fortie Houses, the poorest Cotages that euer I saw, being but a few boards [ 10] weakly compact and couered with Reeds. Our iourney thence to Scandarone is about fiftie sixe miles. The first day wee rode twelue; the second sixteene; the third sixteene; the fourth ten. * 5.88 The Right Worshipfull Consull of the English Nation, Commorant in Aleppo, Master Bart. Hag∣gat my worthy Countryman borne in Summersetshire at Welles, amongst other fauours rode with * 5.89 mee to the Uallie of Salt mentioned, 2. Sam. 8. 13. In the way wee seemed to see a Towne stan∣ding * 5.90 like an Iland in water, and when wee came thither found no waters, but a kind of shrub like wild withered Time, which couering the Mountaine made with the white sprigs a shew of wa∣ter a farre off. The Villages in the way are inhabited with Bedwines. The Poole where the Salt is made is twentie miles long, and two broad, exceedingly frequented with plentie and va∣rietie of Fowle. The water continueth all the yeere sauing Iuly, August, September, at which [ 20] time it is quite dried vp, beginning to wast (or to change into Salt) in Iuly: and then is there no∣thing but a hard massie Salt, which appeareth like hard Ice digged thence with Mattocks, heaped hillocks & carried to Giabbul a village, on Camels and Asses, and there customed. It is as fine & ex∣cellent as any in the world. In Oct. it beginneth again to break out of certain springs with much vehemency, & after one month inundateth the whole place. It yeelds 20000. dollars yeerly to the Grand Signior. March, 15. 1613. I and my countryman Henry Allard of Kent, began our Pilgri∣mage a foot to the holy Citie of Ierusalem. The 26. in Damascus I saw Roses—but wee haue trauelled with so many Trauellers to Damascus, and thenc•• to Ierusalem, and obserued so much on those parts, that I dare not to obtrude Master Coryats prolixitie on the patientest Reader. He was indeed a cu∣rious viewer of so much as his bodily eyes could comprehend, to which he added (not so faithfull intelli∣gence of) his inquisitius eares; for mysteries of State and Religion hee would bee a saf•• traueller, and [ 30] free from suspition. I confesse I found much pleasure in walking with him in his tenne dayes iourney to Damascus, and spending a little while to view his foure dayes view of Damascus, Abana and Phar∣phar * 5.91 flowing from the Hill on which, part of the Towne standeth, to the Houses whereof aboue one thousand Conduits of most pure waters are thence conueyed; the Daruises Monastery, garden and tur∣nings; the buildings, of which the chiefe Moskee (before Saint Zaeharies Temple) hath one thou∣sand vnglased Windowes, and as many Pillars as are dayes in the yeere, with fiue brazen Gates, one fortie foot high; the Cloister, Bazestans Castle, and other Moskees, shady penthoused Streets, all superlatiue; ten Gates, 100000. Inhabitants, Fruits innumerable and dilicious, victualls so cheap that at a Cookes, he and his companion dined well for three farthings a man, and all things conspiring to an earthly Para∣dise: [ 40] for which cause it is said the Grand Signior may not reside there, least he should forfeit his hopes of a future Paradise: his further iourney to Iordans swift and sounding streame, to Tabors Holies, Samarias Well, and the centre of Earthly sanctitie, Ierusalem; his companie of Armenians, with there Patriarch or Bishop, with a Crosier in his hand of an ordinary peece of Hasill, with a little crooke at the end of the same piece of Wood, with a Turbant of white and blue on his head; their cruell vsage by the Moores the * 5.92 Bedwine sluts painted vnder the nosthrills and ringed on the right nosthrill vnto the spoyle of kissing, the Sugar loafed Houses, and other rarities, in as rare a stile of big-swolne strange-tired trauelling words expressed: all this and the rest of Master Coryats long long iourney I dare not hither adde for feare you * 5.93 grow weary of him and mee. Yet I will adde a little of Ierusalem that yee may know hee was there. Hee entred it the twelfth of April, 1614. Besides the Holies obserued in Sandys, Sanderson, Timberley, [ 50] Biddulph, and others, hee lay in the Temple on Palmesunday euen, in the vpper Gallery, where hee was roused out of sleepe by the turbulent cries of the Greekes, who came foorth of their Quire with a very clamorous noyse, hauing eleuen Banners of Silke and cloth of Gold carried before them, each of which had three Streamers, and on the top of the Staffe a guilded Crosse. A world of Lamps was carried before and behind them, men, women, children confusedly, crying, Kyrie elecson. The next day the other Nations ioyned with them, displaying their Banners also, viz. the Armenians, Maronites, Ia∣cobites, Cophties, and Abassines. The Armenians made the brauest shew. Their Patriarch weare a cope of cloth of Gold, a Miter of like cloth on his head beautified with many rich stones with a Crucifix in his hand beset with Diamonds, Rubies, Amethists, Saphires, and other Stones of great worth; his Priests also sumptuously attired, wearing imbroidered Caps of Ueluet and Sattin with Crosses on the [ 60] tops. Some carried Oliue boughes in their hands, with burning Waxe Candles therein, and one a branch of Palme-tree. Some of the Priests went before, the Patriarch backward perfuming him. Some carried Drums on their shoulders, which others behinde them did strike vpon. The Cophties and Abassines had also certaine clappers of Brasse and Wood, which made strange Musicke. They continued

foure houres their circumgyration about the Sepulchre, which vociferations such as did amaze the be∣holders: the people ready to goe together by the eares for these holy branches.

The eight and twentieth he went to visite Iordan,, when they were some fifteene miles from Ierusalem in the way, the stones of that soile put together burne being kindled as wood, and the combustible matter in them being spen••, are blacke and not consumed to ashes, the smell is like brimstone, as neere to Go∣morha. Twenty of these fires were made en a bill. At Iordan all made great applause; men, women and children stripped themselues starke naked h〈…〉〈…〉ng opinion that that water washeth away all their sinnes. It is very muddy, and he was vp to the middle in mud neere the bankes. There grow abundance of tamariskes of which they make wands which they carry into their Countries. The Riuer there is scarsely one hundred foot broad, but in the middle said to be twenty foot deepe. Halfe a mile beyond are the Arabian hils. They [ 10] passed within halfe a mile of the Lake Asphaltitis, enuironed on both sides with high hils. On the hither side is the Pillar of Lots wife in Salt with her childe in her armes, and a pretty Dogge * 5.94 also in Salt by her, about a bow shot from the water. The ••nterpreter said his father fiftie yeere before, when some of his com∣pany had broken off a peece, saw it growne vp againe miraculously as if it had not beene touch••d. He tooke notice of two things, the slow motion of the ••ater, or rather none, standing like a quagmirre; and the foggie, clowdie matter vpon it, yeelding an vnholesome smell. The Vallie which they passed is sterile as euer hee passed any Country, a chalkie so••le vtterly destitute of plants, not to be bettered by industry of man. The two and twentieth of Aprill he went the third time into the Temple, in which were then assembled 1000. Arme∣nians, as many as of all the other Nations, 2000. in all. Here was buying and selling in the Temple of gir∣dles, garters, bread, &c. they then remaining there eight and forty houres; yea, they defiled it with their ex∣crements, [ 20] and made it a metamorphosis of Aiax, and that not for want of necessarie places, which there were publike and commo••, but through meere beastlinesse in superlatine degrees. Their meeting then is, with banners, flags, crucifixes, musicall instruments, and feruent praiers to bring the holy Ghost from hea∣••en in visible forme of fire. The Latins herein dissent from all the other sects, and count it an imposture. The ther six companies m••et on saturday at eleuen of the clock and l••ck and bolt the doore of the Sepulcher. They walke round about till fiue of the clock in the afternoone without intermission, most of them carrying a bun∣dle of white wax candle, in their right hands, bound about with the holy thred or, garters which haue touch∣ed holy places, about forty in a bundle lifted ouer their heads, inuocating the holy Ghost, the Greekes crying 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the rest in Arabian, with such stēn••orean outcries. for that six houres procession, thinking there∣with to pierce the hea••••••s as hath not elswhere been•• heard. About three quarters of an houre after foure, [ 30] the doore was vnlocked, and the Patriarks of the Greeks & Armenians went in, with an Abassine. This last entreth into the grotta and there in hugger mugger contriueth his businesse, and hauing beene there a quarter ••f an houre, commeth forth with his bundle of lights lighted, and le••ping furionsly forth is caught by the zealous people rauished with ioy at this appearance, the Priest in danger of stifling whiles each striues to light his candle first. All were kindled in a quarter of an houre. Ierusalem is but meanly peopled, there being searse 10000. so few walking in the streets as except in Padua he hath not seene in any Citie. The soyle is stonie or rather chalkie, and fertile; it is plentifull of prouisions, corne growing there in reasonable quantitie, but not so high, nor so thicke as in fruitfull places of England. Girdles & garters are there made and thence carried to all places. The ancient forme of building there, & in Samaria, of most of their streets is fornica to opere, with vaulted roofes. Betwixt April and October it seldome raineth. No Iew may ap∣peare [ 40] neere the Sepulcher, for any Christian may stone him, or bring him to the Officer to be executed. 347 lamps ordinarily burne in the Temple (besides at Easter) thorow the yeere. Their wodden Keyes in this Country, and other his obseruations very very many I omit. His iourney from thence to Aleppo and thence * 5.95 into Mesopotamia, Persia, India, you haue before related in his owne Epistles••.

CHAP. XIII.

Relations of the Trauels of W. LITHGOVV a Scot, in Candy, Greece, the Holy-land, Egypt, and other parts of the East.

VPon the fortieth day after my departure from Paris, I arriued at Rome, of the which [ 50] I will memorize, some rarest things, and so proceede. This Citie of Rome, now extant, is not that old Rome, which Romulus founded; for after the Monarchy * 5.96 of the Romans had attained to the full height, the Gothes, a base and vnknowne people, displaying their banner against this glorious and imperiall Citie, in the end razed, and subuerted their Pallaces, equalizing the wals with the ground. After the which detriment, and ouerthrow (the late subdued Romans, recouering their ruinous habitation) were inforced, to withdraw the scituation of the Towne, a little more downward, neare the bankes of Tibris: And transported the stones, of these ransacked buildings, to reedifie their new dwelling places: [ 60]

Hic vbi nunc Roma est, olim fuit ardua silua, Tanta{que} res paucis, pascua bobus erat.

Many haue wrote, of the singularities of old Rome, and I will also recite some decaied Monu∣ments thereof, which I haue seene: The speciall obiect of Antiquitie I saw, being neuer a whit

decaied to this day, is the Templum omnium Deorum, but now, omnium sanctorum, builded in a rotundo, and open at the top, with a large round, like to the quire of the holy graue, And a pret∣ty way from this, are the remainants of that ancient Amphitheatre beautified with great Co∣lumnes, of a wonderfull bignesse and height; the reason why it was first deuised, the ghosts of the slaughtered Sabines may testifie. To be briefe, I saw the decaied house of worthy Cicero, the * 5.97 high Capitoll, the Pallace of cruell Nero, the Statues of Marcus Aurelius, Alexander, and his horse Bucephalus. The greene hill like vnto Mount Cauallo, that was made of the Pottars shards at one time, which brought the tributarie Gold to this imperiall seat, the seuen hils whereon she stands, and their seuen Pyramides, the Castell Saint Angelo, which Adrian first founded, and their doubtfull transported Reliques from Ierusalem, with many other things I diligently remark∣ed, [ 10] some whereof were friuolous, some ambiguous, and some famous. Besides all these I saw one most sight-worthy-spectacle, which was the Library of the aneient Romans, being licenciated to enter with two Gentlemen, Sir William Kerre, and Ia••es Anghtermuty my Countrey-men, where when I was come, I beheld a word of old Bookes, the first whereof, was an infinite num∣ber of Greeke Bibles subscribed with the hands of these holy Fathers, who (as they say) transla∣ted them out of the Hebrew tongue.

I saw also the Academies of Aristotle, wherein he treateth of the Soule, health, life, nature, and * 5.98 qualities of men, with the Medicaments of Galen, for the diseases and infirmities of man: The fa∣miliar Epistles of Cicero, the Ac••••idos of Virgil, the Saphicke Verses of that Lesbian Sapho, the Workes of Ouid, Plinie, ••lutarke, Titus Liuins, H••ratins, Strabo, Plato, Homer, Terentius, Cato, Hippo∣crates, [ 20] Iosephus, Pythagoras, Diodorus Siculns, Eusebius, Saint Augustine, Saint Ambrose, Saint Cy∣prian, Saint Gregory, and likewise the workes of other excellent Philosophers, Diuines, and Poets: all wrote with their owne hands, and sealed with their names, and manuell subscriptions. I saw also the forme of the first ancient Writing, which was vpon leaues of trees, cakes of lead, with their fingers on ashes, barkes of trees, with strange figures, and vnknowne Letters, that was brought from Egypt: for the Aegyptians first deuised the vse thereof, and the sight of infinitie Ob∣ligatorie Writings, of Emperours, Kings, and Princes, which I omit to relate, referring the same to the registred, by the next beholder.

Bidding adew to my Company, and this Library, I longed to view the gorgeous Mosaicall worke of Saint Peters Church: The matter was no sooner conceiued, but I went to the doore, yet [ 30] afraid to enter, because I was not accustomed, with the carriage, and ceremonies of such a San∣ctum Sanctorum. But at the last, abandoning all scrupulositie, I came in boldly, and on my right hand, as I entred within the doore, I espied the portraied image of Saint Peter, erected of pure * 5.99 Brasse, and sitting on a brasen Chaire. The fashion of the people is this, entring the Church, they goe strait to this Idoll, and saluting with many crosses his senslesse body, kisse his feete; and euery one of his seuerall toes: next, they lay their heads vnder the soale of his right foot, and arising, rub their Beads on his hard costed belly: thus adoring that breathlesse masse of mettall, more then though it were a liuing creature.

The period of Time, after eight and twenty dayes abode, wishing my departure, I hardly es∣caped from the hunting of these bloud-sucking Inquisitors, of whom the most part were mine [ 40] owne Countrimen; for I may iustly affirme it, man hath no worser Enemie then his owne sup∣posed friend. And the Italian saieth in his Prouerbe; God keepe me from the hurt of my friends, for I know well how to keepe me from mine Enemies. From thence bound Eastward, I visited Naples, the commendation of which, I onely reuolue in this Verse:

Inclyta Parthenope gignit Comites{que} Duces{que}.

Among many other remarkeable things, neare to this Citie (as Lacus Auernus, Sibillaes Caue, Puteoli; the Sulphurean Mountaine, Capua and Cuma, where banished Aeneas from Troy, and Carthage arriued) I saw the Monument of Virgils buriall.

In the meane while, hauing alwaies a regard, of my hasty dispatching from Christendome, I returned, addressing my selfe to Venice for transportation. But by your leaue, let me lay down be∣fore * 5.100 [ 50] your eyes, some notable illusions of Madonna di Loretta.

Before I came neere to Loretta, by ten miles, I ouertooke a Caroch, wherein were two Geu∣tlemen of Rome, and their tw•• Concubines: Who, when they espied me, saluted me kindely, en∣quiring of what Nation I was? whither I was bound? and what pleasure I had to trauell alone? After I had to these demands giuen satisfaction, they intreated me to come vp to the Caroach, but I thankfully refused, and would not, replying the way was faire, the weather seasonable, and my body vnwearied. At lsst they perceiuing my absolute refusall, presently dismounted on the ground, to recreate themselues in my company: and incontinently, the two yong vnmarried * 5.101 Dames, came forth elso, and would by no perswasion of me, nor their familiars, mount againe; saying, They were all Pilgrimes, and bound to Loreta (for deuotions sake) in pilgrimage, and for the [ 60] penance enioyned to them by their Father Confessour. Truely, so farre as I could iudge, their penance was small, being carried with horses, and the appearance of deuotion much lesse: for lodging at Riginati, after supper, each youth led captiue his dearest Darling to an vnsanctified bed, and left me to my accustomed repose.

When the morning Starre appeared, wee embraced the way marching toward Loretta, and these Vermilion Nimphs, to let me vnderstand they trauelled with a cheerefull stomacke, would oft run races, skipping like want on Lambes on grassie Mountaines, and quenching their fellies in a Sea of vnquenchable fantasies. Approaching neere the gate of the Village, they pulled off their shooes and stockings, walking bare-footed through the streetes, to this ten thousand times polluted Chappell, mumbling Pater nosters, and Aue Mariacs on their Beades. When they en∣tred the Church, wherein the Chappell standeth, I stood at the entrie beholding many hundreds of bare-footed blinded bodies, creeping on their knees and hands: Thinking themselues not worthy to goe on foot to this idely supposed Nazaretane House, like to this saying,

Lauretum nudis pedibus, plebs crebra frequentat, Quam mouet interius religionis amor. [ 10]

Vnto this falsly patronized Chappell, they offer yeerely many rich gifts, amounting to an vn∣speakable * 5.102 value, as Chaines, and Rings of Gold and Siluer, Rubies, Diamonds, silken Tapestries, and such like. The Iesuiticall and Poenitentiall Fathers receiue all, but who so inioy all, let Ca∣mera reuerenda Romana, grant certification to this Loretan auariciousnesse, who fill their coffers twice in the yeere therewith. My foure Pilgrimes hauing performed their ceremoniuli customes, came backe laughing, and asked why I did not enter? But I as v••wdling to shew them any fur∣ther reason, demanded what the matter was? O (said the Italians) I••••anda peral Cie••o•••• Iddio Sa∣cratissimo; This is the House wherein the Virgin Marie dwelt in Galile: and to the confirmation of these words shewed me a Booke, out of which I extracted these Annotations.

This Chappell, they held it to be the house, in which Mary was annunced by Gabriel, and [ 20] wherein she conceiued Iesus, by operation of the holy Ghost. And in the meane time, that deuo∣tion * 5.103 waxed scant, amongst the Christians of the Primitiue Church, in the Holy Land: Many strangers tyrannizing ouer the territories of Canaan, as Herachus, Costroes King of Persia, S••••azens, and Harancone King of Egypt; it came to passe in the yeere of our Lord 1291. and in the time of Pope Nicholas the fourth, that it being shaken off the foundation, was transported miraculously by Angels in the night, from Nazareth in Gallile, to Torsalto in Sla〈…〉〈…〉a. And in the morning, * 5.104 Sheepheards comming to the place of pastorage, found this house, wherewith being astonished, they returned in haste, and told S. George Allesandro, the Prior of Torsalto, who in that meane while was lying sicke. He being stricken in admiration with these newes, caused himselfe to be * 5.105 [ 30] borne thither, and laid before the Altar, and falling in a maruellous trance, the Virgin Mary by a heauenly Vision appeared to him, saying after this manner:

Behold, thou hast often peerced the heauens, with inuocations for thy reliefe, and now I am come, not * 5.106 onely to restore thee to thy health, but also to certifie thee, that thou doubt nothing of this House; for it is holy in respect of me, the chaste immaculate Uirgin, ordained before all eternitie, to be the Mother of the most High. It was in this Chamber my Mother Anna conceiued me, nourished me, and brought me vp, in singing Psalmes, Hymns & Praises to the glory of God, and also I kept in this roome the blessed infant Iesus, very God, and very Man, without any grieuance or paine, brought him vp with all diligent obserua∣tion: And when cruell Herod sought the babes life, by the aduertisement of the Angell, I, and my hus∣band Ioseph, who neuer knew my body, fled with him downe to Egypt. And after his passion, doath, and as∣cension [ 40] to Heauen, to make a reconciliation of humane nature, with the Court Celestiall. I staied in this house with Iohn, and the other Disciples; Who considering after my death, what high mysteries had beene done into it, consecrated and conuerted the same to a Temple for a commemoration of Christs sufferings, the chiefe of Martyrs. Also that resplending Image thou feest, was made by S. Luke (my familiar) for e∣ternizing the memory of my portraiture as I was aliue by the commandement of him, who doth all things, and shall conserue this sacred Image to the worlds end: That Crosse of Cedar, which standeth at the side of the little westerne window, was made by the Apostles: These Cinders in the Chimney touch not, because they are the fragments of the last fire I made on earth: And that Shelfe whereon my linnen cloathes, and prayer Bookes lay, Let no person come neere it for all these places are sanctified and holy. Wherefore my Son, I tell thee, Awake, and goe, recite the same which I haue told thee vnto others; and to confirme thy [ 50] beliefe therein, the Queene of Heauen giueth thee freely thy health.

Frier Alexander, being rauished (say they) with this Vision, went and reported it to Nichola•• * 5.107 Frangipano, Lord of that Country. And incontinently he sent this Prior and other foure Friers to Nazareth, whereby he might know the truth thereof, but in that iourney they died. The Vir∣gin Mary perceiuing their incredulitie, caused Angels the second time to transport the house ouer the gulfe of Venice, to a great wood neere by the Sea side, in the territory of Riginati. Which, when the Countrimen had found, and remarking the splendor of the illuminating Image, dispersed these newes abroad. And the Citizens of Riginati. hauing seene what great miracles were daily done, by the vertue of this Chappell, imposed to it this name, Madonna di Loretta. A little while after the people resorting to it with rich gifts, there hanted in the wood many theeues, and cut-throates, [ 60] who robd and murdred the Pilgrims. Which innocent spilt bloud, pricking her to the heart, shee made the Angels transport it the third time, & set it on the top of a little Mountain, belonging to * 5.108 two brethren in heritage: But they vpon a day quarrelling, & discording, about the vtility of the offerings to this house, the Angels did remoue it the fourth time, & placed it in a high broad way,

where it standeth vnremoued to this day. This was confirmed by the Papall Authoritie to bee of an vndoubted truth, after a hundred and fiftie three yeeres deliberation. I haue added no∣thing * 5.109 to the Authors description, but onely collected these speciall Warrants.

I embarqued at A••cona, in a Frigato; and by accident I heere encountred with a most cour∣teous and discreet Gentleman Iames Arthur * 5.110, whose companie was to me most acceptable, wee arriued at Saint Markes place in Uenice.

AFter foure and twentie dayes attendance, and expecting for passage, I embarqued in a Carmoesalo, being bound to Zara Noua in Dalmatia.

Zara is the Capitall Citie of Dalmatia, called of old Iadara: the Inhabitants are gouerned by [ 10] a Camarlingo, in the behalfe of Uenice. The walls whereof, are strongly rampired with earth; surpassing the tops of the stone worke: and fortified also with high Bulwarkes, and planted Cannons on eleuated rampires of earth: which are aboue fortie Cubites higher then the walls and Bulwarkes, standing in the foure seuerall corners of the Citie.

From Zara I embarqued in a small Frigot bound for Lesiua, with fiue Slauonian Martiners, who sometimes sayled, and sometimes rowed with Oares: In our way wee passed by the Ile of Brazza, which is of no great quantitie, but fertile enough for the Inhabitants, and kept by a * 5.111 Gentleman of Uenice. It lyeth in the mouth of the Gulfe Narento, that diuideth Dalmatia from Slauonia. Many conceiue in effect that these two Kingdomes are all one, but I hold the * 5.112 contrary opinion, both by experience and by antient Authors. Hauing passed Cape di Costa, which is the beginning of Slauonia. I saw vpon my right hand, a round Rocke of a great height, [ 20] in forme of a Pyramide. * 5.113

A little beyond that Rocke, I saw the three Iles Tremit••: The chiefest whereof is called Teu∣cria, but they are vulgarly called the Iles of Diomedes, who was King of Etolia. They are right opposite to Mount Gargano, now called Saint Angelo, and distant from the maine land of Pulia in Italie about nine miles.

The poore Slauonians being fatigated in their hunger-staruing Boat, with extraordinary paines (for we had three dayes calme, which is not vsually seene in these Seas) were inforced to * 5.114 repose all night, at the barren Ile of Saint Andrew. This Ile is of Circuit foure miles but not In∣habited: the excessiue Raine that fell in the Euening made vs goe on shoare, to seeke the co∣uerture of some Rocke; which found, wee lay all night on hard stones, and with hungry bellies: [ 30] for our prouision was spent. The breach of day giuing comfort to our distressed bodies, with fauourable windes at the Garboe ponente, we set forward, and about midday wee arriued in the Port of Lesina, of which the Ile taketh the the name.

This Ile of Lesina is of Circuit, a hundred and fiftie miles, and is the biggest Iland in the A∣driaticke * 5.115 Sea. It is exceeding fertile and yeeldeth all things plentifully, that is requisite for the sustenance of man. The Citie is vnwalled, and of no great quantitie, but they haue a strong for∣tresse, which defendeth the Towne, the Hauen, and the vessels in the rode. The Gouernour who was a Venetian, after he had enquired of my intended Voyage, most courteously inuited me three times to his Table, in the time of my fiue dayes staying there. And at the last meeting, he re∣ported the storie of a maruellous mishapen Creature borne in the Iland, asking, if I would goe [ 40] thither to see it: Wherewith (when I perfitely vnderstood the matter) I was contented: The Gentleman honoured me also with his company, and a Horse to ride on, where when we came, * 5.116 the Captaine called for the Father of that Monster, to bring him forth before vs. Which vnna∣turall Child being brought, I was amazed in that sight, to behold the deformitie of Nature; for below the middle part there was but one Bodie, and aboue the middle there was two liuing Soules, each one seperated from another with seuerall members. Their heads were both of one bignesse, but different in Phisnomie: The belly of the one ioyned with the posteriour part of the other, and their faces looked both one way, as if the one had carried the other on his back, and often before our eyes, hee that was behind, would lay his hands about the necke of the [ 50] formost. Their eyes were exceeding big, and their hands greater then an Infant of three times their age. The excrements of both Creatures, issued forth at one place, and their thighes and legges of a great growth, not semblable to their Age, being but sixe and thirtie dayes old; and their feet were proportionably made like to the foot of a Camell, round, and clouen in the middest. They receiued their food with an insatiable desire, and continually mourned with a pitifull noise; that sorrowfull man told vs, that when the one slept, the other awaked, which was a strange disagreement in Nature. The Mother of them bought deerly that birth, with the losse of her owne life; and as her Husband reported, vnspeakable was that torment shee endu∣red, in that woful-wrestling paine. I was also informed afterwards, that this one or rather two∣fold wretch liued but a short while.

I hired a Fisher-boat to goe ouer to Clissa, being twelue miles distant. This Ile of Clissa is of [ 60] length twentie, and of circuit three score miles: It is beautified with two profitable Sea-ports, and vnder the Signiorie of Venice. Vpon the South-side of this Iland lyeth the Ile Pelagusa.

Departing from thence in a Carmoesalo bound to Ragusa, wee sayled by the three Iles Brisca,

Placa, Igezi; And when we entred into the Gulfe of Cataro, we fetched vp the sight of the Ile Melida, called of old Meligna. Before wee could attaine vnto the Hauen, wherein our purpose * 5.117 was to stay all night, we were assayled on a sodaine with a deadly storme: Insomuch, that eue∣ry swallowing waue threatened our death, and bred in our brests an intermingled sorrow of feare and hope. The winds becomming calme, and our desired safetie enioyed, we set forward in the Gulfe of Cataro, and sayled by the Ila Curzola. In this Iland I saw a walled Towne called * 5.118 Curzola, which hath two strong Fortresses to guard it. It is both commodious for the traffique of Merchandise they haue, and also for the fine Wood that groweth there, whereof the Uene∣tian Ships and G••llies are made: An Iland no lesse delightfull then profitable; and the two Gouernours thereof, are changed euery eighteene moneths, by the State of Venice.

It was of old called, Curcura, Melana, and of some Concira nigra, but by the Modernes, Gur∣zola. [ 10] Continuing our course, wee passed by the Iles Sabionzello, Torquolla, and Catza Augusta, appertaining to the Republike of Ragusa. They are all three well inhabited, and fruitfull, yeel∣ding Cornes, Wines, and certaine rare kindes of excellent Fruits. It is dangerous for great Vessels to come neare their Coasts, because of the hidden shelues that lie off in the Sea, called Augustini, where diuers ships haue beene cast away in foule weather; vpon the second day after our loosing from Clissa, we arriued at Ragusa.

Ragusa is a Common-weale gouerned by Senators, and a Senate Counsell: It is wonderfull * 5.119 strong, and also well guarded, being scituate by the Sea-side, it hath a fine Hauen and many goodly shippes thereunto belonging. The greatest Traffique they haue, is with the Ge••••••ses. Their Territorie in the firme land is not much, in respect of the neighbouring Turkes, but they [ 20] haue certaine commodious Ilands, which to them are profitable. And notwithstanding of the great strength and riches they possesse, yet for their better safegard and liberty, they pay a yeerely tribute vnto the great Turke, amounting to fourteene thousand Chickenes of Gold: yea, and also they pay yeerely a tributarie pension vnto the Uenetians, for the Iles reserued by them in the Adriaticall Gulfe. The most part of the ciuill Citizens, haue but the halfe of their heads bare, but the baser sort are all shauen.

This Citie is the Metropolitan of the Kingdome of Slauonia. Slauonia was first called Libur∣nia, * 5.120 next Iliria, of Ilirio the sonne of Cadmus: But lastly, named Slauonia, of certaine Slaues, that came from Sar••atia passing the Riuer Danubio, in the time of the Emperour Iustinian. So much as is called Slauonia, extendeth from the Riuer Arsa in the West, the Riuer Drino in the [ 30] East, on the South bordereth with the Gulfe of Venice, and on the North with the Mountaines of Croatia: These Mountaines diuide also Ragusa from Bosna.

The next two speciall Cities in that Kingdome, are Sabenica and Salona. The Sla••••nians are of a robust Nature, Martiall, and valiant fellowes, and a great helpe to maintaine the right and libertie of the Uenetian state. From Ragusa I embarqued in a Tartareta, ••oaden with Cornes, and bound to Corfu, being three hundred miles distant.

In all this way we found no Iland, but sayled along the maine land of the Ilirian shoare: ha∣uing passed the Gulfe of Cataro, and Capo di Fortuna, I saw Castello nouo, which is a strong For∣tresse, scituate on the top of a Rocke: wherein one Barbarisso, the Captaine of Solyman, starued to death foure thousand Spaniards. Hauing left Ilyria and Ualona behind vs, wee sayled by Capo [ 40] di Palone. This high land is the furthest part of the Gulfe of Venice, and opposite against Capo di Sancta Maria, in Pulia, each one in sight of another, and four••eene leagues distant. Continu∣ing our Nauigation, we entred into the Sea Ionium, and sayled along the Coast of Epire, which was the famous Kingdome of the Epirotes. This is the first land of Greece, and vpon the sixt day after our deprrture from Ragusa, we arriued at Corfu.

Corfu is an Iland, no lesse beautifull then inuincible: it lyeth in the Sea Ionean, the Inhabi∣tants * 5.121 are Greekes, and the Gouernours Venetians. This Ile was much honoured by Homer, for the pleasant Gardens of Alci••o, which were in his time: it is of Circuit one hundred and twen∣tie, and fiftie miles in bredth. The Citie Corfu, from which the Ile hath the name, is scituate at the foot of a Mountaine, whereupon are builded two strong Fortresses, and inuironed with a * 5.122 [ 50] naturall Rocke: the one is called Fortezza noua, and the other Fortezza vechia: they are well gouerned and circumspectly kept, least by the instigation of the one Captaine, the other should commit some treasonable effects: and for the same purpose, the Gouernours of both Castles, at their Election, before the Senatours of Venice are sworne; neither priuatly nor openly to haue mutuall Conference; nor to write one to another for the space of two yeares, which is the time of their Gouernment. These Castles are inaccessable and vnconquerable, if that the Keepers be loyall, and prouided with Naturall and Martiall furniture. They are vulgarly called, The Forts of Christendome, by the Gr••••k••s; but more iustly, The strength of Venice? for if these Castles were taken by the Turkes, the Trade of the Venetian Merchants would bee of none account; yea, the [ 60] very meane to ouerthrow Venice it selfe.

From thence, I embarked in a Greekish Carmoesalo, with a great number of passengers, Greekes, Slauonians, Italians, Arm••nians and Iewes, that were all mindfull to Zante.

Biding farewell to Zante, I embarked in a Frigato going to Petrass•• in Morea, which is cal∣led

Peloponnesus: and by the way in the Gulfe Lepanto (which diuideth Etolia and Morea: the chiefest Citie in Etolia is called Lepanto: from thence Westward by the Sea-side, is Delp••os, fa∣mous for the Oracle of Apollo) wee sayled by the Iles Echinidi, but by Moderne Writers, Cur∣zolari: where the Christians obtained the Victorie against the Turkes, for there did they fight, after this manner.

In the yeere 1571. and the sixth of October, Iohn Duke of Austria, Generall for the Spanish Gallies, Marco Antonio Colonna, for Pope Pio Quinto; and Sebastiano Ueni••co, for the Venetian * 5.123 Armie, conuened altogether in Largostolo at Cephalonia: hauing of all two hundred and eight Gallies, sixe Galliasses, and fiue and twentie Frigots. After a most resolute deliberation, these three Generals went with a valiant courage to encounter with the Turkish Armado, on the Sun∣day morning the seuenth of October: who in the end through the helpe of Christ, obtayned [ 10] a glorious Victorie. In that Fight there was taken and Drowned one hundred and eightie of Turkish Gallies; and there escaped about the number of sixe hundred and fiftie Ships, Gallies, Galeotes, and other Vessels: there was fifteene thousand Turkes killed, and foure thousand ta∣ken Prisoners, and twelue thousand Christians deliuered from their slauish Bondage. In all, the Christians but loosed eleuen Gallies, and fiue thousand slaine. At their returne to Largostolo, after this victorious Battell, the three Generals diuided innumerable spoyles, to their well-de∣seruing Captaines and worthy Souldiers.

[illustration] map of the Peloponnese

HONDIVS his Map of Morea. [ 20]

After my arriuall in Peterasso, the Metropolitan of Pelop••••••••sus, I left the turmoyling dangers of the intricated Iles of the Ionean and Adriaticall Seas, and aduised to trauell in the firme Land of Greec, with a Carauan of Greekes that was bound for Athens. But before hee admitted me in∣to his companie, he was wonderfull inquisitiue, for what cause I trauelled alone? and of what [ 60] Nation I was? To whom I soberly excused, and discouered my selfe with modest answers. Which pacified his curiositie; but not his auaritious minde: for vnder a pretended protecti∣on he had of me, hee extorted the most part of my money from my purse, without any regard of Conscience.

In the first, second, and third daies Iourneying, we had faire way, hard lodging, but good cheere, * 5.124 and kind entertainment for our money: But on the fourth day, when wee entred in the Hilly and barren Countrie of Arcadia; for a daies Iournie we had no Village, but fa•• abundance of Cattell without Keepers. In this Desart way, I beheld many singular Monuments 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 Castles, whose names I knew not, because I had an ignorant Guide•• Bot•• this I remember 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a∣mongst these Rockes my belly was pinched, and wearied, was my bodie, with the 〈…〉〈…〉ing of fastidious Mountaines, which bred no small griefe to my breast. Yet notwithstanding of my di∣stresse, the remembrance of these sweet seasoned Songs of Arcadian Shepherds, which pre〈…〉〈…〉 Poets haue so well penned, did recreate my fatigaped corps, with many sugred 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Th〈…〉〈…〉 sterile bounds being past, we entred in the Easterne Plaine of Morea, called ancie〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Spartad * 5.125 where, that sometimes famous Citie of Lacedemon flourished, but now sacked, and the lump•• of [ 10] ruines and memorie onely remaynes. Marching thus, wee left Modena, and N〈…〉〈…〉 on our right hand, toward the Sea side, and on the sixt day at night, we pitched our Tents in the disinhabi∣ted Villages of Argo and Micene, from the which vnhappie Helene was rauished 〈◊〉〈◊〉 I sha〈…〉〈…〉 the ground to be a Pillow, and the World-wide-fields to bee a Chamb•••• the whirling 〈◊〉〈◊〉 skies, to be a roofe to my Winter-blasted lodging, and the humide vapours of cold, N〈…〉〈…〉, to accompany the vnwished-for-bed of my repose.

In all this Countrie I could find nothing, to answere the famous Relations, giuen by ancient Authors, of the excellencie of that Land, but the name onely; the barbarousnesse of, T••••kes and Time, hauing defaced all the Monuments of Antiquitie: No shew of honour, no 〈…〉〈…〉tion of men in a honest fashion, nor possessors of the Countrie in a Principalitie. But rather Prisoners [ 20] shut vp in Prisons, or addicted slaues to cruell and tyrannicall Masters.

Departing from Argo, vpon the seuenth day wee arriued at Athens: Athens is still inhabi∣ted, standing in the East part of Peloponnesus, neere to the Frontiers of Macedon: It was first called Cecropia, and lastly Athens of Minerua. This Citie was the Mother and Wel-spring of * 5.126 all Liberall Arts and Sciences, but now altogether decayed: The circuit of old Athens hath beene according to the fundamentall Wals yet extant about sixe Italian miles, but now of no great quantitie, nor many dwelling Houses therein. They haue abundance of all things, requi∣site for the sustenance of humane life, of which I had no small proofe: for these Athenians of Greekes, exceeding kindly banqueted me foure daies, and furnisht mee with necessarie prouision for my Voyage to Creta. And also transported mee by Sea in a Brigandino freely to Ser••••o, being [ 30] foure and fortie miles distant.

Serigo is an Iland in the Sea Cretico. It was anciently called Cythe••ea, It is of circuit sixtie miles, hauing but one Castle called Capsallo: which is kept by a Uenetian Captaine: ••••re it is laid, that Venus did first inhabit, and I saw the ruines of her demolished Temple on the side of a Mountaine yet extant. A little more downward below this Temple of Venus, are the relikes of that Palace, wherein Menelaus did dwell, who was King of Sparta, and Lord of this Ile. The Greekes of the Ile told me there were wild Asses there, who had a stone in their heads, * 5.127 which was a fouereigne remedie for the Falling-sicknesse, and good to make a woman be quickly deliuered of her birth.

THe Ile of Candy was called Creta: It is a most a famous and ancient Kingdome: By mo∣derne [ 40] Writers, it is called Queene of the Iles Mediterrane: It had of old a hundred Cities, whereof it had the name Hecatompolis, but now onely foure, Candia, Canea, Rethimos, and Scythia, the rest are but Villages and Bourges. It is of length, to wit, from Capo Ermico; in the West, called by Plinie, Frons arietis, and Capo Salomone in the East, two hundred and fortie miles, large threescore, and of circuite sixe hundred and fiftie miles. This is the chiefest Dominion, belong∣ing to the Uenetian Republike: In euery one of these foure Cities there is a Gouernour, and two Counsellors, sent from Venice euery two yeeres. The Countrey is diuided into foure parts, vnder * 5.128 the iurisdiction of the foure Cities, for the better administration of Iustice: and they haue a Ge∣nerall, who commonly remayneth in the Citie of Candie. (like to a Vice-roy) who deposeth or [ 50] imposeth Magistrates, Capitaines, Souldiers, Officers and others whatsoeuer, in the be halfe of Saint Marke, or Duke of Venioe, The Venetians detaine continually a strong Guard, diuided in Companies, Squadrons, and Garrisons, in the Cities and Fortresses of the Iland: which doe ex∣tend to the number of twelue thousand Souldiers kept, not only for the incursion of Turkes, but also for feare of the Cretans or Inhabitants, who would rather if they could (as some say) render to the Turke, then to liue vnder the subiection of Venice. This Ile produceth the best Maluosey. Muscadine, and Leaticke, that supposedly are in the World. It yeeldeth Orenges, Limons, Me∣lons, Cirrons Grenadiers, Adams Apples, Raisins, Oliues, Dates, Honey, Sugar, Vuaditre Volte, and all other kinds of fruit in abundance. But the most part of their Comes are brought yeerely from Archipelago and Greece. This much of the Ile in generall; and now in respect of my tra∣uelling [ 60] two times through the bounds of the whole Kingdome, which was neuer before atchie∣ued by any Traueller of Christendome: I will as briefly as I can in particular relate a few of these miseries indured by me in this Land, with the nature and qual〈…〉〈…〉 of the people.

This aforesaid Carabusa, is the principall Fortresse of Creta, being of it selfe inuincible, and is not vnlike to the Castle of Dunbertan, which standeth at the mouth of Clyd; vpon which Ri∣uer the most worthy renowmed, and anciently ennobled Citie of Lanerke is situated: For it is enuironed with a Rocke higher then the wals, and ioyneth with Capo Ermico: hauing learned of * 5.129 the Theeuish way, I had to Canea, I aduised to put my money in exchange, which the Captaine of that strength, very courteously performed; And would also haue diswaded mee from my purpose, but I by no perswasion of him would stay. From thence departing, scarcely was I aduanced twelue miles in my way, when I was beset on the skirt of a Rockie Mountaine, with three Greeke Renegadoes, and an Italian Ban〈…〉〈…〉do: who laying hands on me, beat me most cruelly, rob∣bed me of all my clothes, and stripped me naked, vsing many inuectiue speeches. At last, the Ita∣lian [ 10] perceiuing I was a stranger, and could not speake the Cretan Tongue, began to aske mee in his owne Language, where was my money? To whom I soberly answered, I had no more then he saw, which was eightie Bagantines: But he not giuing credit to these words, searched all my clothes, and Budgeto, yet found nothing except my Linnen, and Letters of recommendation, I had from diuers Princes of Christendome: Which when he saw, did mooue him to compassion, and earnestly entreated the other three Theeues to grant me mercie, and saue my life: A long de∣liberation * 5.130 being ended, they restored backe againe my Pilgrimes clothes, and Letters, but my blue Gowne and Bagantines they kept: Such also was their theeuish courtesie toward mee, that for my better safegard in the way, they gaue me a stamped piece of Clay as a token to shew any of their companions, if I encountred with them; for they were about twentie Rascals of a con∣federate [ 20] band, that lay in this Desart passage. Leauing them with many counterfeit thankes, I trauelled that day seuen and thirtie miles, and at night attained to the vnhappy Village of Pick∣borno: where I could haue neither meate, drinke, lodging, nor any refreshment to my wearied bo∣die. These desperate Candiots thronged about mee gazing (as though astonished) to see mee both want companie, and their Language, and by their cruell lookes, they seemed to bee a barbarous and vnciuill people For all these High-landers of Candie, are tyrannicall, bloud-thirstie, and de∣ceitfull. The consideration of which, made me to shun their villanie, and priuately sought for a secure place of repose in a darke Caue by the Seaside; in which I lay till morning with a crazed bo∣die, and hungrie belly,

Vpon the appearing of the next Aurora I embraced my vnknowne way, and about midday [ 30] came to Canea: Canea is the second Citie of Creete, exceeding populous, well walled, and for∣tified * 5.131 with Bulwarkes: It hath a large Castle, contayning ninety seuen Palaces, in which the Rector and other Venetian Gentlemen dwell. There lie continually in it seuen Companies of Souldiers, who keepe Centinell on the wals, guard the Gates, and Market places of the Cities: Neither in this Towne nor Candia, may any Countrey Peasant enter with weapons (especial∣ly Harquebuzes) for that conceiued feare they haue of Treason. Truly this Citie may equall in strength, either Zara in Dalmatia, or Luka, or Ligorne, both in Tuscana: for these foure Cities are so strong, that in all my trauels I neuer saw them matched. They are all well prouided with * 5.132 Artillery, and all necessary things for their defence, especially Luka, which continually re∣serues in store prouision of victuals for twelue yeeres siege. Being here disappointed of transpor∣tation to Archipelago, I aduised to visit Candie: and in my way I saw the large Hauen of Suda, [ 40] which hath no Towne or Village, saue onely a Castle, situated on a Rocke in the Sea, at the en∣try of the Bay: the bounds of that Harbour may receiue at one time aboue two thousand ships and Gallies, and is the onely Key of the Iland: for the which place, the King of Spaine hath oft offered an infinite deale of money to the Venetians, whereby his Nauie which sometimes re∣sort in the Leuante, might haue accesse and reliefe; but they would neuer grant him his re∣quest.

Vpon the third dayes iourney from Canea, I came to Rethimos; This Citie is somewhat rui∣nous, and vnwalled, but the Citizens haue newly builded a strong Fortresse, which defendeth * 5.133 them from the inuasion of Pirates: it standeth by the Sea side, and in the yeere 1597. it was mi∣serably sacked, and burned with Turkes. Continuing my Voyage, I passed along the skirt of Mount Ida, accompanied with Greekes who could speake the Italian Tongue, on which, first they [ 50] shewed me the Caue of King Minos, but some hold it to be the Sepulchre of Iupiter. That Groto is of length eightie paces, and eight large: This Minos was said to be the Brother of Radaman∣thus, * 5.134 and Sarpedon; who, after their succession to the Kingdome, established such equitable lawes, that by Poets they are feigned to be the Iudges of Hell. I saw also there, the place where Iupi∣ter (as they say) was nourished by Amalthes, which by Greekes is recited, as well as Latine Poets. Thirdly, they shewed me the Temple of Saturne, which is a worke to be admired, of such Anti∣quitie, * 5.135 and as yet vndecayed; who (say they) was the first King that inhabited there. And neere to it, is the demolished Temple of Matelia, hauing this superscription aboue the doore, yet to be seene Make cleane your feet, wash your head and enter. Fourthly, I saw the entrie to the La∣byrinth * 5.136 [ 60] of Dedalus, which I would gladly haue better viewed, but because wee had no Candle∣light, we durst not enter: for there are many hollow places within it; so that if a man stumble, or fall, he can hardly be rescued: It is cut forth with many intricating wayes, on the face of a little hill, ioyning with Mount Ida.

Mount Ida is the highest Mountaine in Creta, and by the computation of Shepherds feete, a∣mounteth * 5.137 to sixe miles of height: It is ouer-clad euen to the top with Cypresse trees, and good store of medicinable herbs: insomuch that the beasts which feed thereupon, haue their teeth gil∣ded, like to the colour of Gold: It is said by some Historians, that no venemous animall can liue in this Ile; but I saw the contrarie: for I kild vpon one day two Serpents and a Viper: Where∣fore many build vpon false reports, but experience teacheth men the truth. Descending from this Mountaine, I entred in a faire Plaine beautified with many Villages; in one of which I found a Grecian Bishop, who kindly presented me with Grapes of Maluasi••, and other things, for it was in the time of their Vintage. To carrie these things hee had giuen mee, hee caused to make readie an Asse, and a Seruant, who went with mee to Candie, which was more then fif∣teene miles from his House. True it is, that the best sort of Greekes, in visiting other, doe [ 10] not vse to come emptie handed, neither will they suffer a stranger to depart, without both gifts and Conuoy.

Candie is a large and famous Citie, situated on a Plaine by the Sea side, hauing a goodly Ha∣uen * 5.138 for ships, and a faire Arsenall wherein are six and thirtie Gallies: It is excceeding strong, and daily guarded with two thousand Souldiers, and the Wals in compasse are about three leagues: Candie is distant from Uenice thirteene thousand miles, from Constantinople seuen hun∣dred, from Famagosta in Cyprus sixe hundred, from Alexandria in Aegypt fiue hundred, and from the Citie of Ierusalem nine hundred miles. The Candeots through all the Iland, make Mustars euery eighth day, before the Seriant Maiors, or Officers of the Generall, and are well prouided with all sorts of Armour; yea, and the most valorous people that hight the name of Greekes. It [ 20] was told me by the Rector of Candie, that they may raise in Armes of the Inhabitants (not rec∣koning the Garrisons) aboue sixtie thousand men, all able for Warres, with fiftie foure Gallies, * 5.139 and twentie foure Galleots for the Sea. In all my trauels through this Realme, I neuer could see a Greeke come forth of his house vnarmed: and after such a martiall manner, that on his head hee weareth a bare steele Cap, a Bow in his hand, a long Sword by his side, a broad Poynard ouer∣thwart his belly, and a round Target hanging at his Girdle. They are not costly in Apparell, for they weare but Linhen Clothes, and vse no Shooes, but Bootes of white Leather: by nature they are craftie and subtile, as Paul mentioneth, Titus 1. 12. Their Haruest is our Spring: for they manure the ground, and sow the Seed in October, which is reaped in March and A∣prill. Being frustrate of my intention at Candie, I was forced to returne to Canea, where I [ 30] stayed fiue and twentie dayes before I could get passage, for I purposed to view Constantinople. I trauelled on foot in this Ile more then foure hundred miles, and vpon the fiftie day after my first comming to Carabusa, I embarked in a Fisher-boate that belonged to Milo, being a hun∣dred miles distant, which had beene violently driuen thither with stormie weather.

Milo was called by Aristotle, Melada; and by others, Mimalida, Melos: And lastly, Mi∣lo; because of the fine Mil-stones that are got there, which are transported to Constantinople, Greece, and Natolia. This Ile is one of the Iles Cyclades, or Sporades, but more commonly Ar∣chipelago, * 5.140 or the Arch-Ilands, and standeth in the beginning of the Aegean Sea: The Inhabitants are Greekes, but slaues to the Turke, and so are all the fifty three Iles of the Cyclades, faue onely Tino, which holdeth of the Venetians, [ 40]

From Milo I came to Zephano, an Iland of circuit about twentie miles: The Inhabitants are * 5.141 poore, yet kind people: There are an infinite number of Partridges within this Ile, of a reddish colour, and bigger then ours in Britaine: They are wild, and onely killed by small shot; but I haue seene in other Ilands flockes of them feeding in the fields, and vsually kept by Children: Some others I haue seene in the streets of Villages, without any Keeper, euen as our Hens doe with vs. I saw Fountaines heere, that naturally yeeld fine Oyle which is the greatest ad∣uantage the Ilanders haue.

From thence I embarked, and arriued at Angusa, in Parir: This Ile is fortie miles long, and * 5.142 sixe miles broad: being plentifull enough in all necessary things for the vse of man: In Angusa I stayed sixteene dayes, stormested with Northerly winds; and in all that time I neuer came in bed: for my lodging was in a little Church without the Village, on hard stones; where I also had a [ 50] fire, and dressed my meate. The Greekes visited me oftentimes, and intreated me aboue all things, I should not enter within the bounds of their Sanctuarie; because I was not of their Religion. These miserable Ilanders, are a kind of silly poore people; which in their behauiour, shewed the necessitie they had to liue, rather then any pleasure in their liuing. From thence I arriued in the Ile of Mecano, where I but onely dined, and so set forward to Zea. Symonides the Poet, and E∣ristato the excellent Physician, were borne in it. The next Ile of any note we touched at, was Tino: This Iland is vnder the Signorie of Venice, and was sometimes beautified with the Tem∣ple of Neptune. By Aristotle it was called Idrusa; of Demostthenes and Aeschines, Ernsea: It hath an impregnable Castle, builded on the top of a high Rocke; so that the Turkes by no meanes [ 60] can conquer it.

From this Ile I came to Palmosa, sometime Pathmos, which is a Mountaynous and barren I∣land: * 5.143 It was heere that Saint Iohn wrote the Reuelation after hee was banished by Do〈…〉〈…〉nus

the Emperour. Thence I imbarked to Nicaria, and sailed by the Ile Scyro; which of olde was the Signiory of Licomedes, and in the Habit of a Woman, was Achilles brought vp heere: who in that time, begot Pyrrhus vpon Deidamia, the Daughter of Licomedes, and where the * 5.144 crafty Vlysses did discouer this fatall Prince to Troy. As we fetched vp the sight of Nicaria, wee espied two Turkish Galliots, who gaue vs the Chace, and pursued vs straight vnto a Bay, betwixt two Mountaines, where we left the loaden Boat, and fled to the Rockes: But in our flying, the * 5.145 Master was taken, and other two old men; whom they made Captiues and Slaues: and also sei∣zed vpon the Boat, and all their goods: The number that escaped, were nine persons. This Ile Nicaria, was anciently called Doliche, and Ithiosa, and is somewhat barren; hauing no Sea-port at all: It was here, the Poets feigned, that Icarus the Sonne of Dedalus fell, when as hee tooke [ 10] flight from Creta, with his borrowed wings, of whom it hath the name. Expecting certaine * 5.146 dayes here, in a Village called Laphantos, for passage to Sio, at last I found a Brigandino bound thither, that was come from the fruitfull Ile of Stalimene, of old Lemnons, wherein I imbarked, and sailed by the Ile Samos, which is opposite to Caria, in Asia Minor: It is of circuit one hun∣dred and sixtie, and of length fortie miles: It was of old named Driusa, and Melanphilo, in which was Pythagoras the Philosopher, and Lycaon the excellent Musitioner borne.

As we left the Ile Veneco on our left hand, and entred the Gulfe betweene Sio and Eolida, there fell downe a deadly storme, at the Greco è Leuante, which split our Mast, carrying Sailes and all ouer-boord: Whereupon euery man looked (as it were) with the stampe of death in his pale vi∣sage. The tempest continuing (our Boat not being able to keepe the Seas) wee were constrained [ 20] to seeke into a Creeke betwixt two Rockes, for safetie of our liues; where, when wee entred, * 5.147 there was no likelihood of reliefe: for we had a shelfie shoare, and giuing ground to the Anchors, they came both home. The sorrowfull Master seeing nothing but shipwracke, tooke the Helme in hand, directing his course to rush vpon the face of a low Rocke, whereupon the Sea most feare∣fully broke. As wee touched, the Mariners contending who should first leape out, some fell o∣uerboord, and those that got Land, were pulled backe by the reciprocrating waues: Neither in all this time durst I once moue; for they had formerly sworne, if I pressed to escape, before the rest were first forth, they would throw me head-long into the Sea: So being two wayes in danger of death, I patiently offered vp my Prayers to God.

At our first incounter with the Rockes (our fore-deckes, and Boates Gallerie being broke, and [ 30] a great Lake made) the recoyling waues brought vs backe from the shelfes a great way; which the poore Master perceiuing, and that there were seuen men drowned, and eleuen persons aliue, cried with a loud voice: Be of good courage, take vp Oares, and row hastily; it may bee, before the Barke sinke, we shall attaine to yonder Caue. Euery man working for his owne deliuerance (as it pleased God) we got the same with good fortune: for no sooner were we disbarked, but the Boat immediately sunke. There was nothing saued but my Coffino, which I kept alwaies in my armes; for the which safetie of my things, the Greekes were in admiration. In this Caue, which was thirtie paces long, within the Mountaine, we abode three daies, without both meate and drinke: vpon the fourth day at morne, the tempest ceasing, there came Fisher-boates to relieue vs, who found the ten Greekes almost famished for lacke of food. [ 40]

The dead men being found on shoare, we buried them; and I learned at that instant time, there were seuenteene Boats cast away on tht Coast of this Iland, and neuer a man saued: in this place the Greekes set vp a stone Crosse in the memoriall of such a wofull mischance, and mourned hea∣uily, fasting and praying. I reioycing, and thanking God for my safetie (leauing them sorrow∣ing for their friends and goods) tooke Iourney through the Iland to Sio: for so is the Citie called. In my way I past by an old Castle standing on a little Hill, named Gasbos, or Helias; where (as I was informed by two Greekes in my company) the Sepulchre of Homer was yet extant: for * 5.148 this is one of the seuen Iles that contended for his birth: and I willing to see it, entreated them to accompany me thither; where, when we came, we descended by sixteene degrees into a darke Cell; and passing that, we entred in another foure squared Roome, in which I saw an ancient [ 50] Tombe, whereon were ingrauen Greeke Letters, which we could not vnderstand for their Anti∣quitie; but whether it was this Tombe or not, I doe not know, but this they related.

The Women of the Citie Sio, are the most beautifull Dames, of all the Greekes in the World, * 5.149 and greatly giuen to Venery: They are for the most part exceeding proud, and sumptuous in ap∣parell, and commonly goe (euen Artificers Wiues) in Gownes of Sattin and Taffetay; yea of Cloth of Siluer and Gold, and are adorned with Precious Stones and Gemmes, and Iewels a∣bout their neckes and hands. Their Husbands are their Pandors, and when they see any stran∣ger arriue, they will presently demand of him, if hee would haue a Mistris: and so they make Whoores of their owne wiues, and are contented for a little gaine, to weare Hornes: such are the base mindes of ignominious Cuckolds: After some certaine dayes attendance, I imbarked in a [ 60] Carmoesalo, bound for Nigroponti, which was forth of my way to Constantinople; but because I would galdly haue seene Macedonia, I followed that determination: In our way wee sayled by Mytelene, an Iland of olde called Isa: next Leshos: and lastly Mytelene, of Milet the Sonne of Phoebus.

Nigroponti is separated from the firme Land of Thessalia, with a narrow channell, ouer the which in one part there is a bridge that passeth betweene the Ile and the mayne continent, and vnder it runneth a maruellous swift current or tyde: Within halfe a mile of the Bridge I saw a Marble columne standing on the toppe of a little Rocke, whence (as the Ilan∣ders tolde mee) Aristotle leaped in, and drowned himselfe, after that hee could not conceiue the reason why this Channell so ebbed and flowed. This Ile bringeth forth in abundance, all things requisite for humane life, and decored with many goodly Villa∣ges. * 5.150 From thence I arriued at a Towne in Macedonia, called Salonica, but of olde Thessa∣lonica, where I staied fiue daies, and was much made of by the Inhabitants: It is a Citie full of rich commodities, and is the principall place of Thessalie, which is a Prouince of Macedon, * 5.151 [ 10] together with Achaia and Myrmedon, which are two Prouinces of the same. There is an Vniuer∣sitie of Iewes here, who professe onely the Hebrew Tongue. About this Citie is the most fertile Countrey in all Greece.

In Salonica I found a Germe bound for Tenedos, in the which I embarked: As we sailed along the Thessalonian Shoare, I saw the two topped Hill Pernassus, where it was said the nine Muses * 5.152 haunted: but as for the fountaine Helicon, I leaue that to be searched, and seene by the imagina∣tion of Poets; for if it had beene obiected to my sight, like an insatiable drunkard, I should haue drunke vp the streames of Poesie, to haue enlarged my poore poeticall veine. The Mountaine it selfe is somewhat steepe and sterile, especially the two toppes, the one where of is drie and sandie, signifying that Poets are alwayes poore and needie: The other top is barren and rockie, resem∣bling the ingratitude of wretched and niggardly Patrons: the vale betweene the tops is pleasant [ 20] and profitable, denoting the fruitfull and delightful soile, which painefull Poets, the Muses plow∣men so industriously manure. A little more Eastward, as we fetcht vp the Coast of Achaia, the Master of the vessell shewed mee a ruinous Village and Castle; where hee said the admired Citie of Thebes had beene. * 5.153

Vpon the third day from Salonica, wee arriued in the Road of Tenedos, which is an Iland in the * 5.154 Sea Pontus or Propontis: it hath a Citie called Tenedos, built by Tenes, which is a gallant place, hauing a Castle and a faire Hauen for all sorts of Vessells: it produceth good store of Wines, and the best supposed to be in all the Southeast parts of Europe.

In Tenedos I met by accident, two French Merchants of Marseills, intending for Constantinople, who had lost their Ship at Sio, when they were busie at venereall tilting with their new elected [ 30] Mistresses, and so a second remedie were glad to come thither in a Turkish Carmoesalo. The like of this I haue seene fall out with Sea-faring men, Merchants and Passengers, who buy sometimes their too much folly with too deare repentance. They and I resoluing to view Troy, did ••ire a Ianizarie to be our conductor & protector, & a Greeke to be our Interpreter. Where when we lan∣ded, we saw here & there many rel••cts of old walls, as we trauelled through these famous bounds. * 5.155 And as we were aduanced toward the East part of Troy, our Greeke brought vs to many Tombes which were mightie ruinous, and pointed vs particularly to the Tombes of Hector, Aiax, Achil∣les, Troylus, & many other valiant Champions, with the Tombes also of Hecuba, Cressesd, and other Tr••iane Dames: Well I wote, I saw infinite old Sepulchres, but for their particular names and nomination of them I suspend, neither could I beleeue my Interpreter, fith it is more then three [ 40] thousand and odde yeeres agoe that Troy was destroied: Hee shewed vs also the ruines of King Priams Palace, and where Anchises the father of Aeneas dwelt. At the North-east corner of Troy, which is in sight of the Castles of Hellesponte, there is a Gate yet standing, and a piece of a reasonable high Wall; vpon which I found three pieces of rusted mony, which afterwards I gaue to the two younger brethren of the Duke of Florence.

Where the pride of Phyygia stood, it is a mo•••• delectable Plaine, abounding now in Cornes, * 5.156 Fruits, and Wines, and may be called the Garden of Natolia: yet not populous, for there are but only fiue scattered Villages in all that bounds: The length of Troy hath been, as may be discerned, by the fundamentall Walls yet extant about twenty miles: the ruines of which are come to that Poeticall Prouerbe: Nunc seges est vbi Troia fuit. [ 50]

Leauing the Fields of noble Illium, we crossed the Riuer of Simois, and dined at a village named Extetash: I remember, discharging our couenant with the Ianizarie, who was not contented with * 5.157 the former condition, the Frenchmen making obstacle to pay that which I had giuen, the wrath∣ful Ianizary belaboured them both with a cudgel, til the bloud sprung from their heads & compel∣led them to double his wages. This is one true note to a traueller (wherof I had the ful experience afterward) that if he cannot make his own part good, he must alwaies at the first motion content these Raskalls; otherwise he will be constrained doubtlesse with strokes to pay twice as much: for they make no account of conscience, nor are ruled by the Law of compassion, neither regard they a Christian more then a dog: but whatsoeuer extortion or iniurie they vse against him, he must bee [ 60] French like con••ented, bowing his head, and making a counterfeit shew of thanks, and happy too oftentimes, if so he escape. Hence we arriued at the Castles, called of old Sestos and Abydos, which * 5.158 are two Fortresses opposite to other, the one in Europe, the other in Asia, being a mile distant: They stand at the beginning of Hellesponte, and were also cognominate the Castles of Hero and

Leander, which were erected in a commemoration of their admirable fidelitie in loue. But now they are commonly called the Castles of Gallipoly, yea, or rather the strength of Constantinople, be∣tweene which no S••ip may enter without knowledge of the Captains: And at their returne they must stay three dayes before they are permitted to goe through. Betwixt the Castles and Con∣stantinople is about fortie leagues: Here I left the two Frenchmen with a Greeke Barbour, and im∣barked for Constantinople in a Turkish Frigato. The first place of any note I saw within these nar∣row Seas, was the ancient Citie of Gallipolis. After we had fetcht vp the famous Citie of Calce∣don in Bithinia on our right hand; I beheld on our left, the prospect of that little world, the great Citie of Constantinople; which indeed yeeldeth such an outward splendor, to the amazed behol∣der, [ 10] of goodly Churches, stately Towers, gallant Steeples, and other such things, whereof now the world make so great account, that the whole earth cannot equall it. Beholding these de∣lectable * 5.159 obiects, we entred into the channel of Bosphorus, which diuideth Perah from Constantino∣ple. And arriuing at Tapanau, where all the Munition of the Great Turke lieth, I bade farewell to my company, and went to a lodging to refresh my selfe till morning.

DEparting from Constantinople, I came to Cenchrea, being three hundred miles distant, where Saint Paul cut his haire, after his vow was performed, Act. 18. 18. from thence I went to Smyrna in Carmania, a famous Kingdome in Asia the Lesser: This Citie was one of the seuen Churches mentioned Rauelat. 2. 8. It is a goodly place, hauing a faire Hauen for Ships: They haue * 5.160 great traffi••ke with all Nations, especially for the fine Silke, Cotten-wool, and dimmetie brought to it by the Country Peasants, which strangers buy from them. Truely neere vnto this Citie I saw [ 20] such a long continuing Plaine, abounding in Corne, Wines, and all sorts of fruitful herbage, and so infinitely peopled, that me thought Nature seemed with the peoples industrie to contend, the one by propagating creatures, the other by admirable agriculture. Thiatyra, now called Tiria, one also of the seuen Churches is not farre hence.

From this Citie I imbarked in a Turkish Carmoesalo, bound for Rhodes. In our sayling along the Coast of Asia Minor, the first place of any note I saw, was the ruinous Citie of Ephesus; yet some∣what * 5.161 inhabited, and pleasantly adorned with Gardens, faire Fieldes, and greene Woods of Oliue trees, which on the Sea doe yeeld a delectable prospect: It was one of the seuen Churches, Re∣uel. 2. 1. Ouer-against this Citie is the Ile Lango, anciently called Coos, wherein the great Hippo∣crates [ 30] was borne, and Appelles, the Painter most excellent. It is both fertile and populous, and of * 5.162 circuit about 80. miles. There is a kind of Serpent said to be in it so friendly vnto the Inhabitants, that when the men are sleeping vnder the shadow of Trees they come crauling, and will linke or claspe themselues about their neckes and bodies, without doing any harme, neither when they awake are the beasts afraid. And neere to Lango is the Ile Nixa, of old Strangoli; and by some called Dionisa and Naxus; an Iland both fruitfull and delightfull. As we sailed by the West part * 5.163 of the Ile, a Greeke Passenger shewed mee the place, where (as hee said) Ariadne was deceiued of Theseus, which is not farre from the irriguate Plaine of Darmille. Continuing our Nauigation I saw a little Ile called Ephdosh, where the Turks told me, that al the Ilanders were naturally good swimmers, paying no more tribute to their Great Lord the Turke, saue only once in the yere, there [ 40] are certaine men and women chosen by a Turkish Captaine, who must swim a whole league right out in the Sea, and go downe to the bottome of the waters to fetch thence some token they haue got ground: And if they shall happen to faile in this this, the Iland will bee reduced againe to pay him yeerely rent. This I saw with mine eyes, whiles wee being calmed, there came a man and two women swimming to vs more then a mile of way, carrying with them (drie aboue the wa∣ter) baskets of Fruit to sell, the which made mee not a little to wonder. Contenting them for their ware, vpon the ninth day after our departure from Smyrna, wee arriued at the Citie of Rhodes, so called of the Iland wherein it standeth.

Rhodes lieth in the Carpathian Sea; It was of old called Ithrea, Telchino and Phiula: Plinie saith * 5.164 it was called Rhodes, because there were certaine Fields of Roses in it; for Rhodes in the Greeke [ 50] tongue signifieth a Floure: Not farre from the Citie I saw the relicts of that huge and admired∣ly erected Idoll, named Collossus. This Ile of Rhodes was lost by the Maltazes, Anno Dom. 1522. * 5.165 and euer since is in the fruition of Turks: The Fortresse of Rhodes, and that Fortresse Famogosta in Cyprus, are the two strongest Holds in all the Empire of the Great Turk.

After I had contented the Master for my fraught and victualls (who, as hee was an Infidell, v∣sed mee with an extraordinarie exaction) I found a Barke of the Arches purposed to, Cypru••, with which I imbarked, being foure hundred miles distant. Hauing past the Gulfe of Sattelia, * 5.166 we boorded close along the firme Land of fruitfull Pamphilia, and on the fifth day thereafter, we fetched vp the Coast of Cilicia, sustaining many great dangers, both of tempestuous stormes, and inuasions of damnable Pirats. [ 60]

Twelue dayes was betweene Rhodes and Limisso in Cyprus: where arriued, I receiued more gra∣cious demonstrations from the Ilanders, then I could hope for or wish; being far beyond my merit or expectation; onely contenting my curiositie with a quiet mind, I renderd thankes for my imbraced courtesies. The second day after my arriuall, I tooke with me an Interpreter, and went

to see Nicosia, which is placed in the midst of the Kingdome. But in my iourney thither, extream was the heat and thirst I endured; both in respect of the season, and also want of water: And al∣though I had with mee sufficiencie of wine, yet durst I drinke none thereof, being so strong, and withall hath a taste of pitch; and that is, because they haue no Barrells, but great Iarres made of Earth, wherein there wine is put. Nicosia is the principall Citie of Cyprus, and is inuironed with Mountaines, like vnto Florence in Hetruria; wherein the Vizier Bashaw remaineth: The second is Famogosta, the chiefe strength and Sea-port in it: Selina, Lemisso, Paphos, and Fontana Morosa, are the other foure speciall Townes in the Iland.

This Ile of Cyprus is in length 210. and large sixtie, and of circuit 600. miles. In this Ile was * 5.167 Venus greatly honoured: It yeeldeth infinite Canes of Sugar, strong Wines, and Cotten-wooll, be∣sides all other sorts of Fruit in abundance. [ 10]

In my returne from Nicosia to Famogusta, with my Trenchman, wee encountered by the way with foure Turkes, who needs would haue my horse to ride vpon; which my Interpreter refused: But they in reuenge pulled mee by the heeles from the horse backe, beating me most pittifully, and left mee almost for dead. In this meane while my companion fled, and escaped the scele∣ratenesse of their hands; and if it had not beene for some compassionable Greekes, who by accident came by and relieued me, I had (doubtlesse) immediately perished. From Famogusta I imbarked in a Germe, and arriued at Tripoly. Tripoly is a Citie in Siria, standing a mile from the marine side, * 5.168 neere to the foot of Mount Libanus: since it hath beene first founded it hath three times beene scituated and remoued in three sundrie places: First, it was ouerwhelmed with water: Secondly, it was sacked with Cursares, and Pirates: Thirdly, it is like now to bee ouer-throwne with new [ 20] made Mountaines of Sand: There is no Hauen by many miles neere vnto it, but a dangerous rode, where often when Northerly windes blow, Ships are cast away. The great trafficke which now is at this place, was formerly at Scanderoua, a little more Eastward; but by reason of the infecti∣ous aire (that corrupted the bloud of strangers, proceeding of two high mountaines; who are supposed to bee a part of Mount Caucasus, which withhold the prospect of the Sunne from the In-dwellers, more then three houres in the morning: So that in my knowledge I haue knowne dye in one Shippe, and a moneths time twentie Mariners; for this cause) the Christian ships were glad to haue their commodities brought to Tripoly, which is a more holesome and con∣uenient place. [ 30]

The daily Interrogation I had here, for a Carrauan•• departure to Aleppo was not to me a little fastidious, being mindfull to visit Babylon: In this my expectation I tooke purpose, with three Uenetian Merchants to goe see the Cedars of Libanon, which was but a daies iourney thither. As we ascended vpon the Mountaine, our ignorant guide mistaking the way, brought vs into a labo∣rinth of dangers; insomuch that wrestling amongst intricate paths of Rocks: two of our Asse•• fell ouer a Banke and broke their necks: And if it had not beene for a Christian Maronite, who acci∣dently encountred with vs, in our wilsum wandring wee had beene miserably lost; both in re∣gard of Rockes and heapes of Snow we passed; and also of great Torrents which fell downe with force from the steepie tops; wherein one of these Merchants was twice almost drowned. When wee arriued to the place where the Cedars grew, wee saw but twentie foure of all, growing after [ 40] the manner of Oke trees, but a great deale taler, straighter, and greater, and the branches grow so straight out, as though they were kept by Art.

Although that in the daies of Salomon, this Mountaine was ouer-clad with Forrests of Cedars, yet now there are but only these, and nine miles Westward thence seuenteene more. The nature * 5.169 of that Tree is alwaies green, yeelding an odoriferous smell, and an excellent kind of fruit like vn∣to Apples, but of a sweeter caste, and more holesome in digestion. The Rootes of some of these Cedars are almost destroyed by Shepheards, who haue made fires thereat, and holes wherein they sleepe, yet neuerthelesse they flourish greene aboue in the tops and branches. The length of this Mountaine is about fortie miles, reaching from the West to the East; and continually Summer and Winter, reserueth Snow on the tops. It is also beautified with all the ornaments of nature, as [ 50] Herbage, Tillage, Pastorage, fructiferous Trees, fine Fountaines, good Cornes, and absolutely the best VVines that is bred on the earth. The Signior thereof is a Free-holder, by birth a Turke, and wil not acknowledge any superior, but the most part of the inhabited Villages are Christians, cal∣led Maronites or Nostranes, quasi Nazaritans, and are gouerned by their owne Patriarke. There are none at this day doe speake the Syriack * 5.170 Tongue, saue onely these people of Mount Li∣banus; and in that Language the Alcoran of Mahomet is written. The kind Amaronite whom wee met, and tooke with vs for our best guide in descending from the Cedars, shewed vs many Caues and Holes in Rockes, where Coliers, religious Sirens and Amaronites abide: A∣mongst these austere cottages, I saw a faire tombe all of one stone, being seuenteen foot of length; * 5.171 which (as he said) was the Sepulchre of the valiant Ioshua, who conducted the people of Israel in [ 60] the Land of Promise.

The Mahometans esteeme this to bee a holy place, and many resort to it in Pilgrimage, to offer vp their Satanical praiers to Mahomet. I saw vpon this Mountaine a sort of Fruit called Amaz••a franchi: that is, the death of Christians; because when Italians, or others of Europe eat any quantitie

thereof, they presently fall into the bloudie Fluxes, or else ingender some other pestilentious Fe∣uer whereof they die. The Patriarke did most kindly entertaine vs at his house; so did also all the Amaronites of the other Villages, who met vs in our way before wee came to their Townes, and brought Presents with them of Bread, Wine, Figs, Oliues, Sallats, Capons, Egges, and such like as they could on a sudden prouide. About the Village of Eden, is the most fruitfull part of all Liba∣nus, abounding in all sorts of delicious Fruits. True it is, the variety of these things, maketh the silly people thinke, the Garden of Eden was there. There are with this one, other two supposed places of the earthly Paradise: the one is by the Turkes, and some ignorant Georgians, holden to * 5.172 be at Damascus, for the beautie of faire fields, gardens, and excellent fruits there; especially for the tree called Mouslee, which they beleeue hath grown there since the beginning of the world. [ 10] Indeede it is a rare and singular tree, for I saw it at Damascus, and others also of the same kinde, vpon Nylus in Aegypt: The growth whereof is strange; for euery yeere in September it is cut downe hard by the roote, and in fiue moneths the tree buddeth vp a pace againe, bringing forth leaues, floures, and fruit. The leafe thereof is of such a breadth, that three men may easily stand vnder the shadow of it, and the Apple is bigger then a Foot-ball. The third place by the Chel∣faines, * 5.173 is thought to be in the East part of Mesopotamia, neere to the ioyning of Tygris and Euphrates.

After my returne to Tripoly, I departed thence Eastward, with a Caranan of Turkes to Alep∣po, being ten daies iourney distant. In all this way (leauing Scanderon and Antiochia on our left hand) I saw nothing worthy remarking; saue onely a few scattered villages, and poore mise∣rable [ 20] people, liuing in tents, and following their flockes, to whom I payed sundry Caffars: who remoue their women, children, and cattell where so they finde fountaines, and good pastorage.

Before my arriuall in Aleppo, the Carauan of Babylon was from thence departed. I ioyned with a Carauan of Armenians and Turkes, that were well guarded with Ianisaries, and Souldiers; of * 5.174 whom some were to stay at Damascus by the way, and some mindefull to Ierusalem. And for my better safeguard (being alwayes alone, which by all was euer much admired) the Vize Consull tooke surety of the Captaine, that he should protect me safely from theeues, cut-throats, and the exactions of tributes by the way, deliuering mee freely into the hands of the Padre Guardiano at Ierusalem: which being done, I hired two Mulets from a Turke, one to ride vpon, and another to [ 30] carry my victuals; and so set forward with them. The number of our company were about nine hundred Armenians, Christian pilgrimes, men and women: sixe hundred Turkes, trafficking for their owne businesse: and one hundred Soulhers, three Schowsses, and six Ianisaries to keep them from inuasions.

Betweene Aleppo and Damascus, we had nine dayes iourney, in fiue of which, we had pleasant trauelling, and good Canes to lodge in, that had beene builded for the support of Trauellers, and are well maintained: But when we passed Hamsek, which is a little more then mid-way, wee had dangerous trauelling, being oft assailed with Arabs, fatigated with rockie Mountaines, and sometimes in point of choaking for lacke of water. The confusion of this multitude, was not one∣ly grieuous in regard of the extreame heate, prouiding of victuals at poore villages, and scarcitie [ 40] of water to fill our bottles, made of Boare skinnes, but also amongst narrow and stonie passages, thronging, we oft fell one ouer another, in great heapes; in danger to be smothered: yea, and of∣tentimes, wee that were Christians, had our bodies well beaten by our conducting Turkes. At our accustomed dismounting, to recreate our selues: and refresh the Beasts, I would often fetch a walke, to stretch my legs, that were stifled with a stumbling beast; wherewith the Turkes were mightily discontented, and in derision, would laugh and mocke me: for they cannot abide a man * 5.175 to walke in turnes, or stand to eate; their vsage being such, that when they come from the horse backe, presently sit downe on ground, folding their feete vnder them, when they repose, dine, and sup. So doe also their Artizans and all the Turkes in the world sit alwaies crosse legged, wrong∣fully abusing the commendable consuetude of the industrious Tailors. In their houses they haue [ 50] no Bed to lye on, nor Chaires to sit on, nor Tables to eate on, but a bench made of boords, along the house side, of a foote height from the floore, spread ouer with a Carpet; where∣on they vsually sit, eating, drinking, sleeping, resting, and doing of manuall exercises, all in one place.

They neuer vncloath themselues, when they goe to rest, neither haue they any bed-cloathes, saue onely a couerlet aboue them: I haue seene hundreds of them, after this manner, lye ranked like durtie swine in a beastly stie, or loathsome iades in a filthy stable. Vpon the ninth day (lea∣uing Cotafa behinde vs on the Mountaines) wee entred in a pleasant plaine of three leagues in length, adorned with many villages, gardens, and riuers; and arriuing at Damascus, wee were all lodged (some in Chambers wanting beds, and others without, on hard stones) in a great Cane cal∣led [ 60] Heramnen, where we staied one day.

Damascus is the Capitall Citie of Syria, called by Turkes, Sham••a, and is scituated on a faire * 5.176 plaine, and beautified with many riuers on each side (especially Pharpar and Abdenah) excellent Orchards, and all other naturall obiects of elegancie: That for scituation, Artizens, all manner

Commodities, and varietie of Fruits, in all the Asiaticall Prouinces it is not paraleld. By Turkes it is called, the Garden of Turkie.

Betweene Iacobs Bridge and Ierusalem, we had sixe dayes iourney.

Aprill the tenth day, about ten of the clocke, (passing the Riuer Kyson) we arriued at Naza∣reth, and there reposed till the Euening, prouiding our selues of Victuals and Water. In this Towne dwelt Ioseph, and the Virgin Mary; and in which also our Sauiour was brought vp. Af∣ter we had dined, the Armenians arose, and went to a heape of Stones, the ruines of an old House, before the which they fell downe vpon their knees, praising God: and that ruinous lumpe (say they) was the House where Mary dwelt, when Gabriel saluted her, bringing the An∣nunciation of Saluation to the world. I am fully perswaded they carried away aboue fiue thou∣sand pounds weight, to keepe in a memoriall thereof. Then did I remember of the Chappell of [ 10] Loretta, and told the Carauan, that I saw that House standing in Italie, which (as the Roma∣nists say) was transported by the Angels. O, said he, wee Armenians can not beleeue that, nei∣ther many other assertions of the Roman Church; for we certainly know by Christians, that haue from time to time dwelt here euer since, that this is both the place, & stones of the House. Let Papists coyne a new Law to themselues wee care not, for as they erre in this, so doe they in all, * 5.177 following meerly the traditions of men, they runne gallopping post to Hell. The Patriarch be∣ing informed by the laughing Carauan of these newes, asked mee in disdaine (thinking it had beene an Article of my Beliefe) if I saw that House, or beleeued that the Chappell of Loretta was such a thing: I answered, I did not beleeue it, affirming it was onely but a deuillish inuen∣tion, to deceiue the blind-folded people, and to fill the Coffers of the Roman Priests. [ 20]

In the time of our staying heere, the Emeere or Lord of the Towne, sent sixe Women, condu∣cted by twelue of his Seruants, to an Armenian Prince, that was a Pilgrime in our companie, to be vsed by him and others, whom so he would elect to bee his fellow labourers: which indeed hee did kindly accept, and inuited me to that Feast; but I gaue him the refusall, little regarding such a friuolons commoditie. Hee, and some of the chiefest Pilgrimes entertained them for the * 5.178 space of three houres, and sent them backe, giuing to their Conductors 15. P••asters, in a reward.

Approaching to Mount Carmell, I beheld a farre off vpon the top of the Hill, the place where Elias ascended to Heauen, when hee left his Cloake behind him to Elizeus his Disciple. This * 5.179 Mountaine is foure miles of length, lying South and North, the North end bordering with the Sea, neere to Acre, called antiently Ptolomais, and the South end ioyning with the borders [ 30] of Samaria.

Leauing Samaria on our left hand, we entred into a faire Plaine, adorned with fruitfull Trees, and all other ornaments that pleasant Fields afford, but no Village we saw. Marching thus, a∣bout the declining of the Sun from the Meridian, we came in sight of two hundred Pauillions, all piched in rankes; yeelding the prospect of a little Citie, by a Brooke side of water: which being perceiued, the Captaine began to censure what they might bee; and immediatly there came riding towards vs sixe naked ••ellowes, well mounted on Arabian Geldings, who deman∣ded what wee were, and whither we were bound; and if there were any Frankes of Christendome in our companie. To whom the Ianizaries replyed, wee were purposed to Ierusalem, and that [ 40] there was but one Franke with them: vpon the which they presently sought me, demanding Caffar, Caffar; and caused me perforce to pay seuen Chickenes of Gold for my head, because * 5.180 (said they) our King is now resident in these Tents, he must pay therefore so much the more extraordinarie.

They returning backe to their Prince, with the malediction of a Pilgrimes purse, and wee marching on in our way that day wee trauelled aboue three and fortie miles, and pitched at a Village called Adoash, where we found good Hearbs to eate, and abundance of water to drinke, and also to fill our emptied bottles. As wee lay downe to sleepe, after a hungry Supper on the hard ground, and our Guard watching vs; that same King of the Arabians, came a little before mid-night, with foure and twentie well Horsed Runagates, and naked Courtiers, being armed with Bowes and Arrowes, and halfe Pikes, pointed at both ends with hard Steele, and asked [ 50] for the Carauan, who presently awoke, and went to salute him, laying his hand on his brest, bowed his head very low; which is the vsuall courtesie amongst the Infidels and Christians in these parts, for they neuer vncouer their Heads to any man; and after some short p••rley, they sate all downe on the grasse. The Carauan presented his rude-like Maiestie with Water, Bread, * 5.181 Hearbs, Figges, Garlike, and such things as hee had. As they were thus merrie at this poore ban∣quet, the awfull King tooke the oath of our Conductor, if there were any moe Frankes there then I; and he hauing sworne the truth, the King by a malignant informer, incontinently cau∣sed me to bee brought before him, and staring me in the face, asked my Interpreter where were my Com••anions? who replyed, I had none. Then said he, tell that Dog, hee must acknowledge * 5.182 [ 60] me with fiue peeces of Gold more, otherwise (making a signe to his owne throat) I shall cut off his Head. The which I being informed, and knowing that by no condition, there was resi∣stance against such a scelerate Prince, gaue it him presently with a halfe s••iling countenance; which he remarking, told the rest it seemed I gaue it with a good heart; and to recompence my

outward behau••our, hee drunke a great draught of water to me, thinking thereby, he had done me mo••e honour, then all the Chickenes of gold I gaue him now, and in the morning; would doe him profit. Truely, this was one of the greatest Tributes I payed for one dayes iourney, that I had in all my voyage in Asia. There are two Kings in Arabia, the one who liueth on Eu∣phrates, the Desarts of Mesopotamia, sometimes in Arabia Felix, and in some parts of Siria. And the other, (which was the King to whom I payed this money) wandreth with his Tribes, Tents, and Bestiall, one while in Arabia, Petrea, and Deserta, and sometimes in the Holy Land, as hee findeth good Pastorage and fresh Fountaines. These two Kings are mortall enemies; and if by accident they meet, they fight most cruelly.

The next morning leauing Iacobs Well, and the Towne of Sychar, on our left hand, we mar∣ched [ 10] through a part of the fields of Basan, and had exceeding pleasant trauelling; and at night * 5.183 wee pitched by Lydda on the fields: Lydda is not aboue ten miles from Cesaria.

Aprill the thirteenth, before the breake of day, setting forward, scarsely were wee well ad∣uanced in our way, till we were beset with more then three hundred Arabs, who sent vs an vn∣expected shower of Arrowes, to the great annoyance of all our companie: for if it had not been that our Souldiers shot off their Gunnes on a sudden, surely wee had then miserably perished. But the nature of the Arabs is not vnlike to the Iackals: for when any of them heare the shot of a Harquebusse, they turne backe with such speed, as if the fiends of the infernall Court were broken loose vpon them. In that momentany conflict, on our side there were killed nine Wo∣men, * 5.184 fiue men, and about thirtie persons deadly wounded, which to our worthie Captaine [ 20] br••d no small griefe.

Proceeding in our iourney, in the hilly Countrey of Iudea we entred; leauing Rhama on our right hand. Rhama is a Towne inhabited by Christians, Arabs, and Moores; not blacke Moores, as the Africans be, but they are called Mori, which are a kind of Egyptians, and not na∣turally blacke, but Sun-burnt with the parching heat. The whole Territorie of Canaan is in∣habited with these Moores, some Turkes, ciuill Arabs, and a few Christians, and scattered Iewes. The Arabians are for the most part Theeues and Robbers, the Moores cruell and vnciuill, hating Christians to the death: the Turkes are the best of all the three, yet all sworne enemies to Christ. About two of the clocke in the afternoone wee arriued at Berah, called of old Beersheba, being eleuen mi••es distant from Ierusalem. Hauing a little reposed, we embraced our Mountainous [ 30] way, as cheerfully as we could, for we were exceeding faint, and trauelled that day aboue three and fortie miles; whereby we might arriue at Ierusalem before the Gates were shut, sustaining drouth, heat, hunger, and not a few other inconueniences. At last we beheld the prospect of Ie∣rusalem; which was not onely a contentment to my wearied body, but also being rauished with a kind of vnwonted reioycing, the teares gushed from my eyes for too much ioy. In this time the Armenians began to sing in their owne fashion, Psalmes to praise the Lord; and I also sung the hundred and third Psalme all the way, till we arriued nere the walls of the Citie, where we ceased from our singing for feare of the Turkes.

Aprill the fourteenth day, vpon Palme-sunday in the morning, we entred into Ierusalem, and at the Gate we were particularly searched, to the effect we carried in no furniture of Armes, nor [ 40] Powder with vs, and the Armenians (notwithstanding they are Slaues to Turkes) behoued to render their weapons to the Keepers, such is the feare they haue of Christians. The Gates of the Citie are of Iron outwardly, and aboue each gate are Brasen Ord••ance planted.

Aprill the fourteenth, on Palme-sunday after dinner, the Guardiano departed from Ierusalem to Bethphage, accompanied with twelue Friers, and many other Orientall Christian, which were come thither to that Festiuall time, but I by no meanes would goe, reposing my selfe till their returne. The ridiculous Ceremonie which that day they vse, is thus: In an Apish imitation of Christ, at the aforesaid Bethphage, there was an Asse brought to the Guardiano, whereupon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mounted (being as it were, the greater Asse riding vpon the lesser) and came riding to Ierusa∣lem, the people cutting downe boughes of Trees, and also dispoyling themselues, almost to the [ 50] skinne, bestrewed the way as he rode along, crying, Hosanna, Hosanna, the Sonne of Dauid, bles∣sed is hee that commeth in the Name of the Lord, vntill 〈…〉〈…〉y came to the South gate of Sion, where he dismounted. At night after Supper, the Guardian•• knowing that I was a Protestant, and also some other Franckes, made an Oration, saying; Y〈…〉〈…〉 Pilgrimes, who refuse to bee partcipant with vs in the Sacraments, nor will not adhere to the Processions and Cere〈…〉〈…〉s, which wee follow of the Ro∣man Church, I would therefore intreat you (your libertie being heere as much as mine, whereby you may doe whatsoeuer seeme good in your owne eyes) onely to abstaine from scandalizing and mocking our Rites and ordinary Customes, which at this great Feast wee must performe. To the which we condiscended and promised to giue no occasion of offence. In the conclusion of his long Exhortation, he dis∣closed this admonition, saying; All of you Trauellers must in generall bee indued with these [ 60] three worthy gifts, Faith, Patience, and Money; Faith, to beleeue these thinges you shall see heere at Ierusalem; Patience, to indure the apparent iniuries of Infidels; and Money, to dis∣charge * 5.185 all Tributes, and Costs, which heere (meaning in his owne Monasterie) and about this Citie must be defrayed.

Earely vpon Tuesday morning * 5.186 (being all of vs, both Friers and Pilgrimes, well mounted, Mulets laden for our prouision) we departed from the Citie with our Souldiers; and trauelled all that day through a barren and desart Countrey, till Sun-setting, where wee reposed by a standing Well, till an houre within night. In all this deformed Countrey, we saw neither house not Village, for it is altogether Desartuous, and inhabited onely by wilde Beasts, and naked A∣rabians. Before we came neere to S••dome and Gomorha, by seuen miles; (for so we behoued to passe by the East end of it, before we could arriue at that place of Iordan which we intended) wee I say incountred with such deepe sandie ground, that the Mulers were not able to carrie vs through, whereupon we all dismounted, wrestling, and wading aboue the middle part of our bodies, and sometimes falling in ouer our heads, we were in great danger of perishing. Euen in the middest of this turmoyling paine, (the night being darke) the vnwelcommed Arabs inui∣roned, [ 10] * 5.187 and inuaded vs with a storme of Arrowes, which they sent from the toppes of little hard Hils whereupon they stood, for knowing the aduantage of the ground, they tooke opportuni∣tie to giue the more featefull assaults; yet they prouailed nothing (although they wounded some of our Souldiers) such was the resolute courage of our valourous defendants. True it is, that in all my trauels I was neuer so sore fatigated, nor fearefully endangered, as I was that Night.

A little after mid-night, we left this troublesome way, and marched along the Lake of So∣dome. * 5.188 This Lake is called Mare mortuum, the dead Sea, for of it selfe it is vnmoueable, such is the stabilitie of the water. It is also called so, because if a Bird flie ouer it, shee presently falleth downe therein dead: and as Salomon reporteth of it, Wisd. 10. 7. it smoaketh continually; from [ 20] whence proceed filthie vapours, which deforme the Fields, lying about for certaine miles, as it were blasted, scorched, and made vtterly barren. This Lake is eightie miles in length, and sixe in bredth. It breedeth nor reserueth no kind of Fishes, and if by the swelling of Iordan, any Fi∣shes * 5.189 be carried to it, they immediatly die. Although Iosephus witnesseth, that in his time, there was an Apple grew vpon the bankes thereof, like to the colour of Gold; and within was rot∣ten, and would consume to powder; yet I affirme now the contrary: for there is not such a thing, (whatsoeuer hath beene in his dayes) as either Trees, or Bushes, grow neere to Sodome by many miles, such is the consummation of that pestiferous Gulfe. Diuers Authors haue re∣ported, that nothing will sinke into it, of any reasonable weight, as Dead men, or Carkasses of beasts; but by experience I approue the contrary, for it beareth nothing aboue at all; yea, not [ 30] the weight of a Feather. The water it selfe is of a blackish colour, and at sometimes in the yeare, there are terrible shapes, and showes of terrour in it, as I was informed at Iericho, which is the neerest Towne that bordereth thereupon.

About the breake of day on Tuesday morning, we past by the ruines of an old House, where (as they say) Saint Iohn the Baptist remained, when hee Baptized those that came from Ierusa∣lem, and other Regions about, which is but the flight of an Arrow from Iordan. Approaching to the banke-side, we dismounted and vnclothed our selues, going in naked to the Riuer, wee * 5.190 washed vs to refresh our bodies. In this place as the Guardian said, was Christ Baptized of Saint Iohn, lying on the banke-side; whereupon are ingrauen Letters of Hebrew. Greeke, and Latine, testifying the same thing: and may also bee so coniectured, in regard of the ancient Ha∣bitacle, [ 40] of that precursor, which is not farre from thence.

This Riuer Iordan beginneth in Mount Libanus, of two Fountaines, Iore, and Dan, which run seperated till they come to the Lake Maronab; and hence it maketh one body, keeping his course through the Lake Genesereth, endeth in Sodome. The Riuer Tibris at Rome, and Iordan are not much different in quantitie and colour, and not vnlike other in their courses: for Ior∣dan * 5.191 falleth in the old Gomorah, and Tibris runneth through the new Sodome. A historie of such euidence, as trauell taught me by experience: for it is the Priests confluence, which breeds in the Italians insolence. If I erre, I will beg indulgence of the Popes aureat magnificence. The water of Iordan hath beene transported to Venice in Barrels, for that puritie it hath; which will reserue vnspoyled, both moneths and yeares, and the longer it is kept, it is the fresher; and [ 50] to drinke it, is an excellent remedie for the Feuer quartan, and Quotidian.

After dinner we arose, and went to the House of Zacheus: this was hee who sa••e vpon a Tree to see our Sauiour as he passed by) the Walls whereof stand to this day. Ierico, is now a poore Village onely of nine dwelling Houses, inhabited by a kind of Arabs (which are in subiection * 5.192 vnder the Gouernour of Ierusalem,) but I saw many ruinous lumpes of the walls, and demolli∣shings of the old Towne. Heere I saw two most daintie kind of Fruits, the one was a little lesser then an Apple, but more round; whose colour was like to Gold without, and within it was white as snow, and sweet like Sugar. I would gladly haue eaten of them: but the Friers for∣bade * 5.193 me, saying; they were the onely pest of Death vnto a Stranger. The other Apple was like to a greene Lemmon, long, and full of knots, of a reddish colour, like to a Mellone, being both [ 60] delicate and wholsome, of which we did eate to sa••i fie the naturall appetite. From Ierico wee set forward in the way of the Wildernesse; our determination being such, as to view the Moun∣taine whereon Christ rasted fortie dayes: where arriued, being late, wee durst not goe vp ••ill

Morning. Wherefore wee pitched that Night by the Fountaine of Elizeus; the water of which was of old, naturally bitter, but by the Prayers of that diuine Prophet, was restored to a sweet taste. It is also excellent in digestion; and will doe a man no harme: for I esteeme it to hee the lightest Water the earth yeeldeth: hauing on the morrow filled a Boares skinne of it, to carrie with me to the Mountaine; I found it so light, that I had no weight nor paine in the bearing of it on my shoulders, notwithstanding, the way of it selfe was fastidious.

This Mountaine is called Quarantanam, or Quaranto, being of height by the computation of my painefull experience, aboue sixe miles, and groweth from the bottome still smaller and * 5.194 smaller, till that the top is couered with a little Chappell, not vnlike to the proportion of a Py∣ramede. There is no way to ascend vpon this Hill, saue one, which hath beene he wen out of the [ 10] Rocke, by the industrie of men, experimented in Masonrie, (which was done at the cost of Queene Helen) going vp by the degrees of fiue and fortie turnes. In all our Companie there were onely three Friers, foure Pilgrimes, and I, that durst attempt to climbe the Mountaine, After diuers dangers and narrow passages, hauing come to the top wee entred into a Caue ioy∣ning-to the-Chappell, where (say they) in this place did Christ fast, and heere it was, that hee rebuked Sathan. In our returne againe, wee had a most fearefull descending: for one Frier Laurenzo had fallen fiue hundred fathomes ouer the Rocke, and broke his necke, if it had not beene for mee: who rashly and vnaduisedly endanger••d my owne life for his safetie, as my Pa∣tent vnder the great Seale of Ierusalem, beareth sufficient testimonie thereof. But wee will fol∣low this our Pilgrime no further, in visiting these and the Aegiptian Antiquities, nor relating [ 20] the other perils of his Voyage.

CHAP. XIIII.

Later Intelligence out of Turkie, touching the Resignation of MVSTAPHA, and the aduancing of AMVRATH a younger Brother of the lately Murthered OSMAN; with other later Occurrents.

BAshaw Daout, hauing married the Daughter of Mustaphas Mother, and taking [ 30] some aduantage of the lenatiue and tractable disposition of the Emperour, pro∣iected without controuersie, first to destroy the Brethren of Osman, then to make away Mustapha: and last of all, to intrude some Children of his owne, as if they had beene the saued and preserued stocke of the Othoman formerly: whereupon with the pernicious assent of his Mother in Law, he sendeth a secret Commission to the Capidga or Ma••or domo of the Seraglia, to remoue the Brethren of Osman, and strangle them, which hee did without either the priuitie of Mustapha the Emperour, or any other of the Uizeers and Bashawes. But as these instruments of Villanie were readie to carrie a∣way the Prince in the tumult, and making a noyse, the Pages came in to their rescue, as em∣boldned [ 40] by the Castiaraga, who long since grew jealous of Daout Bashawes ambition, and by this time saw apparant signes of perfidiousnesse.

The Pages thus set on worke, presently acquainted the Spahies and Ianizaries, with the acci∣dent, who as presently shewed themselues the seruants of the Empire, and so without further adoe or examination of the matter, killed the Capiaga, and hanged out his bodie for a Spectacle in the Hippodrome. But not thus satisfied, they returne in furie to the Court, and demand Iu∣stice euen at the Emperour Mustaphas hand: hee againe disclaimes his consent, or at least out of his simplicitie maketh his Apologie, that if any thing were done by the name of an Empe∣rour, it was enforced from him, and hee had much adoe to preserue himselfe: then they seeke and hunt after the Mother, who being found, played a womans part, shed teares, wrung her [ 50] hands, modeld out a deiected Countenance, and by some externall signes made an impression in them of her innocencie. Whereupon they repaire to the Uizeer, who at the first put them off, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at was a day of Councell; and to single them, bade them repaire to the Diuan. But they as it should seeme, outstript his policie by their owne experience, and told him plainely they would haue no sitting, till this Treason were both discouered; and punished: at last hee is degraded from the place, and one Huzin Bashaw comming from Aegypt, admitted in his roome.

This Huzin Bashaw, was neither knowne to Constantinople, nor Constantinople vnto him; that is, the Courtiers did little looke for a harsh, barbarous, insolent, rich, and vntractable man; and he did lesse expect the brauerie, pleasures, popularitie, wantonnesse, and ease of a licenti∣ous Citie: But nature had quickly taught him a lesson of Corruption, and he begin•• a Phaetons [ 60] flourish of greatnesse with the Death of Daout Bashaw, and insinuation into Mustaphas mode∣stie, or if you will simplicitie; but of all other to make himselfe strong with the loue and good opinion of the Pages, and Capogies, hee hangeth many that were consenting to Osmans death.

In a word, for the first yeare hee proued a wonder in the Empire, and by his Wisedome,

Courage, and Authority pacified such tumults, and fashioned such a gouernment of peace and tran∣quility in seditious and outragious times, that both Turks, Iewes, and Christians beganne to feare what a man ••e might p••oue, or Mustapha proued, though neuer so stupid by his Viuification.

Notwithstanding all ••l••s, such 〈◊〉〈◊〉 th••condision of greatnesse, that if it doe not Mole sua ruere▪ yet it may be watched by the eyes of other men, who may either confound by opposition, or sup∣plint by deuises: thus had this man two great enemies, the Bashaw of Aleppo, who with open defiance acted a b••aue, Scen•• of contestation, and the Bashaw Chigala Admirall of the gallies, who by crafty conueyance of busi••••sse, lay ••••••ll in the winde to take aduantage of his contrarious flig••ts. With both these was H〈…〉〈…〉 Bashaw to deale: but such was his fortune, that the B••shaw of Aleppo, For all he had must••ed a great Ar••••y in Armenia, was almost ou•• of countenance, through the rarity of the businesse; for when he vnderstood, that the Souldiers laughed him to storne, i•• he [ 10] pretended for h••••self, o•• ••••d any conceit to share the Othoman Empire, and that they of Constan∣tinople tho••ght him too dangerous, if he should attempt the remouing of Officers, or ••••lle vpon him to be ••o potent and wise, as to practise the reformation or alteration of the Gouernment; he fa••rely and q••••etly dismissed the Army, and was contented to write his minde to the Diuan, or great Councell in the great City.

But the A••mirall of the gallies went another way to work, hauing the sea open to his flights or retirings, and the Vizeerrs businesse wa•• opened vnto him by such as he had imployed to watch his proceedings (by whose endeauours h•• had notice, that the Vizeer meant to destroy him; and e∣ther to strangle him in his Gally, or at the next Councell to surprise him, and send him to the se∣uen Tower.) whereupon he acquaints the Emperour, his Mother, and the Mutty, with the con∣iuration, [ 20] and that he pro••••cted the ad••ancing of Amurath, the second brother of Osman, and durst many times rep••ne, that, so great a burthen as the Turkish Empire should lie on so weake & vnable shoulders.

This neuer started Mustapha, at all, but contrary to expectation hee acquaints Huzein Bashaw with the secret, and Huzein acquaints himselfe with the danger, so that being yet at liberty sends great store of Treasure to Gran-Cayro, and as some haue it, retires himselfe against all expection, to the country where hee had bin brought vp, and was fuller of Reeds and secret Canes to hide him, then other places: that is, presuming on his wealth and the peoples loue, he verily concerued they would giue him leaue to liue, a priuate life: yet doe others affirme, that hee was ouermatched and ouertaken, and so cast into the seuen Towers. [ 30]

When Mustapha perceiued to what straights he was driuen, and that all this coile was for the glory of Soueraignty: of which tho••gh he were possessed in the highest degree of Maiestie, yet far from security, in regard his two Nephewes liued of the direct Line of the Othoman Family, he re∣solued to cozen death, destruction and misfortune by a voluntary submission and resignation of his Crowne. Whereupon he sent for his Mother, the Doctors of the Law, & some principall Officers, as the T••ffterdy (or Treasurer) the Cadiselker (or chiefe Iudge) the Haga (or Captaine of the Ianiza∣ries) and diuers others whom he had acquainted with his resolution, desiring to see his Nephew before he retired himselfe to the Prison, and so the Prince being presented vnto him, he only wi∣shed that he would take notice of his owne fortunes: that is, not to trust in any condition of man: not to be peremptory, or preiudicate in his owne opinion: to dissolue if it were possible that cu∣stome [ 40] of strangling their brethren: to remember, that al Empires had their beginning, progression, and dissolution: to take heed of Flatterers and Parasites: and by no meanes to neglect the seruice of God, but make vse of true deuotion, in setting the Iewes before him, who lost their glorious estate, meerely through Idolatrie: and thus is Mustapha deposed, and Amurath Osmans brother aduanced: but herein consists the wonder, that all this was done without trouble, terror, shutting vp of a shop, disturbing the Merchant, rifling a Iew, or tumult of the Ianizaries.

THe King of Persia hath besieged a strong castle, within the Precinct of Arzerum, the old gouernment * 5.195 of Abassa Bassa; Whether this hath occasioned it, or that he and the Vizeer were one afraid of an∣other, a peace is made betweene them, and the gouernment of that Prouince giuen him during life: For [ 50] defence whereof, he is directly marched thither: Pardon and Honours are confirmed from the Port, and whats••••uer the Rebels would propound for themselues; And yet at this dishonourable agreement, this State doth reioyce, as at a great victory, and haue raised their hopes now of good successe against the Persian, yet there rests some doubt, because neither part will trust the other, but haue taken seueral waies, the Uizeer directly towards Babylon: Abassa to Aszeron, from whence little this yeere is expected, and few beleeue that the Persian will sell all his conquest, for the noyse at first sight of their Armies.

From the Black Sea, hath come many aduices, that the Prince of the Tartars sent from hence, is beaten from the land, & that the Captain Bassa seeking once more to set him on shore, bath receiued a great foyle and losse, wherein the Prince was hurt, if not slaine: of the particulars we can haue no certainly but without doubt, the parties sent from hence haue receiued disgrace, & the Tartar hath discouered an Arcinum Im∣perij, [ 60] posse Principem alibi quam Roma fieri, they neuer committed a greater error, though al 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ōne cō∣fusion of error in gouernment, then this, nor of which they will sooner & longer repent, that they would offer in these times, when the peace of Poland wauered, when all theer forces were drawne into Asia to depose a

young Prince who was well beloued of the people, to plant an old goutie decreped wretch, who the last yeere was by them deposed for insufficiency; and now the quarrell is on foot, they know not how to retire.

This Empire hath hereby lost or indangered one of the greatest honours and prerogatiues; to giue that Nation a Prince at the Pleasure of the Grand Sig〈…〉〈…〉our, whom now they not onely refuse, but d••••r oppose the Armies of the Port, and send insolent letters, that it is sufficient for these to gouerne Constantinople if they will not be qu••et, but vndertake to molest the Princes in possession▪ that they will esteeme the〈…〉〈…〉 as free and as ancient, as the race of Ottoma••: In conclusion, I 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of opinion there wil be found some way (though with shame) to recall their Order, and to confirme the present Prince, excusing the fault by mis∣information, which for quietnes he may formally accept. There is not one word or mention of Bethlem Gabor, nor his designes, since the departure of his Embassadours: It is beleeued all things are quieter [ 10] there, then is conuenient for the quiet of other Christian Countries.

Nine gallies of Messena & 4. of Malta haue met with fiue Pir•••• ships of Barbery entring into the Port of Tunis, and being f〈…〉〈…〉red by a calme, sunke two of them in fight, & took the other three with 600. men in them; whom they haue brought to Palermo. It is reported Sampson was Commander, who when hee must fall into Captiuitie by two wounds, with his owne hands he ended his wretched life. These 13. Gallies ioyning with sixe of the great Dukes, within two dayes after went out againe, vnderstanding of seuen Cos∣sires more now they haue opportunity to do any thing, if they haue courage; for there are no Gallies of this Port in the Medeterranium to hinder them. Tis thought that these f〈…〉〈…〉 Pirates are the same that were at Cyprus & Scandrone. The ninth day of this month, beetwee•••• 70. and 80. boats of the Cossacks, with fifty men ap••••ce, Rowers and Souldiers (watching their opportunitie of the Captaiue Bassas being ingaged in ••artary) entred the Bospherus about breake of day, where diuiding themselues, they sackt and ••urnt [ 20] almost all the villages and houses of pleas•••••• on both sides the Riuer, as farre as the Castles, and within foure miles of this Citie: The principall places were Bai〈…〉〈…〉 derry and Genneychoy, on the Grecian and Stenia, and on the Asian shore, where hauing made rich and great bootie, they staied till nine of the clock in the foren••one, and then all this Citie and the Suburbs hauing taken the alar••m, the Grand Signior came downe to the water side, the Chimacham to the water Port: Hally-bassa made himselfe Generall in this tumult, and hauing not one Gally ready for defence, they manned and armed all the Ships, Boats, Barges, & other small Wherryes, to the number of 4. or 500. with such people as they could either get to row, or hope to fight; & dispatched all the Horse and Foot in the Citie, to the number of 10000. to defend the Coast from further spoile. Neuer was seene a greater feare and confusion: Now we expected that these poore theeues would presently haue retired; but they seeing the Turkes B••••••s making towards them, drew themselues in∣to [ 30] the middst of the cha••••ell, and not far aboue the Castles, and staid firme vpon, their Oares in Battalia in forme of a Cressant expecting the assault, the wind and current being aga••••st them. Hally-B••ssa caused some shot to be made a far off, but they answered not with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Musket, but houered from one shoare to an∣other without any shew of retrait. Hereupon the Generall seeing their forme and resolution, thought it not fit to assaile them with such Boats as he had, but esteemed it wisdome enough to keepe them from further attempts, fearing if they had broken his Fleet of Boats (which was easily to be done) that they would ven∣ture downe to Constantinople, which was now empty of all defence. And these few Boates hauing first made great spoyle, lay the whole day vntill Sun set, scaring and brauing the great and fearefull Citie of the world, and all the force it could make; and departed with their booty, with their Colours spread, vnfought and almost vnresisted. This small action and bold attempt, to affront so great an Empire, hath made a [ 40] strange discouery; how much vnder the reputation, the terror and strength of this State now is; how weake and vnprouided they are. But as the Oracles commanded them, first to set ouer against blind men: So it hath bin their fortune vnto this day to haue blind Enemies. Philip of Macedon had neuer proiected, nor his Sonne Alaxander euer aduentured with so small Forces, the huge enterprises of subduing the Easterne Empire, if they had not discouered the effeminate and faint courage of the Asiaticks, by the ad∣mirable retrait of Xenophon, and swift incursion of Agesilaus great Armies, not daring to oppose the vertue of their small numbers. Sepe re•• maximae ex paruis principijs oriuntur. How this attempt will be taken from the Poles, is a question. For hereby the Treaty of Peace is absolutely broken.

CHAP. XV. [ 50]

Briefe Extracts of a Iournall of ARNOLD BROWNE his Indian voyages, sailing diuers times and courses in fiue yeeres space to Bantam, Pa∣tania, Iapan, the Manillas, Macau, and the Coast of China, with other Indian Ports.

FEbruary 18. 1617. * 5.196 wee (in the Samson) departed from Tilbery, and on the 21. came to the Downes. On the 24. the Sunne and Moone came into the Downes. The 26. the Dragon, Lion, and Expedition set saile, &c. Iune 20. 1618. wee got [ 60] into the Road of Soldania, in latitude 33. degrees 50. minutes, longitude 28. de∣grees 30. minutes variation 0. deg. 50. min. the Northwest Iuly 13. came in the Deuill of Delph, with a prize. On the 30. wee tooke a Portugall Ship bound for

Mofambique, which had lost company of three Carrikes. By a Councell she was freed with all in her. August 14. we saw a Carrike. On the 21. M. Spalding was sent aboard her. By the 24. wee made an end with her, and fetched * 5.197 the money from her. September 15. we espied Land, being the Iland of Ingano. Here the Current setting to the shoare, the Sunne our Admirall (her men be∣ing very weake) seemed in great danger. Sir Tho. Dale was aboard the Cloue, with the President Cap. Iordan: and it was concluded that wee should goe for Bantam. The South of Ingano is rea∣sonable * 5.198 high and wooddie. On the Southwest is false sounding, one cast twentie; the next four∣teene or fifteene fadome. It is safe to keepe farther off in sixe or in 5. degrees fiftie minutes. No∣uember 17. we espied the Land of Sumatra, the South west point: latitude 6. degrees 15. minutes long: from Cape of Good Hope 80. degrees 38. minutes. The 21. we entred Bante•• Rode.

The next day arriued sixtie eight or the Suns men in their Skiffe, and a small Boat which they [ 10] had b••••lt, hauing lost their Ship on the fifteenth split on the shoare. Yet it pleased God to saue neere one hundred of our men, on whom the Cruell Inhabitants and Hunger made fresh assaulte, * 5.199 so that some which had escaped, escaped not wounds or deaths. December the fourth, the Blacke Lion yeelded her selfe, which after on the 27. three or foure drunken fellowes stealing Rackapee set on fire, so that shee was lost with all in her, &c. The fights with the Hollanders, and his Voyage to Pata••ia I omit.

Iune 5. 1619. our Ships got into the Rode of Patania. Wee were in great danger of driuing on * 5.200 a shoald. The President went to the Queene with a great Present. On the 16. wee had fight of foure Dutch Ships, and fitted our selues to fight. No perswasion could moue the President to set saile, but hee abode at an anchor till the Dutch Ships anchored by vs. The next morning with∣out [ 20] speaking any word, they shot, and wee answered, but in short time wee had but few left which could do vs any pleasure. The weather was now calme and we could not set saile, as before wee might haue done: Whereupon the President was willing to come to a parlie. I was shot in two places, and perswaded him to fight it out: but when I was gone downe hee sent the Master aboord the Angell (one of the Dutch Ships) to parly about yeelding, and order was presently gi∣uen to shoot no more. At which time I was spoiled with Powder by a shot from the Admirall, our Master detained, and the President slaine with a shot tho••ow the bodie, after the Ship was yeelded, as I vnderstand. For the Master went aboord to giue vp the Ship, with condition that * 5.201 the Company should depart with their goods; which they promised: but after possession taken, heathenlike they broke it. For mine owne part, before I vnderstood of any thing, the Ship was [ 30] full of Hollanders, we hauing at that time eleuen men slaine, and thirtie three hurt, foure of which were dismembred. September 17. by reason of a broile raised among the Slaues we had two men slaine, and it was feared the Blackes would haue pulled down the Godowne and made pillage of all.

Our men in three Prawes returned to our Fleet. Nouember 22. as wee rode at P〈…〉〈…〉bam wee saw one Dutch Ship, and betwixt that and Pulo Pemon ten more: but whiles we sought to escape neere the shoare, a Boat from the first Ship came to vs, and said, that we were all friends. We being within Musket shot of two ships, must either go aboord or ashore: we did the first, but their Admi∣rall bestowed vs aboord amongst their Ships, and tooke our Boat from vs. The 22. came in the Dragon, Beare, and Expedition, to our great griefe and their great reioicing, as Prizes taken at Tecco. The thirtieth the Flying Hart brought newes, that Sir Tho. Dale was dead with many others, [ 40] at which they greatly reioyced. December 4. came in a Boat with a Crosse saile, being a Ships * 5.202 Boat called the New Hound, their Ship being lost by fire through the Stewards Mates negligence in drawing Aquauitae, 150 men lost, the rest in the boats escaping to Sumatra, where 15. were slain by the Blackes and others hurt. The 29. was a solemne Fast holden with prayer for the conquest they had of the English, with eating & drinking all the day long. Ianuary 17. came in a small Pin∣nace from Iacatra, and the White Beare which had bin nine months comming from Holland, & had * 5.203 throwne nine men ouerboord aliue, besides two which saued them the labour, for conspiracy.

March 14. Cap. Robert Adams in the Bull came in, and went aboard the Admirall: and A∣pril * 5.204 1. 1620. all the English prisoners at Iacatra were freed & set aboord the Bull. On the 21. the Dutch put the Indraught an old Ship on shoare, thinking to haue made a Bulwarke of her against [ 50] Bantam, but she ouerthrowing on the side frustrated their hopes and cost. May 11. Capt. Adams by a Councell was made Admirall for the English ouer fiue Ships, and fiue Dutch Ships in compa∣ny were to goe for Iapan, and so for the Man••llas. The 21. the Hope, the Bull and the Elisabeth departed from Iacatra for Iapan, with two Dutch Ships, the Harlem & Hope in company. The 24. the Vrede arriued, which brought conditions of peace out of Holland; which on the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. was pro∣claimed ashoare and aboord of euery Shippe, with great triumph. Iune the third, the Moone and the Palsgraue set saile for Iapan (I was made Master of the Palsgraue by a generall * 5.205 Councell of Defence) with the New Bantam and the Trow, two Dutch Ships. The voyage to Iapan August the fifth, they came to Coochy road neere Firando. The 31. our Captaine set forth of Firando to go to the Emperour, and the Dutch likewise. We deliuered ashore 1547. barres of Lead. [ 60]

Ianuary the third, we departed from the road of Coochy bound for the Manillas: The fourth the * 5.206 Iland Maxima bore North West fiue leagues off, the Land high and ragged. The ninth, the Iland of the three Kings bare West. The 10. the Iland called Long Iland bore East North East. The 12.

the Northermost of the two Ilands Buckamegell bore North Northwest. The 13. the biggest of the Babuanis East. The 15. at noone Cap. Boiador bare East of vs 4. leagues latitude, 18. deg. 40. min. The 21. at noone within two leagues of C. Bullanaue in 16. deg. 30. min. The 24. we plied to and fro off the Bay of Manilias. The 26. the Dutch Hope met with a China Champan, and tooke her * 5.207 being come from the Bay of T••••d•• from a China Iunke bound for the Bay of Manillas, which the said Hope tooke on the 26. The 27. two Champans more taken, laden one with Rice, the o∣ther with Timber. The 31. two Boats more taken, and one burnt.

From the first of Feb. to the sixt we were turning vp frō the Ile Maruels, & the Cauetta where the Spanish Ships ride; the Bay a very faire one, from 24. to six fathomsin the mid way take heed [ 10] you come no neerer the shore on the South then ten fathoms, in respect of a sleep Bank that lieth off the shoare: otherwise nothing in all the Bay is to be feared but one Rock, on the South side al∣so, halfe a league of the Black point within the Oyster Rock. This Rock hath on it two fathoms wa∣ter. At Cauetta we found riding six or seuen ships, and two of them great Gallions, but all vnrig∣ged. The eight we passed by the Towne of Cauetta with our ships. The towne shot two Peeces at * 5.208 our Admirall, but could not reach her. Wee all anchored in the Rode halfe way betwixt Cauetta, and the towne of Manillas, in seuen and a halfe fathom ozie ground. Cauetta lieth from Manillas South Southwest two leagues & a halfe by Sea, by Land aboue 3. From Cauetta to Marauelle the * 5.209 Course is west southwest somwhat Southerly. On the north of Marauelle is good fresh water, but not much, deepe anchoring neere the shore: we went on shore thereon 240 but found no people.

After some time spent in watering, careening, discouering and other affaires, March 28. 1621. [ 20] by order of a Councell, the Fleet was dispersed for better looking out for Iunkes comming from * 5.210 China with the Coast. I was appointed to the Ship Swan to goe with it, two Frigats and two Boats into the Bay of Pangasina to fire a ship there in building; but we found none such. April 13. * 5.211 all the ships went to Hart Bay to water. On the 18. we boorded a Iunke which proued of Iapan, hauing the Emperours Passe, and Letters from Capt. Cockes and the Dutch Merchant. The same day the Harl〈…〉〈…〉 tooke a China Iunke, and carried her into Witters Iland. May. 26. The Dutch Frigat fought with a China Iunke, but could not take her; wherupon our Frigat went vp and tooke her; and the Dutch comming aboord after they had yeelded, killed, and made leap ouer-boord to the quantitie of sixtie or seuenty, like bloudy—) On the 30. the Dutch Frigat was in fight with * 5.212 another China Iunk and could not take her, hauing spent most of their powder: and met our Frigat [ 30] and told them, which pursued her and the next day ouertooke her, and she yeelded to them: they put the men on shore. The Dutch set fire on the Iunk, which was one of their (—) tricks Iun. 9. (there being no hopes of more Iunkes that yeere) it was concluded that wee should direct our * 5.213 course for the Streits of Piscadores, I would wish all from the M••••ille•• to Macan or Piscadores to keepe it well vp to the West, and not to goe to the North to preuent shoalds.

On the 29. we entred the Harbour of Choochie. It was agreed that foure Ships should goe to Firando: whither wee went Iuly 10. In September the Bull and Peppercorne were careened. Richad Short one of the Masters Mates of the Moone ranne the second time to the Portu∣galls. October the first, sixe more of the Peppercorne and Bull ranne to the Portugalls, which were pursued and taken, and foure executed. Two of the Elisabeths men stole a praw, with [ 40] intent to runne to them also to Langasack. The eighteenth, the Peppercorne and the Moy∣en a Dutch Shippe went for the Coast of China, to lie there till the comming of the Fleet. Nouember the first, the three English Store-houses at Choochy were burned to the ground by negligence.

The 23. we put to Sea with all the Fleet: December the tenth they met with the Peppercorne and Moyen, which had beene sixe weekes on the Coast and taken nothing. They were now ten Ships. The twelfth, a Frigat was taken laden with Canuas to make failes for the Fleet at Manil∣las. * 5.214 Ianuary the third, the Countrey people (before vnseene) killed foure of the Peppercornes men, in Witters Iland where they were watering, through their owne securitie. For ten of ours might haue kept off one hundreth of them. Their Weapons are Bowes and Arrowes not poysoned [ 50]

The thirtieth wee went into the Bay where the Spaniards had foure great Ships, three small, and three Gallies, besides other small Frigots. Some Truce-parlies passed and some bickerings al∣so to small purpose. Diuers Fugitiues came to vs from them. The Fleet obserued their opportu∣nities, * 5.215 but little was done. April 18. 1622. 8. of the Moones men ran away with her Shallop to the Manillas. The Peppercorne tooke two or three small Iunkes, but little in them. May 6. at L••••∣ang Iland we found 30. tuns of Red Wood, a China Iunke, a Portugall, and two or three Cham∣pans * 5.216 in the Riuer, which were fired, except the Wood. The 9. foure ships were sent to Macau, the rest to Piscadores to exchange Portugalls for our men, and to intercept Frigats. The 17. a Frigat of Macan was after long fight taken by our shallops, with 320. balls of goods. Iune 1. we had sight of three Frigats, which went in among the Ilands for Macao, we not being able to hinder them. [ 60] * 5.217 A Priest and others came aboord with a Flag of Truce to treat about their men. The 12. came in eleuen Dutch Ships to take in Macan, and neuer offered to speake with vs, but went directly as neere the Towne at they could, and sent presently small vessells to sound. They landed 1000. men on the 14. against Macan, & after mutuall shot were repelled, hauing lost six Captains (as I heard) * 5.218

and about 200. men, besides many hurt, and had they not gotten their Boats as they did, they had beene all, by their owne report put to the sword. On the 17. we departed as it had beene agreed, and anchored vnder the Iles Ladrones all night. The next day we put to Sea betwixt the Iles Su∣pattos * 5.219 and Neme. Iuly 4. wee were close aboord the point of Langasacke. On the sixth M Hatch the Preacher came aboord. August 2. A Councell was called at the Dutch house by their Admi∣rall, in which it was concluded to dissolue the two ••••acts: each to beere their own aduentures till * 5.220 they came to Iacatra. The 15. we had a Tyffon Southerly, and broke two Cables. The Dutch Moone and Hound droue ashoare, the Moone litle hurt, the other bilged. The Peppercor〈…〉〈…〉 and Hai∣lem; deeme ashoare at Firando without hurt. This Tyffon was so sore at Sea, that the Moyen cut o∣uer-bord her maine Mast, and threw out her Shallop: the Tro threw out 300. sackes of Rice, wee [ 10] more, with her Powder, and was so leake shee was like to sinke. The B〈…〉〈…〉am lost her maine and misen Mases, threw ouer-bord 3. Pieces of Ordnance, 2. Anchors, a Shallop, 〈…〉〈…〉 sackes of Rice, her Head and Gallerie all washt away; &c. October 9. the Dutch Moone and H〈…〉〈…〉nd, hyd〈…〉〈…〉p sunke. The 15. t〈…〉〈…〉 we went out into the Road, being bound for Iambre. Till the first of Nouember we had no sight of the Sun to make obseruation. The 15. th we got into the road of Iambee. The rest I am it. May 28. they had sight of Saint Helena, and anchored next day in Chappell Bay. August 26. they * 5.221 arriued at Erith.

Thus haue you seene the Dutch dealings in the Indies with the English and Natiues; agreeing to that which in the third, fourth, and fifth Bookes is more fully before deliuered: to which this to here added and later Intelligence; and containing relation both of the Manillas and of the English industry, east and dan∣gers sustained to maintaine termes of Peace according to the league and Conditions article•• 〈…〉〈…〉 them. [ 20] Now for their correspondence to the English, thou mayst read in the following Relation, conformed by the Oathes of diuers thence returned, published lately by the East Indian Societie and heere abbridged, the worke smelling too much, and a little of such Discourse being, more then enough.

CHAP. XVI.

The Dutch late proceedings at Amboyna, in cruell torturing and executing of diuers English-men: with other their like Acts to the Natiues in Banda; published lately by the English-East-Indian [ 30] Societie; heere much abbreuiated.

AFter the fruitlesse issue of two seuerall Treaties: the first Anno 1613. in London; and the other Anno 1615. at the Hage in Holland, touching the differences be∣tweene the English and Dutch in the East-Indies, at last by a third Treatie Anno 1619. in London, there was a full and solemne composition made of all the said differences, and a faire order set for the future proceeding of the Supposts of both Companies in the Indies; aswell in the course of their Trade and Commerce, as otherwise. Amongst sundry other points, it was agreed, that in regard of the great blood shed and cost, pretended to bee bestowed by the Hollanders, in winning of the Trade of the Iles of the [ 40] Molluccos, Banda, and Amboyna, from the Spaniards and Portugals, and in building of Forts for the continuall securing of the same, the said Hollanders therefore should enioy two third parts of that Trade, and the English the other third; and the charge of the Forts to bee maintained by taxes and impositions, to be leuied vpon the Merchandize. Wherefore, in consequence of this a∣greement, the English East. India Company planted certaine Factories for their share of this Trade; some at the Molluccos, some at Banda, and some at Amboyna.

This Amboyna is an Iland lying neere Seran, of the Circuit of fortie leagues, and giueth name * 5.222 also to some other small Hands adiacent. It beareth Cloues; for gathering and buying in where∣of, the English Companie for their part had planted fiue seuerall Factories: the head and Ren∣devouz of all, at the Towne of Amboyna; and therein first, Master George Muscham••e and after∣ward Master Gabriell Tomerson; their Agents, with directions ouer the smaller Factories at [ 50] Hitto and Larica, vpon the same Iland, and at Loho and Cambello, vpon a point of their neighbou∣ring Iland of Seran.

Vpon these Ilands of Amboyna, and the point of Seran, the Hollanders haue foure Forts; the chiefe of all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at the said Towne of Amboyna, and is very strong, hauing foure Points or Bul∣warkes with their Curtaines, and vpon each of these Points sixe great Pieces of Ordnance moun∣ted, most of them of Brasse. The one side of this Castle is washed by the Sea, and the other is * 5.223 diuided from the Land with a Ditch of foure or fiue fathome broad, very deepe, and euer filled with the Sea. The Garrison of this Castle consisteth of about two hundred Dutch Souldiers and * 5.224 a Company of free Burgers. Besides these, there is alwayes a matter of three or foure hundred [ 60] Mardikero for so they vsually call the free Natiues) in the Towne, ready to serue the Castle at * 5.225 an houres warning. There lye also in the Roade (for the most part) diuers good Ships of the Hol∣landers, as well for the guard of the place by Sea, as for the occasions of Trassique: this being the * 5.226

chiefe Rendevo••••, as well for the Iland of Banda, as or the rest of Amboyna. Heere the English liued; not in the Castle, but vnder protection there••••, in a house of their owne in the Towne; holding themselues safe, as well in respect of the ••••cient bonds of Amitie betweene both Nati∣ons. as of the strict coniunction made by the late Treatie before mentioned.

They continued heere foine two yeares, conuersing and trading together with the Hollanders, by vertue of the said Treatie. In which time there fell out sundrie differences and debates be∣tweene them; The English complayning that the Hollanders did not onely lauish away much money in Building, and vnnecessarie expences, vpon the Forts and other wise, and bring large and vnreasonable reckonings thereof to the common accompt; but also did, for their part, pay the Garrisons with victuals and cloath of Coromandell, which they put off to the Souldiers at three or [ 10] foure times the value it cost them, yet would not allow of the English Companies part of the same charge, but onely in ready money; thereby drawing from the English (which ought to pay but one third part) more than two thirds of the whole true charge. Hereupon, and vpon the like occasions, grew some discontents and disputes, and the complaints were sent to Iaccatra, in the Iland of Ian•• Maior, to the Councell of defence of both Nations there residing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 who also, * 5.227 not agreeing vpon the points in difference, sent the same hither ouer into Europe, to bee deci∣ded by both Companies heere; or, in default of their agreement, by the Kings Maiestie, and the Lords the States Generall, according to an Article of the Treatie of the yeare 1619. on this be∣halfe. In the meane time, the discontent betweene the English and the Dutch, about these and other differences, continued and daily encreased, vntill at last there was a sword found, to cut in [ 20] sunder that knot at once, which the tedious disputes of Amboyna and Iaccatra could not vntie. And this was vsed in manner as followeth.

About the eleuenth of February 1622. Stilo veteri, a Iaponer Souldier of the Dutch in their Ca∣stle of Amboyna, walking in the night vpon the wall, came to the Centinell (being a Hollander) and there, amongst other talke, asked him some questions touching the strength of the Castle, and the people that were therein. It is heere to bee noted, that those Iaponers (of whom there is not thirty in all the Iland) did, for the most part, serue the Dutch as souldiers, yet were not of their tru∣stie bands, alwaies lodged in the Castle, but vpon occasion called out of the Towne to assist in the Watch. This Iaponer aforesaid, was for his said conference with the Centinel, apprehended vpon suspicion of Treason, and put to the Torture. Thereby (as some of the Dutch affirmed) hee was [ 30] brought to confesse himselfe, and sundry others of his Countrymen there, to haue contriued the taking of the Castle. Hereupon, other Iapanets were examined and tortured, as also a Portugall, the Guardian of the Slaues vnder the Dutch. During this examination, which continued three or foure dayes; some of the English men went too and from the Castle vpon their businesse, saw the Priso∣ners, heard of their tortures, and of the crime laid to their charge; but all this while 〈…〉〈…〉ted not, that this matter did any whit concerne themselues; hauing neuer had any conuers〈…〉〈…〉 with the Iaponers, not with the Portugall aforesaid. At the same time there was one Abel P〈…〉〈…〉, Chirurgi∣on * 5.228 of the English, Prisoner in the Castle, for offering in his Drunkennesse to set a Dutch-mans house on fire. This fellow the Dutch tooke, and shewed him some of the Iaponers, whom they had first most grieuously tortured, and told him, they had confessed the English to haue beene of their [ 40] confederacie, for the taking of the Castle; and that if he would not confesse the same, they would vse him euen as they had done these Iaponers, and worse also. Hauing giuen him the torture, they soone made him confesse what euer they asked him. This was the fifteenth of February, 1622. Stilo veteri. Forthwith, about nine of the clocke the same Morning, they sent for Captaine Tower∣son, and the rest of the English that were in the Towne, to come to speake with the Gouernour in the Castle: they all went, saue one that was left to keepe the House. Being come to the Gouer∣nour, he told Captaine Towerson, that himselfe and others of his Nation were accused of a Con∣spiracie to surprise the Castle, and therefore, vntill further triall, were to remaine Prisoners. In∣stantly also they attached him that was left at home in the house, tooke the Merchandize of the English Companie there into their owne custodie by Inuentorie, and seized all the Chests, Boxes, [ 50] Bookes, Writings, and other things in the English house. Captaine Towerson was committed to his Chamber with a guard of Dutch Souldiers. Emanuel Tomson was kept Prisoner in the Castle, the rest, viz. Iohn Beomont, Edward Collins, William Webber, Ephraim Ramsey, Timothy Iohnson, Iohn Fardo, and Robert Browne, were sent aboord the Hollanders ships then riding in Harbour, some to one ship, and some to another, and all made fast in Irons. The same day also the Gouernour sent to the two other Factories in the same Iland, to apprehend the rest of the English them. So that Sa∣muel Colson, Iohn Clarke, George Sharrock, that were found in the Factorie at Hitto, and Eduard Coll〈…〉〈…〉, William Webber, and Iohn Sa••ler at Larica, were all brought Prisoners to Amboyna, the six∣teenth of February. Vpon which day also Iohn Pow〈…〉〈…〉, Iohn Wether all, and Thomas 〈…〉〈…〉brooke, were apprehended at Cambello, and Iohn B••omont, William Grigs, and Ephraim Ramsey, at Laho, and [ 60] brought in Irons to Amboyna the twentieth of the same moneth.

In the meane time, the Gouernour and Fiscall went to worke with the Prisoners that were al∣ready there: And first they sent for Iohn Beomont, and Timothy Iohnson, from aboord the Vnicorne; who being come into the Castle, Beomont was left with a guard in the Hall, and Iohnson was taken

into another roome. Where, by and by, B〈…〉〈…〉 heard him cry out very pitifully; then to be quiet for a little while, and then loud againe. After taste of the torture, Abel Price the Chirurgion, that first was examined and tortured (as is aboue remembred) was brought in to confront and accuse him: But Iohnson not yet confessing any thing, Price was quickly carried out, and Iohnson brought againe to the torture, where B〈…〉〈…〉 heard him sometime cry aloud, then quiet againe, then roare afresh. At last, after he had been about an houre in this second examination, he was brought forth wailing and lamenting, all wet, and cruelly burnt in diuers parts of his body, and so laid aside in a by place of the Hall, with a souldier to watch him that he should speake with no body. Then was Emanuel Tomson brought to examination; not in the roome where Iohnson had beene, but in ano∣ther * 5.229 somthing farther from the Hall. Yet B〈…〉〈…〉 being in the Hall, heard him roare most lamen∣tably, and many times. At last, after an houre & an halfe spent in torturing him, he was carried a∣way [ 10] into another roome another way, so that hee came not by B••omont through the Hall. Next was B••omont called in, and being demanded many things, all which he denied with deepe oathes and protestations, was made fast to be tortured; a cloth tyed about his necke, and two men ready with Iarres of water to be powred on his head. But yet for this time the Gouernor bad loose him, he would spare him a day or two, because he was an Old man. This was all Saturdaies worke, the fifteenth of February asoresaid.

Vpon Sunday the 16. of February, William Webber, Edward Collins, Ephraim Ramsey, and Robert Browne, were fetcht from aboord the Rott〈…〉〈…〉, to be examined. At the same time came Samuel Colson, William Grigs, and Iohn Clarke, George Sharrocke, & Iohn Sadler, from Hitto and Lari••a, and were immediatly vpon their arriuall, brought into the Castle-hall. Robert Browne Tailor was first * 5.230 [ 20] called in, & being tormented with water, confessed all in order as the Fiscall asked him. Then was Edward Collins called in, and told, that those that were formerly examined, had confest him as ac∣cessary * 5.231 to the plot of taking the Castle. Which, when he denied with great oathes & execrations, they made his hands and feet fast to the Racke, bound a cloth about his throat, ready to be put to the torture of water. Thus prepared, he prayed to be respited, and he would confesse all. Being let downe, ••e againe vowed & protested his innocencie; yet said, that because he knew that they would by torture make him confesse any thing, though neuer so false, they should doe him a great fauour, to tell him what they would haue him say, and hee would speake it, to auoyd the torture. The Fiscall hereupon sud; what, doe you mocke vs? and bad, Vp with him againe; and so gaue him the torment of water: which he not able long to endure, prayed to be let downe again to his [ 30] confession. Then he deuised a little with himselfe, and told them, that about two mon〈…〉〈…〉 and a halfe before, himselfe, Tomson, Iohnson, B〈…〉〈…〉, and Fard••, had plotted, with the helpe of the Iapo∣ners, to surprice the Castle. Here he was interrupted by the Fscall, and asked, whether Captaine Towerson were not of that conspiracie. He answered, No. Y•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉, said the Fiscall; did not bee call you all to him, and tell you, that those daily abuses of the Dutch had caused 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to thinke of a plot, and that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wanted nothing but your consent and secretie? Then said a Dutch Merchant, one Iohn ••oo•••• that stood by, Did not you all sweare vpon a Bible to bee secret to him? Collins answered with great oathes, that hee knew nothing of any such matter. Then they bade make him fast againe: whereupon he then said, All was true that they had spoken. Then the Fiscall asked him, whether the English in the rest of the Factories, were not consen••ing to this plot. Hee answered, No. The [ 40] Fiscall then asked him, whether the President of the English at Iaccatra, or Mr. Welden Agent in Banda, were not plotters or priuie to this businesse. Againe he answered, No. Then the Fiscall as∣ked him by what meanes the Iapouers should haue executed their purpose. Whereat, when Collins stood staggering and deuising of some probable fiction, the Fiscall holpe him, and said, Should 〈◊〉〈◊〉 two Iaponers haue gone to each point of the Castle, and two to the Gouernours Chamber doore; and when the hurly-burly had beene without, and the Gouernour comming to see what was the matter, the Iaponers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 haue killed him? Here one that stood by, said to the Fiscall, Doe not tell him what he should say, but let him speake of himselfe. Whereupon the Fiscall, without attending the answer to his for∣mer question; asked what the Iaponers should haue had for their reward. Collins answered, 1000. Ryals a peece. Lastly, he asked him, when this plot should haue bin effected. Wherunto although hee answered him nothing (not knowing what to deuise vpon the sodaine) yet he was dismissed, [ 50] and very glad to come cleere of the torture, though with certain beleefe that he should die for this his Confession. Next, was Samuel Colson brought in, being newly arriued from Hitto, as is before * 5.232 touched, & was the same day brought to the torture, who, for feare of the paine wherwith he saw Collins come out, in such a case, that his eyes were almost blowne out of his head with the torment of water; chose rather to confesse all they asked him: and so was quickly dismissed, comming out weeping, lamenting, & protesting his innocencie. Then was Iohn Clarke, that came with Colson * 5.233 from Hitto, fetcht in, and a litle after was heard (by the rest that were without in the Hall) to cry out amaine. They tortured him with water & with fire, by the space of 2. houres. The māner of his torture (as also of Iohnsons & Tomsons) was as followeth: First, they hoised him vp by the hands [ 60] with a cord on a large doore, where they made him fast vpon 2. staples of Iron; fixt on both sides, at the top of the doore posts, haling his hands one from the other as wide as they could stretch. Be∣ing thus made fast, his feet hung 2. foot from the ground, which also they stretcht asunder as farre

as they would retch, and so made them fast beneath vnto the doore trees on each side. Then they bound a cloth about his necke and face so close, that little or no w••••er could goe by. That done, They powred the water softly vpon his head vntill the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vp to the mouth and nostrils, and somewhat higher; so that hee could not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 breath, but hee must withall sucke in the water: which being still continued to be powred in soft∣ly, forced all his inward parts, came out of his Nose, Eares, and Eyes, and often as it were stifling and choaking him, at length tooke away his breath, and brought him to a swoun•• or fainting. Then they tooke him quickly downe, and made him vomit vp the wa〈…〉〈…〉. Beeing a little recouered, they triced him vp againe, and powred in the water as before, eftsoones taking him downe as he seemed to be stifled. In this manner they handled him three or foure seuerall [ 10] times with water, till his bodie was swolne twice or thrice as bigge as before, his cheekes like great Bladders and his eies staring and strutting out beyond his fort head: yet all this hee bare, without confessing any thing; insomuch as the Fiscall and tormen〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉iled him, saying that he was a Deuill, and no man, or surely was a Witch, at least had some charme about him, or was enchanted; that he could beare so much. Wherefore they cut off his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 very short, as supposing he had some Witchcraft hidden therein. Afterwards they hoised him vp againe as before, and then burnt him with lighted Candles in the bottome of his feete, vntill the fat dropt out 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gandles; yet then applyed they freshlights vnto him. They 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him also vnder the ••••••owes, & in the plames of the hands; likewise vnder the arme pits, vntil his inwards might be euidently seene. At last, when they saw he could of himselfe make no hansome confession, then they led him [ 20] along with questions of particular circumstances, by themselues framed. Being thus wearied and ouercome by the torment; he answered, yea to whatsoeuer they asked: whereby they drew from him a bodie of a confession to this effect; to wit, That Captaine Towerson had vpon New-yeeres day last before, sworne all the English at Amboyna to bee secret and assistant to a plot that hee had proiected, with the helpe of the Iaponers, to surprize the Castle, and to put the Gouernour and the rest of the Dutch to death.

Hauing thus martyred this poore man, they sent him out by foure Blacks; who carried him be∣tweene them to a Dungeon, where he lay fiue or six daies without any Chirurgion to dresse him, vntill (his flesh being 〈◊〉〈◊〉) great Maggots dropt and crept from him in a most loth some and noysome 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Thus they finished their Sabbath daies worke; and it growing now [ 30] darke, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the rest of the English (that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that day from H〈…〉〈…〉, and till then attended in the Hall) first to the 〈…〉〈…〉ths shop, where they were loaden with Irons, and then to the same lothsome Dungeon where Clarke and the rest were, accompanied with the poore Iaponers, lying in the putrifaction of their tortures. The next morning being Munday the 17. of February, old S••ile, William Grigs and Iohn Fardo, with certaine Iaponers, were brought into the place of exami∣nation. The Iaponers were first cruelly tortured to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Grigs; which at last they did: and Grigs to auoid the like torture, confessed all that the Fiscall demanded. By and by the like also was done by Iohn Fardo, and other Iaponers: but Fardo himselfe endured the torture of water; and at last confessed whatsoeuer the Fiscall asked him; and so was sent backe to Prison.

I 〈◊〉〈◊〉 no heart to proceed. In like manner Iohn B••omont, George Sharrock, William Webber, [ 40] Gabriell Towerson, Iohn Wetherall, Iohn Powle, Thomas Lad••uoke, Ephraim Ramsey, Iohn Sadler, were examined by torture of the mind or bodie, or both. The Storie is fresh and lately printed; and long, to which I referre the Reader. Ten suffered, viz. Mon. Towerson, Colsor, Thomson, Iohnson, Wetherall, Clarke, Grigs, Fardo, Price, Browne; all protesting their innocencie.

They had prepared a Cloth of blacke Veluet for Captaine Towerson his bodie to fall vpon; which being stained and defaced with his bloud, they afterwards put to the account of the Eng∣lish Company.

At the instant of the execution, there arose a great darknesse, with a sudden and violent gust of wind and tempest; whereby two of the Dutch ships, riding in the Harbour, were driuen from their Anchors, and with great labour and diffiultie saued from the Rockes. Within a few dayes [ 50] after, one William Dunck••••, who had told the Gouernour, That Robert Browne the English Tai∣lour, had a few moneths before told him, he hoped; that the English should haue as much to doe in the Castle of Amboyna, as the Dutch; This fellow comming vpon an Euening to the Graūe where the English were buried, being all (saue Captaine Tower sony in one pit, sell downe vpon the Graue; and hauing lien there awhile, rose vp againe starke madde, and so continued two or three dayes together, and then died. Forth with also fell a new sicknesse at Amboyna, which swept away about a thousand people, Dutch and Amboyners: in the space wherein, there vsually died not aboue thirtie at other Seasons. These signes were by the suruiuing English referred to the con∣fident prediction of Emanuel Tomson aboue-named, and were by the Amboyners interpreted as a token of the wrath of God for this barbarous tyrannie of the Hollanders. [ 60]

The manifold testimonies of their innocencie by their owne writings before their death, deuout and deep protestations at their death; desire also to receiue the Sacrament to ratifie the same, and lastly the proo•••• thereof by many reasons, with the Obiections answered; the Reader may at large see in the Booke set forth by the Company. Out of which for perfecting our Banda Relations, I haue added this.

But he could not see the thirtieth Article, which orders, that all disputes that cannot be decided by the Councell of defence, should be remitted into Europe; first, to the two Companies there, and in default of their agreement to the King and States. Why then was not this dispute so pro∣ceeded in. There is nothing in the former Articles, to limit the Councell of defence; and this generall Article appeareth to be added by way of ampliation, to prouide for that which was not particularly and expresly cared for in the former. Which is most plaine by the words of the ex∣planation vpon this thirtieth Article, agreed vpon at the first, and subscribed by the Commissio∣ners on both sides, Anno 1619. where this course of proceeding is expresly directed, not only in disputes about the meaning of the Articles, but also about any other matter happening in their common aboad. Since which also the Kings Maiestie hath, vpon a smaller occasion then the life [ 10] of his Subiects, cleerely declared himselfe in the point of Souereigntie; That both Nations in the Indies should wholly lay aside al pretence therof. Which Declaration was sent to the Lords States General, & by them accepted before this bloudie but cherie was executed. But if it were granted, that the Hollanders are absolute Lords of their partners the English in those parts, without re∣spect to the Treatie, yet at least the Hollanders in Amboyna, are bound to obserue the Lawes of the vnited Prouinces; for so saith this Authour himselfe. Doe these allow to begin the Processe at the torture, and to bring persons of honest fame to the Racke, vpon others confession made in the torture? Do their Lawes allow of the leading Interrogatories aboue mentioned, to direct the Prisoner what to say, to auoid the torture? Where, in the vnited Prouinces, is that drowning with water, in vse? or the torture with fire, vsed to Iohnson, Tomson, and Clarke? or especially the split∣ting [ 20] of their toes, and launcing of the brest, and putting in Gun-powder, and then firing the same, whereby the bodie is not left intire, neither for innocencie, nor execution? Clarke and Tomson were both faine to bee carried to their execution, though they were tortured many dayes before.

Lastly, their confessions were contradictory, apparantly false, and of things impossible to bee done, much lesse practised before by the said parties; and therfore ought not by their Law to haue beene beleeued, nor the Prisoners to haue beene condemned thereupon, without other sufficient Indi••ia, or euidence besides.

In the last place, this Author handleth the excesse of the torture whereof (hee taketh notice) there is much complaint in England; and saith, That the Lords States Generall take great care [ 30] to enforme themselues of all the passages of this busines; and to that end haue desired to see all the Letters, Pieces, and Papers that concerne this Processe: by which it appeareth not, that there was any cruell torture vsed. But suppose the acts make no mention of them; is it any maruell that the Authors of this murtherous and tyrannous Processe, being themselues the persons that also formed the Acts would omit those things that made against them? It is to bee presumed al∣so, that the Acts kept by their people at Poloway in Banda, haue omitted many things of their Processe, against the poore Polaroones, whom in August 1622. being about sixe monethes before this execution of the English, their Gouernour there vsed in like sort, as the Gouernour o•• Am∣boyna did the English, and gaue him a modell and precedent of this Processe, which it will no•• be amisse to relate briefly, because this Authour, in the next place alleageth the mercifull 〈◊〉〈◊〉 [ 40] of the Netherlands Nation in generall; to inferre thence, that it is therefore vnlikely, that their Gouernour at Amboyna was so cruell, as is reported in England.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 one of the Ilands of Banda, was in possession of the English at the time of the Treatie, Anno 161•• and by the agreement was to remaine theirs. After the Treatie came vnto the Indies, the Hollanders forbare publishing thereof in the Ilands of Banda, vntill they had taken Polaroon. But, knowing that it must be restored againe, according to the Treatie, they first take all courses to make the Iland little or nothing worth: they demolish and deface the Buil∣dings, transplant the Nutmeg-trees, plucking them vp by the Roots, and carrying them into their owne Ilands of Nera and of Poloway, there to be planted for themselues; and at last finde a meanes to dispeople the Iland, and to leaue it so, as the English might make no vse of it, worth [ 50] their charge of keeping; and that vpon this occasion: There was a young man, the Sonne of an Orankey, or a Gentleman in Polaroon, that had committed Felonie; for which, by the Lawes of his Countrey, hee was to die. This fellow, to saue his life, fled to another Iland of Banda, called Rofi••ging, and there turned Christian: but quickly vnderstanding, that that would not make him safe from punishment, hee went backe secretly to his owne Countrey of Polaroon; and, hauing lurked there a few dayes, tooke his passage for Nera, another Iland where the Dutch haue a Fort; and told the Dutch Gouernour, that the Orankeyes of Polaroon had conspired to massacre the Dutch as well at Polaroon, as at Poloway, with helpe of the peo∣ple of S〈…〉〈…〉, that should send ouer thirtie Curricurries for that purpose. Immediately vpon [ 60] this Indic〈…〉〈…〉 of this Malefactor, certaine Prowes or Fisherboates of the Polaroons, that were fishing at Poloway, were seized, and the people made Prisoners, Command was sent by the Dutch Gouernour to Polaroon, that the Orankeyes should come ouer to him, that there might be further inquisition made of this matter.

The Priest of the Polaroons and seuentie Orankeyes instantly tooke a Prow or small Vessell of their owne, and imbarked themselues for Poloway. As they were at Sea, and yet out of the sight of the Dutch Castle, they were met by a Fisher-boat of Bandanezes, and told, how all the rest were apprehended; and that, if they went to Poloway, they were all but dead men. Neuerthe∣lesse, the Priest and the rest, although they had space and meanes to haue escaped to Seran and other places safe enough from the Hollanders, yet were so confident of their innocencie, that they would needs to Poloway to purge themselues. Where, assoone as they were arriued, they were instantly carried Prisoners to the Castle: and withall the Gouernour, with a force of two hundred men, went presently for Polaroon; whence he fetched all the rest of the Orankeyes, and brought them Prisoners to the same Castle. As soone as they were comne, they were presently [ 10] brought to the torture of Water and fire, euen in the same sort as our people were afterward at Amboyna; onely herein differing, that of those of Poloway, two were so tortured, that they died in their tortures: the rest being one hundred sixtie two persons, were all vpon their owne forced confessions, condemned and executed. The Priest when he came to the place of execu∣tion, spake these words in the Mallaian Tongue: All yee, great and small, rich and poore, black and white, looke to it: we haue committed no fault. And when hee would haue spoken more, hee was taken by the hands and feet, laid along, and cut in two by the middle with a Sword. Forthwith, the Gouernour caused the wiues, children, and slaues of those of Polaroon, to be all car∣ried out of the Iland, and distributed in other Ilands subiect to the Dutch; and so haue made a cleere Countrey for the English; where they may both plant and gather themselues destitute of [ 20] the helpe of any of the Countrie people; without whom, neither the English nor Hollanders can maintaine their Trade in the Indies, And yet this is not heere recited, to the end thereby to charge the Neetberlands Nation with those cruell proceedings, but the persons themselues, that haue commited those barbarous Tyrannies: Who, if we shall beleeue an Authour of their owne, are not of the best of that Nation. For the Maiores (as this Authour sayes) vse the Indies as a Tucht-house or Bridewell, to manage their vnruly and vnthriftie children and kindred; whom when they cannot rule and order at home, they send to the Indies, where they are preferred to * 5.234 Offices and places of Gouernment. Yea, saith he, they preferre such to be Fiscals there, as neuer saw Studie nor Law. So that it is no maruell, that such persons proceed not with that Iustice and moderation as is vsed generally in the Low Countries, by the choice of the Nation there. And [ 30] this agreeth well with the report of our Merchants of credit, that came lately from Amboyna; who auerre, that excepting the Gouernour himselfe, who is well stept in yeeres, of the rest of the Councell there, as well the Piscall, as others, there was scarce any that had haire on their faces, yea, that most of them are lewd drunken debauched persons; and yet must be Iudges as well of our English, as the poore Indians there.

VVE haue bin long enough perplexed with viewing Easterne Tragedies. Let vs now 〈◊〉〈◊〉 our Eyes Westward. And lest any should thinke that in hatred of the Dutch Name I haue published the last, or any of the former Relations of bad dealing with the English: I haue beere added this that may make for their Honour, an Act of Hostilitie against a knowne Ene∣mie: [ 40] as also euery where in this Worke I haue not wittingly omitted, either publike Act, Fleet, Voyage, or Victorie of theirs, which might honour their Nation (yea if I found any particu∣lar Act of kindnesse, or any kinder person to the English Name and Nation, I haue beene readie to mention the same) so farre as agreeth with our Historie. I cannot make the East In∣dian Dutch Case good, nor would I make the European bad, raising a Nationall quarrell (which God forbid, and which the Deuill there sought) out of a personate.

CHAP. XVII. [ 50]

A true description of the Bay Todos los Santos in Brasill, and taking the Towne Saluador by the Admirall Master IACOB WILKINS 1624.

THe Bay of Todos lot Santos, in the Land of Brasill is situated vpon thirteene de∣grees of Southerly Latitude an hundred leagues aboue P••ar••ambuco. It is the place at which the Gouernour, the Bishop, and the Auditor Generall of all the Coasts of Brasill are resident. This place is most inhabited: it hath three Townes: the one [ 60] is neere to the Barra, or comming in, and is called Villa veta, which is the first that was built in this Iurisdiction.

The second is the Towne called Saluador or Sauiour, in English) builded by Thomas de Sosa,

and foure leagues thence Landwards in, lyeth the Village Paripe. It hath many Sugar-mils, al∣though the Inhabitants get their liuings for the most part by Cotton.

Within the Towne are fiue Churches and one Colledge of the Iesuits, of which are some eightie in the Towne. The Bay is some three leagues large, and stretched some fifteene Leagues Land∣wards in. It hath many small Ilands which yeeld great store of Cotton. It is diuided into seue∣rall parts, and hath many branches in which the Inhabitants vse small Barkes.

The Bay is (when the water is reasonable high) in some places, twelue, eighteene, and twen∣tie fathome deepe, and lyeth inwards North North-west. On the corner of it is a Castle built, which is called Saint Antonio, neere which lyeth a Banke which reacheth a league into the Sea Southeastward. When the wind bloweth very strong, the water maketh there great noyse: but there is no danger for the ships, seeing it is fiue or six fathome deepe, and the ground is land. The [ 10] corner on which Saint Anthonio standeth, is but a league distant from the Towne. The high ships Land commonly iust against the great Church.

Now for the taking of the same by the Dutch, it is thus both related and in Picture also (here omitted) described.

The High and Mightie States, with the aduise of his Excellencie the Prince of Orange, ere∣cted a West India Company, and prepared a Nauie of aboue thirtie ships strong, of which Master Iacob Wilkins was chosen Admirall, and the Lord of Dort appointed to be Generall.

This Fleet put to Sea the two and twentieth of December, in the last yeere 1623, and the Iland of Saint Vincent (which is one of the Ilands of C••bo Verde) being appointed to bee [ 20] the Rendezuous, all the ships of the Fleete met there, except that in which the Generall was, who came to Sierra Liona: And the Fleet hauing tarried there the space of fiue weekes, it de∣parted on the sixe and twentieth day of March thence, and came on the eighth of May before the Bay of Todos los Santos, in which he might haue sailed the same night, but hee tarried, for good reasons and considerations, till it was day, and vsed this stratagem or policie, namely: hee put all the Souldiers on foure of the greatest and best shippes, and caused their En∣signes on the other still to bee displayed. The same day hee landed fifteene hundred men with two light Peeces called Dragons, who went in the night time into a small Wood which lyeth neere to the Towne.

And the Admirall commanded afterwards that foure ships should saile directly to the Towne [ 30] and lie against the batterie, which they did, and came so neere to it that they touched ground, whereupon they shot very fiercely, both vpon the Towne and the batterie, from whence the E∣nemy answered them in the same tune, and shot amongst other, one of our Captaines named Gedult〈…〉〈…〉r. The Captaine Peter Fr••••ckson of Euchuys•••• behaued himselfe amongst the rest very valiantly, to the great admiration of all them that saw him: And all the others vsed likewise there best endeuours; but seeing that both the Ordnance of the Towne, and the battery played so cruelly vpon them, they resolued to land some men with their Boats to surprise the batterie, although it was defended by two hundred men, and to make the Ordnance vnseruiceable. Which charge being vndertaken by the Viceadmirall Peter Petersson Heyn, hee went with eight Boates, or Sloopes (which were well furnished with Men, Muskets, Skeanes, Hammers, and [ 40] Nailes) directly to the battery, and as soone as our men mounted vpon the same, the enemies fled through the water to the Towne. Whereupon our Vice-Admirall hauing nayled the Ord∣nance vpon it, and cast it downe, hee returned againe with all his men to the ships without receiuing any dammage by the Ordnance of the Towne which was continually displaied against him. Clayes Gerritsson Vos was not one of the least that shewed themselues valorcus in this En∣terprise.

The next day being the ninth of May, it was resolued that the Towne should bee assaulted on two ••des, namely, from the ships by the Mariners, and out of the Wood by the Souldiers. But the Townesmen hauing had the night before an allarme or two giuen vnto them by reason of the Souldiers which were come into the Wood, as they learned, they fled all out of the Towne [ 50] with the Archbishop, and in the morning when our forces thought to scale the wals of the Towne, there appeared an old man, who said that all the Burgers were runne away, and opened the gate: At which time Captaine Vogelsanck of Amsterdam marcht first into the Towne with his Companie, and the other following him, they beset the Market and other passages, and af∣terwards) when they mistrusted no enemie) they began to pillage, and euery one got rich prizes, or bootie of Gold Chaines, Duckets, Rials of eight, gilded and siluered Rapiers, Swords and Daggers, besides great store of rich apparell, of which there was such abundance, that euery Souldier is prouided with it, as if he were a Captaine: They found likewise at their arriuall the Tables yet couered in the Cloyster, and many other places, and fell to the meate and drinke on [ 60] them. But because no excesse should be commited, some hundred Pipes or Vessels of Wine were presently knockt in pieces.

All the houses were almost all as Palaces, and adorned and furnished with rich houshold-stuffe, of which euery one tooke as much as he could carrie. When the pillage was done there were ma∣ny inferiour Souldiers that durst venture fortie and fiftie pieces of eight Rials, (which amount

to foure shillings and six-pence) at a set or gaine. And there are many Officers, which haue got∣ten fourteene thousand and fifteene thousand Gilders for their owne priuate bootie, and goe with Chaines of Gold about their necks, whereby it appeareth that a man may euen in one houre grow rich in those parts.

The Gouernour being with his Seruants and yet armed in his Palace, the Vice-Admirall cau∣sed * 5.235 him to lay his Armes downe, and tooke him as his Prisoner. Amongst the other booties and prizes that were found in the Church, there was a Crucifixe of Siluer some foure foot long, with the Image of our Sauiour being made of Gold, and was a foote and a halfe long.

When all the tumult was ceased, and all things were put in order, namely on the twelfth of May, a Preacher of Zealand gaue in the great Church the Almightie thankes for such a great Vi∣ctorie; [ 10] and on the same day came the Lord of Dort into the Bay, when hee had wandred some fiue weekes about it.

And in the meane time was the Ship de U••s (or Fox in English) loaden with foure hundreth Chests of Sugar, besides great store of Tobacco, and Hydes, and being sent thence, the Shipper of it, namely, the valorous Claes Gerritsson U••s, arriued the fiue and twentieth of August, with the same in the Vnited Prouinces, and brought this good tydings to his Countrey-men.

Euen before the departure of this Shipper, there arriued yet in the Bay afore mentioned, a small Ship that came with the Prouedidor, (or Prouidor) of the Iesuites, with a great summe of money that was gathered for them that are of his Order; and hee being seized vpon, the money was presently made prize. On the Castles which the Enemie forsooke, were left fiue and fortie [ 20] Pieces of Brasse. There was also presently order giuen for the demolishing of the Castle that was seated neere the Sea, and for the fortification of the Towne. The goods which are taken and the remainder of the Prizes, are to bee brought into the Low-Countries with other Ships.

As soone as this tyding came into the Vnited Prouinces, there were on a sodaine many Souldiers leauied to goe to the Bay afore mentioned, with a Fleet that lay readie for the same purpose, seeing that there are yet many other places to bee taken, besides rich Booties and Prizes.

There is also Newes of great preparations in Spaine to recouer this losse, as also, of another famous Act of the Hollanders commanded by L'Hermit, which are said to haue taken Lirma the chiefe Citie in Peru, and other places on the Peruan C••••st: the old Enemy of the Spaniard, viz. the people of [ 30] Chili being ioyned with the Dutch. If this bee true, it is likely to proue a Costly warre to the Spaniard, and Honourable to the Dutch. For as the Spanish Treasure hath long kept Europe in action, so Peru is their chiefe Mine, and Chili their most preuayling American Enemy, which hath not onely not lost, but gotten of them now aboue fiftie yeares together, not Cases and Forts alone, but Martiall skill, Armes, and Horses, not fearing man to ••an to dare and entertaine the proudest. Besides, Chili it selfe is the richest Countrey for Gold, knowne in America. [ 40]

The end of the tenth Booke. [ 50]

FINIS. [ 60]

Notes

• * 1.1

  This Author writ in Portu∣gall a Summa∣rie of Discoue∣ries in Chro∣nologicall or∣der from the beginning of the world: hee was translated and published in a small book in quarto, An. 1601. by Ma∣ster Hakluyt, I haue chosen these, which follow, out of his booke; those which are here omit∣ted, I haue more fully de∣liuered in o∣ther parts of this volumi∣nous worke. Ioannes Leo Afric〈…〉〈…〉us. Ramusius 1. vol. sol. 373. Tombuto. The Canarie Ilands.
• * 1.2

  The Iland of Madera disco∣uered by Ma∣cham an English man.
• * 1.3

  The first disco∣uerie of the Canaries by the Christians 1405.
• * 1.4

  The first be∣ginning of the Portugall Dis∣coueries.
• * 1.5

  Iohn de Barros Asiae, Decad. 1. lib. 1. cap. 2. Cape de Non.
• * 1.6

  Cape Boiador.
• * 1.7

  The Canarie Ilands con∣quered.
• * 1.8

  Porto Santo.
• * 1.9

  Iohn de Barros Decad. 1. l. 1. c. 2.
• * 1.10

  Barros Decad. 1. lib. 1. cap. 3. The Chappell built by Ma∣cham found in Madera.
• * 1.11

  Porto Santo.
• * 1.12

  The Canarie Ilands sold o∣uer to a Spa∣niard.
• * 1.13

  Barros Decad 1. lib. 1. cap. 12.
• * 1.14

  The Canaries came to the Crowne of Spaine in the yeere 1431. Description of the Canaries.
• * 1.15

  The ancient manners of Canarians.
• * 1.16

  The commodi∣ties of the Ca∣naries.
• * 1.17

  A Tree yeeld∣ing abundance of water in Ferro. See Tom. 2. l. 7. c. 5. M. Iacksons report from his owne eyes. A most rare & excellent Map of the world. A great helpe to Don Henrie in his Disco∣ueries.
• * 1.18

  As much disco∣uered in an∣cient time as now is. Barros Decad. 1. lib. 1. cap. 4. Cape Boiador first passed. Anno 1132. The death of Don Iohn the first of Por∣tugall. Barros Decad. 1. lib. 1. cap. 5. The death of Don Duarte King of Por∣tugall.
• * 1.19

  Barros Decad. 1. lib. 1. cap. 7.
• * 1.20

  Cape Blanco.
• * 1.21

  Indulgences granted to en∣courage to this enterprise.
• * 1.22

  Rio de Oro, why so called.
• * 1.23

  The Ilands of Arguin.
• * 1.24

  The Ilands of Garze.
• * 1.25

  Angra de Gon∣saluo de Syntra.
• * 1.26

  The Riuer of Sanaga. Cape Uerde.
• * 1.27

  Rio Grande.
• * 1.28

  A strange re∣port, if true. The Iland of scuen Cities.
• * 1.29

  Don Alfonso King of Portu∣gall come to age. The Azores first inhabited. Alcazer taken. The Castle of Arguin buil∣ded. The Iles of Cape Verde dis∣couered by three Genowais
• * 1.30

  The death of Don Henric 1463. Sierra Leona.
• * 1.31

  Barros decad. 1. lib. 2. cap. 2. The Countrie of Guiney let out to farme. Ioidem. Arzila taken. Tanger taken.
• * 1.32

  Ibidem.
• * 1.33

  La Mina. Ibidem. The Ile de Fer∣nan de Poo. Sainct Thome. Rha del Prin∣cipe. Benin. Cape de Santa Katarina. Don Iohn the Second. Barros decad. 1. l. 3. c. 2. Castle de Mi∣na built. Rio de Congo.
• * 1.34

  Discouerie neere vnto the Tropike of Ca∣pricorne.
• * 1.35

  Pepper of Benin. Barros decad. 1. l. 3. c. 5. Pedro de Couil∣lan and Alfonso de Payua sent to discouer India. Alexandria. Cairo. Toro. Aden. Cananor. Calicut. Goa. Sofala. Mosambique. Quiloa. Mombaza. Melinde.
• * 1.36

  The Voyage of Pedro de Couillan. vnto the Countrie of Prete Ianni. Cape Razal∣gate. Ormuz. Abassini. Pedro de Couil∣lan the first Portugall that came into the East India and Aethiopia by the Red Sea. Barros decad. 1. lib. 3. c. 9.
• * 1.37

  A great part of the Kingdome of Congo bap∣tized.
• * 1.38

  The first that in sayling are thought to haue obserued latitudes. See of this Voyage sup. l. 2. pag. 11.
• * 1.39

  Contention betweene the Kings of Spaine and Portugall.
• * 1.40

  The Bull of donation.
• * 1.41

  Gomara histo∣riae general. l. 1. cap. 17. Columbus se∣cond Voyage.
• * 1.42

  Deseada disco∣uered. ••as Uirgines.
• * 1.43

  Caribas.
• * 1.44

  Boriquen or S. Iohn de Porto ri••••••.
• * 1.45

  Iamaica.
• * 1.46

  See sup. l. 2. c. 1. §. 7.
• * 1.47

  The first line of partition. The death of Don Iohn the Second.
• * 1.48

  The great dis∣couery of Iohn Cabota and the English. His sonne Sebastian was the chiefe Discouerer of the American Continent on the Easterne shores that e∣uer hath liued, as in the next tome will often appeare. The Countrey now called New Scotland discouered by Cabota aboue a yeere before Columbus had seen the Con∣tinent.
• * 1.49

  Columbus third Voyage. Gomara histor. general. lib. 1. cap. 21. Trinidada. Testigos. Cubagua. Well of Oyle. Frailes, Roques, Aruba, Curacao &c. Cabo de Vela. Beata.
• * 1.50

  Barros decad. 1. l. 4. c. 2. and to the end of the 11. Chap. See sup. l. 2. c. 1. ss. 7.
• * 1.51

  The Cape of Bona Speranza. Mosambique. Mombaza. Melinde. Los Baxos de Padua.
• * 1.52

  Calicut.
• * 1.53

  Gomara histor. general. lib.
• * 1.54

  Brasil discoue∣red.
• * 1.55

  The Cape of S. Augustine.
• * 1.56

  Rio de Maria Tambal. Angla de San Lucas.
• * 1.57

  The riuers of Marannon, A∣mezones, and Rio Dolce.
• * 1.58

  Rarros decad. 1. lib. 5. cap. 2.
• * 1.59

  Puerto Seguro in Brasil.
• * 1.60

  Sofala.
• * 1.61

  Cortereals Dis∣couerie of the North of Ame∣rica, diuers yeeres after Cabots and the English.
• * 1.62

  Many entran∣ces of Riuers in the North∣west.
• * 1.63

  Barros decad. 1. lib. 5. cap. 10. Ista de Ascension.
• * 1.64

  The Ile of San∣ta Helena.
• * 1.65

  Bezequiche.
• * 1.66

  Brasil discoue∣red to 32. deg.
• * 1.67

  Gomara hist. ge∣neral. lib. 2. Uraba. Although this Tome doe not properly con∣taine occur∣rents of Ame∣rica: yet be∣cause in this Chronologie of Discoueries partly Portu∣gal to the East, partly Spanish to the West, we could not but follow our Author; It may also serue as a Preface or Prologue to the following American rela∣tions.
• * 1.68

  Cabo Gracias à Dios. Veragua. Rio de Chagres. Isla de Basti∣mentos. Puerto Bello. Nombre de Dios The Cape of Marble.
• * 1.69

  Barros decad. 8. lib. 6. cap. 2.
• * 1.70

  The Iland of Mosambique.
• * 1.71

  Cattell and Camels fed with dried fish. Socotora. Cape de Guar∣dafu.
• * 1.72

  Carthagena.
• * 1.73

  Codego. Golden sand. Ura〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.74

  The death of Queen Isabella 1504.
• * 1.75

  Barros decad. 1. lib. 8. cap 3. A Fort builtin Quiloa. Angediua pos∣sessed. Forts builded in Cananor and in Cochin. A Fort builded in Srfala. Ilands of Mal∣diu••. Ceilan.
• * 1.76

  Adams footstep The death of Philip the first King of Spaine. 1506. The death of Christopher Co∣lumbus.
• * 1.77

  Bezequiche is by Cape Verde The Iles of Tristan de A∣cunna in 37. degrees.
• * 1.78

  Samatra disco∣uered.
• * 1.79

  The Inland of S. Laurence dis∣couered. Braua. 〈…〉〈…〉 A Fortresse builded in So∣cotora. Barros decad. 2. lib. 2. cap. 1. The Cape of Rosalgate. Barros decad. 2. lib. 4. cap. 1. The Ile of S. Laurence. The Ilands of Nicubar. Samatra. The Ile of A Poluoreira. The slats of Capacia. Malacca. Rarities in Samatra. In Samatra Buffes, Kine, & Hens, haue flesh as blacke as inke. People hauing tailes like sheepe. Riuer of Oyle Strange Tree. Gold coyned in Samatra. Gomara. hist. gen. lib. 3. c. 7. Castilia del. Oro
• * 1.80

  The booke of the Bacheler. An〈…〉〈…〉o of these discoueries. Boata is a Pro∣uince in the west part of Hispaniola.
• * 1.81

  Nombre de Dios G••mar. gen. hist. lib. 3. cap. 6.
• * 1.82

  Nuestra Senno∣ra de la Antigua builded Pizarro the Conqueror of Paru. Many Gentle∣women went to dwell in Hi∣spani••la.
• * 1.83

  Cuba peopled.
• * 1.84

  Barros decad. 2. lib. 5. cap. 10. & lib. 6. cap. 2. Barros decad. 2. lib. 6. cap. 5. The Streight of Cincapura. Odia the chiefe Citie of Sian.
• * 1.85

  Tanazerim.
• * 1.86

  Master Ralph Fitch which had beene in this countrey brought diuers of these bels into England.
• * 1.87

  Note that those King∣domes haue often altera∣tions, as any can ouertop his neighbours so that in one age the King is a mightie Potentate, and in another the King of the same state is a meane vassall: as betwixt Siam, Pegu, & the Bramas hath beene seene. The Liuer of a little beast good against any wound of iron. Pegu. Pera. Master Ralph Fitch saw this in Pegu: also Cap. Saris, &c. Bar. decad. 2. l. 6. cap. 7. The Iles of Banda and Malucco. The Salites. Iaua. Madura. Women war∣riors. Bali.
• * 1.88

  Or Guliam. Or Aru. Polo, &c. The people of the 'Iles of Ma∣luco weare such apparell. Gouernors carrying red st aues like those of China, Ternate.
• * 1.89

  Burro. Amboino. Guliguli.
• * 1.90

  Cloues, nur∣megs, and mace in 8. de. toward the South.
• * 1.91

  Mindanao. Maluco.
• * 1.92

  Molucco rari∣ties obserued by the Author. Galuano the author of this discourse. Heat and cold in extremitie. Monstrous men. Batochina. Strange hens. Horned hogs. Hot Riuer. Strong crabs. Strong poison. Huge oysters. Growing stones. Flos Noctis. The flowers of Xistus and Ar∣bor tristis are such. Pregnant fruit Sunne-herb. Barros decad. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 7. cap. 1. The Iles of Maldiua.
• * 1.93

  Ionn de Solis.
• * 1.94

  Rio de ••lata.
• * 1.95

  Pet. Martyr. decad. 3. c. 10.
• * 1.96

  Pet Martyr. decad. 2. c. 10. Gomara. hist. gen. lib. 2. c. 10. Bimini Ilands.
• * 1.97

  Florida disco∣uered. The Spaniards call Easter Pascha Florida. Pet. Mar. decad 3. cap. 1.
• * 1.98

  The South Sea discouered.
• * 1.99

  Barros decad. 2. lib. 7. cap. 7. The Straight of Mecha or of the Red-sea dis couered. The Ile of Ca∣maran.
• * 1.100

  The Iland of Tararequi or of pearles in rhe South sea. Martyr decad. 3 cap. 10. Gomara histor. general. lib. 6. c. 2
• * 1.101

  Barros decad. 2. lib. 10. cap. 5. Osorius lib. 10. pag. 277. An Ambassage to Ismael King of Persia.
• * 1.102

  Pepper a prin∣cipall mercan∣dise in China.
• * 1.103

  The death of Fernando King of Spaine. Osorius lib. 11. sol. 312. China discoue red. Canton.
• * 1.104

  O•• Pakin, or Pequin.
• * 1.105

  Ilha da Veniaga or Tama accor∣ding to Osorius
• * 1.106

  Foquiem.
• * 1.107

  The comming of Charles the fift into Spaine. Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 3. c. 2. Iucatan.
• * 1.108

  Castagneda l. 4. c. 36. &. 37. Osorius. l. 11. fol. 315. pag. 2. Chatigam in Bengala.
• * 1.109

  Pet. Martyr. decad. 4. cap. 3. Gomar. hist. gen. l. 2. c. 14. &c. 17
• * 1.110

  Or Acuzamil. The Ile of As∣cension. The Bay of Hunduras. Rio de Grisalua.
• * 1.111

  Gomar. hist. gen. l. 2. c. 12. & 61.
• * 1.112

  Panuco.
• * 1.113

  Of Cortes his Acts see To. 2. l. 5. c. 8. & 9.
• * 1.114

  Indian Map.
• * 1.115

  Gomara hist. gen. lib. 2. c. 48. Pamphilus de Naruaez.
• * 1.116

  Magal. his voyage see sup. l. 2. c. 2. Gomar. lib. 4. cap. 17.
• * 1.117

  Maçua.
• * 1.118

  Ramusius 1. vol. fol. 190.
• * 1.119

  Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 2. c. 7.
• * 1.120

  Chicora. Gualdape.
• * 1.121

  Emmanuels death. Osordib. 12. fol. 366. Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 6. cap. 4.
• * 1.122

  Tecoantepec. Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 6. c. 12. Castagneda Hi∣storia delle In∣dic Orientali lib. 6. c. 41. Two Ilands in 16. degrees of Northerly la∣titude. 42. degrees of Nor therly la∣titude.
• * 1.123

  Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 6. c. 12.
• * 1.124

  The South Sea first searched by Cortes his Pilots. Tecoantepec.
• * 1.125

  Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 6. c. 12.
• * 1.126

  A witty strata∣geme.
• * 1.127

  Sant Iago built. Castagneda. hist. delle Indie O∣rientate l. 6. c. 42 Manada. Pangnensara. The Ilands of S. Michael. Bornce. Pedrabransa.
• * 1.128

  〈…〉〈…〉st. 〈…〉〈…〉. l. 2. c. 61.
• * 1.129

  Santo Stephano del puerto.
• * 1.130

  Gomara••o••si∣gen. l 2. c. 61. & ••n la la de Mexico.
• * 1.131

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 de ••as Pal∣〈…〉〈…〉s.
• * 1.132

  Rio Moutalto.
• * 1.133

  Chila.
• * 1.134

  Gomar. en la Conquesta de Mexico fol. 226.
• * 1.135

  Gomara. en la Conquesta de Mexico, fol. 242 San Gil de buc∣na U••••ta in the Bay of Hondu∣ras. Gomara en la Conquista de Mexico fol. 229 & in sequentib.
• * 1.136

  Allume Hills. Oile distilling out of Hills. Ibid. fol. 230. Sant Iago de Quahutemallan
• * 1.137

  Gomara en la. Conquista de Mexico fol. 233. Villa del Espi∣ritu santo. Cha••••lla. Gomara en 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Conquista de Mexico f••••. ••34. Gomar. ••••st. gen. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 21.
• * 1.138

  Gomara histor. general. lib. 2. c. 7.
• * 1.139

  Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 2. cap. 65. & en la conquista de Mexico fol. 243.
• * 1.140

  Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 2. cap. 66. & en la Conquista de Mexico fol. 2. & 251.
• * 1.141

  An excellent large Map of Cotton wooll.
• * 1.142

  Gomar. bist. gen. lib. 2. c. 67. & 68 & en la Conqui∣sta de Mexico fol. 257. Mazatlin. Tiaca. Zuzullin. Gomara in the Conquest of Mexico fol. 268 Natividad de Nuestra Senno∣ra. Truxillo. Honduras. Gomara in the Conquest of Mexico fol. 270 & 273.
• * 1.143

  See Pizarros acts 〈◊〉〈◊〉 am. 2. ••7. C••••. 11. 12. 15. 16. 17.
• * 1.144

  P•••• M〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉. 〈…〉〈…〉, 〈…〉〈…〉 12. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the 〈…〉〈…〉est of Mexico. p. 281.
• * 1.145

  Gomes his Northern dis∣couerie. Pet. Martyr. decad. 8. p. 601. Gomar. hist. gen. l. 1. c. 5. One inquiring at their return what they had brought: they said Esclauos: he mistaking, rode to the Court to tell that they had brought Clauos and occasio∣ned at first much ioy, after turned into laughter. The Ile of Ba∣tochina by Gi∣lolo. S. Cabota born at Bristow. In the Map in the Priuie Galerie, to his picture is ad∣ded Seb. Cab. Angl. Rio Parana. Rio Paragioa.
• * 1.146

  The fountaine of the Riuer of Plata.
• * 1.147

  Ramusius 3. vol. fol. 310. See inf. tom. 2. l. 8. c. 1. & 2.
• * 1.148

  Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 2. c. 72. and in the Con∣quest of Mexi∣co fol. 281.
• * 1.149

  Islas de los Reyes.
• * 1.150

  Candiga.
• * 1.151

  Warre betwixt the Span. and Portug. in the friend-foe In∣dies.
• * 1.152

  Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 2. cap. 73.
• * 1.153

  Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 2. c. 72. Terra Australis Noua Guinea.
• * 1.154

  Os Papuas are blacke people with frizled hayre. Isla de los Pin∣tados.
• * 1.155

  Los Iardines.
• * 1.156

  Fire vnknown.
• * 1.157

  Flote wood.
• * 1.158

  Foure narrow passages from sea to sea in the West In∣dies. Gomar. bist. gen. lib. 4. c. 14.
• * 1.159

  The North∣west passage very benefici∣all.
• * 1.160

  Dam. à Goes his Trauels.
• * 1.161

  Trauels from the Persian Gulfe vp and ouer land.
• * 1.162

  Coutinhos Tra∣uels.
• * 1.163

  Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 3. c. 37.
• * 1.164

  The famous Riuer Ma∣ragnon. Iohn de Barros Factor of the House of India Incense trees. Great Eme∣rald. See to. 2. l. 8. c. 3 Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 6. cap. 16.
• * 1.165

  Nueua Galicia.
• * 1.166

  Compostella.
• * 1.167

  Guadalaiara. Santo Espirito. De la Conce∣ption. San Miguel. Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 2. c. 74.
• * 1.168

  Gomar. bist. gen. l. 5. c. 6. 7. & 8. Cruell snowe vnder the line. Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 5. c. 19.
• * 1.169

  The Bay of S. Laurence discouered.
• * 1.170

  Gomar. hist. gen. l. 2. c. 74. & l. 2. c. 98.
• * 1.171

  Plaia de Santa Cruz.
• * 1.172

  The Ile of S. Thomas.
• * 1.173

  The Fortresse of Diu.
• * 1.174

  Badu King of Cambaia.
• * 1.175

  Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 4. c. 13.
• * 1.176

  Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 3. c. 39. See tom. 2. l. 7. c. 4. & 11.
• * 1.177

  The Riuer of Plata runneth vp to Potossi.
• * 1.178

  Gomar. hist. gen. l. 2. c. 74. & 98.
• * 1.179

  Saint Iago Ile.
• * 1.180

  La plaia de Santa Cruz. Rio de S. Pedro.
• y 1.181

  San Paulo. Guaiaual Rio. Mar Vermeio or the Gulfe of California.
• * 1.182

  Gomara in the Conquest of Mexico fol. 290 291. 292.
• * 1.183

  A••••a Iland.
• * 1.184

  Isla de los Pes∣cadores. Hayme Iland. Apia Iland. Seri. Coroa. Meousum. Bufu. Os Papuas.
• * 1.185

  These seeme to be the ••me, of which there is one at St. Iames.
• * 1.186

  Guelles Ilands. Terenate.
• * 1.187

  Moro. Molucca.
• * 1.188

  Antonie Galua∣no the Author of this booke. The case now is much alte∣red. Pedro de Cieca parte primera de la Chronica del Peru cap. 9. & cap. 107. ••aplata. The Moun∣taines of Abibe
• * 1.189

  Villa de la Plata.
• * 1.190

  Ramusius 3. vol. fol. 356. See tom. 2. lib. 8. cap. 3. Frier Marke de Nizza. Sibola. Gomar hist gen. lib. 5. cap. 34. Antonie Galua∣no chiefe Cap∣of Maluco author of this worke. Strange Hogs.
• * 1.191

  Stranger trees and Crabs.
• * 1.192

  Strangest Stone. Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 2. cap. 74. &. Ramusius 3. vol. fol. 339. The bottome of the gulfe of California dis∣couered. California dou∣bled. Cabo del En∣ganno. The distance betweene America and China in 32. degrees is 1000. leagues Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 6. cap. 17. Metl an excel∣lent tree for many vses.
• * 1.193

  Ouiedo calls them Tominos
• * 1.194

  The reuiued Bird.
• * 1.195

  Go••ar. hist. gen. lib. cap. 35. Chili.
• * 1.196

  A relation scarcely pro∣bable. This might be the Temple in the Lake of Titicaca. ••••••za cap. 103.
• * 1.197

  Earth of diuers colours good to dye withall. Strange root
• * 1.198

  An hearbe na∣med Coca which satisfi∣eth hunger and thirst.
• * 1.199

  Fowle of Peru
• * 1.200

  Xacos a kind of great sheepe that men ride vpon.
• * 1.201

  Salt rockes co∣uered with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Strangewaters
• * 1.202

  Ramusius 3. vol fol. 363.
• * 1.203

  Gomar. hist••gen. lib. 5. cap. 36. Earthquake. Cold hills vn∣der the Line. Cumaco Raines Cinamon trees.
• * 1.204

  Wild Cina∣mon in the Ilands of Iaua. Coca. Elpongo, a mighty fall of a Riuer. The Incas vsed to make such Channels. Guema.
• * 1.205

  Pizarros hard iourney.
• * 1.206

  See Orellanas voyage. to 2. lib. ••&. 11. Rio de Orellana
• * 1.207

  Cortes his death. See this voy∣age sup. l. 7. c. 6.
• * 1.208

  See tom. 2. l. 8. cap. 3. §. 2. Gomar. hist. gen lib. 6. cap. 7. Sibola.
• * 1.209

  Iapan disco∣uered by chance.
• * 1.210

  Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 6. cap. ••8.
• * 1.211

  Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 4 cap. 13. R〈…〉〈…〉 1. vol. fol. 375, ••••g. 2.
• * 1.212

  Saint Thomas. L•• Nabl••••a. Ro••a 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Los Reyes.
• * 1.213

  The Iles of Matclotes. Mindanao.
• * 1.214

  Sarangam.
• * 1.215

  The relation of Iohn Gatetan in the first vol. of Ramusius sol. The Philippi∣nas. Malabrigos. L••s 〈◊〉〈◊〉 s Her∣man••s. Los Volcanes. La Farfana.
• * 1.216

  Sixe or seuen Ilands more. An Archipela∣gus of Ilands.
• * 1.217

  Pilots for China.
• * 1.218

  Gomar. hist. gen. lib. 4. c. 14. See tom. 2. l. 7. c. 11.
• * 1.219

  The Ile of Moro. Antonie Galua∣no gone out of the Malucas.
• * 1.220

  Os Papuas.
• * 1.221

  Nueua Guinea discouered be∣fore.
• * 1.222

  The Ile of Lu∣cones.
• * 1.223

  False reports,
• * 1.224

  Bish. of Iapon. 22. Iesuites for China. They passe the Cape. Goa. The Portugals giue the Eng∣lish 80000. Ri∣als of eight ra∣ther then they will fight. China procee∣dings or r••ce∣dings in Chri∣stianitie.
• * 1.225

  Persecution and martyr∣dome.
• * 1.226

  Iesuites dismis∣sed from Pe∣quin.
• * 1.227

  Idolatrous rage.
• * 1.228

  Tares amongst Wheat.
• * 1.229

  Iapon affaires. Daif•••• death.
• * 1.230

  Two Comets.
• * 1.231

  L. 1. c. 1.
• * 1.232

  L. 4. c. 16. Fiden, or Finde or Fideyori, &c.
• * 1.233

  Shougasama.
• * 1.234

  Ozaca. Surunga. See sup. l. 4. c. 1. & 2.
• * 1.235

  See sup. l. 4. c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. the Iaponian Letters.
• * 1.236

  Trecherie.
• * 1.237

  Ozaca destroy∣ed.
• * 1.238

  Exiles, with Maiming, Hea∣ding, Cutting a sunder, Cru∣cifying, bur∣ning, &c.
• * 1.239

  A fifth is ad∣ded since to the foure mentioned.
• * 1.240

  Rule to summe the Reuenues aforesaid.
• * 1.241

  Uiz. of Firando. Osaca.
• * 1.242

  Description of Iapon.
• * 1.243

  Soyle.
• * 1.244

  Climate. Stormes. Earthquakes.
• * 1.245

  Emperour and Gouernment, 65. Vassals.
• * 1.246

  Councell.
• * 1.247

  Magnificence.
• * 1.248

  Chastitie.
• * 1.249

  Riches.
• * 1.250

  Prese〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.251

  Iealousie.
• * 1.252

  Policie to im∣pouerish Sub∣iects.
• * 1.253

  Osaca or Oze∣chia. Edo and other Castles.
• * 1.254

  Falcata neat nesse & Tem∣ple.
• * 1.255

  Customes o•• the peopl••
• * 1.256

  The Authors going from Uenice to Cy∣prus & Tripoly. Touching the way from A∣leppo to Bagdet, See sup. l. 9. c. 1. & 3.
• * 1.257

  The election of the King of Ormus.
• * 1.258

  Diu.
• * 1.259

  Cambaietta.
• * 1.260

  Macareo, great Tides
• * 1.261

  A maruellous fond delight in women.
• * 1.262

  Coco tree and profits thereof They 〈◊〉〈◊〉 plentifull in the ••••es of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.263

  A very good sale for horses.
• * 1.264

  Bezeneger. Idal∣can. Xamaluc∣co. &c. A most vnkind and wicked treason against their Prince: this they haue for giuing cre∣dite to stran∣gers, rather then to their owne natiue people.
• * 1.265

  The sacking of the Citie.
• * 1.266

  Policy to en∣trap men.
• * 1.267

  Wiues burned with their hus∣bands descri∣bed.
• * 1.268

  A description of the burning place.
• * 1.269

  Feasting and dancing when they should mourne.
• * 1.270

  Dissolute reso∣lutenesse.
• * 1.271

  Mourning wh•• they should reioyce.
• * 1.272

  Another fashi∣on for poorer wiues to die with their hus∣bands.
• * 1.273

  Penegonde.
• * 1.274

  Bezeneger 24. miles about.
• * 1.275

  Men ride on Bullockes, and ••••auell with them on the way.
• * 1.276

  The Merchan∣dise that come in and out to Bezeneger eue∣ry yeere. The apparell of those peo∣ple.
• * 1.277

  Their Winter is our Summer
• * 1.278

  Foure small Forts of the Portugals.
• * 1.279

  Bettell is a very profitable Herbe in that Countrey.
• * 1.280

  Enemies to the King of Portugall.
• * 1.281

  Within Cochin is the Kingdom of Pepper. The Pepper that the Portu∣gals bring, is not so good as that which go∣eth for Mecca. The Mo••••es buy the best by stealth.
• * 1.282

  Great Priui∣l••dges that the Citizens of Cochin haue.
• * 1.283

  Amochi and Nairi.
• * 1.284

  Huge huge Eares.
• * 1.285

  Note the de∣parting of the ships from Cochin. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.286

  Christians.
• * 1.287

  The order how they fish for Pearles.
• * 1.288

  Iesuites are cal∣led F. of Saint Paul in the In∣d••••s, by reason of their Cool∣ledge of that name in Goa.
• * 1.289

  These Pearles are prised ac∣cording to the Caracts which they weigh, e∣uery caract is 4. Graines, and these men that prise them haue an Instru∣ment of Cop∣per with holes in it, which be made by de∣grees for to sort the Pearls withall. Manar.
• * 1.290

  Zeilan.
• * 1.291

  Cairo is a stuffe that they make Ropes with, the which is the barke of a Tree.
• * 1.292

  The cutting and gathering of Sinamom.
• * 1.293

  A rare thing.
• * 1.294

  Negapatan.
• * 1.295

  Saint Thomas or San Tome. S. Thomas his Sepulcher.
• * 1.296

  Dangerous surge and shores.
• * 1.297

  In the Iland of Banda they lade Nutmegs, for there they grow.
• * 1.298

  In the Ilands of Andemaon, they eate one another.
• * 1.299

  Sion or Siam.
• * 1.300

  A Prince of a maruellous strength and power.
• * 1.301

  Or Achem.
• * 1.302

  Want of water
• * 1.303

  The moun∣taines of Zer∣zerline.
• * 1.304

  Hot Wines. Deere water.
• * 1.305

  Of the King∣dome of Orisa, and the Riuer Ganges.
• * 1.306

  The commo∣dities that go out of Orisa. This cloth wee call Nettle cloth.
• * 1.307

  Strong Tides,
• * 1.308

  The commo∣dities that are laden in Sata∣gan.
• * 1.309

  Bengala is now in great part subiect to the Mogoll.
• * 1.310

  Ganges rites. A ceremonie of the Gen∣tiles when they are dead
• * 1.311

  Port Piqueno.
• * 1.312

  Tanasari.
• * 1.313

  Marchandise comming from Sion.
• * 1.314

  Nyper wine good to cure the French disease.
• * 1.315

  Ill voyage.
• * 1.316

  Hunger in great extre∣mitie.
• * 1.317

  Tortoise Egs.
• * 1.318

  Tauay vnder the King of Pegu.
• * 1.319

  Martauan a Citie vnder the King Pegu.
• * 1.320

  A custom that these people haue when the King is in the warres.
• * 1.321

  A law in Pegu for killing of men.
• * 1.322

  Great pride of the Portu∣gals. The pu∣nishment whereof the Author rela∣teth at large, here omitted. Pegu.
• * 1.323

  Admirable Tides.
• * 1.324

  This tide is like to the tides in our Riuer of Se∣〈…〉〈…〉ne: but it seemeth grea∣ter.
• * 1.325

  These Tides make their iust course as ours doe.
• * 1.326

  This Macareo is a Tide or a Current. Houses made of canes, and couered with leaues of trees. Godon is a place or house for Merchants to lay their goods 〈◊〉〈◊〉. The forme of the building of the new Citie of Pegu.
• * 1.327

  A rich & state∣ly Palace.
• * 1.328

  Foure white Elephants.
• * 1.329

  This money called Tansa is halfe a Ducket which may be three shillings and foure pence.
• * 1.330

  A warlike poli∣cy.
• * 1.331

  An excellent deuise to hunt and take wilde Elephants.
• * 1.332

  An excellent pastime of the Elephants.
• * 1.333

  These canes are like to them in Spaine which they cal Loco de tore.
• * 1.334

  A strange thing that a beast so wilde should in so short time be made tame. The greatest strength that the King of Pegu hath.
• * 1.335

  A goodly or∣der in a bar∣barous people.
• * 1.336

  The order of their weapons and number of his men.
• * 1.337

  26. crowned Kings at h〈…〉〈…〉 command. 1500000. men in one campe. 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 of Ser ••••nts.
• * 1.338

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.339

  The riches of the King of Pegu.
• * 1.340

  The great pompe of the King.
• * 1.341

  The order of Iustice.
• * 1.342

  No difference of persons be∣fore the King in controuer∣sies or in Iu∣stice.
• * 1.343

  The commo∣dities that are ventured in Pegu.
• * 1.344

  Note the de∣parture of the ships from Saint Tome to Pegu.
• * 1.345

  Commodities brought into Pegu.
• * 1.346

  The Chikinos are pieces of gold worth sterling seuen shillings.
• * 1.347

  Achen.
• * 1.348

  Great rigour for the stealing of Customes.
• * 1.349

  Merchants must carrie their prouisi∣ons, for there are no Innes.
• * 1.350

  Description of the fruitful∣nesse of that soyle.
• * 1.351

  Deling is a small litter car∣ried with men as is aforesaid.
• * 1.352

  Brokers.
• * 1.353

  A law for Bankrupts.
• * 1.354

  Euery man may stampe what money hee will.
• * 1.355

  How a man may dispose himselfe for the trade in Pegu.
• * 1.356

  Good instru∣ctions.
• * 1.357

  The Marchan∣dizes that goe out of Pegu.
• * 1.358

  Idol-houses couered with Gold.
• * 1.359

  Rubies excee∣ding cheape in Pegu.
• * 1.360

  An honest care of Heathen people.
• * 1.361

  Bargaines made with the nipping of fin∣gers vnder a cloth.
• * 1.362

  This Touffon or Tuffon, is an extraordinary storme at Sea.
• * 1.363

  The Touffon commeth but euery 10. or 12 yeeres.
• * 1.364

  A manifest to∣ken of the Eb∣bing and flow∣ing in those Countries.
• * 1.365

  This Iland is called Sondi••a
• * 1.366

  Sondiua is the fruitfullest Countrey in all the world.
• * 1.367

  Chatigan is a port in Bengala whither the Portugals goe with their ships.
• * 1.368

  The King of Rachim or Ara∣cam, neighbour to Bengala.
• * 1.369

  Or, Ara••am.
• * 1.370

  He made ano∣ther voyage to Pegu here o∣mitted.
• * 1.371

  An order how to prouide to goe ouer the Desert from Babilon to A∣lepo.
• * 1.372

  36. Daies iour∣ney ouer the Wildernesse.
• * 1.373

  An order how to prouide for the going to Ierusalem.
• * 1.374

  The Author returneth to Venice, 1581.
• * 1.375

  A very good order that they haue in those Countries for the recoue∣ring of the goods of the dead.
• * 1.376

  Order of Ap∣parell in Pegu.
• * 1.377

  The order of the womens apparell in Pegu.
• * 1.378

  Townes on the bankes of Frat.
• * 1.379

  Ouerhanging Hills. Fa••ls.
• * 1.380

  Derfu or Elder a faire Citie.
• * 1.381

  Cabar a Riuer of Red water.
• * 1.382

  ••lersi perhaps ••dessa.
• * 1.383

  Fountaine of Pitch.
• * 1.384

  Hard rowing vp the Frat.
• * 1.385

  Old Babylon.
• * 1.386

  Tigris.
• * 1.387

  Ill sent.
• * 1.388

  Whirlepoole.
• * 1.389

  Hot and dead∣ly wind.
• * 1.390

  Seuen Pagods.
• * 1.391

  Saint Thomas.
• * 1.392

  Iesuits miracle not aboue but without reason in a casuall ac∣cident.
• * 1.393

  Marinacci••.
• * 1.394

  Dan. 3. The smell of fire was not on the persons mira∣culously deli∣uered: but stinking stuffe becomes the Foole-miracle∣monger.
• * 1.395

  Burning the dead.
• * 1.396

  Wife buried aliue.
• * 1.397

  Brutish deities
• * 1.398

  Deuotions stinking,
• * 1.399

  Desperate,
• * 1.400

  Diuersified,
• * 1.401

  All deuillish.
• * 1.402

  Macareo is a strong race of a Tide in those parts. See supr▪ in Fred. Huge Tides.
• * 1.403

  Negrais.
• * 1.404

  Talipois. Tigres.
• * 1.405

  Iland of Flies.
• * 1.406

  Cosmi.
• * 1.407

  Dangerous Tigres.
• * 1.408

  Pain Perlon. Marma Mala, Iaccubel.
• * 1.409

  Dian.
• * 1.410

  Gungiebui.
• * 1.411

  Brent the Ri∣uer which go∣eth from Pa∣dua towards Venice. Coilan. Tuuaguedan, Leungon. Siluansedi. Moggio. Boat-houses.
• * 1.412

  Dala.
• * 1.413

  Dogon.
• * 1.414

  Idol guard.
• * 1.415

  Varella of Dogon.
• * 1.416

  Pilgrimage In∣dulgences and Mart.
• * 1.417

  Apes sutable to apish deuo∣tions.
• * 1.418

  Great Bell.
• * 1.419

  Sirian.
• * 1.420

  Meccao.
• * 1.421

  Preuention of Tigres.
• * 1.422

  Bufalos.
• * 1.423

  Diuersity of Varellas.
• * 1.424

  Monkies in respect.
• * 1.425

  Pegu descri∣bed.
• * 1.426

  Crocodile∣guard.
• * 1.427

  Audience be∣fore the King.
• * 1.428

  The King and his Semini, which are his Courtiers.
• * 1.429

  Kings bounty.
• * 1.430

  Store of Ele∣phants.
• * 1.431

  King of Auua or Aua his Re∣bellion.
• * 1.432

  Messenger slaine.
• * 1.433

  Terrible exe∣cution.
• * 1.434

  Expedition against Aua.
• * 1.435

  Combat of Kings.
• * 1.436

  Opima spolia. 400000. men slaine.
• * 1.437

  A••a dispeo∣pled.
• * 1.438

  Warre betwixt Pegu and Siam▪ of which see Pimenta.
• * 1.439

  Elephants pie∣ty or loyaltie.
• * 1.440

  Statues and Colosses. Gonza is a mixt metall of brasse and tin wherof they make mo∣ney.
• * 1.441

  Inuasion of Siam.
• * 1.442

  Moueable houses.
• * 1.443

  See before in C••sar Frederik which was then in Pegu.
• * 1.444

  Deuillish coun∣sell.
• * 1.445

  See Master Newbery his voyage to Or∣mus. sup. l9. c. 3. & 18. I had thought to haue left out this voyage of Master Fitch, as being be∣fore published by Mr. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 but seeing none other of our English tra∣uellers haue seene diuers Countries here Discoue∣red, for the better know∣ledge of him and them, I haue added it here also. Birra.
• * 1.446

  Felugia.
• * 1.447

  Babilon (so vul∣garly but false∣ly it is called) the true name is Bagdet, See sup. l. 9. c. 9. tou∣ching it. Babi∣lon is now Ba∣bel indeed, no∣thing but 〈…〉〈…〉 and con••••∣sion▪ 〈…〉〈…〉 The Tower of Babel.
• * 1.448

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pitch, continually is∣suing out of the earth.
• * 1.449

  Ormus.
• * 1.450

  Imo habui Chreme, The Persians haue lately taken it.
• * 1.451

  Fashions of Ormus.
• * 1.452

  If there bee twentie.
• * 1.453

  Diu.
• * 1.454

  Daman.
• * 1.455

  Basaim. Tana.
• * 1.456

  Chaul.
• * 1.457

  Coco-tree.
• * 1.458

  Kine-deuotion Pythagorian su∣perstition.
• * 1.459

  Mad reason of burning the Dead.
• * 1.460

  Goa.
• * 1.461

  I dalcan. Bisapor. This was the twentieth of Nouember.
• * 1.462

  They fled from Goa. See here∣of Linschoten in fine lib. 1. Bellergan a Towne. Bisapor.
• * 1.463

  Gulconda.
• * 1.464

  Apparell.
• * 1.465

  Masulipatan. See sup. lib. 3. c. vlt. of English trade there. Seruidore.
• * 1.466

  Bellaport.
• * 1.467

  Strange Mar∣riages.
• * 1.468

  Mandoa, or Mandoway, a very strong Towne. Vgini.
• * 1.469

  Agra a great Citie.
• * 1.470

  Zeb. Echebar the great Mo∣gor; Father to Selim which now raigneth, of whom see sup. l. 3, & 4. in Hawkins. Fincb & Sir Tho-Roe, &c.
• * 1.471

  Buls draw Co∣ches or Carts.
• * 1.472

  Newberies iour ney in which it seemeth he died, vnknown how or where.
• * 1.473

  Will Leades ser∣ued the King of Cambaia.
• * 1.474

  The superstiti∣ous Ceremo∣nies of the Bramenes, like those of the antient Gym∣nosopgists in Strabo, &c.
• * 1.475

  Deuotions (as on Beads) more by tale then by weight
• * 1.476

  Polygamy.
• * 1.477

  Prage. Ganges.
• * 1.478

  Tygris. Holy holy Beggers.
• * 1.479

  Ganges water.
• * 1.480

  Bannaras.
• * 1.481

  A Pilgrimage of the Gentiles to the Riuer Ganges. Images.
• * 1.482

  Ada an Idoll, it may seeme, of Adam, whom some haue dreamed to haue both sex∣es, with foure hands, &c. af∣ter diuided in∣to Male and Female.
• * 1.483

  Idolatrous rites.
• * 1.484

  Funerals by burning.
• * 1.485

  Apparell,
• * 1.486

  Foolish physick
• * 1.487

  Marriage rites.
• * 1.488

  This tying of new married folks together by the clothes, was vsed by the Mexicans in old time.
• * 1.489

  Vgly Idols.
• * 1.490

  Patenaw.
• * 1.491

  Bredth of Gan∣ges in time of raine beyond kenne.
• * 1.492

  Prides punish∣ment. Gold found, how.
• * 1.493

  False Prophet.
• * 1.494

  Tanda in Gou∣ren.
• * 1.495

  Fiue moneths passage.
• * 1.496

  Couche.
• * 1.497

  Countrie set with Canes.
• * 1.498

  Pythagorean Gentilisme.
• * 1.499

  In Mexico they vse likewise for small money the fruit Cacao, which are like Almonds. Hugeli. Torto Angeli.
• * 1.500

  Orixa. The like cloth may be made of the long grasse in Vir∣ginia.
• * 1.501

  Satagam.
• * 1.502

  Ganges water precious.
• * 1.503

  Tippara or Por∣to Grande.
• * 1.504

  Arracan.
• * 1.505

  Bottanter a great northern Countrie. Merchants of China, Musco∣uie and Tarta∣rie. Large eares. These seem to be the moun∣taines of Imaus called by the People Cumao.
• * 1.506

  The apparell of the Tartarie Merchants.
• * 1.507

  Kow tayles in great request.
• * 1.508

  Bacola.
• * 1.509

  Houses and apparell.
• * 1.510

  Serrepore.
• * 1.511

  Sinnergan.
• * 1.512

  Houses how made to pre∣uent Tigres.
• * 1.513

  Pythagoreans.
• * 1.514

  Sundiua Iland.
• * 1.515

  Barre of Ne∣grais.
• * 1.516

  Cosmin.
• * 1.517

  Ladders vsed to auoide the danger of wild beasts. Dwelling in Boats.
• * 1.518

  Medon.
• * 1.519

  Dela.
• * 1.520

  Cirion.
• * 1.521

  Macao. Coaches car∣ried on mens shoulders. Pegu.
• * 1.522

  Cane-houses.
• * 1.523

  Crocodiles. Gates 20.
• * 1.524

  Palm-tre••∣streets.
• * 1.525

  Gilded houses.
• * 1.526

  Foure white Elephants.
• * 1.527

  The King of the white Ele∣phants.
• * 1.528

  Taking of Ele∣phants.
• * 1.529

  Vse of them in battell.
• * 1.530

  King sits twice a day.
• * 1.531

  Kings power. Odia a Citie in Siam.
• * 1.532

  This manner of carriage on mens shoul∣ders is vsed in Peru, and in Florida.
• * 1.533

  Huge Idols.
• * 1.534

  Paper of the long leaues of a Tree.
• * 1.535

  An excellent colour with a Root called Saia.
• * 1.536

  Woollen cloth and Scarlets sold in Pegu.
• * 1.537

  The money of Pegu.
• * 1.538

  The seuerall Merchandizes or Pegu.
• * 1.539

  The forme of their Temples or Varellaes.
• * 1.540

  The Tallipoies or Priests of Pegu.
• * 1.541

  Beautifull Temple.
• * 1.542

  Solemne Feast
• * 1.543

  The Preaching and apparell of the Priests.
• * 1.544

  Rowli or high Priest.
• * 1.545

  Orders how taken.
• * 1.546

  Houses and begging.
• * 1.547

  Obseruatiō of new Moones.
• * 1.548

  Iamahey fiue and twentie dayes iourney Northeast∣ward from Pegu.
• * 1.549

  Physicke in the Diuels name.
• * 1.550

  They burne 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dead.
• * 1.551

  Caplan is the place where the Rubies and other precious Stones are found.
• * 1.552

  Anthony Galua∣no writeth of these Bals. Captaine Saris also and others
• * 1.553

  The people of Pegu weare no Beards.
• * 1.554

  Triall of suites
• * 1.555

  Malacca.
• * 1.556

  The Voyage to Iapan.
• * 1.557

  Eight hundred thousand Cru∣sadoes in siluer imployed yeerely by the Portugals in China.
• * 1.558

  The writing of the people of China, &c.
• * 1.559

  Laban. Diamants. Iamba.
• * 1.560

  Gold.
• * 1.561

  Bima.
• * 1.562

  He returneth from Malacca.
• * 1.563

  Bengala.
• * 1.564

  Ceylon.
• * 1.565

  Large Eares.
• * 1.566

  Gemmes.
• * 1.567

  Blacke and lit∣tle people.
• * 1.568

  Cape de Comori.
• * 1.569

  Coulam.
• * 1.570

  Cochin.
• * 1.571

  People with swollen legges mentioned al∣so by Ioh. Huy∣gen.
• * 1.572

  How Pepper groweth.
• * 1.573

  Blacke people.
• * 1.574

  The King of Calicut.
• * 1.575

  Goa.
• * 1.576

  Chaul.
• * 1.577

  Ormus.
• * 1.578

  The Pepper tree.
• * 1.579

  Ginger.
• * 1.580

  Cloues.
• * 1.581

  Nutmegs and Maces.
• * 1.582

  Camphora.
• * 1.583

  Lignum Aloes.
• * 1.584

  Long Pepper.
• * 1.585

  Mueke.
• * 1.586

  Amber. Rubies, Sa∣phires, and Spinelles. Diamants.
• * 1.587

  Spodium.
• * 1.588

  Basora. Babilon.
• * 1.589

  Mosul. Merdin. Orfa.
• * 1.590

  Bir. Aleppo. Tripolis.
• * 1.591

  N. Pimentas Letter.
• * 1.592

  Carrick burnt.
• * 1.593

  Letter of Fran∣cis Fernandes.
• * 1.594

  Chandecan.
• * 1.595

  Lac.
• * 1.596

  Note the cause why Iesuites & Friers haue so much preuai∣led; viz. their exemptions from ordinarie Iurisdiction & priuiledges a∣boue it by Pa∣pall grants. Boyes sent. N. Pimenta.
• * 1.597

  Porca. Coulan. Trauancor. Madure. C. Cori.
• * 1.598

  Periapatan.
• * 1.599

  Tripalacur.
• * 1.600

  Ile Manar••.
• * 1.601

  The fishing Coast. Peacockes. Viper. Pearle-fishing.
• * 1.602

  Negapatan▪ F. Paez wor∣shipped.
• * 1.603

  Naichus or King of Tanio•••• Trangobar.
• * 1.604

  Idols and Idol∣chariots.
• * 1.605

  Cidambaran.
• * 1.606

  Naichus or King of Gingi.
• * 1.607

  Superstitious madnesse of Iogues. Hanimants Le∣gend. Ape-deitie. Legendarie lies.
• * 1.608

  Saint Thomas or Meliapor.
• * 1.609

  Prodigious ti∣tle of the King of Bisn〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.610

  Chandegrin.
• * 1.611

  Relations of Pegu.
• * 1.612

  Fredericke saith, that this King had 26. Kings subiect to him.
• * 1.613

  See Fredericke of this Expe∣dition, then in Pegu.
• * 1.614

  Miseries of Pe∣gu: and how caused.
• * 1.615

  Miserable exe∣cution.
• * 1.616

  See this Com∣bate before in Balbi.
• * 1.617

  Siam inuaded.
• * 1.618

  Peguan losses.
• * 1.619

  Cosmi destroyd
• * 1.620

  Aua dispeo∣pled.
• * 1.621

  Murmulan ali∣enated.
• * 1.622

  Martauan de∣solate.
• * 1.623

  Prom threat∣ned.
• * 1.624

  Pegu besieged;
• * 1.625

  Forsaken;
• * 1.626

  Famished.
• * 1.627

  Prom made a Wildernesse.
• * 1.628

  Trickes for treason.
• * 1.629

  Great trea∣sures.
• * 1.630

  Fernandes his Letter.
• * 1.631

  Martauans fer∣tilitie.
• * 1.632

  Boues his Let∣ter. King of Pegu taken.
• * 1.633

  600. Elephants and 600. horses burdens of gold and gems taken.
• * 1.634

  Sirian.
• * 1.635

  Miserable spe∣ctacle.
• * 1.636

  Siluer and Brasse.
• * 1.637

  Hot punish∣ment for cold courage. Pet. Williams. Floris, sup. l. 3. cap. 14.
• * 1.638

  Pimenta. Town of Saint Thomas. Gingi.
• * 1.639

  Iogues succes∣sours of Gym∣nosophists. They haue an∣other sort cal∣led Sanasses, which liue in Desarts, and somtimescome forth starke naked, as those mentioned by Onesicritus and Megasthenes, but not so lear∣ned.
• * 1.640

  Cholganas Cro∣codiles cha∣med.
• * 1.641

  Trangubarain. Taniaor.
• * 1.642

  70. Wiues bur∣ned with their Husbands car∣kasse. See after.
• * 1.643

  Simon Sa his Letter.
• * 1.644

  Reformation of Saint Tho∣mas Christians
• * 1.645

  Letter of Car∣ualius.
• * 1.646

  Camboya.
• * 1.647

  The Laos. See Frier Gaspar Cruz. to. 2. lib. 1. cap. 10.
• * 1.648

  Letters of Veiga. Triualur. Idol-proces∣sion.
• * 1.649

  Blacke Santas.
• * 1.650

  I etter of Ri∣cius.
• * 1.651

  Letter of Co∣tignus. Alexander an English-Indian∣Iesuite.
• * 1.652

  Greater eclips of wit then the Sunne. Perimals feasts and legend.
• * 1.653

  Chap. 3. The manner and order vsed in the ships in their Indian Voyages.
• * 1.654

  Chap. 28.
• * 1.655

  Bardes. Canarijns.
• * 1.656

  Salsette.
• * 1.657

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.658

  inquisition.
• * 1.659

  Mines dange∣rous.
• * 1.660

  Chap. 29. Of the cu∣stomes of the Portugals, and such as are is∣sued from them, called Mestiços, or halfe countri∣men, as well of Goa, as of all the Orientall Countries. Mestiços. Castiços. Exchange.
• * 1.661

  Chap. 30. Of the Portu∣gals and Mesti∣ços, their Hou∣ses, Curtesies, Narriages, and other Cu∣stomes and manners of India.
• * 1.662

  Beggerly pride
• * 1.663

  Chap. 31. Of the manuer and Customes of Portugall and Mesticos women in In∣dia.
• * 1.664

  Their pride.
• * 1.665

  Their feeding.
• * 1.666

  Iealousie.
• * 1.667

  Luxurie and filthy Lusts.
• * 1.668

  Deutroa
• * 1.669

  Cunning poy∣soners.
• * 1.670

  Neatnesse.
• * 1.671

  Idlenesse and costlinesse.
• * 1.672

  Bettele and Arrequa.
• * 1.673

  Otia si tollas, pe∣riere Cupidinis arcus.
• * 1.674

  Chap. 32. Of the Vice-roy of Portu∣gall, and of his Gouernment in India.
• * 1.675

  Iesuites goe to the worlds end for the world.
• * 1.676

  Iesuites heresie Da mihi & ad∣••er mihi; nihil baberi, religio est dicere. Ter.
• * 1.677

  Chap. 33. Of the Hea∣thens, Indians, and other strangers dwelling in Goa. Varietie of Religions. Of their Reli∣gions, see more at large in my Pilgrimag. lib. 5.
• * 1.678

  Vgly Idols and Idolatry more vgly.
• * 1.679

  Oracles.
• * 1.680

  Diuellish cu∣stome for Brides.
• * 1.681

  Hog-god.
• * 1.682

  Iogues, Friers or Hermits.
• * 1.683

  Homely hou∣sholdstuffe.
• * 1.684

  Flea-bane.
• * 1.685

  The Diuell ne∣uer hinders the quantitie but the quali∣tie of Deuoti∣on: for false∣hood makes it his, whereof he is ambiti∣ous.
• * 1.686

  Mungrell Chri∣stians.
• * 1.687

  Trade-con∣stancy.
• * 1.688

  Chap. 34. Of the times of the yeere in India, and of their diseases, &c.
• * 1.689

  Constancy of winds.
• * 1.690

  Winter and Summer with∣in few miles in the same height.
• * 1.691

  Chap. 36. Of the Indians called Bra∣menes, which are the Mini∣sters of the Pa∣gods, and Indi∣an Idols, and of their manner of life.
• * 1.692

  Chap. 37. Of the Gusa∣rates and Ba∣nianes of Cam∣baia.
• * 1.693

  One liued sixe dayes with the English, and neither did eate or drinke▪ See lib. 3. c. 14.
• * 1.694

  Chap. 38. Of the Canaras and D〈…〉〈…〉s.
• * 1.695

  Brutish and stinking holies
• * 1.696

  Oathes.
• * 1.697

  Chap. 39. Of the Canari∣ins and Corum∣biins of India.
• * 1.698

  Rice grounds.
• * 1.699

  Childbirth.
• * 1.700

  Chap. 40. Of the Arabi∣ans and Abcxi∣ins dwelling in India.
• * 1.701

  Pride of Portu∣gall Saylers.
• * 1.702

  Chap. 41. Of the blacke people of Mo∣sambique, which are cal∣led Caffares, & of their man∣ners and cu∣stomes. See of these sup. 9. c. 12
• * 1.703

  Note of Iesaites
• * 1.704

  A costly kinde of Chaine for Women to weare.
• * 1.705

  Chap. 42. Of the Mala∣bares and Nay∣ros in India, with their manners and custome.
• * 1.706

  Nayros,
• * 1.707

  Holy water.
• * 1.708

  Heyres.
• * 1.709

  Polyas.
• * 1.710

  Chap. 43. Of the Moores and Iewes in India.
• * 1.711

  See the proofe hereof, sup. pag. 28.
• * 1.712

  Chap. 44. Of their Pa∣godes.
• * 1.713

  Mad Zeale.
• * 1.714

  Deuils Mar∣tyrs.
• * 1.715

  Like lips like lettice.
• * 1.716

  Chap. 45. Of all the kind of Beasts, Cat∣tell, & Fowles, in India. Kine. Oxen. Mutton. Hogs. Sheepes tailes.
• * 1.717

  Buffles and their Milke.
• * 1.718

  Cheeses Wild Beasts.
• * 1.719

  Few small Birds. Great Bats and hurtfull. I haue heard that they breed & haue many young as Rats with vs. Crowes bold.
• * 1.720

  Great Rats.
• * 1.721

  Muske-rats: such are in Virginia. Ants hurtfull.
• * 1.722

  Great Ants.
• * 1.723

  Wormes.
• * 1.724

  They are cal∣led Wall-lice, because they breed in Wals: but in true En∣glish they are called Midges, and in Latin, Cimices.
• * 1.725

  Monkies.
• * 1.726

  Chap. 46. Of the Ele∣phant.
• * 1.727

  Chap. 47. Of the Abadas or Rhino∣cerots.
• * 1.728

  Goats hornes good agains•• poyson.
• * 1.729

  Chap. 48. Of the Fishes and other beasts in the Seas of India. Crabs lest at the full.
• * 1.730

  Sharkes sharking.
• * 1.731

  Monstrous fish
• * 1.732

  Ma••••eus re∣ports it also. Hist. Ind. l. 7. but somewhat differing.
• * 1.733

  Great Crabs.
• * 1.734

  Chap. 49. Of all Fruits, Trees, Plants, and common hearbsin India and first of a certaine fruit ••alled Ananas.
• * 1.735

  Chap. 50. Of Iaqua or Iaacca.
• * 1.736

  Chap. 51. Of Mangas.
• * 1.737

  Chap. 52. Of Caions.
• * 1.738

  Chap. 53. Of Iambos.
• * 1.739

  Summer and Winter at once in the same tree.
• * 1.740

  Chap. 54. Of the fruits in India.
• * 1.741

  Chap. 55. Of the Indian Figs.
• * 1.742

  Many kinds of them.
• * 1.743

  Earth Nuts.
• * 1.744

  Chap. 56. Of the Palme trees, whereon the Indian nuts called 〈◊〉〈◊〉 grow.
• * 1.745

  The vses of the Wood.
• * 1.746

  The Indian Nuts are couered ouer with two sorts of huskes or shels, whereof the vttermost is hairie, and of it they make Cairo, that is, all their Cables and Ropes, and stop and make their shippes close with it in stead of Ocam or Two, for that it keepeth the ships closer in salt water then our Ocam or Tow, because in salt water it closeth and shutteth it selfe closer together. Of the other they make not onely drinking Cups, in India, but here with vs also, for that the common people beleeue there is a cer∣taine vertue in them against stirring of the bodie, but it is not so.
• * 1.747

  The hairie huske: Coards and Cables.
• * 1.748

  Water.
• * 1.749

  Inner shell.
• * 1.750

  Vses of the shell.
• * 1.751

  Of the white meate.
• * 1.752

  Oile.
• * 1.753

  There are two sorts of Oile made of these Nuts, one out of the fresh or greene Nuts, stamped and mixed with warme water, which being pressed forth the Oile swimmeth aboue the water: this Oile is v∣sed to purge the maw and the guts, for it purgeth very gently, and without hurt some mixe therewith the iuyce of Thamarindes, and maketh thereof a very wholsome Medicine, the other Oile is prest out of the dried Cocus, which is called Copra, and is good also to purge the maw, and against the shrinking of the sinewes, as also for old aches and paines in the ioynts and limbes.
• * 1.754

  Sura water.
• * 1.755

  This water being drunke, is very good against the heate of the Liuer and the Kidneyes, and clen∣seth the yard from corruption and filthy matter.
• * 1.756

  Viniger and Wine.
• * 1.757

  Sugar.
• * 1.758

  The Palmite.
• * 1.759

  Chap. 57. Of the Duryo∣ens, a fruit of Malacca.
• * 1.760

  Chap. 58. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 th•• tree Ar∣〈…〉〈…〉 de R••••s, that 〈◊〉〈◊〉, root tree, and the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or ••eed of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉 a great tra〈…〉〈…〉ler which had dwelt some yeeres at G••a told C••••si∣us that some of these trees by reason of this multiplication contained a miles cōpasse, & that the In∣dians made 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and chamber•• by c••••ting part a∣way, and that it yeelded an 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and he had seene so〈…〉〈…〉∣time 800. or 1000 shadowed vnder one, able to receiue 3000. Ouiedos West Indian Mangle is of the same or like kind and Lopes his Afri∣can Enzanda. Reeds.
• * 1.761

  Chap. 59. Of the tree called Arbore Triste.
• * 1.762

  A maruellous growth.
• * 1.763

  Chap. 60. Bettele.
• * 1.764

  Arecca,
• * 1.765

  Chap. 61. Of the Hearbe Dutroa, and a Plant called Herba Sentida, or the feeling Hearb.
• * 1.766

  Herba Sentida. This Plant groweth an Africa and A∣merica, as in Iobson and M. Hareco••••t you may read; if it be the same: for those are bushes liker Roses and not Hearbs, as this seemeth.
• * 1.767

  Horn-plant.
• * 1.768

  C. 62.
• * 1.769

  C. 63. Cinamon.
• * 1.770

  C. 64. Ginger.
• * 1.771

  C. 65. Cloues.
• * 1.772

  Their heat,
• * 1.773

  Note.
• * 1.774

  C. 66. Nutmeg.
• * 1.775

  There are two sorts of Nut∣megs, the male which is long, the female round.
• * 1.776

  C. 67. Cardamomum.
• * 1.777

  C. 68. Lac.
• * 1.778

  They beate the Lac to powder, and melt it, and so mixe all manner of co∣lors vpon it as they list, red, blacke, greene, yellow, or any other colour, and make pee∣ces thereof, such as are sold here to seale letters withall. See 71.
• * 1.779

  Ca. 72.
• * 1.780

  Ca. 74.
• * 1.781

  Ca. 75.
• * 1.782

  Ca. 76. Lignum Al••••s.
• * 1.783

  Aquilla braua.
• * 1.784

  The Author proceedeth in a large dis∣cou••se of other Drugs, Gems and Indian oc∣currents which I haue omit∣ted.
• * 1.785

  Aman.
• * 1.786

  Calciat••▪
• * 1.787

  Iasques.
• * 1.788

  Harmnz▪ Magostan: Braami. Costeca.
• * 1.789

  First Ormuz built in Costec••▪
• * 1.790

  Custome of succession. Genealogies.
• * 1.791

  The Goazill.
• * 1.792

  Cays.
• * 1.793

  Crema•• or Cherman.
• * 1.794

  L. Quexome, or Kishme.
• * 1.795

  I. Ormus before called Iarum, described.
• * 1.796

  A place and fruit so called.
• * 1.797

  Why Iarum was called Or∣muz.
• * 1.798

  C••ys.
• * 1.799

  The Author here relateth the wars be∣twixt the King of Xiras, in behalfe of Cays against Ormuz; which I haue omitted. Iland Baren.
• * 1.800

  Pachaturunxa King & author.
• * 1.801

  Obseruations of the Domini∣can Translator Riches of Or∣mus. The World a ring, and Or∣mus the ge〈…〉〈…〉. Custome house a siluer chanel.
• * 1.802

  M. Pinder had bin before in East Indies, with those ships which the Cópany there tooke. He was now in this Persian busines (as I remem∣ber) Master of the London. This I promise as a Preface to the larger Or∣musian Relati∣ons following.
• * 1.803

  Fight with the Portugalls.
• * 1.804

  Kishme Castle.
• * 1.805

  English forced to helpe the Persian.
• * 1.806

  Kishme yeel∣ded. Master Baffin slaine: a Ma∣thematician and Matiner, to whom our Northerne & Northwestern Voyages are muchindebted
• * 1.807

  Ormus besie∣ged.
• * 1.808

  1612.
• * 1.809

  Ordnance in the Castle.
• * 1.810

  1622.
• * 1.811

  Three-fold Commission.
• * 1.812

  Kishme Castle described, oc∣casion of the warre.
• * 1.813

  Natiues cause of Indignation
• * 1.814

  Great Ship ta∣ken by a small small Pinnesse, hauing but two Pieces. Filps or Philips chiefe cause of her taking.
• * 1.815

  How great, how little is the heart of Man? moued onely as the shadow of the Diuine hand, which fils one, empties ano∣ther of cou∣rage, as it plea∣seth him.
• * 1.816

  The 40. Chaul Mariners freed to helpe the English.
• * 1.817

  Another act of Philips.
• * 1.818

  Bassins death.
• * 1.819

  Frigats how furnished.
• * 1.820

  Ship fired.
• * 1.821

  Disastrous ac∣cident.
• * 1.822

  Another ex∣ploit of Philips.
• * 1.823

  Skeg is the slanting part of the keele a little without the stern-post. Run is that part of the hull vnder wa∣ter which by degrees ••om•• from the sloor∣timbers to the stern-post.
• * 1.824

  The rest and all the land∣seruice you haue in a more complete Iour∣nall following.
• * 1.825

  First Consulta∣tion.
• * 1.826

  Ruy Frera the Portugall Ad∣mitall.
• * 1.827

  Second consul∣tation.
• * 1.828

  Causesmouing the English in those parts and Ports to assist the Persian: first a secret force from the Persian, detay∣ning the English goods on shore and not allow∣ing carriages as before; which also would haue broken out to an open im∣barging with danger likely to their per∣sons, goods and libertie. Secondly the open & often force and ho∣stilitie (where∣of the former Voyages testi∣fie) from the Partugall. They made a vertue of ne∣cessitie. Articles.
• * 1.829

  Persian victorie in Arabia.
• * 1.830

  Note.
• * 1.831

  Opposition.
• * 1.832

  Kishme Castle yeelded.
• * 1.833

  Gombrone.
• * 1.834

  Ormuz besie∣ged.
• * 1.835

  The Citie for∣saken.
• * 1.836

  Strength of Ormuz.
• * 1.837

  Port. Admirall burned.
• * 1.838

  Breach and assault.
• * 1.839

  Barrennesse of Ormuz.
• * 1.840

  Water.
• * 1.841

  Persians igno∣rant of milita∣rie arts.
• * 1.842

  Armes.
• * 1.843

  Portugals ships sunke.
• * 1.844

  Portugall Trea∣tie.
• * 1.845

  Persian doub∣ting.
• * 1.846

  Cause of the Warre, Portu∣gals intrusion on the Persian, by Ruy Frera at Kishme, &c.
• * 1.847

  Another trea∣tie.
• * 1.848

  Note: the English enfor∣ced by present occasions to engage them∣selues in this warre.
• * 1.849

  Third treatie.
• * 1.850

  New breach▪
• * 1.851

  Bold Boy.
• * 1.852

  Pitifull pillage
• * 1.853

  Persian powder Portugals wants, and mi∣series. Fluxe how caused.
• * 1.854

  Moores at last deliuered ac∣cording to co∣uenant.
• * 1.855

  Persian perfidie
• * 1.856

  Second assault.
• * 1.857

  Portugals poore estate.
• * 1.858

  Desperate Counsels.
• * 1.859

  Quanto doctior tanto nequior. Yet this is the Persians praise that they are good Sword∣men, the Turks fearing to come to hand∣blowes with them. Frigot esca∣peth.
• * 1.860

  One Watch∣word no Watchward.
• * 1.861

  Frigot taken.
• * 1.862

  Parley.
• * 3.1

  English Cle∣mencie to the Portugals.
• * 3.2

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Castle.
• * 3.3

  Perfidy and honesty.
• * 3.4

  Portugals in Ormuz yeeld to the English.
• * 3.5

  Persians partia∣litie.
• * 3.6

  Rascall rude∣nesse.
• * 3.7

  Pittifull pilla∣ging.
• * 3.8

  Good Ord∣nance in the Castle.
• * 3.9

  Persian inhu∣manity.
• * 3.10

  2600 persons sent away by the English.
• * 4.1

  An excuse fra∣med in behalfe of the Captain. You haue the story sup. l. 5. The storme was within their fearefull hearts.
• * 4.2

  Ormus, an Iland of Salt with∣out water.
• * 4.3

  Ill Captaines.
• * 4.4

  Kishme, or Qu••xome.
• * 4.5

  English kind∣nesses acknow∣ledged; which vpbraideth the Portugalls vn∣gratitude cause of this warre.
• * 5.1

  I haue heard that the English had for this seruice of the King of Persia 20000, pounds.
• * 5.2

  I haue heard S•••• ••. S. affirme this.
• * 5.3

  A Roble is a∣bout a Marke English.
• * 5.4

  The Mogoll payeth 44. mil∣liōs of crowns to his Army yeerly: besides other expen∣ces, of which see sup. in Cap. Hawkins. l. 3.
• * 5.5

  This Epitaph is taken out of the said Iacobs life by Alij A∣bensusian, in Arabike.
• * 5.6

  This like a∣greeth with Christian sto∣ries. It seemes they were Ara∣bian Princes or Heads of Tribes before Mahomets time. Eighty Col∣ledges or Schooles of Learning. One of these had a Library of 55000. Bookes; to redeeme which (for hee gaue all his goods at his death in almes) hee charged his Son to marrie 1000. Orphans giuing to each 1000. Miricals.
• * 5.7

  A. D. this a∣gree••h with 723.
• * 5.8

  The second E∣pitaph, Morall.
• * 5.9

  The third Epi∣taph. Political, and exemplary to Kings.
• * 5.10

  The fourth E∣pitaph, Moo∣rishly and natu∣rally Theolo∣gicall.
• * 5.11

  Houses in Zante.
• * 5.12

  Earthquakes oft and short.
• * 5.13

  Cephalon〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 5.14

  Churches.
• * 5.15

  Ciceros Sepul∣chre.
• * 5.16

  Wine, Oile, & Currans com∣modities of Zant.
• * 5.17

  Marriages.
• * 5.18

  Caloieri not Priests, but Greeke Monks.
• * 5.19

  Syo.
• * 5.20

  Mastick Tree described.
• * 5.21

  Cotton shrubs
• * 5.22

  Dimitie and Scarsatie.
• * 5.23

  Homers Sepul∣chre.
• * 5.24

  Monasterie.
• * 5.25

  Monkes vn∣learned.
• * 5.26

  Bels.
• * 5.27

  Sybilla;
• * 5.28

  Troy.
• * 5.29

  Oxe▪threshing
• * 5.30

  Ruines of Troy.
• * 5.31

  Let the Reader pardon this long descripti∣on of Troies Ruines (some digressions I haue cut off) for I would at once present Troy acted by a Troian spirit, which may both profit the studious anti∣quarie, and serue to re∣solue and thaw the most fro∣zen spirit of seuere grauity or stupidest stoike; melting some delights, if not extor∣ting laughter from him.
• * 5.32

  Master Coryats Knighthood.
• * 5.33

  His Verses.
• * 5.34

  Risum teneatis amici?
• * 5.35

  Bellonius l. 2. c. 6 Describing the Troian ruines, saith that Si∣mois and Xan∣thus haue not water enough in Winter for a goose to swim, and in Sum∣mer are quite drie. He men∣tioneth Baths &c.
• * 5.36

  Liue-Oake-tree.
• * 5.37

  Self-whipping. Paenitentia pae∣nitenda. Herein we will allow the Popish Do∣ctrine of merit. But these hy∣pocrites which will doe Pe∣nance by o∣thers must goe to Heauen by proxie too.
• * 5.38

  Master Coryats Fortune: but it fortuned to proue a lie•• the more the pitie, not for Odcombes sake so much and the Syrenaicall crue, as for the curious dili∣gence of many his obseruati∣ons, which might to the wisest haue proued profi∣table.
• * 5.39

  Daruises, a kind of Turkish Friers.
• * 5.40

  Fashion of their Habite.
• * 5.41

  Mahumetar. Holies.
• * 5.42

  Deruises strange tur∣nings.
• * 5.43

  Mustapha, since this, twice Em∣perour, and thrice Religi∣ous or Daruise.
• * 5.44

  Great Fire.
• * 5.45

  Lampes.
• * 5.46

  〈1 line〉〈1 line〉
• * 5.47

  〈1 line〉〈1 line〉
• * 5.48

  〈1 line〉〈1 line〉
• * 5.49

  Grashopper.
• * 5.50

  Butterflies great.
• * 5.51

  Sodomie.
• * 5.52

  Cheapnesse.
• * 5.53

  Fiery Flies.
• * 5.54

  Cadileskiers.
• * 5.55

  Cimices.
• * 5.56

  Courtesie.
• * 5.57

  Phlebotomie.
• * 5.58

  Superstition.
• * 5.59

  Pride.
• * 5.60

  Boxing.
• * 5.61

  Fannes.
• * 5.62

  Amis an Eng∣lish Iew.
• * 5.63

  Rites of Cir∣cum••ision.
• * 5.64

  Lampes.
• * 5.65

  Dogs ban••∣shed to pre∣uent pesti∣lence.
• * 5.66

  Dogged Cha∣ritie.
• * 5.67

  The Visier•• sonnes cir∣cumcised.
• * 5.68

  Fire workes.
• * 5.69

  Iewes feast of Tabernacles, nine dayes.
• * 5.70

  Synagogue-Lyturgie. Irreuerence.
• * 5.71

  〈…〉〈…〉od.
• * 5.72

  Synagogue.
• * 5.73

  Sprinkling of Rose-water.
• * 5.74

  Turkes distin∣ction for wine.
• * 5.75

  G〈…〉〈…〉ke Vines.
• * 5.76

  Turkish milde zeale and zea∣lous mildness••.
• * 5.77

  Ramazan or Turkish Lent Lampes.
• * 5.78

  Strict ••ast.
• * 5.79

  Drunkennesse seuerely puni∣shed.
• * 5.80

  Sluttish Butter
• * 5.81

  Cheese.
• * 5.82

  Patriarch of Constantinople.
• * 5.83

  A Pellican de•• scribed.
• * 5.84

  Parishes and Chu••ches. Ho••pitalls.
• * 5.85

  Tale.
• * 5.86

  G. S. trade.
• * 5.87

  Gallipoli.
• * 5.88

  Scanderone.
• * 5.89

  Iaskalls.
• * 5.90

  Poole of G••ab∣bul, or Salt. Deceptio visu••.
• * 5.91

  Damasc••, or Sham.
• * 5.92

  Armenian B. Patriarch.
• * 5.93

  Arabian wo∣men.
• * 5.94

  He saw not this, but tooke the report of another, and seemeth by this childe and dog to be a falshood in word or in deede.
• * 5.95

  Sup. l. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 5.96

  A briefe de∣scription of Rome.
• * 5.97

  Monuments of Antiquity.
• * 5.98

  The originall Copies (as they say) of fa∣mous Au••hors.
• * 5.99

  The brasen I∣mage of Saint Peter.
• * 5.100

  Lady of Lorett••
• * 5.101

  Foure Roman Pilgrimes.
• * 5.102

  Turselline the Iesuite hath written fiue Bookes of the Loretan ho••ies and miracles, which some su∣perstitious ze∣lote hath trans∣lated into Eng∣lish.
• * 5.103

  Damnable il∣lusions of Lo∣reta.
• * 5.104

  A false asser∣tion.
• * 5.105

  A Simonaicall Vision.
• * 5.106

  A Papisticall dream'd-of O∣ration.
• * 5.107

  The shamefull opinions of the Papists concer∣ning ••oreta.
• * 5.108

  Foure 〈◊〉〈◊〉 transported
• * 5.109

  A confirmati∣on by the Popes
• * 5.110

  Borne at St. Andrew in Scotland.
• * 5.111

  Brazza.
• * 5.112

  Pomo.
• * 5.113

  The Iles Tre∣miti.
• * 5.114

  Saint Andrew.
• * 5.115

  Ile Lesina.
• * 5.116

  A Monster borne in Lesina Clyssa.
• * 5.117

  Melida.
• * 5.118

  Curzola.
• * 5.119

  Ragusa.
• * 5.120

  Slauoni••.
• * 5.121

  Corfu.
• * 5.122

  Two strong Castles in the Ile Corfu.
• * 5.123

  The Battell betweene the Christians and Turkes at Le∣panto.
• * 5.124

  Although Ar∣cadia in for∣mer times was pleasant, yet it is now for the most part Wast and disinhabi∣ted.
• * 5.125

  Lecedemon in Sparta.
• * 5.126

  Athens. See of it my Pilgri∣mage l. 3 c. 14. Simdor Cabasi∣das writes that there are 70. Dialects of Moderne Greeke, the worst of which is that of A∣thens. Kind Athenians
• * 5.127

  Wild Asses.
• * 5.128

  A description of Candie. See the Map. sup. pag. 1384.
• * 5.129

  The old and famous Citie of Lanerke.
• * 5.130

  A happie deli∣ueranc•• from Theeues.
• * 5.131

  Canea.
• * 5.132

  Foure strong Cities.
• * 5.133

  Rethimos.
• * 5.134

  Minos.
• * 5.135

  Saturne.
• * 5.136

  Labyrinth of Crete.
• * 5.137

  Ida.
• * 5.138

  Candie,
• * 5.139

  Note.
• * 5.140

  Archipelage.
• * 5.141

  Milo. Red Partridges Flocks of tame Partrid∣ges. Fountaines of Oile.
• * 5.142

  Parir.
• * 5.143

  Pathmo••.
• * 5.144

  Nicaria.
• * 5.145

  Greekes taken Captiues.
• * 5.146

  Icarus.
• * 5.147

  Shipwrack.
• * 5.148

  The Tombe of Homer.
• * 5.149

  The pride of Greekish Whoores.
• * 5.150

  Salonica.
• * 5.151

  Iewish Vniuer∣s••••ic.
• * 5.152

  Pernassus de∣scribed.
• * 5.153

  Thebes.
• * 5.154

  Tenedes.
• * 5.155

  The Tombs of Troians.
• * 5.156

  A description▪ of Iroy.
• * 5.157

  Note.
• * 5.158

  Sesto: ••nd Abydos.
• * 5.159

  Constantinople hath so often bin presented on this Stage, that now we will passe by it.
• * 5.160

  Smyrna.
• * 5.161

  Ephesu••.
• * 5.162

  Hippocrates. Appelles.
• * 5.163

  Nixa.
• * 5.164

  Rhodes.
• * 5.165

  The great Colosse.
• * 5.166

  Tharsus, a de∣cayed Citie in Cilicia, where Saint Paul was borne, is the chiefest seat of that country. Cyprus. Nicosia.
• * 5.167

  Cyprus.
• * 5.168

  Tripoly.
• * 5.169

  Cedars.
• * 5.170

  Arabi••e.
• * 5.171

  Coliers religi∣ous Greekes or Monkes.
• * 5.172

  Eden.
• * 5.173

  This tree hath seuerall vertues bearing but one Apple at once.
• * 5.174

  Aleppo.
• * 5.175

  The reposing of the Turkes.
• * 5.176

  Damascus.
• * 5.177

  Speeches of the Patriarch.
• * 5.178

  The villanie of Armenians.
• * 5.179

  Mount Carmel.
• * 5.180

  Caffar tribute.
• * 5.181

  The courtesie of Turkes.
• * 5.182

  The extortion of the Arabian King.
• * 5.183

  Sychar of old the chiefest Citie in Sama∣ria, is now al∣together rui∣nated.
• * 5.184

  A Massacre of A〈…〉〈…〉nian Pil∣grimes.
• * 5.185

  Pilgrims their graces.
• * 5.186

  Mondaies ho∣ly visitations are omitted. Sandys, Timber∣ley, and others, haueshewed them already.
• * 5.187

  Inuasions of Arabs.
• * 5.188

  A true descrip∣tion of Sodome and Gomorha.
• * 5.189

  Nothing now groweth neere Sodome. The same is repor∣ted by Master Eldred.
• * 5.190

  Iordans water is of a whitish colour.
• * 5.191

  A comparison betwixt ••ordan and Tibris, whose colour and growth, are both alike, andtheir cour∣ses agreeable thereunto.
• * 5.192

  Iericho.
• * 5.193

  A tare kind of Apples.
• * 5.194

  The Mountain in the Wilder∣nesse, where∣upon Christ fa∣sted fortie dayes.
• * 5.195

  A Letter writ∣ten from Con∣stan••inople, the tenth of Iuly, 1624.
• * 5.196

  In this voy∣age Sir T. Dale w••s sent to the Indie: of whom see sup. l. 5. De Deuill of D. an vnfit name for Christian Ships.
• * 5.197

  See sup. in Trigaut. his letter. c. 2.
• * 5.198

  Ingano. Sun distressed. Of such vn∣happy names. see Part. 4. pag. 1367. Sumatra. Sun lost.
• * 5.199

  68. of her men arriue.
• * 5.200

  A. 1619. The fight you haue before in C. Pring, &c. the rest in Flo∣ris and others.
• * 5.201

  C. Iordan 〈◊〉〈◊〉 against law of war. See sup. l. 5. c. 9. &c. 12. §. 3. The Samson & Hou•••• taken by the Dutch.
• * 5.202

  Dutch ship lost.
• * 5.203

  11. Dutch 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ned. A. 1620.
• * 5.204

  Peace betwi〈…〉〈…〉 English and Dutch.
• * 5.205

  Voyage to Ia∣pan. See sup. in Sari•• & Primil.
• * 5.206

  Voyage from Iapan to Ma∣nillas.
• * 5.207

  Bay of Manil∣las.
• * 5.208

  Cauetta.
• * 5.209

  Marauelle.
• * 5.210

  A. 1621.
• * 5.211

  Bay of Panga∣sina.
• * 5.212

  Cruelty of the Dutch.
• * 5.213

  Straits of Piscadores. Returne to Iapan.
• * 5.214

  Second Voy∣age to Manil∣las.
• * 5.215

  A. 1622.
• * 5.216

  1. L••••ang.
• * 5.217

  They saile to Macan.
• * 5.218

  Dutch repulse at Macan.
• * 5.219

  Ladrones. Their third comming to Iapan.
• * 5.220

  See his letter sup. c. 3. A Tyffon or cruell storme.
• * 5.221

  Anno 1623.
• * 5.222

  Amboyna de∣scribed.
• * 5.223

  Dutch Castle.
• * 5.224

  Garrison.
• * 5.225

  Subiects.
• * 5.226

  Ships.
• * 5.227

  Iacatra (now Baearia) seat of the Dutch Go∣uernment in the Indies.
• * 5.228

  Abel Price exa∣mined.
• * 5.229

  Emanuel Tomp∣son examined.
• * 5.230

  Robert Brown•• examined.
• * 5.231

  Edward Collins examined.
• * 5.232

  Samuel Colson examined.
• * 5.233

  Iohn Clarke ex∣amined.
• * 5.234

  Noo••••endich discourse prin∣ted, An. 1622. vnder the name of Ymant van Wa••rmond.
• * 5.235

  Gouernour ta∣ken. Rich Crucifix.