Purchas his pilgrimes. part 4 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

ENGLISH DISCOVE∣RIES [ 10] AND PLANTATI∣ONS IN NEW ENGLAND AND NEW-FOVND-LAND; WITH THE PATENT AND VOYAGES TO NEW-SCOTLAND: Relations also of the [ 20] Fleets set forth by Queene Elizabeth against the Spaniards.

THE TENTH BOOKE.

CHAP. I.

A briefe Relation of the Discouerie and Plantation of New-England: [ 30] and of sundry Accidents therein occurring, from the yeere of our Lord 1607. to this present 1622. Published by the President and Councell, and dedicated to the Princes Highnesse here ab∣breuiated.

WHen this Designe was first attempted, some of the pre∣sent [ 40] Company were therein chiefly interessed; who being carefull to haue the same accomplished, did send to the discouery of those Northern parts a braue Gentle∣man, Cap. Henry Challons, with two of the Natiues of that Territorie, the one called Maneday, the other Asse∣comet. But his misfortunes did expose him to the power of certaine strangers, enemies to his proceedings, so that by them, his Company were seized, the ships and goods confiscated, and that Voyage wholly ouerthrowne.

This losse, and vnfortunate beginning, did much a∣bate [ 50] the rising courage of the first Aduenturers; but im∣mediately vpon his departure, it pleased the Noble Lord Chiefe Iustice, Sir Iohn Popham Knight, to send out an∣other shippe, wherein Captayne Thomas Hanam went Commander, and Martine Prinne of Bristow Master, with all necessary supplyes, for the secon∣ding of Captayne Challons and his people; who arriuing at the place appointed, and not finding that Captayne there, after they had made some Discouerie, and found the Coasts Hauens, and Harbours answerable to our desires, they returned. Vpon whose Relation the Lord Chiefe Iustice, and we all waxed so confident of the businesse, that the yeere following euery man of any worth, formerly interessed in it, was willing to ioyne in the charge for the sending ouer a competent [ 60] number of people to lay the ground of a hopefull Plantation.

Hereupon Captaine Popham, Captaine Rawley Gilbert, and others were sent away with two ships, and an hundred Landmen, Ordnance, and other prouisions necessary for their sustentation and defence; vntill other supply might be sent. In the meane-while, before they could returne,

it pleased God to take vs from this worthy member, the Lord Chiefe Iustice, whose sudden death did so astonish the hearts of the most part of the Aduenturers, as some grew cold, and some did wholly abandon the businesse. Yet Sir Francis Popham his Sonne, certaine of his priuate friends, and other of vs, omitted not the next yeere (holding on our first resolution) to ioyne in sending forth a new supply, which was accordingly performed.

But the ships arriuing there, did not only bring vncomfortable newes of the death of the Lord Chiefe Iustice, together with the death of Sir Iohn Gilbert, the elder Brother vnto Captaine Rawley Gilbert, who at that time was President of that Councell: But found that the old Cap∣taine Popham was also dead; who was the onely man (indeed) that died there that Winter, wherein they indured the greater extremities; for that, in the depth thereof, their Lodgings and [ 10] stores were burnt, and they thereby wondrously distressed.

This calamitie and euill newes, together with the resolution that Captaine Gilbert was for∣ced to take for his owne returne (in tha•• he was to succeed his Brother, in the Inheritance of his Lands in England) made the whole Company to resolue vpon nothing but their returne with the ships; and for that present to leaue that Countrey againe, hauing in the time of their abode there (notwithstanding the coldnesse of the season, and the small helpe they had) built a prettie Barke of their owne, which serued them to good purpose, as easing them in their returning.

The arriuall of these people here in England, was a wonderfull discouragement to all the first vndertakers, in so much as there was no more speech of setling any other Plantation in those parts for a long time after: only Sir Francis Popham hauing the ships and prouision, which re∣mayned [ 20] of th Company, and supplying what was necessary for his purpose, sent diuers times to the Coasts for Trade and fishing; of whose losse or gaines himselfe is best able to giue account.

Our people abandoning the Plantation in this sort as you haue heard; the Frenchmen imme∣diately tooke the opportunitie to settle themselues within our limits; which beeing heard of by those of Virginia, that discreetly tooke to their consideration the inconueniences that might a∣rise, by suffering them to harbour there, they dispatched Sir Samuel Argall, with Commission to displace them, which he performed with much discretion, iudgement, valour, and dexteritie. For hauing seized their Forts, which they had built at Mount Mansell, Saint Croix, and Port Reall, he carried away their Ordnance; he also surprised their Ship, Cattle, and other Proui∣sions, [ 30] which he transported to the Colonie in Virginia, to their great benefit. And hereby hee hath made a way for the present hopefull Plantation to be made in Noua Scotia, which we heare his Maiestie hath lately granted to Sir William Alexander Knight, one of his Maiesties most Ho∣norable Councell of the Kingdome of Scotland, to be held of the said Crowne, and that not with∣out some of our priuities, as by approbation vnder writing may and doth appeare. Whereby it is manifest that wee are so farre from making a Monopoly of all those Lands belonging to that Coast (as hath beene scandalously by some obiected) That wee wish that many would vn∣dertake the like.

In this Interim there were of vs who apprehended better hopes of good that might ensue by this attempt, being thereunto perswaded, both by the Relations of our people that had indured [ 40] the many difficulties whereunto such actions are subiected, chiefly in the Winter Season; and like∣wise by the informations giuen them by certaine of the Natiues, that had beene kept a long time in their hands; wherefore we resolued once more to trie the veritie thereof, and to see if possibly we might finde some thing that might induce a fresh resolution to prosecute a Worke so pious and so honourable. And thereupon they dispatched Captayne Hobson, of the Ile of Wight, to∣gether with Captayne Herley, Master Iohn Matthew, Master Sturton, with two Sauages, the one called Epenow, the other Manawet, with Commission and directions fit for them to obserue and follow, the better to bring to passe what was expected. But as in all humane affaires, there is nothing more certaine, then the vncertaintie thereof; so fell it out in this; for a little before such time as they arriued vpon the Coast with the foresaid Sauages, who were Naturals of those parts, [ 50] it happened there had beene one Hunt (a worthlesse fellow of our Nation, set out by certaine Merchants for loue of gaine, who, not content with the commoditie he had by the fish, and peace∣able Trade he found among the Sauages, after he had made his dispatch, and was ready to set sayle more Sauage-like then they) seized vpon the poore innocent creatures, that in confidence of his honestie had put themselues into his hands. And stowing them vnder Hatches, to the number of twentie foure, carried them into the Straits, where he sought to sell them for slaues, and sold as many as he could get mony for. But when it was vnderstood from whence they were brought, the Friers of those parts took the rest from them, and kept them to be instructed in the Christian Faith; and so disappointed this vnworthy fellow of the hopes of gaine he conceiued to make by this new and Deuillish proiect.

This being knowne by our two Sauages, formerly spoken of, they presently contracted such [ 60] an hatred against our whole Nation, as they immediately studied how to be reuenged; and con∣triued with their friends the best meanes to bring it to passe; but Manawet dying in a short time after the shippes arriuall there, and the other obseruing the good order, and strong guard our

people kept, studied only how to free himselfe out of our hands, and thereupon laid the plot very orderly, and indeed effected his purpose, although with so great hazard to himselfe and friends, that laboured his rescue, that Captayne Hobson and his whole Company imagined hee had beene slaine. And though in the recouery of his bodie they wounded the Master of our ship, and di∣uers other of our Company, yet was not their Designe without the slaughter of some of their people, and the hurts of other, compassed, as appeared afterward.

Hereupon Captaine Hobson and his Company, conceiuing the end of their attempt to bee fru∣strate, resolued without more adoe to returne, and so those hopes, that charge and Voyage was lost also, for they brought home nothing but the newes of their euill successe of the vnfortu∣nate cause thereof, and of a Warre now new begun betweene the Inhabitants of those parts, and vs. A miserable comfort for so weake meanes as were now left, to pursue the conclusion of so [ 10] tedious, an Enterprise.

While this was a working, we found the meanes to send out Captaine Iohn Smith from Plim∣mouth, in a ship, together with Master Dermer, and diuers others with him, to lay the founda∣tion of a new Plantation, and to try the fishing of that Coast, and to seeke to settle a Trade with the Natiues: But such was his misfortune, as being scarce free of our owne Coast, he had his Masts shaken ouer-boord by stormes and tempests, his ship wonderfully distressed, and in that extremitie forced to come backe againe; so as the season of the yeere being almost spent, wee were of necessitie enforced to furnish him with another ship, and taking out the prouision of the first, dispatched him away againe, who comming to the height of the Westerne Ilands, was cha∣sed [ 20] by a French Pirate, and by him made Prisoner, although his ship in the night escaped away, and returned with the losse of much of her prouision, and the ouerthrow of that Voyage, to the ruine of that poore Gentleman Captayne Smith, who was detayned Prisoner by them, and for∣ced to suffer many extremities, before he got free of his troubles.

Notwithstanding these Disasters, it pleased God so to worke for our incouragement againe, as he sent into our hands Tasquantum, one of those Sauages that formerly had beene betrayed by this vnworthy Hunt before named, by whose means there was hope conceiued to worke a peace betweene vs, and his friends, they beeing the principall Inhabitants of that Coast, where the fire was kindled. But this Sauage Tasquantum, being at that time in the New-found-land with Captaine Mason, Gouernour there for the vndertakers of that Plantation: Master Darmer [ 30] (who was there also, and sometimes before imployed as wee haue said by vs, together wi••h Captayne Iohn Smith) found the meanes to giue vs intelligence of him, and his opinion of the good vse that might bee made of his Employment, with the readinesse of Captayne Mason, to further any of our Attempts that way, eyther with Boates or other prouision necessarie, and resoluing himselfe to goe from thence, aduised vs to send some to meete with him at our v∣suall place of fishing; to ayde him in his indeuour, that they ioyning together, might bee a∣ble to doe what he hoped would be very acceptable vnto all wel-wishers of that businesse. Vpon this newes, we dispatched the next season Cap. Rocraft, with a company for that purpose, in hope to haue met with Captaine Darmer; but the care and discretion of Cap. Mason was such, finding Captayne Darmers resolution to goe beyond his meanes, that he perswaded him first to go for [ 40] England, that prouiding himselfe there, as was requisite, hee might proceed in time expedient, which counsell he obserued (as fit it was) although our expectation of his ioyning with Captaine Rocraft was thereby disappointed. Yet so it happened, that Captaine Rocraft at his arriuall in those parts, met with a French Barke that lay in a Creeke a fishing, and trading, which hee seized on, and sent home the Master and Company in the same ship which hee went out in.

With this Barke and his owne Company, he meant to keepe the Coast that Winter quarter, being very well fitted both with Salt, and other necessaries for his turne: but as this was an Act of extremitie (the poore man being of our owne Religion) so succeeded it accordingly. For in a short time after, certaine of this Captaynes Company, conspired together to cut his throate, and to make themselues Masters of the whole spoyle, and so to seeke a new Fortune where they could best make it. This Conspiracie being discouered to the Captayne, he let it go on, till the [ 50] time that it should haue beene put in execution, when hee caught them in their owne traine, and so apprehended them in the very instant that they were purposed to begin their Massacre.

But after hee had preuented the mischiefe, and seized vpon the Malefactois, hee tooke to his consideration what was best to bee done with them. And being loth by himselfe to dispatch them as they deserued, hee resolued to put them a shoare, thinking by their ha∣zard, that it was possible they might discouer something, that might aduance the pub∣like; and so giuing them some Armes for their defence, and some victuall for their su∣stentation, vntill they knew better how to prouide for themselues, hee left them a place called Sawaguatock, where they remayned not long, but got from thence to Menehighon, an [ 60] Iland lying some three leagues in the Sea, and fifteene leagues from that place, where they remayned all that Winter, with bad lodging, and worse fare, yet came all safe home saue one sickely man, which dyed there, the rest returned with the Shippe wee sent for Rocrafts supply and prouision, to make a Fishing Voyage.

After these fellowes were landed, the Captaine finding himselfe but weakely man'd, and his Ship to draw too much water to Coast those places, that by his instructions hee was assigned to discouer, hee resolued to goe for Virginia, where he had liued a long time before, and had (as hee conceiued) many friends, that would helpe him with some things that hee had occasion to vse. Arriuing there, he was not deceiued of his expectation; for Sir Samuel Argall being their Gouer∣nour, and one that respected him much for his owne sake was the readier to helpe him, in regard of the good hee wished to the businesse wherein he was imployed.

But all this could not preuaile, for after that Sir Samuel Argall came from thence (his depar∣ture, being more sudden then was expected) it fell out that the new Gouernour entred the Har∣bour: and finding Rocraft ready to bee gone, sent to him to command him to come aboord to [ 10] speake with him, which hee readily obeyed, as soone as hee could fit his boat and men for that purpose. And so leauing his Barke with her great Anker at head, and taking with him the halfe of his company, he was forced to stay aboard the new Gouernors Ship that night. In the meane while a storme arising, our Barke wanting hands to doe their labour, droue a shoare, and there sunke. But yet the Gouernour and Captaine so laboured the next day, when they knew there∣of, as that they freed her againe, but that occasion forced our Captain to stay so long in the Coun∣trey to fit himselfe a new, as in the interim a quarrell fell out betweene him and another of that place; so as Rocraft was slaine, and the Barke sunke the second time, and finally disabled from yeelding vs any benefit to this present.

But we not knowing this disaster, and Captain Darmer arriuing with his Sauage out of New∣found [ 20] land, dispatched him away the next season, in a Ship wee sentagaine for the fishing busi∣nesse, and assigned him a company to ioyne with Rocraft and his people. Captain Darmer arriuing there, and not finding Rocraft, was a little perplexed, and in doubt what to doe: yet hearing by those Mutiners which hee found there, that hee was gone for Virginia; he was hopefull of his re∣turne; and liued in that expectation, till such time as he heard (by a Ship that came from thence to fish for the Colony) the confusion of his fortune, and the end of his masery in this world. Then hee determined to take the Pinnace, that the yeere before was assigned to Rocraft, for him to make the Trade with, and with her to proceed on his designe, and so embarked himselfe and his prouision and company in her. And leauing the Fisher-men to their labour, he coasted the shoare from thence, searching euery Harbour, and compassing euery Cape-land, till hee arriued in Uir∣ginia; [ 30] where hee was in hope to meet with some of the prouision, or company of Rocraft, to help to supply him of what hee wanted; as also to lay a Decke vpon his Pinnace, that before had not any, and now was taught by experience the necessitie of hauing that defect supplied.

But those hopes failed him (all being before that time ruined and dispersed) so farre, as he saw it in vaine to hope for helpe by that meanes, and therefore attempted to make the best of what hee had of his owne. And going to set his men a worke, they all in few dayes after their arriuall, fell sicke of a disease which hapned at that time in the Countrey, so as now he was not onely for∣ced to be without hope of their helping of him, but must labour himselfe all hee could to attend and sustaine them; but so God fauoured him, that they recouered, and in time conuenient he dis∣patched his businesse there, and put himselfe to Sea againe, resoluing to accomplish in his iour∣ney [ 40] backe to New-England, what in his last Discouery he had omitted. In his passage he met with certaine Hollanders, who had a trade in Hudsons Riuer some yeeres before that time, with whom he had conference about the state of that coast, and their proceedings with those people: whose answere gaue him good content. Hee betooke himselfe to the following of his businesse, discoue∣ring many goodly Riuers, and exceeding pleasant and fruitfull Coasts and Ilands, for the space of eightie leagues from East to West, for so that Coast doth range along, from Hudsons Riuer to Cape Iames.

Now after wee had found by Captaine Rocrafts relation made the yeere before, the hopes hee conceiued of the benefits that Coast would afford, towards the vpholding of the charge for set∣ling our Plantation, by reason of the commodities arising by Fishing and Furres, if a course might [ 50] bee taken for the managing of that businesse, as was fit for such a designe; as well as for the ad∣uancement of the publike good of our whole Nation, and satisfaction of euery well disposed per∣son that had a will to be interressed therein. It was held to be most conuenient to strengthen our selues by a new Grant to bee obtained from his Royal Maiesty: the rather, finding that those of Uirginia had by two seuerall Patents setled their bounds, and excluded all from intermedling with them that were not free of their Company; and had wholly altered the forme of their Go∣uernment, from the first ground layed for the managing the affaires of both Colonies, leauing vs as desperate, and our businesse as abandoned. These considerations (as is said) together with the necessitie of setling our affaires, bounds and limits, dictinct from theirs, made vs resolue to petiti∣on his Maiestie for the renewing of our Grant. By which time the rumour of our hopes was so [ 60] publikely spread abroad, and the commodities of the Fish and Trade so looked into, as it was de∣sired that all that Coast might bee made free, as well to those of Virginia, as to vs to make their commoditie: How iust or vniust that motion was, wee will not argue, seeing the businesse is en∣ded. By this meanes our proceedings were interrupted, and wee questioned about it; first, by the

Counsell of Virginia, whom wee thought to haue beene fully satisfied therein, before wee could haue way giuen vs for a new Patent, both parties hauing beene heard by certaine of the Lords of the Councell; and the businesse by them so ordered, as wee were directed to proceed and to haue our Grant agreeable to the libertie of the Virginia Company, the frame of our gouernment ex∣cepted; but this order not being liked of, it was againe heard and concluded. Lastly, the Patent being past the Seale, it was stopt vpon new suggestions to the King, and by his Maiesty referred to the Councel to be setled, by whom the former Orders were confirmed, the difference cleered, and we ordered to haue our Patent deliuered vs.

These disputes held vs almost two yeeres, so as all men were afraid to ioyne with vs, and we thereby left hopelesse of any thing more, than that which our owne fortunes would yeeld to ad∣uance our proceedings, in which time so many accidents hapned vnto vs at home and abroad, that [ 10] wee were ••aine to giue order by the Ships wee sent a fishing, for the retiring of Master Darmer and his people, vntill all things were cleered, and wee better prouided of meanes to goe through with our designe: But this worthy Gentleman confident of the good likely to ensue, and reso∣lutely resoluing to pursue the ends he aymed at, could not be perswaded to looke backe, as yet; and so refusing to accept our offer, began againe to prosecute his Discouery, wherein he was betrayed by certaine new Sauages, who sodainly set vpon him, giuing him fourteene or fifteene wounds; but by his valour and dexteritie of spirit hee freed himselfe out of their hands, yet was constrai∣ned to retire into Virginia againe the second time, for the cure of his wounds, where he fell sicke of the infirmities of that place, and thereof dyed: so ended this worthy Gentleman his dayes, af∣ter he had remained in the discouery of that Coast two yeeres, giuing vs good content in all hee [ 20] vndertooke; and after hee had made the peace betweene vs and the Sauages, that so much ab∣horred our Nation for the wrongs done them by others, as you haue heard: but the fruit of his la∣bour in that behalfe wee as yet receiue to our great commoditie, who haue a peaceable Plantation at this present among them, where our people both prosper and liue in good liking, and assured∣nesse of their neighbours, that had beene formerly so much exasperated against vs, as will more at large appeare hereafter.

But hauing passed all these storms abroad, and vndergone so many home-bred oppositions, and freed our Patent, which wee were by order of State assigned to renew, for the amendment of some defects therein contained, wee were assured of this ground more boldly to proceed on than before; and therefore wee tooke first to consideration, how to raise the meanes to aduance the [ 30] Plantation. In the examination thereof, two wayes did first offer themselues: The one was the voluntary contribution of the Patentees; The other, by an easie ransoming of the freedomes of those that had a will to partake only of the present profits arising by the Trade and Fishing vpon the Coast. The first was to proceed from those Noble-men, and others that were Patentees, and they agreed by order among themselues to disburse a hundred pounds a piece, for the aduance∣ment of such necessary businesse as they had in hand. The second was to bee accomplished by set∣ling such liberties and orders in the Westerne Cities and Townes, as might induce euery reaso∣nable man, in, and about them, affecting the publike good, or a regular proceeding in the businesse of Trade, to embrace an vniformitie, and to ioyne a communitie or ioynt stock together, &c. [ 40]

BVt this Countrey, what by the generall and particular situation is so temperate, as it seemeth to hold the golden meane, and indeed is most agreeable to the nature of our owne, which is made manifest by experience, the most infallible proofe of all assertions; insomuch as our people that are setled, enioy their life and health much more happily then in other places; which can be imputed to no other cause, then to the temperature of the Climate. Now as the Clime is found to be so temperate, so delicate and healthfull, both by reason and experience; such is the soile al∣so, some parts thereof yeelding wonderfull increase, both of Corne, the Natiues haue most vse of; as also of our owne, of all sorts: with infinite varietie of nourishing Rootes, and other Hearbs and Fruits common among them, but rare with vs. Besides, the Coast doth abound with most conue∣nient Hauens and Harbors, full of singular Ilands fit for Plantation; replenished with Plants and [ 50] Wood of all sorts; as Oake, Cedars, Spruce, Fir, Pyne, Walnut, Chestnut, Elme, Sassafras, Plum∣trees, and Calamus Aromaticus, &c.

The people are tractable (if they be not abused) to commerce and Trade withall, and as yet haue good respect of vs. The Seas are stored with all kindes of excellent Fish, and in many places vpon the Coast, fit to make Salt in. The Countrey aboundeth with diuersitie of wilde Fowle, as Turkies, Partridges, Swans, Cranes, wild Geese of al sorts, wild Ducks of three sorts, many Doues, especially when Strawberries are ripe.

There are seuerall sorts of Deere in those parts, and some that bring forth two, three, and foure young at once, which is a manifest proofe of the fertilitie of the Soile, or temper of the Clime, or [ 60] both together. There is also a certaine Beast, that the Natiues call a Mosse, hee is as big bodied as an Oxe, headed like a fallow Deere, with a broad Palme, which hee mues euery yeere, as doth the Deere, and neck like a Red Deere, with a short Mane running downe along the Ranes of his back, his haire long like an El••e, but esteemed to be better then that for Sadlers vse, he hath like∣wise

a great bunch hanging downe vnder his throat, and is of the colour of our blacker sort of fal∣low Deere, his legs are long, and his feet as big as the feet of our Oxen, his taile is longer then the Single of a Deere, and reacheth almost downe to his Huxens, his skinne maketh very good Buffe, and his flesh is excellent good food, which the Natiues vse to Ierkin and keepe all the yeere to serue their turne, and so proues very seruiceable for their vse. There haue beene many of them seene in a great Iland vpon the Coast, called by our people Mount Mansell, whither the Sauages goe at certaine seasons to hunt them; the manner whereof is by making of seuerall fires, and set∣ting the Countrey with people, to force them into the Sea, to which they are naturally addicted, and then there are others that attend them in their Boates with Bowes and weapons of seuerall kindes, wherewith they slay and take at their pleasure. And there is hope that this kind of [ 10] Beasts may be made seruiceable for ordinary labour, with Art and Industry.

The knowne Commodities of that Countrey are Fish of seuerall sorts, rich Furres, as Beauers, Otters, Martins, blacke Fox, Sables, &c. There are likewise plentie of Vines, of three kinds, and those pleasant to the taste, yet some better then other. There is Hempe, Flax, Silkgrasse, seue∣rall veines of Ironstone, commodities to make Pitch, Rosen, Tarre; Deale-boords of all sorts, Spars, Masts, for Ships of all burdens; in a word, there comes no commoditie out of France, Germany, or the Sound, but may be had there with reasonable labour and industry.

Further, wee haue setled at this present seuerall Plantations along the Coast, and haue granted Patents to many more that are in preparation to bee gone with all conueniencie. Those of our people that are there haue both health and plenty, so as they acknowledge there is no want of [ 20] any thing, but of industrious people, to reape the commodities that are there to be had, and they are indeed so much affected to the place, as they are loth to bee drawne from thence, although they were directed to returne to giue satisfaction to those that sent them, but chose rather to per∣forme that office by Letters, together with there excuse for breach of their duty in that behalfe. And thus you see there is no labour well imployed, but hath his reward at one time or other. These incouragements haue imboldned vs to proceed to the ingaging of our selues for the buil∣ding of some Ships of good burden, and extraordinary mould, to lie vpon the Coast for the de∣fence of Merchants and Fishermen that are imployed there, as also to Waft the Fleets, as they goe to and from their Markets: and wee purpose from henceforth to build our shipping there, where wee find all commodities fit for that seruice, together with the most opportune places that can [ 30] bee desired.

Lastly, finding that we haue so far forth preuailed, as to wind our selues into familiaritie with the Natiues (which are in no great number) along the Coast, for two hundred Leagues together, wee haue now dispatched some of our people of purpose, to dyue into the bowels of the Continent, there to search and finde out what Port, or Place, is most conuenient to settle our mayne Plantation in, where wee meane to make the Residencie of our State and Go∣uernment, as also to bee assured what other commodities may bee raysed for the publike, and priuate benefit of those that are dealers in that businesse, and willing to bee interessed in any the Lands there: Whither is gone this yeere already, for Trade and Fishing onely, thirite Saile of the better sort of Ships belonging to the Westerne parts, besides those who are gone for trans∣portation [ 40] of the Planters, or supply of such as are already planted, whose returne (as is suppo∣sed) will amount (at the least) to thirty thousand pound, the greater part whereof comes home in Bullion. And therefore as touching the third happinesse of these parts, which is the Sea, there needeth no other greater commendation, then this benefit of Fishing assured vnto vs by common Experience; although it affords many other hopes, both in regard of the facilitie of the Nauigati∣on, the boldnesse of the Coast, the conueniencie of Roades, Hauens and Harbors, for performance of all manner of imployments; yet is there also found Showes of Pearle, Ambergreece, great numbers of Whales, and other merchantable meanes to raise profit to the industrious Inhabitants or diligent Traders.

CHAP. II. [ 50]

The Voyage of M. HENRY CHALLONS intended for the North Plantation of Virginia, 1606. taken by the way, and ill vsed by Spaniards: written by IOHN STONEMAN Pilot.

ON Tuesday the twelfth of August, 1606. M. Henry Challons Gentleman set forth from Plimouth, in our small Ship of the burthen of fiftie fiue Tunnes or there∣about, [ 60] called the Richard of Plimouth. Wherein went twentie nine Englishmen, and two of the fiue Sauages (whose names were Mannido and Assacomo〈…〉〈…〉) which were brought into England the yeere before out of the North parts of Uirginia, from our goodly Riuer by him thriee discouered, called in the Latitude

of 43. derees, 20. minutes were imployed for a farther discouery of these Coasts: And if any good occasion were offered, to leaue as many men as wee could spare in the Country. Being victualled for eleuen or twelue moneths, at the charges of the Honourable Sir Iohn Popham Knight, Lord chiefe Iustice of England, Sir Fardinando Gorges Knight, Captaine of the Fort of Plimouth, toge∣ther with diuers other worshipfull Knights, Gentlemen and Merchants of the West Countrye: Iohn Stoneman of Plimouth being Pilot, who had beene in the foresaid parts of Virginia the yeere before, with George Waymouth: The Masters name was Nicholas Hine of Cockington, neere Dartmouth;

The last day of August wee fell with the Ile of Madera, where we watered and refreshed our selues, and stayed three dayes, being very kindly vsed by the Inhabitants. The third day of Sep∣tember wee departed from thence, passing betweene Gomora and Palma, two of the Canary Iles, [ 10] and from thence were driuen by contrary winds, to take a more Southerly course then we inten∣ded, and so spent more then sixe weekes before wee could recouer any of the Ant-Iles. The first that wee could recouer, was the Ile of Saint Lucia, in the Latitude of 14. degrees, 20. minutes, where we refreshed our selues with Wood and Water. And saw certaine of the Sauages there, a∣bout fortie or fiftie, came vnto vs at our Ship in one of their Cannoas, bringing vnto vs Tobacco, Potatos, Plantins, and Cassaui Bread, the which Sauages had slaine more then fortie of our Nati∣on, the yeere before 1605. as after wee vnderstood by Philip Glasco, and Miles Pett, being two of Captaine Nicholas, Saint Iohns company, which was there treacherously slaine a∣mong the rest.

Hauing stayed heare three dayes, about the two and twentieth of October we departed thence [ 20] to the Northward. And in passing by the Ile of Dominica, wee chanced to see a white Flag put forth on the shoare, whereat maruelling, wee supposed that some Christians had sustained ship∣wrack their. And forthwith a Cannoa came off from the shoare towards vs, which when they came neere, being very little wind, we layed our Ship by the lee and stayed for them a little, and when they were come within a little distance of the Ship, wee perceiued in the Cannoa a Friar, who cried aloud in the Latine tongue, saying, I beseech, as you are Christians, for Christ his sake to shew some mercy and compassion on mee, I am a Preacher of the Word of God, a Friar of the Order of Franciscus in Siuill, by name Friar Blasius. And that hee had beene there sixteene moneths a Slaue vnto those Sauages; and that other two Friars which were of his company they had murthered and throwne into the Sea. We demanded of him then, how he got so much fauour [ 30] to preserue his life, his Brethren being murthered: Hee answered, because hee did shew the Saua∣ges how to fit them Sayles for their Cannoas, and so to ease them of much labour often in rowing, which greatly pleased the Sauages as appeared, for wee saw them to vse sayles in their Cannoas, which hath not beene seene before.

Then we demanded of him where they had this Linnen Cloth to make those Sayles: hee an∣swered, That about two yeeres before that, three Gallions comming to the West Indies were cast away on the Ile of Gwadalopa, where abundance of Linnen Cloth and other Merchandise was cast on shoare. We demanded farther, what was the cause of his being in this place, and how he came thither: he answered, That the King of Spaine did euery yeere, send out of euery great Monastery [ 40] certaine Friars into the remote parts of the Indies, both to seeke to conuert the Sauages, as also to seeke out what benefits or commodities might be had in those parts, and also of what force the Sauages were of, and what number of them were in the seuen Ant-Iles, viz. Saint Vincent Grana∣do, Saint Lucia, Mattalina, Dominica, Gwadalopa, Aisey. The which the said Friar Blaseus said he had diligently noted and obserued, and did hope to make perfect relation of such great bene∣fits and riches as was to be drawne from thence, as he doubted not but would bee greatly accep∣ted of his King, if hee might liue to returne to declare it: For, said hee, I haue seene in one Riuer discending from the Mountaines in the Ile of Dominica, the Sand to glitter like Gold or find Cop∣per, whereupon I tooke some of it, and chewed it betweene my teeth, and found it perfect Met∣tall, the Sauages noting me, began to haue some iealousie of me, so as I durst not take any farther notice of it, neither would they suffer him forward to come neere to that place. And farther hee said, That if the great plentie of diuers Fruits and Roots fit for mans sustenance were perfectly [ 50] knowne, together with the Sugar-canes that they haue in those Iles, and the fertilitie of the soyle he thought it would be very shortly inhabited; and as for the number of Sauages there, as neere as we could vnderstand, was scarce one thousand of all sorts of men, women, and children in all the said seuen Iles.

Now, being moued with pittie at the lamentable complaint, and humble suit of this distressed Friar, wee tooke him into our Ship, and sent away the Sauages much discontented. And from thence wee sayled to the Ile of Saint Iohn De-port-rico, where on the nine and twentieth of Octo∣ber, wee arriued on the Southside, and forthwith sent the Friar on shoare, and deliuered him to [ 60] two Heardsmen, which most thankfully receiued him, and of their courtesie brought vs a fat Cow, and proferred vs more with Hogs, Calues, or any thing else that they could procure vs in recom∣pence of the good deed done to the Friar.

Wee departed from thence, and sayled out betweene the Iles of Saint Iohn De-portrico, and

Hispaniola standing away to the Northward. And leauing the great shoalds called Abrioio, on our Larboord side, being in the Latitude of 21. and 22. degrees, from thence Westward, our course North North-west, and North-west and by North, vntill wee were in the Latitude of 27. de∣grees or better, and about one hundred and eightie leagues from Saint Iohn de Port Rico.

In this place hauing had a very great storme of Wind and Raine continuing fiftie sixe houres and more before on the tenth day of Nouember, about ten of the clocke in the morning, sudden∣ly we found our selues in the middest of a Fleet of eight Sayle of ships in a very thicke fogge of mist and raine, so as we could not see them before they were very neere, and within shot of them, wherein three of them were on the wind-ward of vs, on a third and fourth more to lee-ward: those at the wind-ward came to me vnto vs, and shot at vs, requiring vs to speake with their [ 10] Admirall. When we saw that by no meanes we could auoid them, but that they would speake with vs, we put abroad our Colours, and went toward the Admirall, before wee came vnto him, he likewise strooke downe our Sayle, and came vnder his lee, demanding his pleasure: the other ship which first shot vs, all our Sayles being downe, and shot our mayne Sayle in pieces lying on the Decke.

And forthwith the Admirall came on boord of vs, with two and twentie men in their ships Boate with Rapiers, Swords, and halfe-pikes. We being all in peace stood readie to enter∣tayne them in peace. But assoone as they were entred on boord of vs, they did most cruelly beate vs all, and wounded two of our Company in the heads with their Swords, not sparing our [ 20] Captayne nor any. Also they wounded Assacomoit, one of the Sauages aforesaid, most cruelly in seuerall places in the bodie, and thrust quite through the arme, the poore creature creeping vnder a Cabbin for feare of their rigour: and as they thrust at him, wounding him, he cried still. King Iames, King Iames, King Iames his ship, King Iames his ship. Thus hauing beaten vs all downe vnder the Deckes, presently they beat vs vp againe, and thrust vs ouer-boord into their Boate, and so sent vs on boord of the Admirall ship. Neither would they suffer any of vs to speake a word, to shew the cause of our passing the Seas in these parts. Neyther regarded they any thing, our Commission which the Captayne held forth vnto them in his hand: vntill that the Admirall with the Company of foure other of the ships, had rifled, spoyled, and deliuered all the Merchan∣dize and goods of the ship among them: which beeing done, they also diuided vs beeing thirtie [ 30] persons in all into the said fiue ships, by seuen, six, fiue, and foure to a ship.

Three of the former eight Sayle made Sayle away, and neuer came neere vs, neither were par∣takers of our spoyle. Then they also repayred our Maine Sayle which was torne with the shot a∣foresaid, and put their men into her. And after because they could not make her to sayle well, they tooke two of our men, and put into her to helpe them, the other fiue ships and our ship kept company two or three dayes together. After this they separated themselues either from other, not through any tempest or storme, but through wilfull negligence or simple Ignorance, by sha∣ping contrary courses the one from the other. So as not two of them kept company together. My selfe and sixe more of our company in the Vice-Admirall (of the burthen of one hundred and eightie tunnes; called the Peter of Siuill, the Captaynes name was Andreas Barbear) beeing a∣lone, [ 40] and hauing lost the company of the Fleet, continued our course vntill the middle of De∣cember: at which time being about twentie leagues off from the Ile of Santa Maria, one of the Iles of the Azores, the Vice-Admiral and the whole company disliking the great Ignorance of the Pilot, because he had told them ten dayes before that he was very neere the Ilands, and had wai∣ted all this time, and could find any of them, entreated me very earnestly to shew my skill. And the Pilot himselfe brought mee his Instruments, and be sought mee most earnestly to assist him, and to appease the company. Whereunto by there much importunitie I yeelded. And by Gods assistance on Christmasse Eeue, after our English account, I brought them safe to the Barre of Saint Lucas, being the first ship of the whole Fleet that arriued there.

One of the ships of this Fleet, by the great Ignorance of the Spanish Masters, Pilots, and Ma∣riners [ 50] was driuen beyond all the Coast of Spaine, into Burdeaux in Gascayne, In which shippe the Officers of the Admiraltie of France, finding foure of our Englishmen prisoners vnder the Deckes in hold; to wit, Master Daniell Tucker, who was our Cape Merchant, Pierce Gliddon and two others, did very friendly set them at libertie; and the said Daniel Tucker presently arrested the Spanish ship and goods beeing of great value, which of long time remay∣neth vnder arrest.

The good Duke of Medina hearing of the arriuall of certaine English prisoners taken here, the Coast of the West Indies, sent command to the Captaynes of the Spanish ships, to bring foure of the chiefest to be brought before him. Whereupon my selfe, Master Thomas Saint Iohn, Iohn Wal∣rond our Steward, and William Stone our Carpenter were brought before him. The ship wherein [ 60] Master Challous was, was not yet come.

Master Dauid Neuill an Englishman dwelling in Saint Lucas, was appointed our Interpretor. And then the Duke required me vpon my oath to yeeld a true and faithfull answere, according to the whole state and manner of our Voyage and proceedings, which I did, according to the for∣mer Relation afore written, wherevpon his Excellencie replyed vnto the Spanish Captaynes

which had brought vs, saying, it this bee true which this Englishman affirmeth, you haue greatly wronged these men. And so commanded them to prouide meate, drinke, and fit lodging for vs, and to bring vs againe the next day before him. They sent vs neuerthelesse to Siuill, where wee were brought to a Dutchmans house, called Signior Petro, where we were reasonably lodged, and entertayned that night.

The next morning being New yeeres day we were brought before the President of Siuill, at the Contractation, who hearing of our comming, and not vouchsafing to speake with vs, sent foure O〈…〉〈…〉ers to vs, and cast vs into Prison. Where for the space of fiue dayes wee had publike allowance, but such as poore men which were there Prisoners, also did of their mereie bestow on vs. At length after many humble Sutes, and earnest Petitions exhibited to the President, we had a Riall of Plate allowed to each man a day, which is sixe pence English, wh••ch by reason of the [ 10] dearth of all sorts of victuall in those parts, will not goe so far as three pence in England.

And so at seuerall times, within one moneth after eleuen more of our Company were com∣mi〈…〉〈…〉 to Prison, as they came home, whereof our Captaine was one. Notwithstanding that the good Duke of Medina had discharged both him and all those of his Company, which came in∣to Spaine with him, and willed him to goe home to the Court of England, or to the Court of Spaine where he thought to haue best reliefe for his poore imprisoned Company. Whereupon Nicholas Hine our Master, and two more of our men wisely foreseeing what was like to bee the Issue, made haste away out of the Citie, and so got passage and escaped into England.

Before the comming of our Captaine to Siuill, my selfe and eleuen more of my Company were examined before the President of the Contractation: who finding no iust cause of offence in vs, [ 20] did often earnestly examine me of the manner and situation of the Countrie of Virginia, toge∣ther with the Commodities and benefit thereof. And after the comming of our Captaine, they likewise examined him to the same purpose. We answered both to one purpose, according to our Commission in writing, which the Spaniards at our taking at Sea, had preserued and deliuered vp vnto the hands of the President. Within few dayes after, they gaue our Captaine and Master Thomas, Saint Iohn, libertie of mayne Prison, vpon the securitie of two English Merchants, which were Master William Rapier, and Master Iohn Peckeford, whereof the later is dwelling and maried in Siuill. The rest of the Company being one and twentie in Prison, continued still in miserable estate. And about two moneths after, Robert Cooke of London one of our Company fell sick of a Fluxe, whereof he languished three moneths and more, and by no meanes that wee could make, [ 30] could get him forth to bee cured, although wee spent more then sixtie Rials in Supplicaues and Sutes to get him out. At length being dead, they caused his bodie to bee drawne vp and downe the Prison by the heeles, naked, in most contemptible manner, crying, Behold the Lutheran, as fiue others of our Company beeing then in Prison beheld: and so laid him vnder the Conduit, and powred water into his dead bodie. This done, they cut off his Eares, Nose and Members, as the Spaniards themselues confessed vnto vs, and so conueyed his bodie wee could neuer learne whe∣ther, although we proffered them money to haue his dead corps to burie it.

Shortly after Nathaniel Humfrie our Boatswaine was stabbed into the belly with a Knife by a Spaniard, which was a slaue in the Prison, and fourteene dayes after dyed, who beeing dead I [ 40] went vnto the Keeper of the Prison, desiring to buy his dead bodie to burie it, and so for twenty Rials I bought his bodie, and buried it in the field. Then we be sought the President for Iustice on this slaue which had slaine our Boatswaine: he demanded what we would haue of the slaue. And we requested, that as he had slaine an honest and worthy man of ours cause lesse, that hee might die for it according to the Law. The President answered no, but if we would haue him condem∣ned for two or three yeares more to the Gallies he should. For said hee, The King of Spaine will not giue the life of the worst Slaue that he hath, for the best Subiect the King of England hath, and so sent vs away with this answere. Whereupon being out of all hope of Iustice with the President, we repaired vnto the Regent being an Ecclesiasticall man, one of the chiefest Iudges of the Ci∣tie, desiring likwise Iustice on the Murtherer aforesaid: who in kind tearmes promised vs Iustice, and so willed vs to retaine counsell and Atturnies to prosecute our Sute; which wee did accor∣dingly, [ 50] and so after two moneths Sute, and the cost of more then two hundred Rials on Lawyers, Scribes and other Officers at length we had him hanged by the fauour of the Regent, which o∣therwise we had neuer obtained.

And now I may not omit to shew how I got the libertie to haue the scope of the Citie for my Race to come, and go. Hauing beene three moneths in close Prison with our poore company as aforesaid. At length I got the fauour of two Englishmen inhabiting in Siuill named Constantine Collins, and Henry Roberts who did ingage themselues for me. The Spaniards were very desirous to haue me to serue their State, and proffered me great wages, which I refused to doe, affirming, that this imployment which I had in hand, was not yet ended vntill which time I would not de∣termine [ 60] any.

Then the Alcadie maior of the Contractation House and diuers others Merchants perswaded me to make them some descriptions and Maps of the Coast and parts of Virginia, which I also refused to doe. They being discontent with me, sent mee againe to Prison, where I continued

two and twentie dayes, and then I making meanes vnto my good friends borrowed money, and so gaue diuers bribes vnto the keepers of the Prison, whereupon they gaue mee libertie to goe a∣broad againe into the Citie at my pleasure. And wayting euery day for some order from the Court of Spaine of our discharge, there came none but delayes and prolonging of our troubles and mise∣ries. So as we began almost to despaire of libertie.

At length an honest Dutch Merchant dwelling in Siuill, named Hanse Eloyse, sent vnto mee to speake with me, which when I came vnto him, signified vnto me what he had learned of one of the Iudges of the Contractation: who told him as he reported vnto me, that the Spaniards had a great hate vnto me aboue all others, because they vnderstood that I had beene a former Disco∣uerer in Virginia, at the bringing into England of those Sauages; and that they thought it was [ 10] by my instigation to perswade our State to inhabit those parts. And because they had receiued so small knowledge of those parts by my confession: and that they could not perswade mee to serue that State, neither would make them any note draught, or descriptions of the Countrie. They resolued to bring to the Racke and torment me, whereby to draw some further knowledge by confession from me, before any discharge might come for vs. The which this honest Merchant considering, and the Innocencie of our case, gaue me to vnderstand. And wished mee rather to flie and preserue my selfe, then to stand to their mercie on the Racke. I hearing this the next morning, being the three and twentieth of October, suddenly fled from Siuill, and with me Ma∣ster Thomas Saint Iohn aforesaid, and one other of our Company named Iames Stoneman my Bro∣ther, whom through great cost and charges bestowed on the Keepers of the Prison a little before [ 20] I had got forth to bee cured of a Callenture. Thus wee fled from Siuill, leauing Master Henry Challons our Captaine at libertie vpon sureties, and sixteene more of our Company in close Prison.

From thence on the fiue and twentieth of October, wee came to a Mount in the C••ndado, where finding no passage by any shipping into England, France or Flanders. Wee trauelled through Algaruie, to the Port of Setunall, and finding no passage there, wee trauelled to Lasbone in Portugall. Where wee arriued the one and thirtieth of October, and there found ships readie bound to goe to England, but the wind was contrary for fourteene dayes.

At the time of our abode at Lisbone, wee vnderstood that three Carrickes were come from the East Indies: whereof one was arriued safely at Lisbone tenne dayes before our comming thi∣ther. Another was driuen to leeward, and put in Veego, as wee heard. The third Carracke [ 30] beeing at the Ile of Tercera, was so leake that they could not bring her home into Portugall, but vnloaded her into three of the King of Spaines great Armadoes, to bring the goods more safely to Lisbone. Which Ships at there comming before the mouth of the Riuer of Lisbone in the night within three dayes after my comming thither, were all cast away on certaine shoaldes there called Oscac••opos, or as wee commonly call them the Catchops, where of nine hundred men, as the Portugalls reported, but only thirtie seuen were saued, and of the goods very little at all: because the said ships being cast away on the ebbe. The goods were driuen off into the Sea, the dead bodies of many that were drowned, I my selfe saw ••ast on the shore with the sundry wrackes of the parts of the Ships Masts and Yards, with other wracke of Caske, Chists, and such like in great abundance.

The fourteenth day of Nouember the winde being faire, wee tooke passage from Lisbone in a [ 40] small Barke belonging to Bid••ford, called the Marget, and on the foure and twentieth of the same we were landed at Saint Iues in Cornwall, and from thence I hasted to Plimmouth, where I shewed vnto Sir Ferdinando Gorges and diuers others the Aduenturers, the whole Discourse of our vnhappie Voyage together with the miseries that wee had, and did indure vnder the Spani∣ards hands. And then hasted with all the speed I could toward the Court of England, where I was assured to my great comfort; that they either were alreadie, or very shortly should bee deliuered.

Before my departure from Siuill, I should haue remembred, that about Whitsontide last there were brought into the Prison of the Contractation there, two young men brought out of [ 50] the West Indies, in one of the Kings Gallions, which were of Captaine Iohn Legats company of Plimmouth, which departed out of England, about the latter end of Iuly 1606. bound for the Riuer of Amazons, as hee told me before his going forth, where hee had beene two yeeres before. And comming on the Coast of Brasill as those young men (the name of one of them is William Adams borne in Plimpton neere Plimmouth) reported vnto mee whether falling to the leeward of the Riuer of Amazons, or deceiued by his Master they knew not. And not being able to recouer the said Riuer, were constrayned to refresh in the West Indies, in which time there fell a great disorder betweene the said Captaine Legat and his company, so as one of his company, in a broyle within themselues aboard there ship, slue the said Captaine Legat, whether in his owne priuate quarrell or with the consent of the rest of the Company, they could not tell mee. [ 60] But this is the more to bee suspected for that he alwayes in former Voyages dealt very straitly with his company. After his death his company comming to the Ile of Pinos, on the Southside of Cuba, to refresh themselues, being eighteene persons were circumuented by the trecherie of the Spaniards, and were there betrayed, and taken Prisoners: and within foure dayes after, of

eighteene persons, fourteene were hanged the other foure being youths were saued to serue the Spaniards, whereof, two of them, refusing to serue longer in there ships, were put into the Pri∣son at Siuill, the other two remayne still as slaues to the Spaniards.

This I had the rather noted to the end, that it may be the better considered what numbers of ships and men haue gone out of England, since the conclusion of peace betweene England and Spaine, in the way of honest Trade and Traffique, and how many of them haue miserably miscar∣ried. Hauing beene slaine, drowned, hanged or pittifully captiued, and thrust out of their ships and all their goods.

REader, I had by me the Voyage of Captaine Thomas Hanham, (written by himselfe) vnto Saga∣dahoc: also the written Iournals of Master Raleigh Gilbert which stayed and fortified there in [ 10] that vnseasonable Winter (fit to freeze the heart of a Plantation) of Iames Dauies, Iohn Eliot, &c. but our voluminousnesse makes me afraid of offending nicer and queasier stomackes: for which cause I haue omitted them, euen after I had with great labour f••••ted them to the Presse: as I haue also done a written large Tractate of Mawaushen, and the Uoyage of Master Edward Harlie (one of the first Planters with Cap. Popham) and Nicholas Hobson to those parts 1611. with diuers Letters from Cap. Popham and others. You must obserue, that it was in those times called by the name of Virginia, and the Northerne Plantation or Colonie. But Captaine Smith (a man which hath so many Irons in our fire) presented a Booke of the Countrie to Prince Charles his Highnesse, with a Map of the Countrey, who stiled it (as our hopes are, he will one day make it) New England, and altered the Sauage names [ 20] of places to English. Hee made one Voyage thither, Anno 1614. and the next yeere beganne another, which taken by Frenchmen, he was not able to make vp: but in testimonie of his loue to his Countrey here, and of his hopes there hath written diuers Bookes, One called A Description of New Eng∣land (in which his said Uoyages are described, with the description of the Countrey and many Argu∣ments to incite men to that vndertaking; which I had also prepared for the Presse, but for the former feares haue omitted) the other called New Englands Trials twice or thrice printed, out of which I haue added thus much, that the World may see the benefit to bee made by fishing, and may also be bet∣ter acquainted with the successe and succession of New Englands Affaires.

CHAP. III. [ 30]

Extracts of a Booke of Captaine IOHN SMITH, printed 1622. called New Englands tryalls, and continuing the Storie thereof, with Motiues to the businesse of fishing there.

The benefit of fishing, as Master Dee reporteth in his Brittish Monarchie. [ 40]

HE saith that it is more then foure and fortie yeeres agoe, and it is more then fortie yeeres since he writ it, that the Herring Busses out of the Low-countries, vnder the King of Spaine, were siue hundred, besides one hundred Frenchmen, and three or foure hundred Sayle of Flemmings.

The Coasts of Wales and Lancashire was vsed by three hundred Sayle of strangers. Ireland and Baltemore fraugted yeerly three hundred Sayle of Spaniards, where King Edward the Sixt intended to haue made a strong Castle, because of the Strait, to haue Tri∣bute for fishing.

Blacke Rocke was yeerely fished by three or foure hundred Sayle of Spaniards, Portugals, and Biskiners. [ 50]

Master Gentleman, and many Fisher-men and Fish-mongers, with whom I haue conferred, report, The Hollanders raise yeerely by Herring, Cod, and Ling, 3000000. pounds.

English and French by Salt-fish, Poore Iohn, Salmons, and Pilchards, 300000. pounds.

Hamborough and the Sound, for Sturgion, Lobsters and Eeles, 100000. pounds.

Cape Blacke for Tunny and Mullit, by the Biskiners and Spaniards, 30000. pounds.

But diuers other learned experienced Obseruers say, though it may seeme incredible, That the Duke of Medina receiueth yeerely tribute of the Fishers for Tunny, Mullit and Purgos, more then 10000. pounds.

Lubeck hath seuen hundred Ships: Hamborough six hundred: Embden lately a Fisher Towne, [ 60] one thousand foure hundred, whose Customes by the profit of fishing hath made them so power∣full as they bee.

Holland and Zealand, not much greater then Yorkeshire, hath thirtie walled Townes, foure

hundred Villages, 20000. saile of Ships and Hoyes; thirtie sixe thousand are Fisher-men, where∣of one hundred are Doggers, seuen hundred Pinkes and Wel-boates, seuen hundred Frand Boates, Britters and Tode-boats, with one thousand three hundred Busses, besides three hundred that yeerely fish about Yarmouth, where they sell their Fish for Gold; and fifteene yeeres ago they had more then 116000. Sea-faring men.

The fishing shippes doe take yeerely two hundred thousand Last of fish, twelue barrels to a Last, which amounted to 3000000. pounds by the Fishermens price, that fourteene yeeres agoe did pay for their Tenths 300000. pound; which venting in Pumerland, Sprussia, Denmarke, Lef∣land, Russia, Swethland, Germany, Netherlands, England, or else-where, &c. make their returnes in a yeere about 7000000. pounds; and yet in Holland they haue neither matter to build ships, [ 10] nor Merchandize to set them forth; yet by their industrie they as much increase, as other Na∣tions decay. But leauing these vncertainties as they are, of this I am certaine:

That the Coast of England, Scotland, and Ireland, the North Sea, with Ireland and the Sound, New-found-land, and Cape Blanke, doe serue all Europe, as well the Land Townes as Ports, and all the Christian shipping, with these sorts of Staple fish which is transported, from whence it is taken, many a thousand mile, viz. Herring, Salt-fish, Poore-Iohn, Sturgion, Mullit, Tunny, Porgos, Cauiare, Buttargo.

Now seeing all these sorts of fish, or the most part of them, may be had in a Land more fer∣tile, temperate, and plentifull of all necessaries for the building of ships, Boates, and houses, and the nourishment of man; the Seasons are so proper, and the fishings so neere the habitations, we [ 20] may there make, that New England hath much aduantage of the most of those parts, to serue all Europe far cheaper then they can, who at home haue neither Wood, Salt, nor Food, but at great rates; at Sea nothing but what they carrie in their ships, an hundred or two hundred leagues from their habitation.

But New Englands fishings is neere land, where is helpe of Wood, Water, Fruites, Fowles, Corne, or other refreshings needfull; and the Terceras, Mederas, Canaries, Spaine, Portugall, Pro∣uance, Sauoy, Sicilia, and all Italy, as conuenient Markets for our dry fish, greene fish, Sturgion, Mullit, Cauiare, and Buttargo, as Norway, Swethland, Litt••ania, or Germany, for their Herring, which is here also in abundance for taking; they returning but Wood, Pitch, Tarre, Sope-ashes, Cordage, Flaxe, Waxe, and such like Commodities: we, Wines, Oyles, Sugars, Silkes, and such [ 30] Merchandize as the Straits affoord, whereby our profit may equalize theirs; besides the increase of shipping and Mariners. And for proofe hereof:

With two ships sent out at the charge of Captaine Marmaduke Roydon, Captaine George La••∣gam, Master Iohn Buley and W. Skelton, I went from the Downes the third of March, and arriued in New England the last of April, where I was to haue stayed but with ten men to keepe posses∣sion of those large Territories, Had the Whales proued, as curious information had assured mee and my Aduentures, (but those things failed.) So hauing but fortie fiue men and boyes, we built seuen Boates, thirtie seuen did fish; my selfe with eight others ranging the Coast, I tooke a plot of what I could see, got acquaintance of the Inhabitants; 1100. Beuer skinnes, a hundred Martines, and as many Otters. Fortie thousand of dry fish wee sent for Spaine, with the Salt-fish, [ 40] traine Oyle and Furres, I returned for England the eighteenth of Iuly, and arriued safe with my Company the latter end of August. Thus in sixe moneths I made my Voyage out and home; and by the labour of fiue and fortie, got neere the value of fifteene hundred pounds in those grosse Commodities. This yeere also one went from Plimmouth, set out by diuers of the Ile of Wight, and the West Countrie, by the directions and instructions of Sir Ferdinando Gorge, spent their victuals, and returned with nothing.

The Virginia Company vpon this sent foure good ships; and because I would not vndertake it for them, hauing ingaged my selfe to them of the West, the Londoners entertained the men that came home with me. They set sayle in Ianuary, and arriued there in March; they found fish e∣nough vntill halfe Iune, fraughted a ship of three hundred tunnes, went for Spaine, which was [ 50] taken by the Turkes; one went to Uirginia to relieue that Colonie, and two came for England with the greene fish, traine Oyle and Furres within six moneths.

In Ianuary with two hundred pounds in cash for aduenture, and six Gentlemen well furnished, I went from London to the foure Ships was promised, prepared for mee in the West Countrey, but I found no such matter; notwithstanding at the last, with a labyrinth of trouble I went from Plimoth, with a Ship of two hundred Tunnes, and one of fiftie: when the fishing was done onely with fifteene I was to stay in the Countrey; but ill weather breaking all my Masts, I was forced to returne to Plimoth, where rather then lose all, reimbarking my selfe in a Barke of sixtie Tuns, how I escaped the English Pyrats and the French, and was betrayed by foure Frenchmen of War, I refer you to the description of New England: but my Vice-Admirall, notwithstanding the late∣nesse [ 60] of the yeere, setting forth with me in March, the Londoners in Ianuary, shee arriued in May, they in March, yet came home well fraught in August, and all her men well, within fiue mo∣neths, odde dayes.

The Londoners ere I returned from France, for all their losse by the Turkes, which was valued a∣bout

foure thousand pounds sent two more in Iuly; but such courses they tooke hy the Canaries to the West Indies, it was ten moneths ere they arriued in New England, wasting in that time their seasons, victuall, and health, yet there they found meanes to refresh themselues, and the one returned, neere fraught with Fish and Traine, within two moneths after.

From Plimoth went foure Ships, onely to Fish and Trade, some in February, some in March, one of two hundred Tuns got thither in a moneth, and went full fraught for Spaine, the rest retur∣ned to Plimoth well fraught, and their men well, within fiue moneths, odde dayes.

From London went two more, one of two hundred Tuns, got thither in sixe weekes, and within sixe weekes after, with fortie foure men and boyes was full fraught, and returned againe into England within fiue moneths and a few dayes; the other went to the Canaries with dry fish, which they sold at a great rate, for Rials of eight, and as I heard turned Pyrats. [ 10]

I being at Plimoth prouided with three good Ships, yet but fifteene men to stay with me in the Countrey, was Wind-bound three moneths, as was many a hundred saile more, so that the sea∣son being past, the Ships went for New-found-land, whereby my designe was frustrate, which was to me and my friends no small losse, in regard whereof here the Westerne Commissioners, in the behalfe of themselues and the rest of the Company, contracted with me by Articles inden∣ted vnder our hands, to be Admirall of that Country during my life, and in the renewing of their Letters Patents so to be nominated, halfe the fruites of our endeuours theirs, the rest our owne; being thus ingaged; now the businesse doth prosper, some of them would willingly forget mee; but I am not the first they haue deceiued. [ 20]

There was foure good Ships prepared at Plimoth, but by reason of their disagreement, the sea∣son so wasted, as onely two went forward, the one being of two hundred Tunnes, returned well fraught for Plimoth, and her men in health, within fiue moneths; the other of eightie Tuns, went for Bilbow with dry fish, and made a good returne. In this voyage Edward Rowcroft, alias Stallings, a valiant Souldier, that had beene with mee in Virginia, and seuen yeeres after went with mee from Plimoth towardes New England, with Thomas Darmer, an vnderstanding and ••n industrious Gentleman to inhabite it; all whose names, with our proceedings, you may read at large in my description of New England, vpon triall before the Iudge of the Admiraltie, how when wee had past the worst, for pure cowardise the Master and Sailer ran away with the Ship and all I had, and left mee alone among eight or nine Frenchmen of War, in the yeere 1615. This Stallings went [ 30] now againe in those Ships, and hauing some wrong offered him in New England by a Frenchman, he tooke him, and as he writ to mee, he went with her to Virginia with fish, to trade with them for such commodities as they might spare; hee knew both these Countries well, yet hee pro∣mised mee the next Spring to meete mee in New England; but the Ship and he perished in Uirginia.

This yeere againe, diuers Ships intending to goe from Plimoth, so disagreed, as there went but one of two hundred Tunnes, who stayed in the Countrey about six weekes, with thirtie eight men and boyes, had her fraught, which shee sold at the first peny, for two thousand one hundred pounds, besides the Furs: so that euery poore Sayler, that had but a single share, had his charges, and sixteene pound ten shillings, for his seuen moneths worke. M. Thomas Darmer, hauing liued [ 40] about a yeere in New-found-land, returning to Plimoth, went for New England in this Ship, and not onely confirmes what I haue writ, but so much more approued of it, that he stayed there with fiue or six men in a little Boat; finding two or three Frenchmen among the Sauages, who had lost their Ship, augmented his company, with whom hee ranged the Coast to Virginia, where he was kindly welcommed and well refreshed; thence returned to New England againe, where ha∣uing beene a yeere, in his backe returne to Uirginia, he was so wounded by the Sauages, hee dyed vpon it, them escaped were relieued at Virginia. Let not men attribute their great aduentures and vntimely deaths to vnfortunatenesse, but rather wonder how God did so long preserue them, with so small meanes to doe so much, leauing the fruites of their labours, to bee an encouragement to those our poore vndertakings; and this for aduantage as they writ vnto mee, that God had laid [ 50] this Countrey open for vs, and slaine the most part of the Inhabitants by cruell Wars and a mor∣tall disease; for where I had seene one hundred or two hundred people, there is scarce ten to bee found. From Pembrocks Bay, to Harrintons Bay, there is not twentie; from thence to Cape Anne, some thirtie; from Taulbuts Bay to the Riuer Charles, about fortie, and not any of them touched with any sicknesse, but one poore Frenchman that dyed.

For to make triall this yeere, there is gone sixe or seuen sayle from the West Countrey, onely to fish, three of whom are returned, and as I was certainly informed, made so good a voyage, that euery Sayler for a single share had twentie pounds for his seuen moneths worke, which is more then in twentie months hee should haue gotten, had he gone for wages any where. Now, though all the former Ships haue not made such good voyages, as they expected, by sending opinionated [ 60] vnskilfull men, that had not experienced diligence to saue that they tooke, nor take that there was; which now patience and practise hath brought to a reasonable kinde of perfection: in de∣spite of all detractors and calumniations, the Country yet hath satisfied all, the defect hath bin in their vsing or abusing it, not in it selfe nor mee.

VPon these inducements, some few well disposed Gentlemen and Merchants of London and other places prouided two Ships, the one of one hundred and sixtie Tuns, the other of seuen∣tie; they left the Coast of England the three and twentieth of August, with about one hundred and twentie persons, but the next day the lesser Ship sprung a leake, that forced their returne to Plimouth, where discharging her and twentie Passengers, with the great Ship, and a hundred persons besides Sailers, they set saile againe the sixth of September, and the ninth of Nouember fell with Cape Iames; but being pestred nine weekes in this leaking vnwholsome Ship, lying wet in their Cabbins, most of them grew very weake and weary of the Sea, then for want of experi∣ence ranging to and againe sixe weekes before they found a place they liked to dwell on, forced to lie on the bare ground without couerture in the extremitie of Winter, fortie of them dyed, [ 10] and sixtie were left in very weake estate at the Ships comming away, about the fifth of April fol∣lowing, and arriued in England the sixth of May.

Immediately after her arriuall from London, they sent another of fiftie fiue Tuns to supply them, with thirtie seuen persons, they set saile in the beginning of Iuly, but being crossed by Westerly winds, it was the end of August ere they could passe Plimouth, and arriued at New Pli∣mouth in New England the eleuenth of Nouember, where they found all the people they left in April, as is said, lusty and in good health, except six that dyed. Within a moneth they returned here for England, laded with Clapboord, Wainscot, and Walnut, with about three Hogsheads of Beauer skins, and some Saxefras, the thirteenth of December, and drawing neere our Coast, was taken by a Frenchman, set out by the Marquis of Cera Gouernour of Ile Deu, on the Coast of [ 20] Poytou, where they kept the Ship, imprisoned the Master and Companie, tooke from them to the value of about fiue hundred pounds; and after fourteene dayes sent them home with a poore sup∣ply of Victuall, their owne being deuoured by the Marquis and his hungry seruants; they arriued at London the fourteenth of Februarie, leauing all them they found and carried to New England, well and in health, with victuall and Corne sufficient till the next Haruest.

The Copie of a Letter sent by this Ship.

LOuing Cousin, at our arriuall at New Plimoth in New England, wee found all our Friends and [ 30] Planters in good health, though they were left sicke and weake with very small meanes, the Indians round about vs peaceable and friendly, the Countrey very pleasant and temperate, yeelding naturally of it selfe great store of fruits, as Uines of diuers sorts in great abundance; there is likewise Walnuts, Ches∣nuts, Small-nuts and Plums, with much varietie of Flowers, Roots, and Hearbs, no lesse pleasant then wholsome and profitable: no place hath more Goose-berries, and Straw-berries, nor better; Timber of all sorts you haue in England, doth couer the Land, that affords Beasts of diuers sorts, and great flockes of Turkies, Quailes, Pigeons and Partridges: Many great Lakes abounding with Fish, Fowle, Beauers, and Otters. The Sea affoords vs as great plentie of all excellent sorts of Sea-fish, as the Riuers and Iles doth varietie of wild Fowle of most vsefull sorts. Mynes we find to our thinking, but neither the goodnesse nor qualitie wee know. Better Graine cannot be then the Indian Corne, if we will plant it vpon as good ground [ 40] as a man need desire. Wee are all Free-holders, the rent day doth not trouble vs, and all those good bles∣sings we haue, of which and what wee list in their seasons for taking. Our company are for most part ve∣ry religious honest people; the Word of God sincerely taught vs euery Sabbath: so that I know not any thing a contented mind can here want. I desire your friendly care to send my Wife and Children to mee, where I wish all the Friends I haue in England, and so I rest

Your louing Kinsman William Hilton.

From the West Countrey went ten or twelue Ships to Fish, which were all well fraughted; those that came first at Bilbow, made seuenteene pounds a single share, besides Beauer, Otters, and Martins skins; but some of the rest that came to the same Ports, that were already furnished, so glutted the Market, their price was abated, yet all returned so well contented, they are a prepa∣ring [ 50] to goe againe.

There is gone from the West of England onely to fish, thirtie fiue Ships, and about the last of April two more from London, the one of one hundred Tuns, the other of thirtie, with some sixtie Passengers to supply the Plantation with all necessary prouisions. Now though the Turke and French hath beene somewhat too busie, would all the Christian Princes but bee truly at vnitie, as his Royall Maiesty our Soueraigne Lord and King desireth, seuentie saile of good Ships were suf∣ficient to fire, the most of his Coasts in the Leuant, and make such a guard in the straits of Hel∣lespont, as would make the Great Turke himselfe more afraid in Constantinople, then the smallest Red Crosse, crosses the Seas would be, either of any French, Piccaroun, or the Pyrates of Argere. [ 60]

An Abstract of Letters sent from the Colony in New England, Iuly sixteene, 1622.

Since the newes of the Massacre in Virginia, though the Indians continue their wonted friendship, yet

are wee more wary of them then before; for their hands haue beene embrued in much English bloud, one∣ly by too much confidence, but not by force.

Here I must intreat a little your fauours to digresse. They did not kill the English, because they were Christians, but for their weapons and commodities, that were rare nouelties; but now they feare we may beat them out of their Dens, which Lions and Tygers would not admit but by force. But must this be an argument for an Englishman, or discourage any either in Virginia or New Eng∣land? No: ••or I haue tried them both. For Virginia, I kept that Countrey, with thirtie eight, and had not to eate but what we had from the Sauages. When I had ten men able to goe abroad, our Common-wealth was very strong: with such a number I ranged that vnknowne Countrey fourteene weekes; I had but eighteen to s••bdue them all, with which great Army I stayed sixe weeks before their greatest Kings habitations, till they had gathered together all the power they [ 10] could; and yet the Dutchmen sent at a needlesse excessiue charge did helpe Powhatan how to betray mee.

Of their numbers wee were vncertaine; but those two honourable Gentlemen, Captaine George Percie, and Captaine Francis West, two of the Phittiplaces, and some other such noble Gen∣tlemen and resolute spirts bore their shares with me, and now liuing in England, did see me take this murdering Opechankanough, now their Great King by the long lock on his head, with my Pi∣stoll at his breast, I led him among his greatest forces, and before wee parted, made him fill our Barke of twentie Tuns with Corne. When their owne wants was such, I haue giuen them part a∣gain in pitty, & others haue bought it again to plant their fields. For wronging a Souldier but the [ 20] value of a peny, I haue caused Powhatan send his own men to Iames Town to receiue their punish∣ment, at my discretion. It is true in our greatest extremity they shot me, slue three of my men, and by the folly of them that fled tooke me prisoner: yet God made Pocahontas the Kings Daughter the meanes to deliuer me: and thereby taught mee to know their treacheries to preserue the rest. It was also my chance in single combate to take the King of Paspahegh prisoner, and by keeping him, forced his subiects to worke in Chaines, till I made all the Countrey pay contribution, hauing little else-whereon to liue.

Twice in this time I was their President, & none can say in all that time I had a man slain: but for keeping them in that feare I was much blamed both there and heere: yet I left fiue hundred behind mee that through their confidence in sixe monethes came most to confusion, as you may [ 30] reade at large in the description of Virginia. When I went first to those desperate designes, it cost me many a forgotten pound to hire men to goe; and procrastination caused more runne away then went. But after the Ice was broken, came many braue Voluntaries: notwithstanding since I came from thence, the Honorable Company haue beene humble Suters to his Maiestie to get Vagabonds and condemned men to goe thither; nay, so much scorned was the name of Virgnia, some did chuse to be hanged ere they would goe thither, and were: yet for all the worst of spite, detraction and discouragement, and this lamentable Massacre, there are more honest men now suters to goe, then euer haue been constrained knaues; and it is not vnknowne to most men of vn∣derstanding, how happy many of those Callumners doe thinke themselues, that they might bee admitted, and yet pay for their passage to goe now to Virginia: and had I but meanes to transport [ 40] as many as would goe, I might haue choice of ten thousand that would gladly bee in any of those new places, which were so basely contemned by vngratefull base minds.

To range this Countrie of New England, in like manner I had but eight, as is said, and amongst their bruite conditions I met many of their silly incounters, and without any hurt, God be thank∣ed: when your West Countrie men were many of them wounded, and much tormented with the Sauages that assaulted their Ship, as they did say themselues, in the first yeare I was there 1614. and though Master Hunt then Master with me, did most basely in stealing some Sauages from that coast to sell, when he was directed to haue gone for Spaine, yet that place was so remote from Capawuck, where Epenew should haue fraughted them with Gold Ore, that his fault could be no cause of their bad successe, howeuer it is alledged for an excuse. I speake not this out of vain glory, as it may be some gleaners, or some was neuer there, may censure mee: but to let all [ 50] men be assured by those examples, what those Sauages are that thus strangely doe murder and be∣tray our Co••ntrie men. But to the purpose.

What is already writ of the healthfulnesse of the ayre, the richnesse of the soyle, the goodnesse of the Woods, the abundance of Fruits, Fish, and Fowle in their season, they still affirme that haue beene there now neer two yeeres, and at one draught they haue taken one thousand Basses, and in one night twelue hogs∣heads of Herring. They are building a strong Fort, they hope shortly to finish, in the interim they are well prouided: their number is about a hundred persons, all in health, and well neere sixtie Acres of ground well planted with Corne, besides their Gardens well replenished with vsefull fruits; and if their Aduentu∣rers would but furnish them with necessaries for fishing, their wants would quickly bee supplied. To supply [ 60] them this sixteenth of October, is going the Paragon, with sixtie seuen persons, and all this is done by pri∣uate mens purses. And to conclude in their owne words, should they write of all plenties they haue found, they thinke they should not be beleeued.

For the twentie sixe sayle of Ships, the most I can yet vnderstand is. M. Ambrose Iennens of London,

and Master Abraham Iennens of Plimmoth sent (their Abraham) a Ship of two hundred and twen∣tie Tuns, and the Nightingale of Porchmouth of a hundred: whose Fish at the first penie came to 3150 pounds: in all they were fiue and thirty saile: and wherein New found Land they shared sixe or seuen pounds for a common man, in New England they shared foureteene pounds; besides six Dutch and French Ships made wonderfull returnes in Furres.

Thus you may see plainely the yearely successe from New England (by Virginia) which hath bin so costly to this Kingdome, and so deare to me, which either to see perish or but bleede, par∣don me though it passionate me beyond the bounds of modesty, to haue bin sufficiently able to foresee it, and had neither power nor meanes how to preuent it. By that acquaintance I haue with them, I may call them my children, for they haue bin my Wife, my Hawkes, my Hounds, [ 10] my Cards, my Dice, and in totall my best content, as indifferent to my heart as my left hand to my right: and notwithstanding all those miracles of disasters haue crossed both them and me, yet were there not one Englishman remaining (as God be thanked there is some thousands) I would yet begin againe with as small meanes as I did at the first; not for that I haue any secret encou∣ragement from any I protest, more then lamentable experiences: for all their Discoueries I can yet heare of, are but Pigs of my owne Sowe; nor more strange to me then to heare one tell mee he hath gone from Billings gate and discouered Greenwich, Grauesend, Tilberry, Quinborow, Lee and Margit, which to those did neuer heare of them, though they dwell in England, might be made seeme some rare secrets and great Countries vnknowne, except the Relation of Master Dirmer. But to returne: It is certaine, from Cannada and New England within these sixe yeares, hath [ 20] come neere 20000. Beuer Skins. Now had each of those Ships transported but some small quan∣titie of the most increasing Beasts, Fowles, Fruites, Plants and Seedes, as I proiected, by this time their increase might haue bin sufficient for a thousand men. But the desire of present gaine (in many) is so violent, and the endeuours of many vndertakers so negligent, euery one so regar∣ding their priuate gaine, that it is hard to effect any publicke good, and impossible to bring them into a body, rule, or order, vnlesse both authority and money assist experiences. It is not a worke for euery one to plant a Colony; but when a House is built, it is no hard matter to dwell in it. This requireth all the best parts of art, iudgement, courage, honesty, constancy, diligence and experience to doe but neere well: your home-bred ingrossing proiectors shall finde there a great difference betwixt saying and doing. But to conclude, the Fishing will goe forward if you plant [ 30] it or no; whereby a Colonie may be transported with no great charge, that in a short time might prouide such fraughts to buy of vs there dwelling, as I would hope no Ship should goe or come empty from New England.

The charge of this is onely Salt, Nets, Hookes, Lines, Kniues, Irish Rugs, course Cloath, Beades, Glasse, and such like trash, onely for fishing and trade with the Sauages, beside our owne necessa∣ry prouisions, whose endeuours will quickly defray all this charge: and the Sauages haue intrea∣ted me to inhabite where I will. Now all these Ships, till this last yeare, haue bin fished with∣in a square of two or three leagues, and not one of them all would aduenture any further, where questionlesse fiue hundred saile may haue their fraught better then in Island, New found Land, or elsewhere, and be in their markets before the other can haue their fish in their Ships, because New [ 40] Englands fishing begins with February, the other not till mid May: the progression hereof tends much to the aduancement of Virginia and the Bermudas, whose emptie Ships may take in their fraught there, and would be a good friend in time of neede to the Inhabitants of New found Land, &c.

CHAP. IIII.

A Relation or Iournall of a Plantation setled at Plimoth in New Eng∣land, [ 50] and proceedings thereof; Printed 1622. and here abbreuiated.

WEdnesday the sixt of September, the Winde comming East North-east, a fine small gale, we loosed from Plimoth, hauing bin kindely entertained and curteously v∣sed by diuers friends there dwelling, and after many difficulties in boisterous stormes, at length by Gods prouidence vpon the ninth of Nouember following, by breake of the day we espied Land, which we deemed to be Cape Cod, and so afterward it proued. Vpon the eleuenth of Nouember, we came to an anchor in the Bay, which is a good harbour and pleasant Bay, circled round, except in the entrance, which is about foure [ 60] miles ouer from land to land, compassed about to the verie Sea with Oakes, Pines, Iuniper, Saffa∣fras, and other sweete Wood: it is a harbour wherein 1000. saile of Ships may safely ride, there wee relieued our selues with Wood and Water, and refreshed our people, while our Shallop was fitted to coast the Bay, to search for an habitation: there was the greatest store of Fowle that euer we saw.

And euerie day we saw Whales playing hard by vs, of which in that place, if wee had instru∣ments and meanes to take them, we might haue made a verie rich returne, which to our great griefe we wanted. Our Master and his Mate, and others experienced in fishing, professed, wee might haue made three or foure thousand pounds worth of Oyle; they preferred it before Green∣land Whale-fishing, and purpose the next winter to fish for Whale here: for Cod we assaied, but found none, there is good store no doubt in their season. Neither got we anie fish all the time we lay there, but some few little ones on the shoare. We found great Mussles, and verie fat and full of Sea Pearle, but we could not eate them, for they made vs all sicke that did eate, as well sai∣lers as passengers; they caused to cast and scoure, but they were soone well againe. The Baie is so round and circling, that before we could come to anchor, we went round all the points of the Compasse. We could not come neere the shoare by three quarters of an English mile, because of [ 10] shallow water, which was a great preiudice to vs, for our people going on shoare were forced to wade a Bow shoote or two in going aland, which caused manie to get colds and coughs, for it was manie times freezing cold weather.

This day before we came to harbour, obseruing some not well affected to vnitie and concord, but gaue some appearance of faction, it was thought good there should be an association and agree∣ment, that we should combine together in one bodie, and to submit to such gouernment and Go∣uernours, as we should by common consent agree to make and choose, and set our hands to this that followes word for word.

IN the name of God, Amen. We whose names are vnderwritten, the loyall Subiects of our [ 20] dread Soueraigne Lord King Iames, by the grace of God of Great Britaine, France, and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, &c. Hauing vndertaken for the glorie of God, and aduancement of the Christian faith, and honor of our King and Countrie, a Voiage to plant the first Colonie in the Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnely and matually in the presence of GOD and one of another, couenant and combine our selues together in a ciuill bodie politike, for our better ordering and preseruation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by vertue hereof to enact, constitute, and frame such iust and equall Lawes, Ordinances, acts, constituti∣ons, offices from time to time, as shall be thought most meete and conuenient for the generall good of the Colonie: vnto which wee promise all due submission and obedience. In witnesse [ 30] whereof we haue here vnder suscribed our names. Cape Cod eleuenth of Nouember, in the yeare of the raigne of our Soueraigne Lord King IAMES, of England, France and Ireland, 18. and of Scotland 54. Anno Domino 1620.

The same day so soone as we could we set ashoare fifteene or sixteene men, well armed, with some to fetch Wood, for we had none left; as also to see what the Land was, and what Inhabi∣tants they could meete with, they found it to be a small necke of Land: on this side where we lay is the Bay, and the furthest side the Sea: the ground or earth, sand hils, much like the Downes in Holland, but much better: the crust of the earth a Spits depth, excellent blacke earth: all woodded with Oakes, Pines, Saffafras, Iuniper, Birch, Holly, Vines, some Ash, Walnut; the Wood for the most part open and without vnder-wood, fit either to goe or ride in: at night our [ 40] people returned, but found not anie person, nor habitation, and laded their Boate with Iu∣niper, which smelled verie sweete and strong, and of which wee burnt the most part of the time we lay there.

Munday the thirteenth of Nouember, we vnshipped our Shallop, and drew her on land, to mend and repaire her, hauing bin forced to cut her downe in bestowing her betwixt the decks, and she was much opened with the peoples lying in her, which kept vs long ther, for it was sixteene or seuenteene daies before the Carpenter had finished her: our people went on shoare to refresh themselues, and our women to wash, as they had great neede: but whilest wee lay thus still, hoping our Shallop would be readie in fiue or six daies at the furthest, but our Carpenter made slow worke of it, so that some of our people impatient of delay, desired for our better fur∣therance [ 50] to trauaile by Land into the Countrie, which was not without appearance of danger, not hauing the Shallop with them, nor meanes to carrie prouision, but on their backes, to see whe∣ther it might be fit for vs to seate in or no, and the rather because as we sailed into the Harbour, there seemed to be a Riuer opening it selfe into the maine Land; the willingnesse of the persons was liked, but the thing it selfe, in regard of the danger was rather permitted then approued, and so with cautions, directions, and instructions, sixteene men were set out with euery man his Musket, Sword, and Corslet, vnder the conduct of Captaine Miles Standish, vnto whom was ad∣ioyned for counsell and aduise, William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley.

Wednesday the fifteenth of Nouember, they were set a shoare, and when they had ordered themselues in order of a single File, and marched about the space of a mile, by the Sea they espi∣ed [ 60] fiue or six people, with a Dogge, comming towards them, who were Sauages, who when they saw them, ran into the Woods and whistled the Dogge after them, &c. First, they supposed them to be Master Iones, the Master and some of his men, for they were a shoare, and knew of their comming: but after they knew them to be Indians they marched after them into the

Woods, least other of the Indians should lye in Ambush: but when the Indians saw our men fol∣lowing them, they ran away with might and maine; and our men turned out of the Wood after them, for it was the way they intended to goe, but they could not come neere them. They follow∣ed them that night about ten miles by the trace of their footings, & saw how they had come the same way they went, and at a turning perceiued how they raune vp an hill, to see whether they followed them. At length night came vpon them, and they were constrained to take vp their lodging, so they set forth three Sentinels, and the rest, some kindled a fire, and others fetched Woods & there held our Randeuous that night. In the morning so soone as we could see the trace, we proceeded on our iournie, and had the tracke vntill wee had compassed the head of a long creake, and there they tooke into another Wood, and we after them, supposing to finde some of their dwellings, but we marched thorow Boughes and Bushes, and vnder Hils and Vallies, which [ 10] tore our verie Armour in peeces, and yet could meete with none of them, nor their houses, nor finde any fresh water, which we greatly desired, and stood in neede off, for we brought neither Beere nor Water with vs, and our victuals was onely Bisket and Holland Cheese, and a little Bottell of Aquauite, so as we were sore a thirst. About ten a clocke we came into a deepe Val∣ley, full of brush, wood-gaile, and long grasse, through which wee found little paths or tracts, and there we saw a Deere, and found Springs of fresh Water, of which we were hartily glad, and sat vs downe and drunke our first New England Water, with as much delight as euer we drunke drinke in all our liues.

When we had refreshed our selues, we directed our course full South, that wee might come to [ 20] the shoare, which within a short while after we did, and there made a fire, that they in the Ship might see where we were (as wee had direction) and so marched on towards this supposed Ri∣uer: and as we went in another Valley, we found a fine cleere Pond of fresh water, being about a Musket shot broad, and twise as long: there grew also many small Vines, and Fowle and Deere haunted there; there grew much Sasafras: from thence we went on and found much plain ground about fiftie Acres, fit for the Plow, and some signes where the Indians had formerly planted, their Corne: after this, some thought it best for nearenesse of the Riuer to goe downe and tra∣uaile on the Sea sands, by which meanes some of our men were tired, and lagged behinde, so we stayed and gathered them vp, and strucke into the Land againe; where we found a little path to certaine heapes of Sand, one whereof was couered with old Mats, and had a woodden thing like [ 30] a Mor••er whelmed on the top of it, and an earthen pot laid in a little hole at the end thereof; we musing what it might be, digged and found a Bowe, and as we thought, Arrowes, but they were rotten; We supposed there were many other things, but because we deemed them graues, we put in the Bow againe and made it vp as it was, and left the rest vntouched, because we thought it would be odious vnto them to ransacke their Sepulchers. We went on further and found new stubble of which they had gotten Corne this yeare, and many Walnut trees full of Nuts, and great store of Strawberries, and some Vines; passing thus a field or two, which were not great, we came to another, which had also bin new gotten, and there wee found where an house had beene, and foure or fiue old Plankes laied together; also we found a great Kettle, which had beene some Ships kettle and brought out of Europe; there was also an heape of sand, made like [ 40] the former, but it was newly done, wee might see how they had padled it with their hands, which we digged vp, and in it we found a little old Basket full of faire Indian Corne, and digged further, and found a fine great new Basket full of very faire Corne of this yeare, with some sixe and thirty goodly eares of Corne, some yellow, and some red, and others mixt with blew, which was a very goodly sight: the Basket was round, and narrow at the top, it held about three or foure bushels, which was as much as two of vs could lift vp from the ground, and was very hand∣somely and cunningly made: But whilst we were busie about these things, we set our men Sen∣tinell in a round ring, all but two or three which digged vp the Corne. Wee were in suspence, what to doe with it, and the Kettle, and at length after much consultation, we concluded to take the Kettle, and as much of the Corne as wee could carry away with vs: and when our Shallop [ 50] came if we could finde any of the people, and came to parley with them, wee would giue them the Kettle againe, and satisfie them for their Corne.

So we tooke all the Eares, and put a good deale of the loose Corne in the Kettle, for two men to bring away one Staffe; besides, they that could put away into their Pockets filled the same; the rest wee buried againe, for we were so laden with Armour that we could carry no more. Not farre from this place we found the remainder of an old Fort, or Palizado, which as we conceiued had beene made by some Christians, this was also hard by that place which we thought had been a Riuer, vnto which we went and found it so to be, diui••ing it f••••re into two armes by an high banke, standing right by the Cut or Mouth which came from the Sea, that which was next vnto vs was the lesse, the other arme was more then twice as big, and not vnlike to bee an Harbou•• [ 60] for Ships; but whether it be a fresh Riuer, or onely an indraught of the Sea, wee had no time to discouer, for we had commandement to be out but two dayes. Here also we saw two Canoas, the one on the one side, the other on the other side, we could not beleeue it was a C••noa, t••ll we ca••e neere it, so we returned, leauing the further d••scouery hereof to our S〈…〉〈…〉 an•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that night

backe againe to the fresh water pond, and there we made our randeuous that night, making a great fire, and a Baricado to wind ward of vs, and kept good watch with three Sentinels all night, euery one standing when his turne came, while fiue or sixe inches of Match was burning. It proued a very rainie night. In the morning we tooke our Kettle and sunke it in the Pond, and trimmed our Muskets, for few of them would goe off because of the wet, and so coasted the Wood againe to come home, in which we were shrewdly pusled, and lost our way; as we wan∣dred we came to a tree, where a yong Spirit was bowed downe ouer a Bowe, and some Acornes strewed vnderneath; Stephen Hopkins said, it had beene to catch some Deere, so, as we were look∣ing at it, William Bradford oeing in the Reare, when he came looking also vpon it, and as he went about, it gaue a sodaine ierke vp, and he was immediately caught by the legge: It was a very [ 10] pretty deuise, made with a Roape of their owne making, and hauing a noose as artificially made, as any Roper in England can make, and as like ours as can be, which wee brought away with vs. In the end wee got out of the Wood, and were fallen about a mile too high aboue the creake, where we saw three Buckes, but we had rather haue had one of them. We also did spring three couple of Partridges; and as we came along by the creake, we saw great flockes of wilde Geese and Duckes, but they were very fearefull of vs. So we marched some while in the Woods, some while on the Sands, and other while in the Water vp to the knees, till at length we came neere the Ship, and then we shot off our Peeces, and the long Boate came to fetch vs: Master Iones and Master Caruer being on the shoare, with many of our people, came to meete vs. And thus wee came both weary and welcome home, and deliuered in our Corne into the store, to be kept for [ 20] seede, for we knew not how to come by any, and therefore was very glad, purposing so soone as we could meete with any of the Inhabitants of that place, to make them large satisfaction.

When our Shallop was fit indeede, before she was fully fitted, for there was two daies worke after bestowed on her, there was appointed some foure and twenty men of our owne, and armed, then to goe and make a more full discouery of the Riuers before mentioned. Master Iones was de∣sirous to goe with vs, and tooke such of his Saylers as he thought vsefull for vs, so as we were in all about foure and thirty men: we made Master Iones our Leader, for we thought it best herein to geatifie his kindnesse and forwardnesse. When we were set forth, it proued rough weather and crosse windes, so as we were constrained, some in the Shallop, and others in the long Boate, to row to the neerest shoare the winde would suffer them to goe vnto, and then to wade out a∣boue [ 30] the knees; the winde was so strong as the Shallop could not keepe the water, but was for∣ced to harbour there that night, but we marched six or seuen miles further, and appointed the Shallop to come to vs as soone as they could. It blowed and did snow all that day and night, and frose withall; some of our people that are dead tooke the originall of their death here. The next day about eleuen a clocke our Shallop came to vs, and we shipped our selues, and the winde being good, we sailed to the Riuer we formerly discouered, which we named Cold Harbour, to which when we came we found it not Nauigable for Ships, yet we thought it might be a good harbour for Boates, for it flowes there twelue foot at high water. We landed our men betweene the two creekes, and marched some foure or fiue miles by the greater of them, and the Shallop followed vs: at length night grew on, and our men were tired with marching vp and downe [ 40] the steepe Hils, and deepe Vallies, which lay halfe a foote thicke with Snow: Master Iones wea∣ried with marching, was desirous we should take vp our lodging, though some of vs would haue marched further, so we made there our Randeuous for that night, vnder a few Pine trees, and as it fell out we got three Geese, and six Duckes to our Supper, which we eate with Soldiers stomacks, for we had eaten little all that day. We marched to the place where we had the Corne formerly, which place we called Corne-hill; & digged & found the rest, of which we were very glad: we al∣so digged in a place a little farther off, & found a bottle of Oyle, we went to another place which we had seen before & digged and found more Corn, viz. two or three Baskets full of Indian wheat, and a bag of Beans, with a good many of faire wheat-eares; whilst some of vs were digging vp this, some others found another heape of Corn, which they digged vp also, so as we had in all about ten Bushels, which will serue vs sufficiently for Seede. And sure it was Gods good prouidence that we [ 50] found this corn, for else we knew not how we should haue done, for we knew not how we should finde, or meete with any of the Indians, except it be to doe vs a mischiefe. Also we had neuer in all likelihood seene a graine of it, if we had not made our first Iourney; for the ground was now eouered with Snow, and so hard frosen, that we were faine with our Curtlaxes and short Swords, to hew and carue the ground a foote deepe, and then wrest it vp with leauers, for we had forgot to bring other Tooles: whilst we were in this imploiment, foule weather being towards, M. Iones was earnest to goe aboord, but sundry of vs desired to make further discouery, and to finde out the Indians habitations, so we sent home with him our weakest people, and some that were sicke, and all the Corne, and eighteene of vs staied still, and lodged there that night, & desired that the Shal∣lop [ 60] might returne to vs next day, and bring vs some Mattockes and Spades with them.

When wee had marched fiue or six miles into the Woods, and could find no fignes of any peo∣ple, wee returned againe another way, and as we came into the plaine ground, wee found a place like a graue, but it was much bigger and longer then any wee had yet seene. It was also couered with boords, so as wee mused what it should be, and resolued to dig it vp; where we found, first a

Mat, and vnder that a faire Bow, and there another Mat, and vnder that a Boord about th〈…〉〈…〉 quarters long, finely carued and painted, with three▪ Ty••es, or broches on the top, like a Crowne also betweene the Mats we found Bowles, Trayes, Dishes, and such like Trinkets; at length wear came to a faire new Mit, and vnder that two Bundles, the one bigger, the other lesse, we opene〈…〉〈…〉 the greater and found in it a great quantitie of fine and perfect Red Powder, and in it the bone〈…〉〈…〉 and skull of a man. The skull had fine yellow haire still on it, and some of the flesh vnconsumed, there was bound vp with a Knife, a Packneedle, and two or three old Iron things. It was boun〈…〉〈…〉 vp in a Saylers Canuas Casacke, and a payre of Cloth Breeches; the Red Powder was a kind of•• Emba••lment, and yeelded a strong, but no offensiue smell; It was as fine as any Flower. We ope∣ned the lesse bundle likewise, and found of the same Powder in it, and the bones and head of a [ 10] little childe, about the legges, and other parts of it was Bound strings, and Bracelets of fine white Beads; there was also by it a little Bow, about three qu••rters long, and some other odde knackes: we brought sundry of the pretiest things away with vs, and couered the Corps vp againe. After this, we digged in sundry like places, but found no more Corne, nor any things else but graues: Whilest we were thus ranging and searching, two of the Saylers, which were newly come on the shoare, by chance espied two houses, which had beene lately dwelt in, but the people were gone. They hauing their Peeces, and hearing no body, entred the houses, and tooke out some thing, and durst not stay but came again & told vs; so some seuen or eight of vs went with them, and found how wee had gone within a flight shot of them before. The houses were made with long young Sapling Trees bended, and both ends stucke into the ground; they were made round, [ 20] like vnto an Arbour, and couered downe to the ground with thicke and well wrought Mats, and the doore was not ouer a yard high, made of a Mat to open: the Chimney was a wide open hole in the top, for which they had a Mat to couer it close when they pleased, one might stand and goe vpright in them; in the mi••st of them were foure little Tru••ches knockt into the ground, and small-stickes lai•• ouer, on which they hung their Pots, and what they had to seeth: round a∣bout the fire they lay on Mats, which are their Beds. The Houses were double matted, for as they were matted without, so were they within, with newer and fairer Mats. In the Houses wee found Woodden Bowle••, Trayes and Dishes, Earthen Pots, Hand-baskets made of Crab-shells, wrought together: also an English Payl••or Bucket, it wanted a Baile, but it had two Iron Eares: there was al••o Baskets of sundry sorts, bigger, and some lesser, finer, and some courfer: some were [ 30] curiously wrought wi••h Blacke and White in prettie workes, and sundry other of their houshold stuffe: wee found also two or three D••eres Heads, one whereof had been newly killed, for it was still fresh: there was also a company of Deeres Feete, stucke vp in the Houses, Harts Hornes, and Eagles Clawes, and sundry such like things there was: also two or three Baskets full of parched Acornes, pieces of Fish, and a piece of a broyled Herring. We found also a little Silke Grasse, and a little Tobacco Seed, with some other Seeds which wee knew not: without was sundry bundles of Flags, and Sedge, Bull-rushes, and other stuffe to make Mats; there was thrust into an hollow Tree, two or three pieces of Venison, but wee thought it fitter for the Dogges then for vs: some of the best things wee tooke away with vs, and left the houses standing still as they were: Much disputation fell out about the place where wee should abide; and a Company was chosen [ 40] to goe out vpon a third Discouery (whilest some were imployed in this Discouery', it pleased God that Mistris White was brought a bed of a Sonne, which was called Peregrine.)

Wednesday the sixt of December we set out, being very cold and hard weather, we were a long while after wee lanched from the Ship, before wee could get cleere of a Sandy Point, which lay within lesse then a furlong of the same. In which time, two were very sicke, and Edward Tilley had like to haue sou••ded with cold; the Gunner was also sicke vnto Death (but hope of trucking made him to goe) and so remained all that day, and the next night: at length wee got cleare of the Sandy Point, and got vp our Sayles, and within an houre or two wee got vnder the weather shoare, and t••en had smoother water and better sayling, but it was very cold, for the water froze on our clothes, and made them many times like coats of Iron: wee sayled sixe or seuen leagues by [ 50] the shoare, but saw neither Riuer nor Creeke, at length wee met with a tongue of Land, being flat off from the shoare, with a Sandy point, wee bore vp to gaine the Point, and found there a faire Income or Rode, of a Bay, being a league ouer at the narrowest, and some two or three in length, but wee made right ouer to the Land before vs, and left the discouerie of this Income till the next day: as wee drew neere to the shoare, wee espied some ten or twelue Indians, very busie about a blacke thing, what it was wee could not tell, till afterwards they saw vs, and ran to and fro, as if they had beene carrying something away, wee landed a league or two from them, and had much adoe to put a shoare any where, it lay so full of flat Sands: when wee came to shoare, we made vs a Baricado, and got fire Wood, and set out our Sentinells, and betooke vs to our lod∣ging, such as it was; wee saw the smoake of the fire which the Sauages made that night, about [ 60] foure or fiue miles from vs: in the morning wee diuided our Company, some eight in the Shallop, and the rest on the shoare went to discouer this place, but we found it onely to be a Bay, without either Riuer or Creeke comming into it. This place the most were minded wee should call, the Grampus Bay, because wee found many of them there: we followed the tract of the Indians bare

feet a good way on the Sands, at length we saw here they strucke into the Woods by the side of a Pond, as we went to view the place, one said, he thought he saw an Indian-house among the Trees, so went vp to see: and here we and the Shallop lost sight one of another till night, it being now about nine or ten a clocke; so we lite on a path, but saw no house, and followed a great way into the Woods, at length we found where Corne had been set, but not that yeere; a non we found a great burying place, one part whereof was incompassed with a large Palizado, like a Church-yard, with young spires foure or fiue yards long, set as close one by another as they could two or three foot in the ground; within it was full of Graues, some bigger and some lesse, some were also paled about, and others had like an Indian-house made ouer them, but not matted: those Graues were more sumptuous then those at Corne-hill, yet we digged none of them vp, only viewed them and went our way: without the Palizado were Graues also, but not so costly. [ 10] We went ranging vp and downe till the Sunne began to draw low, and then we hasted out of the Woods, that we might come to our Shallop. By that time we had done, and our Shallop come to vs it was within night, and we fed vpon such victualls as we had, and betooke vs to our rest af∣ter we had set out our watch. About midnight we heard a great and hideous cry, and our Sentinell called, Arme, Arme. So we bestirred our selues and shot off a couple of Muskets and noise ceased: we concluded, that it was a company of Wolues & Foxes, for one told vs he had heard such a noise in New-found-land. About fiue a clocke in the morning we began to be stirring, vpon a sudden wee heard a great & strange cry which we knew to be the same voices, though they varied their notes; one of the company being abroad came running in, and cried, They are men, Indians, Indians; and withall, their Arrowes came flying amongst vs, our men ran out with all speed to recouer their [ 20] Armes. The cry of our enemies was dreadfull, especially, when our men ran out to recouer their Armes, their note was after this manner, Woath woach ha ha hach woach: our men were no sooner come to their Armes, but the enemy was readie to assault them.

There was a lustie man, and no whit lesse valiant, who was thought to be their Captain, stood behind a Tree within halfe a Musket shot of vs, and there let his Arrowes flie at vs; hee stood three shots off a Musket, at length one tooke as he said full ayme at him, after which he gaue an extraordinarie cry and away they went all, wee followed them about a quarter of a mile, but wee left sixe to keepe our Shallop, for wee were carefull of our businesse. Wee tooke vp eighteene of their Arrowes, which wee had sent to England by Master Iones, some where∣of were headed with brasse, others with Harts horne, and others with Eagles clawes; many [ 30] more no doubt were shot, for these wee found were almost couered with leaues: yet by the spe∣ciall prouidence of God, none of them either hit or hurt vs. On Munday we found a very good Harbour for our shipping, we marched also into the Land, and found diuers corne Fields and little running Brookes, a place verie good for scituation, so we returned to our Ship againe with good newes to the rest of our people, which did much comfort their hearts.

This Harbour is a Bay greater then Cape Cod, compassed with a goodly Land, and in the Bay two fine Ilands vninhabited, wherein are nothing but Woods, Okes, Pines, Wal-nut, Beech, Sasi∣fras, Vines, and other Trees which we know not. This Bay is a most hopefull place, innumerable store of Fowle, and excellent good, and cannot but be of Fish in their seasons: Skote, Cod, Turbot and Herring we haue tasted of, abundance of Mufles the greatest and best that euer we saw; Crabs [ 40] and Lobsters, in their time infinite: It is in fashion like a Cikle or Fish-hooke.

The eighteenth we went along the Coast in the Woods, some seuen or eight mile, but saw not an Indian, nor an Indian house, onely we found where formerly had beene some Inhabitants, and where they had planted their Corne: wee found not any Nauigable Riuer, but foure or fiue small running Brookes of very fresh water, that all run into the Sea. The Land for the crust of the earth is a spits depth, excellent blacke mould and fat in some places; two or three great Okes, but not very thicke, Pines, Walnuts, Beech, Ash, Birch, Hasell, Holley, Asp, Sasifras, in abundance, and Vines euery where, Cherry-trees, Plum-trees, and many other which we know not; many kinds of Hearbs we found here in Winter, as Strawberry leaues innumerable, Sorrell, Yarow, Caruell, Brook-lime, Liver-wort, Water-cresses, great store of Leeks and Onyons, and an excellent strong [ 50] kind of Flax and Hempe. Here is Sand, Grauell, and excellent Clay, no better in the World, ex∣cellent for Pots, and will wash like Sope, and great store of Stone, though somewhat soft, and the best water that euer we drunke, and the Brookes now begin to be full of Fish; that night many being weary with marching, we went aboord againe.

The nineteenth of December, after our landing and viewing of the places, so well as we could we came to a conclusion, by most voyces, to set on the Maine Land, on the first place, on an high ground, where there is a great deale of Land cleered, and hath beene planted with Corne three or foure yeeres agoe, and there is a very sweet Brook runs vnder the Hill side, and many delicate Springs of as good water as can be drunke, and where wee may harbour our Shallops and Boates exceeding well, and in this Brooke is much good Fish in their seasons. On the further side of the [ 60] Riuer also much Corne ground cleered, in one Field is a great Hill, on which wee point to make a plat-forme, and plant our Ordnance, which will command all round about, from thence we may see into the Bay, and far into the Sea, and we may see thence Cape Cod.

Saturday the three and twentieth, so many of vs as could went on shore, felled and carried tim∣ber, to prouide themselues stuffe for building. Munday the fiue and twentieth, wee went on shoare, some to fell timber, some to sawe, some to riue, and some to carry, so no man rested all that day.

Munday the fiue and twentieth, being Christmasse day, we began to drinke water aboord, but at night the Master caused vs to haue some Beer, and so on boord we had diuers times now & then some Beere, but on shoare none at all. Wee tooke notice how many Families they were, willing all single men that had no wiues to ioyne with some Family as they thought fit, that so wee might build fewer houses, which was done, and we reduced them to nineteene Families; to grea∣ter Families we allotted larger plots, to euery person halfe a Pole in breadth, and three in length, [ 10] and so Lots were cast where euery man should lie, which was done, and staked out; we thought this proportion was large enough: at the first, for Houses and Gardens to impale them round, con∣sidering the weakenesse of our people, many of them growing ill with colds, for our former Dis∣coueries in frost and stormes, and the wading at Cape Cod had brought much weaknesse amongst vs, which increased euery day more and more, and after was the cause of many of our deaths.

Friday and Saturday wee fitted our selues for our labour, but our people on shoare were much troubled and discouraged with rayne and wet that day, being very stormy and cold; wee saw great smoakes of fire made by the Indians, about six or seuen miles from vs as wee co••iectured.

Thursday the fourth of Ianuarie, Captaine Miles Standish, with foure or fiue more, went to [ 20] see if they could meete with any of the Sauages in that place where the fires was made, they went to some of their houses but not lately inhabited, yet could they not meet with any; as they came home, they shot at an Eagle and killed her, which was excellent meat; It was hardly to be discerned from Mutton.

Tuesday the ninth of Ianury, was a reasonable faire day, and wee went to labour that day in the building of our Towne, in two rowes of houses for more safetie: wee diuided by lot the plot of ground whereon to build our Towne: After the proportion formerly allotted, we agreed that eue∣ry man should build his owne house, thinking by that course men would make more hast then working in common: the common house, in which for the first we made our Rendeuous, being neere finished, wanting only couering, it being about twentie foot square, some should make mor∣ter, [ 30] and some gather thatch, so that in foure daies halfe of it was thatched, frost and foule weather hindered vs much; this time of the yeare seldome could we worke halfe the weeke.

On the twelfth day, Iohn Goodman and Peter Browne at dinner time tooke their meat in their hands, and would go walke and refresh themselues, so going a little off they find a Lake of water, and hauing a great Mastiffe bitch with them, and a Spannell; by the water side they found a great D••ere, the Dogs chased him, and they followed sofar as they lost themselues, and could not find the way backe, they wandred all that afternoone being wet, and at night did freeze and snow, they were slenderly apparelled, and had no weapons but each one his Cicle, nor any victu∣alls, they ranged vp and downe and could finde none of the Sauages habitations. When it drew to night they were much perplexed, for they could find neither harbour nor meat, but in frost [ 40] and snow, were forced to make the Earth their bed, and the Element their couering, and another thing did very much terrifie them; they heard as they thought two Lions roaring exceedingly for a long time together, and a third, that they thought was very neere them: so not knowing what to doe, they resolued to climbe vp into a Tree as the safest refuge, though that would proue an intollerable cold lodging. They stood at the Trees root, that when the Lions came they might take their opportunitie of climbing vp, the Bitch they were faine to hold by the necke, for shee would haue beene gone to the Lion; but it pleased God so to dispose, that the wild Beasts came not: so they walked vp and downe vnder the Tree all night, it was an extreame cold night; so soone as it was light they trauelled againe, passing by many Lakes, and Brookes, and Woods, and in one place where the Sauages had burnt the space of fiue miles in length, which is a fine Cham∣pion [ 50] Countrey, and euen. In the afternoon it pleased God from an high Hill, they discouered the two Iles in the Bay, and so that night got to the Plantation, being ready to faint with trauell and want of victualls, and almost famished with cold, Iohn Goodman was faine to haue his shooes cut off his feet they were so swelled with cold, and it was a long while after ere hee was able to goe. The house was fired occasionally by a sparke that flew into the thatch, which instantly burnt it all vp, but the roofe stood and little hurt; the most losse was Master Caruers and William Brad∣fords, who then lay sicke in bed, and if they had not risen with good speed, had beene blowne vp with powder: but through Gods mercy they had no harme: the house was as full of beds as they could lie one by another, and their Muskets charged, but blessed be God there was no harme done

Munday the fifteenth day, it rained much all day, that they on ship-boord could not goe on shoare, nor they on shoare doe any labour but were all wet. Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, were [ 60] very faire Sun-shiny daies, as if it had beene in April, and our people so many as were in health wrought chearefully. The ninteenth day wee resolued to make a Shed, to put our common pro∣uision in, of which some were already set on shoare, but at noone it rained that wee could not

worke. This day in the euening, Iohn Goodman went abroad to vse his lame feet, that were pitty∣fully ill with the cold hee had got, hauing a little Spannell with him, a little way from the Plan∣tation, two great Wolues ran after the Dog, the Dog ran to him, and betwixt his legs for succour, he had nothing in his hand, but tooke vp a sticke and threw at one of them and hit him, and they presently ran both away, but came againe; he got a Paile boord in his hand, and they sate both on their tailes, grinning at him a good while and went their way and left him.

Saturday the seuenteenth day in the morning, we called a meeting for the establishing of Mili∣tary Orders amongst our selues, and we chose Miles Standish our Captaine, and gaue him authori∣tie of command in affayres.

Saturday the third of March, the wind was South, the morning mystie, but towards noone warme and faire weather: the Birds sang in the Woods most pleasantly; at one of the clocke it [ 10] thundred, which was the first we heard in that Countrey, it was strong and great claps, but short, but after an houre it rayned very sadly till midnight. Wednesday the seuenth of March, the wind was full East, cold, but faire.

Friday the sixteenth, there presented himselfe a Sauage, which caused an Alarum, he very bold∣ly came all alone and along the houses straight to the Randeuous, where we intercepted him, not suffering him to goe in, as vndoubtedly he would out of his boldnesse hee saluted vs in English, and bad vs welcome, for he had learned some broken English amongst the Englishmen that came to fish at Monhiggon, and knew by name the most of the Captaines, Commanders, and Masters, that vsually come; he was a man free in speech, so farre as he could expresse his minde, and of a seemly carriage, we questioned him of many things, he was the first Sauage we could meet with∣all; [ 20] hee said he was not of those parts, but of Morattiggon, and one of the Sagamores or Lords thereof, had beene eight moneths in these parts, it lying hence a daies saile with a great wind, and fiue dayes by Land: he discoursed of the whole Countrey, and of euery Prouince, and of their Sa∣gamores, and their number of men, and strength. The wind beginning to rise a little, wee cast a Horsemans Coat about him, for he was starke naked, only a leather about his wast, with a fringe about a span long, or little more; he had a Bow and two Arrowes, the one headed, and the other vnheaded; he was a tall straight man, the haire of his head blacke, long behind, only short before, none on his face at all; he a••ked some Beere, but we gaue him Strong-water and Bisket, and But∣ter, and Cheese, and Pudding, and a piece of a Mallerd; all which he liked wel, and had bin acquain∣ted [ 30] with such amongst the English; he told vs the place where we now liue, is called, Patuxet, and that about foure yeeres agoe all the Inhabitants died of an extraordinary plague, and there is nei∣ther man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed we haue round none, so as there is none to hinder our possession, or to lay claime vnto it. All the afternoone we spent in communication with him, we would gladly haue been rid of him at night, but he was not willing to goe this night, then we thought to carry him on ship-boord, wherwith hee was wel content and went into the Shallop, but the wind was high and water scant, that it could not returne backe. We lodged that night at Steuen Hopkins house, and watched him: the next day he went away back to the Masasoyts, from whence he said he came, who are our next bordering neighbours; they are sixtie strong, as he saith. The Nausites are as neere South-east of them, and are a hundred strong, and those were they of [ 40] whom our people were encountered, as we before related. They are much incensed and prouo∣ked against the English, and about eight moneths agoe slew three Englishmen, and two more hard∣ly escaped by flight to Monhiggon; they were Sir Ferdinando Gorge his men, as this Sauage told vs, as he did likewise of the Huggery, that is, Fight, that our discouerers had with the Nausites, and of our Tooles they were taken out of the Woods, which we willed him should be brought againe, otherwise we would right our selues. These people are ill affected towards the English, by reason of one Hunt, a Master of a Ship, who deceiued the people, and got them vnder colour of trucking with them, twentie out of this very place where we inhabite, and seuen men from the Nausites, and carried them away and sold them for Slaues, like a wretched man (for twentie pound a man) that care not what mischiefe he doth for his profit. [ 50]

Saturday in the morning we dismissed the Sauage, and gaue him a Knife, a Bracelet, and a Ring; he promised within a night or two to come again, & to bring with him some of the Massasoyts our neighbours, with such Beauers skins as they had to trucke with vs. Saturday and Sunday reaso∣nable faire dayes. On this day came againe the Sauage, and brought with him fiue other tall pro∣per men, they had euery man a Deeres skin on him, and the principall of them had a wild Cats skin, or such like on the one arme: they had most of them long hosen vp to their groynes, close made; and aboue their groynes to their wast another leather, they were altogether like the Irish∣trouses; they are of complexion like our English Gipseys, no haire or very little on their faces, on their heads long haire to the shoulders, onely cut before; some trussed vp before with a feather, broad wise, like a fan, another a Fox taile hanging out: these left (according to our charge giuen [ 60] him before) their Bowes and Arrowes a quarter of a mile from our Towne, we gaue them enter∣tainment as we thought was fitting them. They did eate liberally of our English victuals, they made semblance vnto vs of friendship and amitie; they sang and danced after this manner like Anticks; they brought with him in a thing like a Bow-case (which the principall of them had

about his wast) a little of their Corne pounded to powder, which put to a little water they eate: he had a little Tobacco in a bag, but none of them drunke but when he listed, some of them had their faces painted blacke, from the forehead to the chin, foure or fiue fingers broad; others after other fashions, as they liked: they brought three or foure Skins, but wee would not trucke with them all that day, but wished them to bring more, and we would trucke for all, which they promised within a night or two, and would leaue these behind them, though wee were not wil∣ling they should, and they brought all our Tooles againe which were taken in the Woods, in our mens absence, so because of the day we dismissed them so soone as we could. But Samoset our first acquaintance, either was sicke, or fained himselfe so, and would not goe with them, and staied with vs till Wednesday morning: Then we sent him to them, to know the reason they came not [ 10] according to their words, and we gaue him an Hat, a paire of Stockings and Shooes, a Shirt, and a piece of Cloth to tye about his wast.

Thursday the 22. of March, was a very faire warme day. About noone we met againe about our publike businesse, but we had scarce beene an houre together, but Samoset came againe, and Squanto, the onely Natiue of Patuxat, where wee now inhabite, who was one of the twentie Captiues that by Hunt were carried away, and had beene in England, and dwelt in Cornhill with Master Iohn Slanie a Merchant, and could speake a little English, with three others, and they brought them some few Skins to trucke, and some Red Herrings newly taken and dried, but not salted, and signified vnto vs, that there Great Sagamore Massasoyt was hard by, with Quadequina his brother, and all their men. They could not well expresse in English what they would, but af∣ter [ 20] an houre the King came to the top of an Hill ouer against vs, and had in his trayne sixtie men, that we could well behold them, and they vs: wee were not willing to send our Gouernour to them, and they vnwilling to come to vs, so Squanto went againe vnto him, who brought word that wee should send one to parley with him, which we did, which was Edward Winsloe, to know his mind, and to signifie the mind and will of our Gouernor, which was to haue trading and peace with him. Wee sent to the King a paire of Kniues, and a Copper Chaine, with a Iewell at it. To Quadequina we sent likewise a Knife and a Iewell to hang in his eare, and withall a Pot of strong water, a good quantitie of Bisket, and some Butter, which were all willingly accepted: our Mes∣senger made a speech vnto him, that King IAMES saluted him with words of Loue and Peace, and did accept of him as his Friend and Alley, and that our Gouernour desired to see him and to [ 30] trocke with him, and to confirme a Peace with him, as his next neighbour: hee liked well of the speech, and heard it attentiuely, though the Interpreters did not well expresse it; after hee had eaten ••nd drunk himselfe, & giuen the rest to his company, he looked vpon our Messengers Sword and Armor which he had on, with intimation of his desire to buy it, but on the other side, our Mes∣senger shewed his vnwillingnesse to part with it: In the end he left him in the custodie of Quade∣quina his brother, and came ouer the Brook and some twenty men following him, leauing all their Bowes and Arrowes behind them. We kept six or seuen as Hostages for our Messenger; Cap. Stan∣dish and M. Williamson met the King at the Brook, with halfe a dozen Musketiers, they saluted him and he them, so one going ouer, the one on the one side, and the other on the other, con∣ducted him to an house then in building, where wee placed a greene Rug, and three or foure Cushi∣ons. [ 40] Then instantly came our Gouernour, with a Drum and Trumpet after him, and some few Musketiers. After salutations, our Gouernour kissing his hand, the King kissed him, and so they sate downe. The Gouernour called for some strong water, and drunke to him, and he drunke a great draught that made him sweate all the while after; hee called for a little fresh meate, which the King did eate willingly, and did giue his followers. Then they treated of Peace, which was;

First, That neither he nor any of his should iniure or do hurt to any of our people. Secondly, & if any of his did hurt to any of ours, he should send the offender, that we might punish him. Thirdly, that if any of our tooles were taken away when our people were at work, he should cause them to bee restored, and if ours did any harme to any of his, we would doe the like to them. Fourthly, If any did vniustly war against him we would aide him; If any did war against vs, he should aide vs. [ 50] Fifthly, He should send to his neighbor Confederates, to certifie them of this, that they might not wrong vs, but might be likewise comprised in the conditions of Peace. Sixthly, That when their men came to vs, they should leaue their Bowes and Arrowes behind them, as wee should doe our Peeces when we came to them. Lastly, that doing thus King IAMES would esteeme of him as his Friend and Ally: all which the King seemed to like well, and it was applauded of his fol∣lowers, all the while he sate by the Gouernour hee trembled for feare. In his person hee is a very lusty man, in his best yeeres, an able body, graue of countenance, and spare of speech: In his at∣tyre little or nothing differing from the rest of his followers, onely in a gr••a•• Chaine of white bone Beades about his neck, & at it behind his neck hangs a little bag of Tobacco, which he drank and gaue vs to drinke; his face was painted with a sad Red like Murry, and oyled both head and [ 60] face, that hee looked greasily: All his followers likewise, were in their faces in part or in whole painted, some Blacke, some Red, some Yellow, and some White, some with Crosses, and other Antick workes, some had Skins on them, and some naked, all strong tall men in appearance. The King had his bosome hanging in a string, a great long Knife; he maruelled much at our Trumpet,

and some of his men would sound it as well as they could, Samoset and Squanto, stayed all night with vs, and the King and all his men lay all night in the Wood, not aboue halfe an English mile from vs, and all their wiues and women with them, they said, that within eight or nine daies, they would come and set Corne on the other side of the Brooke, and dwell there all Summer, which is hard by vs. That night wee kept good watch, but there was no appearance of danger; the next morning diuers of our people came ouer to vs, hoping to get some victualls as wee ima∣gined, some of them told vs the King would haue some of vs come see him; Captaine Standish, and Isaac Alderton went venterously, who were welcommed of him after their manner: he gaue them three or foure ground Nuts, and some Tobacco. Wee cannot yet conceiue, but that hee is [ 10] willing to haue peace with vs, for they haue seene our people sometimes alone two or three in the Woods at worke and Fowling, when as they offered them no harme, as they might easily haue done, and especially because hee hath a potent Aduersarie, the Narowhiganseis, that are at warre with him, against whom hee thinkes wee may bee some strength to him, for our Peeces are ter∣rible vnto them. This morning they sta••ed till ten or eleuen of the clocke, and our Gouernour bid them send the Kings Kettle, and filled it full of Pease, which pleased them well, and so they went their way.

Friday was a very faire day, Samoset and Squanto stil remained with vs, Squanto went at noon to fish for Eeles, at night he came home with as many as hee could well lift in one hand, which our people were glad of, they were fat and sweete, hee trod them out with his feete, and so caught [ 20] them with his hands without any other Instrument. This day we proceeded on with our com∣mon businesse, from which we had bin so often hindred by the Sauages comming, and concluded both of Militarie Orders, and of some Lawes and Orders as we thought behoouefull for our pre∣sent estate, and condition, and likewise chuse our Gouernour for this yeere, which was Master Iohn Carver, a man well approued amongst vs.

IT seemed good to the Company for many considerations, to send some amongst them to Mas∣sasoyt, the greatest Commander amongst the Sauages, bordering about vs; partly to know where to find them, if occasion serued, as also to see their strength, discouer the Countrey, pre∣uent abuses in their disorderly comming vnto vs, make satisfaction for some conceiued iniuries [ 30] to be done on our parts, and to continue the league of Peace and Friendship betweene them and vs. For these, and the like ends, it pleased the Gouernour to make choice of Steven Hopkins, and Edward Winsloe to goe vnto him, and hauing a fit opportunitie, by reason of a Sauage, called Tis∣quantum (that could speake English) comming vnto vs: with all expedition prouided a Horse∣mans Coat, of Red Cotton, and laced with a slight Lace for a Present, that both they and their message might bee the more acceptable amongs them.

Wee set forward the tenth of Iune, about nine a clock in the morning, our guide resoluing that night to rest at Namaschet, a Towne vnder Massasoyt, and conceiued by vs to be very neere, be∣cause the Inhabitants flocked so thicke vpon euery slight occasion amongst vs: but wee found it to bee some fifteene English miles. On the way wee found some ten or twelue men, women, and [ 40] children, which had pestered vs, till wee were wearie of them, perceiuing that (as the manner of them all is) where victuall is easiliest to be got, there they liue, especially in the Summer: by rea∣son whereof, our Bay affording many Lobsters, they resort euery Spring Tide thither: and now returned with vs to Namaschet. Thither we came about three a clocke after noone, the Inha∣bitants entertaining vs with ioy, in the best manner they could, giuing vs a kind of bread, called by them Maizium, and the spawne of Shads, which then they got in abundance, in so much as they gaue vs spoones to eate them, with these they boyled mustie Acornes, but of the Shads wee eate heartily. After this they desired one of our men to shoot at a Crow, complaining what da∣mage they sustained in their Corne by them, who shooting some fourescore off and killing, they much admired it, as other shots on other occasions. After this Tisquantum told vs wee should [ 50] hardly in one day reach Pakanokick, mouing vs to go some eight miles further, where we should find more store and better victuals then there: Being willing to hasten our iourney we went, and came thither at Sunne setting, where we found many of the Namascheucks (they so calling the men of Namaschet) fishing vpon a Wa••e which they had made on a Riuer which belonged to them, where they caught abundance of Basse. These welcommed vs also, gaue vs of their fish, and we them of our victualls, not doubting but we should haue enough where ere we came. There we lodged in the open fields: for houses they had none, though they spent the most of the Summer there. The head of this Riuer is reported to bee not farre from the place of our abode, vpon it are, and haue beene many Townes, it being a good length. The ground is very good on both sides, it being for the most part cleered: Thousands of men haue liued there, which died in a great plague [ 60] not long since: and pittie it was and is to see, so many goodly fields, and so well seated, without men to dresse and manure the same. Vpon this Riuer dwelleth Massasoyt.

The next morning wee brake our fast, tooke our leaue and departed, being then accompanied with some sixe Sauages, hauing gone about sixe miles by the Riuer side, at a knowne shoale place, it being low water, they spake to vs to put off our breeches, for wee must wade thorow. Here

let me not forget the valour and courage of some of the Sauages, on the opposite side of the Riuer, for there were remaining aliue onely two men, both aged, especially the one being aboue three∣score: These two espying a company of men entring the Riuer, ran very swiftly and low in the grasse to meet vs at the Banke, where with shrill voyces and great courage, standing charged vp∣on vs with their Bowes, they demanded what wee were, supposing vs to be enemies, and think∣ing to take aduantage on vs in the water: but seeing wee were friends, they welcommed vs with such food as they had, and we bestowed a small bracelet of Beads on them. Thus farre we are sure the Tide ebbes and flowes.

Hauing here againe refreshed our selues we proceeded in our Iourney, the weather being verie hot for trauell, yet the Countrey so well watered, that a man could scarce be drie, but hee should [ 10] haue a Spring at hand to cloole his thirst, beside small Riuers in abundance: But the Sauages will not willingly drinke, but at a Spring head. When we came to any small Brooke, where no Bridge was, two of them desired to carry vs through of their owne accords, also fearing wee were or would bee wearie, offered to carrie our Peeces, also if wee would lay off any of our clothes, wee should haue them carried: and as the one of them had found more speciall kindnesse from one of the Messengers, and the other Sauage from the other; so they shewed their thankfulnesse accor∣dingly in affording vs all helpe, and furtherance in the Iourney.

As we passed along, we obserued that there were few places by the Riuer, but had beene inha∣bited, by reason whereof much ground was cleere, saue of weeds which grew higher then our heads. There is much good Timber, both Oake, Walnut-tree, Firre, Beech, and exceeding great [ 20] Chesnut-trees.

After we came to a Towne of Massasoyts, where we eat Oysters and other Fish. From thence we went to Packanokick, but Massasoyt was not at home, there we staied, he being sent for: when newes was brought of his comming, our guide Tisquantum requested that at our meeting, wee would discharge our Peeces, but one of vs going about to charge his Peece, the women and chil∣dren through feare to see them take vp his Peece, ran away, and could not be pacified, till he laid it downe againe, who afterward were better informed by our Interpreter. Massasoyt being come, wee discharged our Peeces, and saluted him, who after their manner kindly welcommed vs, and tooke vs into his house, and set vs downe by him, where hauing deliuered our Message and Pre∣sents, and hauing put the Coat on his backe, and the Chaine about his necke, hee was not a little [ 30] proud to behold himselfe, and his men also to see their King so brauely attired. For answer to our Message, he told vs we were welcome, and he would gladly continue that Peace and Friend∣ship which was betweene him and vs: and for his men they should no more pester vs as they had done: Also, that hee would send to Paomet, and would helpe vs with Corne for Seed, according to our request.

This being done, his men gathered neere vnto him, to whom hee turned himselfe, and made a great Speech; they sometime interposing, and as it were, confirming and applauding him in that he said. The meaning whereof was (as farre as wee could learne) thus; Was not bee Massasoyt Commander of the Countrey about them? Was not such a Towne his and the people of it? and should they not bring their skins vnto vs. After this manner, he named at least thirtie places, and [ 40] their answere was as aforesaid to euery one: so that as it was delightfull, it was tedious vnto vs. This being ended, he lighted Tobacco for vs, and fell to discoursing of England, and of the Kings Maiestie, maruelling that hee would liue without a Wife. Also hee talked of the Frenchmen, bid∣ding vs not to suffer them to come to Narohiganset, for it was King IAMES his Countrey, and he also was King IAMES his man. Late it grew, but victualls he offered none; for indeed he had not any, being he came so newly home. So we desired to goe to rest: hee laid vs on the bed with himselfe and his wife, they at the one end and wee at the other, it being onely plankes laid a foot from the ground, and a thinne Mat vpon them. Two more of his chiefe men for want of roome pressed by and vpon vs; so that wee were worse wearie of our lodging then of our iourney. [ 50]

The next day being Thursday, many of their Sachmis, or pettie Gouernours came to see vs, and many of their men also. There they went to their manner of Games for Skins and Kniues. There we challenged them to shoot with them for Skins: but they durst not: onely they desired to see one of vs shoot at a marke, who shooting with Haile-shot, they wondred to see the marke so full of holes. About one a clocke, Massasoyt brought two Fishes that he had shot, they were like Breame, but three times so bigge, and better meat. These being boyled▪ there were at least fortie looked for share in them, the most eate of them: This meale onely we had in two nights and a day, and had not one of vs bought a Partridge, we had taken our Iourney fasting: Very im∣portunate hee was to haue vs stay with them longer: But wee desired to keepe the Sabbath at home, and feared wee should either bee light-headed for want of sleepe, for what with bad lod∣ging, [ 60] the Sauages barbarous singing (for they vse to sing themselues asleepe) Lice and Fleas with∣in doores, and Muskeetoes without, wee could hardly sleepe all the time of our being there; we much fearing that if we should stay any longer, we should not bee able to recouer home for want of strength. So that on the Friday morning before Sun-rising, wee tooke our leaue and departed,

Massasoyt being both grieued and ashamed, that he could not better entertaine vs; and retaining Tisquantum to send from place to place to procure trucke for vs: and appointing another, called Tokamahamon in his place, whom we had to and faithfull before and after vpon all occasions.

THe eleuenth of Iune we set forth toward Nauset, the weather being very faire: but ere we had bin long at Sea, there arose a storme of winde and raine, with much lightning and thun∣der, in so much that a spout arose not farre from vs: but God be praised, it dured not long, and we put in that night for Harbour at a place called Cummaquid, where we had some hope to finde the Boy. Two S••uages were in the Boat with vs, the one was Tisquantum our Interpreter, the o∣other Tokamahamon, a speciall friend. It being night before we came in, wee Anchored in the middest of the Bay, where we were dry at a low water. In the morning we espied Sauages seek∣ing [ 10] Lobsters, and sent our two Interpreters to speake with them, the channell being betweene them; where they told them what we were, and for what we were come, willing them not at all to feare vs, for we would not hurt them. Their answere was, that the Boy was well, but he was at Nauset; yet since wee were there they desired vs to come ashoare and eate with them: which as soone as our Boate floated we did: and went sixe ashoare, hauing foure pledges for them in the Boate. They brought vs to their Sachim or Gouernour, whom they call Iyanough, a man not exceeding twenty six yeares of age, but very personable, gentle courteous, and faire conditio∣ned, indeed not like a Sauage, saue for his attyre: his entertainment was answerable to his parts, and his cheare plentifull and various. [ 20]

One thing was very grieuous vnto vs at this place: There was an old Woman, whom wee iudged to be no lesse then an hundred yeares old, which came to see vs because shee neuer saw English, yet could not behold vs without breaking forth into great passion, weeping and crying excessiuely. We demanding the reason of it, they told vs, she had three Sonnes, who when Ma∣ster Hunt was in these parts, went aboord his Ship to trade with him, and he carried them Cap∣tiues into Spaine (for Tisquantum at that time was carried away also) by which meanes shee was depriued of the comfort of her children in her old age. We told them wee were sorry that any Englishman should giue them that offence, that Hunt was a bad man, and that all the English that heard of it condemned him for the same: but for vs, we would not offer them any such iniury, though it would gaine vs all the Skins in the Countrie. So we gaue her some small trifles, which somewhat appeased her. [ 30]

After dinner we tooke Boate for Nauset, Iyanough and two of his men accompanying vs. Ere we came to Nauset, the day and tide were almost spent, in so much as we could not goe in with our Shallop: but the Sachim or Gouernour of Cummaquid went ashoare and his men with him, we also sent Tisquantum to tell Aspinet the Sachim of Nauset, wherefore we came. After Sun∣set Aspinet came with a great traine, and brought the Boy with him, one bearing him through the water: he had not lesse then an hundred with him, the halfe whereof came to the Shallop side vnarmed with him, the other stood aloofe with their Bowe and Arrowes. There he deliue∣red vs the Boy, beh••ng with Beades, and made peace with vs, wee bestowing a Knife on him, and likewise on another that first entertained the Boy and brought him thither. So they depar∣ted [ 40] from vs.

Here we vnderstood that the Narrohigansets had spoyled some of Massasoyts men, and taken him. This strucke some feare in vs, because the Colony was so weakely guarded, the strength thereof being abroad: But we set forth with resolution to make the best haste home we could; yet the winde being contrary, hauing scarce any fresh water left, and at least sixteene leagues home, we put in againe for the shoare. There we met againe with Iyanough the Sachim of Cum∣maquid, and the most of his Towne, both men, women and children with him. Hee being still willing to gratifie vs, tooke a runlet and led our men in the darke a great way for water, but could finde none good; yet brought such as there was on his necke with them. In the meane time the women ioyned hand in hand, singing and dancing before the Shallop, the men also shewing all the kindenesse they could, Iyanough himselfe taking a Bracelet from about his necke, and hang∣ing [ 50] it vpon one of vs. By Gods prouidence we came safely home that night.

CHAP. V.

Good newes from New England: Or, A Relation of things remarkeable in that Plantation; written by E. WINSLOVV and here abbreuiated.

THe good Ship called the Fortune, which in the Moneth of Nouember 1621. (bles∣sed be God) brought vs a new supply of fiue and thirty persons, was not long de∣parted [ 60] our Coast, ere the Great people of Nanohigganset, which are reported to ••e many thousands strong, began to breath forth many threats against vs, not∣withstanding their desired and obtained peace with vs in the fore-going Summer. Insomuch as the common talke of our neighbour Indians on all sides was of the

preparation they made to come against vs, In reason, a man would thinke they should haue now more cause to feare vs than before our supply came: but though none of them were present, yet vnderstanding by others that they neither brought Armes nor other prouisions with them, but wholly relied on vs, it occasioned them to sleight and braue vs with so many threats as they did. At length came one of them to vs, who was sent by Conauacus their chiefe Sachim or King, ac∣companied with one Tokamahamon a friendly Indian. This Messenger inquired for Tisquantum our Interpreter, who not being at home seemed rather to be glad then sorry, and leauing for him a bundle of new Arrowes lapped in a rattle Snakes skinne, desired to depart with all expedition.

When Tisquantum returned, and the Arrowes were deliuered, and the manner of the Messen∣gers [ 10] cariage related, he signified to the Gouernour, that to send the rattle Snakes skinne in that manner, imported enmitie, and that it was no better then a challenge. Hereupon, after some de∣liberation, the Gouernour stuffed the skin with Powder and Shot, and sent it backe, returning no lesse defiance to Conauacus, assuring him if he had Shipping now present thereby to send his men to Nanohigganset (the place of his abode) they should not neede to come so farre by Land to vs: yet withall, shewing that they should neuer come vnwelcome or vnlooked for. This message was sent by an Indian, and deliuered in such sort, as it was no small terrour to this Sauage King, insomuch as he would not once touch the Powder and Shot, or suffer it to stay in his House or Countrie. Whereupon the Messenger refusing it, another tooke it vp, and hauing beene posted from place to place a long time, at length came whole backe againe. [ 20]

In the meane time, knowing our owne weakenesse, notwithstanding our high words and loftie lookes towards them, and still lying open to all casualty, hauing as yet (vnder God) no o∣ther defence then our Armes, we thought it most needfull to impale our Towne, which with all expedition we accomplished in the moneth of February, and some few dayes, taking in the top of the Hill vnder which our Towne is seated, making foure Bulwarkes or ietties without the ordinary circuit of the Pale, from whence we could defend the whole Towne: In three whereof are Gates, and the fourth in time to be. This being done, Captaine Standish diuided our strength into foure squadrons or companies, appointing whom he thought most fit to haue command of each: And at a generall Muster or Training, appointed each his place, gaue each his Company, giuing them charge vpon euery alarum to resort to their Leaders to their appointed place, and in [ 30] his absence, to be commanded and directed by them. That done according to his order, each drew his Company to his appointed place for defence, and there together discharged their Muskets. After which they brought their new Commanders to their houses, where againe they graced them with their shot, and so departed. Fearing also least the enemy at any time should take any aduantage by firing our houses, Captaine Standish appointed a certaine Company, that whensoe∣uer they saw or heard fire to be cryed in the Towne, should onely betake themselues to their Armes, and should inclose the house or place so indangered, and stand aloofe on their guard, with their backes towards the fire, to preuent trechery, if any were in that kinde intended. If the fire were in any of the houses of this guard, they were then freed from it, but not otherwise, without speciall command. [ 40]

Long before this time we promised the people of Massachuset in the beginning of March to come vnto them, and trade for their Furres, which being then come, we began to make prepa∣ration for that Voyage. In the meane time, an Indian, called Hobbamocke, who still liued in the Towne, told vs, that he feared the Massachusets or Massachuseuks (for they so called the people of that place) were ioyned in confederacie with the Nanohigganneucks, or people of Nanohig∣ganset, and that they therefore would take this opportunity to cut off Captaine Standish and his Company abroad: but howsoeuer in the meane time, it was to be feared that the Nanohigganeuks would assault the Towne at home, giuing many reasons for his iealousie, as also that Tisquantum was in the confederacy, who we should finde would vse many perswasions to draw vs from our Shallops to the Indians houses for their better aduantage. [ 50]

Notwithstanding the forenamed Captaine with ten men, accompanied with Tisquantum and Hobbamocke, set forwards for the Massachusets: but we had no sooner turned the point of the Harbour, called the Gurnets nose (where being becalmed we let fall our grapneli, to set things to rights, and prepare to row) but there came an Indian of Tisquantums family, running to certaine of our people that were from home with all eagernesse, hauing his face wounded, and the bloud still fresh on the same, calling to them to repaire home, oft looking behinde him, as if some o∣thers had him in chase, saying that at Namaschet (a Towne some fifteene miles from vs) there were many of the Nanobiggansets, Massassowat our supposed friend; and Conbatant our feared ene∣my, with many others, with a resolution to take aduantage on the present opportunity, to as∣sault the Towne in the Captaines absence, affirming that hee receiued the wound in his face for [ 60] speaking in our behalfe, and by sleight escaped, looking oft backward, as if he suspected them to be at hand. This he affirmed againe to the Gouernour, whereupon he gaue command that three peece of Ordnance should be made ready and discharged, to the end that if wee were not out of hearing, we might returne thereat. Which we no sooner heard, but we repaired homeward with

all conuenient speede, arming our selues, and making all in readinesse to fight. When wee entred the Harbour, we saw the Towne like wise on their guard, whither we hasted with all conueni∣ent speede. The newes being made knowne vnto vs, Hobbamock said flatly that it was false, as∣suring vs of Massassowats faithfulnesse; howsoeuer he presumed he would neuer haue vndertaken any such act without his priuitie, himselfe being a Pinse, that is, one of his chiefe Champions or men of valour, it being the manner amongst them not to vndertake such enterprises without the aduice and furtherance of men of that ranke.

The Gouernour caused Hobbamock to send his wife with all priuacie to Puckanokick the chiefe place of Massassowats residence (pretending other occasions) there to informe her selfe, and so vs, of the right state of things. When she came thither, and saw all things quiet, and that no such [ 10] matter was or had beene intended, she told Massassowat what had hapned at Plimoth (by them called Patuxet) which when he vnderstood, he was much offended at the carriage of Tisquantum, returning many thankes to the Gouernour for his good thoughts of him; and assuring him, that according to their first Articles of peace, hee would send word and giue warning when any such businesse was towards.

Thus by degrees we began to discouer Tisquantum, whose ends were onely to make himselfe great in the eyes of his Country-men, by meanes of his neerenesse and fauour with vs, not caring who fell, so he stood. In generall, his course was to pers wade them hee could lead vs to peace or warre at his pleasure, and would oft threaten the Indians, sending them word in a priuate man∣ner, we were intended shortly to kill them, that thereby he might get gifts to himselfe to worke [ 20] their peace, insomuch as they had him in greater esteeme then many of their Sachims, yea, they themselues sought to him, who promised them peace in respect of vs; yea, and protection also, so as they would resort to him. So that whereas diuers were wont to relye on Massassowat for protection, and resort to his abode, now they began to leaue him, and seeke after Tisquantum. But when we vnderstood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and innocen∣cy therein, assuring them till they begun with vs, they should haue no cause to feare. And if any hereafter should raise any such reports, they should punish them as liers and seekers of their and our disturbance, which gaue the Indians good satisfaction on all sides.

After this we proceeded in our Voyage to the Massachusets, where we had good store of Trade and (blessed be God) returned in safety, though driuen from before our Towne in great danger and [ 30] extremity of weather. At our returne, we found Massassowat at the Plantation, who made his seeming iust Apologie for all former matters of accusation, being much offended and inraged a∣gainst Tisquantum, whom the Gouernour pacified as much as he could for the present. But not long after his departure, he sent a Messenger to the Gouernour, intreating him to giue way to the death of Tisquantum, who had so much abused him. But the Gouernour answered; Although he had deserued to dye both in respect of him and vs; yet for our sakes he desired he would spare him, and the rather because without him he knew not well how to vnderstand himselfe, or any other the Indians. With this answer the Messenger returned, but came againe not long after, ac∣companied with diuers others, demanding him from Mass••ssowat their Master, as being one of his subiects, whom by our first Articles of peace we could not retaine: yet because hee would not [ 40] willingly doe it without the Gouernors approbation, offered him many Beuers skins for his con∣sent thereto, saying, that according to their manner, their Sachim had sent his owne Knife, and therewith, to cut off his head and hands, and bring them to him. To which the Gouernour an∣swered; It was not the manner of the English to sell mens liues at a price, but when they had de∣serued iustly to die, to giue them their reward, and therefore refused their Beauers as a gift: but sent for Tisquantum, who though he knew their intent, yet offered not to flye, but came and ac∣cused Hobbamocke as the author and worker of his ouerthrow; yeelding himselfe to the Gouer∣nour to be sent or not according as he thought meete. But at the instant, when our Gouernour was ready to deliuer him into the hands of his Executioners, a Boate was seene at Sea to 〈…〉〈…〉e before our Towne, and fall behinde a head-land not farre off: whereupon, hauing heard many rumours of the French, and not knowing whether there were any combination betweene the [ 50] Sauages and them, the Gouernour told the Indians, he would first know what Boate that was ere he would deliuer him into their custody. But being mad with rage, and impatient at delay, they departed in great heate.

Here let me not omit one notable (though wicked) practise of this Tisquantum, who to the end he might possesse his Countrimen with the greater feare of vs, and so consequently of him∣selfe, told them we had the plague buried in our store-house, which at our pleasure we could send forth to what place or people we would, and destroy them therewith, though wee stirred not from home. Being vpon the forenamed brabbles sent for by the Gouernour to this place, where Hobbamock was & some other of vs, the ground being broke in the middest of the house (where∣under [ 60] certaine barrels of Powder were buried, though vnknowne to him) Hobbamock asked him what it meant? To whom he readily answered; That was the place wherein the plague was buried, whereof he formerly told him and others. After this Hobbamock asked one of our people whether such a thing were, and whether we had such command of it? Who answered no; But

the God of the English had it in store, and could send it at his pleasure to the destruction of his and our enemies.

This was, as I take it, about the end of May, 1622. At which time our store of victuals was wholly spent, hauing liued long before with a bare and short allowance: The reason was, that supply of men before mentioned, which came so vnprouided, not landing so much as a barrell of Bread or Meale for their whole Company, but contrariwise receiued from vs for their Ships store homeward. Neither were the setters forth thereof altogether to be blamed therein, but rather certaine amongst our selues, who were too prodigall in their writing and reporting that plenty we en••oyed. But that I may returne.

This Boate proued to be a Shallop that belonged to a fishing Ship, called the Sparrow, set forth [ 10] by Master Thomas Weston, late Merchant and Citizen of London, which brought six or seuen pas∣sengers at his charge, that should before haue beene landed at our Plantation, who also brought no more prouision for the present then serued the Boats gang for their returne to the Ship, which made ••er Voyage at a place called Damarins Coue, neere Munhiggen, some forty leagues from vs North-east-ward; about which place there fished aboue thirty saile of Ships, and whither my selfe was imployed by our Gouernour, with orders to take vp such victuals as the Shippes could spare; where I found kinde entertainment and good respect, with a willingnesse to supply our wants: But being not able to spare that quantity I required, by reason of the necessitie of some amongst themselues, whom they supplied before my comming, would not take any Bils for the same, but did what they could freely, wishing their store had beene such as they might in greater [ 20] measure haue expressed their owne loue, and supplied our necessities, for which they sorrowed, prouoking one another to the vtmost of their abilities: which although it were not much a∣mongst so many people as were at the Plantation, yet through the prouident and discreete care of the Gouernours, recouered and preserued strength till our owne crop on the ground was ready.

Hauing dispatched there, I returned home with all speede conuenient, where I found the state of the Colony much weaker then when I left it: for til now we were neuer without some Bread, the want wherof much abated the strength and flesh of some, and swelled others. But here it may be said, if the Countrey abound with Fish and Fowle in such measure as is reported, how could men vndergoe such measure of hardnesse, except through their owne negligence? I answere: E∣uery [ 30] thing must be expected in its proper season. No man, as one said, will goe into an Orchard in the Winter to gather Cherries: so he that lookes for Fowle there in the Summer, will be de∣ceiued in his expectation. The time they continue in plenty with vs, is from the beginning of October to the end of March: but these extremities befell vs in May and Iune. I confesse, that as the Fowle decrease, so Fish increase. And indeede their exceeding abundance was a great cause of increasing our wants. For though our Bay and Creekes were full of Basse, and other fish, ye•• for want of fit and strong S••y••es, and other netting, they for the most part brake thorow and carried all away before them. And though the Sea were full of Cod, yet we had neither tackling nor harseis for our Shallops. And indeede had we not beene in a place where diuers sorts of Shel∣fish are that may be taken with the hand, we must haue perished, vnlesse God had raised some vn∣knowne [ 40] or extraordinary meanes for our preseruation.

In the time of these streits (indeede before my going to Munhiggen) the Indians began againe to cast forth many insulting speeches, glorying in our weakenesse, and giuing out how easie it would be ere long to cut vs off. Now also Massassowat seemed to frowne on vs, and neither came or sent to vs as formerly. These things occasioned further thoughts of Fortification. And whereas we haue a Hill called the Mount, inclosed within our Pale, vnder which our Towne is seated, we resolued to erect a Fort thereon, from whence a few might easily secure the Town from any assault the Indians can make, whilest the rest might be imployed as occasion serued. This worke was begun with great eagernesse, and with the approbation of all men, hoping that this being once finished, and a continuall guard there kept, it would vtterly discourage the Sa∣uages [ 50] from hauing any hopes or thoughts of rising against vs. And though it tooke the greatest part of our strength from dressing our Corne, yet (life being continued) wee hoped God would raise some meanes in stead thereof for our further preseruation.

In the end of Iune, or beginning of Iuly, came into our harbour two Ships of Master Westons aforesaid, the one called the Charitie, the other the Swan, hauing in them some fiftie or sixtie men sent ouer at his owne charge to plant for him. These we receiued into our Towne, affording them whatsoeuer curtesie our meane condition could afford. There the Charitie, being the big∣ger Ship, left them, hauing many passengers which she was to land in Uirginia. In the meane time, the body of them refreshed themselues at Plimoth, whilest some most fit sought out a place for them. That little store of Corne we had, was exceedingly wasted by the vniust and dishonest [ 60] walking of these strangers, who though they would sometimes seeme to helpe vs in our labour about our Corne, yet spared not day and night to steale the same, it being then eatable, and plea∣sant to taste, though green and vnprofitable. And though they receiued much kindnesse, s••t light both by it and vs. At length their Coast••rs returned, hauing found in their iudgement a place fit

for plantation, within the Bay of the Massachusets, at a place called by the Indians Wichagus∣cusset. To which place the body of them went with all conuenient speede, leauing still with vs such as were sicke and lame, by the Gouernours permission, though on their parts vndeserued, whom our Surgeon by the helpe of God recouered gratis for them, and they fetched home, as oc∣casion serued. They had not beene long from vs, ere the Indians filled our eares with clamours a∣gainst them, for stealing their Corne, and other abuses conceiued by them. At which we grieued the more, because the same men, in mine owne hearing, had beene earnest in perswading Cap∣taine Standish, before their comming to solicite our Gouernour to send some of his men to plant by them, alledging many reasons how it might be commodious for vs. But wee knew no meanes to redresse those abuses, saue reproofe, and aduising them to better walking, as occa∣sion serued. [ 10]

In the end of August came other two Ships into our harbour, the one (as I take it) was called the Discouerie, Captaine Iones hauing the command thereof, the other was that Ship of Master Westons, called the Sparrow, which had now made her Voyage of Fish, and was consorted with the other, being both bound for Uirginta. Of Captaine Iones we furnished our selues of such pro∣uisions as we most needed, and he could best spare, who as he vsed vs kindely, so made vs pay largely for the things we had. And had not the Almighty, in his All-ordering Prouidence, dire∣cted him to vs, it would haue gone worse with vs, then euer it had beene, or after was: for, as we had now but small store of Corne for the yeere following: so for want of supply, we were worne out of all manner of trucking-stuffe, not hauing any meanes left to helpe our selues by trade; but [ 20] through Gods good mercy towards vs, hee had wherewith, and did supply our wants on that kinde competently.

In the end of September, or beginning of October, Master Westons biggest Ship called the Cha∣ritie, returned for England, and left their Colony sufficiently victualled, as some of most credit amongst them reported. The lesser, called the Swan, remained with his Colony for their further helpe. At which time they desired to ioyne in partnership with vs to trade for Corne; to which our Gouernour and his Assistant agreed vpon such equall conditions, as were drawne and confir∣med betweene them and vs. The chiefe places aimed at were to the Southward of Cape Cod, and the more because Tisquantum, whose peace before this time was wrought with Ma∣sassowat, vndertooke to discouer vnto vs that supposed, and still hoped passage within [ 30] the Sholes.

Both Colonies being thus agreed, our Gouernour in his owne person supplied the Captaines place, and in the month of Nouember set forth, hauing Tisquantum for his Interpreter and Pi∣lot, who affirmed he had twice passed within the Sholes of Cape Cod, both with English and French. Neuerthelesse, they went so farre with him, as the Master of the Ship saw no hope of passage: but being (as he thought) in danger, bare vp, and according to Tisquantums directions, made for an harbour not farre from them, at a place called Manamoycke, which they found, and sounding it with their Shallop found the channell, though but narrow and crooked, where at at length they harboured the Ship. Here they perceiued that the Tide set in and out with more violence at some other place more Southerly, which they had not seene nor could discouer, by [ 40] reason of the violence of the season all the time of their abode there. Some iudged the entrance thereof might be beyond the Sholes, but there is no certainty thereof as yet knowne. That night the Gouernour accompanied with others, hauing Tisquantum for his Interpreter went ashoare: At first the Inhabitants plaied least in sight, because none of our people had euer beene there be∣fore; but vnderstanding the ends of their comming, at length came to them, welcomming our Gouernour according to their Sauage manner, refreshing them very well with store of Venison and other victuals which they brought them in great abundance, promising to trade with them, with a seeming gladnesse of the occasion: yet their ioy was mixed with much iealousie, as appea∣red by their after practises: for at first they were loath their dwellings should be knowne, but when they saw our Gouernours resolution to stay on the shoare all night, they brought him to their houses, hauing first conuaied all their stuffe to a remote place, not farre from the same, which one of our men walking forth occasionally, espied; whereupon, on the sudden, neither it nor [ 50] they could be found, and so many times after vpon conceiued occasions, they would be all gone, bag and baggage. But being afterwards (by Tisquantums meanes) better perswaded, they left their iealousie and traded with them; where they got eight hogsheads of Corne and Beanes, though the people were but few. This gaue our Gouernour and the Company good encourage∣ment. Tisquantum being still confident in the passage, and the Inhabitants affirming, they had seene Ships of good burthen passe within the Sholes aforesaid. But here, though they had deter∣mined to make a second assay, yet God had otherwaies disposed, who strucke Tisquantum with sicknesse, in so much as he there died, which crossed their Southward trading, and the more, be∣cause the Masters sufficiency was much doubted, and the season very tempestuous, and not fit to [ 60] goe vpon discouery, hauing no guide to direct them.

From thence they departed, and the winde being faire for the Massachusets, went thither, and the rather because the Sauages vpon our motion had planted much Corne for vs, which they

promised not long before that time. When they came thither, they found a great sicknesse to be amongst the Indians, not vnlike the Plague, if not the same. They renued their complaints to our Gouernour, against that other Plantation seated by them, for their iniurious walking. But in∣deede the trade both for Furres and Corne was ouerthrowne in that place, they giuing as much for a quart of Corne, as we vsed to doe for a Beauers skin; so that little good could be there done. From thence they returned into the bottome of the Bay of Cape Cod, to a place called Nauset, where the Sachim vsed the Gouernour very kindely, and where they bought eight or ten hogs∣heads of Corne and Beanes. Also at a place called Mattachiest, where they had like kinde en∣tertainment and Corne also. During the time of their trade in these places, there were so great and violent stormes, as the Ship was much endangered, and our Shallop cast away, so that they [ 10] had now no meanes to carry the Corne aboard that they had bought, the Ship riding by their re∣port well neere two leagues from the same, her owne Boate being small, and so leake (hauing no Carpenter with them) as they durst scarce fetch wood or water in her. Hereupon the Gouer∣nour caused the Corne to be made in a round stacke, and bought Mats, and cut Sedge to couer it, and gaue charge to the Indians not to meddle with it, promising him that dwelt next to it a re∣ward, if he would keepe vermine also from it, which he vndertooke, and the Sachim promised to make good. In the meane time, according to the Gouernors request, the Sachim sent men to seek the Shallop, which they found buried almost in sand at a high-water marke, hauing many things remaining in her, but vnseruiceable for the present; whereof the Gouernour gaue the Sachim speciall charge that it should not be further broken. And hauing procured a Guide, it being no lesse [ 20] then fiftie miles to our Plantation, set forward, receiuing all respect that could be from the In∣dians in his iourney, and came safely home, though weary and surbated, whether some three dayes after the Ship also came. The Corne being diuided which they had got, Master Westons Company went to their owne Plantation, it being further agreed, that they should returne with all conuenient speede, and bring their Carpenter, that they might fetch the rest of the Corne, and saue their Shallop.

At their returne Captaine Standish being recouered and in health, tooke another Shallop, and went with them to the Corne, which they found in safety as they left it: also they mended the other Shallop, and got all their Corne aboard the Ship. This was in Ianuary, as I take it, it being very cold and stormy, insomuch as (the harbour being none of the best) they were constrained to [ 30] cut both the Shallops from the Ships sterne, and so lost them both a second time. But the storme being ouer, and seeking out, they found them both, not hauing receiued any great hurt. Whilest they were at Nauset, hauing occasion to lye on the shoare, laying their Shallop in a Creeke not farre from them, an Indian came into the same, and stole certaine Beads, C••ssers, and other trifles out of the same, which when the Captaine missed, he tooke certaine of his company with him, and went to the Sachim, telling him what had hapned, and requiring the same againe, or the par∣ty that stole them (who was knowne to certaine of the Indians) or else he would reuenge it on them before his departure, and so tooke leaue for that night being late, refusing whatsoeuer kind∣nesse they offered. On the morrow, the Sachim came to their randeuow, accompanied with ma∣ny men, in a stately manner, who saluting the Captaine in this wise; He thrust out his tongue, [ 40] that one might see the roote thereof, and there with licked his hand from the wrist to the fingers end, withall bowing the knee, striuing to imitate the English gesture, being instructed therein formerly by Tisquantum: his men did the like, but in so rude and Sauage a manner, as our men could scarce forbeare to breake out in open laughter. After salutation, he deliuered the Beads, and other things to the Captaine, saying, he had much beaten the party for doing it, causing the wo∣men to make Bread, and bring them, according to their desire, seeming to be very sorry for the fact, but glad to be reconciled. So they departed, and came home in safety; where the Corne was equally diuided, as before.

After this, the Gouernour went to two other inland Townes, with another Company, and bought Corne likewise of them, the one is called Namasket, the other Manomet. That from Na∣masket [ 50] was brought home partly by Indian women; but a great sicknesse arising amongst them, our owne men were inforced to fetch home the rest. That at Manomet the Gouernour left in the Sachims custody: this Towne lieth from vs South well neere twenty miles, and stands vpon a fresh Riuer, which runneth into the Bay of Nanobigganset, and cannot be lesse then sixty miles from thence. It will beare a Boat of eight or ten tun to this place. Hither the Dutch, or French, or both vse to come, It is from hence to the Bay of Cape Cod about eight miles; out of which Bay it floweth into a Creeke some six miles almost direct towards the Towne. The heads of the Riuer, and this Creeke, are not farre distant. This Riuer yeeldeth thus high, Oysters, Muscles, Clams, and other Shel-fish, one in shape like a Beane, another like a Clam, both good meate, and great abundance at all times; besides it aboundeth with diuers sorts of fresh fish in their seasons. [ 60] The Gouernour or Sachim of this place, was called Canacum, who had formerly, as well as many others (yea all with whom as yet we had to doe) acknowledged themselues the Subiects of our Soueraigne Lord the King. This Sachim vsed the Gouernour very kindely, and it seemed was of good respect and authority amongst the Indians. For whilest the Gouernour was there within

night in bitter weater, came two men from Manamoick, before spoken of, and hauing set aside their Bowes and Quiuers, according to their manner, sat down by the fire, and tooke a pipe of To∣bacco, not vsing any words in that time, nor any other to them, but all remained silent, expecting when they would speake: At length they looked toward Canacum, and one of them made a short speech, and deliuered a present to him from his Sachim, which was a basket of Tobacco, and many Beades, which the other receiued thankfully. After which, he made a long speech to him, the contents hereof was related to vs by Hobbamock (who then accompanied the Gouernour for his Guide) to be as followeth; It hapned that two of their men fell out as they were in game (for they vse gaming as much as any where, and will play away all, euen their skin from their backs, yea and for their wiues skins also, though it may be they are many miles distant from them, [ 10] as my selfe haue seene) and growing to great heat, the one killed the other. The actor of this fact was a Powah, one of speciall note amongst them, and such an one as they could not well misse, yet another people greater then themselues threatned them with warre, if they would not put him to death. The partie offending was in hold, neither would their Sachim doe one way or other till their returne, resting vpon him for aduice and furtherance in so weightie a matter. After this there was silence a short time; at length men gaue their iudgement what they thought best. A∣mongst others, he asked Hobbamock what he thought? Who answered, he was but a stranger to them, but thought it was better that one should die then many, since he had deserued it, and the rest were innocent; whereupon he passed the sentence of death vpon him.

Not long after (••auing no great quantitie of Corne left) Captaine Standish went againe with a [ 20] Shallop to Mattachiest, meeting also with the like extremitie of weather, both of winde, S••ow, and Frost, insomuch as they were frozen in the harbour the first night they entred the same. Here they pretended their wonted loue, and spared them a good quantitie of Corne to confirme the same: Strangers also came to this place pretending onely to see him and his Companie, whom they neuer saw before that time, but intending to ioyne with the rest to kill them, as after ap∣peared. But being forced through extremitie to lodge in their houses, which they much pres∣sed, God possessed the heart of the Captaine with iust iealousie, giuing strait command, that as one part of his Companie slept, the rest should wake, declaring some things to them which he vnderstood, whereof he could make no good construction. Some of the Indians spying a fit op∣portunitie, stole some Beades also from him, which he no sooner perceiued, hauing not aboue six [ 30] men with him, drew them all from the Boat, and set them on their guard about the Sachims house, where the most of the people were, threatning to fall vpon them without further delay, if they would not forthwith restore them, signifying to the Sachim especially, and so to them all, that as he would not offer the least iniurie, so he would not receiue any at their hands, which should escape without punishment or due satisfaction. Hereupon the Sachim bestirred him to finde out the partie, which when he had done, caused him to returne them againe to the Shallop, and came to the Captaine, desiring him to search whether they were not about the Boat, who suspecting their knauerie, sent one, who found them lying openly vpon the Boats cu••dy; yet to appease his anger, they brought Corne afresh to trade, insomuch as he laded his Shallop, and so departed. This accident so daunted their courage, as they durst not attempt any thing against [ 40] him. So that through the good mercy and prouidence of God they returned in safetie. At this place the Indians get abundance of Basse both Summer and Winter, for it being now February they abounded with them.

In the beginning of March, hauing refreshed himselfe, he tooke a Shallop, and went to Mano∣met, to fetch home that which the Gouernour had formerly bought, hoping also to get more from them, but was deceiued in his expectation, not finding that entertainment he found else∣where, and the Gouernour had there receiued. The reason whereof, and of the trecherie inten∣ded in the place before spoken of, was not then knowne vnto vs, but afterwards: wherein may be obserued the abundant mercies of God working with his prouidence for our good. Cap∣taine Standish being now farre from the Boat, and not aboue two or three of our men with him, and as many with the Shallop, was not long at Canacum the Sachims house, but in [ 50] came two of the Massachuset men, the chiefe of them was called Wituwamat, a notable insulting villaine, one who had formerly imbrued his hands in the bloud of English and French, and had oft boasted of his owne valour, and derided their weaknesse, especially because (as he said) they died crying, making sowre faces, more like children then men. This villaine tooke a dagger from about his necke (which hee had gotten of Master Westons people) and presented it to the Sachim, and after made a long speech in an audacious manner, framing it in such sort, as the Captaine (though he be the best Linguist amongst vs) could not gather any thing from it. The end of it was afterward discouered to be as followeth: The Mas∣sacheuseuckes formerly concluded to ruinate Master Westons Colonie, and thought them∣selues, [ 60] being about thirty or forty men strong, enough to execute the same: yet they durst not attempt it, till such time as they had gathered more strength to themselues to make their partie good against vs at Plimoth, concluding, that if wee remained (though they had no other Arguments to vse against vs) yet wee would neuer leaue the death of

our Countrimen vnreuenged, and therefore their safetie could not be without the ouerthrow of both Plantations. To this end they had formerly solicited this Sachim, as also the other called I anough at Mattachiest, and many others to assist them, and now againe came to pro∣secute the same; and since there was so faire an opportunitie offered by the Captaines pre∣sence, they thought best to make sure him and his Company. After this message was deli∣uered, his entertainment much exceeded the Captaines, insomuch as hee scorned at their be∣hauiour, and told them of it: after which, they would haue perswaded him, because the weather was cold, to haue sent to the Boate for the rest of his Company, but he would not, desiring according to promise, that the Corne might be carried downe, and he would con∣tent the women for their l••bour, which they did. At the same time there was a lusty Indian of [ 10] Paomet or Cap: Cod then present, who had euer demeaned himselfe well towards vs, being in his generall carriage very affable, courteous, and louing, especially towards the Captaine. This Sauage was now entred into confederacie with the rest, yet to auoide suspition, made many signes of his continued affections, and would needes bestow a Kettle of some six or seuen gallons on him, and would not accept of any thing in lieu thereof, saying, he was rich, and could af∣ford to bestow such fauours on his friends whom he loued: also hee would freely helpe to car∣ry some of the Corne, ••ffirming he had neuer done the like in his life before, and the winde be∣ing bad would needes lodge with him at their Randeuow, hauing indeede vndertaken to kill him before they parted, which done they intended to fall vpon the rest. The night proued exceeding cold, insomuch as the Captaine could not take any rest, but either walked or tur∣ned [ 20] himselfe to and fro at the fire: This the other obserued, and asked wherefore he did not sleepe as at other times, who answered he knew not well, but had no desire at all to rest. So that he then mist hisopportunity. The winde seruing on the next day, they returned home, accompanied with the other Indian, who vsed many arguments to perswade them to go to Paomet, where himself had much Corne, and many other, the most wherof he would procure for vs, seeming to sorrow for our wants. Once the Captaine put forth with him, and was forced backe by contrary winde; which winde serued for the Massachuset, was fitted to goe thither. But on a sudden it altered againe.

During the time that the Captaine was at Manomet, newes came to Plimoth that Massasso∣wat was like to die, and that at the same time there was a Dutch Ship driuen so high on the shoare by stresse of weather, right before his dwelling, that till the tides encreased, she could not be got [ 30] off. Now it being a commendable manner of the Indians, when any (especially of note) are dan∣gerously sicke, for all that professe friendship to them, to visit them in their extremity, either in their persons, or else to send some acceptable persons to them, therefore it was thought meete (being a good and warrantable action) that as we had euer professed friendship, so we should now maintaine the same, by obseruing this their laudable custome: and the rather, because we desired to haue some conference with the Dutch, not knowing when we should haue so fit an opportu∣nity. To that end my selfe hauing formerly beene there, and vnderstanding in some measure the Dutch tongue, the Gouernour againe laid this seruice vpon my selfe, and fitted me with some cor∣dials to administer to him, hauing one Master Iohn Hamden a Gentleman of London (who then wintered with vs, and desired much to see the Country) for my Consort, and Hobbamocke for our [ 40] guide. So we set forward, and lodged the first night at Namasket, where we had friendly enter∣tainment.

The next day about one of the clock, we came to a ferrie in Conbatants Country, where vpon discharge of my Peece, diuers Indians came to vs from a house not far off. There they told vs, that Massassowat was dead, and that day buried, and that the Dutch would be gone before we could get thither, hauing houe off their Ship already. This newes strucke vs blanke; but especially Hob∣bamocke, who desired we might returne with all speede. I told him I would first thinke of it, con∣sidering now that he being dead, Combatant was the most like to succeede him, and that we were not aboue three miles from Mattapuyst his dwelling place, although he were but a hollow-hear∣ted friend towards vs, I thought no time so fit as this, to enter into more friendly tearmes with [ 50] him, and the rest of the Sachims thereabout, hoping (through the blessing of God) it would be a meanes in that vnsetled state, to settle their affections towards vs, and though it were somewhat dangerous, in respect of our personall safety, because my selfe and Hobbamocke had beene imploy∣ed vpon a seruice against him, which he might now fitly reuenge; yet esteeming it the best means, leauing the euent to God in his mercy. I resouled to put it in practise, if Master Hamden and Hob∣bamock durst attempt it with me, whom I found willing to that or any other course might tend to the generall good. So we went towards Mattapuyst. In the way, Hobbamocke manifesting a troubled spirit, brake forth into these speeches, Neen womasu Sagimus, neen womasu Sagimus, &c. My louing Sachim, my louing Sachim. Many haue I knowne, but neuer any like thee: And tur∣ning him to me said; Whilest I liued, I should neuer see his like amongst the Indians, saying, he [ 60] was no lyer, he was not bloudy and cruell like other Indians; In anger and passion he was soone reclaimed, easie to be reconciled towards such as had offended him, ruled by reason in such mea∣sure, as he would not scorne the aduice of meane men, and that he gouerned his men better with few stroakes then others did with many; truely louing where he loued; yea, he feared we had not

a faithfull friend left among the Indians, shewing how he oft-times restrained their malice, &c. continuing a long speech with such signes of lamentation and vnfeined sorrow, as it would haue made the hardest heart relent.

At length we came to Mattapuyst, and went to the Sachimo Comaco (for so they called the Sa∣chims place, though they call an ordinary house Witeo) but Combatant the Sachim was not at home, but at Puckanokick, which was some fiue or six miles off; the Squa-sachim (for so they call Sachims wife) gaue vs friendly entertainment. Here we enquired againe concerning Massassowat, they thought him dead, but knew no certainty; wherupon I hired one to goe with all expedition to Puckanokick, that we might know the certainty thereof, and withall to acquaint Combatant with our there being. About halfe an houre before Sun-setting, the messenger returned, and told vs that he was not yet dead, though there was no hope we should finde him liuing. Vpon this we [ 10] were much reuiued, and set forward with all speede, though it was late within night ere we got thither. About two of the clock that afternoone the Dutchmen departed, so that in that respect our iournie was frustrate. When we came thither, we found the house so full of men, as we could scarce get in, though they vsed their best diligence to make way for vs. There were they in the middest of their charmes for him, making such a hellish noise, as it distempered vs that were well, and therefore vnlike to ease him that was sicke. About him were six or eight women, who chafed his armes, legs, and thighes, to keep heat in him: when they had made an end of their charming, one told him that his friends the English were come to see him (hauing vnderstanding left, but his sight was wholly gone) he asked who was come, they told him Winsnow (for they cannot pro∣nounce the letter••, but ordinarily n in the place thereof) he desired to speake with me: when I [ 20] came to him, & they told him of it, he put forth his hand to me, which I took; then he said twice, though very inwardly, keen Winsnow, which is to say, art thou Winslow? I answered, a••••e, that is, yes; then he doubled these words, Matta neen wonckanet namen Winsnow; that is to say, O Winslow I shall neuer see thee again. Then I called Hobbamock, and desired him to tell Massassowat, that the Gouer∣nor hearing of his sicknes, was sorry for the same, & though by reason of many businesses he could not come himselfe, yet he sent me with such things for him as he thought most likely, to doe him good in this extremity, and whereof if he pleased to take, I would presently giue him; which he desired, and hauing a confection of many comfortable Conserues, on the point of my Knife I gaue him some, which I could scarce get thorow his teeth; when it was dissolued in his mouth, he swal∣lowed the iuice of it, whereat those that were about him much reioyced, saying, he had not swal∣lowed [ 30] any thing in two daies before. Then I desired to see his mouth, which was exceedingly fur∣red, and his tongue swelled in such manner, as it was not possible for him to eat such meat as they had, his passage being stopt vp. Then I washed his mouth, and scraped his tongue, & got abundance of corruption out of the same. After which, I gaue him more of the confection, which he swallow∣ed with more readines; then he desired to drinke, I dissolued some of it in water, and gaue him thereof; within halfe an houre this wrought a great alteration in him in the eies of all that beheld him; presently after his sight began to come to him. In the meane time I inquired how he slept, and when he went to stoole? They said he slept not in two daies before, & had not had a stoole in fiue; then I gaue him more, and told him of a mishap we had by the way in breaking a bottle of drink, which the Gouernour also sent him, saying, if he would send any of his men to Patuxet, I would [ 40] send for more of the same, also for Chickens to make him broth, & for other things which I knew were good for him, and would stay the returne of the Messenger, if he desired. This he tooke mar∣uellous kindly, and appointed some, who were ready to go by two of the clock in the morning, a∣gainst which time I made ready a Letter, declaring therein our good successe, the state of his body &c. desiring to send such things as I sent for, and such physicke as the Surgion durst administer to him. He requested me that the day following, I would take my Peece, and kill him some Fowle, and make him some English pottage, such as he had eaten at Plimoth, which I promised: after his stomacke comming to him, I must needes make him some without Fowle, before I went abroad, which somewhat troubled me; but being I must doe somewhat, I caused a woman to bruise some Corne, and take the flower from it, and set ouer the g••ut or broken Corne in a Pipkin (for they [ 50] haue earthen Pots of all sizes.) When the day broke, we went out (it being now March) to seeke hearbes, but could not finde any but Strawberrie leaues, of which I gathered a handful & put into the same, and because I had nothing to relish it, I went forth againe, and pulled vp a Saxafras root, and sliced a peece thereof, and boiled it till it had a good relish, and then tooke it out againe. The broth being boiled, I strained it thorow my handkerchiffe, and gaue him at least a pinte, which he dranke, and liked it very well. After this, his sight mended more and more, also he had three mo∣derate stooles, and tooke some rest: Insomuch, as we with admiration blessed God for giuing his blessing to such raw and ignorant meanes, making no doubt of his recouery, himselfe and all of them acknowledging vs the instruments of his preseruation. That morning he caused me to spend [ 60] in going from one to another amongst those that were sicke in the Town, requesting me to wash their mouthes also, and giue to each of them some of the same I gaue him, saying, they were good folke. This paines I tooke with willingnesse, though it were much offensiue to me, not being ac∣customed with such poisonous sauours.

The Messengers were now returned, but finding his stomacke come to him, he would not haue the Chickens killed, but kept them for breede. Neither durst we giue him any physicke which was then sent, because his body was so much altered since our instructions, neither saw we any neede, not doubting now of his recouery, if he were carefull. Many whilest we were there came to see him, some by their report from a place not lesse then an hundred miles. Vpon this his re∣couery, he brake forth into these speeches; Now I see the English are my friends and loue me, and whilest I liue I will neuer forget this kindenesse they haue shewed me. Whilest wee were there, our entertainment exceeded all other strangers. At our comming away, he called Hobbamocke to him, and priuately (none hearing saue two or three other of his Pueeses, who are of his Coun∣sell) reuealed the plot of the Massachenseucks before spoken of, against Master Westons Colony, [ 10] and so against vs, saying that the people of Nauset, Paomet, Succouet Mattachiest, Manomet Ago∣waywam, and the Ile of Capawack, were ioyned with them; himselfe also in his sickenesse was earnestly sollicited, but he would neither ioyne therein, nor giue way to any of his. Therefore as we respected the liues of our Countrimen, and our owne after-safety, he aduised vs to kill the men of Massachuset, who were the authors of this intended mischiefe. And whereas we were wont to say, we would not strike a stroke till they first began; if said he vpon this intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when their Countrimen at Wichaguscusset are killed, they being not able to defend themselues, that then it will be too late to recouer their liues, nay through the multitude of aduersaries they shall with great difficultie preserue their own, & therefore he coun∣selled without delay to take away the principals, and then the plot would cease. With this hee [ 20] charged him thorowly to acquaint me by the way, that I might informe the Gouernour thereof at my first comming home. Being fitted for our returne, we tooke our leaue of him, who returned many thankes to out Gouernour, and also to our selues for our labour and loue: the like did all that were about him. So we departed.

That night, thorow the earnest request of Combatant, who till now remained at Sawaams or Puckanukick, we lodged with him at Mattapuyst. By the way I had much conference with him, so like wise at his house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry iests and squibs, and ne∣uer better pleased then when the like are returned againe vpon him. Amongst other things he asked me, If in case he were thus dangerously sicke, as Massassowat had beene, and should send word thereof to Patuxet for Maskiet, that is, Physicke, whether then Master Gouernour would send it? [ 30] and if he would, whether I would come therewith to him? To both which I answered yea; whereat he gaue me many ioyfull thankes. After that, being at his house, he demanded further, how we durst being but two come so farre into the Country? I answered, where was true loue there was no feare, and my heart was so vpright towards them, that for mine owne part I was fearelesse to come amongst them. But, said he, if your loue be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how commeth it to passe, that when we come to Patuxet, you stand vpon your guard, with the mouthes of your Peeces presented towards vs? Whereupon I answered, it was the most honora∣ble and respectiue entertainment we could giue them; it being an order amongst vs so to receiue our best respected friends: and as it was vsed on the Land, so the Ships obserued it also at Sea, which Hobbamock knew, and had seene obserued. But shaking the head, he answered, that he [ 40] liked not such salutations.

Further, obseruing vs to craue a blessing on our meate before we did eate, and after to giue thankes for the same, he asked vs what was the meaning of that ordinary custome? Hereupon I tooke occasion to tell them of Gods workes of Creation, and Preseruation, of the Lawes and Or∣dinances, especially of the ten Commandements, all which they hearkned vnto with great at∣tention, and liked well of; onely the seuenth Commandement they excepted against, thinking there were many inconueniences in it, that a man should be tied to one woman: about which we reasoned a good time. Also I told them, that whatsoeuer good things we had, we receiued from God, as the Author and giuer thereof, and therefore craued his blessing vpon that we had, and were about to eate, that it might nourish and strengthen our bodies, and hauing eaten suffici∣ent, [ 50] being satisfied there with, we againe returned thankes to the same our God for that our re∣freshing, &c. This all of them concluded to be very well, and said, they beleeued almost all the same things, and that the same power that we called God, they called Kietitan. Much profitable conference was occasioned hereby, which would be too tedious to relate, yet was no lesse delight∣full to them, then comfortable to vs. Here we remained onely that night, but neuer had better entertainment amongst any of them.

The day following, in our iourney, Hobbamocke told me of the priuate conference he had with Massassowat, and how he charged him perfectly to acquaint me there with (as I shewed before) which hauing done, he vsed many arguments himselfe to moue vs thereunto: That night we lodged at Namasket, and the day following about the mid-way betweene it and home, we met [ 60] two Indians, who told vs that Captaine Standish was that day gone to the Massachusets: but contrary windes againe draue him backe, so that we found him at home; where the Indian of Pao∣met still was, being very importunate that the Captaine should take the first opportunitie of a faire winde to goe with him, but their secret and villanous purposes being through Gods mercy

now made knowne, the Gouernour caused Captaine Standish to send him away without any distaste or manifestation of anger, that we might the better effect and bring to passe that which should be thought most necessary.

Before this iourney we heard many complaints both by the Indians and some others of best desert amongst Master Westons Colony, how exceedingly their Company abased themselues by vndirect meanes, to get victuals from the Indians, who dwelt not farre from them, fetching them wood & water, &c, and all for a meales meate, whereas in the meane time, they might with diligence haue gotten enough to haue serued them three or foure times. Other by night brake the earth, and robbed the Indians store, for which they had beene publiquely stocked and whipt, and yet was there small amendment. This was about the end of February, at which time they had spent all their Bread and Corne, not leauing any for Seede, neither would the Indians lend or [ 10] sell them any more vpon any tearmes. Hereupon they had thought to take it by violence, and to that spiked vp euery entrance into their Towne (being well impaled) saue one, with a full re∣solution to proceede. But some more honestly minded, aduised Iohn Sanders their Ouer-seer first to write to Plimoth, and if the Gouernor aduised him thereunto, he might the better doe it. They sent, and our Gouernour writ diuers reasons of dislike. With these Letters wee dispatched the Messenger; Vpon the receipt whereof they altered their determination, resoluing to shift as they could, till the returne of Iohn Sanders from Munhiggen, who first comming to Plimoth, notwithstanding our owne necessities, the Gouernour spared him some Corne to carrie them to Munhiggen. But not hauing sufficient for the Ships store, he tooke a Shallop, and leauing others [ 20] with instructions to ouer-see things till his returne, set forward about the end of February, so that he knew not of this conspiracie of the Indians before his going, neither was it knowne to any of vs till our returne from Sawaams or Puckanakick: at which time also another Sa∣chim called Wassapinewat, brother to Obtakiest the Sachim of the Massachusets, who had for∣merly smarted for partaking with Coubatant, and fearing the like againe, to purge himselfe, re∣uealed the same thing.

The three and twentieth of March being now come, which is a yearely Court day, the Go∣uernour hauing a double testimony, and many circumstances agreeing with the truth thereof, not being to vndertake warre without the consent of the body of the Company; made knowne the same in publique Court. We came to this conclusion, That Captaine Standish should take so ma∣ny [ 30] men as he thought sufficient to make his party good against all the Indians in the Massachuset Bay; & because (as all men know that haue had to doe in that kinde) it is impossible to deale with them vpon open defiance, but to take them in such traps as they lay for others; therfore he should pretend trade as at other times: but first goe to the English, & acquaint them with the plot, & the end of his owne comming, that comparing it with their carriages towards them, he might better iudge of the certainty of it, and more fitly take opportunity to reuenge the same: but should for∣beare if it were possible till such time as he could make sure Wituwamat, that bloudy & bold villain before spoken of, whose head he had order to bring with him, that hee might be a warning and terrour to all that disposition. Vpon this, Captaine Standish made choice of eight men, and would not take more because he would preuentiealousie, knowing their guilty consciences would [ 40] soone be prouoked thereunto: but on the next day before he could goe, came one of Master We∣stons Company by land vnto vs, with his packe at his backe, who made a pittifull narration of their lamentable and weake estate, and of the Indians carriages, whose boldnesse increased abun∣dantly, insomuch as the victuals they got, they would take it out of their Pots and eate before their faces, yea if in any thing they gaine-said them, they were ready to hold a Knife at their breasts; that to giue them content, since Iohn Sanders went to Munhiggen, they had hanged one of them that stole their Corne, and yet they regarded it not: that another of their Company was turned Sauage, that their people had most forsaken the Towne, and made their randeuous where they got their victuals, because they would not take paines to bring it home: that they had sold their cloathes for Corne, and were ready to starue both with cold and hunger also, because they could not indure to get victuals by reason of their nakednesse: and that they were dispersed into [ 50] three Companies, scarce hauing any Powder and Shot left. As this Relation was grieuous to vs, so it gaue vs good encouragement to proceede in our intendments, for which Captaine Standish was now fitted, and the winde comming faire, the next day set forth for the Massachusets.

The Indians at the Massachusets missed this man, and suspecting his comming to vs, as wee conceiue, sent one after him, and gaue out there that he would neuer come to Patuxet, but that some Wolues or Beares would eate him: but we know not by our owne experience, and the re∣port of others, that though they finde a man sleeping, yet so soone as there is life discerned, they feare and shun him. This Indian missed him but very little, and missing him passed by the towne [ 60] and went to Manomet, whom we hoped to take at his returne, as afterward we did. Now was our Fort made fit for seruice and Iome Ordnance mounted; and though it may seeme long worke it being ten moneths since it begun, yet we must note, that where so great a worke is begun with such small meanes, a little time cannot bring to perfection: beside those workes which tend to

the preseruation of man, the enemy of mankinde will hinder what in him lieth, sometimes blin∣d〈…〉〈…〉 iudgement, and causing reasonable men to reason against their own safety. The Indian last mentioned in his returne from Monomet, came through the Towne, pretending still friendship and in loue to see vs, but as formerly others, so his end was to see whether wee continued still in health and strength, or fell into weakenesse like their neighbours, which they hoped and looked for (though God in mercy prouided better for vs) and hee knew would be glad tydings to his Countrie men. But here the Gouernour staid him, and sending for him to the Fort, there gaue the Guard charge of him as their prisoner, where he told him hee must be contented to remaine till the return of Captain Standish from the Massachusets, so he was locked in a chaine to a staple in the Court of guard, and there kept. Thus was our Fort hanselled, this being the first day as I take it, [ 10] that euer any watch was there kept.

The Captaine being now come to the Massachusets, went first to the Ship, but found neither man, or so much as a Dogge therein: vpon the discharge of a Musket the Master and some others of the Plantation shewed themselues, who were on the shore gathering ground-nuts, and getting other foode. After salutation, Captaine Standish asked them how they durst so leaue the Ship, and liue in such security, who answered like men senslesse of their owne misery, they feared not the Indians but liued and suffered them to lodge with them, not hauing Sword or Gunne, or nee∣ding the same. To which the Captaine answered, if there were no cause he was the gladder, but vpon further inquiry, vnderstanding that those in whom Iohn Sanders had reposed most speciall confidence and left in his stead to gouerne the rest, were at the Plantation: thither he went, and [ 20] to be briefe, made knowne the Indians purpose, and the end of his owne comming, as also (which formerly I omitted) that if afterward they durst not there stay, it was the intendment of the Go∣uernours and people of Plimouth there to receiue them till they could be better prouided: but if they conceiued of any other course that might be more likely for their good, that himselfe should further them therein to the vttermost of his power. These men comparing other circumstances with that they now heard, answered, they could expect no better, and it was Gods mercy that they were not killed before his comming, desiring therefore that he would neglect no oppor∣tunity to proceede: Hereupon he aduised them to secrecy, yet withall to send speciall command to one third of their Company that were farthest off to come home, and there enioyne them on paine of death to keepe the Towne, himselfe allowing them a pint of Indian Corne to a man for [ 30] a day (though that store he had was spared out of our Seede.) The weather prouing very wet and stormy, it was the longer befor•• he could doe any thing.

In the meane time an Indian came to him and brought some Furres, but rather to gather what he could from the Captaines, then comming then for trade; and though the Captaine carried things as smoothly as possibly he could, yet at his returne he reported he saw by his eyes that he was angry in his heart, and therefore began to suspect themselues discouered. This caused one Pecksuot who was a Pinese, being a man of a notable spirit to come to Hobbamocke who was then with them, and told him hee vnderstood that the Captaine was come to kill himselfe and the rest of the Sauages there; tell him, said he, we know it, but feare him not, neither will we shun him; but let him begin when he dare, he shall not take vs at vnawares: many times af∣ter, [ 40] diuers of them seuerally, or few together, came to the Plantation to him, where they would whet and sharpen the point of their Kniues before his face, and vse many other insulting ge∣stures and speeches. Amongst the rest, Wituwamat bragged of the excellency of his Knife, on the end of the handle there was pictured a womans face, but said hee, I haue another at home wherewith I haue killed both French and English, and that hath a mans face on it, and by and by these two must marry: Further he said of that Knife he there had; Hinnaim namen, hinnaim mi∣chen, mattacuts: that is to say, By and by it should see, and by and by it should eat•••• but not speake. Also Pecksuot being a man of greater stature then the Captaine, told him, though he were a great Captaine, yet he was but a little man: and said he, though I be no Sachim, yet I am a man of great strength and courage. These things the Captaine obserued, yet bare with patience for the pre∣sent. [ 50] On the next day, seeing he could not get many of them together at once, and this Peck∣suot and Wituwamat both together, with another man, and a youth of some eighteene yeares of age, which was brother to Wituwamat, and villaine-like trode in his steps, daily putting many trickes vpon the weaker sort of men, and hauing about as many of his owne Company in a roome wi••h them, gaue the word to his men, and the doore being fast shut, began himselfe with Peck∣suot, and snatching his owne Knife from his necke, though with much strugling, killed him there∣with, the poin•• whereof he had made as sharpe as a needle, and ground the backe also to an edge: Wituwamat and the other man, the rest killed, and tooke the youth, whom the Captaine caused to be hanged; but it is incredible how many wounds these two Pueeses receiued before they died, not making any fearefull noyse, but catching at their weapons and striuing to the last. Hobba∣mocke [ 60] stood by all this time as a spectator and medled not, obseruing how our men demeaned themselues in this action: all being here ended, smiling, he brake forth into these speeches to the Captaine; Yesterday Pecksuot bragging of his owne strength and stature, said, though you were a great Captaine, yet you were but a lttle man; but to day I see you are big enough to lay him

on the ground. But to proceede, there being some women at the same time, Captaine Standish left them in the custody of Master Westons people at the Towne, and sent word to another Com∣pany that had intelligence of things to kill those Indian men that were amongst them, these kil∣led two more: himselfe also with some of his owne men went to another place, where they kil∣led another, and through the negligence of one man an Indian escaped, who discouered and cros∣sed their proceedings.

Not long before this Execution, three of Master Westons men, which more regarded their bel∣lies then any command or Commander, hauing formerly fared well with the Indians for making them Clanoes, went againe to the Sachim to offer their seruice, and had entertainment. The first night they came thither within night late came a Messenger with all speede, and deliuered a sad [ 10] and short message: Whereupon all the men gathered together, put on their Bootes and Breeches, trussed vp themselues, and tooke their Bowes and Arrowes and went forth, telling them they went a hunting, and that at their returne they should haue Venison enough. Being now gone, one being more ancient and wise then the rest, calling former things to minde, especially the Captaines presence, and the strait charge, that on paine of death none should got a Musket-shot from the Piantation; and comparing this sudden departure of theirs therewith, began to dislike and wish himselfe at home againe, which was further of then diuers other dwelt: Hereupon he moued his fellowes to returne, but could not perswade them: so there being none but women left, and the other that was turned Sauage, about midnight came away, forsaking the paths lest he should be pursued, and by this meanes saued his life. [ 20]

Captaine Standish tooke the one halfe of his men, and one or two of Master Westons, and Hobba∣mock, still seeking to make spoyle of them and theirs. At length they espied a file of Indians which made towards them amayne, and there being a small aduantage in the ground by reason of a Hill neere them, both Companies stroue for it. Captain Standish got it, whereupon they retrea∣ted and tooke each man his Tree, letting flie their Arrowes amayne, especially at himselfe and Hobbamocke, whereupon Hobbamocke cast off his coate, and being a knowne Pinese, (theirs being now killed) chased them so fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him, insomuch as our men could haue but one certaine marke, and then but the arme and halfe face of a notable vil∣laine as hee drew at Captaine Standish, who together with another both discharged at him, and brake his arme; whereupon they fled into a swampe, when they were in the thicket they par∣lied, [ 30] but to small purpose, getting nothing but foule language. So our Captain dared the Sachim to come out and fight like a man, shewing how base and womanlike hee was in tounging it as he did: but he refused and fled. So the Captaine returned to the Plantation, where hee released the women and would not take their Beauer coates from them, nor suffer the least discourtesie to bee offered them. Now were Master Westons people resolued to leaue their Plantation and goe for Munhiggen, hoping to get passage and returne with the Fishing Ships. The Captaine told them, that for his owne part hee durst there liue with fewer men then they were, yet since they were otherwayes minded, according to his order from the Gouernours and people of Plimouth, hee would helpe them with Corne competent for their prouision by the way, which hee did, scarce leauing himselfe more then brought them home. Some of them disliked the choice of the bodie [ 40] to goe to Munhiggen, and therefore desiring to goe with him to Plimouth, hee tooke them into the Shallop: and seeing them set sayle and cleere of the Massachuset Bay, he tooke leaue and re∣turned to Plimouth, whither hee came in safetie (blessed be God) and brought the head of Witu∣wamat with him.

Amongst the rest, there was an Indian youth that was euer of a courteous and louing dispositi∣on towards vs, hee notwithstanding the death of his Countrimen, came to the Captaine without feare, saying, His good conscience and loue towards vs imboldned him so to doe. This youth con∣fessed that the Indians intended to kil Master Westons people, and not to delay any longer then till they had two more Canoes or Boats, which Master Westons men would haue finished by this time (hauing made them three already) had not the Captaine preuented them, and the end of stay [ 50] for those Boats, was to take their Ship therewith.

Now was the Captaine returned and receiued with ioy, the head being brought to the Fort and there set vp, the Gouernours and Captaines with diuers others went vp the same further, to examine the prisoner, who looked pittiously on the head, being asked whether he knew it, he an∣swered, yea: Then he confessed the plot, and that all the people prouoked Obtakiest their Sachim thereunto, being drawne to it by their importunitie: Fiue there were (he said) that prosecuted it with more eagernesse then the rest, the two principall were killed, being Pecksnot and Witu∣wamat, whose head was there, the other three were Powahs, being yet liuing, and knowne vnto vs, though one of them was wounded, as aforesaid. For himselfe hee would not acknowledge that hee had any hand therein, begging earnestly for his life, saying, Hee was not a Massachuset [ 60] man, but as a stranger liued with them. Hobbamock also gaue a good report of him, and besought, for him, but was bribed so to doe it. Neuerthelesse, that wee might shew mercy as well as extrea∣mitie, the Gouernour released him, and the rather because we desired he might carry a message to Obtakiest his Master. No sooner were the Irons from his legs, but he would haue beene gone, but

the Gouernour bid him stay and feare not, for hee should receiue no hurt, and by Hobbamock com∣manded him to deliuer his message to his Master; That for our parts, it neuer entred into our hearts to take such a course with them, till their owne treachery enforced vs thereunto, and therefore they might thanke themselues for their owne ouerthrow, yet since hee had begun, if againe by any the like courseshe•• did prouoke him, his Countrey should not hold him, for hee would neuer suffer him or his to rest in peace, till hee had vtterly consumed them, and therefore should take this as a warning. Further, that he should send to Patuxet the three Englishmen hee had and not kill them; also that hee should not spoyle the Pale and Houses at Wichaguscusset, and that this Messenger should either bring the English, or an answer, or both, promising his safe returne.

This message was deliuered, and the partie would haue returned with answer, but was at first [ 10] disswaded by them, whom afterward they would, but could not perswade to come to vs. At length (though long) a woman came and told vs that Obtakiest was sorry that the English were killed before he heard from the Gouernour, otherwise hee would haue sent them. Also shee said, hee would faine make his peace againe with vs, but none of his men durst come to treate about it, hauing forsaken his dwelling, and daily remoued from place to place, expecting when wee would take further vengeance on him.

Concerning those other people that intended to ioyne with the Massachuseucks against vs, though we neuer went against any of them, yet this sudden and vnexpected execution, together with the iust iudgement of God vpon their guiltie consciences, hath so terrified and amazed them, as in like manner they forsooke their houses, running to and fro like men distracted, liuing [ 20] in swamps and other desert places, and so brought manifold diseases amongst themselues, whereof very many are dead, as Canacum the Sachim of Manomet, Aspinet the Sachim of Nauset, and Ia∣nowgh Sachim of Mattachuest. This Sachim in his life, in the middest of these distractions, said, The God of the English was offended with them, and would destroy them in his anger; and certainly it is strange to heare how many of late haue, and still daily dye amongst them, neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease, because through feare they set little or no Corne, which is the staffe of life, and without which they cannot long preserue health and strength. From one of these places a Boat was sent with Presents to the Gouernour, hoping thereby to worke their peace, but the Boat was cast away, and three of the persons drowned, not farre from our Plantati∣on, onely one escaped, who durst not come to vs, but returned, so as none of them date come [ 30] amongst vs.

The moneth of April being now come, on all hands we began to prepare for Corne. And be∣cause there was no Corne left before this time, saue that was preserued for Seed, being also hope∣lesse of reliefe by supply, we thought best to leaue off all other workes, and prosecute that as most necessarie. And because there was no small hope of doing good, in that common course of labour that formerly wee were in, for that the Gouernours that followed men to their labours, had no∣thing to giue men for their necessities, and therefore could not so well exercise that command ouer them therein as formerly they had done, especially considering that selfe-loue wherewith euery man (in a measure more or lesse) loueth and preferreth his owne good before his neighbours, and also the base disposition of some drones, that as at other times so now especially would bee most burdenous to the rest: It was therefore thought best that euery man should vse the best dili∣gence [ 40] he could for his owne preseruation, both in respect of the time present, and to prepare his owne Corne for the yeere following: and bring in a competent portion for the maintenance of publike Officers, Fishermen, &c. which could not bee freed from their calling without greater in∣conueniences. This course was to continue till haruest, and then the Gouernours to gather in the appointed portion, for the maintenance of themselues and such others as necessitie constrained to exempt from this condition.

In the middest of Aprill we began to set, the weather being then seasonable, which much in∣couraged vs, giuing vs good hopes of after plentie: the setting season is good till the latter end of May. But it pleased God for our further chastisement, to send a great drought, insomuch, as in six [ 50] weekes after the later setting there scarce fell any raine, so that the stalke of that was first set, be∣gan to send forth the eare before it came to halfe growth, and that which was later, not like to yeeld any at all, both blade and stalke hanging the head, and changing the colour in such manner as we iudged it vtterly dead: our Beanes also ran not vp according to their wonted manner, but stood at a stay, many being parched away, as though they had beene soorched before the fire. Now were our hopes ouerthrowne, and we discouraged, our ioy being turned into mourning. To adde also to this sorrowfull estate in which we were, we heard of a supply that was sent vnto vs many moneths since, which hauing two repulses before, was a third time in company of another Ship three hundred Leagues at Sea, and now in three moneths time heard no further of her, one∣ly the signes of a wrack were seene on the Coast, which could not be iudged to be any other then [ 60] the same.

These & the like considerations, moued not only euery good man priuately to enter into exami∣nation with his own estate between God and his conscience, & so to humiliation before him: but also more solemnly to humble our selues together before the Lord by Fasting and Prayer. To that

end a day was appointed by publike authority, and set a part from all other emploiments, hoping that the same God which had stirred vs vp hereunto, would be moued hereby in mercy to looke vpon vs & grant the request of our deiected soules, if our continuance there might any way stand with his glorie and our good. But oh the mercy of our God! Who was as readie to heare as we to aske: For though in the morning when wee assembled together, the heauens were as cleere and the drought as like to continue as euer it was: yet (our exercise continuing some eight or nine houres) before our departure the weather was ouercast, the clouds gathered together on all sides, and on the next morning distilled such soft, sweete, and moderate showers of raine, continuing some fourteene daies, and mixed with such seasonable weather, as it was hard to say whether our withered Corne, or drouping affections were most quickned or reuiued. Such was the boun∣tie [ 10] and goodnesse of our God. Of this the Indians by meanes of Hobbamock tooke notice: who being then in the Towne, and this exercise in the midst of the weeke, said, It was but three daies since Sunday, and therefore demanded of a boy what was the reason thereof? Which when hee knew and saw what effects followed thereupon, hee and all them admired the goodnesse of our God towards vs, that wrought so great a change in so short a time, shewing the difference be∣tweene their Coniuration, and our Inuocation on the Name of God for raine; theirs being mixed with such stormes and tempests, as sometimes in stead of doing them good, it laieth the Corne flat on the ground, to their preiudice: but ours in so gentle and seasonable a manner, as they neuer obserued the like.

At the same time Captaine Standish, being formerly imployed by the Gouernour, to buy pro∣uisions [ 20] for the refreshing of the Colony, returned with the same, accompanied with on M. Dauid Tomson, a Scotchman, who also that Spring began a Plantation twentie fiue leagues North-east from vs, neere Smiths Iles, at a place called Pascatoquack, where hee liketh well. Now also heard wee of the third repulse that our supply had, of their safe, though dangerous returne into England, and of their preparation to come to vs. So that hauing these many signes of Gods fauour and acceptation, wee thought it would bee great ingratitude, if secretly wee should smoother vp the same, or content our selues with priuate thanks-giuing, for that which by priuate praier could not be obtained. And therefore another solemne day was set apart for that end wherein wee re∣turned glory, honour, and praise, with all thankfulnesse to our good God, which dealt so graciously with vs, whose name for these and all other his mercies towards his Church and chosen ones, by [ 30] them be blessed and praised now and euermore, Amen.

In the latter end of Iuly, and the beginning of August, came two Ships with supply vnto vs, who brought all their passengers, except one, in health, who recouered in short time, who also not∣withstanding all our wants and hardship (blessed be God) found not any one sick person amongst vs at the Plantation. The bigger Ship called the Anne was hired, and there againe fraighted backe, from whence wee set saile the tenth of September. The lesser called the little Iames, was built for the Company at their charge. Shee was now also fitted for Trade and discouery to the Southward of Cape Cod, and almost readie to set saile, whom I pray God to blesse in her good and lawfull proceedings.

A Few things I thought meete to adde heereunto, which I haue obserued amongst the [ 40] Indians, both touching their Religion, and sundry other Customes amongst them. And first, whereas my selfe and others, in former Letters (which came to the Presse against my will and knowledge) wrote, that the Indians about vs are a people without any Religion or knowledge of any God, therein I erred, though wee could then gather no better: For as they conceiue of many diuine powers, so of one whom they call Kiehtan, to bee the principall maker of all the rest, and to be made by none: Hee (they say) created the Heauens, Earth, Sea, and all creatures contained therein. Also that hee made one man and one woman, of whom they and wee and all mankind came: but how they became so farre dispersed that know they not. At first they say, there was no Sachim, or King, but Kiehtan, who dwelleth aboue the Heauens, whither [ 50] all good men goe when they die to see their friends, and haue their fill of all things. This his ha∣bitation lyeth Westward in the Heauens, they say; thither the bad men goe also, and knocke at his doore, but he bids them Quachet, that is to say, Walke abroad, for there is no place for such; so that they wander in restlesse want and penury. Neuer man saw this Kiehtan; onely old men tell them of him, and bid them tell their children, yea, to charge them to teach their posterities the same, and lay the like charge vpon them. This power they acknowledge to be good, and when they would obtaine any great matter, meet together, and cry vnto him, and so likewise for plen∣tie, victory, &c. sing, dance, feast, giue thankes, and hang vp Garlands and other things in memo∣ry of the same.

Another power they worship, whom they call Hobbamock, and to the Nothward of vs Hob∣bamoqui; [ 60] this as farre as wee can conceiue is the Deuili, him they call vpon to cure their wounds and diseales. When they are curable, hee perswades them hee sends the same for some conceiued anger against them, but vpon their calling vpon him can and doth helpe them: But when they are mortall, and not curable in nature, then he perswades them Kiehtan is angry and sends them,

whom none can cure: insomuch, as in that respect onely they somewhat doubt whether hee bee simply good, and therefore in sicknesse neuer call vpon him. This Hobbomock appeares in sundry formes vnto them, as in the shape of a Man, a Deare, a Fawne, an Eagle, &c. but most ordinarily a Snake: Hee appeares not to all, but the chiefest and most judicious amongst them, though all of them striue to attaine to that hellish height of Honour. He appeareth most ordinary, and is most conuersant with three sorts of people, one I confesse, I neither know by name nor office directly: Of these they haue few but esteeme highly of them, and thinke that no weapon can kill them: another they call by the name of Powah, and the third Pniese.

The office and dutie of the Powah is to be exercised principally in calling vpon the Deuill, and curing diseases of the sicke or wounded. The common people ioyne with him in the exercise of [ 10] Inuocation, but doe but onely assent, or as we terme it, say Amen to that he saith, yet sometime breake out into a short musicall note with him. The Powah is eager and free in speech, fierce in countenance, and ioyneth many antick and laborious gestures with the same ouer the partie dis∣eased. If the partie be wounded, he will also seeme to sucke the wound, but if they bee curable (as they say) hee toucheth it not, but a Skooke, that is the Snake, or Wobsacuck, that is the Eagle sitteth on his shoulder and lickes the same. This none see but the Powah, who tells them hee doth it himselfe. If the partie be otherwise diseased, it is accounted sufficient if in any shape hee but come into the house, taking it for an vndoubted signe of recouery.

And as in former ages Apollo had his Temple at Delphos, and Diana at Ephesus; so haue I heard them call vpon some, as if they had their residence in some certaine places or because they appea∣red [ 20] in those formes in the same. In the Powahs speech hee promiseth to sacrifice many skinnes of Beasts, Kettles, Hatchets, Beades, Kniues, and other the best things they haue to the fiend, if hee will come to helpe the partie diseased: But whether they performe it I know not. The other practises I haue seene, being necessarily called at some times to be with their sicke, and haue vsed the best arguments I could make them vnderstand against the same: They haue told me I should see the Deuill at those times come to the party, but I assured my selfe and them of the contrary, which so proued: yea, themselues haue confessed they neuer saw him when any of vs were pre∣sent. In desperate and extraordinary hard trauell in childe-birth, when the partie cannot be de∣liuered by the ordinary meanes, they send for this Powah, though ordinarily their trauell is not so extreame as in our parts of the world, they being of a more hardie nature; for on the third day [ 30] after childe-birth, I haue seene the mother with the Infant, vpon a small occasion in cold weather in a Boat vpon the Sea.

Many sacrifices the Indians vse, and in some cases kill children. It seemeth they are various in their religious worship in a little distance, and grow more and more cold in their worship to Kiehtan; saying, In their memory he was much more called vpon. The Nanohiggansets exceed in their blind deuotion, and haue a great spatious house wherein onely some few (that are as wee may tearme them Priests) come: thither at certaine knowne times resort all their people, and offer almost all the riches they haue to their gods, as Kettles, Skins, Hatchets, Beades, Kniues, &c. all which are cast by the Priests into a great fire that they make in the midst of the house, and there consumed to ashes. To this offering euery man bringeth freely, and the more he is knowne [ 40] to bring, hath the better esteeme of all men. This the other Indians about vs approue of as good, and wish their Sachims would appoint the like: and because the plague hath not raigned at Na∣nohigganset, as at other places about them, they attibute to this custome there vsed.

The Panieses are men of great courage and wisedome, and to these also the Deuill appeareth more familiarly then to others, and as wee conceiue maketh couenant with them to preserue them from death, by wounds with Arrowes, Kniues, Hatchets, &c. or at least both themselues and especially the people thinke themselues to be freed from the same. And though against their battels, all of them by painting disfigure themselues, yet they are knowne by their courage and boldnesse, by reason whereof one of them will chase almost an hundred men, for they account it death for whomsoeuer stand in their way. These are highly esteemed of all sorts of people, and [ 50] are of the Sachims Councell, without whom they will not warre or vndertake any weightie bu∣sinesse. In warre their Sachims, for their more safetie goe in the midst of them. They are com∣monly men of greatest stature and strength, and such as will endure most hardnesse, and yet are more discreet, courteous, and humane in their carriages then any amongst them, scorning theft, lying, and the like base dealings, and stand as much vpon their reputation as any men. And to the end they may haue store of these, they traine vp the most forward and likeliest boyes from their child-hood in great hardnesse, and make them abstaine from daintie meat, obseruing diuers orders prescribed, to the end that when they are of age the Deuill may appeare to them, causing to drinke the juyce of Sentry and other bitter Hearbs till they cast, which they must disgorge into the platter, and drinke againe, and againe, till at length, through extraordinary pressing of nature [ 60] it will seeme to bee all bloud, and this the boyes will doe with eagernesse at the first, and so con∣tinue, till by reason of faintnesse they can scarce stand on their legs, and then must goe forth into the cold: also they beat their shins with sticks, and cause them to run through bushes, stumps, and brambles, to make them hardy and acceptable to the Deuill, that in time he may appeare vnto them.

Their Sachims cannot bee all called Kings, but onely some few of them, to whom the rest re∣sort for protection, and pay homage vnto them, neither may they warre without their know∣ledge and approbation, yet to be commanded by the greater as occasion serueth. Of this sort is Massassowat our friend, and Conanacus of Nanohiggenset our supposed enemy. Euery Sachim ta∣keth care for the widdow and fatherlesse, also for such as are aged, and any way maymed, if their friends be dead, or not able to prouide for them. A Sachim will not take any to wife, but such an one as is equall to him in birth, otherwise they say their seede would in time become ignoble, and though they haue many other wiues, yet are they no other then concubines or seruants, and yeeld a kind of obedience to the principall, who ordereth the family, and them in it. The like their men obserue also, and will adhere to the first during their liues; but put away [ 10] the other at their pleasure. This Gouernment is successiue and not by choyce. If the father dye before the sonne or daughter bee of age, then the childe is committed to the protection and tuition of some one amongst them, who ruleth in his stead till hee be of age, but when that is I know not.

Euery Sachim knoweth how farre the bounds and limits of his owne Countrey extendeth, and that is his owne proper inheritance, out or that if any of his men desire land to set their Corne, hee giueth them as much as they can vse, and sets them in their bounds. In this cir∣cuit whosoeuer hunteth, if any kill any venison, bring him his fee, which is foure parts of the same, if it bee killed on the Land, but if in the water, then the skin thereof: The Great Sachims or Kings know not their owne bounds or limits of land, as well as the rest. All Tra∣uellers [ 20] or Strangers for the most part lodge at the Sachims, when they come, they tell them how long they will stay, and to what place they goe, during which time they receiue entertainment according to their persons, but want not. Once a yeere the Pnieses vse to prouoke the people to bestow much Corne on the Sachim. To that end they appoint a certaine time and place neere the Sachims dwelling, where the people bring many baskets of Corne, and make a great stack thereof. There the Pnieses stand ready to giue thankes to the people on the Sachims behalfe, and after acquainteth the Sachim therewith, who fetcheth the same, and is no lesse thankfull, bestow∣ing many gifts on them.

When any are visited with sicknesse, their friends resort vnto them for their comfort, and con∣tinue with them oftentimes till their death or recouery. If they die they stay a certaine time to [ 30] mourne for them. Night and morning they performe this dutie many daies after the buriall in a most dolefull manner, insomuch as though it bee ordinary, and the Note Musicall, which they take one from another, and altogether, yet it will draw teares from their eyes, and almost from ours also. But if they recouer then because their sicknesse was chargeable, they send Corne and other gifts vnto them at a certaine appointed time, whereat they feast and dance, which they call Commoco.

When they bury the dead, they sowe vp the corps in a mat and so put it in the earth. If the par∣tie be a Sachim, they couer him with many curious mats, and bury all his riches with him, and inclose the graue with a pale. If it bee a childe, the father will also put his owne most speciall Iewels and Ornaments in the earth with it, also he will cut his haire and disfigure himselfe very [ 40] much in token of sorrow. If it bee the man or woman of the house, they will pull downe the mats and leaue the frame standing, and bury them in or neere the same, and either remoue their dwelling, or giue ouer house-keeping.

The men imploy themselues wholly in hunting, and other exercises of the Bow, except at some times they take some paine in fishing. The women liue a most slauish life, they carry all their burdens, set and dresse their Corne, gather it in, and seeke out for much of their food, beate and make readie the Corne to eate, and haue all houshold care lying vpon them.

The younger sort reuerence the elder, and doe all meane offices whilst they are together, al∣though they be strangers. Boyes and girles may not weare their haire like men and women, but are distinguished thereby. [ 50]

A man is not accounted a man till he doe some notable act, or shew forth such courage and reso∣lution as becommeth his place. The men take much Tobacco, but for boyes so to doe they ac∣count it odious.

All their names are significant and variable; for when they come to the state of men and wo∣men, they alter them according to their deeds or dispositions.

When a maide is taken in marriage, shee first cutteth her haire, and after weareth a couering on her head till her haire be growne out. Their women are diuersly disposed, some as modest as they will scarce talke one with another in the company of men, being very chaste also: yet other some light, lasciuious and wanton. If a woman haue a bad husband, or cannot affect him, and there bee warre or opposition betweene that and any other people, shee will runne away from him [ 60] to the contrary partie and there liue, where they neuer come vnwelcome: for where are most women, there is greatest plentie. When a woman hath her monethly termes, shee separateth her selfe from all other company, and liueth certaine dayes in a house alone: after which she wa∣sheth her selfe and all that shee hath touched or vsed, and is againe receiued to her husbands bed or

family. For adultery the husband will beat his wife and put her away, if he please. Some com∣mon strumpets there are as well as in other places, but they are such as either neuer married, or widowes, or put away for adultery: for no man will keepe such an one to wife.

In matters of vniust and dishonest dealing the Sachim examineth and punisheth the same. In case of thefts, for the first offence hee is disgracefully rebuked, for the second beaten by the Sa∣chim with a cudgell on the naked backe, for the third hee is beaten with many stroakes, and hath his nose slit vp ward, that thereby all men may both know and shun him. If any man kill another, hee must likewise die for the same. The Sachim not onely passeth the sentence vpon malefactors, but executeth the same with his owne hands, if the partie bee then present; if not, sendeth his owne knife in case of death, in the hands of others to performe the same. But if the offender bee to receiue other punishment, hee will not receiue the same but from the Sachim himselfe, be∣fore [ 10] whom being naked he kneeleth, and will not offer to runne away though hee beat him neuer so much, it being a greater disparagement for a man to cry during the time of his correction, then is his offence and punishment.

As for their apparell, they weare breeches and stockings in one, like some Irish, which is made of Deere skinnes, and haue shooes of the same leather. They weare also a Deeres skinne loose a∣bout them like a cloake, which they will turne to the weather side. In this habite they trauell, but when they are at home, or come to their iourneyes end, presently they pull of their breeches, stockings, and shooes, wring out the water, if they bee wet, and drie them, and rub or chafe the same. Though these be off, yet haue they another small garment that couereth their secrets. The [ 20] men weare also when they goe abroad in cold weather, an Otter or Fox skin on their right arme, but onely their bracer on the left. Women and all of that sex weare strings about their legs, which the men neuer doe.

The people are very ingenious and obseruatiue, they keepe account of time by the Moone, and Winters or Summers; they know diuers of the Starres by name, in particular, they know the North-star, and call it Maske, which is to say, The Beare. Also they haue many names for the Winds. They will guesse very well at the wind and weather before hand, by obseruations in the Heauens. They report also, that some of them can cause the wind to blow in what part they lift, can raise stormes and tempests, which they vsually doe when they intend the death or de∣struction of other people, that by reason of the vnseasonable weather, they may take aduantage [ 30] of their enemies in their houses. At such times they performe their greatest exployts, and in such seasons when they are at enemitie with any, they keepe more carefull watch then at other times.

As for the language it is verie copious, large, and difficult, as yet wee cannot attaine to any great measure thereof; but can vnderstand them, and explaine our selues to their vnderstanding, by the helpe of those that daily conuerse with vs. And though there be difference in an hundred miles distant of place, both in language and manners, yet not so much but that they very well vn∣derstand each other. And thus much of their liues and manners.

In stead of Records and Chronicles, they take this course, where any remarkeable act is done, in memory of it, either in the place, or by some pathway neere adioyning, they make a round [ 40] hole in the ground about a foot deepe, and as much ouer, which when others passing by behold, they enquire the cause and occasion of the same, which being once knowne, they are carefull to acquaint all men as occasion serueth therewith. And least such holes should bee filled, or growne vp by any accident, as men passe by they will oft renew the same: By which meanes many things of great Antiquitie are fresh in memory. So that as a man trauelleth, if hee can vnderstand his guide, his iourney will be the lesse tedious, by reason of many historicall Discourses will be re∣lated vnto him.

For that Continent, on which wee are called New-England, although it hath euer beene con∣ceiued by the English, to bee a part of the maine Land adioyning to Virginia, yet by relation of the Indians it should appeare to bee otherwise: for they affirme confidently, that it is an Iland, [ 50] and that either the Dutch or French passe thorow from Sea to Sea, betweene vs and Uirginia, and driue a great Trade in the same. The name of that Inlet of the Sea, they call Mohegon, which I take to be the same which wee call Hudsons Riuer, vp which Master Hudson went many leagues, and for want of meanes (as I heare) left it vndiscouered. For confirmation of this, their o∣pinion is thus much; Though Virginia bee not aboue an hundred and fiftie leagues from vs, yet they neuer heard of Powhatan, or knew that any English were planted in his Countrey, saue onely by vs and Tisquantum, who went into an English Ship thither: And therefore it is the more probable, because the water is not passable for them, who are very aduenturous in their Boates.

Then for the temperature of the ayre, in almost three yeeres experience, I can scarce distin∣guish [ 60] New England from Old England, in respect of heate, and cold, frost, snow, raine, winds, &c. Some obiect, because our Plantation lieth in the latitude of two and fortie, it must needes bee much ••otter. I confesse I cannot giue the reason of the contrary; onely experience teacheth vs, that if it doe exceed England, it is so little as must require better iudgements to discerne it. And

for the Winter, I rather thinke (if there be difference) it is both sharper and longer in New Eng∣land then Old; and yet the want of those comforts in the one which I haue enioyed in the other, may deceiue my iudgement also. But in my best obseruation, comparing our owne conditions with the Relations of other parts of America, I cannot conceiue of any to agree better with the constitution of the English, not being oppressed with extremitie of heat, nor nipped with biting cold, by which meanes, blessed be God, wee enioy our health, notwithstanding those difficul∣ties wee haue vndergone, in such a measure as would haue been admired if we had liued in Eng∣land with the like meanes. The day is two houres longer then here, when it is at the shor∣test, and as much shorter when it is at the longest.

The soyle is variable, in some places Mould, in some Clay, and others a mixed Sand, &c. The chiefest graine is the Indian Mays, or Ginny-Wheat; the seed-time beginneth in the midst of A∣pril, [ 10] and continueth good till the midst of May. Our Haruest beginneth with September. This Corne increaseth in great measure, but is inferiour in quantitie to the same in Virginia, the reason I conceiue, is because Uirginia is farre hotter then it is with vs, it requiring great heat to ripen; but whereas it is obiected against New England, that Corne will not there grow, except the ground bee manured with Fish: I answere, That where men set with Fish (as with vs) it is more easie so to doe, then to cleere ground and set without some fiue or sixe yeeres, and so be∣gin a new, as in Virginia and elsewhere. Not but that in some places, where they cannot be ta∣ken with ease in such abundance, the Indians set foure yeeres together without, and haue as good Corne or better then we haue that set with them, though indeed I thinke if wee had Cattell to [ 20] till the ground, it would be more profitable and better agreeable to the soyle, to sowe Wheat, Ry, Barley, Pease, and Oats, then to set Mays, which our Indians call Ewachim: for we haue had ex∣perience that they like and thriue well; and the other will not bee procured without good la∣bour and diligence, especially at seed-time, when it must also bee watched by night to keepe the Wolues from the Fish, till it be rotten, which will bee in foureteene dayes; yet men agreeing to∣gether, and taking their turnes it is not much.

Much might bee spoken of the benefit that may come to such as shall here plant by Trade with the Indians for Furres, if men take a right course for obtaining the same; for I dare presume vpon that small experience I haue had, to affirme, that the English, Dutch, and French, returne yeerely many thousand pounds profits by Trade onely from that Iland, on which [ 30] wee are seated.

Tobacco may bee there planted, but not with that profit as in some other places, neither were it profitable there to follow it, though the increase were equall, because Fish is a better and ri∣cher Commoditie, and more necessary, which may be, and there are had in as great abundance as in any other part of the world; Witnesse the West-countrey Merchants of England, which re∣turne incredible gaines yeerely from thence. And if they can so doe which here buy their salt at a great charge, and transport more Company to make their voyage, then will saile their Ships, what may the Planters expect when once they are seated, and make the most of their Salt there, and imploy themselues at lest eight moneths in fishing, whereas the other fish but foure, and haue their Ship lie dead in the Harbour all the time, whereas such shipping as belong to Plantati∣ons [ 40] may take fraight of Passengers or Cattle thither, and haue their lading prouided against they come. I confesse we haue come so far short of the meanes to raise such returns, as with great diffi∣cultie wee haue preserued our liues; insomuch as when I looke backe vpon our conditi∣on, and weake meanes to preserue the same, I rather admire at Gods mercies and prouidence in our preseruation, then that no greater things haue beene effected by vs. But though our be∣ginning haue beene thus raw, small, and difficult, as thou hast seene, yet the same God that hath hitherto led vs thorow the former, I hope w••ll raise meanes to accomplish the latter.

CHAP. VI.

Noua Scotia. The Kings Patent to Sir WILLIAM ALEXANDER Knight, for [ 50] the Plantation of New Scotland in America, and his proceedings therein; with a description of Mawooshen for better know∣ledge of those parts.

IAcobus Dei gratia Magnae Brittanniae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Rex fidei{que} defensor: Omnibus probis hominibus totius terrae suae Clericis & laicis salutem. Sciatis nos sem∣per ad quamlibet quae ad decus & emolumentum regni nostri Scotia spectaret occasio∣nem amplectendum fuisse intentos, ••••llamque aut faciliorem aut magis innoxiam ac∣quisitionem [ 60] censere, quàm quae inexteris & incultis regnis vbi vitae & victui suppectunt commode neuis deducendis Colonijs factu sit; praesertim si vel ipsa regna cultoribus prius vacua, vel ab infidelibus, quos ad Christianam conuerti fidem & Dei gloriam interest plurimum,

insessa fuerint. Sed cum & alia nonnulla regna, & haec non it a pridem nostra Anglia landabiliter sua nomina nouis terris acquisitis sed in se subactis indiderunt, quam numerosa & frequens diuino beneficio haec gens, haec tempestate sit nobiscum reputantes, quamque honesto aliquo & vtili cultu eam studiose ex∣ercerine in deteriora ex ignauia & otio prolabatur expediat plerosque in nouam deducendos regionem quam Colonijs compleant, operaepretium duximus qui & animi promptitudine & alacritate corporumque robore & viribus qu••••uscunque difficultatibus, si qui alij mortalium vspiamse audiant opponere, hunc co∣natum huic regno maxime idoneum inde arbitramur quod virorum tantummodo & mulierum iumento∣rum & frumenti, non etiam pecuniae transuectionem postulat, neque incommodam ex ipsius regni merci∣bus retributionem hoc tempore cum negotiatio adeo imminuta sit, possit reponere. Hisce de causis sicuti & propter bonum fidele & gratum dilecti nostri consiltarij Domini Willelmi Alexandri eq••itis seruitium no∣bis [ 10] praestitum & praestandum, qui proprijs impensis ex nostratibus primus externam hanc coloniam du∣cendam conatus sit, diuer sasque terras infra designatis limitibus circumscriptas incolendas expetiuerit. Nos igitur ex regali nostra ad Christanam religionem propagandam & ad opulentiam, prosperitatem, pacemque naturalium nostrorum subditorum dicti regni nostri Scotiae acquirendam cura, sicuti alij Prin∣cipes extranei in talibus casibus hactenus fecerunt, cum anisamento & consensu praedicti nostri con∣sanguinei & consiliarij Ioannis Comitis de Marr Domini Er••kene & Garrioche summi nostri The sau∣rarij computorum rotulator is collectoris ac The saurarij nouarum nostrarum augmentationum huius Reg∣ni nostri Scotiae, ac reliquorum dominorum nostrorum Commissionariorum ciusdem Regni nostri, dedi∣mus concessimus & disposumus, tenoreque praesentie chartae nostrae damus concedimus & d••sponimus prae∣facto Domino Willelmo Alexandro, haredibus suis vel assignatis quibuscunque haereditariè omnes & [ 20] singulas terras continentis ac insulas situatas & iacentes in America, intra caput seu promontorium communiter Cap. de Sable appellatum iacens prope latitudinem quadraginta trium graduum aut ab co circa, ab aequinoctiali linea versus septentrionem, à quo promontorio versus littus maris tendentis ad oc∣cidentem ad stationem Sanctae Mariae na••ium (vulgo S. Maries Bay) & deinceps versus septentrio∣nem per directam lineam introitum siue o••tium magnae illius stationis nauium traijcientem quae excurrit in terrae orientalem plagam inter Regionis Suriquorum & Etechemmorum (vulgo Suriquois & Etechemi∣nes) ad fluuium vulgo nomine Santae Crucis appellatum: Et ad scaturiginem remotissimam siue fontem ex occidentali parte eiusdem qui se primum praedicto flu••io immiscet, vnde per imaginariam directam lineam quae pergere per terram seu currere versus septentrionem concipietur ad proximam nauium stationem, fluuium vel scaturiginem in magno flunio de Cannada sese exonerantem. Et ab co pergendo versus ori∣entem [ 30] per maris oras littorales eiusdem fluuij de Cannada ad fluuium stationem nauium portum aut littus communiter nomine de Gachepe vel Gaspie notum & appellatū, Et deinceps versus Euronotum ad insulas Bacalaos vel Cap. Briton vocatas Relinquendo casdem Insulas à dextra & voraginem dicti magni fluuij de Cannada siue magne stationis na••ium & terras de New-found-land, cum insulis ad easdem ter∣ras pertinentibus à sinistra. Et deinceps ad Caput siue promentorum de Cap. Briton praedictum iacens prope latitudinem quadraginta quinque gradnum aut eo circa. Et à dicto promentorio de Cap. Briton versus meridiem & Occidentem ad praedictum Cap. Sable vbi incipit per ambulatio includenda & compre∣henda intra dictas maris oras littorales ac carum circumferentias à mari ad omnes terras continentis cum fluminibus torrentibus, sinubus, littoribus, insulis aut maribus iacentibus prope infra sex lucas ad ali∣quam earundem partem ex occidentali boreali vel orientali partibus ororum litteralium & praecinctuum [ 40] earundem. Et ab Euronoto (vti iacet Cap. Britton) & ex australi parte eiusdem vbi est Cap. de Sa∣ble omnia maria ac insulas versus meridiem intra quadraginta leucas dictarum orarum littoralium earundem magnam insulam vulgariter appellatam Ile de Sable vel Sablon includen. iacen. versus carban vulgo South South-east, circa triginta leucas à dicto Cap. Britton in mari & existen, in la∣titudine quadraginta quatuor graduum aut eo circa. Quae quidem terrae praedictae omni tempore affu∣turo nomine Noua Scotia in America gau••lebunt, Quas etiam praefatus Dominus Willelmus in partes & portiones sicut et visum fuerit diuidet ijsdem{que} nemi•••• pro beneplacito imponet. Vua cum omnibus fodinis tum regalibus auri & argenti quam alijs fodinis ferri, plumbi, cupri, stanni, aeris, &c.

In cuius rei testimonium huic praesenti Chartae nostrae magnum Sigillum nostrum apponipraecepimus Te∣stibus praedict is nostris consanguineis & Confiliarijs Iacobo Marchione de Hamilton Comite Arraniae [ 50] & Cambridge Domino Auen & Innerdail, Georgio Mariscalli comite Domino Keith & alt. regni nostri Mariscallo, Alexandro Comite de Dunfermling Domino Fyviae & vrquhant nostro Cancellaris, Thoma Comite de Mel••os Domino Byres & Bynning nostro Secretario, Dilectis nostris familiaribus Consiliarijs Domino Richardo Ko Kburne Iuniore de Clerkington nostri Secreti Sigills custode, Georgio Hay de Knifarunis nostrorum Rotulorum Registrorum ac Concilij Clerico, Ioanne Cockburne de Or∣mestoun nostrae lustitiariae Clerico, & Ioanne Scot de Scottistaruet nostrae Cancellariae Directore, Mili∣tibus. Apud Castellum nostrum de Winsore decimo die mensis sebtembris Anno Domini milesimo sex en∣tesim•• vigesimo primo Regnorum{que} nostrorum annis quinquagesimo quinto & decimo non••.

Sir Ferdinando Gorge being entrusted with the affayres of New England, after hee had aduised [ 60] with some of the Company; considering the largenesse of the bounds intended to bee planted by his Maiesties subiects in America, and the slow progresse of Plantations in these parts, that the Scottish Nation may be perswaded to imbarke themselues in their forraine enterprise; hee was content that Sir William Alexander Knight, one of his Maiesties most Honorable Priuy Councel

[illustration]

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This Scale conteineth 150 English Leagues

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of that Kingdome, should procure a Patent of such a bounds as his Maiestie should appoint to bee called New Scotland, and to bee held of the Crowne of Scotland, and gouerned by the Lawes of that Kingdome, as his said Patent containing all the bounds, that doth lie to the East of Saint Croix, compassed with the great Riuer of Canada on the North, and the Maine Ocean on the South doth more particularly beare. Whereupon the said Sir William did set out a Shippe with a Colony of purpose to plant, which being too late in setting forth were forced to stay all the Winter at New-found-Land, and though they had a Shippe with new prouisions the next Spring from the sayde Sir William, yet by reason of some vnexpected occasions, the chiefe of the Company resolued not to plant at the first, but onely to discouer and to take possession, which a number made choyce of for that purpose 〈…〉〈…〉d happily performe. [ 10]

The three and twentieth of Iune, they loosed from Saint Iohns Harbour in New-found-Land, and sayled towardes New Scotland, where for the space of fourteene dayes they were by Fogges and contrarie Windes kept backe from spying Land till the eight of Iuly: there∣after that they saw the West part of Cape Breton, and so till the thirteenth day, they sayled to and fro alongst the Coast till they came the length of Port de Muton, where they discouered three very pleasant Harbours, and went a shoare in one of them, which they cal∣led Lukes Bay, where they found a great way vp to a very pleasant Riuer being three fathoms deepe at low water; at the entry thereof, and on euery side of the same they did see very delicate Meadowes, hauing Roses white and red growing thereon, with a kind of wild Lilly, which had a very daintie smell. [ 20]

The next day they resolued to coast alongst to discouer the next Harbour, which was but two leagues distant from the other, where they found a more pleasant Riuer, being foure fathom wa∣ter at a low water, with Meadowes on both sides thereof, hauing Roses and Lillies growing thereon as the other had. They found within this Riuer a very fit place for a Plantation, both in regard that it was naturally apt to bee fortified, and that all the ground beweene the two Riuers was without Wood, and was good fat earth hauing seuerall sorts of Berries grow∣ing thereon, as Gooseberry, Strawberry, Hyndberry, Rasberry, and a kinde of Red-wine∣berry: As also some sorts of Graine, as Pease, some eares of Wheat, Barley, and Rye, growing there wild; the Pease grow euery where in abundance, very big and good to eate, but taste of the Fitch. This Riuer is called Port Iolly, from whence they coasted alongst to Port Negro, being [ 30] 12. leagues distant, where all the way as they sailed alongst they found a very pleasant Countrey hauing growing euery where such things as they did see in the two Harbours where they had beene. They found like wise in euery Riuer abundance of Lobsters, and Cockles, and other small fishes, and also they found not onely in the Riuers, but all the Coast alongst, numbers of seuerall sorts of Wild-fowle, as Wild-goose, Black-Duck, Woodcock, Herron, Pigeon, and many other sorts of Fowle which they knew not. They found likewise, as they sailed alongst the Coast abun∣dance of great God, with seuerall other sorts of great fishes. The Countrey is full of Woods, not very thick, and the most part Oake, the rest Fir-tree, Spruce, Birch, and many other sorts of wood which they had not seene before. [ 40]

Hauing discouered this part of the Countrey in regard of the voyage, their Ship was to make to the Straits with fishes, they resolued to coast alongst from Lukes Bay to Port de Muton, being foure leagues to the East thereof, where they encountred with a Frenchman, that in a very short time had a great voyage, hauing furnished one Ship away with fishes, and had neere so many ready as to load his owne Ship and others. And hauing taken a view of this Port, which to their iudgement they found no wayes inferiour to the rest they had seene be∣fore, they resolued to retire backe to New-found-land, where their Ship was to receiue her loading of fishes, the twentieth of Iuly they loosed from thence, and the seuen and twentieth thereof they arriued at Saint Iohns Harbour in New-found-land; and from thence sailed alongst the Bay of Conception, where they left the Ship, and dispatched themselues home in seuerall Ships that belonged to the West part of England, and doe intend this next Spring to set forth a [ 50] Colony to plant there.

The description of the Countrey of Mawooshen, discouered by the English, in the yeere 1602. 3. 5. 6. 7. 8. and 9.

MAwooshen is a Countrey lying to the North and by East of Uirginia, betweene the degrees of 43. and 45. It is fortie leagues broad, and fiftie in length, lying in breadth East and West, and in length North and South. It is bordered on the East side with a Countrey, the people, whereof they call Tarrantines: on the West with Epistoman, on the North with a great Wood [ 60] called Senaglecoune, and on the South with the mayne Ocean Sea, and many Ilands.

In Mawooshen it seemeth there are nine Riuers, whereof the first to the East is called Quibi∣quesson; on which there is one Towne, wherein dwell two Sagamos or Lords, the one called A∣sticon,

the other Abermot. In this Towne are fiftie houses, and 150. men. The name of which Towne is Precante; this Riuer runneth farre vp into the Mayne, at the head thereof there is a Lake of a great length and breadth; it is at the fall into the Sea tenne fathoms deepe, and halfe a mile ouer.

The next is Pemaquid, a goodly Riuer and very commodious all things considered; it is ten fa∣thoms water at the entrance, and fortie miles vp there are two fathoms and a halfe at low water; it is halfe a mile broad, and runneth into the Land North many daies iourney: where is a great Lake of 18. leagues long and foure broad. In this Lake are seuen great Ilands: toward the farthest end there falleeh in a Riuer, which they call Acaconstomed, where they passe with their Boates thirtie daies iourney vp, and from thence they goe ouer Land twentie daies iourney more, and [ 10] then come to another Riuer, where they haue a trade with Anadabis or Anadabijon, with whom the Frenchmen haue had commerce for a long time. Neere to the North of this Riuer of Pemaquid are three Townes: the first is Upsegon, where Bashabes their chiefe Lord doth dwell. And in this Towne are sixtie houses, and 250. men, it is three daies iourney within the Land. The second is Caiocame; the third Shasheekeing. These two last Townes are opposite one to the other, the Riuer diuiding them both, and they are two daies iourney from the Towne of Bashabes. In Caioc〈…〉〈…〉 dwelleth Maiesquis, and in Shasheokeing Bowant, two Sagamos, subiects to Bashabes. Vpon both sides of this Riuer vp to the very Lake, for a good distance the ground is plaine, without Trees or Bushes, but full of long Grasse, like vnto a pleasant meadow, which the Inhabitants doe burne once a yeere to haue fresh feed for their Deere. Beyond this Meadow are great Woods, whereof [ 20] more shall bee spoken hereafter. The Riuer of Pemaquid is foure dayes iourney from the mouth of Quibiquesson.

The third Riuer is called Ramassoc, and is distant from the mouth of Pemaquid foure daies iour∣ney; it is twentie fathoms at the entrance, and hath a mile ouer; it runneth into the Land three daies iourney, and within lesse then a daies iourney of the dwelling of Bashabes: vpon this Riuer there is a Towne named Panobscot, the Lord whereof is called Sibatahood; who hath in his Town fiftie houses, and eightie men.

The fourth Riuer Apanawapeske, lying West and by South of Ramassoc, at the entrance whereof there is twentie fathoms water, and it is a mile broad: it runneth vp into the Countrey fiue daies iourney; and within three daies of the mouth are two Townes, the one called Mee∣combe, [ 30] where dwelleth Aramasoga, who hath in his Towne fiftie houses, and eightie men. The other is Chebegnadose, whose Lord is Skanke, and hath thirtie houses and ninetie men. The mouth of Apanawapeske is distant from Ramassoc three daies iourney.

To the South-west foure daies iourney, there is another excellent Riuer; in the entranc•• whereof is twentie fathoms water, and it is a quarter of a mile broad, it runneth into the Land two daies iourney, and then there is a great fall; at the head wherof there is a Lake of a daies iour∣ney long and as much in breadth. On the side of this Lake there is a Strait, and at the end of that Strait there is another Lake of foure daies iourney long, and two daies iourney broad; wher∣in there are two Ilands, one at the one end, and another at the other end. I should haue told you that both these Lakes, as also the rest formerly spoken of, doe infinitely abound with fresh wa∣ter [ 40] fish of all sorts••, as also with diuers sorts of Creatures, as Otters, Beeues, sweete Rats, and such like.

The sixt Riuer is called Apponick on which there are three Townes; the first is called Appi∣sham, where dwelleth Abochigishic. The second is Mesaqueegamic, where dwelleth Amniquin, in which there is seuentie houses and eightie men; the third is Matammiscowte, in which are eightie houses and ninetie men, and there dwelleth Narracommique.

To the Westward of this there is another Riuer called Aponeg: it hath at the entrance ten fa∣thoms water, and is a mile broad: it runneth vp into a great Sound of fresh water. Vpon the East side of this Riuer there are two Townes, the one called Nebamocago, the other called Ashawe. In the first dwelleth Mentavrmet, and hath in his Towne 160. housholds, and some 300. men. In [ 50] the second dwelleth Hamerhaw, and hath in his Towne eightie housholds and seuentie men. On the West side there is another Towne called Neredoshan, where are 120. housholds, and 100. men. There is a Sagamo or Lord called Sabenaw.

Three daies iourney from Aponeg to the Westward, there is a goodly Riuer called Sagadohoc: the entrance whereof is a mile and an halfe ouer, holding that breadth a daies iourney, and then it maketh a great Sound of three daies iourney broad: in which Sound are six Ilands, foure great and full of Woods, and two lesse without Woods: The greater are called Sowaghcoc, Neguiwo, Neiwoc. And in the verie entrance of this Riuer there is another small Iland: from the West of which Iland to the Maine, there is a Sand that maketh as it were a bar, so that that way is not passable for shipping: but to the Eastward there is two fathoms water. This Sound diuideth it [ 60] selfe into two branches or armes, the one running North-east twentie foure daies iourney, the o∣ther North-west thirtie daies iourney into the Maine: At the heads whereof there are two Lakes, the Westermost being eight daies iourney long, and foure daies iourney broad; and the Easter∣most foure daies iourney long, and two daies broad. The Riuer of Aponeg runneth vp into this

Sound, and so maketh as it were a great Iland between Sagadahoc and it. From the Iland vpward the water is fresh, abounding in Salmons, and other fresh-water fish. Some thirteene or fourteen daies iourney from the entrance in the North-east branch, there is a little arme of a Riuer that runneth East some daies iourney, which hath at the entrance foure fathoms water. Vpon this arme there is one ouer fail, which standeth halfe a daies iourney aboue this braneh: vpon this arme there are foure Townes: The first is called Kenebeke, which hath eightie houses, and one hundred men. The Lord whereof is Apombamen. The second is Ketangheanycke, and the Sa∣gamos name is Octoworthe, who hath in his Towne ninetie housholds, and three hundred and thirtie men. This Towne is foure dayes iourney from Kenebeke, and eight dayes iourney from To the Northward is the third Towne, which they call Naragooc; where there [ 10] are fiftie housholds, and one hundred and fiftie men. The chiefe Sagamo of that place is Cococ∣kohamas. And on the small branch that runneth East standeth the fourth Towne, named by M••ssakiga; where there are but eight housholds, and fortie men. Vpon the Northwest branch of this Sound stand two Townes more: The first is called Amereangan, and is di∣stant from Kenebeke sixe dayes iourney. In this place are ninetie housholdes, and two hun∣dred and sixtie men, with two Sagamoes; the one called Sasu••a, the other Scawas. Seuen daies iourney hence there is another Sagamo, whose name is Octowor••kin, and his Townes name Na∣mercante, wherein are fortie housholds, and one hundred and twentie men. A dayes iour∣ney aboue Namercante there is a downefall, where they cannot passe with their Cannoes, but are inforced to carrie them by Land for the space of a quarter of a mile, and then they put [ 20] them into the Riuer againe: And twelue dayes iourney aboue this Downfall there is another, where they carrie their Boates as at the first; and sixe dayes iourney more to the North is the head of this Riuer, where is the Lake that is of eight dayes iourney long, and foure dayes broad before mentioned. In this Lake there is one Iland; and three dayes iourney from this Lake there is a Towne which is called Buccawganecants, wherein are threescore hous∣holds, and foure hundred men: And the Sagamo thereof is called Baccatusshe. This man and his people are subiects to the Bashabez of Mawooshen, and in his Countrey is the farthest limit of his Dominion, where he hath any that doe him homage.

To the Westward of Sagadahoc, foure dayes iourney there is another Riuer called Ashama∣baga, which hath at the entrance sixe fathoms water, and is halfe a quarter of a mile broad: [ 30] it runneth into the Land two dayes iourney: and on the East side there is one Towne cal∣led Agnagebcoc, wherein are seuentie houses, and two hundred and fortie men, with two Saga∣mes, the one called Maurmet, the other Casherokenit.

Seuen dayes iourney to the South-west of Ashamabaga there is another Riuer, that is sixe fathoms to the entrance: This Riuer is named Shawakotoc, and is halfe a myle broad; it run∣neth into the Land fiftie dayes iourney: but foure dayes from the entrance it is so narrow, that the Trees growing on each side doe so crosse with their boughes and bodies on the o∣ther, as it permitteth not any meanes to passe with Boates that way: for which cause the In∣habitants that on any occasion are to trauell to the head, are forced to goe by Land, ta∣king their way vpon the West side. At the end of this Riuer there is a Lake of foure dayes [ 40] iourney long, and two dayes broad, wherein are two Ilands. To the North-West foure daies iourney from this Lake, at the head of this Riuer Shawakatoc there is a small Prouince, which they call Crokemago, wherein is one Towne. This is the Westermost Riuer of the Dominions of Bashabez, and Quibiquisson the Westermost.

To the Reader.

I Haue thought good to adde to the English Plantations in New England, those in the neighbour Countrey of New-found-land. This was first discouered, Ann. 1497. by S. Sebastian Cabot set forth by King Henry the seuenth: the Voyages followed of M. Rut, Albert de Prato, M. Hore, and o∣thers. [ 50] Ann. 1583. actuall and formall possession, was taken in the right of Queene Elizabeth of glorious memory, and her Successours, by that memorable Knight, Sir Humfrey Gilbert (see sup. lib. 4. ca. 13.) And in the yeere, 1609. M. Iohn Guy of Bristoll did write a Treatise to animate the English to plant there, a written Copy whereof I haue. A. 1610. It pleased his most excellent Maiestie to grant a Patent for a Plantation, part whereof (the whole might seeme too long for our purpose) we haue inserted. [ 60]

CHAP. VII.

The beginning of the Patent for New-found-land; and the Plantation there made by the English, 1610. deliuered in a Letter dated thence from M. GVY, to M. SLANY: Also of the weather the three first Winters, and of Captaine WESTON: with other remark∣able Occurrents.

IAMES, by the Grace of GOD, of Great Brittaine, France, and Ireland King, De∣fendour [ 10] of the Faith, &c. To all people to whom these Presents shall come, gree∣ting. Know yee, whereas diuers Our louing and well disposed Subiects, are desi∣rous to make Plantation to inhabite and to establish a Colony or Colonies, in the Southerne and Easterne parts of the Countrey, and Ile or Ilands, commonly cal∣led New-found-land, vnto the Coast and Harbour, whereof the Subiects of this our Realme of Eng∣land haue for the space of fiftie yeeres and vpwards, yeerely vsed to resort in no small numbers to fish; intending by such Plantation and inhabiting, both to secure and make safe the said Trade of Fishing to Our Subiects for euer; And also, to make some commendable benefit for the vse of mankind by the lands and profits thereof, which hitherto from the beginning (as it seemeth ma∣nifest) [ 20] hath remained vnprofitable: And for better performance of such their purpose and inten∣tions, haue humbly besought Our Regall Authoritie and assistance; Wee being well assured that the same Land or Countrey adioyning to the foresaid Coasts, where Our Subiects vse to fish, re∣maineth so destitute and desolate of inhabitance, that scarce any one Sauage person hath in many yeeres beene seene in the most parts thereof: And well knowing that the same lying, and being so vacant, is as well for the reasons aforesaid, as for many other reasons very commodious for Vt and Our Dominions: And that by the Law of Nature, and Nations, We may of Our Royall Au∣thoritie, possesse our selues, and make graunt thereof, without doing wrong to any other Prince, or State, considering they cannot iustly pretend any Soueraigntie or Right thereunto, in respect that the same remaineth so vacant and not actually possessed, and inhabited by any Christian, or other [ 30] whomsoeuer. And therefore, thinking it a matter and action well beseeming a Christian King, to make true vse of that which God from the beginning created for mankind; And therefore in∣tending, not onely to worke and procure the benefit and good of many of Our Subiects, but prin∣cipally to increase the knowledge of the Omnipotent God, and the propagation of Our Christi∣an Faith, haue graciously accepted of their said intention, and suit. And therefore doe of Our spe∣ciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, for Vs, Our Heires, and Successors, giue, graunt, and confirme by these Presents, vnto Our right deere, and right welbeloued Cousin, and Coun∣sellor, Henry Earle of Northampton, Keeper of Our Priuy Seale, and to Our trustie and right wel∣beloued. Sir Laurence Tanfield Knight, chiefe Baron of Our Exchequer, Sir Iohn Dodridge Knight, one of Our Sergeants at Law, Sir Francis Bacon Knight, Our Sollicitor Generall, Sir Daniel [ 40] Dun, Sir Walter Cope, Sir Pierciuall Willoughby, and Sir Iohn Constable Knights, Iohn Weld Esquire, William Freeman, Ralph Freeman, Iohn Slany, Humfrey Slany, William Turner, Robert Kirkam Gen∣tlemen, Iohn Weld Gentleman, Richard Fishburne, Iohn Browne, Humfrey Spencer, Thomas Iuxon, Iohn Stokely, Ellis Crispe, Thomas Alport, Francis Needeham, William Iones, Thomas Langton, Phil∣lip Gifford, Iohn Whittingam, Edward Allen, Richard Bowdler, Thomas Iones, Simon Stone, Iohn Short, Iohn Vigars, Iohn Iuxon, Richard Hobby, Robert Alder, Anthony Haueland, Thomas Aldworth, Wil∣liam Lewis, Iohn Guy, Richard Hallworthy, Iohn Langton, Humfrey Hooke, Phillip Guy, William Me∣redith, Abram Ienings, and Iohn Dowghtie, their Heires and Assignes. And to such, and so ma∣ny as they doe, or shall hereafter admit to be ioyned with them in forme hereafter in these Pre∣sents expressed, whether they goe in their persons to bee planted in the said Plantation, or whe∣ther [ 50] they goe not, but doe aduenture their Monyes, Goods, and Chattels, that they shall bee one Body, or Comminaltie perpetuall, and shall haue perpetuall succession, and one common Seale to serue for the said Body, and Comminaltie; And that they, and their successours shall be knowne, called, and incorporated by the name of the Treasurer, and the Company of Aduenturers, and Planters of the Citie of London, and Bristoll, for the Colony or Plantation in New-found-land, and that they, and their successours shall bee from henceforth for euer inabled, to take, require, and purchase by the name aforesaid (Licence for the same, from Vs, Our Heires and Successours first had, and obtained) any manner of Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments, Goods, and Chat∣tels, within Our Realme of England, and Dominion of Wales, and that they, and their successours shall bee like wise inabled by the name aforesaid, to plead and be impleaded, before any Our Iud∣ges, [ 60] or Iustices in any of Our Courts, and in any Actions and Suits whatsoeuer. And Wee doe al∣so of Our said speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, for Vs, Our Heires, and Successours, giue, grant, and confirme vnto the said Tresurer and Company, and their Successours, vnder the reseruations, limitations, and declarations hereafter expressed, all that part and porti∣on

of the said Countrie, commonly called New found land, which is situate, lying and being to the Southward of the parallel line to be conceiued to passe by the Cape or hedland, commonly called or knowne by the name of Bonewist Inclusiue, which Cape or hedland is to be Northward of the Bay, commonly called Trinity Bay, and also which is situate, lying, and being to the East∣ward of the Meridian line, to be conceiued to passe by the Cape, or headland, commonly called or knowne by the name of Cape Sancta Maria, or Cape Saint Maries Inclusiue, which Cape or headland is to be Eastward of the Bay commonly called the Bay of Placentia, together with the Seas and Ilands lying within ten leagues of any part of the Sea coast of the Countrie aforesaid, and also all those Countries, Lands, and Ilands commonly called Newfound land, which are situate betweene forty and six degrees of Northerly latitude, and two and fifty degrees of the like lati∣tude, [ 10] and also all the Lands, Soyle, Grounds, Hauens, Ports, Riuers, Mines, as well royall Mines of Gold and Siluer, as other Mines, Minerals, Pearles, and precious stones, Woods, Quarries, Marshes, Waters, Fishings, Hunting, Hawking, Fowling, Commodities, and Hereditaments whatsoeuer, together with all Prerogatiues, Iurisdictions, Royalties, Priuiledges, Franchises, and Preheminen∣cies, within any the said Territories, and the precincts there of whatsoeuer, and thereto or there abouts, both by Sea and Land, being, or in any sort belonging or appertaining; and which wee by our Letters Patents may or can grant, and in as ample manner and sort, as We or any of Our Noble progenitors haue heretofore granted to any Company, body politique or Corporate, or to any Aduenturer or Aduenturers, Vndertaker, or Vndertakers of any Discouery, Plantation, or Trafficke, of, in or into any foraine parts whatsoeuer, and in as large and ample manner, as if the [ 20] same were herein particularly mentioned and expressed. Neuerthelesse Our will and pleasure is, and We doe by these presents expresse and declare, that there be saued, and reserued vnto all manner of persons of what Nation soeuer, and also to all and euery Our louing Subiects, which doe at this present, or hereafter shall trade, or voyage to the parts aforesaid for Fishing, &c. April. 27. A. Reg. 8.

Master IOHN GVY his Letter to Master SLANY Treasurer, and to the Counsell of the New-found-land Plantation.

RIght worshipfull, it may please you to vnderstand, that it was the tenth day of this moneth of May [ 30] before the Barke of Northam, called the Consent, arriued here in New-found-land; notwith∣standing that a Ship of Bristoll, called the Lionesse, came to this Countrey the second of May in a moneths space: and the Trial of Dartmouth arriued here before in sixteene dayes: By reason of which stay of the aforesaid Barke, nothing could be done to take any of the places desired: all being possessed be∣fore. So that the Ship that commeth, whereof as yet there is no newes, is to trust to the place here, which is reserued for her; which I hope will proue a good place. Some yeeres as great a Uoyage hath bin made here, as in any place in this Land: God send her hither in safetie. I haue not yet seene any of the Coun∣trey to the Southward, or Northward of this Bay of Conception since this spring, because I expected daily the arriuall of the Barke, and thought it not fit to be absent herehence vntill she were arriued, and [ 40] dispatched: but presently vpon her departure, no time, God willing shall be lost, The care that was taken to require generally the Fishermen to assist vs, and to supply our wants, if any should be, was most ioyfull and comfortable to vs, which was most willingly accomplished by the most part of those which I haue yet seene: yet, God be praised, such was the state of all things with vs, as we were in no want of victuals, but had a great remainder, as you shall after vnderstand.

The state of the Autumne and Winter was in these parts of New-found-land after this manner. In both the moneths of October and Nouember, there were scarce six dayes wherin it either freezed or snow∣ed: and that so little, that presently it was thawed and melted with the strength of the Sunne: All the re∣sidue of the afore said two moneths being both warmer and drier then in England. In December we had sometimes faire weather, sometimes frost and snow, and sometime open weather and raine: for in the lat∣ter [ 50] end it was rainie, and was open weather. All these three moneths the winde was so variable, as it would euery fortnight visite all the points of the Compasse.

The most part of Ianuary and February vnto the middle of March the frost continued: the winde be∣ing for the most part Westerly, and now and then Northerly; notwithstanding three or foure times, when the winde was at South, it began to thaw and did raine. That which fell in this season was for the most part Snow, which with the heate of the Sunne would be consumed in the open places within a few dayes. That which abode longest was in February. During this time many dayes the Sun shone warme and bright from morning to night: notwithstanding the length of this frosty weather, small brookes that did run al∣most in leuell with a slow course, were not the whole winter three nights ouer frozen so thicke, as that the Ice could beare a Dogge to goe ouer it, which I found by good proofe: for euery morning I went to the brooke [ 60] which runneth by our house to wash. The Snow was neuer aboue eighteene inches thicke generally out of the drift; so that the feare of wanting wood or water neuer tooke hold of vs: for albeit we made no prouisi∣on for them, yet at a minute of an houres warning we were furnished where there were Lakes of fresh wa∣ter

that stood still and did not run, there is remained frozen able to beare a man almost three moneths, and was not dissolued vntill the middle of Aprill. But where the ayre had entrance and issue cut of them, there was no frost. When the winde in the winter time in England is at the North-east one moneth together, the frost is greater, and the cold more sharpe, then it is here at all. There was no moneth in all the winter that some of our company did not trauell in, either by land or by water, and lie abroad and drinke water, in places distant two, three, foure and fiue leagues from our habitation, and sometimes lay in the woods with∣out fire, and receiued no harme. When Aprill came our Spring began, and the first that did bud was the small Resen or the Corinth tree. Our Company was not letted in working abroad, & in the woods and open ayre fifteene dayes the wholewinter. We neuer wanted the company of Rauens and small Birds: So that the doubt that haue bin made of the extremity of the winter season in these parts of New-found-land are found by our experience causelesse; and that not onely men may safety inhabit here without any neede of [ 10] Stoue, but Nauigation may be made to and fro from England to these parts at any time of the yeare.

Concerning the healthfulnesse of these Countries, we hauing bin now more then ten moneths vpon this Voyage, of nine and thirty persons, which was all our number which wintered here, there are wanting one∣ly foure; whereof one Thomas Percy Sawyer died the eleuenth of December of thought, hauing slaine a man in Rochester; which was the cause, being vnknowne vnto mee vntill a day before he died, that he came this Voyage. And one other, called Iohn Morris Tyler, miscarried the first of February by reason of a bruse. The third, called Marmaduke Whittington, was neuer perfectly well after he had the small Poxe, which he brought out of Bristoll with him, who died the fifteenth of February. And the fourth, cal∣led William Stone, hauing at the first onely a stiffenesse in one of his knees, kept his bed ten weakes, and would neuer stirre his body, which lasinesse brought him to his end, who died the thirteenth of Aprill. Of [ 20] the rest foure or fiue haue bin sicke, some three moneths, and some foure moneths; who now are better then they were, except one. All of them, if they had bad as good will to worke, as they had good stomackes to their victuals, would long since haue bin recouered. One Richard Fletcher, that is Master Pilot here and a director of the Fishing, reported vnto me, that he was one of the company consisting of forty persons, that went in a drumbler of Ipswich, called the Amitie, to the North part of Ireland about eleuen yeeres agoe from London in the late Queenes seruice, vnder the charge of one Captaine Fleming, and continu∣ed there the space of two yeares: In which time two and thirty died of the Scuruie, and that onely eight of them returned home, whereof the said Richard Fletcher was one. So that the accident of death or sicknesse of any persons in these our parts of New-found-land is not to argue any vnhealthfulnesse of this Country, [ 30] no more then Ireland is to be discredited by the losse of those two and thirty men: notwithstanding that there were to be had fresh victuals and many other helpes, which this Country as yet hath not, but in good time may haue.

From the sixt of October vntill the sixteenth of May our Company had bin imployed in making of a Store-house to hold our prouisions, and a dwelling house for our habitation, which was finished about the first of December; with a square inclosure of one hundred and twenty foot long and nintie foot broad, compassing these two houses, and a worke house to worke dry in to make Boates or any other worke out of the raine: and three peeces of Ordnance are planted there to command the Harboroughs vpon a platforme made of great posts, and railes, and great Poles sixteene foot long set vpright round about, with two Flan∣kers to scoure the quarters. A Boat about twelue tuns big with a decke is almost finished to saile and row [ 40] about the headlands: six fishing Boates and Pinnesses: a second saw pit at the fresh Lake of two miles in length and the sixt part of a mile broad, standing within twelue score of our habitation, to saw the timber to be had out of the fresh Lake, in keeping two paire of Sawyers to saw plankes for the said buildings, in ridding of some grounds to sow Corne and garden seedes: in cutting of wood for the Collier, in coling of it: in working at the Smiths Forge Iron workes for all needfull vses: in costing both by Land and Sea to many places within this Bay of Conception: in making the frame of timber of a farre greater and fairer house, then that which as yet we dwell in, which is almost finished, and diuers other things. We haue sowed all sorts of graine this Spring, which prosper well hitherto. Our Goates haue liued here all this winter; and there is one lustie Kidde, which was yeaned in the dead of winter. Our Swine prosper. Pidgens and Conies will endure exceeding well. Our Poultrie haue not onely laied Egges plentifully, but there are eigh∣teene [ 50] yong Chickins, that are a weeke old, besides others that are a hatching.

The feare of wilde Beasts we haue found to be almost needelesse. Our great Ram-Goate was missing fifteene dayes in October, and came home well againe, and is yet well with vs. If the industry of men and presence of domesticall Cattle were applied to the good of this Countrey of New-found-land, there would shortly arise iust cause of contentment to the inhabitants thereof. Many of our Masters and Sea-faring men seeing our safetie, and hearing what a milde winter we had, and that no Ice had bin seene fleeting in any of the Bayes of this Countrey all this yeare (notwithstanding that then met one hundred and fifty leagues off in the Sea great store of Ilands of Ice) doe begin to be in loue with the Countrey, and doe talke of comming to take land here to inhabit: falling in the reckoning aswell of the commoditie that they may make by the banke fishing, as by the husbandry of the Land, besides the ordinary fishing. At the Greene Bay, where some of our Company were a fishing in Nouember, they report there is great store of [ 60] good grounds without woods, and there is a thousand acres together which they say may be mo••ed this yere. There is great store of Deere, whereof they saw some diuers times, and twice they came within shot of them; and the Greyhound, who is lustie, had a course, but could not get vpon them. But neerer vnto Cape Razo,

Reuonse, and Trepasse there is great quantitie of open ground and Stagges. It is most likely that all the Sackes will be departed out of England before the returne of this our Barke, which shall not make any matter; because I am now of opinion that nothing should be sent hither before the returne of the Ships from fishing. For as concerning sending of Cattle, it will be best that it be deferred vntill the next Spring. And concerning Victuals, in regard of the quantity, we haue of it remaining of old, together with that that is come now, as with the dry fish that here we may be stored with, I am in good hope there will not want any to last till this time twelue moneths. And according to the victuals which shall be found at the end of the fishing, the number of persons that shall remaine here all the next winter shall be fitted, that there shall not want: notwithstanding about Alhollantide, or the beginning of December, a Ship may be sent, such a one as our Fleming was with Salt from Rochel; for at any time of the winter Ships may as well goe [ 10] and come hither, as when they doe, especially before Ianuary. This Summer I purpose to see most places be∣tweene Cape Rase, Placentia, and Bona vista, and at the returne of the fishing Ships to entertaine a fit number of men to maintaine here the winter; and to set ouer them, and to take the care of all things here, with your patience, one Master William Colton, a discreete yong man, and my brother Philip Guy, who haue wintered with me, and haue promised me to vndertake this charge vntill my returne the next Spring, or till it shall be otherwise disposed of by you, and then together with such of the company as are willing to goe home, and such others as are not fit longer to be entertained here, I intend to take passage in the fishing Ships, and so returne home: And then betweene that and the Spring to be present, to giue you more ample satisfaction in all things, and to take such further resolution, as the importance of the enter∣prise shall require: wherein you shall finde me alwayes as ready as euer I haue bin to proceeds and goe for∣ward, [ 20] God willing. And because at my comming home it will be time enough for mee to lay before you mine opinion touching what is to be vndertaken the next yeare, I will forbeare now to write of it; because you should be the sooner aduertised of our welfare: and because such of the Company as are sent home both for their owne good, and that the vnprofitable expence of victuals and wages might coase: I haue laden little or nothing backe, that the said Company might the better be at ease in the hold. Onely there is sent three hogsheads of Charcoles: where Numero 1^o. is, they are of Burch: n^o. 2^o. is, of Pine and Spruce, n^o. 3^o. is of Firre, being the lightest wood, yet it maketh good Coles, and is vsed by our Smith. I send them because you shall see the goodnesse of each kinde of Cole. Also I send you an Hogshead of the Skinnes and Furres of such Beasts as haue bin taken here, the particulers whereof appeare in the Bill of lading. [ 30]

While I was writing I had newes of the Vineyard, the Ship which you send to fishing, to haue bin in company with another Ship that is arriued on this side of the Banke, and that the Master intended to goe to Farillon or Fer-land: God send her in safety. So praying God for the prosperity of your Worships, and the whole Company, with hope that his diuine Maiestie which hath giuen vs so good a beginning, will al∣wayes blesse our proceedings: my dutie most humbly remembred, I take my leaue. Dated in Cupers Coue the sixteenth of May, 1611.

I haue also a Iournall of the winde and weather from the latter end of August 1611. till Iune 1612. written by Master William Colston; and deliuered to Master Iohn Guy, Gouernour of the English Colony in Newfoundland, at his returne from England thither, Iune the seuenth 1612. By [ 40] which it appeareth that the weather was somewhat more intemperate then it had beene the yeare before, but not intolerable, nor perhaps so bad as we haue it sometims in England. Their Dogges killed a Wolfe, Otters, Sables, &c. Captaine Easton a Pirat was troublesome to the Eng∣lish, and terrible to the French there: of whom I haue added this Letter; for the Diarie of the weather and occurrents each day would be very tedious.

To Master IOHN SLANY Treasurer, and others of the Councell, and Company of the New-found-land Plantation, the twenty nine of Iuly 1612. [ 50]

RIght Worshipfull, by my last of the seuenteenth of Iune. I wrote you of the estate then, of all matters here, by the Holland Ship, which (I hope) is long since safely arriued, together with Master Col∣ston, who hath (I doubt not) made by word of mouth, full relation of all matters. Because the proceedings of one Captaine Peter Easton a Pirate, and his company since, are most fit to be knowne, before I touch our Plantation businesse you shall vnderstand, what they haue bin vnto this time: vntill the seuenteenth of this present, the said Captaine Easton remained in Harbor de Grace, there trimming, and repairing his Shipping, and commanding not onely the Carpenters of each Ship to doe his businesse, but hath taken vi∣ctuals, munition, and necessaries from euery Ship, together with about one hundred men out of the Bay, [ 60] to man his Ships, being now in number six. He purposed to haue before he goeth, as is said, cut of the land fiue hundred men, while he remained there, two seuerall Companies to the number of about one hundred and eightie persons to each Company, being discontented, stole away from him in a Shallop, and tooke two Ships that were fishing in Trinitie Bay, one belonging to Barnstable, and one other to Plimmouth, and

so intend, to begin to be new beads, of that damnable course of life. As I sailed from hence towards Re∣noose, in a small Barke, I fell into one of their hands: and one of my company was hurt with a Musket. there was one of their crew that wintered with me here the first yeare, by whose meanes, and because I was in the Barke, they made shew, that they were sorry that they had medled with vs: And so they departed from vs, without comming aboord. That which they sought after was men, to increase their number. Be∣fore the said Captaine Eastons departure, he sent three Ships into Trinitie Bay, to store himselfe with victuals, munition, and men, who are said to be worse vsed, then the Ships here, he taketh much ordnance from them. The said Easton was lately at Saint Iones, and is now, as farre as I can learne, at Feriland, where he taketh his pleasure, and thereabouts, the rest are to meete him. It is giuen out, that we will send one Captaine Haruy in a Ship to Ireland, to vnderstand newes about his pardon, which if he can obtaine [ 10] in i•• 〈…〉〈…〉rge and ample manner as he expecteth, then he giueth out, that he will come in: otherwise, it is thought, that he will get Protection of the Duke of Florence, and that in his course herehence, he will ho∣uer about the Westwards of the Ilands of the Azores, to see whether he can light vpon any of the Plate fleete, or any good rich bootie, before his comming in. Albeit, he hath so preuailed here to the strengthening of himselfe, and incouraging of others to attempt the like hereafter: yet, were there that course taken, as I hope shall be, it is a most easie matter to represse them.

I haue also a Diarie of the winter weather, and obseruations of occurrents from August 1612. till Aprill 1613. December was very full of Snow (for I dare not present the whole) and the fresh-water Lake was frozen ouer, and the Frost and Snow by the tenth of that moneth, as in [ 20] any part of the two former places. Ianuary was much milder till the foureteenth, from thence it was very frosty. Their Beere was frozen, and they dranke halfe water (an ill remedy to cold.) The Cattell did not well thriue, as comming out of a Countrie not so cold. And therefore Iresh Cattell (where the winter is warmer) are not so fit to be transported hither. George Dauis died of the Scuruie, and after him Edward Garten, Edward Hartland, Iohn Tucker, and one and twenty were sicke (most of the Scuruie) the whole Colonie was sixtie two. February was much war∣mer and more temperate. Toby and Grigge died in March, the rest recouered. Turneps being found as good to recouer from the Scuruie as the Aneda tree to Iacques Cartiers Company. Nicho∣las Guies wife was deliuered of a lusty boy March 27. The Easterly windes and some Currents brought Ilands of Ice from the North Seas, which made the weather colder that Spring then in [ 30] the depth of winter when the same windes blowed, namely East and Northeast, those Ilands be∣ing blowne into the Baies, and the windes from them euen in Aprill very sharpe; and the Snow on the tenth of Aprill as thicke as any time that yeare.

In October Iohn Guy with thirteene others in the Indeauour, and fiue in the Shallop, went vp∣on Discouery. A•• Mount Eagle Bay they found store of Scuruy-grasse on an Iland. In the South bottome of Trinitie Bay, which they called Sauage Harbour, they found Sauages houses, no peo∣ple in them; in one they found a Copper Kettle very bright (you shall haue it as one of them writ it in his owne tearmes) a furre Goune of Elke skin, some Seale skins, an old saile and a fishing reele. Order was taken that nothing should be diminished, and because the Sauages should know that some had bin there, euery thing was remoued out of his place, and brought into one of the [ 40] Cabins, and laid orderly one vpon the other, and the Kettle hanged ouer them, wherein there was put some Bisket, and three or foure Amber Beades. This was done to begin to win them by faire meanes. This time of the yeare they liue by hunting; for wee found twelue Elkes hoofes, that were lately killed. A little peece of flesh was brought away, which was found to be a Be∣uer Cod, which is forthcomming to be seene. Their Houses there were nothing but Poles set in round forme meeting all together aloft, which they couer with Deere skins, they are about ten foote broad, and in the middle they make their fire: one of them was couered with a saile, which they had gotten from some Christian.

All things in this manner left, euery one returned by the Moone-light, going by the brinke of the Lake vnto the enterance of the made way: and a little before they came thither, they pas∣sed [ 50] by a new Sauage house almost finished, which was made in a square forme with a small roofe, and so came to the Barke. They haue two kinde of Oares, one is about foure foot long of one peece of Firre; the other is about ten foot long made of two peeces, one being as long, big, and round as a halfe Pike made of Beech wood, which by likelihood they made of a Biskin Oare, the other is the blade of the Oare, which is let into the end of the long one slit, and whipped very strongly. The short one they vse as a Paddle, and the other as an Oare. The thirtieth, without any further businesse with the Sauages, we departed thence to the Northerne side of Trinity Bay, and anchored all that night vnder an Iland. The one and thirtieth, we rowed vnto an harbour, which now is called Alhallowes; which hath adioyning vnto it very high land.

Nouember the sixt, two Canoas appeared, and one man alone comming towards vs with a [ 60] Flag in his hand of a Wolfes skin, shaking it and making a loud noise, which we tooke to be for a parley: whereupon a white Flag was put out, and the Barke and Shallop rowed towards them, which the Sauages did not like of, and so tooke them to their Canoas againe, and were going a∣way: whereupon the Barke wheazed vnto them, and flourished the Flag of truce, and came to

anker, which pleased them, and then they staied: presently after the Shallop landed Master Whit∣tington with the Flagge of truce, who went towards them. Then they rowed into the shoare with one Canoa, the other standing aloofe off, and landed two men, one of them hauing the white skin in his hand, and comming towards Master Whittington, the Sauage made a loud speech; and shaked the skin, which was answered by Master Whittington in like manner, and as the Sauage drew neere, he threw downe the white skin on the ground, the like was done by Master Whit∣tington; whereupon both the Sauages passed ouer a little water streame towards Master Whitting∣ton, dancing, leaping, and singing, and comming together, the foremost of them presented vnto him a chaine of leather full of small Periwinckle shels, a spitting knife, and a Feather that stacke in his eare: the other gaue him an Arrow without a head; and the former was requited with a linnen Cap, and a hand Towell, who put presently the linnen Cap vpon his head: and to the o∣ther [ 10] he gaue a Knife: and after hand in hand, they all three did sing and dance: vpon this, one of our company called Francis Tipton went ashoare, vnto whom one of the Sauages came running, and gaue him a Chaine, such as is before spoken of, who was gratified by Francis Tipton with a Knife and a small peece of Brasse. Then all foure together danced, laughing and making signes of ioy and gladnesse, sometimes striking the brests of our company, and sometimes their owne. When signes were made that they should be willing to suffer two of our Company more to come on shoare, for two of theirs more to be landed, and that Bread and Drinke should be brought ashoare, they made likewise signes that they had in their Canoas meate also to eate: vpon this the Shal∣lop rowed aboord, and brought Iohn Guy and Master Teage a shoare, who presented them with a [ 20] Shirt, two table Napkins, and a Hand-towell, giuing them Bread, Butter, and Reasons of the Sunne to eate, and Beere, and Aquauitae to drinke: and one of them blowing in the Aquauitae Bottle, that made a sound, which they fell all into a laughing at. After, Master Croote and Iohn Crouther came ashoare, whom they went to salute giuing them shell Chaines, who bestowed Gloues vpon them. One of the Sauages that came last ashoare, came walking with his Oare in his hand, and seemed to haue some command ouer the rest, and behaued himselfe ciuilly: For when meate was offered him, he drew off his Mitten from his hand before hee would receiue it, and gaue an Arrow for a present without a head: who was requited with a dozen of Points. Af∣ter they had all eaten and drunke, one of them went to their Canoa, and brought vs Deeres flesh dried in the smoake or winde, and drawing his Knife from out of his necke, hee cut euery man a [ 30] peece, and that fauoured very well. At the first meeting, when signes were made of meate to eate, one of the Sauages presently ran to the banke side, and pulled vp a roote, and gaue it to. Master Whittington, which the other Sauage perceiuing to be durtie tooke it out of his hand, and went to the water to wash it, and after diuided it among the foure, it tasted very well: hee that came a∣shoare with the Oare in his hand, went and tooke the white skin that they hailed vs with, and gaue it to Master Whittington; and presently after they did take our white Flagge with them in the Canoa, and made signes vnto vs that we should repaire to our Barke, and so they put off, for it was almost night.

In the two Canoas there were eight men, if none were women (for commonly in euery Canoa there is one woman) they are of a reasonable stature, of an ordinary middle sise, they goe bare∣headed, [ 40] wearing their haire somewhat long, but round: they haue no Beards; behinde they haue a great locke of haire platted with feathers, like a Hawkes Lure, with a feather in it standing vpright by the crowne of the head, and a small locke platted before, a short Gown made of Stags skins, the Furre innermost, that ranne downe to the middle of their legges, with sleeues to the middle of their arme, and a Beuer skin about their necke, was all their apparell, saue that one of them had shooes and Mittens, so that all went bare-legged, and most bare-foote. They are full eyed, of a blacke colour; the colour of their haire was diuers, some blacke, some browne, and some yellow, and their faces something flat and broad, red with Oker, as all their apparell is, and the rest of their body: they are broad brested, and bould, and stand very vpright.

Their Canoa, are about twenty foote long, and foure foote and a halfe broad in the middle a∣loft, [ 50] and for their Keele and timbers, they haue thin light peeces of dry Firre, rended as it were lathes: and instead of Boords, they vse the outer Burch barke, which is thin, and hath many folds, sowed together with a thred made of a small root quartered. They will carry foure persons well, and weigh not one hundred weight: they are made in forme of a new Moone, stem and sterne alike, and equally distant from the greatest breadth: from the stem and sterne here riseth a yard high a light thin staffe whipped about with small rootes, which they take hold by to bring the Canoa ashoare, that serueth instead of ropes, and a harbour, for euery place is to them a harbo∣rough; where they can goe ashoare themselues, they take a land with them their Canoa: and will neuer put to Sea but in a calme, or very faire weather: in the middle the Canoa is higher a great deale then in the Bowe and quarter, they be all bearing from the Keele to the portlesse not with [ 60] any circular line but with a right line. They had made a Tilt with a Saile that they got from some Christian, and pitched a dozen poles in the ground ueere, on which were hanged diuers Furs, and chaines made of shels, which at that instant we fell not in the reckoning to what intent it was done, but after it came to our minde, as hereafter you shall pereeiue.

The seuenth day we spent in washing, and in beginning a house to shelter vs when we should come thither hereafter, vpon a small Iland of about fiue acres of ground, which is ioyned to the maine with a small Beech: for any bartering with the Sauages there cannot be a fitter place.

The eighth day it began to freeze, and there was thin Ice ouer the sound; and because we heard nothing more of the Sauages we began to return out of the Sounds, & comming to the place which the Sauages had made two dayes before fire in, wee found all things remaining there, as it was when we parted, viz. an old Boat saile, three or foure shell chaines, about twelue Furres, of Bea∣uers most, a Fox skin, a Sable skin, a Bird skin, and an old Mitten, set euery one vpon a seuerall pole: whereby we remained satisfied fully, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they were brought thither of purpose to barter with vs, and that they would stand to our courtesie to leaue for it what wee should thinke good. [ 10] Because we were not furnished with fit things for to trucke, we tooke onely a Beauer skin, a Sa∣ble skin, and a Bird skin, leauing for them a Hatchet, a Knife, and foure Needles threaded. Ma∣ster Whittington had a paire of Cizzars which he left there for a small Beauers skin, all the rest we left there vntouched, and came that night to the harbour that we were in at our entring, which we call Flag-staffe Harbour, because we found there the Flag-staffe throwne by the Sauages away. These Sauages by all likelihood were animated to come vnto vs, by reason that wee tooke no∣thing from them at Sauage Bay, and some of them may be of those which dwell there. For in no other place where we were could we perceiue any tokens of any aboade of them, &c.

CHAP. VIII. [ 20]

Captaine RICHARD WHITBOVRNES Voyages to New-found-land, and obseruations there, and thereof; taken out of his Printed Booke.

IT it well knowne, that my breeding and course of life hath beene such, as that I haue long time set many people on worke, and spent most of my daies in trauell, specially in Merchandizing, and Sea-Voyages. I haue beene often in France, Spain, [ 30] Italy, Portugall, Sauoy, Denmarke, Norway, Spruceland, the Canaries, and Soris I∣lands: and for the New-found-land, it is almost so familiarly knowne to me as my owne Countrey.

In the yeere 1588. I serued vnder the then Lord Admirall, as Captaine in a Ship of my owne set forth at my charge against the Spanish Armado: and after such time as that seruice was en∣ded, taking my leaue of his Honour, I had his fauourable Letters to one Sir Robert Denuis, in the Countie of Deuon, Knight; whereby there might be some course taken, that the charge as well of my owne Ship, as also of two other, and a Pinnace, with the victuals, and men therein imploi∣ed, should not be any way burthensome to me. Wherein there was such order giuen by the then right Honorable Lords of the priuie Counsell, that the same was well satisfied: which seruice is [ 40] to be seene recorded in the Booke at White-Hall.

Now to expresse some of my Voyages to the New-found-land, which make most for the pre∣sent purpose. My first Voyage thither, was about fortie yeeres since, in a worthie Shippe, of the burthen of three hundred ••un, set forth by one Master Cotton of South-hampton: wee were bound to the Grand Bay (which lieth on the Northside of that Land) purposing there to trade then with the Sauage people (for whom we carried sundry commodities) and to kill Whales, and to make Traine Oyle, as the Biscaines doe there yeerely in great abundance. But this our intended Voy∣age was ouerthrowne, by the indiscretion of our Captaine, and faint-hartednesse of some Gen∣tlemen of our Companie: whereupon we set faile from thence, and bare with Trinity Harbour in New-found-land: where we killed great store of Fish, Deere, Beares, Beauers, Seales, Otters, and [ 50] such like, with abundance of Sea-fowle; and so returning for England, wee arriued safe at South∣hampton.

In a Voyage to that Countrie, about six and thirtie yeeres since, I had then the command of a worthy Ship of two hundred and twenty tun, set forth by one Master Crooke of South-hampton: At that time Sir Humfrey Gilbert, a Deuonshire Knight, came thither with two good Ships and a Pinnace, and brought with him a large Patent, from the late most renowned Queene Elizabeth, and in her name tooke possession of that Countrie, in the Harbour of Saint Iohns, whereof I was an eye-witnesse. He failed from thence towards Virginia; and by reason of some vnhappy di∣rection in his course, the greatest Ship he had strucke vpon Shelues, on the Coast of Canadie, and was there lost, with most part of the company in her; And he himselfe being then in a small Pin∣nace [ 60] of twenty tun, in the company of his Vice-Admirall (one Captaine Hayes) returning to∣wards England, in a great storme was ouerwhelmed with the Seas, and so perished.

In another Voyage I made thither, about foure and thirty yeeres past, wherein I had the com∣mand of a good Ship, partly mine one: at that time own Sir Bernard Drake of Deuonshire, Knight,

came thither with a Commission, and hauing diuers good Ships vnder his command, hee there took many Portugall Ships laden with Fish, and brought them into England as Prizes. Omitting to speak of other Voyages, I made thither, during the late Queens raign, I will descend to later times.

In the yeere 1611. being in New-found-land, at which time that famous Arch-Pirate, Peter Easton, came there, and had with him ten saile of good Ships well furnished and very rich, I was kept eleuen weekes vnder his command, and had from him many golden promises, and much wealth offered to be put into my hands, as it is well knowne: I did perswade him much to de∣sist from his euill course; his intreaties then to me, being that I would come for England, to some friends of his, and sollicite them to become humble petitioners to your Maiestie for his pardon: but hauing no warrant to touch such goods, I gaue him thinkes for his offer; onely I requested [ 10] him to release a Ship that he had taken vpon the Coast of Guinnie, belonging to one Captaine Rashly of Foy in Cornewall; a man whom I knew but onely by report: which he accordingly re∣leased. Whereupon I prouided men, victuals, and a fraught for the said Ship, and so sent her home to Dartmouth in Donen, though I neuer had so much as thankes for my kindenesse therein. And so leauing Easton, I came for England, and gaue notice of his intention, letting passe my Voyage I intended for Naples, and lost both my labour and charges: for before my arriuall, there was a par∣don granted, and sent him from Ireland. But Easton houering with those ships and riches vpon the Coast of Barbary, as he promised, with a longing desire, and full expectation to be called home, lost that hope by a too much delaying of time by him who carried the Pardon. Whereupon he failed to the Straights of Gibraltar, and was afterwards entertained by the Duke of Sauoy, vnder whom [ 20] he liued rich.

I was there also in the yeere 1614. when Sir Henry Manwaring was vpon that Coast, with fiue good Ships strongly prouided: he caused me to spend much time in his company, and from him I returned into England, although I was bound from thence to Marsse••••is, to make sale of such goods as I then had, and other imploiments, &c.

In the yeere 1615. I returned againe to New-found-land, carrying with mee a Commission out of the high Court of Admiraltie, vnder the great Seale thereof, authorising me to empannell Iu∣ries, and to make inquirie vpon Oath, of sundry abuses and disorders committed amongst Fisher∣men yeerly vpon that Coast, and of the fittest means to red••esse the same, with some other points, hauing a more particular relation to the Office of the Lord Admirall. [ 30]

What was then there done, by vertue of that Commission, which was wholly executed at my owne charge, hath bin at large by me already certified into the high Court of Adm••••altie. Neuer∣thelesse, seeing the same hath beene ouer slipt euer since, & not produced those good effects which were expected, I will, in some conuenient place of this Discourse; set downe a briefe collection of some part of my endeuours spent in that seruice; not doubting but it will be as auaileable for the furtherance of our intended designe, as any other reason I shall deliuer.

In the yeere 1616. I had a Ship at New-found-land of a hundred tun, which returning laden from thence, being bound for Lisbone, was met with by a French Pirace of Rochell, one Daniel Ti∣bolo, who rifled her, to the ouerthrow and losse of my Voyage, in more then the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 860. pounds, and cruelly handled the Mastes and the Company that were in her; and although I made [ 40] good proofe thereof at Lisbone, and represented the same also to this Kingdome, as appertained, after my returne from thence; yet for all this losse, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 could neuer haue any recompence.

Shortly after my returne from Lisboue, I was sent for by a Gentleman, who about a yeere be∣fore, by a grant from the Patentees, had vndertaken to settle people in New-found-land; he ac∣quainted me with his designes, & after some conference touching the same, we so concluded, that he gaue me a conueiance vnder his hand and seale for the terme of my life, with full power to go∣uerne within his circuit vpon that Coast; whereupon (being desirous to aduance that worke) in Anno 1618. I sailed thither in a Ship of my owne, which was victualled by that Gentleman, my selfe, and some others. We likewise then did set forth another Ship, for a fishing Voyage, which also carried some victuals for those people which had beene formerly sent to inhabit there: but this Ship was intercepted by an English erring Captain (that went forth with Sir Walter Raleigh) [ 50] who tooke the Master of her, the Boatswaine, & two other of the best men, with much of her vi∣ctuals (the rest of the Company for feare running into the woods) and so left the Ship as a Prize, whereby our intended Fishing Voyages of both our Ships were ouerthrown, and the Plantation hindered.

Now seeing it pleased your Maiestie many yeers since, to take good notice of the said New∣found-land, and granted a Patent for a Plantation there, wherein many Honorable and worthy mens endeuours, and great charge therein, haue deserued good commendations (as is well known) the which I desire to further with all my best endeuours: and not to disgrace or disable the foun∣dation and Proiects of others, knowing they haue beene greatly hindered by P••••ats, and some er∣ring [ 60] Subiects that haue arriued vpon that Coast; it being indifferent to me, whether there be a new foundation laid, or whether it be builded vpon that which hath already beene begun; so that the Plantation go forward. Yet I may truly say, that hither to little hath beene performed to any purpose, by such as therein were imploied, worthy the name of a Plantation, or answerable to the

expectationa and desert of the Vndertakers; neither haue such good effects followed, as may be expected from a thorow performance hereafter. And seeing that no man hath yet published any fit motiues or inducements, whereby to perswade men to aduenture, or plant there; I haue presu∣med plainly to lay downe these following reasons, &c.

A Relation of the New-found-land.

NEw-found-land is an Iland, bordering vpon the continent of America, from which it is diui∣ded by the Sea: so far distant, as England is from the neerest part of France, & lieth between 46. and 53. deg. North-latitude: It is neere as spacious as Ireland, and lieth neere the course that Ships vsually hold in their return from the Wost Indies, and neere halfe the way between Ireland [ 10] and Virginia I shall not much neede to co••••end the wholsome temperature of that Countrie, see∣ing the greatest part thereof lieth aboue 3. degrees neerer to the South, then any part of England doth. And it hath bin well approued by some of our Nation, who haue liued there these many yeeres, that euen in the winter it is as pleasant and healthfull as England is. And although the ex∣ample of one Summer be no certain rule for other yeeres; yet thus much also can I truely affirme, that in the yeare 1615. of the many thousands of English, French, Portugals, and others, that were then vpon that Coast (amongst whom I sailed to and ••••o more then one hundred leagues) I neither saw nor heard in all that crauell, of any man or boy of either of these Nations, that died there du∣ring the whole Voyage; neither was so much as any one of them sicke.

The naturall Inhabitants of the Countrie, as they are but few in number, so are they something [ 20] rude and sauage people; hauing neither knowledge of God, nor liuing vnder any kinde of ciuil go∣uernment. In their habits, customs & manners, they resemble the Indians of the Continent, from whence (I suppose) they come; they liue altogether in the North and West part of the Country, which is seldome frequented by the English; But the French and Biscaines (who resort thither yeerely for the Whale-fishing, and also for the Cod-fish) report them to be an ingenious and tra∣ctable people (being well vsed) they are ready to assist them with great labour and patience, in the killing, cutting, and boyling of Whales; and making the Traine Oyle, without expectation of other reward, then a little Bread, or some such small hire.

All along the coast of this Countrie, there are many spacious and excellent Bayes, some of them stretching into the land, one towards another, more then twentie leagues. On the East side of [ 30] the Land, are the Bayes of Trinitie and Conception, which stretcheth themselues towards the South-weste To•• Bay, and Cap〈…〉〈…〉 Bay, lying also on the East, stretch toward the West: the Bayes of Trepassoy, S. Mary, B••rrell, and Plais••••ce, on the South part of the Land, extend their armes to∣ward the North: The great Bay of S. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lying on the South-west side of the Land, and East, So〈…〉〈…〉rly from the great Riuer of C〈…〉〈…〉 being about twentie leagues distant, the same stretch∣eth toward the East. And here I pray you note, that the bottoms of these Bayes doe meete to∣gether within the compasse of a small 〈◊〉〈◊〉: by meanes whereof our men passing ouer land from Bay to Bay may with much facilitied discouer the whole Countrie.

From the Bay of S. Peter round about the West side of the Land, till you come to the grand Bay which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on the North side of the Countrie; and so from thence, till you come round, back [ 40] to T〈…〉〈…〉 Bay, are abundance of large and excellent Bayes; which are the lesse knowne, because not frequented by the English, who seldome 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the Northward of Tri••••tie Bay.

And it is to be obserued, that round about the Coast and in the Bayes, there are many small I∣lands (none of them further off the〈…〉〈…〉 league from the land) both faire and fruitfull•• neither doth any one part of the world afford greacee store of good Harbours, more free from dangers, or more commodious, then are there built by the admirable workmanship of God; I will onely instance two or three of the chiefest, for some speciall reasons.

Trinitie Harbour ••yes fortie nine degrees North-latitude, being very commodiously sea∣sted to receiue shipping in reasonable weather, both to anchor in and from thence to saile to∣wards either the East, West, or South: It hath three Armes or Riuers, long and large enough [ 50] for many hundred fayle of Ships, to moare fast at Anchor neere asmile from the Harbours mouest; close adioyning to the Riuers side, and within the Harbour is much open land, well stored with Grasse suffcient, Winter and Summer, to maintaine great store of ordinary Cat∣tell, besides Hogges and Geats, if such beasts were carried thither and it standeth North, most of any Harbour in the Land, where our Nation practiseth Fishing; It is neere vnto a great Bay lying on the North side of it, called the Bay of Flowers, to which place no Ships repaire to fish; partly in regard of sundry Rockes and Ledges lying euen with the water, and full of dan∣ger: but ••niefly (as I coniecture) because the Sauage people of that Countrey doe there in∣habite: many of then secretly euery yeere, come into Trinitie Bay and Harbour, in the night time, purposely to steale Sailes, Lines, Hatchets, Hookes, Kniues, and such like. And [ 60] this Bay is not three English miles ouer Land from Trinitie Bay in many places; which peo∣ple if they might bee reduced to the knowledge of the true Trinitie indeed, no doubt but it would bee a most swe•••• and acceptable sacrifice to God, an euerlasting honour to your Maie∣sty, and the heauenliest blessing to those poore Creatures, who are buried in their own superstious

ignorance. The taske thereof would proue easie, if it were but well begun, and constantly seconded by industrious spirits: and no doubt but God himselfe would set his hand to reare vp and aduance so noble, so pious, and so Christian a building.

The bottome of the Bay of Trinity lieth within foure leagues through the land South-west, Southerly from Trinity, as by experience is found, and it comes neere vnto the Bay of Trepassey, and the bottome of some other Bayes, as I haue alreadie touched before.

Trepassey in like manner is as commodious a Harbour, lying in a more temperate climate, al∣most in 46. degrees, the like latitude, and is both faire and pleasant, and a wholesome Coast, free from Rockes and Shelues: so that of all other Harbours, it lies the South-most of any Harbour in the Land, and most conueniently to receiue our Shipping to and from Uirginia, and the Bermuda Ilands; and also any other Shipping that shall passe to and from the Riuer of Cana∣dy [ 10] and the Coast thereof; because they vsually passe and returne in the sight of the Land of Tre∣passe, and also for some other purposes, as shall be partly declared in the following discourse.

The soile of this Countrie in the Vallies and sides of the Mountaines, is so fruitfull, as that in diuers places, there the Summer naturally produceth out of the fruitfull wombe of the earth, without the labour of mans hand, great plentie of greene Pease and Fitches, faire, round, full and wholesome as our Fitches are in England: of which I haue there fed on ma∣ny times: the hawmes of them are good fodder for Cattell and other Beasts in the winter, with the helpe of Hay; of which there may be made great store with little labour in diuers places of the Countrie.

Then haue you there faire Strawberries red and white, and as faire Raspasse berrie, and Goose∣berries, [ 20] as there be in England; as also multitudes of Bilberries, which are called by some Whortes, and many other delicate Berries (which I cannot name) in great abundance. There are also many other fruites, as small Peares, sowre Cherries, Filberds, &c. And of these Berries and Fruits the store is there so great, that the Marriners of my Ship and Barkes Companie, haue often gathered at once, more then halfe an Hogshead would hold; of which diuers times ea∣ting their fill, I neuer heard of any man, whose health was thereby any way impaired.

There are also Herbes for Sallets and Broth; as Parslie, Alexander, Sorrell, &c. And also Flow∣ers, as the red and white Damaske Rose, with other kindes, which are most beautifull and de∣lightfull, both to the sight and smell. And questionlesse the Countrie is stored with many Physi∣call herbs and roots, albeit their vertues are not knowne, because not sought after; yet within [ 30] these few yeeres, many of our Nation finding themselues ill, haue bruised some of the herbs and streined some of the iuice into Beere, Wine or Aquauite; and so by Gods assistance, after a few drinkings, it hath restored them to their former health. The like vertue it hath to cure a wound or any swelling, either by washing the grieued places with some of the herbes boiled, or by ap∣plying them so thereunto (plaister-wise) which I haue seene by often experience. This being the naturall fruitfulnesse of the earth, producing such varietie of things, fit for foode, without the la∣bour of man: I might in reason hence inferre, that if the same were manured, and husbanded in some places, as our grounds are, it would be apt to beare Corne, and no lesse fertill then the Eng∣lish soile.

But I neede not confine my selfe to probabilities; seeing our men that haue wintred there di∣uers [ 40] yeeres, did for a triall and experiment thereof sowe some small quantitie of Corne, which I saw growing verie faire; and they found the increase to be great, and the graine very good; and it is well knowne to me, and diuers that trade there yeerely, how that Cabbage, Carrets, Tur∣neps, Lettice, and such like, proue well there.

In diuers parts of the Countrie there is great store of Deere, & some Hares, manie Foxes, Squir∣rels, Beuers, Wolues, and Beares, with other sorts of Beasts, seruing as well for necessitie, as for profit and delight. Neither let me seeme ridiculous, to annex a matter of noueltie, rather then weight, to this discourse. In the yeere 1615. it was well knowne to eight and fortie persons of my Companie, and diuers other men, that three seuerall times, the Wolues & Beasts of the Coun∣trie came downe neere them to the Sea-side, where they were labouring about their Fish, how∣ling [ 50] and making a noise: so that at each time my Mastiffe Dogge went vnto them (as the like in that Countrie hath not been seene) the one began to fawne and play with the other, and so went together into the Woods, and continued with them, euerie of these times, nine or ten daies, and did returne vnto vs without any hurt.

The Land Fowle (besides great number of small Birds flying vp and downe, some without name, that liue by scraping their food from the earth in the hardest winter that is) there are also Hawkes great and small, Partridges, Thrush, and Thrussels abundance, very fat. As also Filladies, Nightingales, and such like, that sing most pleasantly. There are also Birds that liue by prey, as Rauens, Gripes, Crowes, &c. For Water-fowle, there is certainly so good, and as much varietie, [ 60] as in any part of the world; as Geese, D••cks, Pidgeons, Gulls, Penguins, and many other sorts. These Penguins are as bigge as Geese, and flie not, for they haue but a little short wing, and they multiply so infinitely, vpon a certaine flat Iland, that men driue them from thence vpon a boord into their Boates by hundreds at a time; as if God had made the innocencie of so poore a crea∣ture

to become such an admirable instrument for the sustentation of man. There are also God∣wits, Curlewes, and a certaine kinde of Fowle are called Oxen and Kine, with such like; which Fowle doe not onely steed those that trade thither greatly for foode, but also they are a great fur∣thering to diuers Ships voyages, because the abundance of them is such, that the Fishermen doe ba••t their hookes with the quarters of Sea-Fowle on them: and therewith some Ships doe yeerely take a great part of their Fishing Voyages, with some baite, before they can get others.

The fresh waters and Springs of that Countrie, are many in number, and withall very plea∣sant, delightfull and wholesome, that no Countrie in the world hath better. And Fewell for fire is so plen••••full, that there is neuer like to be want of that commoditie. [ 10]

In like manner there is great abundance of Trees fit to be imploied in other seruiceable vses: There are Furre and Spruce trees, sound, good, and fit to mast Ships withall; and as commodious for boords and buildings as the Spruce and Firre trees of Norway, and out of these came abundance of Turpentine. No Countrie can shew Pine and Birch trees, of such height and greatnesse as those are there: and doubtlesse, if some store of your Maiesties subiects doe once settle there to liue, and would be industrious to search further, and more throughly into the Countrie, then as yet it hath beene, there might be found many other commodities of good worth. Amongst the which I may not omit, that there is much probabilitie of finding Mines, and making of Iron and Pitch.

The Riuers also and Harbors are generally stored with delicate Fish, as Salmons, Pearles, Eeles, [ 20] Herring, Mackerell, Flounders, Launce, Capelin, God, and Troutes the fairest, fattest and swee∣test, that I haue seene in any part of the world. The like for Lobsters, Crabfish, Musktes, Hens, and other varietie of Shel-fish great store. And also obserue here, that in these places there is v∣sually store of the spawne and frie of seuerall sorts of fishes: whereby the Sea-fowle liue so fat as they are there in the winter: And likewise the Beuers, Otters, and such like, that seeke their foode in the Ponds, and fresh Riuers. The Seas likewise all along the Coast, doe plentiful∣ly abound in other sorts of fish as W••ales, Spanish Mackerell, Dorrell, Pales, Herring, Hogs, Por∣poses, Seales, and such like royall fish, &c.

But the chiefe commodity of New-found-land yet knowne, and which is growne to be a set∣led trade, and that may be much bettered by an orderly Plantation there (if the Traders thither [ 30] will take some better course, then formerly they haue done, as shall be declared) if the Cod∣fishing vpon that Coast, by which our Nation and many other Countries are enricht. And if I should here set downe a valuation of that Fish, which the French, Biscaines, and Portugals setch yeerely from this Coast of New-found-land, and the Banke, which lieth within fiue and twen∣tie leagues from the South-Cape of that Countrie, where the French vse to fish Winter and Sum∣mer, vsually making two Voyages euery yeere thither: (To which places, and to the Coast of Canady, which lieth neere vnto it, are yeerely sent from those Countries, more then foure hun∣dred saile of Ships:) It would seeme incredible, yea some men are of opinion, that the people of France, Spaine and Italy, could not so well liue, if the benefit of the fishing vpon this Coast, and your Maiesties other Dominions, were taken from them. [ 40]

But I trust it will be sufficient, that I giue an estimate of our owne trading thither, and partly of the wealth and commodities we reape thereby, without any curious search into other mens profits. In the yeere 1615. when I was at New-found-land with the Commission before mentio∣ned, which was an occasion of my taking the more particular obseruations of that Country, there were then on that Coast, of your Maiesties subiects two hundred and fiftie saile of Ships great and small. The burthens and Tunnage of them all, one with another, so neere as I could take no∣tice, allowing euery Ship to be at least threescore tun (for as some of them contained lesse, so ma∣ny of them held more) amounting to more then 15000. tunnes. Now for euery threescore tun burthen, according to the vsuall manning of Ships in those Voyages, agreeing with the note I then tooke, there are to be set downe twentie men and boyes: by which computation in these [ 50] two hundred and fiftie saile, there were no lesse then fiue thousand persons. Now euery one of these Ships, so neere as I could guesse, had about 120000. fish, and fiue tunne of traine Oyle one with another. So that the totall of the Fish in these two hundred and fiftie saile, when it was brought into England, France or Spaine (being sold after the rate of foure pound, for euery thou∣sand of fish, sixscore fishes to the hundred, which is not a pennie a fish, and if it yeelde lesse, it was ill sold) amounted in monie to 120000. pound.

Now, as I haue said before, allowing to euery Ship of sixtie tun, at least fiue tun of traine Oyle, the totall of that ariseth to 1250. tun; each tun, whether it be sold in England, or elsewhere, be∣ing vnder-valued at twelue pound. So as the whole value thereof in monie, amounteth to the sum of 15000. pound, which added to the fish, it will appeare that the totall value of the fish, and [ 60] Traine Oyle of those 250. saile of Ships that yeere, might yeelde to your Maiesties subiects better then the Summe of 135000. pound, omitting to reckon the ouer-prices which were made and gotten by the sale thereof in forrain Countries, being much more then what is vsually made at home, and so the like in other yeeres. And this certainly, in my vnderstanding, is a point wor∣thy

of consideration, that so great wealth should yearely be raised, by one sole commodity of that Countrie, yea by one onely sort of fish, and not vpon any other trade thither, which must needes yeelde, with the imploiments thereof, great riches to your Maiesties Subiects: And this also to be gathered and brought home by the sole labour and industry of men, without exchange or exportation of our Coine, and natiue commodities, or other aduenture (then of necessarie pro∣uisions for the fishing) as Salt, Nets, Leads, Hookes, Lines, and the like; and of victuals, as Bread, Beefe, and Porke, in competent measure, according to the number and proportion of men imploy∣ed in those. Voyages. The conuerting of these commodities (gotten by fishing) into mony, cannot choose but be a great benefit to all your Maiesties Kingdomes in many respects.

What the charge in setting forth of these two hundred and fiftie saile might amount vnto (be∣ing onely for victuals, which our Country yeeldeth) I hold it not fit here to set down, lest I should [ 10] be accused by some therein. And withall it is to be considered, that the trade thither (as now it is) doth yearely set on worke, and relieue many numbers of people, as Bakers, Brewers, Coopers, Ship-Carpenters, Smiths, Net-makers, Rope-makers, Line-makers, Hooke-makers ••••lly ma∣kers, and many other trades, which with their families haue their best meanes of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, from these New-found-land Voyages. Adde vnto them the families or seruants of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Owne•••• and Masters of such Ships as goe thither, and Mariners with their families, hereby 〈…〉〈…〉ied and maintained, &c.

THe Natiues of the Countrey haue great store of red Oaker, which they vse to colour their Bodies, Bowes and Arrowes, and Cannowes withall, which Cannowes are built in shape, [ 20] like the Wherries on the Riuer of Thames; but that they are much longer, made with the rinds of Birch trees, which they sew very artificially and close together, and ouerlay euery seame with Turpentine; and in like manner they sew the rindes of Spruce trees, round and deepe, in propor∣tion like a Brasse Kettle, to boyle their meate in, which hath beene well proued by three Mari∣ners of a Ship, riding at Anchor by me, who being robbed in the night by the Sauages, of their ap∣parell and diuers prouisions, did the next day seeke after them, and came suddenly where they had set vp three Tents, and were feasting, hauing three Canoas by them, and had three Pots made of such rindes of trees, standing each of them on three stones boyling with twelue Fowles in each of them; euery Fowle as bigge as a Widgeon, and some so bigge as a Ducke: they had also ma∣ny [ 30] such pots so sewed, and fashioned like the leather Buckets that are vsed for quenching of fire, and those were full of the yolks of Egges, that they bad taken and boiled hard, and so dried small, which the Sauages vsed in their broth, as Sugar is vsed in some meates: they had great store of the Skins of Deere, Beuers, Beares, Seales, Otters, and diuers other fine skins which were well dressed; as also great store of seuerall sorts of flesh dried; and by shooting off a Musket towards them, they all ran away naked without any apparell, but onely their hats on their heads, which were made of Seales skins, in fashion like our hats, sewed handsomely with narrow bands about them, set round with fine white shels, such as are carried from Portugall to Braseile; where they passed to the Indians as ready monie. All their three Canoas, their Flesh, Skins, Yolks of Egges, Targets, Bowes and Arrows, and much fine Okar, and diuers other things, they tooke & brought [ 40] away, and shared it amongst those three that tooke it, and brought to me the best Canoa, Bowes and Arrowes, and diuers of their Skins, and many other things worth the noting: which may seeme to inuite vs to finde out some other trades with them.

Now also I will not omit to relate something of a strange Creature that I first saw there in the yeere 1610. in a morning early as I was standing by the water side, in the Harbour of Saint Iohns; which I espied verie swiftly to come swimming towards me, looking cheerefully, as it had beene a woman, by the Face, Eyes, Nose, Mouth, Chin eares, Necke and Forehead: It seemed to be so beautifull, and in those parts so well proportioned, hauing round about vpon the head, all blew strakes, resembling haire, downe to the Necke (but certainly it was haire) for I beheld it long, and another of my companie also, yet liuing, that was not then farre from me; and seeing the same comming so swiftly towards mee, I stepped backe, for it was come within the length of a long Pike. Which when this strange Creature saw that I went from it, it presently thereupon [ 50] diued a little vnder water, and did swim to the place where before I landed; whereby I beheld the shoulders and backe downe to the middle, to be as square, white and smooth as the backe of a man, and from the middle to the hinder part, pointing in proportion like a broad hooked Ar∣row; how it was proportioned in the forepart from the necke and shoulders, I know not; but the same came shortly after vnto a Boat, wherein one William Hawkridge, then my seruant, was, that hath bin since a Captaine in a Ship to the East Indies, and is lately there imploied againe by Sir Thomas Smith, in the like Voyage; and the same Creature did put both his hands vpon the side of the Boate, and did striue to come in to him and others then in the said Boate: whereat they were afraid; and one of them strooke it a full blow on the head; whereat it fell off [ 60] from them: and afterwards it came to two other Boates in the Harbour; the men in them, for feare fled to land: This (I suppose) was a Mermaide. Now because diuers haue written much of Mermaides, I haue presumed to relate, what is most certaine of such a strange Creature that

was seene at New-found-land: whether it were a Mermaide or no, I know not; I leaue it for o∣thers to iudge, &c.

R. W.

CHAP. IX.

The names of diuers honorable persons and others who haue vndertaken to helpe [ 10] aduance his Maiesties ••laviation in the New-found-land: written by the said R. W. with extracts of certaine Letters written from thence.

THe right Honorable, Henry Lord Cary, Viscount of Fanlke-land, Lord Deputie for the Kingdome of Ireland, hath vndertaken to plant a Colonie of his Maiesties Subiects in the New-found-land, and is well pleased to entertaine such as are wil∣ling to be Aduenturers with him therein; vpon such Conditions as may appeare in the latter part of this Booke: And in his Lordships absence, hee hath authorized this Agent, Master Leonard Wellsted, by warrant vnder his hand and Seale, to rati∣fie [ 20] whatsoeuer shall be by him concluded therein. The said Master Wellsteds Chamber is neere one Master Garlands house, at the lower end of Saint Mar〈…〉〈…〉 lane in the fields.

The right Honorable Sir George Cal••ert, Knight; one of the principall Secretaries vnto his Ma∣iestie, hath also vndertaken to planta large Circuit of that Countrie: who hath already sent thi∣ther this yeare and the former yeare, a great number of men and women, with all necessarie pro∣uisions fit for them; where they liue pleasantly, building of Houses; 〈…〉〈…〉sing of Land for Corne, and Meddowes, Cabage, Carrets, Turneps, and such like: as also for Wood and Tobacco Like∣wise they are there preparing to make Salt; for the prel〈…〉〈…〉tion of fish another yeere, and for diuers other seruices. And his Honor is likewise well pl••aled to entertaine such as will aduenture with him therein, vpon very fit conditions.

The Worshipfull Iohn Slany of London Merchant, who is one of the vndertakers of the New-found-land [ 30] Plantation, and is Treasurer vnto the pat〈…〉〈…〉 of that Societie, who haue maintained a Colonie of his Maie••••••es subiects there about twelue yeeres, and they are willing to entertaine such as will further his Maiesties said Plan〈…〉〈…〉, vpon fit conditions.

Diuers Worshipfull Citizens of the Citie of Bristoll, haue vndertaken to plant a large Circuit of that Countrie, & they haue maintained a Colony of his Maiesties subiects there any time these fiue yeeres, who haue builded there many faire Houses, and done many other good seruices, who liue there very pleasantly, and they are well pleased to entertaine vpon fit conditions such as will be Aduenturers with them.

The Worshipfull William Vanghan of Tarratod, in the Countie of Ca〈…〉〈…〉, Doctor of the [ 40] Ciuill Law, hath also vndertaken to plant a Circuit in the New-found-land and hath in two seue∣rall yeeres sent thither diuers men and women, and hee is willing to entertaine such as will be Aduenturers with him vpon fit conditions.

And there are many other worthy persons Aduenturers in the said Plantation, whose names are not herein mentioned. And it is well hoped, that diuers others will also put their helping hand to aduance the same, when they are giuen to vnderstand what honour and benefit may accrue thereby. And if his Maiesties subiects of this Kingdome may be willing to set forth from euerie seuerall Countrie, but one good Ship yearely thither, with people and prouisions fit for them, it will be then not onely a great honour and benefit to his Maiestie, but also a great increase of Ship∣ping and Marriners, and the imploying and inriching of many thousands of poore people which [ 50] now liue chargeably to the Parishioners. The wh••ah may be easily performed by the able Sub∣iects, to set forth the charge at first, and so euerie Parish to recouer yearely their equall parts of the benefit which may accrue by the said stocke, and thereby not onely disburden yeerely them∣selues of some of those which lie chargeable vnto them within their seuerall Parishes; but also yeerely yeelde a great benefit to euery seuerall Countie, though it lie something remote from the Sea-coast, if they imploy a discreete honest man there, who may yearely be accomptable to eue∣rie Parish of the charge, and likewise the benefit. The which will not be anie way burdensome or hurtfull vnto any: as the following discourse which I haue written will plainly informe them. [ 60]

Extracts of a Letter from Captaine EDWARD WINNE, Gouernour of the Colony at Ferryland; within the Prouince of Aualon, in Newfound-Land, vnto the Right Honourable Sir GEORGE CAL∣VERT Knight, his Maisties Principall Secretary; Iuly 28. 1622.

May it please your Honour:

VPon the seuenteenth day of May, I receiued here yo〈…〉〈…〉. Letters of the nineteenth of February, from the ••a••ds of Robert Stoning. Vpon the six and twentieth of the same; a Ship of Master Iennins, with your people and prouision arriued here in safetie: and from the hands of Captaine Powell I receiued [ 10] then your Honours Letters of the fourteenth of March. And vpon the last of Iune Master Iames came hither from Renouse, and the Saltamaker Master Iohn Hickson; from whose hands I receiued two Letters more, that by Master Iames, being of the fourth of May, and the other by Hickson of the tenth of the same, &c.

It may please your Honour, that as soone as I had deliuered my last Letters of the fifth of Septem∣ber, I immediately addressed my selfe onely to our businesse. Notwithstanding our diligent labour and extraordinary paines-taking, it was Alha••••entide before our first range of building was fitted for an habitable being, &c.

After Christ••asse, wee imployed our selues in the Woods, especially in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 weather, whence wee got [ 20] home as many Boord-stockes as afforded vs 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hundred Boords; and about two hundred Timber-trees besides. Wee got home as much or as many Trees, as serued vs to p••lizade into the Plantation about foure Acr•••• of ground, for the keeping off of both man and ••east, with Post and Rayle seuen foot high, sha••pened in the ••••p the Trees being p••••ched vpright and fastened with Spikes and Nayles. Wee get also together as much fire-wood as will serue vs yet these two months. We also f••••••ed much Garden ground for Seed I meane Barley, Oates, Rease, and Beanes.

For addition of building, we haue at this present a Parlour of fourteene f••ot besides the Chinney, and twelue foot br••••d, of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bright, and a lodging Chamber ouer it; to each a Chimney of Stone-work with Staires, and a S〈…〉〈…〉 besides a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of two 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or a story and a halfe, which serues for a Store-house till wee are otherwise prouided. The Forge hath beene finished these fine weekes: the Salt∣worke [ 30] is now almost ready. Notwithstanding this great t••••ke for so fe•• 〈…〉〈…〉ds, we haue both Wheat, Bar∣ley, Oates, Pease and B••••nes about the quant••tie of two A••res. Of Garden roome about halfe a•• Acre: Corne, though late sowne is now in earings the B••••nes and the good••••st Pease that I euer saw, haue flou∣rished in their bloomes this twentie dayes. Wee haue a plentifull Kitchin Garden of Le••tic••, Rad∣dish, Carrets, Coleworts, Turneps, and many other things. Wee haue also at this present, a flou∣rishing Meadow, &c.

For the Countrey and Clymate: It is better, and not so cold 〈◊〉〈◊〉 England hitherto. My comfort is, that the Lord is with your Honour, and your designes: for we haue prospered, to the admiration of all the behol∣ders in what is done. And thus with my humble duty remembred, I rest, &c.

Another Letter to Master Secretary CALVERT, from Captaine WINNE, [ 40] of the seuenteenth of August, 1622.

May it please your Honour;

VVE haue Wheat, Barley, Oates, and Beanes both eared and codded, and though the late sowing and setting of them might occasion the contrary, yet it ripens now so fast, that it carries the like∣lihood of an approaching Haruest. Wee haue also a plentifull Kitchen-Garden of many things, and so ranke, that I haue not seene the like in England. Our Beanes are exceeding good: our Pease shall goe wothout compare: for they are in some places as high as a man of an extraordinary stature, Raddish as [ 50] big as mine arme, Lettice, Cale or Cabbage, Turneps, Carrets, and all the rest is of like goodnesse. We haue a Meadow of about three Acres: it flourished lately with many cockets of good Hay, and now it is made vp for a Winter feeding. Wee hope to bee well fitted with many Acres of Meadow against another yeere: of Pasture-land, wee baute already to serue at least three hundred heads of Cattell: and to all this, if it please God, a good quantitie of Seed-ground shall be fitted, and such buildings as wee shall be able to accomplish.

Now in the next place it may please your Honour to vnderstand; That touching this Countrey, the Summer time here is so faire, so warme, and of so good a temperature, that it produceth many Hearbes and Plants very wholsome, medicinable, and delectable, many fruit Trees of sundry kindes, many sorts of Berries wholsome to eate, and in measure most abundant: insomuch as many sorts of Birds and Beasts [ 60] are relieued with them in time of Winter, and whereof with further experience I trust to fi〈…〉〈…〉d some for the turne of D••ers. Our high leuells of Land are adorned with Woods, both fare and seemely to behold, and greene all Winter. Within Land there are Plaines innumerable, many of them containing many thousand Acres, very pleasant to see to, and well furnished with Ponds, Brookes and Riurrs, very plentifull of sun∣dry

sorts of Fish: besides store of Deere and ether Beasts that yeeld both Food and Furre. Touching the soyle, I find it in many places, of goodnesse farre beyond my expectation: the Earth as good as can be: the Grasse both fat and vnctious, and if there were store of Cattle to feed it vp, and with good ordering, it would become a most stedfast nourishment: whereof the large breed of Cattell to our Northerne Planta∣tion, haue lately giuen proofes sufficient, though since, they haue beene most shamefully destroyed. The ayre here is very healthfull, the water both cleer and wholsome, and the Winter short & tolerable, continu∣ing onely in Ianury, February and part of March: the day in Winter longer then in England: the nights both silent and comfortable, producing nothing that can be said, either horrid or hideous. Neither was it so cold here the last Winter as in England the yeere before. I remember but ••eree seuerall dayes of hard weather indeed, and they not extreame neither: for I haue knowne greater Frosts, and farre greater [ 10] Snowes in our owne Countrey.

At the B〈…〉〈…〉 Plantation, there is as goodly Rye now growing, as can bee in any part of England: they are also well furnished with Swine, and a large breed of Goates, fa••••er by far then those that were sent ouer at the first.

The Stones, Kernells, and Seeds that Stoning brought mee, were put into the ground presently after his arriuall, the which are already of a prettie growth, though late set; for they came to my hands but vp∣on the seuenteenth of May. The Uines that came from Plimouth, doe prosper very well: nay, it is to be assured, that any thing that growes in England, will grow and prosper very well here: whereby it plainly appeares vnto your Honour, what manner of Countrey the same is.

It may please your Honour to vnderstand, that our Salt-maker hath performed his part with a great [ 20] deale of sufficiency, by whom I haue sent your Honour a Barrell of the best Salt that euer my eyes beheld, who with better setling doth vndertake to better this, which hee hath made already. I shall humbly also desire you to remember my last yeeres suit, that our delicate Harbours and Woods may not bee altogether destroyed. For there hath beene rinded this yeere not so few as 50000. Trees, and they heaue out ballast into the Harbors, though I looke on. It may likewise please your Honour to giue expresse order; First, that such as be sent thither hereafter, may be such men as shall bee of good strength: whereof wee stand in need of sixe Masons, foure Carpenters, two or three good Quarry-men, a Slater or two, a Lyme-••urner, and Lyme-stones, a good quantitie of hard Laths; a couple of strong Maids, that (besides other worke) can both Brew and Bake, and to furnish vs with Wheeles, He••••••pe, and Flax, and a conuenient number of West∣countrey Labourers to fit the ground for the Plough. Secondly, that no more Boyes or Girles be sent hither, [ 30] I meane, vpon your Honors charge, nor any other persons which haue not beene brought vp to labour: for they are vnfit for these affaires. Thirdly, your Honor of necessitie must needes send some Gunnes, and a Gunner with his necessaries: for the place and time doe require it. It is a durable Chartell; they will com∣mand the Harbour, and secure all, &c.

A Copie of a Letter from N. H. a Gentleman liuing at Ferryland in Newfound-Land, to a worthy Friend W. P. of the 18. of August, 1622.

SIR,

MY humble seruice remembred; accounting my selfe bound vnto you in a double bond, namely, loue [ 40] and dutie: I could not be vnmindfull to shew the same vnto you in these rude lines, thereby to ac∣quaeint you with our health, the temperature of the Countrey, and the commodities and blessings therein. And first, for the first: Concerning our health, there is not any man amongst our company, that hath beene sicke scarcely one day since he came, but hath beene able to follow his worke. The Climate differs but little from England, and I my selfe felt lesse cold here this Winter, then I did in England the Winter before by much. The a••••e 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sweeter: for I neuer s〈…〉〈…〉elt any euill sauor in the Countrey, nor saw any ve∣nemous creature to burt mee. Gods blessings vpon this Land are manifold: As for wood and water, it passeth England: the one most sweet in growing and burning, the other most pleasant to taste, and good to drinke. For in Whitson-holidayes (I taking with me Master Stoning) did coast some ten miles in∣to [ 50] the Countrey Westward from our Plantation, to make some discouery of the Countrey, and to kill a Deere; and being some fiue miles into the Land, where wee lodged that night in a Wood, we found much Champion ground, and good leuels of one, two, three or foure hundred Acres together, and at the foot of each Mountaine and small Hill, wee alwayes met with a faire fresh Riuer, or a sweet Brooke of running water, whereof wee freely dranke, and it did quench my thirst as well as any Beere, and much refresh vs both, and neuer offended our stomackes at all. Wee trauelled three dayes, but found no Deere saue their footings, which came to passe by meanes of a great fire that had burned the Woods a little before ten miles compasse. It began betweene Formouse and Aquafort: it burned a weeke, and then was quen∣ched by a great raine.

I know not how or what hee was that gaue sire to it, but I thinke hee was a seruant hired by the Deuill [ 60] to doe that wicked deed, who (I doe not doubt) will pay him for his worke. In the night the Wolues being neere, did something affright vs with howlings, but did not hurt vs: for wee had Dogs, Fire, and Sword to welcome them. As for the Beares, although there bee many; they beare vs no ill will, I thinke, for I haue eaten my part of two or three, and taken no hurt by them. Foxes heere are many, and as subtill as a

Foxe, yet haue wee coozned many of them of their rich coats, which our worthy Gouernour keepes care∣fully, as also of Cattagena's and Otters, whose couerings wee preserue as fitting presents for greater per∣sons. The Fowles and Birds of the Land are Partridges, Curlues, Fillidayes, Black-birds, Bulfinches, Larkes, Sparrowes, and such like. Those of the Sea, are Goose, Ducks of foure sorts, Capderace, Teale, Snipes, Penguyns, Murres, Hounds, Sanderlings, Redshanks and others, all very fat, sweete and whol∣some. The Fowles of prey, are Tercells, Goshawkes, Falcons, Laners, Sparhawkes, Gripes, Ospreis, Owles great and small, Rauens, Gulls, Pu••erils, and some others; and of most of these sorts I haue killed ma∣ny. As for the plentie of Codfish it is well knowne vnto you. Salmons, Eeles, Mackarell, Herrings; Lance, Caplin, Dog fish, Hollibuts, Flowkes, Lobsters, Crabs and Muskles: All and more then all these are here in great plentie, very good and sweet meat. The wild fruit and berries, are small Peares, Cher∣ries, Nuts, Resberries, Strawberries, Barberries, Dewberrics, Hurtleberries, with others, all good to eate. [ 10] Many faire Flowers I haue seene here, which I cannot name, although I had learned Gerrards Herball by heart: But wild Roses are here both red and damaske, as fragrant and faire as in England. All our Corne and Seedes haue prospered well, and are already growne almost to perfect maturitie, &c.

THE SECOND PART OF [ 20] THE TENTH BOOKE.

CHAP. X.

Diuers Warlike Fleets set forth to Sea against the Spaniards, by our English DEBORA, Queene ELIZABETH, of Glorious memory: Her manifold Deliueries and Victories. [ 30]

LOI the Man, whose M••se 〈…〉〈…〉s'd on Plantations, New England, Virgin, Bermude, Newfound-landed, Lawrell for oliue take, and make Relations Of Armes, Harmes, Fights, Frights, Flights, Depopulations, Romes Buls, Spaines broyles, Irelands 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Traitors branded. GOD, Angels, Winds, Seas, Men, Elizas Glory Conspire; Shee outlines Death, ••n Heauen, in Story.

HAile greatest of English Names, Glorious ELIZABETH! Nor may wee [ 40] after thy voyage and peregrination out of this World, vnto thy true and heauenly home & Country, forget the great Acts of thy earthly Pilgri∣mage. Thou wast indeed the Mother of English Sea-greatnesse, and didst first by thy (Generalls) not salute alone, but awe and trrrifie the remo∣test East and West, stretching thy long and strong armes to India, to China, to America, to the Peruvian Seas, to the Californian Coast and New Albions Scepters: Thou mad'st the Northerne Muscouite admire thy Greatnesse: Thou gauest name to the North-west Straits (Meta Incognita) and the Southern Negros, and Ilands of the South-vnknowne-continent which knew not humanitie, were compel∣led [ 50] to know Thee; Thou imbracedst the whole earthly Globe in thy Maritime Armes: thou freedst England from Easterlings and Lumbards borrowed legs, and taughtst her not onely to stand and goe without helpe, but become helpe to our friends, and with her own Sea forces to stand against, yea to stand vpon, and stampe vnder feet the proudest of her foes. Thou wast a Mother to thy Neighbours, Scots, French, Dutch; a Mirrour to the remotest of Nations. Great Cumberland; twelue voyages before recited are thine, and the fiery vigor of his Martiall Spirit was kindled at thy bright Lamp, & quickened by the Great Spirit of ELIZABETH. Drake, Candish, Iohn and Richard Hawkins, Raleigh, Dudley, Sherley, Preston, Greenuile, Lancaster, Wood, Raimund, Leuison, Monson, Winter, Frobisher. Da••••es, and other the Star-worthies of Englands Sphere, whose Pla∣net-courses we haue before related, acknowledge ELIZAS Orb to be their First and highest [ 60] Mouer. How many Royall Fleets did shee set forth? In the yeeres 85. and 87. those vnder Sir Francis Drake, before mentioned, as that also in 95. vnder him and Sir Iohn Hawkins: another: Fleet 1590. vnder Sir Iohn Hawkins, and Sir Martin Frobisher to the Ilands; also 1591. the Iland Fleet vnder the Lord Thomas Howard, now Earle of Suffolke; that 1592. by Sir Iohn Burroughs

and Sir Robert Crosse, when the Madre de Dios was taken, and another Carrike burnt: An. 1594. Shee sent forth a Fleet to Brest, where Frobusher was slaine. Another 1599. vnder the Lord Thomas Howard. A. 1600. vnder Sir Richard Leuison a Fleet to the Ilands; 1601. another to Ireland. A. 1602. vnder Sir Richard Leuison and Sir William Manson; and another vnder the same Commanders, 1603. as bequeathing in her fatall extreames, Marine Actions and Glory to her Successour. These and other her Sea-glories I purpose not here to dilate, hauing already handled some of them; but haue singled from the rest the actions of 88. 89. 96. and 97. prae∣mising somthing as a Preface of the great deliuerances which God vouch safed that Virgin Queen.

That Church which is mystically called, The woman drunken with the bloud of Saints, had begun to persecute her from her birth, Pope Clement the sixt decreeing against her Mothers mariage, [ 10] and Pope Paul the third thundring a terrible sentence against her Fathers Soueraigntie. And al∣though King Henry had first enacted against his daughters, and after for them by Parliamentary authoritie, yet when King Edward (which vsed to call her his sweet sister Temperance) was dead, there wanted not some which extruded both the sisters, and obtruded another succession. Queene Mary dispersing that storme, raised another, wherein shee was exposed to the columnies of faire∣soule-mouthed sycophants, which would haue stained the reigne of that Queene, otherwise bran∣ded, as short, bloudy, vnfortunate, with the slaughter of that Royall Virgin: Story and others say∣ing, That in vaine the boughs of Heresie were lopped off, if the Root were suffered to continue. Long and straight imprisonment shee ind••red, and was forced by them to Masse, Confession and externall profession of that Romish Catholi••••sme, which perhaps had not diuerted her enemies designe, had [ 20] not the peruers••st of her enemies Gardiner beene auerted by his owne death; and had not also King Philip with the Spaniards enuied to the French so rich an Inheritance, as by Queene M〈…〉〈…〉 death without ••ssue (which could scarsly from her sicke and aged body be expect,) was likely to fall vpon Queene Mary of Scotland betrothed to the Dolphin of France, whereby the Spanish greatnesse already embroyled enough, was likely to bee ouermatched by the French, increased with addition of three mightie Kingdomes. Queene Mary dying, and Cardinall Poole with ma∣ny Prelates, as it were, attending her exequies with their owne, with generall applause Shee was acknowledged Queen. Her first care was to restore Religion, notwithstanding the dangers thence incompassing her: shee also reiected the mariage with King Philip, whereof hee had treated with her by the Earle of Feria his Embassadour, promising to procure thereunto the Popes dispensati∣on: [ 30] neither admitted shee the offered match of Charles, sonne to Ferdinand the Emperour; and when Henry the French King by the Guisians was perswaded to challenge England to his sonne and daughter in law, causing them to vse her title Francis & Mary by the Grace of God King and Queene of Scotland, England, and Ireland) and prepared Warres against her, God tooke him out of the world, being s〈…〉〈…〉e at a Talt sport.

The new King and Queene continued their former challenge, Title and Ensignes, which gaue no small occasions of those euills, which afterwards inuolued her, breeding a great d〈…〉〈…〉gust betwixt those two greatest Ladies which Christendome had, both Heires to an absolute Souereigntie. Shee expelled the French out of Scotland, stablished the affaires of Ireland, procured armour and weapons out of Germany, caused much Artillery to bee cast of Brasse and Iron, new Mynes of [ 40] Brasse being sound at Keswicke, and the stone Calammaris vsefull for Brasse-workes found here al∣so: prouision for Gunpowder was first at her commandement made here at home; Barwicke for∣tified, the Nauie furnished, the Sea Townes imitating her example and increasing dayly in Na∣uall forces, answered by Martiall Spirits for Land and Sea seruice. Thus did God blesse her that had glorified him in establishing his Truth, notwithstanding the pouertie of the State at her entrance, deepely indetted by her predecessours; and the saint friendship or professed enmitie of Rome and all her disciples. Thus shall it bee done to the Woman God will honour, and more then thus: for what was all the time of her reigne but vicissitudes of Treasons, Warres, and manifold externall and internall broyles? and yet in an admirable working of Diuine Grace, when had England so long and flourishing peace at home, or glory and renowme abroad? as if hee which [ 50] brought light out of darknesse, would permit all such contrary workings to bee the object of his goodnesse, the fewell and materialls of her greatnesse.

Arthur Poole, the fourth yeere of her reigne abused the greatnesse of his bloud with other conspirators, to the Guis••••n purposes, but taken and sentenced receiued not bloudie reward from her mild and mercifull hand.

Pope Pius the fift denounceth her excommunicate, discharging her Subiects from loyaltie and alleageance and arming them against her: Ridolfi a Florentine playes the Merchant of Popish wares, the Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland take armes, the Duke of Norfolke is entan∣gled, the French and Spaniard are perswaded by the Pope, who promised also if need were, to in∣gage to this purpose all the goods of the Sea Apostolike, Chalices, Crosses, and holy Vestments: [ 60] Uitellius is commanded to inuade England with an Army from the Low-countries: but God protected ELIZABETH, and her Enemies abroad were disappointed, the Traitors at home falling into their owne pit.

About the same time Edmund and Peter, brethten to the Earle of O••••ond were busie in Ire∣land,

to inflame which rebellion Mendoza came out of Spaine, but before it brake forth into any great combustion it was extinct.

Don Iohn of Austria enters next vpon the Stage (for I omit Barues and Muthers, Sir Henry Percie, the B. of Ross his attempts, and other Acts and Arts sauouring more of the Foxe then the Lion) and pretended a peace, whiles hee intended the deliuerance of the Scottish Queene, and marrying her, to make himselfe King of England and Scotland, by helpe of fugitiues and fa∣uour of the Pope and Guisians: and in the midst of his warlike preparations suddenly dieth. When Pius his impious curses had thus proued blessings, hee deceaseth, and Gregory his successour in the Papacie, and malice to Queene ELIZABETH, the great Founder of Seminaties, gaping for no lesse then a Kingdome to his base sonne Iames Boncompagn••, treateth with the Spaniard, who had swallowed England also in his conceit. Thomas Stukley an English fugitiue promiseth Ire∣land [ 10] to the Popes bastard, who in recompence giues him the titles of Marquesse of Lagen, Earle of Wexford and Caterlough, Vicount of Morough, and Baron of Ross (all places of note in Ireland) and made him Generall of eight hundred Italian Souldiers, the King of Spaine paying their wages. But Sebastian King of Portugall, which should haue conducted the Spanish forces against England, being intangled with an African Expedition, procured S••••cley to goe thither with him, where both lost their liues. And the Spaniard was now diuerted from English designes to those neerer of Portugall, there imploying the forces intended against vs.

Doctor Nicolas Sanders playeth the next part, who hauing written in defence of the Popes visible Monarchy Ecclesiasticall, and belched out the fowlest slanders of Queen ELIZABETHS parentage that Hell could deuise, would make his writings visible by his deeds; and with Iames [ 20] Fitz Moric•• an Irish Traitor, hauing obtained to be the Popes Nuntio, with a banner consecrated at Rome, and some forces out of Spaine, entreth Ireland, there fortifieth and winneth Desmond to his partie. San Ioseph〈…〉〈…〉 followeth with seuen hundred Italians and Spaniards, with Armour for fiue thousand. Their Fort is taken, Fitz▪ moric•• first, and after the Earle with many others slaine, Sanders runnes mad, and wandering vp and downe in the Woods and Mountaines dieth misera∣bly; the Country is pacified and ELIZABETH preuaileth. The Seminaries (Schooles of Trea∣son) were now erected at R〈…〉〈…〉 and Rhem••••, to become worse then that Troian Ho••se, Cells of desperate E••issaries, inc••ndaries of their owne Countrey: Campion and others suffer, seditious Bookes are written against the Queene, whereby S〈…〉〈…〉r••ill was instigated to kill her. [ 30]

Mendoza the Spanish Embassadour was commanded to depart out of England, hauing practi∣sed with Throckmorton and others about an inuasion of the Land, and to remoue the Queene. A∣bout the same time in manner miraculously, traiterous projects came to light by certaine papers of one Creigh•••••• a Scottish Iesuite, who being taken by Dutch Pirates tare them and threw them into the Sea; which would not bee acc••ssary to Iesuiticall plots, but by the helpe of the winde brought them backe to the Ship; which being deliuered to Sir William Wade were ioyned again, and reuealed new plots of the Pope, the Spaniard, and Guisians to inuade England: Whereupon an Association was made by many thorow the Kingdome, binding themselues by their hands and seales to prosecute all such to death as should attempt any thing against the life of the Queene. Cardinall A〈…〉〈…〉 for the English Catholikes Ecclesiasticall, Inglefield for the Larkes, the Bishop of [ 40] Rosse for the Queene of Scots, were said to haue agreed to depriue the Queene, and to disinherite King IAMES as a fauo••••er of Heresie, &c.

A. 1585. Doctor Parry (whom Queene ELIZABETH had before pardoned his life) being heartned by Ragazonius the Popes Nuntio in France, and absolued in the Popes name by the Car∣dinall Comensis, vndertooke to kill the Queene, being thereunto incouraged by Allens booke, teaching that excommunicated Princes may bee dispoyled of liues and Scepters. His partner re∣ueales him, and his mischiefe lighted on himselfe. Henry Earle of Northumberland (brother of Thomas before executed at Yorke) slew himselfe in the Tower, and the Lord Chancellour three dayes after in the Starre Chamber declared that he had beene committed for traiterous deuises a∣gainst the Queene and State; the particulars whereof were then opened by the Atturney Popham, [ 50] seeking to set free the Queene of Scots, to destroy the Queene and the Religion, to haue dealt with Charles Paget (termed Mope) about these things, with the inuasion of England, &c. The Burkes rebellion in Ireland fell out that yeere, and many broyles, which cost three thousand their liues at one time, the title Mac-William in Connagh extinguished, and the insolence of the Ilanders betwixt Scotland and England repressed. The Spaniard arrested the English Ships in his Ports, whence the Expeditions of the Earle of Cumberland, and Sir Francis Drake before men∣tioned tooke their beginning, and the Warres betwixt the two Kingdomes.

A. 1586. that prodigions plot of Sauage, Balard, Babington, and the rest of that bloudy crue conspiring to kill the Queene, was detected and the plotters were executed. In 87. the French Embassadour, a Guisian, conferred with Stafford to kill the Queene, making great promises to that [ 60] purpose. And he and Moody were further treated with on that point by Trappius his Secretary, which by Stafford was reuealed and preuented. But whiles all pretended the freeing of the Queen of Scots, by this meanes they shortned her dayes and freed her of her life.

The story is knowne, and I shall not need to insist vpon these later things, nor on Tyrones Tra∣gicall

rebellion, the death of so many thousands English, Irish, Spanish; no•• Lopez his plot to poison the Queene, &c. I but propound these things to excite English thankfulnesse to God, and hatred to that Whoore, drunken with bloud, which hath thus enchanted the Kings of the earth; yea like the Legion Deuill hath broken all chaines of allegeance, and hath initiated in hellish mysteries naturall sworne subiects to inuasion and mutuall massacres; yea to account it tolerable, lawfull, commendable, meritorious, and in ordine ad deum, necessary (ô times! ô monsters!) to kill and murther; and hath made it a compendious way to win the Kingdome of Heauen by killing the Kings of the Earth. And if the bloud of so many Saints from Abel to Zacharias were threatned to fall on Ierusalem, sometimes the holy Citie; what may be said of Rome? whose Temporall Mo∣narchy first founded in the bloud of Rhemus brother of Romulus, proceeded in exiling their owne [ 10] Kings, and in exterminating worlds of men out of the world (Caesar alone is said in fiftie bat∣tells to haue slaine 1192000. men, besides what was slaine in his Ciuill Warres) in a world of time together: exceeded in the sanctitie of the bloud of so many thousand Saints and Martyrs in ten dismall persecutions, and yet fell short of the pretended Catholike Rome, that mysticall Woman drunken with bloud.

I dare boldly auer, and by History make it good, (yea in great part to a iudicious obseruer the former parts of this Worke haue shewed) that since the Papall challenge of Monarchy ouer Mo∣narkes by Gregory the seuenth, the Deuills thousand yeeres of imprisonment being expired, An∣tichristian Rome hath by Sword, Fire, Warres, Ciuill and Forraine, and other inhumane, immane, diuellish furies procured the shedding of more humane bloud, then euer Heathen Rome in farre [ 20] longer time had shed to erect their Heathenish Empire, from the dayes of Romulus which foun∣ded the Citie, to Augustus which grounded and stablished the Empire, and Tiberius vnder whom Christ was crucified: Yea if you adde the persecutions of the succeeding Emperors till Iulian the Apostata; yet haue the later Antichristian exceeded in numbers, as much as the executions of Warres are vsually beyond all comparison of the Iudiciall and Legall. I adde, that as the Ethnike Romans spilt none (except in persecutions) but Ethnike bloud: so the pretended Christan Ro∣mists (except in the Indies and the Holy Land Wars) shed none in this account but Christian. This may seem a prodigal speech & prodigious paradox, to those which know not the millions which perished in the Holy Land Wars, set & kept on foot about 200. yeers together by Papall ambiti∣on; so many hundreths of thousands which perished in the same times, by open warres made by [ 30] the Popes Crusados against the Albigenses, Waldenses, and what other names it pleased them to giue to better men then themselues, in almost eightie yeeres continued warres: So many Ciuill Warres in Germany, the subiects and competitors armed by Crusados against the Emperours till that Eagle was plucked; where one Henry whom Hildebrand first deposed, fought sixtie battells: In England, France, Italy, and other parts, in the daies of King Iohn, Fredericke the second, Co••rad••, Memfred, Phillip, and others: and after that, the long Bohemian broiles drenched in bloud after Husses fire: and lately so innumerable millions (pauperis est numerare) in America and the Ilands which these bookes plainly euince to haue beene written in bloud by Roman authoritie and pre∣tence; not to make mention of the Philippinas, the East Indies, the Wars in Sicile and Naples; and the Greeke Empire first weakned, and after by Roman ambition lost: how many hundreth thou∣sands [ 40] hath France lost of Christians within these last hundreth yeeres? how many more haue ta∣ken their fatall farewells in the Belgian quarrell? How doe those Low-countries and Germany still flow in bloud? That I speake not of our England and Ireland? But I hate the thoughts of those things, and therefore come to the 88. businesse, that also set on worke from Rome, the widest and openest passage from hell for his ingresse and egresse, that was a Murtherer from the beginning, and in the last ages turning himselfe into an Angell of light, hath there established his principall Vicar vnder pretended titles and seemings of Christ and Christianitie. Yea this is also remarkable that in the treasons against Queene Elizabeth, and in those against our present Souereigne King Iames (whom God long preserue) by Watson, Clerke, Cobham, &c. at first, and in the Master and Monster-peece (which was now ready to breake forth with violence and virulence from Hell, [ 50] and to blow vp all other Treasons) that of the Gun-powder Traitors; still the busiest part of the Tragedie is committed to some Romish Priest or Iesuite, who should fit and frame the resolute dissolutenesse of wild spirits to the execution of it or themselues. The Master Workman (I say not Beelzebub) is the Pope, as appeareth in those before mentioned, and in this of 88. whose Bull declaratory against that Worthy of women followeth, as the contents thereof are deliuered by Meteranus, to whose labours in this Story wee are principally indetted. It was to be published in the Popes name by Cardinall Allen after the Nauie had arriued in England, to command the English to yeeld their obedience to the Duke of Parma. From the Pope therefore wee will begin our 88 Story, touching the preparation and successe of that Armada sirnamed inuincible. [ 60]

CHAP. XI.

Octagesimus Octauus mirabilis Annus.

The Popes Bull, the King of Spaines preparations, the Duke of Medinas Expe∣dition, the Duke of Parmas Forces, for the inuasion of England: diuers Sea-fights twixt the English and Spanish Fleets, the Sea flight of the Spanish, and miserable disasters in their returne. Their lies. The Queens Religious Triumph.

SIxtus Quintus, by diuine prouidence, vniuersall Pastor of the Flock of Christ, to whom by continued and lawfull succession, the administration and charge of the Catholike Church [ 10] pertaineth; taking into consideration the miseries and calamities whereinto the famous Kingdomes of England and Ireland had falne, which in times past were commended so much for Vertues, Religion, and Christian Pietie and Obedience, and now by the im∣pious and vniust Empire of Elizabeth pretended Queene, and a few adhering to her, not onely to haue come to a dissolute estate and dangerous to it selfe, but also as infected and venemous mem∣bers are wont to cause infection and disease to the whole body of Christians: and wanting there the due re∣medies which elswhere by help of Christian Princes he vseth, to preuent abuses & to maintaine Ecclesiasti∣call discipline: For asmuch as Henry the Eight, late King of England, a Rebell and forsaker of the Sea Apostolike, separated himselfe and his from the communion of Christians by force, and Elizabeth the pre∣sent Vsurper perseuereth therein, not without great commotion and danger of the Neighbour Regions, [ 20] shewing her selfe obstinate and impenitent, so that there is no hope that those Kingdomes may at any time be reformed and reduced to the exercise of Christian Religion, true peace and quietnesse, except shee be de∣priued of the administration of the Kingdome.

Therefore our most holy Father desiring (as his Office requireth) to prouide for this euill, with pre∣sent and strong remedies inspired to him from God, to the health of the vniuersall Church, incited as well by his owne, as his predecessors affection and zeale, alway borne toward England; and moued by the con∣tinuall sollicitation, vehement and importunate exhortation of very many, and those principall men of the said Nation; hee hath vsed great diligence with diuers Princes, and especially with the Mightie and Ca∣tholike King of Spaine, imploring his aide hereunto, by the reuerence which hee beareth the Roman Sea, by the old friendship and consanguinitie which his Family hath had with the Kings of England, by his singular [ 30] charitie and beneuolence formerly shewed to the Catholikes of that Countrey; for obtaining by that meanes his desire of peace and quietnesse in his Neighbour Prouinces, for his studie and readinesse towards the propagation of Catholike Religion, and lastly for the furtherance of the common good of Europe; hath besought him to confer all the Forces which God almightie hath giuen him hereunto, that that Wo∣man may bee deiected from her degree, and that the euill men and hurtfull to mankind, which adhere to her may be punished, and that Kingdome may bee reduced to certaine reformation and quietnesse, from which great good and many commodities to the Common-wealth might be to be expected. Wherefore that bee might make knowns to all the world the Iustice of this Cause, and the Subiects also of that Kingdome might fully he satisfied, likewise that hee might denounce the iust iudgement of God against her; It hath seemed meet to his Holinesse, with the Declaratory Sentence made against this Woman, to shew the cause [ 40] also why he had so proceeded against her.

First, because shee is an Heretike a and Schismatike b and therefore excommunicated of two Popes, his predecessors, contumacious, disobedient to God and the supreme c Sea: Also shee tooke to her selfe with presumptious vsurpation supreme Authoritie and Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction ouer the Soules d of Men, against Nature, Reason, against all Lawes Diuine and Humane; and that as well by vertue of the sentences giuen by Clement the Seuenth, and Paul the Third, as of the publike declaration of King Henry her Father. Thirdly, because shee vsurped the Kingdome against all right, not onely in regard of the impediments aforesaid, but also against the old Contracts in times past made betwixt the Sea Apo∣stolike and the Kingdome of England in the time of Henry the Second, when the said Kingdome recon∣ciled if selfe to the Roman Sea, for the murther of Saint Thomas of Canturbury. At which time it [ 50] was agreed e, that none should bee taken for lawfull King of England without consent of the Great Bi∣shop; which conuention or contract was after renewed by King Iohn, and confirmed by Oath Which thing was most profitable, and so established by the request of the Nobilitie and People.

For many and grieuous iniuries f, extorsions, and other wrongs perpetrated by her and by others, through her permission, against the distressed innocent Subiects of both Kingdomes.

For seditions and rebellions betwixt the Inhabitants of neighbour Prouinces, raised against their lawful Magistrate and g naturall Prince, by which shee seduced innumerable Soules and many potent Regions.

For entertainment h giuen to Fugitiue Heretikes, and Rebells, wicked and publike malefactors, and vndertaking their protection, to the great losse and detriment of Christian Regions.

Also for sending to and procuring the Turke, that our mightie i and cruell Enemy, to inuade Chri∣stendome and disturbe k the setled Peace.

For the horrible and l long persecution of the Saints of God, for holy m B B. ill handled, spoyled, im∣prisoned, and diuers torments and miserable tortures and slaughters done to the members of the holy and Catholike Church.

For the inhumane and vniust imprisonment and crueltie, lately exercised against the most gracions Princesse, Mary Queene of Scotland, which had fled into England, hauing first n receiued promise of securitie, pretection, and aide.

For abolishing the true Catholike Religion o, the profanation of holy Sacraments, also of Monaste∣ries p, Temples, Persons consecrated to the memory of Saints, and all other things which make or may help to eternall life.

And concerning Secular affaires q and the State politike, for that the ancient Nobilitie being reiec∣ted and excluded, shee hath promoted obscure and vnworthy men to Ciuill and Ecclesiasticall dignities; and by this meanes hath made a sale of Lawes and Rights; and lastly for the absolute tyranny r which shee vsurpeth and continually exerciseth, to the great contempt of God, oppression of the miserable s People, the losse of Soules, and destruction of Countries.

Wherefore seeing those offences are of that nature and moment, that some make her vncapable of the kingdome, others make her vnworthy of life, his Holinesse by the power of Almightie God, and of Apo∣stolicall [ 20] authoritie committed to him, doth renew the sentence of his predecessors, Pius the Fifth, and Grego∣ry t the Thirteenth, whereby the said Elizabeth is excommunicated and depriued of her Kingdome. And now by these present Letters, the same Elizabeth againe excommunicateth and depriueth of all Royall Dignitie, Titles, Rights and pretences to the said Kingdomes of England and Ireland; declaring her ille∣gitimate, and a true Usurper of the Kingdomes; and absoluing the Subiects of that Land, and all o∣thers from all dutie u of Dominion, Fidelitie and Obedience, and from the Oath x giuen to her or to any of her substitutes.

Further, expresly commanding vnder paine of the anger y of God Almightie, that none of whatsoeuer condition or degree, after hee shall haue notice hereof; doe presume to yeeld her any obedience, fauour, or ayde whatsoeuer: but that all may imploy all their power and indenour, that due punishment may be taken [ 30] of her; that shee at length, which hath separated her selfe by many wayes from God and his Church, see∣ing her selfe for saken and destitute of all worldly refuge, may be brought to acknowledge her fault, and to subiect her selfe to the iudgement of the most High, with all submission.

And therefore commands all and euery the Inhabitants of the said Kingdomes, and all others, that with all their power they execute the premisses, withdrawing all helpe publike and priuate from the said per∣son and her adherents: and that as soone as they shall be hereof certisied, they ioyne themselues to the Ca∣tholike Armie, led by the Illustrious and victorious Prince Alexander Farnesius, Duke of Parma, and Deputie of the Catholike King; with all the forces they can gather, that they may assist the said depriua∣tion and punishment of the parties afore said, and the restitution of the holy Catholike Religion, decla∣ring that all which shall show themselues disobedient z to this Mandate, shall not escape deserued punishments.

Be it knowne further to all men, that it is not the purpose of his Holinesse, the Catholike King, or the said Dukes Highnesse, in this Expedition, to oppresse the said Kingdomes, or thereof to make conquest, or to alter the Lawes, Priuiledges or Customes thereof, or to depriue any man there, of his libertie or life (except the rebellious and contumacious) or to bring any change a, besides that which shall be iudged fit by common voyces of his Holinesse, the Catholike Maiesty and the States of that Kingdome, to the resto∣ring and continuing of the Catholike Religion, and the punishment of that Usurper and her adherents: Certifying and securing all, that all controuersies which may happen by the depriuation of that Woman (whether they shall arise about priuate mens affaires, or about the Royall Succession, or betwixt the Clergy and Laity, or whatsoeuer other discords) they shall be all compounded and decided according to the Lawes, [ 50] Iustice, and Christian equitie, without any iniury or damage. Neither shall it onely bee prouided conue∣niently that the Catholikes which haue suffered so many euills be not spoyled, but fauour is also granted to all others, which being penitent shall submit themselues vnto the Chiefe Commander of the Army. And

whereas by due information made, wee are giuen to vnderstand that there are many innocents, which through ignorance of Christian Faith hauing falne, haue hitherto erred onely of ignorance, being neuer∣thelesse reckoned amongst Heretikes: wee purpose not at all to punish such persons, but to in••ure pati∣ently, till by conference of learned men, and good sound counsells, they may be better instructed touching the truth; and not shew themselues obstinate, but desirous to preuent the effusion of Christian bloud, and destruction of Countries which may be expected by the resistance of some wicked principall aduersaries.

Therefore by these Presents wee declare, that it is not onely lawfull for all, as well publike as priuate persons, besides those which haue vndertaken this Expedition, to lay band on the said Vsurper, and other her adherents, to take them and deliuer them to the Catholike side; but also this deed shall bee esteemed of vs for a faithfull and singular seruice. and shall be recompenced with very great rewards, according to the qualitie of the persons taken or betrayed. All others also which heretofore haue giuen ayde, or shall [ 10] hereafter assist to the punishment of the euill, and the restitution of Catholike Religion in those King∣domes, shall receiue their reward and recompence, increased by vs in Dignities and Honours, as their good and faithfull seruice to the Common-wealth shall desire. Wherein as much as may be, care shall be had that reckoning and respect be holden of the antient and honourable Houses and Stockes of the said Kingdomes. Lastly, free accesse and safe conduct by these Presents is granted to all men, which will ioyne themselues to the Catholike Armie, and will bring thereto prouision, furniture of warre, and other necessaries, full and liberall satisfaction is promised for all things, which for the seruice and commoditie of the said Armie shall be supplied by them. And all are admonished and plainly commanded, that they doe their vtmost in∣deuour and diligence, that by their meanes cause may bee remoued of vsing force in punishing those which shall neglect this Precept. [ 20]

Further more the Holy Father, in his fatherly loue and singular affection to this Expedition, out of the Spirituall Treasure of the holy Church (which is committed to his custody and dispensation) doth libe∣rally grant plenary Indulgences and remission of Sins, to all those which shall bring any aid or fauour to the depriuation and punishing of the said persons, and the reformation of both Kingdomes: to wit, after due pe∣nance, Contrition and Confession had according to the Lawes of God and Men, and the receiued custome amongst Christians.

NOw that all might bee carried more closely, and that this Expedition might seeme made a∣gainst the Low-countries, rather then the English, a solemne meeting was appointed first neer Ostend, after at Bronckburg in Flanders for a treaty of peace with the Queene of England. Henry [ 30] Earle of Derby, the Lord Cobham, Sir Iames Croft, D. Dale, D. Rogers were sent. Richardot plainly said that he knew not what might be put in practise in the meane time against England. But the Prince and he being demanded if their were any enterprise of inuading England, they vtterly de∣nied any thoughts therof. Count Aremberg, Campignie, Richardot, Maes & Garnier were the Prin∣ces Delegates, and professed that they had sufficient Commission for treaty of peace. First a truce was propounded by the English and by them ••e••••ed. Then the English required that the ancient leagues betwixt the Kings of England and the House of Burgundy might be renewed and confir∣med, that the Low-countrimen might iniov their priuiledges and libertie of conscience, that Spa∣niards and forraine forces might be remoued, that neither they nor their neighbours should haue cause to feare; and then the Queene would redeliuer her foure Cautionary Townes. They whiled [ 40] them with such answere as suted to their purposes, and long adoe was made in weauing and vn∣weauing Penelopes web, till the Spanish Armada was vpon the Coast, and the very Ordnance pro∣claimed in their eares a surcease from further illusions. Then did Parma dismisse them, pulled off his Visor, vncasing the Fox, and truly appearing in the Lions skin. But let vs now come to take view of this Fleet, and the preparations made for it.

The King of Spaine hauing with small fruit, aboue twenty yeeres together waged warre against the Netherlands, after deliberation with his Counsellours thereabout, thought it most conuenient to assault them once again by Sea, which had bin attempted sundry times heretofore, but not with forces sufficient. Vnto the which expedition it stood him now in hand to ioine great puissance, as hauing the English people his professed enemies; whose Iland is so situate, that it may either great∣ly [ 50] helpe or hinder all such as faile into those parts. For which cause he thought good first of all to inuade England, being perswaded by his Secretary Escouedo, and by diuers other well experienced Spaniards and Dutchmen, and by many English fugitiues, that the conquest of that Iland was lesse difficult, then the conquest of Holland and Zealand. Moreouer the Spaniards were of opinion, that it would be farre more behoouefull for their King to conquer England and the Low countries all at once, then to bee constrained continually to maintaine a warlike Nauie to defend his East and West Indie Fleets, from the English Drake, and from such like valiant enemies.

And for the same purpose the King Catholike, had giuen commandement long before in Italy & Spaine, that a great quantitie of timber should be felled for the building of Ships; and had besides [ 60] made great preparation of things and furniture requisite for such an expedition as namely in foun∣ding of brasen Ord••ance, in storing vp of corn and victuals, in training of men to vse warlike wea∣pons, in leuying and mustering of Souldiers: insomuch that about the beginning of the yeer 1588. he had finished such a mightie Nauie, & brought it into Lisbon Hauen, as neuer the like had before that time sailed vpon the Ocean Sea.

A very large and particular description of this Nauie was put in print and published by the Spaniards, the translated copy whereof, in perp••tuam r••i memoriam, to incite English thankfulnesse, I haue here inserted, but abridged.

Squadron of the Galeons of Portugall.

THe Galeon S. Martin, Captain Generall of the Armie,, of 1000. tuns, carrieth 177. Mariners, 3••0. Souldiers, chosen men, 50. Peeces of Canon, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Cord, and all that which is needfull.

The Galeon S. Iohn, Admirall Generall, of 1050. tuns, carrieth 170. Mariners, 231. Souldiers, 50. Peeces of Canons, and Bullets, Powder, Lead, Cords, and that which is necessary. [ 10]

The Galeon of S. Marke is of 792. tuns, and carrieth 292. Souldiers, 117. Mariners, and Powder, Bullets, Lead, Match, as much as is needfull.

The Galeon S. Philip, of 800. tuns, hath 415. Souldiers, 117. Mariners, 40. Peeces of Artillery, and Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all that is needfull.

The Galeon S. Lewes 830. tuns, hath 376. men of Warre, and 116. Mariners, 40. Peeces of Ord∣nance, and Bullets, Match, Powder, and other things as much as is needfull.

The Galeon of S. Mathew 750. tuns, 177. men of Warre, 50. Mariners, 40. great Peeces, and Powder, Bullets, Lead, Match, and all other things as much as is needfull.

The Galeon S. Iames 520. tunnes, 300. Souldiers, 100. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, and Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all that which is needfull. [ 20]

The Galeon of Florence, of 961. tuns, 300. Souldiers, 100. Mariners, 52. Peeces of Ordnance, and Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all the rest as much as is needfull.

The Galeon S. Christopher, 352. tuns, 300. men of Warre, 90. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Lead, Powder, Match, and all that which they need.

The Galeon S. Bernard, 352. tuns, hath 280. Souldiers, 100. Mariners, 30. Canons, and Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and other necessary things as much as they need.

The Zabra Augusta, of 166. tuns, carrieth 55. Souldiers, 55. Mariners, 13. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and other necessary things as much as they need.

The Zabra Iulia, of 166. tuns, 60. Souldiers, 50. Mariners, with Ordnance, Bullets, Powder, and other necessaries.

There is in this Squadron, 1••. Vessells, 10. of them Galeons, and two Zabres, which are of 7737. tuns. & [ 30] there are imbarked in them 3330. Souldiers footmen, & 1230 mariners, which are in sum 4624. men, & they carry 350. great Peeces, and all that which is necessary to the rest, as bullets, powder, match, lead, &c.

THe Ship S. Angell, the Captaine is of 768. tuns, and hath 323. men of War, 114. Mariners, 30. Canons, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all that which is needfull. The Gangrin, Admirall of 1160. tuns, carrieth 300. Souldiers, 100. Mariners, 36. great Peeces of Canons, Bullets, Powder, Match Lead, and all that which is needfull. The Vessell of S. Iames, 660. tuns, hath 250. Souldiers, 102. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and other necessary prouisions. The Conception of Zub••lzu, 468. tuns, hath 100. men of War, and 70. Mariners, 20. great Canons, and [ 40] Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all other necessary things. The Conception de I••a••es del Cauo, 418. tuns, hath 164. men of Warre, 70. Mariners, 24. great Peeces, and Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all that which they need. The Magdalene of Iohn Frauncis of Ayala, 330. tuns, car∣rieth 200. Souldiers, 70. Mariners, 22. great Peeces, and Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and that which is necessary to the rest. The S〈…〉〈…〉p S. Iohn, 350. tuns, hath 130. men of Warre, and 80. Mari∣ners, and 24. great Peeces, B••llets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all that which they need for the rest. The Mary of 165. tuns, carrieth 180. Souldiers, and 100. Mariners, 24. great Peeces, Bullets, Pow∣der, Lead, Match, and other necessary things. The Manuela of 520. tuns, hath 130. Souldiers, 54. Mariners, 16. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match and the rest of their fraught. The Ship of S. Mary of Monte-maior, of 707. tuns, 220. Souldiers, 50. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, [ 50] Powder, Lead, and Match, and other prouisions. The Pinnace, called the Marie of Aguiare, of 70. tuns, hath 30. men of War, 23. Mariners, 10. Peeces, of Canon, Powder, Bullets, Lead, Match, and other necessary things. The Pinnace, called Isabella, of tuns, hath 30. Souldiers, 23. Mariners, 12, Canons, Bullets, and other necessary things. The Pinnace of Michel Sus••, of 96. tuns, 30. Soul∣diers, 24. Mariners, 12. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all other necessary things. The Pinnace of S. Steuen, of 78. tuns, hath 30. men of Warre, 26. Mariners, 12. Peeces of Canon, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all other necessary things of prouision.

There is in this Squadron, 14. Ships, ten of them great, and foure Pinnaces, which are of 6567. tuns of burden, in which Ships bee imbarked 2037. Souldiers, 868. Mariners, which make in all 2802. and 260. great Peeces of Canon, 119000. Bullets, 467. Quintals of Powder, 140. of Lead, 89. of Match. [ 60]

THe Galeon S. Christopher, Captaine of 70. tuns, hath 205. men of Wa••re, and 120. Mariners, and 40. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all that which is necessary to the rest. The Galeon S. Iohn Baptist, of 750. tuns hath 250. Souldiers, 140. M••••••ne••s, ••0. great Peeces, &

bullets, Powder, lead, Match, & other necessary things. The Galeon S. Peter, of 530. tuns, 130. men of Warre, 140. Mariners, and 40. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Lead, and all the rest need∣full. The Galeon S. Iohn, of 530. tuns, 170. Souldiers, 120. Mariners, and 30. great Peeces, Powder, Bullets, Lead, Match, and all the rest. The Galeon S. Iames the great, of 530. tuns, 230. Souldiers, 132. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all the rest. The Galeon S. Philip, and S. Iames, of 530. tuns, 159. Souldiers, and 116. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Pow∣der, Match, Lead, and all that is necessary. The Galeon of the Ascension, of 530. tuns, 220. Souldi∣ers, 114. Mariners, and 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Lead, and all other necessary things. The Galeon of our Lady del Barri••, of 130. tuns, 170. Souldiers, 108. Mariners, and 30. Canons, Bullets, Powder, Lead, and all other necessary furnitures. The Galeon of S. Medel and Celedon, of 530. tuns, 170. Souldiers, 110. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Lead, [ 10] and all the rest. Galeon S. Anne of the Port, of 250. tuns, 100. men of Warre, and 80. Mariners, 24. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Lead, and all the rest. The Ship of our Lord of Vigonia, 750. tuns, 190. men of Warre, and 130. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Lead, and all the rest. The Vessell of the Trinite••, of 780. tuns, 200. Souldiers, 12••. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Lead, and all the rest. The Ship of S. Katherine, of 86••. tuns, 200. men of Warr, 160. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, and Powder, Bullets, Match, Lead, and all the rest. The Ship of S. Iohn Baptist, of 652. tuns, 200. Souldiers, 30. Mariners, 30. Canons, Bullets, Powder, Match, Lead, and all the rest. The Pinnace of our Lord Rosary, 30. Souldiers, 25. Mariners, 24. great Pee∣ces, Powder, Bullets, Lead, Match, and the rest of their prouision. [ 20]

There are in this Squadron, fourteene Galeons and Ships, and two Pinnaces, which beare 8714. tuns. In these Vessells there are imbarked 2458. Souldiers, 1719. Mariners, which are in all, 4177. and 348. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all that which they need.

THe Captaine Ship of 1550. tuns, carrieth 304. men of War, 118. Mariners, 50. Canons, Pow∣der, Bullets, and the rest of their prouision. The Ship S. Francis, the Admirall of 915. tuns, 230. Souldiers, 60. Mariners, 30. Canons, Powder, Bullets, and the rest of their prouision. The Galeon S. Iohn Baptist, of 810. tuns 250. Souldiers, and 40. Mariners, 40. great Peeces, Powder, Bullets, Match, Lead, and the rest. The Ship S. Iohn Gargaran, of 569. tuns, 170. men of War, 60. Mariners, 20. great Peeces, Powder, Bullets, Match, Lead, and the rest. The Conception of 862. tuns, 200. men of War, 65. Mariners, 25. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Lead, and all the rest. The Hulke Duque∣sa, [ 30] S. Anne of 900. tuns, 250. men of War, and 80. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Powder, Bullets, Match, Lead, and all the rest. The Trinitie, 650. tuns, 200. men of Warre, 80. Mariners, 20. Canons, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and the rest. The Ship S. Mary de Iuncar, of 730. tuns, 240. men of War, 80. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all the rest. The Pinnace of the Holy Ghost, 40. men of War, 33. Mariners, 10. Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match and Cord, and all that which they need.

There are in this Squadron 11. Ships, 10. great, and a Pin••ace, of the burden of 8762. tuns, in which are imbarked 2400. Souldiers, 800. Mariners, and 260. great Peeces.

THe Ship of S. Anne, the Captaine, of ••200. tuns of burden, hath 300. men of Warre, 60. Ma∣riners, [ 40] 50. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, and all the rest. The Ship of our Lord of the Rose, Admirall of 945. tuns, 230. Souldiers, 64. Mariners, and 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all the rest. The Ship S. Sauior, of 958. tuns, 330. Souldiers, 50. Mariners, 30. Canons, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and the rest: The Ship of S. Steuen, of 936. tuns, 200. men of Warre, 70. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, Bullets, Powder, Lead, Match, and all the rest. The Ship of S. Marthe of 548. tuns, 180. men of Warre, 70. Mariners, 25. great Peeces, bullets, powder, and the rest. The ship. S. Barbe of 525. tuns, 160. Souldiers, 50. Mariners, 15. Canons, bullets, powder, lead, match, and all the rest. The ship of S. Bonauenture, of 369. tuns, 170. Souldiers, 60. Mariners, 15. great Peeces, bullets, powder, lead, and the rest. The Mary of 291. tuns, 120. Souldiers, 40. Ma∣riners, 15. great Peeces, bullets, powder, lead, and the rest. The S. Croix 680. tuns, 150. Souldiers 40. [ 50] Mariners, 20. great Peeces, bullets, powder, match, lead, and the rest. The Hulke Doucella, 500. tuns, 160. men of War, 40. Mariners, 18. great Peeces, powder, bullets, match, lead and all the rest. The Patax of the Annunciation of 60. tuns, 30. men of War, 16. Mariners, 12. great Peeces, bullets, powder, match, lead, and all the rest. The Patax S. Bernabe, is the same burden as the aforenamed. The Patax of our Lady of Guadaloupe is of the same burden also. The Pinnace of Magdelene, is also the same burden.

There are in this Squadron, 14. Ships, ten great Ships, two Pataches, and two Pinnaces, of 6991. tuns of burden. In which Uessels, there are imbarked 2092. men of Warre, and 670. Mariners, all com∣meth 2708.

THe Regasona, the Captaine, which is of 1294. tuns, hath 350. Souldiers, 90. Mariners, 35. great Peeces, powder, bullets, lead, match, and all the rest: The Lama, the Admirall, of 728. tuns, 210. Souldiers, 80. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, powder, bullets, lead, match, and all the rest.

The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 S. Mary crowned of 820. tuns, 340. men of Warre, 90. Mariners, 40. great Peeces, pow∣der, bullets, match, lead, and the rest. The S. Iohn of Cicile, of 880. tuns, 290. men of Warre, 70. Mariners. 30. Canons, and all the rest. The Trinitie Valencera, of a 1000. tuns, 240. Souldiers: 90. Mariners, 41. great Peeces, and all the rest of their furnitures. The Annuntiation of 730. tuns, 200. Souldiers, 90. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, and all the rest. The S. Nicholas Proda••eli of 834. tunnes 280. Sou••••ers, 84. Mariners, 30. great Peeces, and all the rest. The Iuli••••e of 780. ••uns, 330. Soul∣diers, 80. Mariners, 36. great Peeces, and the rest. The Mary Pison of 666. tuns, 250. Souldiers, 80. Mariners, 22. great Peeces, and the rest of their need. The Trinitie Escala of 900. tunnes, 302. Souldiers, 25. great Peeces, and all the rest of their furniture.

In which Squadron there ••••e ten Ships which are of 7705. tuns of burthen, and there are imbarked [ 10] in them 2880. Souldiers, 807. Mariners, 310. great Peeces, with the rest of that they haue.

THe great Grison, the Captaine, of 650. tuns, 250. Souldiers, 60. Mariners, 40. great Peeces, and [ 60] the rest. The S. Sauior the Admirall of 650. tuns, 230. Souldiers, 60. Mariners, 30. great Peeces and the rest of their prouision. The Sea Dog, of 200. tuns, 80. Souldiers, 30. Mariners, 10. great Peeces, and the rest. The White Faulcon the great of 500. tuns, 160. men of Warre, 40. Mariners, 18. great Peeces, and all the rest. The Blacke Castle of 750. tuns, 250. Souldiers, 50. Mariners, 25. great Peeces, and all the rest. The Barke of Amb••••g, of 600. tuns, 250. men of War. 50. Mariners, 25. Canons, and the rest. The House of peace the great, of the same burthen. The S. Peter the great of the same burthen also. The Sampson, and Peter the small, doe beare the same. The Barke of Au∣z••que, [ 20] of 450. tuns, 210. Souldiers, 50. Mariners, 26. great Peeces, and the rest of their prouision. The Falcon, the meane White, of 300. tuns, 80. men of War, 30. Mariners, 18. great Peeces, and all the rest. The S. Andrew of 400. tuns, 160. Souldiers. 40. Mariners, 15. great Peeces, and the rest of their prouision. The Little house of peace, of 350. tuns, 160. Souldiers, 40. Mariners, 15. great Pee∣ces, and the rest of their prouision. The Flying Rauen of 400. tuns, 210. Souldiers 40. Mariners, 18. great Peeces, and the rest of their furniture.

THe White Doue. of 250. tuns, 60. Souldiers, 30. Mariners, 12. great Peeces, and the rest. The Aduenture, S. Barbe fraughted of the same. The S. Iames 600. tuns, 60. Souldiers, 40. Mari∣ners, 19. great Peeces, and all the rest. S. Gabriel of the Port, of 280. tuns, 50. Souldiers, 25. Mari∣ners, [ 30] 9. great Peeces, and the rest of their furniture. The Esay is fraughted of the same.

There are in this Squadron 23. Hulkes, which are of 10271. tuns, in the which are imbarked 3221. men of Warre, 708. Mariners, 410. great peeces, and their necessary prouision.

The Captaine of our Lord of Pilier of Zaragosse of 300. tunnes, 120. Souldiers, 50. Mariners, 12. great Peeces, and their furniture. The English Charity, of 180. tuns, 80. Souldiers, 36. Mariners, 12. great Peeces, and the rest. The Scottish S. Andrew of 150. tuns, 51. Souldiers, 30. Mariners, 12. great Peeces, and their furniture. The Patache of the Crucifix, 150. tuns, 50. Souldiers, 30. Mariners, 8. great Peeces, and their furniture. Our Lord of the Hauen fraught alike. The Conception of Carassa, and our Lord of Begoua, and the Conception de Capitillo, and S. Hioros. being of the burthen of 60. or 70. tuns, 50. Souldiers, 30. Mariners, 8. great Peeces, a Peece, and their furniture. Our Lady of grace, [ 40] the Conception of Frauncys Lastero, our Lady of Guadalupe, S. Frauncys, the Holy Spirit, our Lady of Frenesda, all fraughted alike. The Zabra of the Trinitie, the Zabra of our Lady Castre, S. Andrew, the Conception of Zomartiba, S. Clere, S. Iohn of Carassa, and the Assumption, all fraughted alike.

There are in this Squadron 22. Pataches and Zabres, which are of the burthen of 113. tuns, in the which there are imbarked 479. Souldiers, 574. Mariners, and ther•• is 193. great Peeces, and all their furniture.

THe Galeace the Captaine called S. Lawrence, hath 270. Souldiers, 130. Mariners, 300. Slaues, 50. Peeces of Canon, and their furniture. The Galeace Patrone, 180. Souldiers, 112. Mariners, 300. Slaues, 50. great Peeces, and their furniture. The Galeace G••rone, 170. Souldiers, 120. Mari∣ners, [ 50] 300. Slaues, 50. great Peeces. The Galeace Neapolitaine 124. Souldiers, 115. Mariners, 300. Slaues, 50. great Peeces, and the rest of their necessary fraught.

There are in these foure Galeaces 873. Souldiers, 468. Mariners, 200. great Peeces, 1200. Slaues, and the rest of their furniture.

The Gally Captaine, 110. Souldiers, 106. Mariners, 306. Slaues, and fiftie great Peeces, and other necessaries. The Gally Princesse, the Gally Diana, the Gally Vaca••a, are the like.

In the aboue named Galeaces, there are 1200. Slaues, and in the foure gallies, 888. which is in all 2088. Moreouer, they carry powder for their need, if it be offered to doe battery, 600. Quintals.

So that there are in the said Army 130. Ships of 57868. tuns, 19295. Souldiers and 8450. Mariners, 2088. Slaues, and 2630. great Peeces of Brasse of all sorts, among which there are Coleurines, and de [ 60] my Coleurines, and Canons to the Stone, and other necessaries for their fraught.

In the Booke follow the names of the Aduenturers, also of such as in the Army were entertai∣ned for pay; such also as were imbarked for the seruice of the Canon, for the Hospitall, the R••gi∣ments, and Companies in pay, the Officers, &c. which for breuitie I••••it.

The Galeons were sixtie foure in number, being of an huge bignesse, and verie stately built, be∣ing of marueilous force also, and so high, that they resembled great Castles, most fit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 defend themselues and to withstand any assault, but in giuing any other Ships the encounter farre inferi∣our vnto the English and Dutch Ships, which can with great dexteritie weild & turne themselues at all ass〈…〉〈…〉. The vpper worke of the said Galeons was of thicknesse and strength sufficient to beare off Musket-shot. The lower worke and the timbers thereof were out of measure strong, be∣ing framed for plankes and ribs foure or fiue foot in thicknesse, insomuch that no bullets could pierce them, but such as were discharged hard at hand: which afterward proued true, for a great number of bullets were found to sticke fast within the massie substance of those thicke plankes. Great and well pitched Cables were twined about the masts of their Ships, to strengthen them [ 10] against the battery of shot.

The Galliasses were of such bignesse, that they contained within them Chambers, Chappels, Turrets, Pulpits, and other commodities of great houses. The Galliasses were rowed with great Oares, there being in each of them 300. slaues for the same purpose; and were able to ••ot great seruice with the force of their Ordnance. All these together with the residue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were furnished and beautified with Trumpets, Streamers, Banners, warlike Ensignes, and other such like ornaments.

Their Pieces of Brasen Ordnance were 1600. and of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 1000. The Bullets there to belonging were 120. thousand. Item of Gunpowder 5600. quintals Of Match 1200. quintals. Of Muskets and Kal••••uers 7000. Of Halberts and Partisans 10000. Moreouer, they had great store of Canons, [ 20] double Canons, Culuerings and field-pieces for land seruice.

Likewise they were prouided of all instruments necessary on Land to conueigh and transport their furniture from place to place; as namely of Carbs, Wheeles, Wagons, &c. Also they had Spades, Mattocks and Baskets to set pioners on worke. They had in like sort great store of Mules and Horses, and whatsoeuer else was requisite for a Land-armie. They were so well stored of Biscuit, that for the space of halfe a yeere, they might allow each person in the whole Fleete halfe a quintall euery moneth: whereof the whole 〈◊〉〈◊〉 amounteth vnto an hundreth thou∣sand quintals.

Likewise of Wine they had 147. thousand Pipes, sufficient also for halfe a yeeres expedition. Of Bacon 6500. quintals. Of Cheese three thousand quintals. Besides Fish, Rice, Beanes, Pease, [ 30] Oyle, Vinegar, &c.

Moreouer, they had 12000. Pipes of fresh water, and all other necessarie prouision; as namely Candies, Lanternes, Lampes, Sa••les, Hempe, Oxe-hides and Lead to stop holes that should be made with the batterie of Gun••hot. To be short, they brought all things expedient either for a Fleete by Sea, or for an A••••ie by land.

This Name (as Diego Pimentelli afterward confessed) was esteemed by the King himselfe to containe 32000. persons, and to cost him euery day 30. thousand Ducates.

There were in the said Nauie fiue Terzaes of Spaniards (which Terzaes the Frenchmen call Re∣giments) vnder the command of fiue Gouernours, tearmed by the Spaniards Masters of the field, and amongst the rest there were many old and expert Souldiers chosen out of the Garrisons of [ 40] Sicilie, Naples, and Terçera. Their Captaines or Colonels were Diego Pimentelli, Don Francisco de Toledo, Don Alonzo de Lucon, Don Nicolas de Isla, Don Augustin de Mexia: who had each of them two and thirty Companies vnder their conduct. Besides the which Companies there were many bands also of Castilians and Portugals, euery one of which had their peculiar Gouernours, Captaines, Officers, Colours and weapons.

It was not lawfull for any man, vnder grieuous penaltie, to carry any woman or harlots in the Fleete: for which cause the women hired certaine Ships, wherein they sailed after the Nauie: some of the which being driuen by tempest arriued vpon the coast of France.

The Generall of this mightie Nauie, was Don Alonso Perez de Guzman Duke of Medina, Sido∣nia, Lord of S. Lucar, and Knight of the golden Fleece: by reason that the Marquesse of Santa [ 50] Cruz appointed for the same dignity, deceased before the time.

Iohn Martines de Ricalde was Admirall of the Fleete.

Francis Bouadilla was chiefe Marshall: who all of them had their officers fit and requisite for the guiding and managing of such a multitude. Likewise Martin Alorcon was appointed Vicar generall of the Inquisition, being accompanied with more ••hen a hundreth Monkes, to wit, Iesu∣ites, Capuchines, and Friers Mendicant. Besides whom also there were Phisitians, Chirurgians, A∣pothecaries, and whatsoeuer else pertained vnto the Hospitall.

Ouer and besides the forenamed Gouernours and Officers, being men of chiefe note, there were 124 very noble and worthy Gentlemen, which went voluntarily of their owne costs and charges, to the end they might see fashions, learne experience, and attaine vnto glory. Amongst whom [ 60] was the Prince of Ascoli, Alonzo de Leiua, the Marquesse de Pennafiel, the Marquesse de Ganes, the Marquesse de Barlango, Count de Paredes, Count de Yeluas, and diuers other Marqueses and Earles of the honorable families of Mendoza, of Toledo, of Pachicco, of Cordono, of Guzman, of Manriques, and a great number of others.

I haue by me the Dukes Orders for the whole Nauie, during this Voyage, made aboord the Gallion Saint Martin, May 28. the beginning whereof I haue added, the whole would be too long.

Don ALONSO PERES DE GVSMAN, the good Duke of Medina, Sidonia, Countie of Nebla, Marquesse of Casheshe in Africa, Lord of the Citie Saint Lucar, Captaine Generall of the Occian Sea, of the Coast of Andaluzia, and of this Armie of his Maiestie, and Knight of the honorable Order of [ 10] the golden Fleece.

I Doe ordaine and command, that the generall Masters of the field, all Captaines of the Sea, Pi∣lats, Masters, Souldiers, Mariners, and Officers, and whatsoeuer other people for the Land or Sea seruice commeth in this Armie, all the time that it indureth, shall be thus gouerned, as here∣after followeth, viz.

First, and before all things, it is to be vnderstood by all the aboue named from the highest to the lowest: that the principall foundation and cause that hath moued the King his Maiestie to make and continue this iournie, hath beene, and is, to serue God, and to returne vnto his Church a great many of contrite soules that are oppressed by the Heretikes, enemies of our holy Catho∣like [ 20] faith, which haue them subiects to their sects and vnhappinesse: and for that euery one, may put his eyes vpon this marke, as we are bound, I doe command and much desire euery one, to giue charge vnto the inferiors and those vnder their charge to imbarke themselues, being shriuen, and hauing receiued the Sacrament with competent and contrition for their sinnes; by the which contrition and zeale to doe God such great seruice, he will carry and guide vs to his great glory; which is, that which particularly and principally is pretended.

In like manner, I doe charge and command you, to haue particular care, that no Soldier, Mar∣riner, or other, that serueth in this Armie, doe blaspheme, or rage against God, or our Lady, or a∣ny of the Saints, vpon paine that he shall therefore sharply be corrected, and very well chaste∣ned, as it shall seeme best vnto vs: and for other oathes of lesse qualitie, the Gouernours in the [ 30] same Ships they goe in, shall procure to remedy all: they shall punish them in taking away their allowance of Wine, or otherwise as they shall thinke good. And for that the most occasions come by play, you shall publikly prohibit it, especially the games that are forbidden: and that none doe play in the night by no meanes.

Articles follow to suppresse quarrels, to auoid disgracing any man, and all occasions of scandall, for∣bidding carriage of common women; with other orders for watchwords, attendance on the Admirall, for fire and wilde-fire, and lights, armours, sh••••, powder, match, and other necessary instructions, too long to be here particularised: that in the height of humaine policie, and religious hypocrisie, the hand of God in Englands preseruation may be made euident.

While the Spaniards were furnishing this their Nauie, the Duke of Parma, at the direction [ 40] of King Philip, made great preparation in the low Countries, to giue aide and assistance vnto the Spaniards, building Ships for the same purpose, and sending for Pilots and Ship▪ wrights out of Italy. In Flanders he caused certaine deepe channels to be made, and among the rest, the channell of Yper, commonly called Yper-lee, employing some thousands of workemen about that seruice: to the end that by the said Cannell he might transport Ships from Antwerp and Ghendt to Bruges where he had assembled aboue a hundreth small Ships, called Hoyes, being well stored with vi∣ctuals, which Hoyes he was determined to haue brought into the Sea by the way of Sluys, or else to haue conueied them by the said Yper-lee, being now of greater depth, into any port of Flan∣ders whatsoeuer.

In the Riuer of Waten, he caused 70. Ships with flat bottomes to be built, euery one of which [ 50] should serue to carry 30. horses, hauing each of them Bridges likewise for the Horses to come on boord, or to goe forth on land. Of the same fashion he had prouided 200. other vessels at Neiu∣port, but not so great. And at Dunkerk he procured 28. Ships of warre, such as were there to be had, and caused a sufficient number of Mariners to be leuied at Hamburg, Breme, Emd••n, and at o∣ther places. He put in the ballast of the said Ships, great store of beames of thicke plankes, being hollow and beset with Iron pikes beneath, but on each side full of claspes and hookes, to ioyne them together.

He had likewise at Graueling prouided 20. thousand of caske, which in a short space might be compact and ioyned together with nailes and cords, and reduced into the forme of a Bridge. To be short, whatsoeuer things were requisite for the making of Bridges, and for the barring & stop∣ping [ 60] vp of Hauens mouthes with stakes, posts, and other meanes, he commanded to be made rea∣dy. Moreouer, not far from Neinport hauen, he had caused a great pile of wooden fagots to be laid, and other furniture to be brought for the rearing vp of a Mount. The most part of his Ships con∣tained two Ouens a peece to bake Bread in, with a great number of saddles, bridles, and such other

like apparell for Horses. They had Horses likewise, which after their landing should serue to con∣uey and draw engines, field-pieces, and other warlike prouisions.

Neeere vnto Neiuport he had assembled an armie, ouer the which hee had ordained Camillo de Monte to be Camp-master. This army consisted of 30. bands or ensignes of Italians, of ten bands of Wallons, eight of Scots; and eight of Burgundians, all which together amount vnto 56. bands eue∣ry band containing a hundreth persons. Neere vnto Dixmud there were mustered eightie bands of Dutchmen, sixtie of Spaniards, six of high Germans, and seuen bands of English fugitiues, vnder the conduct of Sir William Stanlie, an English Knight. In the suburbs of Cortreight there were 4000. horsemen together with their horses in a readinesse: and at Waten 900. horses, with the troupe of the Marquesse del G••••sto Captaine generall of the horsemen. [ 10]

Vnto this famous expedition and presupposed victory, many potentates, Princes, and honora∣ble personages hied themselues: out of Spaine the Prince of Melito, called the Duke of Pastrana, and taken to be the Son of one Ruygomes de Silua, but in very deede accompted among the num∣ber of King Philips base sons. Also the Marquesse of Bargraue, one of the sons of Arch-duke Fer∣dinand and Philippa Welsera. Vespasian Gonsaga of the family of Mantua, being for chiual••y a man of great renowne, and heretofore Vice-roy in Spaine. Item Iohn Medices, base son vnto the Duke of Florence. And Amadas of Sauoy, the Duke of Sauoy his base son, with many others of inferi∣our degrees.

At length when as the French King about the end of May signified vnto her Maiestie in plaine tearmes that she should stand vpon her guard, because he was now certainly enformed, that there was so dangerous an inuasion imminent vpon her Realme, that he feared much, least all her land [ 20] and sea-forces would be sufficient to withstand it, &c. then began the Queenes Maiestie more care∣fully to gather her forces together, and to furnish her own ships of warre, and the principall ships of her subiects, with souldiers, weapons, and other necessary prouision. The greatest and strongest ships of the whole Nauie she sent vnto Plimmouth, vnder the conduct of the right honorable Lord Charles Howard, Lord high Admirall of England, &c. Vnder whom the renowned Knight Sir Fran∣cis Drake was appointed Vice-admirall. The number of these ships was about an hundreth. The lesser ships being 30. or 40. in number, and vnder the conduct of the Lord Henry Seimer were com∣manded to lie betweene Douer and Caleis.

On land likewise throughout the whole realme, souldiers were mustered and trained in all pla∣ces, [ 30] and were committed vnto the most resolute and faithfull captaines. And where as it was com∣monly giuen out, that the Spaniard hauing once vnited himselfe vnto the Duke of Parma, ment to inuade by the riuer of Thames, there was at Tilburie in Essex, ouer-against Grauesend, a mighty army encamped: and on both sides of the riuer fortifications were erected, according to the pre∣scription of Frederike Genebelli an Italian enginier. Likewise there were certaine ships brought to make a Bridge, though it were very late first. Vnto the said Armie came in proper person the Queenes most roiall Maiestie, representing Tomyris that Scithian warlike Princesse, or rather di∣uine Pallas her selfe. Also there were other such armies leuied in England.

The principal Recusants (least they should stir vp any tumult in the time of the Spanish inuasion) were sent to remaine at certain conuenient places, as namely in the Isle of Ely and at Wisbich. And [ 40] some of them were sent vnto other places, to wit, vnto sundry Bishops and Noblemen, where they were kept from endangering the state of the common wealth, and of her sacred Maiestie, who of her most gracious clemency gaue expresse commandement, that they should be intreated with all humani••ie and friendship.

The Prouinces of Holland, Zeland, &c. giuing credit vnto their intelligence out of Spaine, made preparation to defend themselues: but because the Spanish ships were described vnto them to be so huge, they relied partly vpon the shallow and dangerous Seas all along their coasts. Wherefore they stood most in doubt of the Duke of Parma, his small and flat-bottomed ships. Howbeit they had all their ships of warre to the number of nintie and aboue, in a readinesse for all ass••y••s: the greater part whereof were of a small burthen, as being more meete to saile vpon their Riuers and [ 50] shallow Seas: and with these ships they besieged all the hauens in Flanders, beginning at the mouth of Scheld, or from the towne of Lillo, and holding on to Greueling, and almost vnto Caleis, and for∣tified all their Sea-townes with strong garrisons.

Against the Spanish fleets arriuall, they had prouided fiue and twenty or thirty good ships, committing the gouernment of them vnto Admirall Lonck, whom they commanded to ioine him∣selfe vnto the Lord Henry Seymer, lying betweene Douer and Cales. And when as the foresaid ships (whereof the greater part besieged the hauen of Dunkerke) were driuen by tempest into Ze∣land, Iustin of Nassau the Admirall of Zeland supplied that squadron with fiue and thirty ships, being of no great burthen, but excellently furnished with Guns, Mariners and Souldiers in great abundance, & especially with 1200 braue Musquetiers, hauing beene accustomed vnto Sea-fights, [ 60] and being chosen out of all their company for the same purpose: and so the said Iustin of Nassau kept such diligent ward in the Station, that the Duke of Parma could not issue forth with his Nauie into Sea out of any part of Flanders.

In the meane while the Shanish Armada set saile out of the hauen of Lisbon vpon the 19. of

May, An. Dom. 1588. vnder the conduct of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, directing their course for the Bay of Corunna, alias the Groine in Gallicia, where they tooke in souldiers, and warlike prouision, this port being in Spaine the neerest vnto England. As they were sailing along, there arose such a mighty tempest, that the whole Fleet was dispersed, so that when the Duke was re∣turned vnto his company, he could not escry aboue eighty ships in all, whereunto the residue by little and little ioyned themselues, except eight which had their Masts blowne ouer-boord. One of the foure Gallies of Portingall escaped very hardly, retiring her selfe into the hauen. The other three were vpon the coast of Baion in France, by the assistance and courage of one Dauid Gwin, an English Captine (whom the French and Turkish slaues aided in the same enterprise) vtterly disa∣bled and vanquished: one of the three being first ouercome, which conquered the two other, with [ 10] the slaughter of their Gouernour and souldiers, and among the rest of Don Diego de Mandrana, with sundry others: and so those slaues arriued in France with the three Gallies, set themselues at libertie.

The Nauie hauing refreshed themselues at the Groine, and receiuing daily commandement from the King to hasten their iournie, horsed vp sailes the 11. day of Iuly, and so holding on their course till the 19. of the same moneth, they came then vnto the mouth of the narrow Seas or English channell. From whence (striking their sailes in the meane season) they dispatched certain of their small ships vnto the Duke of Parma. At the same time the Spanish Fleete was escried by an Eng∣lish Pinnace, Captaine whereof was Master Thomas Fleming, after they had beene aduertised of the Spaniards expedition by their scoutes and espials, which hauing ranged along the coast of [ 20] Spaine, were lately returned home into Plimmoth for a new supply of victuals and other necessa∣ries, who considering the foresaid tempest, were of opinion that the Nauie being of late disper∣sed and tossed vp and downe the maine Ocean, was by no meanes able to performe their inten∣ded Voyage. Moreouer, the Lord Charles Howard, Lord high Admirall of England, had receiued Letters from the Court, signifying vnto him, that her Maiesty was aduertised that the Spanish Fleete would not come forth; nor was to be any longer expected for, and therefore, that vp∣on her Maiesties commandement hee must send backe foure of her tallest and strongest Ships vn∣to Chattam.

The Lord high Admirall of England being thus on the sudden, namely vpon the 19. of Iuly a∣bout foure of the clocke in the afternoone, enformed by the Pinnace of Captaine Fleming afore∣said, [ 30] of the Spaniards approach, with all speede and diligence possible hee warped his Ships, and caused his Mariners and Souldiers (the greater part of whom was absent for the cause aforesaid) to come on boord, and that with great trouble and difficultie, insomuch that the Lord Admirall him∣selfe was faine to lie without in the road with six Ships onely all that night, after the which ma∣ny others came forth of the hauen. The very next day, being the 20. of Iuly about high noone, was the Spanish Fleet escried by the English, which with a South-west winde came sailing along, and passed by Plimmouth; in which regard (according to the iudgement of many skilfull Nauiga∣tors) they greatly ouershot themselues, whereas it had beene more commodious for them to haue staied themselues there, considering that the Englishmen being as yet vnprouided, greatly relied vpon their owne forces, and knew not the estate of the Spanish Nauie. Moreouer, this was the [ 40] most conuenient Port of all others, where they might with greater security haue beene aduerti∣sed of the English forces, and how the commons of the land stood affected, and might haue stir∣red vp some mutinie, so that hit her they should haue bent all their puissance, and from hence the Duke of Parma might more easily haue conueied his Ships. But this they were prohibited to doe by the King and his Counsell, and were expresly commanded to vnite themselues vnto the souldiers and ships of the said Duke of Parma, and so to bring their purpose to effect. Which was thought to be the most easie and direct course, for that they imagined that the English and Dutch men would be vtterly daunted and dismaied thereat, and would each man of them retire vnto his owne Prou••••ce or Port for the defence thereof, and transporting the Armie of the Duke vnder the protection of their huge Nauie, they might inuade England. It is reported that the chiefe [ 50] commanders in the Nauy, and those which were more skilfull in nauigation, to wit, Iohn Mar∣tines de Ricalde, Diego Flores de Ualdez, and diuers others, found fault that they were bound vnto so strict directions and instructions, because that in such a case many particular accidents ought to concurre and to be respected at one and the same instant, that is to say, the opportunitie of the winde, weather, time, tide, and ebbe, wherein they might faile from Flanders to England, Often∣times also the darknesse and light, the situation of places, the depths and shoalds were to be considered: all which especially depended vpon the conueniency of the windes, and were by so much the more dangerous. But it seemed that they were enioyned by their Commission to ancre neere vnto, or about Caleis, whither the Duke of Parma with his ships and all his warlike pro∣uision was to resort, and while the English and Spanish great ships were in the midst of their con∣flict, [ 60] to passe by, and to land his souldiers vpon the Downes. The Spanish Captiues reported that they were determined first to haue entred the Riuer of Thames, & thereupon to haue passed with small ships vp to London, supposing that they might easily win that rich and flourishing Citie, being but meanely fortified and inhabited with Citizens not accustomed to the wars, who durst

not withstand their first encounter, hoping moreouer to finde many rebels against her Maiestie, and Popish Catholikes, or some fauourers of the Scottish Queene (not long before beheaded) who might be instruments of sedition.

Thus often aduertising the Duke of Parma of their approach, the 20. of Iuly they passed by Plimmouth, which the English pursuing and getting the winde of them, gaue them the chase and the encounter, and so both Fleetes frankly exchanged their Bullets.

The day following, which was the 21. of Iuly, the English Ships approached within Musket shot of the Spanish: at what time the Lord Charles Howard most hotly and valiantly discharged his Ordnance vpon the Spanish Vice-admirall. The Spaniards then well perceiuing the nimble∣nesse of the English ships in discharging vpon the enemy on all sides, gathered themselues close into the forme of an halfe Moone, and slackned their sailes, least they should outgoe any of their [ 10] company. And while they were proceeding on in this manner, one of their great Galliasses was so furiously battered with shot, that the whole Nauie was faine to come vp rounder together for the safegard thereof: whereby it came to passe that the principall Galleon of Siuill (where∣in Don Pedro de Valdez, Vasques de Silua, Alonzo de Sayas, and other Noble men were embarqued) falling foule of another ship, had her fore-mast broken, and by that meanes was not able to keepe way with the Spanish Fleete, neither would the said Fleete stay to succour it, but l••ft the distres∣sed Galeon behinde. The Lord Admirall of England, when hee saw this Ship of Ualdez, and thought she had beene voide of Marriners and Souldiers, taking with him as many ships as he could, passed by it, that hee might not loose sight of the Spanish Fleete that night. For Sir Francis Drake (who was not withstanding appointed to beare out his Lanterne that night) was [ 20] giuing of chase vnto fiue great Hulkes which had separated themselues from the Spanish Fleete: but finding them to be Easterlings, hee dismissed them. The Lord Admirall all that night fol∣lowing the Spanish Lanterne instead of the English, found himselfe in the morning to be in the midst of his enemies Fleete, but when he perceiued it, he clenly conueied himselfe out of that great danger.

The day following, which was the 22. of Iuly, Sir Francis Drake espied Valdez his ship, where∣unto he sent for his Pinnace, and being aduertised that Ualdez himselfe was there, and 450. per∣sons with him, he sent him word that hee should yeelde himselfe. Valdez for his honours fake caused certaine conditions to be propounded vnto Drake: who answered Valdez, that he was [ 30] not now at leisure to make any long parle, but if he would yeelde himselfe, he should finde him friendly and tractable: howbeit if he had resolued to die in fight, he should proue Drake to be no dastard. Vpon which answer, Ualdez and his Company vnderstanding that they were fallen into the hands of fortunate Drake, being moued with the renoune and celebritie of his name, with one consent yeelded themselues, and found him very fauourable vnto them. Then Ualdez with forty or fiftie Noblemen and Gentlemen pertaining vnto him, came on boord Sir Francis Drakes ship. The residue of his company were carried vnto Plimmouth, where they were detai∣ned a yeere and an halfe for their ransome.

Valdez comming vnto Drake, and humbly kissing his hand, protesting vnto him, that he and his had resolued to die in battell, had they not by good fortune fallen into his power, whom they [ 40] knew to be right curteous and gentle, and whom they had heard by generall report to be most fa∣uourable vnto his vanquished foe: insomuch, that he said it was to be doubted whether his ene∣my had more cause to admire and loue him for his great, valiant, and prosperous exploits, or to dread him for his singular felicity and wisdome, which euer attended vpon him in the wars, and by the which he had attained vnto so great honor. With that Drake embraced him, and gaue him very honorable entertainment, feeding him at his owne table, and lodging him in his Cabbin. Here Valdez began to recount vnto Drake the forces of all the Spanish Fleete, and how foure mighty Gallies were separated by tempest from them: and also how they were determined first to haue put into Plimmouth hauen, not expecting to be repelled thence by the English ships, which they thought could by no meanes withstand their impregnable forces, perswading themselues that by meanes of their huge Fleete, they were become Lords and commanders of the maine Ocean. For which cause they marueiled much how the Englishmen in their small Ships durst approach with∣in [ 50] musket shot of the Spaniards mighty wodden Castles, gathering the wind of them, with many other such like attempts. Immediately after, Valdez and his Company (being a man of principall authority in the Spanish Fleet, and being descended of one and the same family with that Valdez, which in the yeere 1574. besieged Leiden in Holland) were sent captiues into England. There were in the said ship 55. thousand Duckets in ready monie of the Spanish Kings gold, which the soul∣diers merrily shared among themselues.

The same day was set on sire one of their greatest ships, being Admirall of the squadron of Gui∣pusco, and being the ship of Michael de Oquendo Vice-admirall of the whole Fleete, which con∣tained [ 60] great store of Gunpowder, and other warlike prouision. The vpper part onely of this ship was burnt, and all the persons therein contained (except a very few) were consumed with fire. And thereupon it was taken by the English, and brought into England, with a number of miserable burnt and scorched Spaniards. Howbeit the Gunpowder (to the great admiration of all men) re∣mained whole and vnconsumed.

In the meane season the Lord Admirall of England in his ship, called the Arke-royall, all that night pursued the Spaniards so neere, that in the morning hee was almost left alone in the ene∣mies Fleete, and it was foure of the clocke at afternoone before the residue of the English Fleete could ouertake him. At the same time Hugo de Moncada, Gouernour of the foure Galliasses, made humble suite vnto the Duke of Medina that hee might be licenced to encounter the Admirall of England: which liberty the Duke thought not good to permit vnto him, because he was loath to exceede the limits of his Commission and charge.

Vpon tuesday, which was the 23. of Iuly, the Nauy being come ouer against Portland, the wind began to turne Northerly, insomuch that the Spaniards had a fortunate and fit gale to inuade the English. But the Englishmen hauing lesser and nimbler ships, recouered againe the vantage of the [ 10] winde from the Spaniards, whereat the Spaniards seemed to be more incensed to fight then be∣fore. But when the English fleet had continually and without intermission from morning to night beaten and battered them with all their shot both great and small: the Spaniards vniting them∣selues, gathered their whole Fleete close together into a roundell, so that it was apparant that they ment not as yet to inuade others, but onely to defend themselues, & to make haste vnto the place prescribed vnto them, which was neere vnto Dunkerk, that they might ioyne forces with the Duke of Parma, who was determined to haue proceeded secretly with his small ships vnder the shadow and protection of the great ones, and so had intended circumspectly to performe the whole expedition.

This was the most furious and bloudy skirmish of all, in which the Lord Admirall of England [ 20] continued fighting amidst his enemies Fleete, and seeing one of his Captaines a farre off, he spake vnto him in these words: Oh George, what doest thou? Wilt thou now furstrate my hope and opi∣nion conceiued of thee? Wilt thou forsake mee now? With which words hee being enflamed, ap∣proached forthwith, encountered the enemy, and did the part of a most valiant Captaine. His name was George Fenner, a man that had beene conuersant in many Sea-fights. In this con∣flict there was a certaine great Uenetian ship with other small ships surprized and taken by the English.

The English Nauy in the meane while increased, whereunto out of all Hauens of the Realme resorted ships and men: for they all with one accord came flocking thither as vnto a set field, where immortall fame and glory was to be attained, and faithfull seruice to be performed vnto [ 30] their Prince and Countrey. In which number there were many great and honorable personages, as namely, the Earle of Oxford, of Northumberland, of Cumberland, &c. with many Knights and Gentlemen: to wit, Sir Thomas Cecill, Sir Robert Cecill, Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir William Hatton, Sir Horatio Palauicini, Sir Henry Brooke, Sir Robert Carew, Sir Charles Blunt; Master Ambrose Willoughbie, Master Henry Nowell, Master Thomas Gerard, Master Henry Dudley, Master Edward Darcie, Master Arthur Gorge, Master Thomas Woodhouse, M. William Haruie, &c. And so it came to passe that the number of the English ships amounted vnto an hundreth: which when they were come before Douer, were increased to an hundred and thirty, being not withstanding of no pro∣portionable bignesse to encounter with the Spaniards, except two or three and twnety of the Queenes greater ships, which onely, by reason of their presence, bred an opinion in the Spaniards [ 40] minds concerning the power of the English Fleet: the Marriners and Souldiers whereof were e∣steemed to be twelue thousand.

The foure and twentie of Iuly, when as the Sea was calme, and no winde stirring, the fight was onely betweene the foure great Galleasses and the English ships, which being rowed with Oares, had great vantage of the English ships, which not withstanding for all that would not be forced to yeelde, but discharged their chaine-shot to cut a sunder their Cables and Cordage of the Galleasses, with many other such Stratagems. They were now constrained to send their men on land for a new supply of Gunpowder, whereof they were in great scarcitie, by reason they had so frankly spent the greater part in the former conflicts. The same day, a Counsell being assem∣bled, it was decreed that the English Fleete should be deuided into foure squadrons: the principall [ 50] whereof was committed vnto the Lord Admirall: the second to Sir Francis Drake: the third to Captaine Hawkins: the fourth to Captaine Frobisher.

The Spaniards in their sailing obserued very diligent and good order, sailing three and foure and sometimes more ships in a ranke, and following close vp one after another, and the stronger and greater ships protecting the lesser.

The fiue and twenty of Iuly, when the Spaniards were come ouer-against the Isle of Wight, the Lord admirall of England being accompanied with his best ships (namely the Lion, Captaine whereof was the Lord Thomas Howard: The Elizabeth Ionas vnder the command of Sir Robert Southwell, son in law vnto the Lord Admirall: the Beare vnder the Lord Sheffield, Nephew vnto the Lord Admirall: the Victorie vnder Captaine Barker: and the Galeon Leicester vnder the fore∣named [ 60] Captain George Fenner) with great valour and dreadfull thunder of shot, encountered the Spanish Admirall, being in the very midst of all his Fleete. Which when the Spaniards percei∣ued, being assisted with his strongest ships, he came forth and entered a terrible combat with the English; for they bestowed each on other the broad sides, and mutually discharged all their

Ordnance, being within one hundred or an hundred and twenty yards one of another. At length the Spaniards hoised vp their failes, and againe gathered themselues vp close into the forme of a roundell. In the meane while Captaine Frobisher had engaged himselfe into a most dangerous conflict. Whereupon the Lord Admirall comming to succour him, found that hee had valiantly and discreetly behaued himselfe, and that he had wisely and in good time giuen ouer the fight, be∣cause that after so great a batterie he had sustained no damage. For which cause the day follow∣ing, being the sixe and twenty of Ioly, the Lord Admirall rewarded him with the order of Knighthood, together with the Lord Thomas Howard, the Lord Sheffield, Master Iohn Hawkins, and others.

The same day the Lord Admirall receiued intelligence from New-hauen in France, by certaine of his Pinnaces, that all things were quit in France, and that there was no preparation of sen∣ding [ 10] aide vnto the Spaniards, which was greatly feared from the Guisian faction, and from the Leaguers: but there was a false rumour spread all about, that the Spaniards had conquered England.

The seuen and twentieth of Iuly, the Spaniards about the sun-setting were come ouer-against Douer, and rode at ancre within the sight of Caleis, intending to hold on for Dunkerk, expecting there to ioyne with the Duke of Parma his forces, without which they were able to doe little or nothing. Likewise the English Fleete following vp hard vpon them, ancred iust by them within culuering-shot. And here the Lord Henry Seymer vnited himselfe vnto the Lord Admirall with his fleet of 30. ships which rode before the mouth of Thames.

As the Spanish Nauie therefore lay at ancre, the Duke of Medina sent certaine Messengers vnto [ 20] the Duke of Parma, with whom vpon that occasion many Noblemen and Gentlemen went to refresh themselues on land: and amongst the rest the Prince of Ascoli, being accounted the Kings base son, and a very proper and towardly yong Gentleman, to his great good went on shoare, who was by so much the more fortunate, in that he had not opportunity to returne on boord the same ship, out of which he was departed, because that in returning home it was cast away vpon the Irish coast, withall the persons contained therein. The Duke of Parma being aduertised of the Spanish Fleetes arriuall vpon the coast of England, made all the haste hee could to be present himselfe in this expedition for the performance of his charge: vainely perswading himselfe that now by the meanes of Cardinall Allen, hee should be crowned King of England, and for that cause he had resigned the Gouernment of the Low-Countries vnto Count Mansfeld the elder. [ 30] And hauing made his vowes vnto Saint Mary of Hall in He••ault (whom he went to visite for hisblinde deuotions sake) he returned toward Bruges the eight and twenty of Iuly. The next day trauelling to Dunkerk, hee heard the thundring Ordnance of either Fleete: and the same euening being come to Dixmud, hee was giuen to vnderstand the hard successe of the Spa∣nish Fleete.

Vpon tuesday, which was the 13. of Iuly, about high noone, he came to Dunkerk, when as all the Spanish Fleete was now passed by: neither durst any of his ships in the meane space come forth to assist the said Spanish Fleet for feare of fiue and thirty warlike ships of Holland and Ze∣land, which there kept watch and ward vnder the conduct of the Admirall Iustin of Nassau. The [ 40] foresaid fiue and thirty ships were furnished with most cunning Mariners and old expert Souldi∣ers, amongst the which were twelue hundred Musketeers, whom the States had chosen out of all their Garrisons, and whom they knew to haue beene heretofore experienced in Sea-fights. This Nauie was giuen especially in charge not to suffer any ship to come out of the Hauen, nor to per∣mit any Zabraes, Pataches or other small vessels of the Spanish Fleete (which were more likely to aide the Dunkerkers) to enter thereinto, for the greater ships were not to be feared by reason of the shallow Sea in that place. Howbeit the Prince of Parma his forces being as yet vnready, were not come on boord his ships, onely the English Fugitiues, being seuen hundred in number, vnder the conduct of Sir William Stanley, came in fit time to haue beene embarked, because they hoped to giue the first assault against England. The residue shewed themselues vnwilling and loath to depart, because they saw but a few Marriners, who were by constraint drawne into this ex∣pedition, [ 50] and also because they had very bare prouision of Bread, Drinke, and other necessary vi∣ctuals. Moreouer, the ships of Holland and Zeland stood continually in their sight, threatning shot and Powder, and many inconueniences vnto them: for feare of which ships, the Mari∣ners and Sea-men secretly withdrew themselues both day and night, least that the Duke of Parma his Souldiers should compell them by maine force to goe on boord, and to breake through the Hollanders Fleete, which all of them iudged to be impossible, by reason of the straightnesse of the Hauen.

But it seemeth that the Duke of Parma and the Spaniards grounded vpon a vaine and pre∣sumptuous expectation, that all the ships of England and of the Low-Countries would at the first [ 60] sight of the Spanish and Dunkerk Nauie haue betaken themselues to flight, yeelding them Sea∣roome, and endeuouring onely to defend themselues, their hauens, and Sea-coasts from inuasion. Wherefore their intent and purpose was, that the Duke of Parma in his small and flat-bottomed ships, should as it were vnder the shadow and wings of the Spanish Fleete, conuey ouer all his

troupes, armour, and warlike prouision, and with their forces so vnited, should inuade England; or while the English Fleete were busied in fight against the Spanish, should enter vpon any part of the coast, which he thought to be most conuenient. Which inuasion (as the Captiues after∣ward confessed) the Duke of Parma thought first to haue attempted by the Riuer of Thames; vp∣on the bankes whereof hauing at his first arriuall landed twenty or thirty thousand of his princi∣pall Souldiers, he supposed that he might easily haue won the Citie of London; both because his small ships should haue followed and assisted his Land-forces, and also for that the Citie it selfe was but meanely fortified and easie to ouercome, by reason of the Citizens delicacie and discon∣tinuance from the warres.

When as therefore the Spanish Fleete rode at anker before Caleis, to the end they might con∣sult [ 10] with the Duke of Parma what was best to be done according to the Kings commandement, and the present estate of their affaires, and had now (as we will afterward declare) purposed vp∣on the second of August, being Friday, with one power and consent to haue put their intended businesse in practise; the Lord Admirall of England being admonished by her Maiesties Letter•• from the Court, thought it most expedient either to driue the Spanish Fleet from that place, or at leastwise to giue them the encounter: and for that cause (according to her Maiesties prescription) he tooke forthwith eight of his worst and basest ships which came next to hand, and disburthe∣ning them of all things which seemed to be of any value, filled them with Gunpowder, Pitch, Brimstone, and with other combustible and fiery matter; and charging all their Ordnance with powder, bullets and stones, and sent the said ships vpon the 28. of Iuly, being Sunday, about two [ 20] of the clocke after midnight, with the winde and tide against the Spanish Fleete: which when they had proceeded a good space, being forsaken of the Pilots, and set on fire, were directly carri∣ed vpon the King of Spaines Nauie: which fire in the dead of night put the Spaniards into such a perplexitie and horror (for they feared lest they were like vnto those terrible ships, which Frede∣rie senebelli three yeeres before, at the siege of Antwerpe, had furnished with Gunpowder, stones, and dreadfull engines, for the dissolution of the Duke of Parma his Bridge, built vpon the Riuer of Scheld) that cutting their cables whereon their ankers were fasted, and hoising vp their sailes they betooke themselues very confusedly vnto the maine Sea.

And this sudden confusion, the principall and greatest of the foure Galliasses falling fowle of another ship lost her rudder: for which cause when she could not be guided any longer, she was by the force of the tide cast into a certaine should vpon the shoare of Caleis, where she was immedi∣ately [ 30] assaulted by diuers English Pinnaces, Hoyes, and Drumblers. And as they lay battering of her with their Ordnance, and durst not boord her, the Lord Admirall sent thither his long Boate with an hundreth choise Souldiers vnder the command of Captaine Amias Preston. Vpon whose approach their fellowes being more emboldened, did offer to boord the Galliasse; against whom the Gouernor thereof and Captaine of all the foure Galliasses, Hugo de Moncada, stoutly opposed himself, fighting by so much the more valiantly, in that he hoped presently to be succoured by the Duke of Parma. In the meane season, Moncada, after hee had endured the conflict a good while, being hit on the head with a Bullet, fell downe starke dead, and a great number of Spaniards also were slaine in his company. The greater part of the residue leaping ouer-boord into the Sea, to [ 40] saue them••elues by swimming, were most of them drowned. Howbeit there escaped among others Don Anthonio de Manriques, a principall officer in the Spanish fleete (called by them their Veador Generall) together with a few Spaniards besides: which Anthonio was the first man that carried certaine newes of the successe of their fleete into Spaine. This huge & monstrous Galliasse, where∣in were contained three hundred slaues to lug at the Oares, and foure hundred souldiers, was in the space of three houres rifled in the same place; and there was found amongst diuers other commo∣dities 50000. Duckets of the Spanish Kings treasure. At length when the slaues were released out of their fetters, the English men would haue set the said ship on fire, which Monsieur Gourdon, the Gouernour of Caleis, for feare of the damage which might thereupon ensue to the Towne and Hauen, would not permit them to doe, but draue them from thence with his [ 50] great Ordnance.

Vpon the 29. of Iuly in the morning, the Spanish Fleete after the foresaid tumult, hauing ar∣ranged themselues againe into order, were, within sight of Greueling, most brauely and furiously encountered by the English, where they once againe got the winde of the Spaniards: who suffe∣red themselues to be depriued of the commodity of the place in Caleis rode, and of the aduantage of the winde neere vnto Dunkerk, rather then they would change their array, or separate their forces now conioyned and vnited together, standing onely vpon their defence. And albeit there were many excellent and warlike sh••ps in the English fleet, yet scarse were there 22. or 23. among them all which matched 90. of the Spanish ships in bignesse, or could conueniently assault them. Wherefore the English ships vsing their prerogatiue of nimble stirrage, whereby they could [ 60] turne and wield themselues with the winde which way they listed, came oftentimes very neere∣vpon the Spaniards, and charged them so sore, that now and then they were but a Pikes length at sunder: and so continually giuing them one broad side after another, they dispatched all their shot both great and small vpon them, spending one whole day from morning till night in that violent

kinde of conflict, vntill such time as powder and bullets failed them. In regard of which want they thought it conuenient not to pursue the Spaniards any longer, because they had many great vantages of the English, namely for the extraordinary bignesse of their ships, and also for that they were so neerely conioyned, and kept together in so good array, that they could by no meanes be fought withall one to one. The English thought therefore, that they had right well acquitted themselues, in chasing the Spaniards first from Caleis, and then from Dunkerk, and by that means to haue hindered them from ioyning with the Duke of Parma his forces, and getting the winde of them, to haue driuen them from their owne coasts.

The Spaniards that day sustained great losse and damage, hauing many of their ships shot tho∣row and thorow, and they discharged likewise great store of Ordnance against the English; who indeede sustained some hinderance, but not comparable to the Spaniards losse; for they lost not a∣ny [ 10] one ship or person of account. For very diligent inquisition being made, the Englishmen all that time wherein the Spanish Nauie sailed vpon their Seas, are not found to haue wanted aboue one hundreth of their people: albeit Sir F. Drakes ship was pierced with shot aboue forty times, and his very cabben was twise shot thorow, and about the conclusion of the fight, the bed of a certaine Gentleman lying weary thereupon, was taken quite from vnder him with the force of a Bullet. Likewise, as the Earle of Northumberland and Sir Charles Blunt were at dinner vpon a time, the Bullet of a Demi-culuering brake thorow the middest of their Cabbin, touched their feete, and strooke downe two of the standers by, with many such accidents befalling the English ships, which it were tedious to rehearse. Whereupon it is most apparant, that God miraculously pre∣serued the English Nation. For the Lord Admirall wrote vnto her Maiesty, that in all humaine [ 20] reason, and according to the iudgement of all men (euery circumstance being duely considered) the Englishmen were not of any such force, whereby they might, without a miracle, dare once to approach within the sight of the Spanish Fleete: insomuch, that they freely ascribed all the honour of their victory vnto God, who had confounded the enemy, and had brought his coun∣sels to none effect.

The same day the Spanish ships were so battered with English shot, that that very night and the day following, two or three of them sunke right downe: and among the rest a certain great ship of Biscay, which Captaine Crosse assaulted, which perished euen in the time of the conflic, so that very few therein escaped drowning; who reported that the Gouernors of the same ship slew one [ 30] another vpon the occasion following: one of them which would haue yeelded the ship was sud∣denly slaine; the brother of the slaine party in reuenge of his death slew the murtherer, and in the meane while the ship sunke.

The same night two Portugall galeons of the burthen of seuen or eight hundreth tuns a peece; to wit, Saint Philip and Saint Matthew, were forsaken of the Spanish Fleete, for they were so torne with shot, that the water entered into them on all sides. In the Galeon of Saint Philip was Fran∣cis de Toledo, brother vnto the Count de Argas, being Colonell ouer two and thirty bands; be∣sides other Gentlemen; who seeing their mast broken with shot, they shaped their course, aswell as they could, for the coast of Flanders: whither when they could not attaine, the principall men in the ship committed thems••lues to their skiffe, arriued at the next towne, which was Ost∣end; [ 40] and the ship it selfe being left behinde with the resi••ue of their company, was taken by the Vlishingers. In the other Galeon, called the Saint Matthew, was embarked Don Diego Pimentelli another Camp-master and Colonell of two and thirty bands, being brother vnto the Marquesse of Tamnares, with many other Gentlemen and Captaines. Their ship was not very great, but excee∣ding strong, for of a great number of Bullets which had batterd her, there were scarce twenty where with she was pierced or hurt: her vpper worke was of force sufficient to beare off a Musket shot: this ship was shot thorow and pierced in the fight before Greueling: insomuch that the leakage of the water could not be stopped: whereupon the Duke of Medina sent his great skiffe vnto the Gouernour thereof, that he might saue himselfe and the principall persons that were in his ship: which he, vpon a hault courage, refused to doe: wherefore the Duke charged him to saile next vnto himselfe: which the night following hee could not performe, by reason of the a∣bundance [ 50] of water which entered his ship on all sides; for the auoiding whereof, and to saue his ship from sinking he caused fifty men continually to labour at the Pump, though it were to small purpose. And seeing himselfe thus forsaken and separated from his Admirall, he endeuored what he could to attaine vnto the coast of Flanders; where being espied by foure or fiue men of war, which had their station assigned them vpon the same coast: he was admonished to yeelde himselfe vnto them; which he refused to doe, was strongly assaulted by them altogether, & his ship being pier∣ced with many bullets, was brought into far worse case then before, & forty of his souldiers were slain. By which extremity he was enforced at length to yeelde himselfe vnto Peter Banderduess and other Captaine, which brought him and his ship into Zeland; and that other ship also last be∣fore [ 60] mentioned: which both of them, immediatly after the greater and better part of their goods were vnladen, sunke right downe. For the memory of this exploit, the foresaid Captain Bander∣duess caused a Banner of one of these ships to be set vp in the great Church of Leiden in Holland, which is of so great a length, that being fasted to the very roofe, it reached downe to the ground.

About the same time another small ship being by necessity driuen vpon the coast of Flanders, a∣bout Blankenberg, was cast away vpon the sands, the people therein being saued. Thus Almighty God would haue the Spaniards huge ships to be preiented, not onely to the view of the English, but also of the Zelanders; that at the sight of them they might acknowledge of what small abili∣ty they had beene to resist such impregnable forces, had not God endued them with courage, pro∣uidence, and fortitude, yea, and fought for them in many places with his owne arme.

The 29. of Iuly the Spanish fleete being encountered by the English (as is aforesaid) and lying close together vnder their fighting sailes, with a South-west winde sailed past Dunkerk, the Eng∣lish ships still following the chase. Of whom the day following, when the Spaniards had got Sea roome, they cut their maine sailes, whereby they sufficiently declared that they meant no longer [ 10] to fight, but to flie. For which cause the Lord Admirall of England dispatched the Lord Henry Seymer with his squadron of small ships vnto the coast of Flanders, where, with the helpe of the Dutch ships, he might stop the Prince of Parma his passage, if perhaps he should attempt to issue forth with his army. And he himselfe in the meane space pursued the Spanish fleet vnti••l the se∣cond of August, because he thought they had set saile for Scotland. And albeit he followed them very neere, yet did he not assault them any more, for want of Powder and Bullets. But vpon the fourth of August, the winde arising, when as the Spaniards had spread all their sailes, betaking themselues wholly to flight, & leauing Scotland on the left hand, trended toward Norway (where∣by th••y s••fficiently declared that their whole intent was to saue themselues by flight, attempting for that purpose, with their battered and crazed ships, the most dangerous nauigation of the Nor∣thren [ 20] Seas) the English seeing that they were now proceeded vnto the latitude of 57. degrees, and being vnwilling to participate that danger whereinto the Spaniards plunged themselues, and be∣cause they wanted things necessary, and especially Powder and Shot, returned backe for England; leauing behinde them certaine Pinasses onely, which they enioyned to follow the Spaniards a∣loofe, and to abserue their course. And so it came to passe, that the fourth of August, with great danger and industry, the English arriued at Harwich; for they had beene toss••d vp and downe with a mighty tempest for the space of two or three dayes together, which it is likely did great hurt vnto the Spanish fleet, being (as I said before) so maimed and battered. The English now going on shoare, prouided themselues forth with of Victuals, Gunpowder, and other things expedient, that they might be ready at all assayes to entertaine the Spanish fleete, if it chanced any more to [ 30] re••urne. Bu ••eing afterward more certainely informed of the Spaniards course, they thought it best to leaue them vnto those boisterous and vncouth Northren Seas, and not there to hunt after them.

The Spaniards seeing now that they wanted foure or fiue thousand of their people, and hauing diuers maimed and sicke persons, and likewise hauing lost ten or twelue of their principall ships, they consulted among themselues, what they were best to doe, being now escaped out of the hands of the English, because their victuals failed them in like sort, & they began also to want ca∣bles, cordage, anker••, masts, sailes, and other nauall furniture, and vtterly despaired of the Duke of Parma his assistance (who verily hoping & vndoubtedly expecting the return of the Spanish fleet, was continually occupied about his great preparation, commanding abundance of ankers to be [ 40] made, and other necessary furniture for a Nauy to be prouided) they thought it good at length, so soone as the winde should serue them, to fetch a compasse about Scotland and Ireland, and so to re∣turne for Spaine.

For they well vnderstood, that commandement was giuen thorowout all Scotland, that they should not haue any succour or assistance there. Neither yet could they in Norway supply their wants. Wherefore, hauing taken certaine Scottish and other fisherboats, they brought the men on boord their owne ships, to the end they might be their guides and Pilots. Fearing also least their fresh water should faile them, they cast all their horses and mules ouer-boord: and so touching no where vpon the coast of Scotland, but being carried with a fresh gale betweene the Orcades and Faar-Isles, they proceeded farre North euen vnto 61. degrees of latitude, being distant from any [ 50] land at the least 40. leagues. Here the Duke of Medina, Generall of the Fleet, commanded all his followers to shape their course for Biscay: and he himselfe with twenty or fiue and twenty of his ships which were best prouided of fresh water and other necessaries, holding on his course ouer the maine Ocean, returned safely home. The residue of his ships being about forty in number, and committed vnto his Vice-admirall, fell neerer with the coast of Ireland, intending their course for Cape Clare, because they hoped there to get fresh water, and to refresh themselues on land. But after they were driuen with many contrary windes, at length, vpon the second of September, they were cast by a tempest arising from the South-west vpon diuers parts of Ireland, where many of their ships perished. And amongst others, the ship of Michael de Oquendo, which was one of the great Galliasses: and two great ships of Venice also, namely, la Ratta and Belanzara, with other 36 [ 60] or 31. ships more, which perished in sundry tempests, together with most of the persons contai∣ned in them.

Likewise some of the Spanish ships were the second time carried with a strong West wind into the channell of England, whereof some were taken by the English vpon their coast, and others by the men of Rochel vpon the coast of France.

Moreouer, there arriued at Newhauen in Norm andy, being by tempest inforced so to doe, one of the foure great Galliasses, whereby they found the ships with the Spanish women which followed the Fleet at their setting forth. Two ships also were cast away vpon the coast of Norway, one of them being of a great burthen; howbeit all the persons in the said great ship were saued: inso∣much that of 134 ships, which set saile out of Portugall, there returned home 53. onely, small and great: namely of the foure Galliasses but one, and but one of the foure Gallies. Of the 91. great Galleons and Hulkes there were missing 58. and 33. returned: of the Pataches and Zabraes 17. were missing, and 18. returned home. In briefe, there were missing 81. ships, in which number were Galliasses, Gallies, Galeons, and other vessels both great and small. And amongst the 53. ships remaining, those also are reckoned which returned home before they came into the English chan∣nell. Two Galeons of those which were returned, were by misfortune burnt as they rode in the [ 10] hauen; and such like mishaps did many other vndergoe. Of 30000. persons which went in this expedition, there perished (according to the number and proportion of the ships) the greater and better part; and many of them which came home, by reason of the toiles & inconueniences which they sustained in this voiage, died not long after their arriuall. The Duke of Medina immediately vpon his returne was deposed from his authority, commanded to his priuate house, and forbidden to repaire vnto the Court; where he could hardly satisfie or yeeld a reason vnto his malicious ene∣mies and backbiters. Many honorable personages and men of great renown deceased soone after their returne; as namely Iohn Martines de Ricalde, with diuers others. A great part also of the Spa∣nish Nobility and Gentry employed in this expedition perished either by fight, diseases, or drow∣ning, [ 20] before their arriuall; and among the rest Thomas Perenot of Granduell a Dutchman, being Earle of Cantebroi, and son vnto Cardinall Granduell his brother.

Vpon the coast of Zeland Don Diego de Pimentell, brother vnto the Marquesse de Tamnares, and kinsman vnto the Earle of Bencu••ntum & Calua, and Colonell ouer 32. bands with many o∣ther in the same ship was taken and detained as prisoner in Zeland.

Into England (as we said before) Don Pedro de Valdez, a man of singular experience, and great∣ly honoured in his country, was led captiue, being accompanied with Don Uasques de Silua, Don Alonzo de Sayas, and others.

Likewise vpon the Scottish Westerne Isles of Lewis, and Ila, and about Cape Cantyre vpon the maine land, there were cast away certaine Spanish Ships, out of which were saued diuers Cap∣taines [ 30] and Gentlemen, and almost foure hundred souldiers, who for the most part, after their shipwracke, were brought vnto Edenborough in Scotland, and being miserably needy and na∣ked, were there cloathed at the liberalitie of the King and the Merchants, and afterward were secretly shipped for Spaine; but the Scottish Fleete wherein they passed touching at Yar∣mouth on the coast of Norfolke, were there staied for a time vntill the Counsels pleasure was knowne; who in regard of their manifold miseries, though they were enemies, winked at their passage.

Vpon the Irish coast many of their Noblemen and Gentlemen were drowned; and diuers slain by the barbarous and wilde Irish. Howbeit there was brought prisoner out of Ireland, Don Alon∣zo de Lucon, Colonel of two and thirty bands, commonly called a Terza of Naples; together with [ 40] Rodorigo de Lasso, and two others of the family of Cordoua, who were committed vnto the custo∣dy of Sir Horatio Palauicini, that Monsieur de Teligny the son of Monsieur de la None (who being taken in fight neere Antwerpe, was detained prisoner in the Castle of Turney) might be ransomed for them by way of exchange. To conclude, there was no famous nor worthy family in all Spain, which in this expedition lost not a son, a brother, or a kinsman.

For the perpetuall memory of this matter, the Zelanders caused new coine of Siluer and Brasse to be stamped: which on the one side contained the armes of Zeland, with this inscription; GLORY TO GOD ONELY: and on the other side, the pictures of certaine great ships, with these words; THE SPANISH FLEET: and in the circumference about the ships, IT CAME, WENT, AND WAS. Anno 1588. That is to say, the Spanish fleet came, went and was vanquished this yeere; for which, glory be giuen to God onely. Likewise they coi∣ned [ 50] another kinde of mony; vpon the one side whereof was represented a ship fleeing, and a ship sinking: on the other side, foure men making prayers and giuing thankes vnto God vpon their knees; with this sentence: Man purposeth, God disposeth. 1588. Also, for the lasting memory of the same matter, they haue stamped in Holland diuers such coines, according to the custome of the ancient Romans. Also other coines were stamped with a Fleet flying with full saile, and in∣scribed; Venit, Vidit, Fugit; It came, saw, fled: others with the fired ships, and the fleet in con∣fusion, the word DVX FOEMINAFACTI.

While this wonderfull and puissant Nauie was sailing along the English coasts, and all men did now plainly see and heare that which before they would not be perswaded of, all people [ 60] thorow out England prostrated themselues with humble prayers and supplications vnto God: but especially the outlandish Churches (who had greatest cause to feare, and against whom by name, the Spaniards had threatned most grieuous torments) enioyned to their people continuall fastings and supplications, that they might turne away Gods wrath and fury now imminent

vpon them for their sins: knowing right well, that prayer was the onely refuge against all ene∣mies, calamities, and necessities, and that it was the onely solace and reliefe for mankinde, being visited with affliction and misery. Likewise such solemne daies of supplication were obserued throughout the vnited Prouinces.

Also a while after the Spanish Fleet was departed, there was in England, by the commande∣ment of her Maiesty, and in the vnited Prouinces, by the direction of the States, a solemne festi∣uall day publikely appointed, wherein all persons were enioyned to resort vnto the Church, and there to render thankes and praises vnto God: and the Preachers were commanded to exhort the people thereunto. The foresaid solemnity was obserued vpon the 19. of Nouember: which day was wholly spent in Preaching, praying, giuing thankes, with the accustomed solemnities of [ 10] Bonfires, Singing, Ringing, and other wonted expressions of publike ioy.

Likewise, the Queenes Maiesty her selfe, imitating the ancient Romans, rode into London in triumph, in regard of her owne and her subiects glorious deliuerance. For being attended vpon very solemnly by all the principall estates and officers of her Realme, she was carried thorow her said Citie of London in a triumphant chariot, and in robes of triumph, from her Palace vnto the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul, out of the which the ensignes and colours of the vanquished Spaniards hung displaied. And all the Citizens of London in their Liueries stood on either side the street, by their seuerall Companies, with their Ensignes and Banners: and the streets were hanged on both sides with Blew cloath, which, together with the foresaid Banners, yeelded a ve∣ry stately and gallant prospect. Her Maiesty being entered into the Church, together with her [ 20] Clergy and Nobles gaue thankes vnto God, and caused a publike Sermon to be preached before her at Pauls Crosse; wherein none other argument was handled, but that praise, honour, and glo∣ry might be rendered vnto God, and that Gods name might be extolled by thanksgiuing. And with her own Princely voyce she most Christianly exhorted the people to doe the same: where∣upon the people with a loud acclamation wished her a most long and happy life, to the confusi∣on of her foes. The Lord Admirall had a pension assigned for his good seruice.

This publike ioy was increased by Sir Robert Sidney (now Earle of Leicester) who returning out of Scotland, related to her Maiestie the King of Scots faithfull friendship, and loue to her, and to the Religion. He had beene employed to the said King, whiles the Spanish Fleet houered on the coast, to gratulate with him in the Queenes name, for his alacrity in the common cause, and to [ 30] obtaine his promise of aide, if the Spaniards landed in Scotland; and to put him in minde how ambitiously the Spaniard sought to swallow in all Britaine, vrging the Pope to Excommunicate him, so to strip him of Scotland, and quit his succession in England; to admonish him of the threats of Mendoza and the Popes Nuntio; that therefore he should be very wary of the Papists in Scot∣land. He answered conceitedly, amongst other speeches, that he hoped for no other benefit from the Spaniard, then that which Polyphemus had promised Vlysses, namely, that when the rest were deuou∣red, he should be swallowed last.

Thus the magnificent, huge, and mighty fleet of the Spaniards (which themselues tearmed in all places inuincible) such as sailed not vpon the Ocean Sea many hundreth yeeres before, in the yeere 1588. vanished into smoake; to the great confusion and discouragement of the authours [ 40] thereof. In regard of which her Maiesties happy successe all her neighbours and friends congra∣tulated with her, and many Verses were penned to the honour of her Maiesty by learned men, whereof we will here annexe those of Master Beza.

STrauer at innumer is Hispanus nauibus aequor, Regnis iuncturus sceptra Britanna suis. Tanta huius, rogitas, quae motus causa? superbos Impulit Ambitio, vexit Auaritia. Quàm bene te ambitio mersit vanissima ventus? Et tumidos tumidae, vos superastis aquae! Quàm bene totius raptores orbis auaros, Hausit inexhausti iusta vorago maris! At tu, cui venti, cui totum militat aequor, Regina, ô mundi totius vna, decus, Sic regnare Deo perge, ambitione remota, Prodiga sic opibus perge inuare pios, Vt te Angli, longùm Anglis ipsa fruaris, Quàm dilecta bonis, tam metuenda malis.

The same in English.

THe Spanish Fleet did flote in narrow Seas, And bēd her ships against the English shore, With so great rage as nothing could appease, And with such strength as neuer seene before: And all to ioyne the Kingdome of that land Vnto the Kingdomes that he had in hand. Now if you aske what set this King on fire. To practise warre when he of peace did treat. It was his Pride, and neuer quencht desire, To spoile that Ilāds wealth, by peace made great: [ 50] His Pride which far aboue the heauens did swel And his desire as vnsuffic'd as hell. But well haue winds his proud blasts ouerblown And swelling waues alaid his swelling heart, Well hath the Sea with greedy gulfs vnknown, Deuoured the deuourer to his smart: And made his ships a pray vnto the sand, That meant to pray vpon anothers land. And now, O Queene, aboue all others blest, For whom both winds & waues are prest to fight [ 60] So rule your owne, so succour friends opprest, (As farre from pride, as ready to doe right) That England you, you England long enioy, No lesse your friends delight, then foes annoy.

I haue thought good to adde here the prime reports made by the Spaniards and their friends, touching the successe of their Armada, as they were printed in Spaine, and after published and scor••ed in England.

The true Relation of the successe of the Catholike Armie against their Enemies, by the Letters of the Post-master of Logrono of the fourth of Septem∣ber, and by Letters from Roan of the one and thirtieth of August, and by Letters from Paris of the Kings Embassadour there: wherein he declareth the imprison∣ment of Francis Drake, and other great Nobles of England, and how the Queene [ 10] is in the Field with an Armie, and of a certaine Mutinie which was amongst the Queenes Armie, with the successe of the said Catholike Armie since they entred in the Groyne, till they came on the Coast of England, with two Ballets com∣pounded by Christouer Brauo, a blind man of Cordowa, Printed with licence by Gabriel Ramos Beiarano Printer.

THe newes of England is confirmed here, by a Letter of the Gouernour of Roan. Hee writeth hee hath in his power the chiefe Pilot of Captaine Drake, and that he knoweth that all the English Ar∣mie remained ouerthrowne, hauing sunke two and twentie Ships, and taken fortie, and imprisoned Francis Drake, hauing giuen them chase almost as high as Abspurge, and slaine many by the sword, and likewise [ 20] saith that there was fo••••d in Captaine Drakes Ship, a Peece of Ordnance of fiue and twentie foot long, which discharged a Shot of a hundreth weight at once made of purpose, with one onely Shot to sinke our Spanish Admirall, and it pleased God, although shee was somewhat battered, yet was shee repaired againe, and ouerthrew the English Armie.

THe English haue lost aboue fortie Ships in one encounter where they could not flye, which was in Luxaten a Hauen in Scotland, to the which place, since the departure of the Spanish Armies from Calleis, the English Armie followed, and supposing they went to take that Hauen, they got before ours to defend the entrance: wee seeing them so neere the English Fleet, and that they could not retire, as they alwaies did when they pleased to the English Hauen, they set vpon them so valiantly that they sunke [ 30] twentie of their Ships, and they tooke twentie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 whole and sound, and the rest seeing their destruction fled away with great losse of men, and their Ships very much battered, and with this (they say) the Spanish Armie tooke the Hauen where they are very well lodged, as euery one affirmeth, and so the newes is here: I pray God giue them good successe: Wee vnderstand by the Post come from Calleis, that in England it is forbidden vpon paine of death and losse of goods, that no bodie doe write newes from thence to any place: which confirmeth the newes aboue.

I Doe not write newes of the Spanish Armie, because they are diuers, and would gladly write the very truth. Now by the newes which runneth from diuers places, as Calleis, Deepe, and Holland, and [ 40] presumptions from England and other places, it is holden for certaine that they fought with the English, and broken their heads, hauing sunke many of their Ships and taken others, and the rest which they say were twentie seuen Ships, returned very much battered to the Riuer of London, which are all those that could escape: There goeth with this Post another Post of Iorge Seguin of Calleis, which saith that cer∣taine Masters and Mariners of Zeland, did affirme to the Gouernours of Calleis, Mounsier de Gorden, that our Fleet is in a Hauen or Riuer in Scotland, called Trifla, where they say there may ride two thou∣sand Ships: this is that which commonly is currant here.

BY newes from London the thirtie six of August, it is knowne for most certaine from persons of cre∣dite, that the Queens Admiral Generall was arriued in the Riuer of London, with twentie fiue ships [ 50] onely without his Admirall Ship, which was taken by our Admirall Saint Iohn, and it is well knowne in England, that to hide the losse of their Admirall Ship, they say bee put himselfe in a smaller Ship the bet∣ter to follow our Armie: and it is knowne for certaintie that he saued himselfe in a Boat when he lost his Ship. That Drake for certaintie is taken or slaine. The same is confirmed by the way of Holland, by a Pinnace of theirs. And from Austerland, that the Queene commanded vpon paine of death, that no body should speake of her Fleet, and that there was great sorrow in those parts of England, and that the Queene had in the field thirtie thousand raw Souldiers, betwixt Douer and Margate, and that the Ca∣tholikes vnderstanding that all their Fleet was dispersed, moued a certaine Mutinie, which forced the Queene to goe her selfe into the Field, and for certaine it is knowne that there is not brought into Eng∣land, neither Ship nor Boat of ours, more then the Ship of Don Pedro Valdez, and that our Fleet was [ 60] gone into Scotland, and arriued in a Hauen called Trapena Euxaten.

AFter that I had written this, here is arriued a Scottishman, which saith that all the Spanish Fleet is arriued in Scotland, and that Scottishmen haue taken Armes against the English.

THat vpon the thirtieth of Iuly, without seeing any sayle of the Enemies in the Sea, hee came to the Channell, sixe leagues from Plimouth: where vnderstanding the Enemies were, hee ga∣thered together and set in order all the Fleet: and sayling the first of August, there was discoue∣red some Sayles of the Enemies, the which the second day were numbred to bee three score Sayle, of which the Duke tooke the wind, and passed without any fight, although he presented the same to them, how∣beit they began to shoot at the Rearward: but the Duke in the Galleon S. Martin, set the Prow of his Ship against the biggest of the Enemies, the which being succoured by twentie others, fled away: of this fight and first encounter, there was sunke three Galeasses, and foure mightie Galeons of the Queenes: there was burnt of our•• by negligence of a Gunner, the Admirall of Oquendo, and the Enemies tooke the chiefe Ship of Don Pedro de Valdez, which being entangled with others vnder his charge: was left without [ 10] Tackle, and so neere the Enemies, that shee could not be succoured by others.

With this, our Fleet seeing that the Enemy in euery point did flye from giuing battell, they sailed with some calme weather, and the Enemies after them, shooting alwayes at the Rearward, vntill the seuenth, that our Fleet ancored in the Road of S. Iohn, betwixt Calleis and Bollin, nine leagues from Dunkerk, and the Enemies did the like, the neerest they could to England.

The night being approached, the Enemies got vp their Ankers to get wind, and not to suffer our Ships to goe out of the Road to Sea, because they had trimmed eight Ships of fire, which with the current of the water, should haue put themselues amongst our Ships to haue burnt them. But my Lord the Duke, fore∣seeing the danger preuented them, with commandement that the Ships that were neerest should cut their Cables, and take vp the others with a readinesse vncredible: and with this the Enemies pretence was hin∣dered, [ 20] and so got the Sea most brauely and with good fortune, that if hee had not done it our Army should haue beene in an euill case, for in the very place where we left, there was shot off by them out of those fiery Ships, such Fires and other Engines, that were sufficient to burne the Sea, much more Ships which are made of Wood and Pitch.

In this departure, the Captaine of the Galeasses had a great mischance: for getting vp her Anker, a Cable fell foule of her Helme, that shee could not follow the rest, which caused one of her sides to lie so high that her Ordnance could not play, and so twentie fiue Pinnaces came and battared her, and with all this, if the Mariners, Souldiers and Rowers that were in her, had not cast themselues into the Sea, it is holden for certaine, that Don Hugo de Moncada had defended her, as he did vntill she came into Calleis, where at the entrance thereof, he was killed of two Caliuer shot, the people on shoare defended the Galeasse, and all [ 30] that was in her, and deliuered the same to our Soueraigne Lord the Kings Ministers.

At this time the Duke had a very franke wind, and the like had the Queenes Fleet: and so they both passed by the sight of Dunkerke, insomuch as they on Land knew the Gallion S. Martin, and others that went fighting with the English Army, and in this order they went till the twelfth.

Afterwards they write, that their came into Calleis a Ship, which saith, that the twelfth day they did see the two Fleets together in fight: another which came afterwards, said he had seene some Ships spoyled and torne, and from them they threw out their baggage which they saued in Boats, which argueth they were Ships of the Enemies, for that our men had no place to saue themselues, nor there were none of them arriued into Flanders, which was their place of returne.

OUt of England was aduise giuen, that on the thirteenth arriued fifteene of the Queenes Ships, and [ 40] they said that the Galleon S. Martin, wherin my Lord the Duke is (whom God preserue) had encoun∣tred with Drake, and had grappled his Ship, and captiued his Person, and other Noble Englishmen, and taken other fifteene Ships, beside others that were distressed, and the Duke with his Fleet followed his way i•• Scotland, because the wind was not come about.

With these newes his Maiesty resteth very much contented, and caused them to be sent to the Empresse, by the hands of Francisco Ydiaquez, his Secretary of Estate.

Imprinted in Seuill, in the House of Cosmo de Lara, Printer of Bookes, by licence of the Counte of Orgaz, Assistant in Seuill.

CHAP. XII. [ 50]

A Discourse of the Portugall Voyage, A. 1589. Sir IOHN NORRIS and Sir FRANCIS DRAKE Generalls, written (as is thought) by Colonell ANTONIE WINGFIELD, imployed in the same Voyage, formerly published by his friend to whom it was writ∣ten; and here abbreuiated.

HAuing determinately purposed to put on this habite of a Souldier, I grew doubt∣full whether to employ my time in the warres of the Low-countries, which are in [ 60] auxiliarie manner maintained by her Maiestie, or to follow the fortune of this voyage, which was an aduenture of her and many honourable personages, in re∣uenge of vnsupportable wrongs offered vnto the estate of our Countrey by the

Castilian King: in arguing whereof, I finde that by how much the Challenger is repu∣ted before the Defendant, by so much is the iourney to bee preferred before those defensiue Warres. For had the Duke of Parma his turne beene to defend, as it was his good fortune to in∣uade: from whence could haue proceeded that glorious honour which these late warres haue laid vpon him, or what could haue beene said more of him, then of a Respondent (though neuer so valiant) in a priuate Duell? Euen that he hath done no more then by his honour he was tied vn∣to. For the gaine of one Towne, or any small defeat giueth more renowme to the Assailant, then the defence of a Countrey, or the withstanding of twentie encounters, can yeeld any man who is bound by his place to guard the same: whereof as well the particulars of our age, especially in the Spaniard, as the reports of former Histories may assure vs, which haue still layed the fame of all warres vpon the Inuader. And doe not ours in these dayes liue obscured in Flanders, either not [ 10] hauing where withall to manage any warre, or not putting on Armes, but to defend themselues when the enemy shall procure them? Whereas in this short time of our Aduenture, we haue won a Town by Escalade, battered and assaulted another, ouerthrowne a mightie Princes power in the Field, landed our Army in three seuerall places of his Kingdome, marched seuen dayes in the heart of his Country, lyen three nights in the Suburbs of his principall Citie, beaten his forces into the Gates thereof, and possessed two of his frontier Forts, as shall in discourse thereof more particu∣larly appeare. But our Army, which hath not cost her Maiestie much aboue the third part of one yeeres expences in the Low-countries, hath already spoyled a great part of the prouision hee had made at the Groine of all sorts, for a new voyage into England; burnt three of his Ships, whereof [ 20] one was the second in the last yeeres expedition, called S. Iuan de Colorado; taken from him aboue 150. Peeces of good artillery; cut off more then 60. Hulkes, and 20. French Ships well manned fit and ready to serue him for men of warre against vs, laden for his store with Corne, Victualls, Masts, Cables and other merchandizes; slaine and taken the principall men of Warre hee had in Galitia; made Don Pedro Enriques de Gusman, Conde de Fuentes, Generall of his forces in Portugall, shamefully run at Peniche; laid along of his best Commander in Lisbon; wherefore I directly con∣clude that this proceeding is the most safe and necessary way to be held against him, and therefore more importing then the warre in the Low-countries. I doubt not but this voyage hath sufficient∣ly made knowne what they are euen vpon their owne dunghill; which, had it bin set out in such sort as it was agreed vpon by their first demand, it might haue made our Nation the most glorious people of the world. For hath not the want of eight of the twelue Peeces of Artillery, which [ 30] were promised vnto the Aduenture, lost her Maiesty the poss••ssion of the Groine and many other places, as hereafter shall appeare, whose defensible rampiers were greater then our battery (such as it was) cold force: and therefore were left vnattempted? It was also resolued to haue sent 600. English Horses of the Low-countries, whereof wee had not one, notwithstanding the great charges expended in their transportation hither: and that may the Army assembled at Puente de Burgos thanke God of, as well as the forces of Portugall, who fore-ran vs six dayes together: Did we not want seuen of the thirteen old Companies, which we should haue had from thence; foure of the ten Dutch Companies; and six of their men of Warre for the Sea, from the Hollanders: which I may iustly say wee wanted, in that we might haue had so many good Souldiers, so many [ 40] good ships, and so many able bodies more then wee had? Did there not vpon the first thinking of the iourney, diuers gallant Courtiers put in their names for Aduenturers to the sum of 10000. li. who seeing it went forward in good earnest, aduised themselues better, and laid the want of so much money vpon the iourney? Was there not moreouer a round summe of the aduenture spent in le••ying, furnishing, and maintaining three moneths one thousand fiue hundred men for the seruice of Berghen, with which Companies the Mutinies of Ostend were suppressed, a seruice of no small moment?

What misery the detracting of the time of our setting out, which should haue beene the first of February, did lay vpon vs, too many can witnesse: and what extremitie the want of that months victualls which wee did eat, during the moneth wee lay at Plimouth for wind, might haue driuen vs vnto, no man can doubt of, that knoweth what men doe liue by, had not God giuen vs in the [ 50] end a more prosperous wind and shorter passage into Galitia then hath been often seene, where our owne force and fortune reuictualled vs largely: of which crosse winds, that held vs two dayes af∣ter our going out, the Generalls being weary, thrust to Sea in the same, wisely chusing rather to attend the change thereof there, then by being in Harbour to lose any part of the better, when it should come by hauing their men on shoare: in which two dayes twentie fiue of our Com∣panies shipped in part of the Fleet were scattered from vs, either not being able or willing to double Ushant.

These burdens layed vpon our Generalls before their going out, they haue patiently endured, and I thinke they haue thereby much enlarged their honour: for nauing done thus much with the [ 60] want of our Artillery, 600. Horse, 3000. Foot, 20000. li. of their aduenture, and one moneths victu∣alls of their proportion, what may be coniectured they would haue done with their full comple∣ment? For our instruction against them, who had almost seduced you from the ••••ue opinon you hold of such men, you shall vnderstand that Generall Norris from his booke was trained vp

in the warres of the Admirall of France, and in very young yeeres had charge of men vnder the Earle of Essex in Ireland: which with what commendations hee then discharged, I leaue to the report of them who obserued those seruices. Vpon the breach betwixt Don Iohn and the States, he was made Colonell Generall of all the English Forces there present, or to come, which he con∣tinued two yeeres: he was then made Marshall of the Field vnder Conte Hobenlo: and after that, Generall of the Army in Frisland: at his comming home in the time of Monsieurs gouernment in Flanders, he was made Lord President of Munster in Ireland, which he yet holdeth, from whence within one yeere hee was sent for, and sent Generall of the English Forces, which her Maiestie lent then to the Low-countries, which he held till the Earle of Leicesters going ouer. And he was made Marshall of the Field in England, the enemy being vpon our Coast, and when it was expec∣ted [ 10] the Crowne of England should haue beene tried by battell. All which places of Command, which neuer Englishman successiuely attained vnto in forraine warres, and the high places her Maiestie hath thought him worthy of, may suffice to perswade you that hee was not altogether vnlikely to discharge that he vndertooke.

What fame Generall Drake hath gotten by his iourney about the world, by his aduentures to the West Indies, and the scourges hee hath laid vpon the Spanish Nation, I leaue to the Sou∣therne parts to speake of. But to answere the reports, which haue beene giuen out in reproach of the Actors and Action by such as were in the same: let no man thinke otherwise, but that they, who fearing the casuall accidents of Warre had any purpose of returning, did first aduise of some occasion that should moue them thereunto: and hauing found any whatsoeuer did thinke it [ 20] sufficiently iust, in respect of the earnest desire they had to seeke out matter that might colour their comming home.

Of these there were some, who hauing noted the late Flemish wars, did find that many young men haue gone ouer and safely returned Souldiers within few moneths, in hauing learned some words of Art vsed in the wars, and thought after that good example to spend like time amongst vs: which being expired they began to quarrell at the great mortalitie that was amongst vs. The neglect of discipline in the Armie, for that men were suffered to bee drunke with the plentie of Wines. The scarsitie of Surgions. The want of carriages for the hurt and sicke: and the penury of victualls in the Campe: It hath beene proued by strickt, examinations of our Musters, that we were neuer in our fulnesse before our going from Plimouth 11000. Souldiers, nor aboue 2500. [ 30] Mariners. It is also euident that there returned aboue 6000. of all sorts, as appeareth by the se∣uerall paiments made to them since our comming home. And I haue truely shewed you that of these numbers very neere three thousand forsooke the Armie at the Sea, whereof some passed in∣to France, and the rest returned home. So as wee neuer being 13000. in all, and hauing brought home aboue six thousand with vs, you may see how the world hath beene seduced, in beleeuing that we haue lost 16000. men by sicknesse.

If at home in the eyes of your Iustices, Maiors, Preachers, and Masters, and where they pay for euery pot they take, they cannot be kept from their liquor: doe they thinke that those base dis∣ordered persons whom themselues sent vnto vs, as liuing at home without rule, who hearing of Wine doe long for it as a daintie that their purses could neuer reach to••n England, and hauing it [ 40] there without money euen in their houses where they lie and hold their guard, can be kept from being drunke; and once drunke, held in any order or tune, except we had for euery drunkard an Officer to attend him? But who bee they that haue run into these disorders? Euen our newest men, our youngest men, and our idlest men, and for the most part our slouenly prest men, whom the Iustices (who haue alwayes thought vnworthily of any warre) haue sent out as the scum and dregs of the Countrey. And those were they, who distempering themselues with their hot Wines, haue brought in that sicknesse, which hath infected honester men then themselues. But I hope, as in other places the recouery of the disease, doth acquaint their bodies with the ayre of the Countrey where they be, so the remainder of these which haue either recouered, or past with∣out sicknesse will proue most fit for Martiall seruices. [ 50]

If we haue wanted Surgeons, may not this rather be laid vpon the Captaines (who are to pro∣uide for their seuerall Companies) then vpon the Generalls, whose care hath been more generall. And how may it be thought that euery Captaine, vpon whom most of the charges of raising their Companies was laid as an aduenture, could prouide themselues of all things expedient for a war, which was alwayes wont to be maintained by the purse of the Prince. But admit euery Captain had his Surgeon: yet were the want of curing neuerthelesse: for our English Surgeons (for the most part) bee vnexperienced in hurts that come by shot: because England hath not knowne warres but of late, from whose ignorance proceeded this discomfort, which I hope will warne those that hereafter goe to the warres, to make preparation of such as may better preserue mens liues by their skill. [ 60]

From whence the want of carriages did proceed, you may coniecture in that wee marched through a Country neither plentifull of such prouisions, nor willing to part from any thing: yet this I can assure you, that no man of worth was left either hurt or sicke in any place vnprouided for. And that the Generall commanded all the Mules and Asses, that were laden wi•••• any bag∣gage

to be vnburdened and taken to that vse: and the Earle of Essex and he for mony hired men to carry men vpon Pik••••. And the Earle (whose true vertue and nobilitie, as it doth in all other his actions appeare, so did it very much in this) threw downe his owne stuffe, I meane apparell and necessities which hee had there from his owne carriages, and let them be left by the way to put hurt and sicke men vpon them.

And the great complaint that these men make for want of victualls, may well proceed from their not knowing the wants of warre; for if to feed vpon good Beeues, Muttons, and Goates, be to want, they haue endured great scarcitie at Land, whereunto they neuer wanted two dayes together wine to mixe with their water, nor bread to eat with the•• meat (in some quantitie) ex∣cept it were such as had vowed rather to starue then to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of their places for food: of whom we haue too many. [ 10]

After six dayes sayling from the Coast of England, and the fifth after we had the wind good, be∣ing the twentieth of Aprill in the euening, we landed in a bay more th•••• an English mile from the Groine, in our long Boats and Pinnaces without any impeachment•• from whence we presently marched toward the Towne, within one halfe mile wee were encountred by the enemy, who be∣ing charged by ours, retired into their gates. For that night our Armie lay in the Villages, Ho••ses, and Mils next adioyning, and very neere round about the Towne, into the which the Galeon na∣med S. Iohn (which was the second of the last yeeres. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 against England) one Hu••ke, two smaller Ships, and two Gallies which were found in the Road, did beat vpon vs and vpon our Companies as they passed too and fro that night and the next morning. Generall Norris hauing that morning before day viewed the Towne, found the same defended on the L••nd side (for it [ 20] standeth vpon the necke of an Iland) with a wall vpon a dry Ditch: whereupon hee resolued to try in two pl••ces what might be done against it by Esc••lade, and in the meane time aduised for the landing of some Artillerie to be vpon the Ships and Gallies, that they might not annoy vs: which being but in execution, vpon the planting of the first Peece the Gallies abandoned the Road, and betooke them to Feroll, not farre from therice: and the Armada being beaten with the Artillery and Musketers that were placed vpon the next shoare, left her playing vpon vs. The rest of the day was spent in preparing the Companies, and other prouisions readie for the surprise of the ba••e Towne, which was effected in this sort.

There were appointed to bee landed 1200. men, vnder the conduct of Colonell Huntley, and Captaine Fenner the Vice-Admirall, on that side next ••••onting vs by water in long Boates and [ 30] Pinnaces, wherein were placed many Peeces of Artillery to beat vpon the Towne in their ap∣proach: at the corner of the wall, which defended the other water side, were appointed Captain Richard Wing field, Lieutenant Colonell to Generall Norris, and Captaine Sampson, Lieutenant Colonell to Generall Drake, to enter at low water with fiue hundred men if they found it passa∣ble, but if not, to betake them to the Es••alade, for they had also Ladders with them ••••t the other corner of the wall, which ioyned to that side that was attempted by water, were appointed Co∣lonell Umpton, and Colonell Bret, with three hundred men to enter by Escalade. All the Compa∣nies which should enter by Boat being imbarked before the low water, and hauing giuen the alarme, Captaine Wingfield and Captaine Sampson betooke them to the Escalade, for they had in [ 40] commandement to charge all at one instant. The Boats landed without any great difficultie: yet had they some men hurt in landing. Colonell Bret, and Colonell Vmpton entred their quarter without encounter, not finding any defence made against them: for Captaine Hinder being one of them that entred by water, at his first entry, with some of his owne companie whom hee trusted well, betooke himselfe to that part of the wall, which hee cleered before that they offe∣red to enter, and so scoured the wall, till he came on the backe of them, who maintained the fight against Captaine Wingfield and Captaine Sampson; who were twice beaten from their Ladders, and found very good resistance, till the enemies perceiuing ours entred in two places at their backes, were driuen to abandon the same. The reason why that place was longer defended then the other, is (as Don Iuan de Luna, who commanded the same affirmeth.) that the enemie that [ 50] day had resolued in counsell how to make their defences, if they were approached: and therein concluded, that, if wee attempted it by water, it was not able to bee held, and therefore vpon the discouery of our Boates, they of the high Towne should make a signall by fire from thence, that all the low Towne might make their retreat thither: but they (whether troubled with the sud∣den terror we brought vpon them, or forgetting their decree) omitted the fire, which made them guard that place till we were entred on euery side.

Then the Towne being entred in three seuerall places with an huge cry, the Inhabitants be∣tooke them to the high Towne: which they might with lesse perill doe, for that ours being stran∣gers there, knew not the way to cut them off. The rest that were not put to the sword in f••rie, fled to the Rocks in the Iland, others hid themselues in Chambers and Sellers, which were euery [ 60] day found in great numbers.

Amongst those Don Iuun de Luna, a man of very good commandement, hauing hidden himselfe in a house, did the next morning yeeld himselfe. There was also taken that night a Commissarie of victuals, called Iuan de Vera, who confessed that there were in the Groine at our entrie fiue hun∣dred

Souldiers, being in seuen Companies, which returned very weake (as appeareth by the small numbers of them) from the iourney of England. The rest falling into the hands of the common Souldiers, bad their throats cut, to the number of fiue hundred as I coniecture, first and last, after wee had entred the Towne; and in the entry thereof there was found euerie Seller full of Wine, whereon our men by inordinate drinking, both grew themselues for the present senslesse of the danger of the shot of the Town, which hurt many of them being drunk, and tooke the first ground of their sicknesse; for of such was our first and chiefest mortalitie. There was also abundant store of Victualls, Salt, and all kind of prouision for shipping and the warre: which was confessed by the said Commissary of Victualls taken there, to be the beginning of a Magasin of all sorts of pro∣uision for a new Voyage into England: whereby you may coniecture what the spoile thereof hath aduantaged vs, and preiudiced the King of Spaine. [ 10]

The next morning about eight of the clocke the enemies abandoned their Ships. And hauing ouercharched the Artillery of the Gallion, left her on fire, which burnt in terrible sort two daies together, the fire and ouercharging of the Peeces being so great, as of fiftie that were in her, there were not aboue sixteene taken out whole; the rest with ouercharge of the powder being broken and molten with heat of the fire, were taken out in broken pieces into diuers Ships. The same day was the Cloister of the South side of the Towne entred by vs, which ioyned verie neere to the wall of the Town, out of the chambers and other places whereof we beat into the same with our Musketiers.

The next day in the afternoone there came downe some two thousand men, gathered together out of the Countrey, euen to the gates of the Towne, as resolutely (led by what spirit I know [ 20] not) as though they would haue entred the same: but at the first defence made by ours that had the guard there, wherein were slaine about eighteene of theirs, they tooke them to their heeles in the same disorder they made their approach, and with greater speed then ours were able to fol∣low: notwithstanding wee followed after them more then a mile. The second day Colonell Huntley was sent into the Countrey with three or foure hundred men, who brought home very great store of Kine and Sheepe for our reliefe.

The third day in the night, the Generall had in purpose to take a long Munition-house builded vpon their wall, opening towardes vs, which would haue giuen great aduantage against them; but they knowing the commodity thereof for vs, burnt it in the beginning of the euening; which [ 30] put him to a new councell: for he had likewise brought some Artillery to that side of the Town. During this time there happened a very great fire in the lower end of the Towne; which, had it not bin by the care of the Generals heedily seene vnto, and the fury thereof preuented by pulling downe many houses which were most in danger, as next vnto them, had burnt all the prouisions we found there, to our wonderfull hinderance.

The fourth day, were planted vnder the guard of the Cloisters two Demy-canons, and two Coluerings against the Towne, defended or gabbioned with a crosse wall, thorow which our bat∣tery lay; the first and second tire whereof shooke all the wall down, so as all the Ordnance lay o∣pen to the Enemy, by reason wherof some of the Canoniers were shot and some slaine. The Lieu∣tenant also of the Ordnance, M. Spencer, was slaine fast by Sir Edward Norris, Master thereof: [ 40] whose valour being accompanied with an honourable care of defending that trust committed vn∣to him, neuer left that place, till he receiued direction from the Generall his brother to cease the battery, which he presently did, leauing a guard vpon the same for that day; and in the night fol∣lowing made so good defence for the place of the battery, as after there were very few or none annoyed therein. That day Captaine Goodwin had in commandement from the Generall, that when the assault should be giuen to the Towne, he should make a proffer of an Escalade on the o∣ther side, where he held his guard: but he (mistaking the signall that would haue beene giuen) at∣tempted the same long before the assault, and was shot in the mouth. The same day the Generall hauing planted his Ordnance ready to batter, caused the Towne to be summoned; in which sum∣mons they of the Towne shot at our Drum: immediately after that there was one hanged ouer [ 50] the wall, and a parle desired; wherein they gaue vs to vnderstand, that the man hanged was hee that shot at the Drum before: wherein they all intreated to haue faire wars, with promise of the same on their parts. The rest of the parle was spent in talking of Don Iuan de Luna, and some o∣ther prisoners, and somewhat of the rendring of the Towne, but not much, for they listned not greatly thereunto.

Generall Norris hauing by his skilfull view of the Towne (which is almost all seated vpon a Rocke) found one place thereof mineable, did presently set workemen in hand withall; who after three daies labour (and the seuenth after we were entred the base Towne) had bedded their Powder, but indeed not farre enough into the wall. Against which time the breach made by the Canon being thought assaultable, and Companies appointed as well to enter the same, as that [ 60] which was expected should be blowne vp by the Mine: namely, to that of the Canon, Captaine Richard Wingfield, and Captaine Philpot, who led the Generalls Foot-company, with whom also Captaine Yorke went, whose principall commandement was ouer the Horse-men. And to that of the Mine, Captaine Iohn Sampson, and Captaine Anthony Wingfield Lieutenant Colonell to the

Master of the Ordnance, with certaine selected out of diuers Regiments. All these Companies being in Armes, and the assault intended to be giuen in all places at an instant, fire was put to the traine of the Mine; by reason the Powder brake out backwardes in a place where the Caue was made too high, there could be nothing done in either place for that day. During this time Captain Hinder was sent with some chosen out of euery Company into the Country for prouisions, wher∣of he brought in good store, and returned without losse.

The next day Cap. Anthony Sampson was sent out with some fiue hundred to fetch in pouisions for the Army, who was encountred by them of the Country, but he put them to flight, and retur∣ned with good spoile. The same night the Miners were set to worke againe, who by the second day after had wrought very well into the foundation of the wall. Against which time the Com∣panies aforesaid being in readinesse for both places (Generall Drake on the other side, with two or [ 10] three hundred men in Pinnacet, making proffer to attempt a strong Fort vpon an Iland before the Towne, where he left more then thirtie men) fire was giuen to the traine of the Mine, which blew vp halfe the Tower vnder which the Powder was planted. The assailants hauing in charge vpon the effecting of the Mine presently to giue the assault, performed it accordingly; but too soone: for hauing entred the top of the breach, the other halfe of the Tower, which with the first force of the Powder was onely shaken and made loose, tell vpon our men: vnder which were bu∣ried about twentie or thirtie, then being vnder that part of the Tower. This so amazed our men that stood in the breach, not knowing from whence that terror came, as they forsooke their Com∣manders, and left them among the ruines of the Mine. The two Easignes of Generall Drake and Captaine Anthony Wingfield were shot in the breach, but their colours were rescued••: the Gene∣rails [ 20] by Captaine Sampsons Lieutenant, and Captaine Wingfields by himselfe. Amongst them that the wall fell vpon, was Cap. Syden••am pittifully lost; who hauing three or foure great stones vp∣on his lower parts, was held so fast, as neither himselfe could stirre, nor any reasonable company recouer him. Not withstanding the next day being found to be aliue, there was ten or twelue lost in attempting to relieue him.

The breach made by the Canon, was wonderfully well assaulted by them that had the charge thereof, who brought their men to the push of the Pike at the top of the breach. And being readie to enter, the loose earth (which was indeede but the rubbish of the outside of the wall) with the weight of them that were thereon slipped outwardes from vnder their feet. Whereby did appeare halfe the wall vnbattered. For l••t no man thinke that Culuerin or Demy-canon can suf∣ficiently [ 30] batter a defensible rampire: and of those Peeces which we had; the better of the Demy∣canons at the second shot brake in her carriages, so as the battery was of lesse force, being but of three Peeces.

In our retreat (which was from both breaches thorow a narrow lane) were many of our men hurt: and Captaine Dolphin, who serued very well that day, was hurt in the very breach. The failing of this attempt, in the opinion of all the beholders, and of such as were of the best iudge∣ment, was the fall of the Mine; which had doubtlesse succeeded, the rather, because the approch was vnlooked for by the enemy in that place, and therefore not so much defence made there as in the other; which made the Generall grow to a new resolution: for finding that two daies battery [ 40] had so little beaten their wall, and that he had no better preparation to batter withall: he knew in his experience, there was no good to be done that way; which I thinke he first put in proofe, to try if by that terror hee could get the vpper Towne, hauing no other way to put it in hazzard so speedily, and which in my conscience had obtained the Towne, had not the defendants bin in as great peril of their liues by the displeasure of their King in giuing it vp, as by the Bullet or Sword in defending the same. For that day before the assault, in the view of our Armie, they burnt a Cloi∣ster within the Town, and many other houses adioyning to the Castle, to make it more defensible: whereby it appeared how little opinion themselues had of holding it against vs, had not God (who would not haue vs suddenly made proud) laied that misfortune vpon vs.

The next day the Generall hearing by a prisoner that was brought in, that the Conde de An∣drada had assembled an Armie of eight thousand at Puente de Burgos, sixe miles from thence in [ 50] the way to Petance, which was but the beginning of an Armie: in that there was a greater leauy ready to come thither vnder the Conde de Altomira, either in purpose to relieue the Groine, or to encampe themselues neere the place of our embarking, there to hinder the same; for to that purpose had the Marquesse of Seralba, written to them both the first night of our landing, as the Commissary taken then confessed, or at the least to stop our further entrance into the Countrey, (for during this time, there were many incursions made of three or foure hundred at a time, who burnt, spoiled and brought in victualls plentifully) the Generall, I say, hearing of this Armie, had in purpose the next day following to visite them, against whom hee carried but nine Regi∣ments: in the Vantguard were the Regiment of Sir Roger Williams, Sir Edward Norris, and Co∣lonell [ 60] Sidney: in the Battaile, that of the Generall of Colonell Lane, and Colonell Medkerk: and in the R••aseward, Sir Henry Norris, Colonell Huntley, and Colonell Brets Regiments; lea∣uing the other fiue Regiments with Generall Drake, for the guard of the Cloister and Arti••∣lery. About ten of the clocke the next day, being the sixt of May, halfe a mile from the Campe,

wee discouering the enemy, Sir Edward Norris, who commanded the Vantguard in chiefe, appoin∣ted his Lieutenant Colonell Captaine Anthony Wingfield to command the shot of the same, who diuided them into three troupes; the one he appointed to Captain Middleton to be conducted in away on the left hand: another to Captain Er••ngton to take the way on the right hand, and the bodie of them (which were Mosquetiers) Captaine Wingfield tooke himselfe, keeping the direct way of the march. But the way taken by Captaine Middleton met a little before with the way held by Captaine Wingfield, so as he giuing the first charge vpon the enemy, was in the in∣stant seconded by Captaine Wingfield, who beat them from place to place (they hauing very good places of defence, and crosse Walles which they might haue held long) till they betooke them to their Bridge, which is ouer a creeke comming out of the Sea, builded of Stone vpon Ar∣ches. [ 10] On the foot of the further side whereof, lay the Ca••••pe of the enemy very strongly en∣trenched, who with out shot beaten to the further end of the Bridge, Sir Edward Norris marching in the point of the Pakes, without stay passed to the Bridge, accompanied with Colonell Sidney, Captaine Hinder, Captaine Fulford, and diuers others, who found the way cleere ouer the same, but through an incredible volley of shot, for that the shot of their Army flanked vpon both sides of the Bridge, the further end whereof w•••• barrica••ed with Barrells: but they who should haue guarded the same, seeing the proud approach wee made, forsooke the defence of the barricade, where Sir Edward entred, and charging the first defendant with his Pike, with very earnestnesse in ouerthrusting, fell, and was grieuously hurt at the sword in the head, but was most honoura∣bly rescued by the Generall his brother, accompanied with Colonell Sidney, and some other [ 20] Gentlemen: Captaine Hinder also hauing his Caske shot off, b•••• fiue wounds in the head and face at the sword: and Captaine Fulford was shot in the left arme at the same encounter: yet were they so thorowly seconded by the Generall, who thrust himselfe so neere to giue encou∣ragement to the attempt (which was of wonderfull difficultie) as their brauest men that defen∣ded that place being ouer throwne, their whole Army fell presently into rout, of whom our men had the chase three miles in foure sundry waies, which they betooke themselues vnto. There was taken the Standard with the Kings Armes, and borne before the Generall. How many two thousand men (for of so many consisted our Vantguard) might kill in pursuit of foure sundry par∣ties, so many you may imagine fell before vs that day. And to make the number more great, our men hauing giuen ouer the execution, and returning to their stands, found many hidden in the [ 30] Vineyards and Hedges, which they dispatched. Also Colonell M••••kerk was sent with his Re∣giment three miles further to a Cloister, which hee burnt and spoiled, wherein he found two hun∣dred more, and put them to the sword. There were slaine in this fight on our side onely Captain Cooper, and one priuate Souldier; Captaine Barton was also hurt vpon the Bridge in the eye. But had you seene the strong barricades they had made on either side of the Bridge, and how strong∣ly they lay encamped thereabouts, you would haue thought it a rare resolution of ours to giue so braue a charge vpon an Armie so strongly lodged. After the fury of the execution, the Generall sent the Vantguard one way, and the battell another, to burne and spoile; so as you might haue seene the Countrey more then three miles compasse on fire. There was found very good store of Munition and victualls in the Campe, some plate and rich apparell, which the better sort left be∣hind, [ 40] they were so hotly pursued. Our Sailers also landed in an Iland next adioyning to our ships, where they burnt and spoiled all they found. Thus we returned to the Groine, bringing small com∣fort to the enemy within the same, who shot many times at vs as we marched out; but not once in our comming backe againe.

The next day was spent in shipping our Artillery landed for the battery, and of the rest taken at the Groine, which had it beene such as might haue giuen vs any assurance of a better battery, or had there beene no other purpose of our iourney but that, I thinke the Generall would haue spent some more time in the siege of the place.

The two last nights, there were that vndertooke to fire the higher Towne in one place, where the houses were builded vpon the wall by the water side; but they within suspecting as much, [ 50] made so good defence against vs, as they preuented the same. In our departure there was fire put into euerie house of the low Towne, insomuch as I may iustly say, there was not one house left standing in the base Towne, or the Cloister.

The next day, being the eight of May, wee embarked our Armie without losse of a man, which (had wee not beaten the enemie at Puente de Burgos) had beene impossible to haue done.

After we had put from thence, we had the wind so contrarie, as we could not vnder nine daies recouer the Burlings: in which passage on the thirteenth day the Earle of Essex, and with him M. Walter Douer••u••, his brother (a Gentleman of wonderfull great hope) Sir Roger Williams, Colonell Generall of the Footmen, Sir Philip Butler, who hath alwaies beene most inward with him, and Sir Edward Wingfield, came into the Fleet. The Earle put off in the same wind from [ 60] Falmouth, that wee left Plimouth in, where he lay, because he would auoid the importunitie of Messengers that were daily sent for his returne, and some other causes more secret to himselfe, not knowing (as it seemed) what place the Generals purposed to land in, had b••n as far as Cad•••• in Andal••zia, and lay vp and downe about the South Cape, where hee tooke some Ships laden

with Corne, and brought them vnto the Fleet. Also in his returne from thence to meet with our Fleet, he fell with the Ilands of Bayon; and on that side of the Riuer which Cannas standeth vp∣on, he, with Sir Roger Williams, and those Gentlemen that were with him went on shoare, with some men out of the Ship he was in, whom the enemy that held guard vpon that Coast, would not abide, but fled vp into the Countrey.

The sixteenth day we landed at Peniche in Portugal, vnder the shot of the Castle, and aboue the waste in the water, more then a mile from the town, wherin many were in peril of drowning, by reason the wind was great, and the Sea went high, which ouerthrew one Boat, wherein fiue and twentie of Captaine Dolphins men perished. The enemy being fiue Companies of Spaniards, vn∣der the commandement of Conde de Fuentas, sallied out of the town against vs, and in our landing [ 10] made their approach close by the water side. But the Earle of Essex, with Sir Roger Williams, and his brother, hauing landed sufficient number to make two troupes, left one to hold the way by the water side, and led the other ouer the Sand-hills; which the enemy seeing, drew theirs likewise further into the Land; not, as we coniectured, to encounter vs, but indeed to make their speedie passage away: notwithstanding they did it in such sort, as being charged by ours which were sent out by the Colonell generall vnder Captaine Iacks〈…〉〈…〉, they stood the same euen to the push of the Pike: in which charge and at the p••sh, Captaine Robert Pi•••• was slaine. The enemy being fled further then we had reason to follow them, all our Companies were drawne to the Town; which being vnfortified in any place, wee found vndefended by any man against vs. And therefore the Generall caused the Castle to bee summoned that night; which being abandoned by him that [ 20] commanded it, a Portugall named Antonio de Aurid, being possessed thereof, desired but to be assu∣red that Don Antonio was landed, whereupon he would deliuer the same; which he honestly per∣formed. There was taken out of the Castle some hundred Shot and Pikes, which D••n Emanuel furnished his Portugalls withall, and twentie Barrells of Powder: so as possessing both the Town and the Castle, we rested there one day; wherin some Friars and other poore men came vnto their new King, promising in the name of their Countrey next adioyning, that within two dayes hee should haue a good supply of Horse and Foot for his assistance. That day wee remained there, the Generals company of horses were vnshipped.

The Generalls there fully resolued, that the Armie should march ouer Land to Lisb••••, vnder the conduct of Generall Norris; and that Generall Drake should meet him in the Riuer thereof [ 30] with the Fleet; that there should bee one Company of Foot left in guard of the Castle, and six in the Ships: also that the sicke and hurt should remaine there with prouisions for their cures.

In this march Captaine Crispe the Prouest Marshall caused one who (contrary to the Pro∣clamation published at our arriuall in Portugall) had broken vp an house for pillage, to bee han∣ged, with the cause of his death vpon his breast, in the place where the act was committed: which good example prouidently giuen in the beginning of our march, caused the commandement to be more respectiuely regarded all the iourney after, by them whom feare of punishment doth on∣ly hold within compasse. The Campe lodged that night at Lori••••••: the next day we had intelli∣gence all the way, that the enemy had made head of Horse and Foot against vs at T••rres Uedras, which wee thought they would haue held: but comming thither the second day of our march, [ 40] not two houres before our Vantgard came in, they left the Towne and Castle to the possession of Don Antonio.

There began the greatest want we had of victuals, especially of bread, vpon a commandement giuen from the Generall, that no man should spoile the Country, or take any thing from any Por∣tugall: which was more respectiuely obserued, then I thinke would haue bin in our owne Coun∣trey, amongst our owne friends and kindred: but the Countrey (contrary to promise) wholly neg∣lected the prouision of victuals for vs, wherby we were driuen for that time into a great scarsity. Which moued the Colonell Generall to call all the Colonells together, and with them to aduise of some better course for our people: who thought it best, first to aduertise the King what neces∣sitie we were in, before we should of our selues alter the first institution of abstinence. The Colo∣nell [ 50] generall, hauing acquainted the Generall herewith, with his very good allowance thereof, went to the King; who after some expostulations vsed, tooke the more carefull order for our men, and after that our Armie was more plentifully relieued.

The third day we lodged our Armie in three sundry Villages, the one Battalion lying in Exa∣rama de los Caualleres, another in Exar〈…〉〈…〉 de Obispo, and the third in S•••• Sa••astian. Captain Y••rke who commanded the Generalls Horse Company, in this march made triall of the valour of the Horsemen of the enemy; who by one of his Corporals charged with eight Horses thorow fortie of them, and himselfe thorow more then two hundred, with some fortie Horses: who would a∣bide him no longer then they could make way from him.

The next day we marched to Loves, and had diuers Intelligences that the enemy would tarry [ 60] vs there: for the Cardinall had made publike promise to them of Lis••on, that he would fight with vs in that place, which he might haue done aduantageously; for we had a Bridge to passe ouer in the same place: but before our comming he dislodged, notwithstanding it appeared vnto vs that hee had in purpose to incampe: here; for wee found the ground staked out where their trenches

should haue bin made: and their Horsemen with some few Shot shewed themselues vpon an Hill at our comming into that Village; whom Sir Henry Norris (whose Regiment had the point of the Vantgard) thought to draw vnto some fight, and therefore marched without sound of Drum, and somewhat faster then ordinary, thereby to get neere them before he were discouered, for hee was shadowed from them by an Hill that was betweene him and them: but before he could draw his Companies any thing neete, they retired.

Generall Drakes Regiment that night, for the commoditie of good lodging, drew themselues into a Village, more then one English mile from thence, and neere the enemy: who not daring to doe any thing against vs in foure dayes before, tooke that occasion, and in the next morning fell downe vpon that Regiment, crying, Uiua el Rey Don Antonio, which was a generall salutation [ 10] thorow all the Countrey as they came: whom our young Souldiers (though it were vpon their guard, and before the watch were discharged) began to entertaine kindly, but hauing got within their guard, they fell to cut their throats: but the alarme being taken inwards, the Officers of the two next Companies, whose Captaines (Captain Sydnam and Captain Young) were lately dead at the Groine, brought downe their Colours and Pikes vpon them in so resolute manner, as they presently draue them to retire with losse: they killed of ours at the first entrance fourteene, and hurt six or seuen.

The next day we lodged at Al••elana within three miles of Lisbon, where many of our Souldi∣ers drinking in two places of standing waters by the way were poysoned, and thereon presently dyed. Some doe thinke it came rather by eating of Hony, which they found in the houses plenti∣fully. [ 20] But whether it were by Water or by Hony, the poore men were poisoned. That night the Earle of Essex and Sir Roger Williams went out about eleuen of the clocke with 1000. men to lie in ambuscade neere the Town, and hauing laied the same very neere, sent some to giue the alarme vnto the enemy: which was well performed by them that had the charge thereof, but the enemy refused to issue after them, so that the Earl•• returned as soone as it was light without doing any thing, though he had in purpose, and was ready to haue giuen an honourable charge on them.

The 25. of May in the euening we came to the Suburbs of Lisbon: at the very entrance where∣of Sir Roger Williams calling Captaine Anthomy Wingfield with him, tooke thirtie Shot or there∣abouts, and first scowred all the Streets till they came very neere the Towne; where they found none but old folkes and beggars, crying, V〈…〉〈…〉 el Rey D•••• Antonio, and the houses shut vp: for they [ 30] had carried much of their wealth into the Towne, and had fired some houses by the waterside, full of Corne and other prouisions of victualls, least wee should be benefited thereby, but yet left behind them great riches in many houses. The foure Regiments that had the vantguard that day, which were Colonell Deu••reux, Sir Edward Norris, Colonell Sidneys, and Generall Dr••kes (whom I name as they marched) the Colonell generall caused to hold guard in the neerest Streets of the Suburbs: the Battel and the Arrereward stood in Armes all the night in Field neere to Alcantara. Before morning Captaine Wingfield, by direction from the Colonell generall Sir Roger Williams, held guard with Sir Edward Norris his Regiment in three places very neere the Towne wall, and so held the same till the other Regiments came in the morning. About midnight they within the Towne burnt all their houses that stood vpon their wall either within or without, least we posses∣sing [ 40] them, might thereby greatly haue annoyed the Towne.

The next morning Sir Roger Williams attempted (but not without perill) to take a Church cal∣led S. Antonio, which ioyned to the wall of the Towne, and would haue been a very euill neighbor to the Towne: but the enemy hauing more easie entry into it then wee, gained it before vs. The rest of that morning was spent in quartering the Battell and Arrereward in the Suburbs called Bona Uista, and in placing Musquetiers in houses, to front their Shot vpon the wall, who from the same scowred the great Streets very dangerously.

By this time our men being thorowly weary with our sixe dayes march, and the last nights watch, were desirous of rest; whereof the enemy being aduertised, about one or two of the clocke sallied out of the Town, and made their approach in three seuerall Streets vpon vs, but chiefly in [ 50] Colonell Brets quarter: who (as most of the Armie was) being at rest, with as much speed as he could, drew his men into Armes, and made head against them so thorowly, as himselfe was slain in the place, Captaine Carsey shot thorow the thigh, of which hurt hee died within foure dayes after, Captaine Carre slaine presently, and Captaine Caue hurt (but not mortally) who were all of his Regiment. This resistance made as well here, as in other quarters where Colonell Lane and Colonell M••dkerk commanded, put them to a sudden foule retreat; insomuch, as the Earle of Es∣sex had the chase of them enen to the gates of the high Town, wherin they left behind them ma∣ny of their best Commanders: their troupe of Horsemen also came out, but being charged by Captain Yorke, withdrew themselues againe. Many of them also left the streets, and betooke them to houses which they found open: for the Sergeant Maior Captain Wilson ••lew in one house with [ 60] his owne hands three or foure, and caused them that were with him to kill many others. Their losse I can assure you did triple ours, as well in qualitie as in quantitie.

During our march to this place, Generall Drake with the whole Fleet was come into Cascais, and possessed the Town without any resistance: many of the Inhabitants at their discouery of our

Nauie, fled with their baggage into the Mountaines, and left the Towne for any man that would possesse it, till Generall Drake sent vnto them by a Portugall Pilot which he had on boord, to of∣fer them all peaceable kindnesse, so farre forth as they would accept of their King, and minister necessaries to the Armie he had brought; which offer they ioyfully imbraced, and presently sent two chiefe men of their Town, to signifie their loyaltie to Don Antonio, & their honest affections to our people. Whereupon the Generall landed his Companies not farre from the Cloister called San Domingo, but not without perill of the shot of the Castle, which being guarded with sixtie fiue Spaniards, held still against him.

As our Fleet were casting anker when they came first into that Road, there was a small ship of Brasil that came from thence, which bare with them, and seemed by striking her sailes, as though she would also haue ancred: but taking her fittest occasion hoised againe, and would haue passed [ 10] vp the Riuer, but the Generall presently discerning her purpose, sent out a Pinnace or two after her, wh••ch forced her in such sort, as she ran her selfe vpon the Rocks: all the men escaped out of her, and the lading (being many chests of Sugar) was made nothing worth, by the Salt water. In his going thither also, he tooke Ships of the Port of Portugall, which were sent from thence, with fifteene other from Pedro Vermendes Xantes Sergeant Maior of the same place, laden with men and victualls to Lisbon: the rest that escaped put into Set••••el.

The next day it pleased Generall Norris to call all the Colonels together, and to aduise with them, whether it were more expedient to tarry there to attend the forces of the Portugall Horse and Foot, whereof the King had made promise, and to march some conuenient number to Cascais [ 20] to fetch our Artillery and Munition which was all at our ships, sauing that which for the necessi∣ty of the seruice was brought along with vs: whereunto, some carried away with the vaine hope of Don Antonio, that the most part of the Town stood for vs, held it best to make our abode there, and to send some three thousand of our Artillery: promising to themselues, that the Enemy be∣ing well beaten the day before, would make no more sallies: some others (whose vnbeliefe was very strong of any hope from the Portugall) perswaded rather to march wholly away, then to be any longer carried away with the opinion of things, whereof there was so little appearance. The Generall, not willing to leaue any occasion of blot to be laid vpon him for his speedie going from thence, nor to lose any more time by attending the hope of Don Antonio; told them, that though the expedition of Portugall were not the onely purpose of their iburney, but an aduenture there∣in [ 30] (which if it succeeded prosperously might make them sufficiently rich, and wonderfull honou∣rable) and that they had done so much alreadie in triall thereof, as what end soeuer happened could nothing impaire their credits: yet in regard of the Kings last promise, that hee should haue that night three thousand armed men of his owne Country, he would not for that night dislodge. The King of Portugall (whether carried away with imagination, by the aduertisements he recei∣ued from the Portugalls, or willing by any promise to bring such an Armie into his Countrey, thereby to put his fortune once more in triall) assured the Generall, that vpon his first landing there would be a reuolt of his subiects.

After two nights staying at Lisbon, the King, as you haue heard promised a supply of three thousand Foot, and some Horse: but all his appointments being expired, euen to the last of a night, [ 40] all his Horse could not make a Cornet of fortie, nor his Foot furnish two Ensignes fully, although they carried three or foure colours: and these were altogether such as thought to inrich them∣selues by the ruine of their neighbours: for they committed more disorders in euery place where we came by spoile, then any of our owne.

The Generall, as you see, hauing done more then before his comming out of England was re∣quired by the King, and giuen credite to his many promises, euen to the breach of the last, he de∣sisted not to perswade him to stay yet nine daies longer: in which time hee might haue engaged himselfe further, then with any honor he could come out off againe, by attempting a Town for∣tified, wherein were more men armed against vs, then we had to oppugne them withall, our Artil∣lery and Munition being fifteene miles from vs, and our men then declining; for there was the [ 50] first shew of any great sicknesse amongst them. Whereby it seemeth, that either his Prelacie did much abuse him in perswading him to hopes, whereof after two or three daies hee saw no sem∣blance: or hee like a silly louer, who promiseth himselfe fauour by importuning a coy mistresse, thought by our long being before his Towne, that in the end taking pittie on him they would let him in. What end the Friers had by following him with such deuotion I know not, but sure I am, the Laitie did respite their homage till they might see which way the victorie might sway; fearing to shew themselues apparantly vnto him, least the Spaniard should after our departure (if we preuailed not) call them to account: yet sent they vnderhand messages to him of obedience, thereby to saue their owne, if he became King; but indeed very well contented to see the Spani∣ards and vs crie by blowes who should carry away the Crowne. For they be of so base a mould, [ 60] as they can very well subiect themselues to any gouernment, where they may liue free from blowes, and haue libertie to become rich, being loth to indure hazzard either of life or goods. For durst they haue put on any minds thorowly to reuolt, they had three wonderfull great occasions offered them during our being there, &c.

The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 morning, seeing no performance of promise kept, the Generall gaue order for our marching away; himselfe, the Earle of Essex, and Sir Roger Williams remaining with the stand that was made in the high street, till the whole Armie was drawne into the Field, and so marched out of the Towne, appointing Captaine Richard Wingfield, and Captaine Anthony Winfield in the Arrereward of them with the shot; thinking that the enemy (as it was most likely) would haue illued out vpon our rising; but they were otherwise aduised. When we were come into the Field, euerie Battalion fell into that order which by course appertained vnto them, and so mar∣c••ed that night vnto Cascais. Had wee marched thorow his Countrey as enemies, our Souldiers had beene well supplied in all their wants: but had wee made enemies of the Suburbs of Lisbon, wee had beene the richest Armie that euer went out of England: for besides the particular [ 10] wealth of euery house, there were many Ware-houses by the water side full of all sorts of rich Merchandizes.

In our march that day the Gallies which had some what, but not much annoyed vs at Lisbon, (for that our way lay along the Riuer) attended vs till we were past S. Iulians, bestowing many shot amongst vs, but did no harme as all 〈…〉〈…〉ng that they strooke off a Gentlemans leg, and killed the Sergeant Maiors M••ile vnder him. The Horsemen also followed vs afarre off, and cut off as many sicke men as were not able to hold in march, nor we had carriage for.

After we had beene two 〈…〉〈…〉es at Cascais, wee had intelligence by a Friar, that the enemy was marching strongly towards vs, and then came as farre as S. Iulian; which newes was so welcome to the Earle of Essex and the Generall••, as they offered euery one of them to giue the Messenger [ 20] an hundred Crownes if they found them in the place; for the Generall desiring mothing more then to fight with them in field roome, dispatched that night a Messenger with a Trumpet, by whom 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Cart〈…〉〈…〉 to the Generall of their Armie, wherein he gaue them the lie, in that it was by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 reported that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dislodged from Lisbon in disorder and feare of them (which in∣deed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 most false) for that it was fiue of the clocke in the morning before wee fell into Armes, and then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in such ••ore, as they had no courage to follow out vpon vs. Also he challenged him therein to meet him the next morning with his whole Armie, if hee durst attend his comming, and there to try out the iustnesse of their quarrell by ba••••••ll; by whom also the Earle of Essex (who preferring the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the cause, which was his Countries, before his owne safetie) sent a particulas Cattell, offering himselfe against any of theire, if they had any of his qualitie; or if they [ 30] would 〈◊〉〈◊〉 admit of that, six, eight, or ten or as many as they would appoint, should meet so ma∣ny of theirs in the heart of our battell to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their fortunes with them; and that they should haue assurance of their returne and honourable intreatie.

The Generall accordingly made all his Armie readie, by three of the clocke in the morning, and marched euen to the place where they had encamped, but they were dislodged in the night in great disorder, being taken with a sudden feare that we had been come vpon them, as the Ge∣nerall was the next day certainely informed: so as the Trumpet followed them to Lisbon, but could not get other answere to either of his Letters, but threatning to bee hanged, for daring to being such a message. Howbeit the Generall had caused to be written vpon the backside of their Pasport, that if they did offer any violence vnto the Messengers, he would hand the best prisoners [ 40] he had of theirs: which made them to aduise better of the matter, and to returne them home; but without answerd.

A〈…〉〈…〉 Armie came to Cascais, and the Castle summoned, the Castellan thereof granted, that vpon fiue or six shot of the Canon he would deliuer the same, but not without sight thereof. The Generall thinking that his distresse within had been such for want of men or victuals, as he could not hold it many dayes, because hee saw it otherwise defensible enough, determined rather to make him yeeld to that necessitie, then to bring the Canon, and therefore onely set a guard vpon the same, least any supply of those things which hee wanted should bee brought vnto them. But hee still standing vpon these conditions, the Generall about two dayes before hee determined to goe to Sea, brought three or foure Peeces of battery against it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vpon the first ••ire whereof he sur∣rendered, [ 50] and compounded to goe away with his baggage and Armes: hee had one Canon, two Culuerings, one Basiliske, and three or foure other F〈…〉〈…〉 Peeces, threescore and fiue Souldiers, ve∣ry good store of Munition, and victualls enough in the Castle; insomuch as hee might haue held the same longer then the Generall had in purpose to tarry there. One company of Footmen was put into the guard thereof, till the Artillery was taken out, and our Armie imbarked; which without hauing that sort, we could not without great perill haue done. When we were readie to set saile (one halfe of the Fort being by order from the Generall ••lowne vp by mine) the com∣pany was drawne away.

During the time we lay in the Road, our Fleet began the second of Iune, and so continued six dayes after to fetch in some Hulks to the number of threescore, of Dansik, Stetin, Rostock, Lubeck [ 60] and Hamburgh, laden with Spanish goods, and as it seemed for the Kings prouision, and going for Lisb••••: their principall lading was Corne, Masts, Cables, Copper, and Waxe: amongst which were some of great burthen wonderfull well builded for sailing, which had no great lading in them, and therefore it was thought they were brought for the Kings prouision, to reinforce

his decaied Nauie: whereof there was the greater likelihood, in that the owner of the greatest of them which carried two misnes, was knowne to be very inward with the Cardinall, who rather then he would be taken with his ships, committed himselfe vnto his small Boate, wherein he recouered Saint Sebastians: into the which our men, that before were in flie-boates, were shipped, and the Flie-boates sent home with an offer of Corne, to the value of their hire. But the winde being good for them for Rochel, they chose rather to loose their Corne then the winde, and so departed. The Generall also sent his Horses with them, and from thence shipped them into England.

The third of Iune, Colonell Deuereux, and Colonell Sidney, being both very sicke, departed for England, who in the whole iourney had shewed themselues very forward to all seruices, and in their departure very vnwilling to leaue vs: that day we embarked all our Army, but lay in the [ 10] road vntill the eight thereof.

The sixt-day, the Earle of Essex, vpon receit of Letters from her Maiesty, by them that brought in the victuals, presently departed towards England, with whom Sir Roger Williams was very desirous to goe, but found the Generals very vnwilling he should do so, in that he bare the next place vnto them, and if they should miscarry, was to command the Army. And the same day there came vnto vs two small ••••arkes, that brought tidings of some other ships come out of England with victuals, which were passed vpwards to the Cape: for meeting with whom, the second day after we set saile for that place, in purpose after our meeting with them to goe with the Iles of Azores, the second day, which was the ninth, we met with them comming backe againe towards vs, whose prouision little answered our expectation. Notwithstanding we resolued to continue [ 20] our course for the Ilands.

About this time w•••• the Marchant Royall, with three or foure other ships, sent to Peniche, to fetch away the companies that were le•••• chere; but Captain Barton hauing receiued Letters from the General•• that were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ouerland, was departed before, not being able by reason of the ene∣mies speedy marching thither, either to bring away the artillery, or all his men, according to the direction those letters gaue him; for he was no sooner gone, then the enemy possessed the Towne and Castle, and shot at out ships as they came into the road.

At this time also was the Ambassadoor from the Emperor of Marocco, called Reys Hamet Ben∣casamp, returned, and with him M. Ciprian, a Gentleman of good place and desert, who sent from Don Autoni••, and Captaine O〈…〉〈…〉y from the Generals to the Emperour. [ 30]

The next morning the nine Gall•••••• which were sent not fiue daies before out of Andaluzia for the strengthening of the Ruer or Lisb•••• which being ioyned with the other twelue that were there before, though we lay hard by them at Sa••nt Iulians, durst neuer make any attempt against vs) vpon our departure from thence 〈◊〉〈◊〉 returning home, and in the morning being a very dead calme, in the dawning thereof, fell in the winde of our fleet, in the vttermost part whereof they assailed one stragling Barke of Plimmouth, of the which Captaine Cauerley being Captaine of the land company, with his Lientenant, the Master, and some of the Marriners, abandoned the ship, and betooke them to the ship-boats, whereof one, in which the Master and the Captaine were, was ouer〈…〉〈…〉 with the Gallies, and they drowned. There were also two Hulkes stragled far from the strength of the other ships, which were so calmed, as neither they could get to vs, nor we to [ 40] them, though all the great ships towed with their Boats to haue relieued them, but could not be recouered, in one of which was Captaine Mi••shaw with his company; who fought with them to the last, yea after his ship was on fire, which whither it was fired by himselfe or by them we could not well discerne, but might easily iudge by his long and good fight, that the enemy could not but sustain much losse, who setting also vpon one other Hulke wherein was but a Lieutenant, and he very sicke, wereby the valour of the Lieutenant put off, although they had first beaten her with their artillery, and attempted to boord her. And seeing also one other Hulke a league off, a sterne of vs, they made towards her: but finding that she made ready to fight with them; they durst not further attempt her: whereby it seemed, their losse being great in the other fights, they were loath to proceede any further. [ 50]

From 〈◊〉〈◊〉 day till the nineteenth of Iune, our direction from the Generall was, that if the winde were Northerly, we should plie for the Azores; but if Southerly, for the Iles of Bayon. We lay with contrary windes about that place and the Rocke, till the Southerly winde preuai∣ling carried vs to Bayon: among whom was Sir Henry Norris in the Ayde; who had a purpose (if the Admirals had not come in) with some 500, men out of them all to haue landed, and at∣tempted the taking of Vigo. The rest of the fleet held with generall Drake, who though he were two dayes before put vpon those Ilands, cast off againe to Sea for the Azores: but remembring how vnprouided he was for that iourney, and seeing that he had lost company of his great ships, returned for Bayon, and came in there that night in the euening, where hee passed vp the Riuer more then a mile aboue Uigo. [ 60]

The next morning wee landed as many as were able to fight, which were not in the whole aboue two thousand men (for in the seuenteene dayes we continued on boord wee had cast

many of our men ouer-boord) with which number the Colonell generall marched to the Towne of Uigo, neere the which when hee approached, he sent Captaine Anthony Wingfield with a troupe of shot to enter one side of the same, who found vpon euery stre••tes end a strong bar∣ricade, but altogether abandoned; for hauing entred the Towne, he found but one man there∣in, but might see them making way before him to Bayon. On the other side the Towne en∣tred Generall Drake with Captaine Richard Wingfield, whose approach on that side (I thinke) made them leaue the places they had so artificially made for defence: there were also certaine ships sent with the Vice-admirall to lye close before the Towne, to beate vpon the same with their artillery.

In the afternoone were sent three hundred vnder the conduct of Captaine Petui•• and Captain [ 10] Henry Poure, to burne another Village betwixt that and Bayon, called Borsis, and as much of the Countrie as the day would giue them leaue to doe; which was a very pleasant rich Valley: but they burnt it all, houses and corne, as did others on the other side of the Town, both that and the next day, so as the Countrey was spoiled seuen or eight miles in length. There was found great store of Wine in the Town, but not any thing else: for the other daies warning of the ships that came first in, gaue them a respit to carry all away.

The next morning by breake of the day the Colonell generall (who in the absence of the Generals that were on boord their ships, commanded that night on shoare) caused all our Companies to be drawne out of the Towne, and sent in two troupes to put fire in euery house of the same: which done, we imbarked againe. This day there were certaine Mariners which [ 20] (without any direction) put themselues on shoare, on the contrary side of the Riuer from vs for pillage.

The same day the Generals seeing what weake estate our Army was drawne into by sicknes, determined to man and victuall twenty of the best ships for the Ilands of Az••res, with Generall Drake, to see if he could meete with the Indian Fleet, and Generall Norris to returne home with the rest: And for the shirting of men and victuals accordingly, purposed the next morning to fall downe to the Ilands of Bayon againe, and to remaine there that day. But Generall Drake, accor∣ding to their appointment, being vnder saile neuer strooke at the Ilands, but put straight to Sea: whom all the Fleet followed sauing three and thirty, which being in the Riuer further then he, and at the entrance of the same, finding the winde and tide too hard against them, were inforced [ 30] to cast ancre there for that night; amongst whom, by good fortune, was the Foresight, and in her Sir Edward Norris. And the night following, Generall Norris being driuen from the rest of the Fleet by a great storme (for all that day was the greatest storme we had all the time we were out) came againe into the Ilands, but not without great perill, he being forced to turst to a Spanish Fisher-man (who was taken two dayes before at Sea) to bring him in.

The next morning he called a counsell of as many as he found there, holding the purpose hee had concluded with Sir Francis Drake the day before, and directed all their courses for England tarrying there all that day to water and helpe such with victuall, as were left in wonderfull di∣stresse by hauing the victuals that came last, carried away the day before to Sea.

The next day he set saile, and the tenth day after, which was the second of Iuly came into [ 40] Plimmouth, where he found Sir Francis Drake and all the Queenes ships, with many of the others but not all: for the Fleete was dispersed into other harbours, some led by a desire of returning from whence they came, and some being possessed of the hulkes, sought other Ports from their Generals eye, where they might make their priuate commoditie of them, as they haue done to their great aduantage: Presently vpon their arriuall there, the Generals dissolued all the ar∣mie sauing eight companies which are yet held together, giuing euery Souldier fiue shillings in money, and the armes he bare to make money of, which was more then could by any meanes be due vnto them: for they were not in seruice three moneths, in which time they had their vi∣ctuals, which no man will value at lesse then halfe their pay, for such is the allowance in her Ma∣iesties ships to her Mariners, so as there remained but ten shillings a moneth to be paid, for which [ 50] there was not any priuate man but had apparell and furniture to his owne vse, so as euery com∣mon Souldier discharged, receiued more in money, victuals, apparell, and furniture, then his pay did amount vnto.

CHAP. XIII.

A briefe and true report of the Honorable Voyage vnto Cadiz, 1596. of the ouerthrow of the Kings Fleete, and of the winning of the Citie, with other accidents, gathered out of METERANVS, Master HACKLVYT and others.

AFter that Callis had beene taken by Cardinall Albert, Archduke of Austria, which afterwards by Papall dispensation married the Lady Isabella EugeniaClara Infan∣ta, who yet gouerneth the Belgians which acknowledge the Spaniard, Queene [ 10] Elizabeth thought it fitter to inuade the Spaniard at home, then to expect his forces here. The said Cardinall (and Archduke of Austria) had planted his vnex∣pected siedge before Callis, and begun his vnwelcome battery on Wednesday the 17. of April 1596. and the Towne desired truce for foure and twenty houres, which was reiected, whereupon they yeelded themselues presently vpon condition of life and goods saued, and sixe dayes cruce to be giuen them, with liberty either to stay in the Citie, or to goe to the Castle; and if the King of Nauarre (Henry the fourth, the French King) did not in that space relieue them, they were to yeelde the Castle. Most of them betooke themselues to the Castle, and left their empty houses to the Conquerours. [ 20]

The night before the truce expired, they began to shoot at the Spaniards, who had now made so fatall preparations, that the next day, Aprill 24. before noone they had beaten downe the wals and entered, the Gouernour of the Towne and diuers others being slaine. Queene Elizabeth meane while had prepared aide, and the Souldiers and Ships at Leigh in Essex, were detained by the windes, which then were Easterly, and instead of carrying the English thither, brought hi∣ther the terrible thunders of the Spanish Ordnance; insomuch, that I haue heard that they shooke the looser glasse out of the windowes in Douer and filled the shoares of Essex & Kent with the hi∣deous reports of Calis her vnauoidable ruine. And thus in so short time the Cardinall won that an∣cient Port, by Strabo called Itium, by Piolor••ey Gessoriacum (as Meteranus collecteth) which had cost the English eleuen moneths siedge, before they, vnder Edward the third, tooke it, An. 1346. They held it 202. yeers; at which time Francis Duke of G••••se, in the vnhappy daies of Queen Mary, and [ 30] by reason of her vnluckie ioyning with the Spaniards in their warres against the French, recoue∣red it in a few dayes vnlooked for battery to the French, and therewith tooke not that Towne alone, but the ioy of life also from that vnfortunate Queene; both which seeming disasters were the price of Englands faire purchases, both gaine and liberty in the dispersing of that Spa∣nish cloud which from the time of the match had houered ouer vs, and of the concomitant Antichristian Papall Mists, which was a smoake from the bottomlesse pit to them which recei∣ued it, and a fire to them which refused it of what degree soeuer: and in that as throwes of a grieuous trauell they brought forth a Virgin, both Truth to the Church, and Queene to the State; the one a fruitfull Mother to the soules, the other to the wealth, honour, domesticke peace, for∣raine [ 40] victories, and Nauall glorie of the English Nation. This renowned Queene, eight and thir∣ty yeeres after, vnable to alter that decree of the windes which now seemed themselues, and for∣ced Calis, to become Spanish; would try their windy fidelity in another expedition, and prepared a strong Fleet to inuade the Spanish coast: The charge whereof she committed to the Lord Robert Earle of Essex, and the Lord Charles Howard Lord high Admirall of England, who came vnto Plymmouth (about the beginning of May 1596.) being there accompanied with diuers other no∣ble Peeres, as the Earle of Sussex, the Lord Thomas Howard, the Lord Herbert, the Lord Warden Sir Walter Raleigh: the Lord Marshall Sir Francis Vere: the Lord Burk, Don Christopher yong Prince of Portugall, yong Count Lodouick of Nassaw, and the Admirall of the Hollanders, Sir Iohn Vander∣foord: besides many other most worthy Knights and Gentlemen of great worth attending vpon this most honorable Action: It pleased them, there to make their aboade for the time of that [ 50] moneth, aswell for the new furnishing and reuictualing of her Maiesties Royall Nauie: as also for the expecting of some other ships, which were to come from diuers places of the Realme, and were as yet wanting.

Before their departure from Plymmouth, it pleased their Lordships to publish in Print, and make knowne to all the world, especially to such as it concerned, and that both in the Latine, French, Dutch, English, and Spanish tongue, what were the true, iust, and vrgent causes, that at this time prouoked her Maiestie to vndertake the preparing and setting forth of this so great a Nauie, namely the King of Spaines preparations against her, who had before whiles hee treated of peace, Anno 1588. prepared to inuade her coast, and now also to that purpose daily [ 60] encreased his Nauie. If therefore any should furnish the Spaniard with munition and prouisions, they should expect what force could doe: for all others of whatsoeuer Nation they aduised them to forsake the Spanish and Portugall Ports, or to ioyne with the English for their owne security, they hauing no quarrell in this designe but against the Spaniard.

Thus then, all things being in a very good order and well appointed, the most holy name of our Omnipotent God being most religiously and deuoutly called vpon', and his blessed and sa∣cred Communion being diuers times most reuerently and publikely celebrated: being furnished with one hundred and fiftie good saile of ships, or thereabout: In the name of the most high and euerliuing God: the first day of Iune they embarked themselues, weighed Ancre, and hoysed vp faile, and put to Sea onward their iourney from the Sownds of Plymmouth, to shew her Maie∣sties religious intendments in this exploit. I haue thought good to adde here a Prayer made by her selfe (as was reported) and vsed, as it was fitted, for that designe.

MOst Omnipotent maker and guide of all our worlds masse, that e••ely searchest and fadomest the [ 10] bottome of all our hearts conceits, and in them seest the true originals of all our actions intended: thou that by thy foresight doest truely discerne, how no malice of reuenge, nor quittance of iniurie, nor desire of bloudshed, nor greedinesse of lucre hath bred the resolution of our n••w set out Army, but a heedefull care, and wary watch, that no neglect of fees, nor ouer-suretie of harme might breede ei∣ther danger to vs, or glory to them: these being the grounds wherewith thou doest enspire the minde, we humbly beseech thee with bended knees, prosper the worke, and with best forewindes guide the iourney, speede the victory, and make the returne the aduancement of thy glory, the triumph of their f〈…〉〈…〉e, and surety to the Realme, with the least losse of the English bloud. To these deuout petitions Lord giue thou thy blessed grant.

The ninth of the same moneth comming something neere to the North Cape, in a manner in [ 20] the same altitude, or not much differing, which was about 43. degrees, and something more, yet bearing so, as it was impossible to be descried from the land. There it pleased the Lords to call a select Councell, which was alwaies done by hanging out of a Flagge of the Armes of England, and shooting off a great warning peece. Of this select or priuie Counsell, were no moe then these: The two Lords Generall, the Lord Thomas Howard, the Lord Warden Sir Walter Raleigh, the Lord Marshall Sir Francis Vere, Sir George Cary Master of the Ordnance, Sir Coniers Clifford, and Sir Anthony Ashley, Clarke of the said Counsell. And when it pleased the Lords Generall to call a common Counsell (as of tentimes they did vpon weighty matters best knowne to their ho∣nours) then they would cause another kinde of Flag to be hanged out, which was the red Crosse of S. George, and was very easie to be discerned from the other that appertained onely to the se∣lect [ 30] Counsell, and so often as this Flag of S. George was hanged out, then came all the Masters and Captaines of all the ships, whose opinions were to be demanded, in such matters as apper∣tained vnto the said select Counsell: It was presently concluded, that our course in sailing should forthwith be altered, and that we should beare more into the West, for some purposes to them best knowne.

At that instant many Letters of instructions were addressed and sent to euery particular Ma∣ster and Captaine of the Ships: What the contents of those Letters of instructions were, it was not as yet knowne vnto any, neither was it held meete to be enquired or knowne of any of vs. But vnder the titles and superscriptions of euery mans particuler Letter these words were en∣dorsed. [ 40] Open not these Letters on paine of your liues, vnlesse wee chance to be scattered by tempest, and in that case open them, and execute the contents thereof: but if by mishap you fall into your enemies hand, then in any case cast them into the Sea, sealed as they are. It should seeme that these Letters did containe in them the principall place and meaning of this enten∣ded action, which was hitherto by their deepe foresights kept so secret, as no man to my know∣ledge ei••her did or could so much as suspect it, more then themselues, who had the onely ma∣naging thereof.

All this while, our ships, God be thanked, kept in a most excellent good order, being deui∣ded into fiue squadrons: that is to say, The Earle of Essex, the Lord Admirall, the Lord Thomas Howard, the Lord Warden Sir Walter Raleigh, and the Admirall of the Hollanders. All which [ 50] squadrons, albeit they did euery day separate themselues of purpose, by the distance of certaine leagues, as well to looke out for such ships as were happily vnder saile, as also for the better pro∣curing of Sea-roome: yet alwayes commonly either that day, or the next day, toward euening, they came all together, with friendly salutations and gratulations one to another; which they tearme by the name of Hayling: a ceremonie done solemnly, and in very good order, with sound of Trumpets and noise of cheerefull voyces: and in such sort performed as was no small encouragement one to the other, beside a true report of all such accidents as had happened in their squadrons.

Hitherto, as I said, our iourney was most prosperous, and all our ships in very good plight, more then that the Mary Rose, by some mischance, either sprang or spent her foreyard, and two dayes [ 60] after Sir Robert Crosse had in a manner the like mischance.

Now being thus betweene the North Cape, and Cape S. Vincent, and yet keeping such a course a loofe, that by no meanes, those from the shoare might be able to descrie vs: The tenth of Iune, a French Barke, and a Flemming comming from the coast of Barbarie were brought in by some of

our company: but they were both of them very honorably and well vsed by the Lords Generall, and so after a few dayes tarrying, were peaceably sent away, after that they had conferred with them about such matters, as was thought good in their honorable wisedomes. The twelfth of the same moneth, Sir Richard Leuison Knight, assisted with Sir Christopher Blunt, fought with three Hamburgers, and in that fight slew two of them, and hurt eleuen, and in the end brought them all three in.

The next day after, Sir Richard Weston meeting with a Flemming, who refused to vaile his fore∣top, with the like good courage and resolution, attempted to bring him in. The fight continu∣ed very hot betweene them, for a good space: in the end, the Swan, wherein the said Sir Richard was, had her forebeake strooken off: and hauing spent before in fight the one side of her tire of Ordnance, while she prepared to cast about, and to bestow on him the other side, in the meane [ 10] time the Elemming taking his opportunitie, did get almost halfe a league from him: and so for that time made his escape. And yet the next day after, the said Flemming being in a manner got to the very mouth of the Riuer vp to Lisbone, was taken, and brought in by Master Dorrell, being Captaine of the Iohn and Francis of London.

The 13. 14. and 15. dayes, certaine little stragling Carauels were taken by certaine of the Fleete, and in one of them a yong beggerly Fryer vtterly vnlearned, with a great packet of Let∣ters for Lisbon.

The 18. day early in the morning we tooke an Irishman, and he came directly from Cadiz, ha∣uing beene there but the day before at twelue of the clocke at high noone. This man being exa∣mined, [ 20] told truely that there was now great store of shipping at Cadiz, and with them eigh∣teene or nineteene Galhes in a readinesse, and that among those ships there were diuers of the Kings best: and namely, that the Philip of Spaine was amongst them, but what their intent was, hee could not tell. This man was commanded also to giue his attendance. The 20. of Iune, being Sunday; wee came before Cadiz, very early in the morning, and in all this time as yet, the whole Nauie had not lost either by sicknesse or by any other manner of waies six men to my knowledge.

Thus then I say, being all in good plight and strong, the 20. of Iune we came to Cadiz, and there very early in the morning presented our selues before the Towne, riding about a league or some∣thing lesse, from it. The Sea at that instant went marueilous high, and the winde was exceeding [ 30] large. Notwithstanding, a Counsell being called, our Lords Generall forthwith attempted with all expedition to land some certaine Companies of their men at the West side of the Towne, by certaine long Boats, light horsemen, Pinnaces, & Barges made for the purpose, but could not com∣passe it, and in the attempting thereof, they chanced to sinke one of the•• Barges, with some foure∣score good souldiers well appointed in her, and yet by good hap and great care, the men were all saued excepting eight. And therefore they were constrained to put off their landing till another more conuenient time.

That morning very timely, there lighted a very faire Doue vpon the maine yard of the Lord Admirals ship, and there she sat very quietly for the space of three or foure houres. And as at our very first comming to Cadiz this chanced, so likewise on the very last day of our departing from [ 40] the said Towne, another Doue presented her selfe in the selfe same order into the same ship, and presently grew wonderfull tame and familiar to vs all, and did so still keepe vs company, euen till our arriuall here in England.

We no sooner presented our selues, but presently a goodly sort of tall Spanish Ships came out of the mouth of the Bay of Cadiz, the Gallies accompanying them in such good order, and so pla∣ced as all of them might well succour each other, and therewithall kept themselues very close to their Towne, the Castle, and the Forts, for their better guard and defence, abiding there still, and expecting our further determination. All that day passed, being very rough and boisterous, and lit∣tle or nothing could be done, more then that about the euening there passed some friendly and kinde salutations sent one from the other in warlike manner, by discharging certaine great Peeces. [ 50]

On monday morning being the 21. day, the winde and weather being become moderate and fauourable, betweene fiue and six of the clocke in the morning, our ships in the name of the Al∣mighty God, and in defence of the honour of England, without any further delay, with all speed, courage and alacritie, did set vpon the Spanish ships, being then vnder saile, and making out of the mouth of the Bay of Cadiz, vp toward Puente de Suaç•• on Granada side, being in number 59. tall ships, with 19. or 20. Gallies attending vpon them, forced in such good order, and reasonable di∣stance as they might still annoy vs, and alwaies relieue themselues Interchangeably, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hauing like∣wise the Castle, Forts, and Towne, continually to assist them and theirs, and alwayes ready to play vpon vs and ours.

In most mens opinions it seemed that the enemy had a wonderfull aduantage of vs, all circum∣stances [ 60] being well weighed, but especially the straightnesse of the place, and the naturall forme and situation of the Bay itselfe, being rightly considered. For albeit the very Bay it selfe is very large and exceeding beautifull, so that from C••diz to Port S. Mary, is some six or seuen English

miles ouer or there abou••s, yet be there many rockes, shelues, sands, and shallowes in it, so that the very channell and place for sea roome, is not aboue two or three miles, yea, and in some pla∣ces not so much, for the ships of any great burthen to make way in, but that they must either be set on g••ound, or else constrained to run foule one on another. All this notwithstanding, with great and inuincible courage, the Lords generall presently set vpon them, and sorting out some such conuenient ships, as to their honorable wisedomes seemed fittest for that times seruice, they were driuen to take some other course then before had beene by them entended. Wherefore vp∣on a graue consultation had by a select counse••l, they concluded that the Vice-admirall, the Lord Thomas Howard, in the Non Pareille for that time, and the Reare Admirall Sir Walter Raleigh in the Warspight, associated with Sir Francis Uere the Lord Marshall in the Rainbow, Sir George Ca∣ry [ 10] Master of the Ordnance, in the Mary Rose, Sir Robert Southwell in the Lyon; hauing with them some of the Ships of London, and some of the Dutch squadron of reasonable burthen, should lead the dance, and giue the onset, and that the two most noble Lords generall with some others of their companies, should in their conuenient time and order, second the maine battell. The fight being begun and growne very hot, the Lord generall the Earle of Essex, being on Port Saint Ma∣ry side, vpon a sudden and vnlooked for of others, thrust himselfe among the formost into the maine battell. The other most honorable Lord generall vnderstanding the most noble Earle to be in fight among them, and perceiuing by the Master of his ship, the A••ke royall, that for lacke of water, it was not possible, that he might put any neerer, without further delay, called presently for his Pinnace, and in the same Pinnace put himselfe, and his honorable son Lord William How∣ard, [ 20] aboord the Honor de la mer, & there remained in the fight till the battell was ended. The fight was very terrible on all sides, and so continued doubtfull till about one or two of the clocke in the afternoone: about which time the Philip, whom in very truth, they had all most fancie vnto, be∣gan to yeelde, and giue ouer, her men that remained aliue shifting for themselues as they were a∣ble, a••d swimming and running ashoare with all the haste that they could possibly, and there∣withall, at the very same instant themselues fired their ship, and so left her, and presently there∣upon a great Argosie, with another mighty great ship, fired themselues in the like manner. Im∣mediatly hereupon, the residue of the ships ran themselues on ground as far from vs as they could, thereby purchased their owne safetie, or rather breathing space for the time. Of them all, two faire ships onely were boorded and taken by our men with most part of their furniture in them, [ 30] the one called S. Matthew, a ship by estimation of some twelue hundred tun, and the other S. An∣drew, being a ship of not much lesser burthen. The Gallies, seeing this sodaine great victorious o∣uerthrow, made all the haste they could toward t••e Bridge called Puente de Snaço, and there shrowded themselues in such sort as our ships could not by any meanes•• possible come nigh them for lacke of water.

The Spanish ships in all were fifty nine, and as I said, all tall ships, and very richly furnished and well appointed, whereof some of them were bound for the Indies, and other fraighted and fur∣nished for Lasbon, as themselues affirme: and had we not come that very time that we did, wee had certainly mist of them all.

Of what great wealth and riches these ships were, that I leaue to other mens iudgement and [ 40] report, but sure I am, that themselues offered two millions and a halfe of ducats for the redemp∣tion of the goods and riches that were in them: which offer of theirs, albeit it was accepted of the Lords generall, and should haue beene receiued, yet we were defeated of it, as hereafter shall be more at large declared.

In all this cruell terrible fight, there were not either slaine or hurt by any manner of meanes many aboue the number of 100. of our men; notwithstanding diuers of our ships were many times shot thorow and thorow: yea and some of them no lesse then two and twenty times, as I was en∣formed by credible report of the Captaines and Masters themselues. I know not of any o∣ther hurt done, sauing onely that Sir Robert Southwell, who alwayes shewed himselfe a most va∣liant resolute knight in all this action, making a little too much haste with his Pinnace to boord [ 50] the Philip, had there his said Pinnace burnt with the Philip at the same instant, and yet by good care and diligence his men were saued. One other mischance hapned thus: One of the Flemmings Flie-boats, who had in all the conflict before, carried her selfe very well and valiantly, about ten of the clocke while the fight continued sharpest, chanced by great negligence and misfortune, to be fired and blown vp by his owne powder, who could not haue any fewer in him, then one hundred fighting men by all supposall, and so in the very twinkling of an eye, both ship and men were all cast away, excepting seuen or eight, which by very good fortune, and great care and diligence of some of the other ships were saued.

Immediately vpon this notable victory, without any further stay in all the world, the Lord ge∣nerall the Earle of Essex put to shore, & landed about 3000 shot and pike men: of the which num∣ber the one halfe was presently dispatched to the bridge Puente de Suaço, vnder the conduct of [ 60] Sir Christopher Blunt, Sir Coniers Clifford, and Sir Thomas Gerard: with the other halfe, being a∣bout fifteene hundred, the most noble Earle of Essex himselfe, being accompanied with diuers o∣ther honorable Lords, namely the Earle of Sussex, the Lord Harbert, the Lord Burk, Count Lod••∣uick

of Nassaw, the Lord Marshall Sir Francis Uere, with all expedition possible marched on foote toward the towne of Cadiz, which was about three English miles march. That time of the day was very hot and faint, and the way was all of dry deepe sliding sand in a manner, and beside that, very vneuen, and by that meanes so tiresome and painfull as might be. The enemie hauing rea∣sonable companie both of horse and footemen, stood in a readinesse some good distance without the towne to welcome vs, and to encounter the Lord Generall. But the most famous Earle with his valiant Troopes, rather running indeede in good order, then marching, hastened on them with such vnspeakeable courage and celeritie, as within one houres space and lesse, the horsemen were all discomfited and put to flight, their leader being strooken downe at the very first encounter; whereat the footemen being wonderfully dismaied and astonished at the vnexpected manner of the Englishmens kinde of such fierce and resolute fight, retyred themselues with all the speede [ 10] possible that they could, to recouer themselues into the Towne againe. Which being done by them, with farre swifter legges then manly courage, our men were enforced to scale the wals: which thing in very deede, although it was not without great danger and difficultie to be perfor∣med: yet such was the inuincible resolution, and the wonderfull dexteritie of the English, that in one halfe houre or thereabout, the enemy was repulsed, and the towne wall possessed, by the no∣ble Earle himselfe, being in all this action, either the very first man, or else in a manner ioined with the first.

The Town wals being then possessed, and the English Ensigne being there displaied vpon them, with all speede possible they proceeded on to march through the Towne, making still their way [ 20] with sword and shot so well as they could, being still fought withall at euerie turne. The noble Earle was seconded by the noble Lord Admirall in person, who was accompanied with the noble Lord Thomas Howard, the most worthy Gentleman his Sonne (after Lord Howard) Sir Robert Southwell, Sir Richard Leuison, and with diuers other Gentlemen, his Lordships followers of good account: his Colours being aduanced by that valiant resolute Gentleman, Sir Edward Hobby Knight. And thus he likewise marching with all possible speede on foote, notwithstanding his L••many yeeres , the intolerable heate for the time, and the ouertiring tedious deepe sands, with other many impediments: Yet in good time, ioyned himselfe with the Earle and his companies, and gaue them the strongest, and best assistance that he could.

Thus then the two Lords Generall with their companies being ioined together, and procee∣ding [ 30] so farre as the market place, there they were hotly encountered, where and at what time, that worthy famous Knight Sir Iohn Winkfield, being ••ore wounded before on the thigh, at the very entring of the Towne, and yet for all that no whit respecting himselfe, being carried away with the care he had to encourage and direct his Company, was with the shot of a Musket in the head most vnfortunately slaine.

And thus before eight of the clocke that night were these two most noble Lords General, Ma∣sters of the market place, the forts, and the whole Towne and all, onely the Castle as yet holding out, and from time to time as they could, stil annoying them with seuen battering peeces. By this time night began to grow on, and a kinde of peace or intermission was obtained by them of the Ca∣stle: to whom the Lords Generall had signified, that vnlesse before the next day in the morning [ 40] they would absolutely render themselues, they should looke for no mercie, but should euery one be put to the sword: vpon which message they tooke deliberation that night: but in the morning before breake of day they hanged out their flag of truce, and so without any further composition did yeelde themselues absolutely to their mercie, and deliuered vp the Castle.

And yet notwithstanding all this, in the night time while they had this respite to pause and deliberate about the peacemaking, there were diuers great and sodaine alarms giuen: which did breede some great outrages and disorder in the Towne. At euery which alaram, the two Lords Generall shewed themselues marueilous ready and forward.

These things being done, and this surrender being made, present Proclamation was publish∣ed, that the fury now being past, all men should surcease from all manner of bloud and cruell dea∣ling, [ 50] and that there should no kinde of violence or hard vsage be offered to any, either man, wo∣man, or childe, vpon paine of death: permitting the spoyle of so much of the Towne as was by them thought meete, to the common souldiers for some certaine daies. This honorable and mer∣cifull Edict I am sure was streightly and religiously obserued of the English: but how well it was kept by the Dutch, I will neither affirme, nor yet denie. For I perceiue betweene them and the Spaniards there is an implacable hartburning, and therefore as soone as the Dutch squadron was espied in the fight, immediately thereupon both they of Siuil and Saint Lucar, and also some of some other places did not onely arrest all such Dutch ships, as dealt with them friendly by the way of trafficke and merchandise, and so confiscated their goods, but also imprisoned the Mer∣chants and owners of the same, and as the report goeth, did intreat many of them with extreame [ 60] cruelty thereupon.

In the meane while, the very next day, being the two and twentie day of Iune, all the Spanish ships which were left on ground in the Bay of Cadiz, where the great ouerthrow had beene but the day before, were by the Spaniards themselues there set on fire, and so from that time

forward they neuer left burning of them, till euery one of them, goods and all, as far as we know were burnt and consumed. This their doing was much maruelled at of vs. Not long after the same time (three dayes as I remember) the gallies that were run on ground, did quit themselues also out of that place, and by the Bridge of the Iland called Puente de Suaço, made their way round about the same Iland, and so by putting themselues to the maine Sea, escaped to a towne called Rotta, not farre off, but something vp towards the towne of Saint Lucars, and there purchased their safety by that meanes. Thus was this notable victory, as well by Sea as by Land, both begun and in effect performed, within the compasse, in a manner, of foureteene houres: a thing in truth so strange and admirable, as in my iudgement will rather be wondred at then beleeued of posteri∣tie. And if euer any notable exploit in any age was comparable to Caesars Ueni, Vidi, Vici, certain∣ly [ 10] in my poore opinion it was this.

The Towne of it selfe was a very beautifull towne, and a large, as being the chiefe See of the Bishop there, and hauing a good Cathedrall Church in it, with a right goodly Abbey, a Nunnery, and an exceeding fine Colledge of the Iesuites, and was by naturall situation, as also by very good fortification, very strong, and tenable enough in all mens opinions of the better iudgement. Their building was all of a kinde of hard stone, euen from the very foundation to the top, and euery house was in a manner a kinde of a Fort or Castle, altogether flat-roofed in the top, after the Tur∣kish manner, so that many men together, and that at ease, might walke thereon: hauing vpon the house top, great heapes of weighty stones piled vp in such good order, as they were ready to be throwne downe by euery woman most easily vpon such as passed by, and the streetes for the most [ 20] part so exceeding narrow (I think to auoide the intollerable great heat of the Sun) as but two men or three at the most together, can in any reasonable sort march thorow them, no streete being broader commonly then I suppose Watling streete in London to be. The towne is altogether with∣out glasse, excepting the Churches, yet with faire comely windowes, and with faire grates of I∣ron to them, and haue very large folding leaues of wainscot, or the like. It hath very few Chim∣nies in it, or almost none at all: it may be some one chimney in some one or other of the lower out-roomes of least account, seruing for some necessary vses, either to wash in, or the like, or else, now and then perchance for the dressing of a dish of meate, hauing, as it should seeme vnto me, alwayes a greater care and respect how to keepe themselues from all kinde of great heate, the how to prouide for any store of great roste. It had in it, by report of them that should know best [ 30] it, some foure thousand and moe, of very good able fighting men, and sixe hundred horsemen at the least. No question but that they were well furnished of all things appertaining thereunto espe∣cially so many good ships lying there, and being so well stored with all manner of munition, shot, and powder, as they were.

Of what wealth this towne should be, I am not able to resolue the asker; but as it should ap∣peare by the great pillage by the common Souldiers, and some Marriners too, and by the goodly furnitures, that were de••aced by the baser people, and thereby vtterly lost and spoiled, as not worth the carrying away; and by the ouer great plenty of Wine, Oyle, Almonds, Oliues, Rai∣sins, Spices, and other such Grocery wares, that by the intemperate disorder of some of the rasher sort were knockt out, and lay trampled vnder feet, in euery common high way, it should appeare [ 40] that it was of some very mighty great wealth to the first owners, though perchance not of any such great commodity to the last subduers, for that I iudge that the better part was most riotously, and intemperately spent and consumed.

The Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday following, the Lords Generall spent in counsell a∣bout the disposing of all matters, as well touching the towne and prisoners, as also concerning all other matters, thought meete of them in their honourable wisdomes, and in all that meane while did shew such honourable bounty and mercy, as is not able to be expressed. For not onely the liues of euery one were spared, but also there was an especiall care had, that all the Religious, as well men as women, should be well and fauourably intreated, whom freely without any manner of ransome or other molesiation, they caused to be safely transported ouer to Port Saint Mary, a [ 50] Towne in a manner as faire as Cadiz: but at that time, as the case did stand, certainely knowne to be of no wealth in the world, and it was some sixe or seuen miles distant ouer against Cadiz, in a manner as Paules is against Southwarke, on the other side of the Bay, in a part of Andaluzia, subiect to the territorie of the Duke de Medina Sidonia. Moreouer, at the same instant they did appoint that worthy Knight Sir Amias Preston, and some others in some conuenient Barkes, to transport ouer to the said Towne safely and in good order, a hundred or moe of the better sort of ancient gentlewomen, and merchants wiues, who were suffered to put vpon themselues, some of them two, yea, some three suites Apparell, with some conuenient quantitie of many Iewels, Chaines, and other ornaments belonging to their estate and degree.

Vpon Saturday, being the six and twentieth, Sir Iohn Winkfield knight was buried, in honoura∣ble [ 60] and warlike manner, so farre forth as the circumstances of that time and place could permit. At whose funerals the Nauie discharged a great part of their Ordnance, in such order, as was thought meete and conuenient by the Lords Generals command. The seuen and twenty day be∣ing Sunday, in the Abbey the diuine Seruice was had, and a learned Sermon was made there by

one Master Hopkins, the right honourable Earle of Essex his Preacher, a man of good learning and sweete vtterance, and euen there the same day, something before the Sermon was made, these worthy Gentlemen following were Knighted by the Lord Generall. And here I am to signifie by the way, that two of these were Knighted three or foure daies before, and some three or foure moe were Knighted after that time, vpon certaine occasions: but yet I hold it best (and I trust with∣out offence) to recite their names in this place altogether.

• SIr Samuel Bagnal.
• Sir Arthur Sauage.
• The Earle of Sussex.
• The Lord Harbert. [ 10]
• The Lord Burke.
• Count Lodowick.
• Sir William Howard.
• Sir George D'Eureux.
• Sir Henry Neuel.
• Sir Edmund Rich.
• Sir Richard Leuen.
• Sir Peter Egomort.
• Sir Anthonie Ashley.
• Sir Henry Leonard. [ 20]
• Sir Richard Leuison.
• Sir Horatio Vere.
• Sir Arthur Throckmorton.
• Sir Miles Corbet.
• Sir Edward Conway.
• Sir Oliuer Lambert.
• Sir Anthony Cooke.
• Sir Iohn Townesend.
• Sir Christopher Heydon.
• Sir Francis Popham.
• Sir Philip Woodhouse.
• Sir Alexander Clifford.
• Sir Maurice Barkley.
• Sir Charles Blunt.
• Sir George Gifford.
• Sir Robert Crosse.
• Sir Iames Escudamor.
• Sir Urias Leigh.
• Sir Iohn Leigh, alias Lee.
• Sir Richard Weston.
• Sir Richard Wa••••man.
• Sir Iames Wootton.
• Sir Richard Ruddal.
• Sir Robert Mansfield.
• Sir William Mounson.
• Sir Iohn Bowles.
• Sir Edward Bowes.
• Sir Humfrey Druel.
• Sir Amias Preston.
• Sir Robert Remington.
• Sir Iohn Buck.
• Sir Iohn Morgan.
• Sir Iohn Aldridg.
• Sir Iohn Asshindon.
• Sir Mathew Browne.
• Sir Iohn Acton.
• Sir Thomas Gates.
• Sir Gilly Mericke.
• Sir Thomas Smith.
• Sir William Pooley.
• Sir Thomas Palmer.
• Sir Iohn Stafford.
• Sir Robert Louel.
• Sir Iohn Gylbert.
• Sir William Haruie.
• Sir Iohn Gray.
• Don Christ. Prince of Portu∣gall.
• Sir Iohn Vanderfoord, Admirall of the Hollanders.
• Sir Robert Dudley. 8. August.

Being in Cadiz, attending vpon my most honorable good Lord, I talked with certaine of the [ 30] Religious men, such as I found learned, whereof indeede there were some, though not very many; I talked also with the Bishop of Cusco there, a graue aged comely man, and being of late chosen to that Bishopricke, he was as then to haue gone to the Indies, had not we then taken him prisoner, and so staied his iourney for that time.

It pleased the Lords generall to deale exceeding fauourably with this said Bishop of Cusco: for it was their good pleasure to giue him his free passage without any ransome, and therewithall to let him to vnderstand, that they came not to deale with Church-men, or vnarmed men, or with men of peace, weaklings and children, neither was it any part of their meaning to make such a voyage for gold, siluer, or any other their wealth and riches, &c. But that their onely comming was [ 40] to meet with their dishonorable practises, and manifold iniuries, and to deale with men of war and valour, for the defence of the true honour of England; and to let them to vnderstand, that whenso∣euer they attempted any base-conceited and dishonorable practise to their soueraigne Queen, their Mistresse, that it should be reuenged to the vttermost, &c.

In this meane space, while the Lords generall continued at Cadiz, there came to them certaine poore wretched Turks, to the number of eight and thirty, that had bin a long time gally-slaues, and either at the very time of the fight by Sea, or else immediately thereupon, taking the opportuni∣ty, did then make their escape, and did swim to land; yeelding themselues to the mercy of their most honorable Lordships. It pleased them with all speede to apparell them, and to furnish them with mony, and all other necessaries, and to bestow on them a Barke, and a Pilot, to see them free∣ly and safely conueied into Barbary. [ 50]

The eight and twenty day being Monday, the Lord Admirall came aboord the Arke againe, minding there to remaine for a space, as indeede he did, and vpon the aduice of his Phisician, to deale something in phisicke, for that his Lordship found his body something out of frame. At that time it pleased his Lordship to write certaine letters to the Duke of Medina Sidonia, for the de∣liuerance of English Captiues, who were remaining in the Gallies. For by this time, it was repor∣ted, that the said Duke was come downe in person with some power, and that he was either at Port Saint Mary, or else at Rotta, or thereabout. His Lordship did indi••e the Letters himselfe, but his pleasure was, they should be turned into Latine by another: and so to be sent (as indeede they were) in the Latine tongue vnto the Duke. [ 60]

The next day after, being the fourth of Iuly, the Lords generall caused the towne of Cadiz to be set on fire, and rased and defaced so much as they could; the faire Cathedrall Church, and the Religious houses onely being spared, and left vnblemished. And with the Towne all such pro∣uision, for shipping, and other things, as were seruiceable for the Realmes vse, and yet were not

eitherso conuenient for vs to be carried away, as else such as we stood no whit at all in neede of, were likewise at the same instant consumed with fire. And presently thereupon, their Lordships, with as conuenient speede as they could, and the whole army in such order and leisure, as they thought best, came aboord.

The next day being the fist of Iuly, the Lords generall with all the army being vnder saile, and now making for England, and but as yet passing the very mouth of the Bay of Cadiz, a Galley ful of English prisoners, with a flag of truce, met vs from Rotta, sent by the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and sent as it should seeme, one day later then his promise: but yet their flag being either not big enough, or not well placed in the Galley, or not well discerned of our men, or by what other mischance I know not; but thus it was: by one of our smallest ships that sailed formost, as soone [ 10] as the said Galley came within Gunshot, there was a great Peece discharged vpon her, and at that instant there was one man slaine outright, and two other grieuously hurt. The errour being espied and perceiued, our ship gaue ouer immediately from any further shooting. As soone as the Galley came neere vs, my Lord Admirall caused a gracious salutation to be sounded with his trumpets, and willed the Captaines forthwith to come aboord his ship: which they did, and then he feasted them with a Banket, as the time and place might serue. And then by them vnder∣standing of that vnfortunate mischance that had hapned by the shot of the said ship, he was very sorry for the same, and yet such was the mercifull prouidence of almighty God, that euen in this mischance also, he did hold his holy hand ouer the English; and all the harme that was done did light only vpon the poore Turke, and the Spaniard himselfe. When this Lord had well banqueted [ 20] them, he presently called for his Barge, and did accompany the said Galley to the Lord Generall the Earle of Essex, who then did ride with his ship a good distance off: and there they being in like manner most honorably receiued, and intertained, the Spanish Gentlemen deliuered vp their prisoners the English captiues, of whom some had bin there six yeeres, some eight or ten; yea, and some two and twenty yeeres, and vpward, and some of them but lately taken in Sir Francis Drakes last voyage to the Indies. The number of the prisoners deliuered were but nine and thir∣ty, and no moe, and were brought in, and deliuered by Don Antonio de Corolla and his brother, and by Don Pedro de Cord••••, and certaine others.

If any man presume here so farre, as to inquire how it chanced, that the Lord Generall rested so long at Cadiz, and went no further; and why Port Saint Mary, being so faire a Towne, and [ 30] so neere to them, was for borne? and why Sh••r••s alias Xeres? And why Rotta, and the like? And why this or that was done? And why that, ••or this left vndone? I will not answere him with our common English prouerbe, as I might, which is: That one foole may aske moe questions in one houre, then ten discreete men can well answere in fiue dayes. But that graue ancient wri∣ter, Cornelius Tacitus, hath a wise, briefe, pithy, saying, and it is this; Nemo tentauit in∣quirere in columnas Herculis, sancti••s{que} ac reuerentius habitum est de fact is Deorum ••redere, quàm scire.

Also vpon my knowledge, the chiefest cause why Port Saint Mary, and the rest, were left vntouched, was this: For that it was most certainely known, that they were Townes not worth the saluting of such a royall company, in which there was no manner of wealth in the world left, [ 40] more then bare houses of stone, and standing wals, and might well haue serued rather as a stale, perchance, to haue entrapped, then as a meanes to haue enriched.

And thus much for our iourney to Cadiz: for the accidents that hapned by the way, for the winning, spoiling, and burning of the said Towne, for the ouerthrow of the Spanish Fleete there, and for all other by-matters that hapned, as appendances to the same, both in the time of our a∣bode there, as also at the very last houre of our comming from thence. As for our returne home, and our entrance into a part of Portugall by the way, with the taking, spoiling, and burning of the Towne of Faraon there, and marching into the Spanish confines thereabouts, &c. I minde to leaue it to some other, whose chance was to be present at the action, as my selfe was not, and shall be of more sufficient ability to performe it. [ 50]

Meteranus writeth, that the taking of Cadiz had so terrified the neighbour townes, that the Inhabitants fled out of them; and Saint Lucar had beene also very easily taken, if a few ships had assaulted it; and that eighteene Spanish ships comming from the Indies ignorant of what had hap∣ned, were English at vnawares, being very wealthy. [ 60]

CHAP. XIIII.

The Voyage to the Iles of Azores, vnder the conduct of the Right Honorable ROBERT Earle of Essex, 1597.

§. I.

The Relation thereof by the said Earle, and other Commissioners.

I The Generall, hauing by her Maiesties gracious fauour the charge of her Fleete [ 10] and Armie, set out of Plimmouth in Iune 1597. did both promise my selfe and giue hope to her Maiestie, that I should be able to defeate the King of Spaines Fleete, commanded by the Adelantado, if I met them at Sea, or destroy it in the harbour of Feroll, if I found them there; as also to master and take all Fleetes of treasure, or of the East or West Indian Fleete, that I should finde vpon the Sea in their way to Spaine: and lastly, that I should take in the Iland of Terçea; which I held an action of equall im∣portance to the other.

With this confidence I went out, and to these ends: but none of these three being performed, it may be doubted, whether we haue not through weakenesse or negligence failed of successe. For [ 20] which we make answere, that if our whole carriage be examined, from the first houre to the last, it shall appeare that we haue striuen to attaine to euery one of these with as much obstinate con∣stancie, as any men in the world could doe, and that onely the powerfull hand of God, did binde our hands, and frustrate all our endeuours.

The first for the enterprise of Ferel, we went out of Plimmouth the third of Iune, and stiered directly for that port, and when most extreame stormes and contrary windes met with vs, we beate it vp till all our Fleete was scattered, and many of our ships in desperate case. And because I the Generall thought my too soone giuing ouer would not onely depriue the Fleete of our prin∣cipall ship, but absolutly defeate the iourney; I forced my company first to abide the continuall increasing of a most dangerous leake, which I made light of, because I saw that with labour of [ 30] men I could free the ship as fast as the leake did grow. Secondly, I made them endure the crak∣ing of both my maine and fore mast, the one in two places, the other in three; so as we still look∣ed when they should be carried by the boord; which was not enough to make me beare vp, be∣cause I knew whensoeuer I should loose them both, I could with iurie masts, by Gods fauour, car∣ry the ship home. And I continued so long, that my ships Okam came all out, her seames opened, her deckes and vpper workes gaue way, her very timbers and maine beames with her labouring did teare like lathes; so as we looked hourely when the Orlope would fall, and the Ordnance sinke downe to the keele: then did those few, whom before I had wonne to stand with mee, all protest against me, that if I did not within a minute of an houre beare vp the helme, I did wilfully [ 40] cast away the ship and whole company.

Then onely I suffred my selfe to be ouercome: and when I came to Plimmouth, halfe her Maie∣sties ships, and more then halfe the principall officers by sea and by land were put in before mee for the extremitie their ships were in. And when we were all of vs gathered together againe at Plimmouth, and had repaired all the ships but mine owne, which was sent home to Chatham to be new builded, then were we kept in by continuall storme and contrary windes, till our victu∣als (which were at first but for three moneths) were in a manner all spent, and the sicknesse in the Flie boates, that carried the land armie, growne so great, that I had order from her Maiestie to discharge the land forces, all but the thousand old Souldiers, which were drawne out of the Low Countries. By which meanes, though we were disabled to land at Ferol, to beate the land Armie there, and take in the forces, which was the certaiue way to command the Adelantados Fleete; [ 50] yet I the Generall offered her Maiestie to send in certaine ships of fire, and to second them with the Saint Matthew and Saint Andrew, and some great flye-boates, and Merchants ships, with which I would destroy the most of the enemies principall shipping, and leaue all the Queens own English built ships at the mouth of the harbour to assure our retreate. By this meanes I should ha∣zard to loose but two great Cartes, which before I had won, and for the aduenturing of those de∣feate the enemies whole Nauie. Which counsell being allowed, though with restraint of mine owne going in with those two ships, and an absolute barre to hazard any other, we went out the second time to put this proiect in execution.

But againe ere we could recouer the Spanish coast, the Saint Matthew, by loosing her foremast, was put backe into England, and the Saint Andrew had lost company, till at one instant within [ 60] sight of the shoare of the Groine, Sir Walter Raleigh the Vice-admirall brake his maine yard, which forced him to beare along to the Westward before the winde; and I in this second ship had such a desperate leake sprang, as when we pumped and boled with buckets as much as we could for our

owne liues, it grew still vpon vs: and when we sought by ramming downe peeces of Beefe, and bolding linnen cloath wrong together, to stop the comming in of the water, it came in notwith∣standing so strongly, as it bare downe all, and beate away euery man that stood to stop it: Then was I faine to lye by the lee, and make my company worke vpon it all night, my master Carpen∣ter, the onely skilfull man I had, dying at that very instant.

And when by the great mercy of God we had stopped it, the winde being easterly the Fleete was so farre shot a head, as I could not recouer the most of them till I came to the Cape Finisterre, where holding a Counsell, and missing Sir Walter Raleigh (who being off at Sea, had no plying sailes to get vp) missing him, I say, with thirty sailes that in the night followed his light, and hearing that the Saint Matthew, which was our principall ship for the execution of our intended [ 10] enterprise, was returned, and being barred to hazard any other in her place, it was by the whole Counsell of warre concluded, that the enterprise of Ferol was ouerthrowne, both because, though the winde had serued, we wanted the ships appointed for that seruice, and if wee had had the ships, we wanted winde to get into the harbour of Ferol; for the winde blew strongly at East, which would haue bin fully in our teeth as we had plied in. And now wee onely could thinke of the intercepting of the Indian Fleete, and defeating of the Adelantado: if he had put to Sea. For to take in Terçera, our land army being discharged, we had no meanes: whereupon wee bare for the height of the Rocke; hoping there (because it was our second Rende-uous after Ferel) to meete with Sir Walter Raleigh. Into which height when I came, a message was deliuered mee from Sir Walter Raleigh, by one Captaine Skobbels, that the Adelantado was gone out of Ferol with his [ 20] Fleete to Terçera, to waft home the West Indian Fleete of treasure, and that hee would attend mine answere off of the Burlingas; which message of Sir Walters was grounded vpon the report of the Captaine of a ship of Hampton, which did confidently deliuer it.

I the Generall there calling a Counsell, tooke a resolution, both because wee hoped to meete the Adelantado there, and because all our best experimented Seamen did assure vs that it was the likeliest course to meete with the Indian Fleete, to goe for the Ilands of the Azores. And I sent out Pinnaces both to the Burlinges, and toward the South Cape (which was our third Rende-uous, by our first appointment) to cause Sir Walter Raleigh and all others of our Fleete to follow. And being with the Iland of Terçera, I looked into the roade of Brasil, and saw there was no Fleete; whereupon we bare alongst betwixt Saint George and Graciosa for the Island of Flores, at which [ 30] we might both water and take in victuals, which in Merchants ships her Maiestie had sent after vs: and where, if the Indian Fleete did come this yeere, they were likest to fall. But when we had spent at Flores some ten dayes, in which time Sir Walter Raleigh and his company came vnto vs, by a small Pinnace come from the Indies, I the Generall was told, that it was doubtfull whether the Indian Fleete came from thence or not, and if they did, they would change their vsuall course, and come in some height more to the Southward, till they were past these Ilands, where vsually they are attended.

Which newes made vs resolue in Counsell to goe for Fayal, and so for Saint Michael, and to haue some nimble ships to lye off and on at Sea, both to the Southward and to the Northward. In our passage by saile, Graçiosa, and Pico, we tooke such commodities and refreshings as those I∣lands [ 40] afforded: and in passing from them toward Saint Michael, wee were told that a great ship was discouered off of Graciosa: whereupon I the Generall gaue order to diuide and to direct the Fleete into three places: the one to stirre away East North-east, and to goe along the Northside of Terçera: the other East South-east, and to goe by the Southside of the said Iland, and both to meete in the roade of Brasil: so as if the Carackes, or West Indian Fleete should striue to recouer Terçera, they should be cut off: And the third part of the Fleete should ply to the Westward, which way it was said that the great ship stood, and so to cut it off, if it sought for the roade of Fayal: which if she were kept from, Terçera was her onely place she could put into: and one of these three wayes she must needes stand; for the winde being at North North-west, shee could not goe but one of these three courses. [ 50]

Bvt as I had giuen this direction, there came to me a small Barke of Lime, whose Captaine did confidently assure me, that he was the man that did follow the chase, and fetched it vp, fin∣ding it but a small ship of our owne Fleete: which made vs resolue to continue our former in∣tended course for Saint Michael. But in this meane time, I the Generall hailing the Captaine of a Pinnace, and willing him to call to the ships of my squadron to follow my light, and those of the Viceadmirals squadron to follow his light to the Westward (which direction I did present∣ly after counter-mand) hee misheard, and willed some ships that were next, to stand about to the Westward: which direction, together with his not hearing of me that, which was spoken to countermand it, made foure of her Maiesties ships, the Garland, the Marie-rose, the Dread-naught, and the Rainebow, to stand off to the West all that night: of which, Sir William Mounson in the [ 60] Rainebowe fell in the night with the West Indian Fleete; and it being calme, went off in his Boate to make and haile them: which hee did, and made himselfe knowne vnto them: and straight rowing to his ship, hee shot off his Ordnance all night, and carried a light in his maine top: whereupon the other three of her Maiesties ships stood off with him, but could not fetch

vp the Spaniards till they were gotten into Tercera Road; before which, after they had striued in vaine to get into them, they plied till my comming, which was three dayes after: for I was hard aboord the Westermost part of Saint Michaell before I heard these newes.

And then standing about, I the Generall being on head of the Fleet, met in my way with a great Ship of the Gouernour of Hanana, and a Frigate of the Spanish King, manned with the said Kings Souldiers, and another Frigate of a particular man: which three I fetched out, tooke, and manned for the safe bringing home of the Ship and goods, and fell the next night being Saturday, the of with Tercera; where finding the wind strong at Northwest, we plyed with as much saile as euer we could bear to get vp to the road of Brasil all that night. Al Sunday, and Sunday night, and till Munday morning wee could not weather the point of Brasil: which [ 10] when wee had done, while I the Generall gathered such of the Fleet as were neere, I sent in a Pinnace of my Lord of Cumberland, and foure or fiue of very sufficient Captaines and Masters, to see whether it were possible for vs to get vp where the Ships rode: and they brought me backe word, it was impossible. With which I being not satisfied plied in with mine owne Ship, keeping aboord with mee two or three of the principall Officers, that wee might iudge by the eye, and dispute vpon the place; and when wee were in, wee saw the bottome of the Bay (into which they were towed and warped) lay right in the eye of the wind: so as to lead it in with a sayle it was impossible, and to turne it vp would aske an whole day, if wee had scope, but both wee must vpon either boord come within a quoytes cast off their Forts, and yer our Ships would wend in so narrow a place, wee should haue beene on shoare. Which manifest discouerie, [ 20] and not the idle Shot of all the Forts and Ships, though they were verie liberall, made mee stand off againe.

And as it was impossible to doe any thing for the present, so when I the Generall called all the Captaines of her Maiesties Ships together, and enquired the estate of their charge, I found that some by the naughtinesse of their Caske and leakage of Beere, had not aboue two dayes, and some not one dayes drinke aboord; and that which most of vs all had did so stinke, as our men dyed and fell sicke continually, and all men-protested, that if wee stayed to attend change of windes, and did not instantly seeke a watering place, both men and Ships were absolutely lost. Besides we saw the Galions had beene vnladen, by their shewing their white bellies so much aboue wa∣ter, and that the Merchants Ships lay all dry on shoare; so as we had abidden the extreamest ha∣zard [ 30] of her Maiesties troupes and Ships, for the burning of a few dry vnladen Vessells.

Thus were we driuen to beare the second time with Saint Michael (our chiefe end being to water, but withall to sacke the Iland if we could land neere the principall Towne) where wee came to an anchor before Punta Delgada the chiefe Towne; and forthwith went in a little nim∣ble Boat to discouer the landing places, which we found to be exceeding dangerous. For as about all those Ilands of the Acores a Westerly wind bringeth in the hollow mother Sea, so the wind then being West Southerly blew trade, and made both a great Sea gate or wash vpon the shoare, and a dangerous rode. So as besides the apparant likelihood, that our men had been all lost by the ouerturning of our Boats vpon our heads: the losse of our Boates, which could not haue beene in that place auoided, had kept vs from watering, and so had beene the manifest destruction of the [ 40] whole Fleet. Whereupon, I the Generall, leauing commandement of the great Ships with Sir Walter Raleigh (because the Lord Thomas Howard desired to land with mee) accompanied with his Lords Ship, and all the other principall Officers and persons of qualitie in the Army, I put my selfe in the smal Ships, and towed the boats at our Sterns to seeke another smal Bay on the other side of the Point to the Eastward, called Punta de Galera or Galy Point, where there was a Land Fange, and consequently a smoother landing.

But we putting off in this manner at eleuen of the clocke at night, I the Generall in a Pinnace of Sir Walter Raleigh, called the Guiana, wherein all the Officers of the Land Army did accompa∣ny me, & the Aduenturers of quality that came out of my Ship in another Pinnace with Captain Arthur Champernon came to an anchor in this Bay; but so dangerously as wee were put from our [ 50] anchor, and had like to haue beene cast away: all the rest of the Fleet being put to leeward very farre. The next morning at the breake of the day, being driuen as low as Uilla Franca, and there finding a good landing place, wee set our troups on shoare; where wee found (besides many other commodities with which we refreshed our troupes) a better watering place, and a safer rode then any other that was about that Iland. Which, together with the impossibilitie of getting our small Ships and Boats to ply backe againe fiue leagues against the wind, and to meet vs that should haue marched by land, and they seeing of many of the Queens principal ships driuen from their anchors about, and come to Villa Franca: These accidents, I say, made vs to resolue to draw all the Fleet to one place, and there to water with all possible diligence.

And wee being there saw it was so dangerous for our Ships to ride, the wind growing more [ 60] Southerly, as on Sunday the fifteenth of October, wee re-imbarked all our men; the Masters of the Ships hauing before protested, that if they were put from their anchors, as hourely they looked to bee, that the Fleet and Land Forces were in danger to be seuered for this whole Win∣ter: So as to haue hazarded her Maiesties honour, and so many gallant men, for that which was

neuer any of our ends, had beene as vnwise as it was vnsafe; and if the counsell of retyring were good, the manner of it was without taxation: for wee imbarked first of all our idle persons, se∣condly our aduenterours, and the old Companies one after another; and when wee had but three hundred and fiftie men on shore, the enemy marching in sight of our Guards, we went out to meet him, and stood two houres readie to fight with the whole Forces of the Iland, till at last they re∣tired out of sight. Thus left wee that Iland, the principall Commanders by Land and Sea stay∣ing to bring off the last man. In this meane time, while the Land Forces were at Villa Franca, and the Fleet at Punta Delgada, there came into that Road a Carake and a small Brasil man. The Carack presently ran her selfe on the Rocks; and after her men had saued themselues, the last set her on fire with all the goods in her, to auoid her being taken. Which Sir Walter Raleigh and [ 10] those with him could not possibly auoid. The Brasil man was taken, and the Ship being found leakie, the goods were taken out and put into English Ships.

And now wee haue giuen account of all our whole carriage vntill we bare for England. If our comming home scattering be obiected, wee must plead the violence of stormes, against which no fore directions, nor present industry can preuaile. Wee must conclude with this, That as wee would haue acknowledged that wee had done but our duties, if we had defeated the Adelantado, interpreted the Feet of Treasure, and conquered the Ilands of the Açores: So wee hauing failed of nothing that God gaue vs meanes to doe; wee hoped her Maiestie will thinke our painfull dayes, carefull nights, euill diet, and many hazards deserue not now to be measured by the euent. the like honourable and iust construction wee promise our selues at the hands of all my Lords. As [ 20] for others, that haue set warme at home and descant vpon vs, wee know they lacked strength to performe more, and beleeue they lacke courage to aduenture so much,

Signed

• ESSEX.
• Thomas Howard.
• Ch: Mountioy.
• Walter Raleigh.
• Fran: Vere.
• Antony Sherley.
• Christ: Blunt.

§. II. [ 30]

A larger Relation of the said Iland Voyage, written by Sir ARTHVR GORGES Knight, collected in the Queenes Ship called the Wast Spite, wherein he was then Captaine; with Marine and Martiall Discourses added ac∣cording to the Occurrences.

THese Iles of the Asores are situate in the Atlantike or Westerne Ocean, and doe stand betweene 37. and 40. degrees, and distant from England 400. leagues. They are in num∣ber nine, namely Saint Maries, Saint Michaels, The Tercera, Gratiosa, S. Georges, Pykes Fayall, Flores, and Guerno.

This name of Asores was giuen vnto these Ilands by the Portugues, of a kind of Hawkes called, [ 40] by them Asores (which wee name Goshawkes, and the Latines Accipitres) whereof there did breed great store in those Iles: But Ortellius sets downe this name to bee so giuen of the French word Essorer, which signifieth, to dry or wither, but yeeldeth no reason withall for that Etimo∣logy. The Netherlanders doe call them the Flemish Ilands, challenging that they were first disco∣uered by the Merchans of Bridges, who found them meerely vn-inhabited, abounding with Woods and Cedar Trees, whether they sent Colonies to people and manure them. And after∣terwards in processe of time they yeelded themselues Subiects to the Portugues, who since did in∣habite and gouerne there, so as now with them they are fallen vnder the power of the Spanish vsurpation. [ 50]

Amongst these Ilands the Tercera is the chiefe, but is so called by the Spaniards, because it heth the third Iland distant from the Coast of Spaine. It is plentifull of Fruit and Corne, and hath some Vines growing in it. The Inhabitants doe make great benefit and trade of Oade to dye Cloth, which growes there in great plentie: The chiefe Towne in that Iland is called Angra, and hath thereunto a very strong Fortresse, called Brazill, and vnder it a Roade for shipping to ride, but an Hauen or safe Port for all weathers, there is not one amongst these nine Ilands.

The Pike is so called of a sharpe Mountaine, rising steeple wise some three miles in heighe and six or seuen miles in circuit at the foot; fashioned it is vpward like an Hiue, and the top ther∣of most commonly to be discerned within and aboue the clouds. This Mountaine hath in it (by

report) many great hollow Caues and deepe Vaults, and it is credibly reported, that oftentimes it breathes out flames and sparkes of fire, as doth the Mountaine Aetna. Also at the bottome of this Mountain, towards the East, there is a great Spring of Fresh-water, which is seen many times to issue out flakes and stones of fire with great violence, and of the number and bignesse of the stones that are throwne out by the force and source of this Spring, and what huge workes they make of the multitudes of them, they confidently doe tell strange wonders, which I will neither affirme nor deny, but leaue indifferent to credit as men list.

Fayall is so called of Faya, which in the Portugues signifieth a Beech Tree, wherewith that Iland is said to abound. But yet I saw there more store of Iuniper and Cedar, then of any other Wood or Timber. For Aire and Soyle, it is as pleasant and fruitfull, as any of the other Ilands, and in it are some fiue Townes with many pretie Villages: and in this Iland there are yet remaining cer∣taine [ 10] families of the Flemish race. Gratiosa is so called of the exceeding fruitfulnesse of the Soyle and pleasant temper of the Ayre. Flores, of the abundance of Flowers that grow in it. Cueruo, of the multitude of Rauens and Crowes breeding therein. And that Iland doth also breed Horses. Saint Maries, Saint Georges, and Saint Michaels, were so called of those Saints names, vpon whose dayes they were first discouered; for such is the custome of many Nauigators, and especially of the Spaniards and Portugues, so to call those Landes that they first make by the Saints day and name wherein they are discouered. And these three Ilands for temper and fruitfulnesse are sute∣able with the others: But Saint Michael is the greatest of them all, Tercera the strongest, and Saint Maries the neerest to the Coast of Spaine. [ 20]

But now as wee come neerer to our intended purpose, for the better vnderstanding thereof, I thinke it very necessary and pertinent somewhat to speake of the chiefe Commanders, as well by Sea as by Land, and also of the number of our Ships and Souldiers, together with the proiect and designe of that iourney then vndertaken for the seruice of her late Maiestie, and the Honour of our Nation.

It is therefore to be vnderstood, that Robert Deuereux, late Earle of Essex, Master of the Horse and Ordnance, and Knight of the Garter: First commanded in chiefe, as well Admirall of the Nauie by Sea, as Generall of the Armie by Land. His Vice-Admirall was the Lord Thomas Howard Knight of the same Order, and second Sonne to the last Thomas Duke of Norfolke, a No∣bleman much honoured and beloued, and of great experience in Sea seruice. His Reare-Admirall [ 30] was Sir Walter Raleigh Knight, Captaine of her Maiesties Guard, Lord Warden of the Stanneries, and Lieftenant of Cornwall. For the Land seruice, his Leiftenant Generall was Sir Charles Blunt, Lord Mountioy, Knight of the Garter, Gouernour of Portsmouth, and a man in high fauour with her late Maiestie. His Marshall of the Field was Sir Frauncis Vere Knight, a great Souldier, and Coronell Generall of the English Forces in the Low-Countries. The Master of the Ordnance, Sir George Carew Knight, Leiftenant of the Ordnance of the Kingdome of England. His Sergeant Maior, Sir Ferdinando Gorges Knight, Gouernour of the Forts of Plimouth. The Coronell Gene∣rall of the Foot Sir Christopher Blunt Knight: The Treasurer of the Armie Sir Hugh Biston Knight, one of her Maiesties Receiuers Generall in the Principalities of Walles, with all other Officers designed to places requisite that were needful by Land or Sea, now too long to rehearse. [ 40] And yet of all the Noblemen I will as neere as I can record their names particularly; but craue pardon if I faile in the precedencie of their places.

The Earles of Essex, Rutland, and Southampton, the Lord Howard, the Lord Audley, the Lord Gray, the Lord Mountioy, the Lord Rich, and the Lord Cromwell. But the particular names of all the Land Captains that had charge I could neuer come to the knowledge of, much lesse can I mar∣shall them orderly in this discourse. And therefore I will passe to the number of the Ships in gene∣rall, and therein name some particulars of the chiefe and principall Vessells of the Royall Nauie, with their Captaines.

The whole Nauie (which was diuided into three Squadrons, viz. The Admirall his Squadron; The Vice-Admirall his Squadron, and the Reare-Admirall his Squadron) consisted of 120. [ 50] sayle, or thereabout; whereof sixtie were good men of Warre and gallant Ships, the rest Victu∣allers, and Ships of Transportation. Of her Maiesties owne Ships the number was eighteene or nineteene, and these were their names. The Merhoneur Admirall, whereof Sir Robert Mans∣field was Captaine: The Due Repulse Vice-Admirall, whereof Master Middleton was Captaine: The Wast Spite Reare-Admirall, whereof my selfe was Captaine: The Garland the Earle of Sou∣thampton commanded: The Defiance wherein the Lord Mountioy was shipped, had for Captaine Sir Amias Preston: The Saint Mathew to Sir George Carew, Master of the Ordnance: The Mary Rose to Sir Francis Vere Marshall, whose Captaine was M. Iohn Winter: The Dread-nought Sir William Brooke was Captaine of: The Nonparellia Sir Richard Luson was Captaine of: The Bo∣nouenture Sir William Haruey was Captaine of: The Antelope Sir Thomas Vauis••r was Captain of: [ 60] The Rainbow Sir William Mounson was Captaine of: The Swiftsure Sir Gilly Mericke was Captain of: The Golden Lion was sent after for a supply. The Hope, whereof was Captain The Foresight, whereof Sir Carew Reignall was Captaine: The Saint Andrew, whereof Master Mar∣cellus Throckmorton was Captain: The Tramontana, whereof young Master Fenner was Captain:

The Moone, whereof Sir Edward Michelboorne was Captaine. Besides that there were some other of her Maiesties small Pinnaces that attended the Fleet.

The residue or the Fleet aforenamed consisted of the best shipping of London, and other Port-Townes of the Kingdome, with sundry stout Vestells belonging to some Lords and Gentlemen that were Aduenturers in this Voyage. There were also added to this Nauie tenne sayle of good men of Warre, sent from the States of the Low-Countries to attend her Maiesties Fleet in this seruice, vnder the conduct of one Mounsier de Duneincorde, well manned and furnished.

The Land Army (besides Saylers that might be afforded and spared vpon occasion of landing) consisted of six thousand able men well appointed, with ten Peeces of Artillery for the Field and Battery, with all necessary Vtensils fit for them. The proportion of victuals was for four months [ 10] at large allowance, & double apparell both for Souldier's and Mariners. In this Armie there went Knights, Captaines, and Gentlemen, voluntaries fiue hundred at the least; as gallant parsonages, and as brauely furnished, as euer the eye of men did behold. The list of whose names I did seri∣ously inquire after, thereby to doe them right, but could by no meanes compasse it.

The end and purpose of this great Preparation was, to the taking in of most of those Ilands, and especi∣ally of the winning of the Tercera it selfe, the which was resolued to haue beene attempted by vs, with the other Ilands and Holds of importance, and in some of them to haue placed strong Garrisons, if it had plea∣sed God to haue prospered the iourney with happy successe: But in the very beginning with long contrary winds, and extremitie of foule weather, the maine plot and ground of this enterprise was hindred and maimed, as hereafter more at large shallbe related in his due place. But this intended iourney for the sur∣prising [ 20] and holding of the Tercera alone, if it had taken effect (without any further respect to the other Ilands, then onely to haue sacked them and rased those Fortresses they haue) had beene a seruice of great consequence for vs, and as preiudiciall to the King of Spaine, as any action that was euer vndertaken a∣gainst him, since the reuolt of the Low-Countries; The which, to set downe in particular, would require more ample discourse, then either my leasure, or my memory can suddenly afford. But what great vse and benefit both the Portugues did, and the Spaniards doe make of these Ilands is in daily experience. And as for that bare Allegation, how difficult and inconuenient it would bee for vs to hold a peece so farre off: men of Warre in their true iudgements would easily answere. For as well it might be demanded, how the Forts are held in the East Indies by the poore Portugues against mightie Nations, and yet so farre remote from Christendome: And how Rhodes and Cyprus were heretofore long kept in despite of the Turke [ 30] in his very bosome. And how the Spaniards of late haue kept certaine places in Britaine, and Amyens, and Callice in Picardie, ••ang•••• the force of France, and neuer quitted them but by composition: And God knowes how long Don Iohn D'Lag〈…〉〈…〉 would haue kept Kinsale and Beare Castle, if these had bin places halfe s•• terrible, as those of the Tercera; or but the fouth part so remote from vs, as the Tercera is from Spaine. Undoubtedly their industry and patience is far beyond ours, both in getting and holding matters of more difficultie. But vaine it is to set a price of the Beares skin before hee be slaine; although I am verily perswaded, that the contrary winds onely lost vs both that, and all the King of Spaine his trea∣sure that came that yeere to the Tercera. For the iourney was carried with as great secrecie, expedition, and Royall preparation, as euer was any these many yeeres, ••••d they on the contrary as slenderly prouided, and little doubting any such attempt. When all things were thus ordered, and wee furnished of [ 40] our necessaries after some few daies abode in Sandwich for the meeting, mustering, and imbarking of our Land Army, about the fiue and twentieth of Iune, in the yeere 1597. we set saile from the Downes, and within threedayes with skant winds recouered Portland Rhode, where we ancored and staied some six or seuen dayes, taking in men and victualls at Waymouth, and thence we made for Plimouth, where wee were to take in our freshwater, much of our prouisions, and most of our Mariners; besides that this place was appointed the very randeuous for the knit∣ting vp and dispatch of this Voyage: whether in a day and a nights sayle wee came, but with ve∣ry extreme foule weather. Insomuch that euen in the entrance of the very Harbour, many of our Ships falling foule one of another were sorely distressed. The Lord Mountioy his Ship the Defi∣ance, had her Beake head stricken cleane off; and the Saint Mathew (being a Spanish Ship of great [ 50] charge, very leeward and drawing much water) had like in the tempest to haue runne her selfe vpon the Rocks, had not her Captaine Sir George Carew Master of the Ordnance, beene very re∣solute and carefull in that extremitie, when a great part of his Souldiers and Saylers would haue abandoned her, and betaken themselues to their Ship-boats, to shun the iminent perill that threatned them: which he staied to the preseruation of the Ship and the company. Moreouer a Flee-boat of our Traine, who had in her fortie Last of Powder was likewise bulged, and all the store had beene vtterly lost, had not the Master of the Ordnance with like care and diligence be∣stirred himselfe to saue all that hee might, who with the aid of many Ship-boats, as the Flee-boat was sinking, saued the greatest part of her lading. Yet notwithstanding seuenteen Lasts of Pow∣der was vtterly spoiled with the Salt-water, as I heard the Master of the Ordnance him∣selfe [ 60] affirme.

Thus with great difficultie wee arriued at Plimouth, where within six or seuen daies our whole Army and Nauie met, and withall the shipping of the Low-Countries came to vs. And soone after hauing watered and taken in all our prouisions and Marinrs, and mustered our men, we imbarked

our Army, and set sayle about the ninth of Iuly, and for two dayes space were accompanied with a faire leading North-easterly wind. In which time we receiued a ship-board all our directions throughout the Nauie, with such orders and instructions as are vsually set downe by an Admi∣rall, and a Counsell of Warre, together with the places of meeting from time to time vpon any occasions of separations by stormes, by fight, by giuing chase, or any other accidents. This order of deliuering directions when a Fleet is a Sea-boord, and not before, is an vse grounded vpon many good reasons: as to auoid the reuealing of secret plots, and the preuention of sudden execution. As also to shun the discouraging of diuers that doe often expose themselues and their aduentures to Sea actions, either for loue to the Commanders, or out of hope of Purchase, or, for many other respects, which perhaps they would not doe if they knew indeed either the danger, or the true ends of some preparations. And this se∣cret manner of proceeding hath bin often vsed by Philip the late king of Spain, in diuers great expeditions, [ 10] who hath beene s•• precise and seuere therein, as that oftentimes the Admiralls of his Fleet themselues haue not knowne their instructions, nor beene suffered to open them, vntill they haue beene thirtie or fortie leagues on their way. Wee now being in this faire course, some sixtie leagues onwards our iourney with our whole Fleet together, there suddenly arose a fierce and tempestuous storme full in our teeths, continuing for foure dayes with so great violence, as that now euery one was inforced ra∣ther to looke to his owne safetie, and with a low saile to serue the Seas, then to beat it vp against the stormy winds to keepe together, or to follow the directions for the places of meeting. And here some began to taste the inconuenience and perill of high Cargued Ships drawing little wa∣ter, and ouercharged with mightie Ordnance in a furious high wrought Sea: And now also o∣thers found and felt the mischiefe of weake built Vessells, and of rotten Tackle. For this extrea∣mitie [ 20] of weather was so great, as that wee were all one after another forced backe againe, some into Plimouth, and diuers into other Harbours on that Coast, so extreamely shaken and beaten, as that the Admirall was in danger to haue foundred in the Sea, hauing many leaks broken out vpon him, and his mid-ship beame shiuered in sunder. And yet (as wee vnderstood after) some three or foure of the formost of our Fleet (whereof the Earle of Southampton in the Garland was said to be one) did recouer ••ight of the North-Cape, but yet forced to returne againe to Plimouth. And many of our Gentlemen and Knights, with this boysterous and bitter entertainment on the Seas, returned extreame weake and lay dangerously sicke long after: Insomuch that some of them dyed thereof at Plimouth, and were there honourably buried by the Generall. Some also were so much weakened and distempered, as that they were not able to recouer strength to put to the [ 30] Seas againe, as Sir Ferdinando Gorges our Sergeant Maior, in whose place our Generall did appoint Sir Anthony Sherly; and Sir Carew Reignalls Captaine of the Foresight, so seuerely weakned with Seas sicknesse, as that his charge was deliuered ouer to Sir Alexander Ratcliffe, a very forward and gallant young Gentleman, who (not long after) was slaine in the Warres of Ireland, with Sir Con∣niers Clifford Gouernour of Connaugh. And amongst others in the beginning of this bitter storme, our Treasurer Sir Hugh Biston was also so extreamely afflicted with Sea sicknesse, and in so great hazard of life, as that out of the Wastspite (wherein he was shipped) he was imbarked into a Car∣uell of our traine to returne for England, seeing his weake body vnable to vndergoe the resoluti∣on of his mind. And I thinke this losing of our Treasurer in the beginning, was an ominous pre∣sage of the losse of the infinite Treasures, which afterward so vnluckily past by and escaped vs. [ 40]

Wee being thus with contrary winds, and extreamitie of weather beaten backe into seuerall Hauens, and yet at last meeting at Plimouth (except some few Ships of transportation, that were driuen vpon the Coasts of France, Wales, and Ireland, with some of our Bands of Souldiers) we fell to repairing of our Ships, and to amend those inperfections which the Seas and stormes had dis∣couered. But withall were inforced to abate a great part of the first proportion of our Armie, as well through the defects of the Admirall his Ships, and others, as also for the waste and expence which wee had made of our drinke and victuals by the leaking of the Caske, and by the abun∣dance of Salt-water, which was taken in during the storme, to the wetting and spoyling of many of our prouisions. Besides that, much of our beare aboard those Victuallers that followed our Fleet with diuers other prouisions, was very vile and vnsauoury of it selfe, by the great abuse of [ 50] the Victuallers and London Brewers, as well for the carelesse brewing, as for the vnseasonable stinking Caske which they deliuer, a fault much vsed among them, and too much tolerated, con∣sidering the infinite ra••e and gaines they make of selling Thames water, beyond all good order and proportion. But as God would, at that instant when wee had discharged our Ships of that vnseruiceable poisonous drinke, there came very happily into Plimouth for a supply, a tall prize laden with Spanish Canary Wines, which was distributed amongst the Fleet to make Beuerage. And in this sort vsing all industry and diligence for the setting af••ote of our storme-beaten Nauie, wee so fitted our selues againe within eight or ten dayes, as that wee were readie for a new for∣tune. But yet this violent and dangerous tempest had so cooled and battered the courages of a great many of our voung Gentlemen (who seeing that the boysterous winds and mercilesse [ 60] Seas, had neither affinitie with London delicacie, nor Court brauery) as that discharging their high Plumes, and imbroydered Cassockes, they secretly retired themselues home, forgetting either to bid their friends farewell, or to take leaue of their Generall. And here by the way, a little to digresse,

I thinke it not amisse iustly to reprehend and taxe our Nation, for their vnproper and vaine manner of going to the Warres, and especially those that had neuer seene seruice. For bee hee poore or rich when hee first prepares to goe to serue, hee will take more care, and be at more cost to prouide himselfe of a roysting Feather, and a ••lynckant Coat, then to bee furnished either of fit Armes, or of necessary clothing to keepe out wet and cold: whereby they come both to the Sea and Field seruice, rather like Maskers then Souldi∣ers, as men apter to bring spoyles for the Enemy, then to conquer or win honour from him. And yet at the last, the wanting of their needfull habiliments in times of extreamitie, doth make them truly to finde their owne errour and superfluous vanitie in those idle and fruitlesse toyes: whereof I could wish a reformation, as well for the bettering of our seruice, as also for abating such needlesse expences. Such were the garish troupes and gilded Armies of Darius, abounding in pompe and delicacy: whose millions of effeminate [ 10] Persians were euer dispersed and defeated by handfulls of the poore and hardie Macedonians. So were the steele edged Souldiers of that renowned Hanniball, metamorphosed into Cowardise and Sloth, after they had once relished the pride and delicacies of Capua, for their conquests euer after declined. So was also that famous M. Anthonius ouerthrowne and vanquished, when he left the strict martiall discipline of his owne victorious Countrey, and fashioned his Forces according to the brauery and luxury of Egypt, to obserue the humour of Cleopatra, who had vtterly corrupted and weakned the courage both of him and his legions, with vanities, excesse, and idlenesse. And such in our dayes were the glorious glistring French troupes led by the Duke of Ioyeuse, being for the most part compounded of the gallant Courtiers and dan∣cing Minions of Henry the Third French King of that name, but beaten and ouerthrowne at the Battell of Couttras, by the valiant King of Nauarr, and an handfull of his poore Hugonotes (as they then ter∣med [ 20] them.) Farre otherwise was the wont and manner of those worthy Romans, that by their wisdome and valour made themselues famous, and Lords ouer the World, whose glorious examples wee doe more willingly read then follow. They going a warfare departed Rome in obedience and strictnesse of Martiall discipline, in s••bri••tie of diet and attire, fitted with Armes, like men that knew that Iron and Steele were mastring mettalls ouer Gold and Siluer, and hauing atchieued and performed their enterprises, returned then home in triumph, in glory, and in pride, shining in the spoyles and riches of their vanquished Enemies, and adorned with as much sumptuousnesse as they could get, brauing therein their conquered Foes, and set∣ting to the shew of the world the fruits of their Ualour and Trauailes. Whereas wee for the most part con∣trariwise going out brauely, and returning home againe beggarly, leaue no other testimony nor records of our Enterprises and Victories, either to the liuing or to posteritie, then the Merchants bookes wherin we are [ 30] deep plunged, euen to the morgage or sale of our Inheritance, to conuert the true honor of Souldery into effe∣minate pompe and delicacy. But now to the matter: We hauing in this Fort repaired and supplied the defects of our weather beaten Nauie, onely attended the fauour of the winds; wherein it seemed the heauens were vtter enemies to our designes. For during the space of an whole moneth toge∣ther (after wee were againe readie) the weather stood flat opposite to our course, insomuch that wee were not able to worke our selues out of the Harbour. And in this consumption of Time we lost the best season of the yeere for our purpose, and also greatly decayed our victualls and prouisi∣ons; besides the number of our Souldiers and Mariners that daily diminished. And about this time the Lord Rich finding himselfe (as many others did) altogether vnable to indure the incon∣ueniences of the Seas in a long and toilesome voyage, tooke his leaue of our Generall, and gaue o∣uer [ 40] the iourney. In this extreamitie of contrary windes and crosse fortunes (against which the policie and power of man could not preuaile) our Generall, with the aduice of his counsell resol∣ued vpon some other course, and to fashion his enterprises according to opportunitie, and the pro∣portion of the meanes that remained. And thereupon cashing the greatest part of his Land Ar∣mie, hee onely retained one thousand of the best Souldiers (as was thought) most of them being Companies brought out of the Low-Countries: And also at that time hee discharged diuers of the smaller Ships, and many of the Victuallers, taking out of them such prouisions and store as remai∣ned to supply that which was spent, and to lengthen out the time for those lesser numbers that were to be imployed. And whilest these things were thus altering and ordering, and committed to the care and charge of discreet Officers: Our Admirall himselfe, with his Reare-Admirall re∣solued [ 50] to ride post to the Court, to receiue further directions or approbation in that he intended for her Maiestie, and the Lords of the Councell. Leauing the charge both of the Nauie and Soul∣diers in his absence, with the Lord Thomas Howard his Vice-Admirall, and the Lord Mountioy his Leiftenant Generall by Land whom hee authorised, together with the Counsell of Warre, to marshall those affaires as occasion required. Here by it may be easily coniectured what it is for men to vndertake Sea-actions, that haue not great meanes to follow the same, with prouisions and allowance of superfluitie to meet with lets and misaduentures, and not to depend on the bare ordinary prouisions of a set proportion. For by this great crosse of ours, wee may well take knowledge how vncertaine and difficult it is to set out and prepare a Sea Army, except it bee on the purse and defraies of a Prince, able and willing to supply the expences and hinderances of such wast and accidents, as doe many times happen [ 60] by want of windes when all things else are in readinesse, wherein oftentimes the ouerslipping, and not taking of six houres aduantage of winde when it hath serued, hath ouerthrowne a Uoyage. And it hath to my knowledge so fallen out, that some Ships that haue taken a present gale of a day, by the be∣nefit thereof haue performed their Uoyage, and returning againe into the Harbour, finding others of

their consorts bound for the same place, and ready at the same time, still sticking fast at ancor; by leesing the same opportunitie.

In this absence of our Generall at the Court, there fell out such extreame stormy weather, as that it greatly troubled and puzled our Ships, both in Plimouth Road, and in the Cat Water, in∣somuch that many of their ancors came home, and a Ship of the Reare-Admiralls, of three hundred Tunnes, called the Roe-buck, draue a ground and bulged her selfe, and so became vnseruiceable for that iourney, although much paines and care was taken of all hands, and spe∣cially by our Vice-Admirall himselfe in his owne person, to haue preserued her. During all this time of our abode in Plimouth, (which was some six or seuen weekes) we neither found ey∣ther want or dearth of any manner of victualls, either in the Towne, where our Mariners were daily resident, or in the Countrey, where the Land Army was quartered; nor yet that extreame [ 10] manner of inhaunsing the prices of all things vsed in London, and in other places of the Realme, vpon the extraordinary assembling of any such great troupes. And withall it is strange to see, how happily that poore corner of England, doth often receiue and sustaine so many Armies and Fleets, as doe there many times meet, without any of those inconueniences or alterations, that vpon the like occasion are found, in many other more rich and fruitfull parts of the Kingdome.

Our Generall (as is aforesaid) hauing spent now sixe or seuen dayes in that iourney to the Court, returned with a resolution to continue the voyage to the Seas, and there (as intelligence fell out) to follow the best courses in spending the rest of the Summer, and the remainder of his victualls; all sorts being very sorry, that so great preparations should haue vtterly q••ailed [ 20] without effecting, or attempting something of worth. Wee therefore now proposed to our selues, that by tarrying out till the last of October, (for the which time we were victualled after the Land Army was discharged) wee might range the Coast of Spaine, and so doe seruice in some of the Kings shipping, or else lying in the height betweene the Rocke and the South Cape, wee might intercept some Indian Fleet or Carrackes, either outwards or homeward s bound, or at the least wee might meete and fight with the Adelantado, who was then saide to bee preparing of a Fleet, and ready to put to the Seas. Besides there was a brute giuen out, tha•• our Generall meant to attempt the Groyne or Ferrall, and there to distresse some of the Kings shipping that lay in the Harbour. But whatsoeuer pretences and speeches were giuen out for that matter; both our Generall, and the wisest of his Counsell of Warre, did well enough know••, [ 30] that the Groyne or Ferrall were then no morsells fit for our mouthes, our Forces being so abated, and those places so well warned and prouided for, by our long delayes and impediments, besides there was no likelihood; that wee would euer ingage so many of her Maiesties best Ships, within the circuit and mercy of those Harbours, vpon so great disaduantage and hazard, as they must haue ad∣••entured in doing any good on any of them, as they were then furnished. But wee daily see that it is the manuer and fashion of great Estates and Commaunders in the ••ars, to giue out and pretend many things, that indeed they intend not, as well to make their names the more famous and terrible, as also many times to amaze the world with false Alarums, thereby either to hold their true purposes the more secret, or at least to giue them the better speed and passage, by diuerting the Enemyes. [ 40] A custome neither new nor vsuall: and therefore not repeated as any extraordinary obseruation. I•• this sort all things being ordered and repaired, and our Generall returned with full Commis∣sion and resolution to proceed: his Lordship in stead of the Merehoneur (which was so weakened and disabled, as that shee could not goe forth againe this iourney) shipped himselfe in the Dewrepulse, which was Vice-Admirall, and our Vice-Admirall tooke vnto himselfe the Lyon, in liew of the other. And on Wednesday, being the seuenteenth of August, 1597. a little be∣fore sunne setting, wee wayed our Ancors, and set sayle, but with much labour got out of Pli∣mouth Road, being forced to vse our Two-boates, to set vs cleere of the Harbour, the winde being somewhat slacke and scant. Notwithstanding, afterwards a sea-boord, wee finding the weather more fa••ourable, held our course for the North cape, and the three and twentieth of August, wee fell athwart the Bay of Alchasher, and at last bare full in with it. The which course, the Master of our Ship (called Broadebant) much disliked, thinking it very inconuenient [ 50] and perillous for so great a Fleet, so wilfully to be imbayed vpon an Enemies Coast, but yet fol∣lowed the Generalls course.

The foure and twentieth of the same moneth, being Bartholmew day, wee met a soule storme in that Bay, most extreamly violent for the time, but lasted not aboue fiue or sixe houres. In which storme the S. Matthew, whereof Sir George Carew, Master of the Ordnance, was Captaine two houres before day falling into an head Sea, hauing her Spright-sayle out, brake ouer-boord her Bolt-spright, and Fore-mast close to the Partners, which for the Ships safetie was cut from her side: In the Fore-top foure Mariners were drowned, keeping their watch there, and the fall [ 60] of the Masts broke two Ancors, and carried the third into the Sea, vpon which disaster (ac∣cording to the manner of the Sea) some Ordnance was discharged, and many Lanternes hanged vpon the shrowdes, to giue notice of her distresse in the night. But after day light, the Gar∣land (whereof the Earle of Southampton was Captaine) drew neere to her succour, who beholding

with griefe, the miserable estate that this Ship was in, and likely to bee worse, for that her Mayne Mast, with the Ships rowling had loosened it selfe in the Partners, and in danger to breake in the step (which if it had done, it would presently haue sunke her.) The Earle, though hee was not able to take all the men out of her, into his owne Ship, being in number about seuen hundred persons, yet hee was desirous and carefull to preserue as many as hee might. And to that end sent his Pinnace to Sir George Carew, praying him, and as many as hee would select of his Company to come vnto him: which noble offer of his Lordship, the Master of the Ordnance (as hee had reason) thanfully receiued: but hauing a more tender care of the losse of his Honour, then of the hazard of his life, would not forsake the Ship, but made election rather, to run the fortune of the rest of his company, then to prouide for the [ 10] particular safetie of himselfe, and some other Captaines, and Gentleman of good qualitie, whereof hee had store. This answere, being returned, the Earle was yet vnsatisfied, and being desirous to saue as many as his Ship could well receiue, and especially those of the better sort, sent his Pinnace to the Saint Matthew againe, perswading them not wilful∣ly to lose themselues. But the Captaine perseuered in his former resolution; and when some gallant men of his company would gladly haue taken the Earles offer, and haue left their consorts to their fortune, Sir George Carew would in no wise suffer a man to de∣part, because it should bee no discomfort to the rest, but openly protested, that both hee, they, and the Ship, would altogether runne on fortune. Whereupon the Earle, seeing that his staying longer with the Saint Matthew, could in no sort giue her men reliefe, and fearing by stay∣ing [ 20] too long, to be farre ingaged in the Bay of Alchasher, and to loose his Admirall, followed the Fleet.

These braue resolutions haue beene also vsed heretofore oftentimes, by such as haue comman∣ded in the Royall Ships, and sometimes by the Admiralls themselues. And it is well knowne to many Sea-men liuing at this day, that Edward, Earle of Lincolne, High Admirall of England, a valiant man, and worthy Gentleman, in the time of Queene Elizabeth, being in seruice on the Narrow Seas, with her Royall Nauie, chanced in a tempest to fall with his Ship athwart a sand, whereby shee was in great danger to bee bulged and lost; whereupon the Captaine and Master of the Ship, perswaded him in that extreamitie and danger, to take the benefit of his Pinnace, and saue him∣selfe aboord the next of the Fleet. But the Earle, according to his honourable mind, openly vowed [ 30] and protested, that no danger should cause him to leaue his company in distresse, that for his loue had followed him to the Seas: Besides, said hee, I honour the Queene my Mistresse so much, to bring her word that I haue saued my selfe, and lost her Ship: and therefore let vs do our best to saue altogether; for at this banquet wee will all drinke of one cup. Where••n, as hee gaue himselfe great glory and reputation. so it see∣med, that fortune fauoured his vertue and courage; for in the end, with diligence and labour be∣yond all hope, the Ship came safe off. These extreamities and hazards on the Sea, bring to my minde an accident worthy the relating, and a piece of seruice not vnprofitable for Sea-men in like cases to bee ob∣serued; and this it is. In the Queenes raigne, about the time that the Pope and the King of Spaine, sent forces into Ireland to ayd the Earle of Desmond, who then rebelled in Munster, there was sent to the Seas a Fleet of her Maiesties Ships, whereof Sir Iohn Parrot was Admirall; in the [ 40] Reuenge, and Sir William Gorges, my Father, in the Dread-naught Vice-Admirall; who when they had performed their seruice on the Coast of Ireland, and other places, in their returne home∣wards, the Vice-Admirall chanced to take an English Priate, whose name was Deriuall, a very vali∣ant and skilfull Mariner. This Deriuall, the Admirall tooke aboord his owne Ship, and kept him prisoner in the Bilbowes. But so it fortuned, that a great storme arising in the Narrow Seas, the Fleet was scattered, and Sir Iohn Parrats Shippe ranne vpon a Sand, where, a good time shee did dangerously beate, hauing strucken all his Sayles, and with euery Billow was like to bee bulged. And in this desperate extremitie they saw no other way left, but how they might with Boates, and Rafts saue the men, and forsake the Shippe; some being of one opinion, and some of another, as hope or despaire led them. This Deriuall being then prisoner in the Bilbowes, sent word to ••he Ad∣mirall, [ 50] that hee knew well the lying of that Land, and would direct them a way how to saue the Ship and all the company, if hee would promise him on his Faith, and Honour, to get his Par∣don when hee came home in recompence thereof. The Admirall willingly accepted the proffer, and in∣gaged his Faith for the performance of his demand, and taking him out of the Bilbowes, bad him be stir himselfe. Whereunto Deriuall answered, In hope you will saue my life, according to your Word and Faith giuen, I will (by Gods helpe) saue all yours: but if I thought otherwise, I had rather here drowne with so good company, then hee hanged at home alone. The Admirall bidde him not doubt it, but follow his businesse. Whereupon Deriual presently commanded the Master and Mariners, to hoyse vp all their Sayles they could make, to the very Bats end, which was cleane contrary to that they had done before (for fearing the mighty winds, they had strooke all their sayles, and so l••y thumping on [ 60] the Sands) but now the strong gale hauing filled all their sayles, still as the billow rose, it draue the Ship forwards, and so in foure or fi••e shoues, being driuen with the violence of the windes and the waues, with his st••rra••es he cut cleane through and athwart the Sand, and floated into the Sea. This was a d••sperate remede for ad••sperate danger; for if hee had not vsed the benefit of her sayles, and carried

her athwart (the Ship being a strong built vessell) shee would still haue layen tumbling on the Sand, and at last broken her selfe. Notwithstanding this good seruice done by Deriuall, when hee came home, his reward was an halter, his offence being remembred, and his desert forgotten: and yet the Admirall did his best to saue him according to his promise. But surely (in my poore opinion) in such cases a State should doe well, for examples sake, and for incouragement of others, to take notice of such extraordinary serui∣ces, and to remember that vertue deserues no lesse to bee cherished, then vice to be chastised, and that to whom a State committeth the trust or confidence of a Generalls or Admiralls place, it should also allow him the honor, to make good his word for any thing, that concernes the aduancement of the seruice, where∣with hoe is put in trust.

But I will returne againe to Sir George Carew, whom we left tottering in his wrackt Ship, and in a great storme, for I haue occasion here to stand somewhat vpon the Relation of his [ 10] hard aduentures after his disaster, because I haue heard it by many that were with him in the Ship, often, and at large discoursed of; and himselfe being a princicall Officer in the Action, shipt in a vessell of great charge, it cannot bee reputed as a digression, or impertinent from the matter, for small is the reward of those that so resolutely engage, and expose their liues for the seruice of their Prince and Countrey, if they should not bee allowed the comfort of honourable memory. After the departure of the Earle of Southampton from the S. Mathew, as aforesaid, ma∣ny Counsells in this distressed Ship were held for the cutting of her Mayne Mast ouer-board, which with rowling was growne at last to be so loose, as that it was continually feared that it would breake in the Stop, and when the Carpenters were ready to begin that worke, the storme ceased, and the Seas began to calme, wherein finding comfort, they made of a spare top Mast [ 20] a Iury Fore-mast, and the Pinnace sayle serued for a Fore-sayle. In this pittifull estate the Ship still running before the winde, which shee could not otherwise doe by reason of her small Fore-sayle, within foure dayes after by the goodnesse of God, came safely to an anchor at the Ile of Saint Martreines in France, where Sir George Carew made all the meanes hee might to get a new Mast, whereby hee might follow the Fleet. But vpon all that Coast hee could not prouide himselfe of any to fit so great a Gallyon. And therefore of necessitie hauing setled his Mayne-mast, he returned for England, and within few dayes arri∣ued in the Hauen of Portsmouth.

Hee thus hauing brought the Saint Mathew (beyond all hope) safe within a good Harbour, not any thing disamayd with past perills, presently dispatched Captain Francis Slingsby in post [ 30] to the Court, to aduertise the Lords of her Maiesties Councell, of the misfortunes which had be∣falne him, and there withall humbly desired that he might be permitted to take her Maiesties ship called the Aduenture, which was then in that Harbour, and in her to follow the Fleet, which be∣ing granted he shipped himselfe in her, and according to the instructions (which were deliuered to euery Captaine of the Fleet) hee sought for the Admirall at the Groyne, which was the first Randeuous set downe in the instructions aforesaid, from thence hee made to the Rocke, and not finding the Fleet at either of these places, he sailed to the Cape Saint Vincent, where it was resolued by the Lord Admirall and Councell of the Warre to stand off and on, and to attend the com∣ming home of the West Indies Fleet. There hee had intelligence by a small man of Warre of Plimouth, that the Generall with the whole Fleet was at the Ilands of the Asores, whereunto he [ 40] directeth his course. And when hee was (as hee esteemed) within one hundred leagues of the Tercera, he had intelligence by another small man of Warre, in the which a man of Sir Wil∣liam Brookes was Captaine, that followed the Fleet for purchase, that the Lord Generall in his op••nion was at that time vpon the Coast of England, for hee had left the Ilands fourteene daies before the Aduenture, and he did meet; vpon which intelligence he changed his course for Eng∣land. And not sarre from Vshent in the night, hee fell into the middest of a great Spanish Fleet, which had bin with the Adelantado vpon the Coast of England, & then homeward bound; but the night being stormy, he escaped that perill, and yet not without great danger. For one of the Spanish Gallions which was supposed to bee the Admirall (for shee carried a mightie Lanthorne in her Poope) passed so neere to the Aduenture, that their Mayne-yards in the end were [ 50] foule one of the other, so as they hardly auoyded their stemming of their Ships, which in all likeli∣hood must haue sunke one, or both. With this storme the Aduenture was forced into Ireland, into Corke Hauen in Munster, where hee repaired his Ship of certaine leakes shee had, and also mended her Mayne Mast, which was strangely shiuered with a whirlewind. And then putting to Sea againe for England, a little before day, in a storme the Ship was driuen vpon the lee shoare within Beachy in Sussex; and not being able to double that head-land, in the endeauouring wher∣of all the Sayles, being by violence of weather rent from the yards, to auoid running vpon the Rockes, they came to an anchor, euery Billow ouerwashing the Ships head, that neither by pum∣ping, nor lading out of the water, they were able to free her: and the men in her so tired with labour, as no hope of safetie was left. The last remedy was to cut all the Masts and Tackle ouer∣boo••d, [ 60] which lightened the Ship, and by that meanes shee was preserued. After thirtie houres of this extreame perill, the storme ceased, and so by Gods fauour with a Iury Mast, which was made of the Boat Mast, and the Boat Sayle, hauing no Mast nor anchor left but one, he arri∣ued

vpon Allhollenday in the Downes, beyond all expectation of the Masters and Mariners, who made no other reckoning then to be lost.

And these were the accidents that separated Sir George Carew from the Fleet, in the huge stormes on Bartholmew day, in the Bay of Alchasher, as aforesaid. In which storme the Saint An∣drew at that time spent her mayne top Mast, and lost vs for three or foure dayes, but all the rest of the Fleet, (except our Ships, which carried the Low-Country Souldiers) kept together in the Bay. And so many as came to vs after at the Rocke, were beaten also from the Admiral in that Bay, and so were many other Ships, which found vs after at the Rocke, to the number of thirty and odde sayle. Whereupon a rumour was afterward raised, that the Reare-Admirall was gone away with thirty sayle from the Fleet, to the ouerthrow of the intended seruice. Our Admirall still bare in [ 10] with the Land, & the most part of the Fleet followed the same course. The next day we made the high Land of Portugall, and within some three houres after, Cape Prior, where our Admirall with diuers other of the Fleet, did beare in so close aboord the shore, as that all the Country ouer began to kindle fires. The which manner of discouering our selues (as I do remember) was much noted by diuers good Souldiers, as well by Sea, as Land: for indeed it was reputed no great policie, nor discretion in vs, to run in so close aboard the shoare, if we had any secret or sudden exploit to performe on that Coast, as it was pretended. For that Brauado of ours, did but giue them more warning to prouide for themselues, and to pre∣uent vs. And I haue obserued that those brauing humours, haue of late yeeres been the hindrance, and losse of many good fortunes, as well in Sir Francis Drake his two last Voyages to the Indies, and Sir Iohn Norris in his to Lisbon, by staying at the Groyne, as also in others, &c. [ 20]

Towards the euening, we put roome againe from the Coast, and beat vp and downe in the Bay to free vs from thence, expecting a wind where with to double the North Cape, which, within two or three dayes wee had, and so passed along within ten leagues of the Coast by Ferrall, the Groyne, and Cape Bealim, and so weathered the North Cape. And as the Fleet together was passing along towards the South, almost as farre as the Iles of Bayon, our Ship (the Wastspite) be∣ing then a middest them all, on the seuen and twentieth of August, broke her mayne Yard in sun∣der in the very middest by the Parrell. Whereupon we presently discharged a Peece of Ordnance, and made our misfortune knowne to our Admirall, who himselfe spake with vs, and also at that time had a great leake broken out vpon his owne Ship. And there by his order and permission we were willed to repaire our mayne Yard the best wee could, and vntill it were finished in [ 30] that birth to goe on with our Fore-sayle towardes the Rocke before the winde, whiles hee with the Fleet would in towardes the Coast, and so, wee there to ply vp and downe about the height of the Rocke, vntill his Lordship came vnto vs, or during the dayes limited in the generall instructions, and thence to passe onwards to the South Cape, and there to remaine according to the said directions. And yet wee did not for two dayes after de∣part, though to our great disease; for wee wallowed in the trough of the Sea, and row∣led so extreamely, as that wee had like to haue lost our mayne Mast also. After this order gi∣uen, wee presently tooke aduice the best wee could, and set our hands together for the repay∣ring and finishing of our mayne Yard, being broken in the Parrell, a very euill place to a∣mend: wherein that night wee could doe little good, more then to free the Sayles and Tackle [ 40] from it. Notwithstanding the very next morning the Admirall sent a commandement to vs, that wee should presently attend him with all speed, for that hee meant to put in with the Land: The which wee were altogether vnable to performe, our mayne Yard being in sunder, and impossible it was so suddenly in one night to repayre it, and without it, wee were not able to worke vpon a wind, (as all Mariners know) hauing but our Fore-sayle and Mizen, and the winde almost of the Land, so as it had beene but an idle labour, for the more we striued, the faster wee fell off. Besides, if wee could haue layd the Land with that sayle, it had beene a madnesse to put our selues vpon the Enemies Coast in that estate, for if the wind had then changed to the West, we wanting all our mayne Sayles, must haue yeelded or perished So as in regard of this necessitie, we did for two daies, as aforesaid ply vp and down, [ 50] vntill wee had repaired our Yard, and fitted our sayles vnto it, being now fiue foot shorter then it was before.

Whilest wee were thus distressed on our Enemies Coast, Sir William Brooke, Captaine of the Dread-nought came vnto vs and tarried with vs, out of his owne charitie and friendly disposition, for there were no directions (that wee heard of) giuen to any to accompany vs in that distresse. Onely the Vice-Admirall (of his owne noble care) very kindly and honourably hayled vs, and offered what comfort and helpe hee could giue vs; some others afterwards did the like. But we hauing yeelded due thankes to the Vice-Admirall for such his noble care and curtesie desired no more company, but wished all others of our Squadron to repaire vnto the Admirall, contenting our selues with Sir William Brooke in the Dread-naught, and two or three other small men of our [ 60] owne Squadron, which of their owne accord followed vs. Neither did we in all this time intreat the company of any one Ship more to stay with vs, albeit the contrary was very falsly suggested and reported in a strange manner of phrase, which was, that the Reare-Admirall vpon the breaking of his Mayne-yard, willed all his Squadron and those that loued him to keepe him

company, and not to follow the Admirall. But as this was a monstrous vntruth, raised out of ma∣lice to the Reare-Admirall, thereby to inuegle the Admirall against him; so the authors were af∣ter wards ashamed of their impudent slander, when the truth was made manifest at our meeting againe with the Admirall and the Fleet at the Ilands of Asores.

As soone as wee had mended our Maine-yard, wee bare in with the Coast, making all the in∣quiry that we could for our Admirall and the Fleet, but could not haue any intelligence of them. Whereupon casting many coniectures, wee sent a small Man into the Iles of Bayon, but could learne no newes of him there. Then wee thought verily that hee would hold on his course for the South-Cape, according to the generall instructions, we well knowing that hee could not then put in for Ferrall or the Groine (as was afterward colourably suggested) the wind being flat against him, and our whole Fleet hauing ouer-shot it neere twentie leagues before that our Yard [ 10] was broken; and therefore it was rather a pretence to seeme desirous to vndertake it, then that there was any possibilitie to performe it. For besides that wee had ouershot it, and the wind con∣trary, so as we could not recouer it again, both those Ships were wanting which were chiefly de∣signed to bee aduentured in that seruice, namely the Saint Andrew and the Saint Mathew, two huge Gallions of the King of Spaines, that were but the yeere before taken at the sacke of Cales, and onely saued of fortie or fiftie saile that were then beaten and burnt to ashes. Vpon these rea∣sons wee shaped our course for the Rocke, plying vp and downe in that height for a few dayes. In which time wee gaue chase to diuers Spanish ships which wee beate into Cast-keyes, and caused some of them to runne on ground, wee being so neere Cast-keyes as that we could number diuers tall ships that road there vnder the Fort. Here wee hourely expected our Admirall, being the [ 20] very appointed place for a Randeuous to all the Fleet, and would gladly haue met with him, be∣ing of our selues but a weake force to lye on that Coast, if the Spanish Armado had beene abroad; as wee were to suspect it was, or in a readinesse at the least. And therefore it was fouly falsi∣fied or mistaken of those that gaue it out, and carryed the newes into England, that wee had of purpose left and lost our Admirall to range the Coast alone at our pleasures. For being no stron∣ger then wee were, and lying as wee did in the height that was appointed by the generall in∣structions to the whole Fleet, it was not to be imagined in any sense or reason, that wee desired to leaue or lose the Fleet vpon the breaking of our Maine-yard so neere the Coast of Spaine, and the Adelantadoes Forces then bruted to bee abroad. But indeed our Reare-Admirall commanded all our Squadron to follow the Generall, because he pretended to aduenture vpon the Groine. Yet [ 30] we hoped, and so hee promised, that either hee would come off to vs againe where wee lay, or find vs without faile at the Rocke, but did neither: for there were three places of our Randeuous appointed, if any separation happened. The first at the North Cape, and failing there, then at the Rocke, and failing there, then at the South Cape. Now when all such ships as were sundred by tempest in the Bay of Alcasher, failed of their Admiral at the North Cape, they then sought him at the Rock, where they found the Reare-admiral, who held them altogether, and brought them to the Generall at the Ilands; else had they all returned home, after they had missed of some Admi∣rall to command them at the third and last place of meeting: for none of our Fleet went so farre to the Southward. [ 40]

Whilest wee thus stayed about the Rocke, the Caruells of Lisbone, and of the parts thereabouts, would daily come swarming about vs like Butter-flyes, so neere, as that we might cast a stone in∣to some of them, and yet could wee neuer catch any one of them, so yare and nimble they are. But if wee would haue bestowed any musket or great shot on such bables, wee might peraduenture haue killed some of their men, or sunke some of them, which wee forbare in hope to draw them to vs oftner, and then if any calme had happened, we might haue taken them with our Boats, and by them gotten some Intelligence. At the same time also there came to the Rocke neere thirtie saile of ships of our owne Victuallers and Transporters, amongst whom was Captain Sidney, Cap∣taine White, Captain Berry, and others, some of whom wee tooke into vs out of their owne weake ships; who hauing lost the Generall in the Bay of Alcasher, in the storme aforesaid, sought him first at the North Cape; and missing him there, came to the Rocke, according to the generall in∣structions, [ 50] and they by chance finding the Reare-Admirall at the Rocke, were held together till wee either found or heard from the Generall. After we had thus plied vp and downe about the height of the Rocke, and yet determined at last to haue passed on for the South Cape, there came athwart vs a small Barke of England, with whom wee communed, inquiring what newes in the South parts where they had beene. They told vs, that they had lately met a Man of Warre bound for England, that had taken an Indian man, naming the Captaine, who (as they said) informed them for certaine that the Atlantado was gone for the Ilands, to weft home the Indian Fleet. This report seemed to carry with it good likelihood of truth, for we heard before that the Atlantado was preparing to the Seas, and also were certain, that both the King of Spaine his Treasure, and other Indi∣an [ 60] Fleets were to come home that yeere. Besides, we did not suspect that one of our owne Countrey would be so lewd, or durst presume to informe her Maiesties Nauie, with a meere salfe coyned suggestion, as indeed this was found to be afterward. For such a dishonest treacherous part may sometimes turne to a great inconuenience, in diuerting a whole Fleet by a false intelligence, and is a point better fitting a

Traitor then a true man, and well deserueth seuere and publike punishment for an example to all other. For although sea-faring men will now and then (as doe Poets and Painters) take liberty to fab〈…〉〈…〉; yet it is no goodiesting nor dalying with Princes affaires in that sort, and therefore if I could call to mind the Captaine or Masters name, surely I would doe them the curtesie now to remember them.

Hereupon our Reare-Admirall thinking it very requisite, and his dutie to informe our Admi∣rall of this aduertisement as soone as might bee, ernestly required the same Man to ply vp to∣wards the North-Cape, all alongst the Coast as well as he could, (because it lay in his way home∣wards bound) to find out our Fleet, & to informe our Admiral of this Intelligence. But he answe∣red in the hearing of all the company, that the Captaine that had taken this Indian, Prize, had al∣ready sent the Admirall a Letter to the same effect. Yet the Reare-Admirall for the more suretie [ 10] (doubting that a Letter might miscarry, or that no such Letter might bee sent, being but an ex∣cuse of this Man to put off the trouble of seeking out our Fleet, being a matter of great impor∣tance) commanded one of his small Men (that at that time followed vs) to deliuer the same ad∣uertisement to our Admirall, as hee had receiued it by word of mouth; and to vse all diligence to seeke him, and the Fleet, and to deliuer the report truly in manner as it was related, and withall to signifie vnto his Lordship, that wee there attended him in that height according to the directi∣ons, and so would obserue all places and times appointed, and that in such sort his Lordship should be sure to heare of vs, vpon any occasion to wait on him. This message, and Messenger could sufficiently witnesse, that we had no intent nor desire to abandon the Fleet, or to sequester our selues, being at the place set downe in the generall instructions. This small Man that had this [ 20] message in charge to deliuer to his Lordship, the next day (by good hap) found out the Fleet, and vpon deliuery of this newes, within two dayes after, our Reare-Admirall receiued two se∣uerall Letters to one effect from the Admirall one after another. First somewhat taxing him for not writing, then for his absence and withal requiring him presently to follow him to the Ilands, whether he said he would (by Gods helpe) hasten to find the Adelantado, not doubting but to giue his Mistresse a better account of that seruice, then the Adelantado should yeeld his Master: so, or much to that effect the Letters went, for I my selfe read them (with the Reare-Admi∣rall his permission) and therefore can truly report their contents.

Vpon this suddaine and strict message, we presently altered our determination from going to the South-Cape, to hast to the Ilands, and therfore we presently gaue notice to Sir William Brooke [ 30] and the rest of our consorts, of our Admirall his Letters, and what way he meant to take, and so instantly without any further delay, we shaped our course for the Ilands. But in this passage of ours towards the Ilands, as wee had a franke wind, so met wee with other lets. For our Maine∣yard began againe to cracke, insomuch that wee were inforced to strengthen it with more fishing. And as commonly misfortunes neuer come alone, so in the necke of this trouble, our Mayn-mast began to shrinke also, springing great flawes in diuers places, in so much that at last we greatly doubted with euery high blast or wind, that it would haue beene blowne ouer-boord. This sudden disaster much troubled vs, and the more, to thinke what vnequall constructions would bee made thereof. Wee acquainted all the rest of our consorts with this late befallne mischiefe, and desired Sir William Brooke in the Dread naught to carry the light for all the company, seeing that our ship [ 40] was so defectiue that we must needs stay to see if we could make the Mast seruiceable, but would vse all our best means to come speedily after, desiring him, and all the rest to hast to our Admiral, and to signifie our misfortunes, and withal to make the more speed, for that if the Adelantado were at the Ilands, our Admirals Forces would be wel helped by their companies, & so for a few hours, we and our consorts parted, only we retained two little small Men with vs for our better comfort. Yet notwithstanding this order and direction giuen, so great were our desires to go on, & our labor such, as that the same night wee had new fished our crased Maine-mast with a spare Maine top Mast that lay by vs, and then so plied our sayles as that the next day towards the euening, wee ouertooke Sir William Brooke againe, and the rest of our consorts hasting towards the Ilands as was directed. And on the eight of September, in the yeere 1597. being Thursday, wee made the Ile [ 50] called the Tercera, and weathered it to the North-west; where we met with an English Merchant that came from Saint Michaels, and had layen trading about those Ilands some six weekes toge∣ther, but could not tell vs any newes of our Admirall and the Fleet, albeit they were passed by but two dayes before. Which shewes how easie a matter it is for shipping to passe by amongst those Ilands vnseene, and how difficult it is to find out such Ships among those Ilands, as would shelter themselues from men of Warre, and couet not to bee met withall, seeing that so great a Fleet could passe by vnseene or vn∣heard of, by one that came iust from the Ilands, at the same time that our Generall came thither. And therefore it is a necessary obseruation for all such men of Warre, as would meet or intercept any shipping, that doth touch at those Ilands, or do come from thence, to keep in the maine sea, and so to attend their com∣ming forth, and not to puzzle themselues with running in amongst those Ilands to seeke for purchase, ex∣cept [ 60] they haue others of their consorts lying in the Sea at the receite, if they chance to slip by which is easi∣ly done. This Merchant informed vs of certaine West Indian men, and two Carracks, that a month before had touched there, bound for Spaine. And by this Merchant wee wrote into Eng∣land how affaires went, In passing thus onwards we discouered Saint Georges Ilands, and there we

dispatched two of our small men, with charge to search about the Islands for our Fleete, and to enforme our Admirail, that we were going for Flores, and Cueruos, in hope to meete him there, withall willing those small men to come thither vnto vs. And yet I remember many in our Ship were doubtfull, and laid great wagers, that our Fleet was not yet come to the Islands, for that this Merchant could make no report thereof.

Whilest we were before Saint Georges, we were very much becalmed for a day or two, and the weather extreamely hot, insomuch as the winde could not beare the sailes from the mastes, but were faine to hull in the Sea, to our great discontentment, that before had vsed such great diligence and haste to meete with our Admirall, and the rest of the Fleete. Notwithstanding the winde began againe to be fauourable, and so setting forwards, the next of the Ilands that we [ 10] made, were Gratiosa, Pyke, and Fayall. And as we ranged by Gratiosa, on the tenth of September, a∣bout twelue a clocke at night, we saw a large and perfect Rainbow by the Moone light, in the bignesse and forme of all other Rainbowes, but ••n colour much differing, for it was more whitish, but chiefly inclining to the colour of the flame of fire. This made vs expect some extraordinary tempestuous weather, but in∣deede it fell out afterward to be very calme and hot. This Rainbow by the Moone light I doe the rather take occasion to no••e; for that I remember that Plinie in his naturall History of the world, speaking of Meteors, denieth any Rainbow to be seene, but opposite to the Sunne, and neuer in the night season: and yet (saith be) Aristotle reporteth for a raritie, that in his time there was a Rainbow seene by night, but withall affirmeth, that it could not be but at the full of the Moone. But in these parts they are very or∣dinary, as well when the Moone is not at the full, as otherwise, which maketh me to thinke, that these I∣land [ 20] were neuer knowne to the Greekes, nor to the Romans, nor that those former ages did truely con∣ceiue or know many things, that in these latter ti••••s haue bin discouered. For although Salomon saith that nothing is now under the Sunne (which no doubt is most true for all things haue had their being since the first Creation) yet all things haue not bin knowne in all places, and to all men alike. But as the long liues of men in the first ages (no doubt made their knowledge the greater by the benefit of long obseruati∣on: so againe, we in these latter dayes, by the tradition of their knowledge, left vnto vs, and also by the dis∣couery of those things, which time bath reuealed, haue found out many secrets to them vnknowne. But to returne.

The same night by the light of the Moone (which was then almost fallen with the Horison) we might espie certaine sailes passing towards the Eastwards of Gratiosa; whereupon we gaue [ 30] order that a couple of our small men should follow, and giue them chase, as we in the Wastspight likewise did, and hung out two lights to cause Sir William Brooke in the Dread-naught, and the rest of our consorts, to hold the same course with vs, but wee were followed by none of them, which when we perceiued, and the Moone-light being now by the earth so shaddowed from vs, as that we could hold no longer sight of these sailes (which had thrust themselues in amongst the Islands) we cast about, and held on our former course. But by this chasing, for this little time (e∣uen as we suspected) we lost the Dread-naught, and most of our consorts, and neuer saw them af∣ter, vntill we met them with our Admirall, and the rest of our Fleete at Flores; whither with scant windes we came, on the foureteenth of September, and then discouered all our Fleete. But at the first making of them, we stood some what doubtfull, whether it was our owne, or the Spa∣nish [ 40] Armado, they being as farre from vs, as we were able token out of our maine top, and there∣fore we did still striue to keepe into the weather, in approaching neere vnto them, vntill at last, we perfectly made them to be English bottomes. As soone as we were come within two leagues of them, the Seas being very calme, our Reare-admirall, my selfe, and some other Gentlemen of our ship, went aboord our Generall in a Barge, and dined with him, who seemed to be the ioy∣fullest man liuing for our arriuall, protesting, that he neuer beleeued that we would leaue him, al∣though diuers perswaded him the contrary; and acknowledged that hee was sorry for a Letter which he had written by Master Robert Knolles into England against vs, promising presently to make a dispatch of purpose, contrary to the former: hauing also found soone after by examina∣tion, that not any one of these thirtie and odde sailes of victuallers, and transporters, which came [ 50] now with vs, were drawne from him by the Reare-admirall, but that they all came to the Rocke to seeke the Generall, and there by chance found vs, who drew them to the Islands, much a∣gainst their desires, being most of them in great distresse. Afterwards wee enquired aboord our Generall, what had passed with them since we deparred, vpon the breaking of our maine yard, before the Isles of Bayon; and we learned that in all this time, they had done nothing but ranged the Seas, to seeke the Adelantado, and were come to the Islands but three daies before vs, where the Gouernours of the Islands of Flores and Cueruos, came to our Generall.

The Inhabitants of which two Islands seemed to be but a wretched needie kinde of people, and yet as crafty, as base, and bare. These very submisly humbled themselues vnto our Generall, bringing with them Fruites, Hens, and other fresh victuall, imploring fauour, and mercie at his [ 60] hands, and that he would vouchsafe to giue them his safeguard vnder his hand, to protect them from the spoile, and inuasion of our men: alledging for themselues that they were an harm•• lesse poore people, that gaue offence to none, but dwelt in Islands that yeelded comfort and reliefe of∣tentimes, to all Sea-faring men in their long Voyages, betweene the Indies and Christendome,

and were anciently subiects to the Portugals, friends to our Nation, and nothing guiltie of the Hostilitie betweene vs, and the Spaniards, who (as they said) did vsurpe, and tyrannize both o∣uer the Portugals and them. Our Generall heard, and entertained them, with great curtesie, and told them that he came not to afflict poore men, but was sent by the Queene his Mistris, to chastise the intollerable pride and insolencie of the Spanish, whose Indian Gold and riches, were imploied onely to the oppression, and disturbance of diuers Christian States and Princes; and these Islands being the chiefe places of retrait and refreshing for his Fleetes, that passed betweene Eu∣rope and the Indies, were great meanes, and helpes, to further their boundlesse ambition, and ty∣rannie, with other discourse to that effect. And so inquiring of them very precisely, the times, and seasons that the Indian Fleetes, both inward, and outward bound, held in passing by those [ 10] Islands; in conclusion gaue them diuers gifts, and his Protection in wrighting vnder his hand and seale from the violence of our Forces, which was very respectiuely obserued, euen to the value of an Hen, which no man durst take without paying for. Such was the moderation and bountie of this noble Gentleman our Generall, indued with many good gifts, though at the last he failed in the vse of them.

After we had bin aboord our Generall, and dined with him, he acquainted our reare Admirall with the many coniectures, and surmises of our absence, and withall named vnto him some of those men that had taxed him secretly with strange reports, and yet pretended to loue him, which he protested (as aforesaid) he neuer beleeued, but thereby the better obserued some mens scandalous, and cankered dispositions. In this sort did our Generall receiue and welcome our reare [ 20] Admirall, with the greatest kindenesse, and inward familiaritie that might be, and all the Gen∣tlemen of his Companie with honorable curtesie, to the great dislike and hart-burning of some that much enuied that liking, which of his owne disposition, our Generall did beare vnto him: For albeit the Earle had many doubts and iealousies buzd into his eares against the other, yet I haue often obserued, that both in his greatest actions of seruice, and in his times of chiefest recre∣ations, he would euer accept of his counsell and company, before many others that thought them∣selues more in his fauour. And as touching the Aduertisement that was sent into England, from the Isles of Bayon, by Master Robert Knolles, in a Pinnace called the Guiana, concerning vs, that were forsaken, and left alone vpon the breaking of our Maine yard: whereupon was pretended that many great exploits should haue bin performed vpon the coast of Spaine, if wee had not fal∣len [ 30] from them (as was vntruely suggested and reported) his Lordship promised the reare Admi∣rall then, to send another aduertisement, how we were all metagaine, and had bin formerly se∣uered by misfortunes onely, and not by any wilfull default in the reare Admirall, as was doubt∣ed. And that Aduertisement sent formerly by Master Knolles, we well knew proceeded not out of any particular malice of the Generall to vs, but onely to take that as a fit excuse to free him∣selfe from the enterprises of Ferall, or the Groine, which he had promised her Maiestie to vnder∣take, but saw it impossible to performe, by reason of the former crosses, and our long stay in Plim∣month; and therefore was glad to take the opportunity of any colour to satisfie her Maiestie, and to discharge himselfe of that burthen, which we did all perceiue, and therefore did striue the lesse the publish our Apologies, or to contest with a man of his place and credit, which (though in a [ 40] right) had bin but bootelesse, and meere folly; and therefore we left him to his best excuse, and our apparant innocencie. And for the more plaine manifesting of the Message, I haue thought it not a∣misse, here to insert the true copie of the Instructions verbatim, that our Generall sent by Master Robert Knolles into England, vpon these accidents before the Isles of Bayon.

That we weighing Ancor and setting saile from the sound of Plimmouth, the seuenteenth of this moneth of August, hauing sometimes calmes, but for the most part, Westerly and Northeasterly windes, we fellon thursday, the fiue and twenty of this moneth with the Land, which is to the Eastward of the Cape Ortingall, which land we made in the morning about ten of the clocke, and stood in with the shoare, till three in the afternoone. Then finding the winde scant to ply to the Southward, I stood all night into the Sea, and the next morning in againe to the Land. By which boords, by reason of the head-sea, and the [ 50] bare winde, we got nothing. On Friday night I stood off againe to the Sea, and about midnight the winde comming all Northerly, we got a good slant, to lye all along the coast: on Saturday in the morning, I dis∣couered the Saint Andrew, whom we had lost sight of two or three dayes before. I bare with her, and had no sooner got her vp, but Sir Walter Rawleigh shot off a peece, and gaue vs warning of his being in di∣stresse. I presently bare with him, and found that he had broken his maine yard. Whereupon I willed him to keepe along the coast that birth that he was, till he got in the height of the North Cape, and my selfe hauing a desperate leake broke out as euer ship swam withall, which I was fame to lye by the lee, and seele, to stop it, which how it held vs, you can report: and (God be thanked) that night we ouercame it, and stopped it. The next morning we all came to Cape Finister, sauing the Saint Matthew, who vpon break∣ing of her fore maste went home: and the Wastspight with whom the Dreadnaught went without stop to [ 60] the South Cape. This is all that is hapned to me. If her Maiestie aske you, why there was no attempt vpon the Fleete at Teral, you may say, I neither had the Saint Matthew, which was the principall ship for that execution, nor the Saint Andrew, till mine owne ship was almost sunke, and I not able to make saile, till Sir Walter Rawleigh with his owne ship the Dreadnaught, and very neere twenty saile were

gone. Wee are now gone to lye for the Indian Fleete, for by Spaniards wee haue taken, wee finde the Adelantado is not put to Sea this yeere. Of our successe, her Maiestie shall from time to time be aduer∣tised: you shall acquaint Master Secretarie with this instruction; and both to him, and all our friends you must excuse our haste.

We being thus met all at Flores, desired our Generall to giue vs, and our consorts leaue, to wa∣ter there before we departed thence, as his Lordship and the rest had done before, which he yeel∣ded vnto, and very nobly lent vs his owne long Boate, for our better speede, willing vs there to water, whilest he with the rest of the Fleete, did ply vp and downe to looke out for the Adelan∣tado, or any Indian Fleete, that being the very fit place, and season for them. Hereupon whilest our men and Mariners were prouiding to water, our Reare-admirall, with Sir William Brooke, my selfe, and diuers other Gentlemen went ashoare, to stretch our legs in the Isle of Flores, and to re∣fresh [ 10] our selues with such victuals as we could there get for our monie. And at our first landing there, we met with the Lord Gray, Sir Gylly Merricke, and other Gentlemen, and wee altoge∣ther walked a mile or two into the Countrie, and there dined in a little Village, where the bare∣legged Gouernour caused such things to be brought vnto vs, for our monie, as the Island afforded In other sort we tooke nothing, which was very faire wars.

This Island seemes to be somewhat mountainous, yet hauing very good store of Fruits, Wheat, and other Corne. Their Corne they doe all keepe in large hollow vaults within the earth, hau∣ing no other way nor entrance into them, but by a round hole in the top of the vault, onely so big as a man may creepe into it, and when it is closed vp with a planke, and ouerstrewed with earth is very hard to be found out by strangers, for the which purpose they are so made, and much like [ 20] the Caues in Gascoyne, and Languedocke, and such as are mentioned by Caesar to be vsed in Af∣fricke. This Island lies more subiect to the inuasion of Sea-faring men, then any of the rest; for there all traders of the Indies doe vsually water, and refresh themselues. But here I must not for∣get to relate, that before we had our leaue to water, or were departed from the Generall, a Coun∣sell was called, and holden, for the taking in of some of the Islands, and an orderly course set downe for the same; which was in this sort concluded on: The Admirall, and Reare-admirall to vndertake Fayall; the Lord Thomas Howard Vice-admirall, and the Marshall Uere, to vndertake Gratiosa; The Lord Mountioye, Lieutenant Generall, and Sir Christopher Blunt Coronell Gene∣rall of the Foote to Saint Michaels: and the Netherland Squadron, was quartered to Pyke, where [ 30] the greatest store of Wines doe grow, and therefore would not be taken in ill part of them, as we presumed. The reason why we resolued to master and waste all these Islands was, because 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was determined by the Generall to attempt the Tercera it selfe: which enterprise was put off, because the Reare-admirall, and with him twenty or thirty saile were wanting. But being now (contrary to all expectation, and to many mens hopes) arriued, this resolution receiued a second life; but it was first thought necessary to take from them, and to helpe our selues, with all the vi∣ctuals and other commodities that those Islands could affoord: For the performance of which with the more speede, we diuided our selues into foure Companies, as before written: But sure∣ly the fortune of those poore wretches was lamentable, that fell into the Flemmings hands; for I thinke no people on the earth, can vse lesse mercy, or greater insolencies then they doe, in all the places that they [ 40] maister, which are subiect to the Spanish Gouernment: and yet I must say truely for them, that the Spa∣niards againe haue vsed such tyrannie, and outrage in their iurisdictions ouer that industrious people, as hath well merited their irreconcileable malice, and withall hath cost the Spanish King many millions of Ducates, besides the life of many a proud Castilian, since the Execution of the Counts Egmount and Horne. And it is very admirable to see what heart and courage those Netherlanders are now growne vnto, and how powerfully three or foure little Prouinees, doe resist the forces of that mightie King, that keepes Millaine, Naples, and Sicill in great bondage, in despight of all the Italians, who doe thinke themselues for valour, and for policie the Minions of the Earth, and yet bow their neckes to the Spa∣nish yoake.

After this consultation for taking in of the Islands, as aforesaid, and leaue giuen vnto vs, and [ 50] our consorts to water with all the speede we could, at Flores, we hauing prepared our Caske, and all things in a readinesse to bring our fresh water aboord, about midnight, being the sixteenth of September, there came vnto vs from our Generall, Captaine Arthur Champernowne, with this message; That my Lord Generall was borne vp for Fyall, and ment presently to take it in, and therefore willed vs with all speede to follow him instantly, and though wee could not ouertake him, yet at least to finde him there so soone as we could, and the same word was likewise deli∣uered to Sir William Brooke, and the rest, that lay there to water. And further, our Generall sent vs word, that we should supply all our wants of water, and fresh victuals at Fayall. And this night as we rode at ancor ••••fore Flores, we saw another Rainebow, by the Moone light, as before, and af∣ter the samo manner, which (contrary to Plinies report of Aristotels opinion) was seene, though not at a [ 60] full Moone, for the other was so seene some seuen dayes before, in the which space, there could not be two full Moones. Vpon this Message brought by Captaine Champernowne we forbare watering, and ha∣sted all we could, to weigh our anchors, and to follow our Generall. And therefore gaue a warning peece or two, to our Consorts before wee departed, and afterwards pack'd on all

the sailes we could make to follow our Generall, whom we could not ouertake, nor finde.

The next morning we made Fayall, and entred the roade, and there missed of him also, con∣trary to our hopes, and to our great discontent. Whereat we could not but greatly maruell, be∣cause when he sent for vs, he was six leagues neerer it, then we were, and besides, set saile to∣wards it sixe or eight houres before vs. Being arriued in the roade, wee beheld before our eyes a very fine Towne, pleasantly seated alongst the shoare side: from whence presently vpon the sight of our entrance into the roade, they began to packe away with bag, and baggage all they could, with carriages of Horses and Carts, Women, Children, Friers, and Nunnes, and so continued in transporting all vp into the Countrey for two dayes together. There was besides a strong Fort at one end of the Town, and another on the top of a very high Mountain, neere adioyning, by nature [ 10] very vnaccessible, and steepe, and artificially fenced with Flanckers, Rampiers, and Ditch, and in it six Peeces of great Artillerie, mounted vpon carriages, and two hundred Spaniards in garrison, beside others of the Island. These made certaine shot at our Ships as they anchored in the roade, but did not much harme, and set vp a great red Auncient for vs to gaze at: Besides, there were presently sent six Companies with their Colours, to intrench themselues vpon the shoare side, to impeach our landing: Hereupon our Reare Admirall in his Barge, accompanied with my selfe onely and Captaine Morgan, rowed close aboord the high Fort, and all alongst the shoare side, to wards the Towne, to see what fit place there was to make a discent against our Generals com∣ming. From whence we were saluted with diuers musket shot, that missed vs but narrowly by good fortune, for we vndiscreetly had with vs neitheir Targets, nor Armors, but wished for them [ 20] when it was to late. And therefore as well by that experience, as also by others in the same iourney, that I saw at our landing vpon a fortified trench, I saw it to be but an idle and vnseruiceable brauery, for men that are to doe seruice, to expose their vnarmed bodies and limbs, to the mercy of a Musket, or the push of a Pike: whereby they can neither with that abilitie, nor resolution, prosecute that they haue in hand, nor yet so well preserue themselues as they ought to doe, for the bettering of their attempts. Besides, out of a Christian regard, they should not desperately cast away themselues, or carelesly spill their owne bloud, and the liues of many others, by such brauing, and foolish examples. This night as we roade in the Harbour, there swomme aboord vs from the Towne two Portugals that discouered vnto vs many things, greatly encouraging vs to this exploit. And of this we may bouldly take knowledge, that the Portugals, and Inhabitants of those Islands, doe infinitely hate, and malice the Spaniards, and their Gouernment, and [ 30] would (no doubt) free themselues thereof gladly, if they were sure to fall vnder any other Gouernment that were able to protect them from the Spaniards. And therefore if any powerfull Monarch, or State did at∣tempt it, they should not be troubled as with a Conquest, for all the Inhabitants would soone be perswaded to reuolt, and take part with the inuaders, for the aduancing of that businesse.

While we thus expected our Generall in vaine (to our no little maruell) that thought he had bin there before vs, according to Captaine Champernownes report (the winde being as good then for him as for vs) our Reare Admirall called a counsell of many Captaines, and Officers (that were come thither by order) to consult of the taking of the Towne, if our Generall came not, thinking it a great shame and pittie to let slip so faire a pray, so neere at hand, without attemp∣ting it in time, before they had carried all away. Besides a great scorne and disgrace wee should [ 40] doe our selues, to enterprise nothing vpon them that had begun the warres, shooting first at vs as we roade at ancor, and then after their bringing downe to the water side so many Auncients, did proudly as it were inuite vs to assaile them, if we durst, hauing withall, hung out a red Flagge of defiance, from the top of the high Fort. The hope of the wealth of this good Towne, and the ransoming of Houses and Prisoners, together with those brauadoes which they shewed, did so set on fire all our Mariners and Souldiers, as that they began to mutine, and raile on the Reare Ad∣mirall, and at all the Commanders there, taxing them for these delaies, as not daring to attempt the taking thereof: Besides, they were the more eagerly set vpon the spoile, and gaining of this Towne, and Fort, for that they saw no great likelihood of benefit by this Voyage, but what was gotten ashoare in the Islands. In conclusion, albeit we heard no newes of our Generall in two [ 50] dayes more expectation, yet at the counsell of Captaines which our Reare Admirall had assem∣bled, some of them varied much from the common desire, and would by no meanes assent to the landing, without my Lord Generall his knowledge. And of this opinion was Sir Guilly Mericke, Sir Nicholas Parker, and some other Captaines: Our Reare Admirall, with Sir William Brooke, my selfe, Sir William Haruey, and other Gentlemen, and Commanders of our Reare Admirall his Squadron (called to this consulation) were of a contrary opinion, iudging that my Lord Gene∣rall would repute vs but Idlers, and Cowards, to lye so long, before so good a Towne, with so many Ships and men, and to doe nothing in his absence, seeing them hourely before our eyes, so fast to carry, and packe away their goods and wealth. And this was also 〈…〉〈…〉e common opinion and b〈…〉〈…〉te, as well of the multitude, as of the Low Countrie Captaines. But yet the violent and earnest [ 60] perswasions of Sir Guillie Merricke, did so preuaile with vs, vrging our obedience and duetie to our Generall, as that we staied from the Enterprise at that time, and expected our Generals com∣ming one day longer, especially for that they perswaded vs, if his Lordship came not the next day, then themselues would also land with vs.

Which when we had also expected in vain, and the winde changing somewhat vnfit for that Roade, our Reare Admirall, and diuers of his Squadron, and many other of the Ships following him, weied, and coasted about the point, to the North-west side of the Island, some foure miles further from the Towne then we were before, and there let fall our ancors, being then a better Roade then the first, as the winde was changed. But Sir Guillie Merricke with some fiue or sixe Ships of his consorts, staied still in the first Roade, and would not budge. When we had in this sort changed our Roade, and being now the fourth day of our arriuall before Fayall (which was not aboue a daies sailing from the place, from whence our Generall sent for vs, wee might see before vs, a very fine and pleasant Countrie, full of little Villages, and fruitfull fields: and therefore we much desired to refresh our selues aland there with victuals, and water, as our Generall had pro∣mised we should doe, when we came to Fayall, and as diuers others had done before vs at Flores, [ 10] and as we had then, but that we were called away to Fayall by Captaine Champernownes sodaine message from the Generall, as was aforesaid. And in truth we were in great want of fresh water, which we had not renued, since our setting out from Plimouth. All these occasions considered, and we being now retired from the Towne and Forts, we all resolued that wee might without offence, with a few of our owne men, goe ashoare, and refresh our selues, and seeke for water: whereupon we manned a Barge, a long Boate, and a Pinnace with threescore Muskets, and for∣ty Pikes, rather to guard our selues in our landing, and watering with discretion, then expecting any encounter or resistance, from the Towne or Forts, on the other side of the Island. But our men were no sooner placed in our Boates, and all things ordered, and we ready to put off from the Ships side, but we might discouer sixe Auncients of foote, and some dosen Horsemen comming on [ 20] a speedy march from the Towne and Forts, directly towards the place where wee were to make our discent; for from one side of the high Fort on the Mountaine, they might also ouerlooke vs, where our ships roade, and discouer all our preparation.

When we had a while aduised of this new Brauado, that they went about, and saw them still to come on faster, with so many strong companies of men (or at the least the bodies of men fur∣nished with womens hearts) and had made such haste, as that they possessed themselues of the Trenches and Flankers, where we were to land, and there had placed their Companies, and Col∣lors, attending our approach, as they made shew, by wauing their Swords, and displaying their Auncients in great brauery (for doubtlesse they thought we feard to land in their faces, because [ 30] we lay so long before the Town, and neuer attempted any thing, and were so shrunke aside off; af∣ter they had prouoked vs so with great shot, and many other affronts) we seeing that p••••portion of an hundred men (prouided onely to guard our watering) to be too few to assault, and win a lan∣ding vpon so many, in a place of so great disaduantage, and yet disdaining to goe backe, or make any shew of feare; our Reare Admirall in his Barge rowed to Sir William Brookes Ship, and to Sir William Harueyes, and desired them, and some other Sea Captaines, to accompany him in lan∣ding, with such men as conueniently they could furnish: For (said he) seeing these Spaniards and Portugals are so gallant to seeke and follow vs, and to keepe vs from watering, wee will try our fortunes with them, and either win our landing, or gaine a beating.

Sir William Brooke, Sir William Haruey, and some others, very willingly assented, and presently [ 40] there were made ready with shot, and Pike one hundred and sixtie men more in Boates. And af∣ter this our Reare Admirall rowing by Captaine Bret, Sidney, White, Berry, and other Captaines of the Low Countrie Souldiers, that were there abrood in other Ships, they all cried out to take them and their companies with them, assuring him, that if he aduentured to land with Mariners, and with his owne attendants, without some Companies of Land Souldiers, hee would receiue a dis∣grace. He answered, that he durst not take any of my Lord Generall his company of the Low Countries, no knowing in what seruice he ment to vse them; but he was resolued with the Gen∣tlemen, and company of his owne Squadron, first to make a discent, and then to call them, and send Boates for them, if he proceeded any further, and that neither my Lord Generall, nor any of his traine, should haue cause to be ashamed of vs, for vndertaking that in the face of our Ene∣mies, [ 50] which we durst not follow, and performe. And therefore told those Captaines, that hee would first attempt to win a landing, and then after if they could but second him ashoare with two hundred men more, hee would vndertake to lodge them that night in the Towne, and the next night after in the Forts. These Captaines were all glad of the newes, and promised to come after vs, if we would send our Boates for them; for most of their Ships had lost their Boates with foule weather.

This order and direction being giuen, we hasted as fast as our Oares could ply without the company of any Low Countrie Souldiers (being as I said two hundred and sixty strong, and the e∣nemy more then the double as many) to the landing place which was first guarded with a migh∣ty ledge of Rockes, some forty paces long into the Sea, and afterwards trenched, and flanked [ 60] with earth and stone, and onely a narrow lane betweene two wals left for our Entrance. But withall, we caused some of our Pinnaces that carried Ordnance, to lye as close to the shoare as they could, to flanke and beate vpon them in their trenches a little before, and iust as wee made our approach; which we found to good purpose, and as well performed, especially by one Cap∣taine

Banker, in a fine Flee Boate of the Flemmish Squadron. But if there had bin but one hun∣dred Low Countrie Spaniards at that defence, it had cost many of our liues, & yet perhaps haue mis∣sed our purpose too: For a small company with any resolution, might haue made good that place, against a farre greater force then ours were at that time. But as we made onwards with our Boats, the shot plaied so thicke vpon vs, as that in truth the Mariners would scarce come forwards, ha∣uing the lesser liking to the businesse, the neerer they came to it. And in like sort did I see some there stagger, and stand blanke, that before made great shewes, and would gladly be taken for va∣liant Leaders: and some of these, our Reare Admirall did not spare to call vpon openly, and re∣buke aloud with disgracefull words, seeing their basenesse.

And withall finding a generall amazement amongst the Mariners, and as it were a stay amongst [ 10] all the Boates, well p〈…〉〈…〉ceiuing that this manner of houering, was both more disgracefull, and al∣so more vnsafe, lying so open to the enemies shot (which through feare and amazement the Ma∣riners, and Rowers, neither obserued nor vnderstood) with a loud voice commanded his Water∣men to rowe in full vpon the Rockes, and bad as many as were not afraid, to follow him: Here∣upon some Boates ran in with vs, and out of them there landed Master Garret a Pentioner, now Earle of Kildare, a Noble and valiant Gentleman; Sir William Brooke, Sir William Haruey, Sir Iohn Scot, Master Duke Brooke, Captaine Henry Thinne, Captaine White, Master Thomas Rugeway, Ma∣ster Walter Chute, Captaine Arthur Radford, Master Henry Allen. Captaine William Morgan, Master Charles Mackart, and diuers other Gentlemen, whose names I would not omit, if I could call them all to minde, And so clambring ouer the rockes, and wading through the water, [ 20] we passed pell mell, with Swords, Shot, and Pikes vpon the narrow Entrance. Whereupon those that were at the defence, after some little resistance, began to shrinke, and then seeing vs to come faster on vpon them, suddenly retiring, cast away their weapons, turned their backes, and fled, and the like did the rest in the higher Trenches, and quickly recouered the hils, and the woods, being a people very swift, and nimble of foote; for we could take none of them, but such as after yeelded vnto vs. And as for their Auncients, we could not recouer one, for the Horsemen that they had, carried them cleane away. And in this sort we gained both our landing, and our Ene∣mies Trenches. In which attempt some few men were drowned, and slaine, diuers hurt, and two long Boates bulged, and lost. And after that we saw all things cleare, we assembled our Troopes together, and refreshed ourselues, with such comfort, as we had there, which done, we sent backe [ 30] our Boates for those Low Countrie Captaines afterward; who vpon their arriuall congratulated our good successe, in taking so strong a peece of ground, fortified, and guarded with so many men. When these Captaines were come vnto vs, we then tooke our selues to be a prettie Armie, being then in strength to the number of foure hundred and sixtie well armed, and appointed: where∣of there were of Captaines and Gentlemen of good sort thirty, or forty which gaue great life to the businesse.

And hauing done so much already, we then thought it the best way to goe through with the matter, and to prepare the Towne in a readinesse for our Generall, and to make our selues Bur∣gesses thereof in the meane season, and therefore our Reare Admirall appointed Captaine Bret to vse the Office of Sergeant Maior, and gaue direction to the other Captaines to aduance their [ 40] Colours, and to call their Companies together, in a readinesse, and so putting our Troopes in order, we marched directly toward the Towne, where by the way, diuers of these same very Spaniards, and Portugals, that a little before so braued vs, came and rendred themselues in great humility, with white Napkins on the end of stickes, all whom, wee receiued, and well intreated, vsing some for Guides, and some for our Carriages, and others to fetch vs in fresh Victuals, and Fruites. And it is worth the noting, to see the farre differing humors, vpon the change of Fortunes, in these Spaniards, and Portugals. For where they conquer or command, no people are so proud, and in∣solent, and when they are once mastered, and subdued, no Nation of the world so base, or fuller of seruile crouching, and obseruance, as though on a sodaine Nature had framed them in a new mould, so soone in an instant will they fall from soueraigntie to slauery. And surely (at home) they are in generall but a [ 50] baggage people, tamorous, and very vnwarlike. As we haue well experienced by seuerall inuasions, where∣of one Army was conducted by Sir Iohn Norris, and Sir Francis Drake to Lisbona, and the other by the Earle of Essex, and the Lord Admirall Howard to Cadis, without any resistance, encounter in the field, or show of assayling our forces by battaile, all the while we stated there. But afterwards with a little hardening, and hartening in the Warres, wee see them proue very braue, and valiant Souldiers.

This Towne was some foure miles from this landing place, and all the Country in which wee marched very champion, with pretty little rising hils, and all the fields ouer full of Mellons, Po∣tatoes, and other Fruites. Betweene vs, and the Towne, was this high Fort, whereof I spake be∣fore, and that other Fort at the end of the Towne: By these two we were resolued to passe, the [ 60] better thereby to discouer and obserue their strength, and situation: although there was ano∣ther way that led to the Towne, some two miles further about, which we tooke not. But our resolution was the next morning to goe in hand with these Forts, which now we could not per∣forme, the day being too far spent, and our men already ouerwearied with the last worke, toge∣ther

with a long march, and extreame hot weather, besides want of victuals. And therefore for that night we ment onely, either by faire or foule meanes to possesse our selues of the Towne, and there to lodge, and so to content our selues, as hauing performed already, a sufficient daies worke. But in our march, as we approached neere the high Fort (by which of necessitie we were now to passe) they did very fiercely beate on vs both with great and small shot, hurting diuers, and kil∣ling some of our people. Amongst others I saw a very strange accident happen to Captaine Wil∣liam Morgan, by whom my selfe at that time stood, when from the Fort he receiued vpon a round buckle or his girdle, iust in the forepart, a Musket shot, that brused all his belly blacke, in a round spot, and battered the Bullet flat at his feete, but did him no other hurt. Hee was in his doublet and hose without any Armour, or Target, for the which a little before I found fault with him, and his answere to me was, that his flesh was of the Musket proofe, as indeede it after proued, [ 10] with the helpe of a buckle of a Spanish girdle, and good fortune besides, which in the common opi∣nion fauoureth the valiant.

In this approaching towards the Fort, our Reare Admiral accompanied with diuers other Gen∣tlemen of the best sort, to the number of forty, in the head of all the Troopes, with his leading staffe, and no other Armour then his Collar (a brauery in a chiefe Commander not to be commen∣ded) led on the Company with soft march, full in the face of the Fort, descending downe a little hill, whileft with their great Ordnance, and Musketteir, we were very shrewdly pelted. But he, with this little Vauntguard was no sooner past, and entred vnder the couert of their trenches, and barricadoes, that were at the foote of this steepe hill, but the maine body of our little Armie, that a while marched in good order, began presently to breake their rankes, and from marching [ 20] fell to flat running in stragling manner, so soone as euer they began to finde themselues within the mercy of the Musket shot, and so continued in this disorderly, and timorous course, vntill they were vpon our heeles, vnder the wals, and trenches, almost as soone as we, that were in manner of a Vauntguard come some twelue score before them in a fleady slow march. Our Reare Admirall, and we all cried out on them for this shamefull disorder, and taxed Captaine Bret, and Captaine Berry, with other of the Captaines for it, and of them demanded, if these were the men, that should haue done vs such stead in our landing, to saue vs from dishonour, or if this be the manner of their old Low Country Troopes, to shew such base cowardise, at the first sight of the Enemie, and for Musket shot so farre off from a Fort. The fault was not surely in these Captaines, for they were well knowne, and shewed themselues to be honest and resolute men, and did their best to stay this disorder. But their answere was this, that these com∣panies, [ 30] that did so beastlike bebaue themselues, were in deede men taken out of Flushing, and Brill, the Cautionary Towns, and raw Souldiers, that euer liued in a safe Garrison, & seldome or neuer had seene ene∣mie, or incountered with shot in the field. And therefore for these kinde of Low Countrie Souldiers, they said, we should neuer finde them, but as hase and backward fellowes, as the other Regiments that had fol∣lowed the Campes were ready and valiant. And as it seemed to vs then, and as since I haue heard diuers confirme, their answere was true, and grounded vpon reason and Experience. And therefore it is not a∣misse to take good notice of such as onely serue to take pay, to walke rounds, and guard ports in Garrison Townes, for in the fiold they will most commonly be missing, or at least (if present) doe little hurt for con∣science sake.

We being thus come vnto the foote of the high Fort, and vnder couert of the Trenches, and [ 40] wals, which they had abandoned, retiring themselues into their fortifications, and strengths on the top of the Hill; our Reare Admirall commanded Captaine Bret to appoint a Sergeant or two, with some few shot, to goe proue and discouer the way towards the Towne, and take safe in hand with them one of our Portugall guides, for the more assurance, and for the better instructions for conducting the Troopes, because he was informed by the Guides, that the way in diuers places lay very open, and dangerous to the shot of the high Fort, as well as to the Fort at the Townes end. And the worse, by reason of low wals made of loose stones, on either side of the wayes, which the great Artillery, and Musketeir would beate vpon, and scatter amongst vs, and so in∣deede after wards in the march we found it true. Captaine Bret answered, that although it had pleased our Reare Admirall to appoint him to another Office, yet, if he would expresly command [ 50] him, he would also suruey this passage himselfe. But it was not thought fit at that time to want the Sergeant Maior amongst such raw, and disorderly troopes; and therefore he was againe wil∣led to appoint a Lieutenant, and a Sergeant or two, to goe about that businesse, in manner as was aforesaid. But vpon this order so giuen, Captaine Bret made report, that hee found the Sergeants and Lieutenants very vnwilling to vndertake this discouery, making the passage very difficult, by reason that they saw them from the hill top, to beate so dangerously with their great Artillery vpon vs, and the loose wals, & also to ply vs so fast with their Masketeir, the which they might better doe on that way. And therefore the Troopes were very desirous, to haue passed by with some speede, and not in any orderly march, and strength, which indeede had bin a very foule, and also an hazardous course. For as we were credibly informed, the Island was able to make a thou∣sand [ 60] men furnished with weapons, and wee were perswaded (or at least to suspect) that they would gather the body of their most strength, for the defense of their best Towne, towards the which we were now marching.

Our Reare Admirall seeing all men to make such scrupulositie of this businesse, when Captaine Bret had related vnto him the backwardnesse of these Low Countrie Garrison Souldiers, thereunto answered, that he would not offer that to any, which he would himselfe refuse to vndertake, if neede required; although it were not the dutie and office of the chiefe Commander, to vndergoe so ordinary a seruice, but a thing duely appertaining to the inferior Officers, & Souldiers: Notwith∣standing (said he) though I could inforce others to doe it, they shall well perceiue, that I my selfe will doe that which they dare not performe: whereof I am ashamed in their behalfe, and how our Generall, and we all are abused, in the opinion of these Low Countrie Souldiers. And therefore cal∣led for his Curates and Caske, and said, that he would both goe view the way for them, which they had made so nice of, and also the passages, and ascents vnto the hill top, and as well as hee [ 10] could take view of the strength, and fortifications thereof, for our better directions against the next morning that we should attempt it. Captaine Berrie thereupon very willingly offered him∣selfe to hoe, and did earnestly desire me to diuert our Reare Admirall from vndertaking it, And I thereupon did openly dissawde him that commanded in chiefe, from putting his owne person to those inferiour Offices of hazard, fitter for a Lieutenant or a Sergeant, then himselfe to performe, knowing, that all the direction, as well of those troopes, as also of a whole Squadron of the Nauie, did at that time onely rest vpon him, in the absence of the Admirall, & Vice Admirall. Notwith∣standing he was obstinate therein, as well in scorne to them that had refused, as also indeede out of a desire, to be the better informed of the strength, and fortification of the high Fort. Wherein when I saw him resolued, I told him that I would out of the loue of a kinsman, in particular, [ 20] and also out of an honest regard, take such part as he did, from whom I had receiued many kinde fauours, and accompany him, but not out of any great desire I had to goe about a peece of worke, that consisted of much danger, and little honour in the performance. Hee thanked mee for mine offer, but yet wished me not to goe, if it were against my minde; notwithstanding I accompa∣nied him, and so did some eight or ten more of our seruants and followers. But I say truely, and so afterwards it was much spoken of, that there was not any one more of quality, that did accompa∣ny him in that businesse.

In this sort, and in this number did he himselfe goe to discouer the passage, and also was care∣full and diligent to obserue and search out the strengths and ascents to the hill. In which doing, we were shrewdly troubled with the great Artillery, which did beat vpon the old wals, alongst [ 30] the which we were to passe, and therewithall much indangered and harmed vs. For besides some that were hurt, two of our traine had their heads stricken cleane from their shoulders; my selfe was then shot through the left leg with a Musket bullet, but missed the boanes being but a flesh∣wound, but the bullet did burne both my silke stocking and buskin, as if it had bin singed with an hot Iron. I was then hard by the Reare Admirall, who also was shot through the breeches & doub∣let sleeues in two or three places. And still they plied vs so fast with small shot, as that (I well re∣member) he wished me to put of a large red scarfe, which I then wore, being (as hee said) a very faire marke for them. But I was not willing to do the Spaniards so much honor at that time, albeit I could haue wished it had not bin on me, & therfore told the Reare Admirall again, that his white scarfe was as eminent as my red, and therefore I now would follow his example. But yet in my poore [ 40] opinion I see no great honor, nor discretion in those nice ceremonies, but when men go to seruice, they may with reputation, either put on, or put off all habiliments, for their most aduantage and securitie, and especi∣ally in going to discouer, which best may be performed, when themselues are least discouered. And this puts me in minde of a report which I heard many yeeres since of Monsieur La: Noe, that famous French Cap∣tain, and one Bussey de Amboys, a gallant French Gentleman. These two being with Monsieur the French Kings brother, some 24. yeer: since, at the siege of Bines in the Low Countries, were to informe themselues of a flanker, or some Rauelin that was to be beaten with Artillery. La Noue was the Marshall of Monsi∣eurs Campe, and Bussye his great fauourite, & Lieutenant Generall (as I take it) Bussey would needes be∣fore Monsieur in a brauery, inuite La Noue to vndertake with him the discouery of that place, which La Noue out of his better iudgment, and experience in the Warres, thought not so fit a peece of seruice for [ 50] their places, but rather to be preferred to some priuate Captaines of valour, and iudgement, that would very couertly goe about it. But such was Busseyes forward beate, and iollitie to the businesse, as that La Noue, who was inferiour to none in true valour, disdained to refuse that, which the other still vrged, and made so light of. And being stirred by Busseyes daring branery, he fell to the businesse, and led Bussey such a dance in his hose and doubled vnarmed to the discouery, and so slily curried him on still with a sober discourse, further and further inso the very mouth of the Cannon and Musket shot, with a soft steady pace, as that Bussey began to finde and dislike their entertamment, see∣ing the imminent danger that they still ranne into. And thereupon suddenly asked La Noue, what he meant so farre openly to ingage himselfe, and on so slow a pace: whereto La Noue answered, that hee did so, to make Bussey know, that La Noue had a heart as well to execute, as a tongue to giue coun∣sell [ 60] when neede required. But at last, they both falling into the true reckoning of their follies; the one, for vrging a valiaut old Souldier, and the other for assenting to the vaine glorious humour of youthly inconsiderate courage, came off very quietly both together, hauing had their fils of discouering. And yet these Simullates (as the Latines name them) haue euer in all ages raigned. Caesar in his Commentaries

makes an especiall obseruation of two of his Captaines for the like: The one was called Titus Pul∣fio, and the other Lucius Varenus, and it happened in his Warres of France, in the wintering Campe of Q••intus Cicero, one of his Lieutenants being furiously assaulted by the Gauls, but most resolutely defended. The manner hee describeth excellently, and large, in his Commentaries, to which I referre you.

And now to our purpose, by this time, we had reasonably to our satisfaction, made a sufficient discouery, both of the way for our Troopes to passe, and also of the ascents to the high Forton the Mountaine. And then there came vnto vs Captaine Berry, and one Master Henry Allen, and others; who finding me hurt, very kindely bemoned my harme, and I in requitall of their curtesie, as much lamented the want of all their good companies at that banquet; vpon the comming of these vnto vs, we sent backe two of our men to Captain Bret (Sergeant Maior for that time) to be [ 10] his Guides, and to will him presently to march on with his Troopes towards the Towne after vs, and that we would stay for them, because we then looked to be fought withall, or at the least, to haue some little sally, or bickering out of the Fort at the Towns end, which we must needes passe by, before we could come to the Town. This was a very fine fortification all of stone worke, with curtaine, flankers, and ditch, very artificially cast: but presently vpon our approach they abando∣ned it, and in our passing by we entred into it, and found that they had newly forsaken the place. The like did they afterwards from the Towne, and were all fled vp into the Countrie, and into the Mountaines, sauing those two hundred that were garrisoned in the high Fort. The Towne was emptied, and left very bare of all things, but of such wares as could not suddenly be remou∣ed: [ 20] which was Wine, Salt, and Corne, whereof they left a little store for our refreshing. The rest of our Troopes by this time were now come on very neere to the Towne, but there were some fiue and twentie of them shot, and some seuen or eight slaine in the passage.

And in this manner we did afterwards enter the Town very peaceably; which was a pleasant place, built all of Stone, and couered with Tile; and full of fine Gardens, Orchards, and Wels of delicate waters, with faire Streets, and one very faire Church, and also a Nunnery, and a Fryerie. It is in bignesse about the proportion of Plymouth, or Yarmouth, but seated much like Douer Town. This Island is of late yeeres become very watchfull, and the people more growne to the vse of fit armes, and haue for their defence erected this new fortification, on the high hill, with a Garrison of two hundred Spaniards in it. For not long before, it had bin very gallantly surprised, and (as I [ 30] thinke) sacked, and ransomed, by the right Honorable George Clifforld Earle of Comberland (a no∣ble Gentleman) that had often exposed both his purse, and his person, to his great honour and ex∣perience in those Seafaring Aduentures. And presently vpon our entrance we made Barricadoes, placed good Guards in diuers parts, and a strong Corps de Guard in the Market place. For the town being vnwalled, we were to suspect, that if we lay there open, and carelesly refreshing our selues, and our souldiers scattered abroad in seeking for victuals, we might easily be surprised without good order, and directions giuen, before we fell to our repast, or rest. But this order being first per∣formed, then were others at better liberty to search safely for bootie. Therefore Proclamation was made, that vpon paine of death none should straggle twenty score without the Towne, and that not without the knowledge and leaue of an Officer, and then to goe vpon their guard with [ 40] fit weapon, and company. Hauing now refreshed and reposed our selues all night without any trouble, more then two false alarmes, that were giuen vpon the sight of diuers of the inhabitants that approached towards the Towne, to view the manner of our dealings with their buildings (which proued nothing, but mistrust of the worst) for which, all things were well prouided to withstand the enemy) the next morning being the 22. of September, euen with the day breake, we might see our Generall with his Fleete at hand, bearing in with all sailes towards the Roade of Fayall, who all this while had bin beating vp and down the Seas, looking about for the Adelan∣tado, and other Aduentures. Vpon his arriuall, our intent for attempting the high Fort was frustra∣ted, and all our proceedings in Fayall were by Sir Guillie Merricke at large related, vnto our Gene∣rall, and so aggrauated, and wrested into an euill sense, by him, Sit Christopher Blunt, Sir Anthony Sherly, and others, by putting my Lord in the head, that these parts were plaied by the Reare Ad∣mirall [ 50] onely to steale honor, & reputation from him, and to set his owne forwardnesse to the view of the world; which intimation of theirs, was an exception that they know our Generall was ve∣ry apt of his owne disposition to take hold of, being a man that did affect nothing in the world so much as Fame, and to be reputed matchlesse for magnanimitie, and vndertaking, and could hardly indure any that should obscure his glory in that kinde, though otherwise he fauoured them neuer so much. And that this is true, those that vnderstand his humour best, cannot iustly deny. The which (I protest) I doe not speake, either out of any neglect of one that is dead, or to picke a thanke of any that lines, but simply out of a resolution to write an vnpartiall truth, or else to be silent. For those spirits that base flattery, or seruile feare doth transport in fashioning their Histories, are of all others to be reputed [ 60] the vnworthiest, and most pernicious in a well-pollicied Common wealth. For wee see that those Heathens, which haue written the stories of Cyrus Pyrrhus, Alexander, Haniball, Scipio, Caesar, and of all other those great Kings, & renouned Heroes, do as well taxe them for their vices, as glorifie them for their ver∣tues: For, who liues without fault? And so sincerly & boldly do they follow the truth in their writings, as that

they are therby freed from malice, or reuenge, because they are free from all partiaelitie; or if any spleen arise, yet it is secret; for the prosecution of such sinceritie, is reputed meere impie••••e in all sorts, and flat Tyrannie in Princes. And to conclude, this impotent humor of induring riuality, and other mens praises, is very in∣cident to men in high places, especially if they be of great courage, or tickled with Ambition.

It was be ••des alleadged, that the presumption and scorne, to land such Forces without his Lordships leaue, was not to be passed ouer without seuere punishment, and a Marshall Court fit to be called, to censure the offence and breach of order, and discipline, with many other as bitter arguments, and deuises, as their wits could compasse, to aggrauate the Generals wrath against all that were in this Action, and especially the Reare Admirall. Against whom, they spared not so farre to inueigh, as that they gaue it out, that he was well worthy to loose his head for his labour. [ 10] And so had they inueighed the Generall against vs all, as that all the forenoone was spent in re∣prehending and displacing all the Land Captaines, and Officers that accompanied the Reate Ad∣mirall in that Action, who being sent for to answere before the Generall aboord his ship, was before the Messenger came for him, gone in his Barge to see the Generall, and to guide him to the Land, not so much as suspecting that any thing had bin ill taken for that matter, but rather looking for great thankes at the Generall his hands. But so soone as he entred the Generals ship, he found all mens countenances estranged, as he passed through them. And when he was entred into the Generals cabbin, after a faint welcome, the Generall began to challenge him of breach of order and Articles: To whom the Reare Admirall answered, that he knew not of any such breach: my Lord replied, that there was an article that none should land any of the Troopes [ 20] without the Generals presence, or his order. The Reare Admirall desired the Generall to giue him leaue to defend himselfe by those Lawes, which himselfe as well as others had deuised, and his Lordship with the Counsell of warre had authorised, and that then his Lordship should finde, that he had not committed any Errour at all. For (saith he) there is an Article, that no Captaine of any ship, nor Captaine of any Company, if he be seuered from the Fleete, shall land any where without directi∣on, from the Generall, or some other principall Commander, vpon paine of death, &c. But I take my selfe (said he) to be a principall Commander, vnder your Lordship, and therefore not subiect to that Article, nor vnder the power of the law Marshall because a successiue commander of the whole Fleete in her Ma∣iesties Letters Patents, your Lordship, and my Lord Thomas Howard failing. And besides your Lord∣ship agreed that I should land at this Island, with your Lordship, whom I haue attendea these foure dayes, [ 30] and finding that your Lordship came not, being in your way thitherwards halfe a dozen leagues before, I waied anchor, I could not but thinke, that you thought me strong inough to take this Island, and that your Lordship was gone, with some of the rest to some of the other Islands. And stated so long from landing, at Sir Guillie Merrickes intreatie, as I heard mine owne company, euen at my backe, murmur, and say, that I durst not aduenture it. And to tell your Lordship a plaine truth, my intent at first was onely to water, vntill I saw them follow me in that brauing manner, which with our reputations wee could not then shun, and giue ouer, being already in our Boates for that purpose. For if I had intended the taking of the Towne, I would neuer haue retired so farre off from our first Roade, that lay right before it.

This dispute held some halfe houre, and then the Generall went ashoare, and rested himselfe in the Reare Admirals lodging, being well enough satisfied at that time. In so much as the Reare [ 40] Admirall desired my Lord to ••up there, and that if his Lordship ment to call the matter further in question, he would claime no priuiledge nor fauour thereby, but answer it in the morning. To which Sir Christopher Blunt (taking my Lords answere from him) said, that he thought my Lord would not sup at all. But the Reare Admirall finding Sir Christopher Blunts disposition, told him, that when he ••••uited him he might disable his owne appetite, but if my Lord pleased to stay, he would be very glad of his presence. In this meane while my Lord Thomas Howard very nobly, and kindely taking care, that no wrong, nor disgrace might be offered to the Reare Admirall by any deuise, or practise of his Enemies, dealt with the Generall to finde how hee stood resolued, and the next morning assured the Reare Admiral, that my Lord sought nothing but a due acknow∣ledgement of an offence, alleadging that the rest would thinke him a very weake and came Com∣mander, [ 50] if he should receiue no manner of satisfaction. The Reare Admirall hoping that hee had done nothing vniustifiable, and well assured, that he was successiuely in the Commission, for the whole commandement of the Fleete (and therefore not subiect to any corporall danger) as also because he assured himselfe of the Vice Admirall his honorable loue, and sincere dealing, came a∣gaine in the morning to visite the Generall. Otherwise (remembring the little trust that men ought to repose in reconciled enemies, and the strong malice borne him by others in greatest fa∣uour with my Lord) had ment to haue put himselfe into his owne Squadron, and so to haue de∣fended himselfe, or left my Lord. But my Lord Thomas Howard, perswading him to goe, and sa∣tisfie the Generall (vpon whose word onely he made that aduenture, after he had giuen him his honour, with great kindnesse, and resolution, that he would make himselfe a party, if any wrong [ 60] or violence were offered, contrary to the Generals promise vnto him; he did as the Vice Admirall aduised him. And so all things after a little dispute came to a quiet end and conclusion.

And within a day or two after, the Generall accompanied with the Vice Admirall, and other Lords, and Commanders dined aboord our ship, where he was exceedingly intertained, and con∣tented.

Onely this I omitted that when the Generall committed Captaine Bret, Berry, and Syd∣ney, The Reare Admirall desired that those Gentlemen might receiue no hard measure in his cause, for whatsoeuer his Lordship doth conceiue to haue bin misdone, hee must take it wholly on him∣selfe to answere, being at that time the Chiefe and Commander. This I haue set downe in man∣ner as I heard it, then from men of good sort, not being present thereat my selfe, nor at that time able to waite on the Generall, by reason of the shot through my legge, which I had receiued but the day before, in this thanklesse seruice.

Thus was the whole day spent in reprehending and disciplining vs for our paines. And yet notwithstanding, these aggrauators, and chiefe Instigators of our Generall, vouchsafed to take the benefit of our reproued Trauailes, in lodging, and refreshing themselues in this good Towne, both this night, and three or foure dayes after. But in the same day that our Generall ariued, about [ 10] one of the clocke after midnight, all the Portugal••, and Spaniards in the high Fort, with their bagge and baggage, abandoned the place, leauing behinde them six peeces of great Artillery mounted. For when they saw the whole Fleete together, and so many gallant Troopes land with our Generall, their hearts fainted, and so they fled into the Countrie, and woddy Mountaines adioining. Then in the morning when it was too late (although as yet wee knew not so much) direction was giuen to certaine troopes, and companies, to guard all the foot of the high Fort, to stop, and stay them from stealing from thence, that were already gone, for it was giuen out, that if they did not presently surrender it, the place should be assailed.

But when newes was brought that they had abandoned the Fort, and carried all away, then was there much descanting of the foule ouersight, so to suffer the Birds to escape out of the [ 20] Cage, that might haue bin so surely kept, if we had not bestowed more labour in disciplining and correcting our owne pretended faults for landing, then discretion or diligence in prosecuting the Enemy, whom we had at an aduantage. For presently vpon their arriuall, they did nothing but examine and discipline our offence. Whereas if they had gone in hand with the Fort, and cast a carefull eye thereunto, we had not lost the ransoming of so many Spanish prisoners, nor the benefit of the spoyle which they had carried out of the Towne, for safty to that place. And at this grosse errour there was much muttering. But now diuers of the land officers (to colour and excuse their owne default) laid this blame also on vs, alleadging that we should haue left a good guard vpon the Fort, if we had done like men of warre, vpon our first landing, and then all had [ 30] bin sure. And although this excuse passed at first for some paiment, for the common and more ig∣norant sort, yet all men of iudgement could easily perceiue, how impossible a matter it was for vs out of foure hundred and sixtie to spare so many, as should sufficiently guard two hundred souldi∣ers, from sallying out of such a Fort, and yet proceede with the recouering of the other Fort, and Towne that was before vs. For the defence of both which, the Island was able and had in rea∣dinesse (as our spies and guides assured vs) aboue one thousand able men well furnished, vpon whom we were to haue a vigilant eye, and to keepe a conuenient strength after we had once pos∣sessed the Towne. But after the Generall was come, this might easily haue bin performed, or if he had not come, they had not fled so suddainly, and the same morning, wee our selues had at∣tempted the Fort, and made no doubt to carry it. But then with the presence of our Generall, [ 40] vpon his arriuall, all our determinations, and authorities were conciuded.

Afterwards when our men entred this Fort, which the Spaniards had abandoned, there they found diuers peeces of Artillery, and an English Gentleman whose name was Hart, and a Flem∣ming with both their throates cut. Then were there certaine companies sent abroad the Coun∣try, to trace those Spaniards and Portugals, and to make waste of all that lay in their way. But of the Garrison they could neuer recouer one man. Now after three or foure dayes the anger and dislikes of our Generall towards vs, were well pacified, and vpon further consideration and con∣ference with the Reare Admirall of his doings, hee grew againe into very kinde tearmes with him, and at his suite released and restored all the disgraced Captaines that landed, and were in this seruice, and so hauing taken all the benefit, and refreshing of this Towne, and Island that we could come by, our time being so short, on the foureteenth of September we were all commanded [ 50] to goe aboord. And so for a farewell, and for the funerals of our lost men, and those two that were so dispitefully murthered in the high Fort, the Towne was brauely set on fire, and all the Ordnance of the Towne, and Forts brought away with vs. And I am perswaded that if the warres had not bin by chance so began before by vs, vpon that Island by their owne seeking, and foolish brauery, and afterwards aggrauated by their cruelty in murthering so despitefully two of our company in the high Fort, Fayall had escaped as scotfree as did Cuor••o, Flores, Gratiosa, Saint Michaels, or any of the other. For surely they were all at our mercy, the Fort of Tercera onely excepted. But in all these Actions I obserued, and well saw, that our Generall in his true dispo∣sition, affected rather to be renowned for bounty, clemency, and valour, then for the glory of a [ 60] dreadfull Conquerour. All this while the Flemmings were playing their parts in the Isle of Pike, which was about a league from Fayall; where I leaue them ransacking the Wines, and burning all that was within their power.

The six and twentieth of September we made towards Gratiosa, where wee cast ancor, and

presently whilest we roade before it, there came aboord our Generall, the chiefe men of the I∣sland submitting themselues, and crauing mercy of our Generall, alleadging (as they of Flores had done) that the inhabitants thereof were Portugals, and friends, and naturall Enemies to the Spaniards, though they wanted meanes and force to show it, being held vnder them by strong hand, To this Island our Generall shewed his accustomed mercy, and required of them some pro∣uisions of Wine, Fruites, and fresh victuals for the relieuing of the Fleete; but of any other com∣position we heard not, although it was supposed they did, or might haue yeelded a better ran∣some: but this was very willingly sent by the inhabitants vnto vs. Here some of the Comman∣dets went aboord the Generall, and besought him to goe a land, and somewhat better to suruey this Island, and for one day to let his Fleete ancor in that Roade, which his Lordship shewed [ 10] great willingnesse vnto. But the Master of the Generals Ship, whose name was Groue (a dull and vnluckie fellow) was vtterly against that counsell, and alleadged that the yeere was farre spent, and the place of anchoring there not good for the ground tackle, protesting that it would be dan∣gerous for the whole Fleete, and put it in hazard, and therefore very earnestly perswaded and vrged the leauing of that Roade; which aduise of his, our Generall then followed, to our great l••sse, and hinderance, as afterwards it fell out. But Gr••ue the Master must pardon mee to say in m••ne opinion, that it was an vndiscreete aduise, so to diuert our Fleete in such haste from that Island, considering the long aboade he made afterwards before Saint Michaels, and at Villa Fran∣ca, to lesse purpose in as ill Roades as this, and later in the yeere. Hereupon wee wayed, leauing Gratiosa vpon Saint Michaels Eue, and made for Saint Michaels Island, and on Saint Michaels [ 20] day, early in the morning, we made that land, and bare in with the shoare. And as wee came ve∣ry neere vnto it, two of the Sterne-most Ships of our Fleete, shot off twice or thrice, and bare vp with all sailes they could packe on, towards the Admirals ship.

These brought newes of the Indian Fleete then by them discouered, comming directly from the Roade of Gratiosa, that the Generall had so vnwillingly left but the Euening before, by the vnluckie aduice of Groue the Master of his ship. Vpon the Intelligence giuen by these two ships, our Admirall shot off a peece, and presently cast about, and there withall, wee in the other ships perceiued casting vp of Hats, and great shootes aboord the Admirall, for ioy of this newes. And the like afterwards was done in the Vice-Admirals ship, and so passed throughout all the Fleete. Within some few houres after, we incountered, and tooke three Spanish ships, comming from the [ 30] Hauana, the greatest of them being about foure hundred tunnes, and esteemed to be a very rich ship, as well for the lading, as for the passengers that were in her. To this Spaniard, our ship cal∣led the Wastspight being neerest, gaue Chase, and caused her to stricke, and yeelde: but yet my Lord Generall hasting after, would suffer none but his owne Boate to goe aboord her, being full of good prisoners, and pillage besides her lading, which was Cochynella, and other such rich Wares. This ship, and the other two that were in her company, being very good prises also, made to the Generall a relation of forty sailes of Indian men, whereof some eight were fraughted with the Kings Treasure, that did dissenbarge with them from the Hauana, bound for Spaine. And as we after heard, the Garland, the Rainebow, the Dreadnaught, the Marigold, and others, fell a∣mongst sixteene saile of the richest of this Indian Fleete, whereof they foundred one, and whilest [ 40] they were busie in seeking to take the spoile of her (as it was credibly reported) all the rest did escape, and recouer Tercera. But of this I speake as the generall voice went, and not vpon other assurance, for they were then separated from vs, and the rest of the Fleete; And therefore I must adde this conclusion, to desire that I may of the vnderstanding sort be pardoned, if in these relations I can∣not truely, nor at large write the accidents, and courses of all their ships in particular, being no eye witnesse thereof, nor possibly could so be. For to doe that in a land army, or in a battaile is very hard, and much more in a Sea Uoyage consisting of so many ships sometimes separated.

Vpon intelligence of this escaping, and passing by so vnluckily of these Indian Ships, we were all much perplexed. For by that chance, and by our vnfortunate hast from Gratiosa, but the very night before, wee saw that Euen, the wrath of destiny denied to make vs so happy, as to bee ma∣sters [ 50] of so great a fortune, as then had fallen into our laps, if wee had not still followed all those counsells that fell out to the worst. Notwithstanding, with all the speed wee could make, we in∣stantly followed after them to Tercera, where they were entred some sixe houres before vs, and had moored their Ships fast vnder the Towne and Fort, being one of the strongest pieres of all Europe. There wee might aloofe behold them safe within the Road; which was a great Inlet in∣uironed with a high Land, in manner of Peninsula; so as the Shippes lay vnder the command of two strong Fortifications, a place neither fit nor possible for our Ships to follow them, except we had meant, that they should haue there stuck fast for comming out againe. Now was there a ge∣nerall counsell called aboord the Admirall, what course to take heerein, and many great aduen∣tures proposed and offered to bee attempted, by some Coronels and Captaines, with Boates and [ 60] Pinnaces for the landing of men, to force those places, but all in vaine, and altogether vnseasona∣ble. For whereas they, with one thousand fiue hundred men, offered to take both the Iland and Forts, some others of the chiefest Sea-Commanders (in their iudgements, well knowing the great difficultie to Land men, and Munitions on so disaduantagious a place, and in so euill a season of the

yeere; besides the great strength of the Fortifications, so well furnished at that time by this new arriuall) were vtterly against it, as a matter friuolous, and of more apparant danger to our selues, then to the Enemy, and for it yeelded sundry reasons. All which these Coronels seemed to ac∣count light or, and would needs in great brauery, still vrge the vndertaking of it, if they might haue but the proportion of one thousand fiue hundred men, before spoken of; which the General himselfe seemed greatly to allow, and insist vpon, and therefore of necessitie to be yeelded vnto by the inferiour Commanders.

But our Vice-Admirall, the Lord Thomas Howard, finding indeed the marke whereat some of our great Captaines shot, to wit, that it would haue serued their turnes to haue vaunted, that if the Vice-Admirall, and Reare-Admirall had beene willing to this enterprise, and not crossed it by counter counsells, the Spanish Fleet and Treasure (by mastering the Ilands of Tercera) might haue [ 10] been recouered, his Lordship resolued either to tie them to their pretended resolutions, or to make them see, that they could not serue themselues of him, by any such finenesse & pretence. And ther∣fore told the general plainly, that if indeed he would so willingly haue it attempted, himselfe, and the Reare-Admirall for their parts would be forward and readie to aduenture as farre as any o∣thers. And moreouer, the better to inable the action, said, that they would vndertake to find him three thousand strong and able men, to spare out of the Fleet, and yet leaue the Nauie sufficiently manned. And therefore (said they) if your Lordship see no other reasons to let or hinder this offered attempt, there shal be no want of so many men as we speake of, which is double the num∣ber that was demanded. But vpon this constant offer, the matter was againe debated, and grew [ 20] somewhat colder, being better digested. So as in conclusion it was deemed inconuenient, and im∣possible to be effected, as our Forces and helpes, and theirs at that time stood, and the time of the yeere so farre spent, and the winds and the Seas growne so tempestuous for landing in Boats. But if this offer had not bin made, then, the relinquishing of these glorious motions, and attempts, had bin laid vpon the backwardnesse and disswasions of the Sea-men, which was well enough percei∣ued, and therefore accordingly answered.

These vnseasonable offers, and Brauadoes, puts me in mind of the like inconsiderate vnfortunate acti∣on of Sir R. Greenfield in the Reuenge, who being Vice-Admirall to the same Lord Thomas Howard Admirall in a iourney to these Ilands in certaine of the Queenes Ships, they fortuned to meet with a great Fleet of the King of Spaines, neere to the Ile of Flores, consisting of so many huge and mighty [ 30] Gallions, as was no way fit for them to vndertake, being in number and force three times as strong as ours was. And therefore f••••ter to be warily dealt withall, then rashly aduentured vpon. Wherefore the Admi∣rall (out of the due consideration and iudgement of the office, and place hee held, as also for that at his re∣turne home, hee was to giue a strict account of the charge committed vnto him) thought it fit to keepe still aloofe, and in the weather of this powerfull Nauie, and so to fight with them at his best aduantage, off, and on, as occasion serued, or else to free himselfe from them if need required: For his Ships being more n••m∣ble, yare, and swift, then the Spaniards, it had bin a grosse errour to haue thrust himselfe wilfully in a∣mongst them, and so to giue them the aduantage of boording, being high and mighty built Ships, through∣ly manned and full of shot, and the manner of fight, by boording most aduantageous for those huge Gallions. Besides being, as they were all men of Warre, and thrice as many as the English, and no other benefit to [ 40] bee got by boording them, but blowes, and the hazard of battaile, which is vncertaine victory; it behoo∣ued him aduisedly to carry himselfe, and rather to follow the heedy steps of a Fabius Maximus, then the ••eadie fury of a Terentius Varro. But his Vice-Admirall, being indeed a man very wilfull, and violent in his courses, could in no wise be perswaded to follow his Admirall, and his consorts. But thrusting him∣selfe rashly in amongst the Spaniards, those mighty Vessels being a Sea-boord, and some of them getting into the weather of him, so becalmed all his sayles, as that hee could not vse the benefit of working vpon a wind to his best aduantage, nor free himselfe of them when hee would, but was clapt aboord by two or three of them; where to redeeme his errour, seeing hee had brought himselfe so vndiscreetly into a desperate worke, he very resolutely fought, and made long resistance, to the great annoyance and lesse of the Assay∣lants. But in the end, being shaken and beaten to sitters with their great Ordnance, and oppressed with the [ 50] multitude of them, comming in fresh vpon him, was by mayne force mastered, and yet disdaining to yeeld, for that hee had receiued his deaths wound in the fight, sought by all meanes to haue blowne vp his Ship, by setting fire on his owne Powder 〈…〉〈…〉e, and therewithall to haue destroyed as many of the Spaniards as lay aboord him; but by the care of his Captaine (whose name was Laughorne) was withstood and pre∣uented. Aright antient Roman resolution, but somewhat too much varying from the true Christian Re∣ligion; to draw a violent and sudden death on so many soules, for the better gracing of his particular er∣rour. And in this sort by his owne wilfulnesse, brought he one of the Royall Nauie, into the power and possession of the Spaniards, which during all the Warres, neuer before nor after they could obtaine. And a faire grace of God it was, that his fond example had not inticed more of them, at the same time to the like folly and ruine. Now the best that hee could hope for, was after the exchanging of some great shot with [ 60] them to haue come of againe if hee could. A brauery to small purpose, for to subdue them, was not in the power of all the English, if they had beene as many more in all likelihood and reason. Vpon which grounds wise Commanders ought to build their resolutions, before they put themselues to the hazard of battaile. Besides, in truth it was a very insolent and disorderly part, for a Vice-Admirall, being a man of his yeeres

and experience, so wilfully without cause, against all discretion to vary from his Admiralls course, and from the opinion of all his Consorts, onely to bid himselfe voluntarily to so foolish and bitter a banquet, wherein hee could be but lost. And hard would it be for Generalls, and Chiefe Commanders to fulfill their Instructions, or satisfie that which is expected at their hands, if they should be drawne on, or ingage them∣selues, by the vaine example of euery one that is carryed with a headdy humour, to follow his owne wilfull conceit. For so was that noble Paulus Aemilius, and the Roman Armie with him lost, at the Batta••le of Cannas, in being constrained to second the foolish brauery of Varro, his rash Colleague. And in the like vnaduised desperate sort, did that valiant Duke of Yorke, Richard Plantagenet, Father to Edward the Fourth, wilfully cast away himselfe, when with fiue thousand men onely, contrary to the perswasiens and counsell of all his friends, out of the pride of his brauery, hee would needs sally out of his Castle of Sandall, [ 10] and giue battaile to the Queenes Army, that was twenty thousand strong: whereby his weake forces were quickely defeated, at Wakefield, and himselfe slaine, with his young sonne the Earle of Rutland. It is said to bee the dutie of a great Captaine, to seeke victory with as little losse to himselfe, as may bee, and more military discipline shewed in making a faire and safe retrait, then in giuing a furious and desperate charge. The experience whereof was well seene, in that gallant Souldier Sir Iohn No••••is, who wan as much Ho∣nour and Fame, by that braue, and well ordered retrait which hee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 befor•• Gaunt, as in any one piece of seruice that euer hee did. We had also fresh in our memories, a Sea experiment of the very like tragi∣call successe of Sir Richard Greenfield, in the like rash attempt of Peter de Strosse, Admiral of a French Fleet, against a mightie Spanish Nauy, commanded by the Marquesse of Sancta Cruce, at these Ilands. Where this Strosse out of a wilfull brauery, contrary to the better aduice of all his Captaines, and Ma∣sters, hauing alreadie landed many braue troupes of Frenchmen, in the Ilands, as assistant to Don An∣thonio, [ 20] named King of Portugall, vpon the first view would needes lay the Marquesse and the Spanish Fleet aboord, being compassed of mightie huge Gallions, and the French but slender nimble Ships. By which vnequall match, and foolish daring, he was beaten downe 〈…〉〈…〉ght, all his Nauie destroyed (sauing the Count Brysack, and a few others of better iudgement, that would not follow his vaine course) and him∣selfe being taken prisoner, was aliue most despitefully torne, and drawne asunder with two Ships. Thus lost he himselfe, and his honour, brought many gallant Gentlemen and So••••diers to a butcherly execution, and vtterly thrust Don Anthonio from the possession of the Iles of Asores, and confounded all those braue French troupes, which a little before he had placed in them. But in another manner, and with better suc∣cesse were our affaires gouerned, in the yeere 88. when that mightie Fleet of Spaine, which they termed [ 30] inuincible, came to inuade vs. For then I remember, amongst other good discipline, and instructions for the Sea fight; it was straitly ordained, that none of our Ships should voluntarily (if they could by any meanes auoid it) lay any Spaniards aboord, but alwayes to sight with them vpon aduantage, and indeauour by all meanes to keepe into the weather of them, and so leaue or take as occasion serued, they comming to inuade, and our end only to keep them from landing. The which direction was so well ebserued, as that this inuinci∣ble Fleet, for all their force and powerfull appearance, proued at last inuisible, left many of their Ancors and good Ships behind them, got not, nor sunke any one of ours: but being sore gauled and beaten, with this manner of fight, and greatly affrighted with fire, and such like stratagems, were at last glad to packe a∣way, as fast as they could out rt the backe doore. I meane by the North Seas, round about Scotland, and Ireland: wherein they found a miserable and tedious flight, neuer hauing gotten so much as a dish of our [ 40] fresh water, nor euer landed one man (except prisoners) vpon our Coast. Now, if our Admirall, the Lord Charles Howard had beene a wilfull Commander, standing vpon those vaine glorious termes of boording and assaulting the enemy, and not haue proceeded by counsell and policie temperately, then had he done that which the Spaniards expected and desired, their Ships being fit for the purpose, and comming to boording and handy fight, might very well haue distressed vs, and so haue hazarded both the Nauie, and the Kingdome together. But this noble Lord, as hee was very fortunate ard iudicious in Sea seruice, so hee truely and wisely considered, how great a weight and charge lay on his iudgement and trust, and there∣fore did accordingly, with great wisdome and temper marshall his dffaires, to the ouerthrow of his Ene∣mies, to the perpetuall honour of his name, and the victorious seruing of his Prince and Countrey. This therefore may may stand for a Maxime and Caueat, to all great and wise Commanders, that to whom a [ 50] King or State commits the trust and direction of an Army: It bridles him in the free vse of his owne cou∣rage, or from expressing (vpon euery temptation) his particular valour. For that forward humour of daring, is to be vsed in younger yeeres, before they arriue to these places of dignitie or command; and then euer after, counsell should command their courage, alwayes wrapping their heads in the Furre of the Foxe, and their Armes seldome in the Lyons skin, setting aside all respects of brauing or vaine glory, as did that Fabius Cunctator, of whom Ennius in praise saith; Non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem.

And these presidents I haue here taken occasion to record, thereby onely to shew what inconueniences and detriments doe follow such vnbridled heat, and headdy humours, and to the contrary, what benefit and aduantage is gained in the true vse of timely and temperate proceedings. For surely, if these despe∣rate offers, made by the Land Souldiers, instigating our forward Generall to the taking of the Tercera, had [ 60] beene then put in execution, the end had beene, that many a valiant man had there left his bones, and the rest returned home with the scorne of a disgraced attempt. Besides, if the Adelantado with the Spanish Nauie had then chanced to haue come on our backes, whilest our best men were ashoare ingaged about this desperate and vnfeasable enterprise, it might haue turned to the destruction of the whole Fleet, or at the

least to the assured losse of as many as were landed about that businesse. But (thankes be to God) good counsell preuailed, and preuented those hazards.

After that this dispute was so calmely concluded; our Generall himselfe, and the Lord Mountioy in the Defiance, and two or three other tall Ships, bare in as close along the shoare as they could, exchanging vpon pleasure, some fifteene or twentie great shot with them, to very little purpose, and so left the Ile of Tercera, a place very stronge both by Nature and Art, and at that time well stored with Men, Munition, and Treasure; by reason of the late arriuall of those Indian Ships. From thence wee returned againe to the Ile of Saint Michaells, which before on Michaelmasse day wee made, and left then vpon this Intelligence. And now as soone as we were entred into the Road, that lies before Saint Michaells Towne, wee let fall our Ancors, and there, the Generall accompanied with diuers of our chiefe Officers, comming aboord our Reare-Admi∣rall, [ 10] hung out a Flag of Counsell, where it was consulted about landing, and the taking of this good Town, which lay ••o gloriously before our eies, promising many rich rewards to the Victors: In the which there was a slight Fort towards the Sea side, but the Towne vnwalled. The Gene∣rall appointed that all Companies should bee made ready to land forthwith. But our Reare-Ad∣mirall desired his Lordship; that hee would first permit him to view the place, and to find out where the Army might best make a descent, because the Billowes about those Ilands doe some∣times so roule from the Sea, as might easily ouerturne the best Boates we had, as wee found by ex∣perience at Fayall, where wee had two long Boats ouerturned in landing, and Master Thomas Rug∣way also throwne with a Sea on the Rockes in his Boat. Our Generall at first, yeelded to the Reare-Admiralls request, for viewing a fit place. But as hee was putting off, and scarce gone from [ 20] the Ships side twentie paces, my Lord, standing in the Gallery with Sir Christopher Bl••nt, called him backe againe in great hast, and said that he would goe himselfe, and view it. Whereupon the Reare-Admirall returned againe, as my Lord commanded; and as his Lordship went out of the Ship into his Barge vnarmed altogether, but with his Coller and Sword, and without either Shot or Pike to wayte on him, the Reare-Admirall called aloud vnto him, and desired his Lordship to take his Caske, and Target proofe with him, if hee purposed to goe neere the shoare, seeing there lay so many Muskets on the rest, there to receiue him. Whereunto my Lord answe∣red, That hee would none, because hee disdained to take any aduantage of the Watermen that rowed him.

But (in my opinion) though that answere much shewed his valour, yet became it not the place that my [ 30] Lord held, for in truth a Generall ought not to bee so aduentur••us, and carelesse of himselfe vpon euery slight occasion, nor to goe••••armed to places of im〈…〉〈…〉t perill. Homer describes the valiant Heroes, and brauest Leaders of the Greekes to be best armed: As Achilles, an excellent Armour framed by Vulcan, at the request of Thetis his mother, and Aiax with his seuenfold shield. Insomuch as their very armes are famous euen to these dayes, the vse whereof now wee make scornefull. But they are no beaten Souldiers in the warres, that hold these opinions: for it is truly said, that a great and wise Generall should dye old. And I haue read that famous Epaminondas, was fined by his Countrymen the Thebanes, for being too forward, and seruing in a battaile ill armed, although he wa•• the victory. But to our matter: After that these landing places were viewed a farre off, and were not well liked, nor yet so neerely ap∣proached at that time, as within Culuerin Shot (for there lay all alongst the shoare aboue foure [ 40] hundred Shot vpon the rest, intrenched to beate on our Boats;) in conclusion, after many offers and surueies made a loofe, the conueniences of that place, for landing was excepted against. Albeit in truth it was a faire and sandy beach (as all the Fleet might well perceiue) and some foure or fiue miles from the Towne, and Fort, and much more easie then that of Fayall, where wee before wan our landing. And that this is most true, many that were present (now liuing) and saw both, can iustly affirme.

And although our Generall himselfe, was very resolute and apt to vndertake any good occasi∣on of seruice, yet hee was then so led and accompanied with such politicke Land Captaines, as that of all the seruices which fell into consultations and deliberations, those most commonly, which were vnfeasable, were offered to bee vndertaken, and things more likely and reasonable [ 50] neglected. Whereby out affaires speed accordingly. And in this regard that this discent was not by my Lord Generall his viewers, allowed of, as fit for the Army to land at, so many Ensignes being placed and intrenched there to impeach vs, it was presently by another consultation agreed, that the Reare-Admirall should with all the strength of the Fleet, lye as neere before the Towne of Saint Michael, as conueniently they could, to hold them in expectation, whilest my Lord Generall and the rest, with two thousand men imbarked into small Barkes and Pinnaces, secretly in the night did conuey themselues about the point, to land at a Towne called Villa Franca, some sixe miles further then the first determinate landing. And for that purpose, they had most of all our Boats with them, and three English men for their guides, that perfectly knew all the Ilands and the Townes, by long trade and liuing amongst them. These three guides assu∣red [ 60] our Generall both of a quiet landing, and of a very faire and secret way, to march from thence to Saint Michaels Towne.

Our troupes being thus shipped, and our Generall also, they made hast towardes Villa Franca,

where they arriued safe, & were al landed by the next morning, without any manner of resistance. For most of all the Town vpon their arriuall abandoned the Town, and we that were left vnder the command of the Reare-Admirall, in the best Ships before the Towne of Saint Michaells, did all the night giue them perpetuall Alarums, with Shot, Drummes, and Trumpets, in such Boats as were left, sometimes in one place, sometimes in another, alongst the shoare, where the Spaniards kept their Corps de Guards, and fiers, who were often in great amazements, calling, and running to and fro, thinking verily that wee were landing in that place or about it. And thus wee did, to giue our Army the better, and more secret meanes to make their descent, and so to come vnloo∣ked for on their backes, as their very way did lie, and might in truth very conueniently haue beene performed. They being thus landed, wee in the Ships did all the next day looke out apace, [ 10] hoping to see our troupes come marching ouer the Hills and Plaines, that were perfect in our view; for the most part of the way that they were to come, being all alongst the Sea side, was in our sight more brim from the Ships by farre, then if wee had beene ashoare. But this good Towne of Villa Franca, had so welcomed and intertained our men, (being seated in a pleasant soyle, full of fruits, wines, and fresh victualls, and the Sellars stuffed so full of Oade and Wheat) as that our Army was content there to ingarrison, without any further pursuit of Saint Michaels Towne, and there for sixe dayes together they lay feasting, and carrying aboard of Oade, Wheat, Salt, and other merchandise, into certaine priuate mens Ships that followed the Fleet, for such purposes.

Whilest wee all in vaine still gaped for their comming, which wee the rather thought would [ 20] haue bin at the last, for that in all this time, they neuer so much as sent word, to make vs parta∣kers of their determination to the contrary, whereby they would be sure wee should neither par∣ticipate any of their Commodities, nor see the disposure of them; although ••wee cast many con∣iectures and aymed neere the marke, finding this lingring very strange. But, to doe right to eue∣ry man, I assure my selfe, our Generall had no benefit of these wares and commodities, being of a disposition too noble and bountifull to valiew such trifles worth his regard. For it had beene easie for him to haue abounded with wealth and possessions, without following the fortune of the warres, or the hazard of the Seas, if hee had aymed at such common markes. But in this meane while, as wee in the great Ships, ancored in Saint Michaels Road, there came in about the Point that lies westwards from the Towne, a small Brasil man, and let fall his Ancor in the middest of [ 30] vs all. A little after him, wee might discerne aloofe off a mightie huge Carack, bearing in with all sayles toward vs, whom shee tooke to bee the Spanish Armada. And the Brasil man confessed that hee thought the same also: for the King of Spaines men of Warre (when he makes Fleets) are compounded of the shipping of diuers Nations, and therefore the more hardly to bee distin∣guished from ours, which was at that time compounded of English, and Holland Bottoms; be∣sides one great Spanish Gallion, called the Saint Andrew, and some other lesser Spanish Vessels that wee had taken before. Now there blew a stiffe gale from the Land, ouer Saint Michaels Towne, in such sort, that shee must either put roome into the Sea, or fall vpon vs. For as the wind then stood, she could not run in with the Towne or Fort by no meanes, neither was it any part of their meaning.

As soone as wee had made her to bee a Carrack, wee tooke in all our Flags by a generall com∣mandement [ 40] from our Reare-Admiral: and withall directions were giuen, that no man should once weigh an Ancor, or shoot off a Peece, or put off a Boat, but with leaue or order. All this while she still bare in with vs, with all sayles to the Boates end, when suddenly one of the Holland Squa∣dron (contrary to al discretion & the direction before) weighed his Ancors, hoised his top sailes, & made towards this Carack, now ready to double the Poynt that entred the Road where we lay: and when the Hollander came neere the Carack, hee presently made two or three Shot at her. Whereupon shee discouering vs to bee Enemies, changed her course, and at the very instant (in the view of vs al that obserued it, as if shee had had the wind at her deuotion) the gale changed, & came full of the Seas: with the helpe whereof, and with the feare of falling into our hands, shee [ 50] tooke a resolutiou to runne her selfe a ground, hard vnder the Towne and Fort. Which done, from thence there presently came multitudes of Boats, fetching away their men and best wares, and that done, shee was instantly by them set on fire in many places at once, being full of great Ord∣nance, as appeared by the report they made. Such is now the custome and obstinacie of all those Sea∣faring men vnder the Spanish iurisdiction, as that by reason of the seuere order, set downe by the King to that effect, they will carelesly burne their Ships, and wares, if they can escape themselues, rather then to grow to any composition to saue halfe thereby. And the like was seene at Cades, by the Fleet that was outwards bound for the Indies: who after they had entertained a parley with vs, to compound for their Ships, and all the merchandize, at a ransome of halfe the valew: whilest they amused vs with this co∣lourable pretence, thereby they gained time to steale out some of their goods, and afterwards set the Shippes on fire, where they road. But this argueth as great seueritie in the Soueraigne, as slauery in [ 60] the subiect.

This Carrack was a Ship of infinite wealth, that at Saint Hellens watering as shee came from the East Indies, put ouer to Brasil, and so coasted alongst the West Indies, and was fraughted with

the riches and wares both of the East and West. Wee hasted all wee could when wee saw her a ground, tottering and reeling, with those few Boats wee had left, to haue entred her. But before wee could make vs readie, or come neere her, being three miles off, shee was on light fire in many places, her Ordnance thundring off apace, and too hot to bee approached, much lesse to bee en∣tred at that time, without ineuitable destruction. And yet such hast was made to haue preuen∣ted this mischiefe, that diuers had like by ouercharging Boates and Pinnaces, to to haue foundred in the Seas, the Billowes going very high. And in that case was our Reare-Admirall a∣mongst others, who for hast to this banquet tooke his Row Barge, and was so ill able in her to indure the Seas that were rough, and went high at that time, as that I by chance seeing him so ill bested, & in danger was faine to clap him aboord with a good stout shipboat that I was in, hauing made hast also to that feast as fast as I could. But in conclusion wee came all too late, for the broth [ 10] was growne to hot for our supping. To behold her thus flaming was a grieuous sight to vs, but a most wretched spectacle for the Portugalls, so to see their goods by their owne deedes and fury, to perish with fire and water in a goodly vessell, iudged to bee 1800. Tunnes at the least. Shee was a whole night, and all the next day in burning, and in beholding her, you might haue seene the very shape, Cordage, Masts, and Furniture of a Ship so perfectly in fire, as no Painter could haue halfe so well resembled it with Art, or Colours. And when she was cleane consumed to the water, there arose still a great smoake out of the Sea for many houres after, by reason of some close Decks full of Spices and Sugar vnder water, which the fire had taken hold of.

This Tragedy ouerpast, wee then fell againe to looke out for our Army comming, but all in vaine. For if in any time, for sixe dayes together after their landing, they had come forwards from Villa [ 20] Franca, the Towne of Saint Michaels, and the Carack also had beene our owne, safe without question. For if our forces had in all that time inuested themselues of the Towne (which they might haue done, there being 〈◊〉〈◊〉 her Walles nor Bulwarkes to hold them out) the Carack would 〈◊〉〈◊〉 runne her selfe a ground, vnder the Towne as shee did 〈…〉〈…〉f shee had, then had shee fallen into the hande of our Generall, and his T〈…〉〈…〉f shee had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sea-boord, then had shee fallen into the mercy of our Fleet, which by no meanes she could haue escaped. But it was a losse them as inexcusable, as lamentable, for that no good rea∣son could bee yeelded (as was thought) nor durst bee demanded, why so gallant a Company, so easily landed for so good a purpose, should so long linger in a little Towne, f〈…〉〈…〉g themselues and the whole Army, vpon Fruits and Wine, to the neglecting of the seruice determined. But it was manifest, that besides their [ 30] pleasure and good cheer, the great store of Oade, Corne, and Salt, did intice some Land men of good credite, (who had Ships there of their owne) rather to take the penceable, and priuate benefit thereof, then to vn∣dergoe some paine and perill, for the winning of Saint Michaels Towne, for the publike good. And this was a piece of seruice very unfortunately neglected, but vpon what good reason I could neuer learne. And I am perswaded, that if his Lordship had built lesse vpon some mens violent counsells, and vaine conceits, hee might haue done many things better, and long haue liued in great prosperitie. But all his care was to content and winne vnto him, certaine Polititians and Marshall men, whom not withstanding (according to the custome of the world) hee found many times vngratefully to deale with him, to serue their owne turnes, drawing him withall into ambitious humours, and affect at ion of popularitie, which, with our Great men rarely succeeds well. And very strange it was, to see so many great fortunes lost in this one iourney; [ 40] but that the very Heauens did in them (like Commets) foreshew the heauy and lamentable destiny, that traced our Generall towards his end, whose bright shining felicitie was some after eclipsed, and admirably metamorphosed into ruine and destruction. Onely this comfort remained to his friends, that hee ended his life with as great resolution, pietie, and penetencie, as was possible to bee expressed in the countenance or words of a man, vtterly diuorced from the world, and wholly deuoted to celestiall Contemplation, to the vndoubted comfort of his Soule.

We, from the ships looking thus stil in vaine, for those that neither came nor sent vnto vs, wher∣by we lost all opportunitie of watering and refreshing our selues: for we in the Wastspite, and di∣uers of our Conforts, had not watered since our setting out from Plimouth) began to resolue to goe to our Generall, seeing wee could neuer heare from him in all that time. And as we were entring [ 50] into this deliberation, wee might perceiue the Admiralls Ship by her Flag turning out from the point of Villa Franca: And two dayes before, many of our great Ships had left the Reare-Admi∣rall, contrary to the Generall his order, which wee durst not breake in the Wastspite, by a late caueat, because it was flat contrarie to that which was appointed by a Councell, and the Gene∣rall his command. But as soone as wee had descried the Admirall (by his Flag) putting roome; our Reare-Admirall tooke his Barge, and Captaine Morgan with him, and rowed to him: and the same night sent Captaine Morgan backe againe, with directions in the Generalls name, to command all the Fleet to weigh, and to come for Villa Franca. This was no little griefe to vs all, that had so long and diligently waited on Saint Michaels Towne, and looked to haue had a better account of that place, then so barely and abruptly to leaue it after all these offers. And (to say the truth) it was [ 60] either a grosse ouersight, or a wilfull fault vnexcusable to the State, that it was not in better sort manna∣ged. For (no doubt) they would willingly haue ransomed their Towne, rather then haue abidden the fortune of the Warres by Sword and Fire, and wee had amongst vs, men of sufficient experience to deale in such compositions, which (for ought I know) they might doe. Thus, with griefe and discontent we

left Saint Michaels good Towne, the Inhabitants whereof wauing their Auncients, and shooting off their Ordnance, in great ioy triumphed to see this vnexpected modest departure of the whole Fleet, on a sudden without any further trouble: And to mee it was strange to see the Coronells and Captaines, that a little before were so forward and violent to haue landed at the Tercera, be∣ing a place so difficult to attempt, and of so great strength, to bee now so slow to come forwards to Saint Michaels Towne, that had neither Ditch nor Wall about it, they being already landed for that purpose.

But now approached the time of the yeere, that brings with it violent stormes, and extreame foule weather to those Ilands. In regard whereof, as also for that opportunitie was now past of doing any more good to our selues, or damage to our Enemies; vpon the meeting of the whole [ 10] Fleet before Villa Franca, a generall commandement was giuen, that all sorts should with all speed repaire aboord their owne Ships, for the Wind and Seas began to rise too high to ride there any longer. And now our last worke, was to prouide for our returning againe into England: And therupon all the hast and preparation that could bee, was made with the helpe of the small Pin∣naces and Boates to conuey all our troupes aboord. Wherein, the best sort of Commanders spared no paines nor trauaile, and especially our Generall himselfe, who in his owne person was twice in very great danger of tumbing into the Seas, about the imbarking of the Souldiers, in ouerchar∣ging his own Boat with those vnruely people, amongst whom at such times, it is hard to keep any order or moderation. And much trouble there was (considering the rough weather, and how the Seas rowled) to get all our Land men aboord. Besides, our Ships began to find more tickle ryding [ 20] in that wild Road, then wee should haue done eight dayes before at Gratiosa, where wee lost the Indian Fleet by tarrying one night. But now at our departure from Villa Franca, for a farewell the Spaniards and Portugues presented vs with a braue skirmish, which being throughly answe∣red, the Generall there did make certaine Knights. Our Army being thus brought aboord, and many sicke men amongst them, by reason of their lauish diet ashoare, where they more weakened themselues then the Enemy. This Towne also was left intire, neither fired not demolished. But vpon what considerations I know not, vnlesse out of gratitude for the hospitalitie, Oade, Corne, and Salt, which it had alreadie yeelded: or else out of a prouident regard to leaue them in case to bee able to entertaine vs another time, or rather for some pettie ransome to some particular per∣sons that were more capable then our Generall, in vouchsafing to take any benefit whatso∣euer. [ 30] For sure I am, that some reason there was, if I could light on it, wherein the Oademon∣gers, and Corne Merchants might doe well to helpe mee, for they (I thinke) can ayme neerest to the marke.

The ninth of October, 1597. wee set saile from Villa Franca for England, with a faire leading winde for three or foure dayes together, and then it grew scanter and scanter, and at last starke nought and flat in our teeths, with such great stormes, foule weather, and exceeding high grown Seas, as that many of our Fleet were much puzzeled in the nights in falling foule one of another. Insomuch that the Mary Rose, by meere carelesness: of the Master, and his Mates, had like to haue stemmed the Wastspite, if wee had not beene very carefull and diligent to auoid the sudden and emminent danger: which, yet wee escaped so narrowly, as that the Mary Rose, with her [ 40] Beake head, tore away all the Gallery on the Lardboord side of the Wastspite. This storme on a sudden separated all the Fleet, and wee in the Wastspite after this shocke, had sundry dangerous leakes breake out vpon vs, in such sort, as that much to doe wee had by pumping and all other meanes to keepe her aboue water, being a very new ship, but withall the weakest built Vessell that euer swam in the Seas of her burden, and carrying such great store of huge Ordnance as shee did, most of the which wee were inforced to strike downe into hold, to ease her labouring sides that hourely were like to flye asunder. Besides all this, wee were in so great want of Fresh-wa∣ter and drinke, as that I offered to giue to one of the Victuallers of the Fleet, sixe Chests of Su∣gar, for sixe Hogsheads of Fresh-water, and yet could not haue it at any hand: Insomuch as wee were faine to begin to set our great Stills on worke, to prouide for the worst the best wee could. [ 50] For if the storme had longer held in that violence, wee might haue taken the choice, whether we would haue beene drenched in the Salt-water, or choaked aboord our Ship for want of fresh. For with the extreamitie of this Northeasterly storme, we were put back cleane from our course and coast, into no little despaire. And as wee in the Wastspite, so were all the rest of the Fleet (as I after learned) dispersed a sunder, insomuch that scarcesly two ships in all the Nauie kept com∣pany together. But at last it pleased God, to send vs more faire and fit windes, wherewith wee brought our selues againe into our due course, and within three or foure dayes wee began to meet with one another, stragling and ranging in the Seas. And after that, wee in the Wastspight chan∣ced also to descry our Generall, by his mayne Flag (as farre as wee could ken) wayted on onely with two little Barkes, who sixe or seuen dayes before, was attended with fourescore sayle of [ 60] good Ships. A true type of this worlds inconstant pompe, which the winde and Seas did faithfully teach vs not to build too much vpon. And I would our noble Generall, for his owne sake and better fortune, had made that good obseruation thereof.

When wee had thus met our Generall, land had hayled and saluted one another, with all the

ioy that might bee, wee conferred of our course, and began to consult thereof with the aduise of our Masters and Pylots. Wherein, ours in the Wast-spight somewhat varyed from the opinion of the Generals Nauigatours, but yet we submitted our selues, and our skill, to the wisedome and authoritie of his Ship, whose Directions wee were to follow. And withall, wee made knowne vnto his Lordship our great leakes, and scarsitie of Drinke, who told vs very Honourably, that we should want no helpe that hee could yeeld vs, and therefore he straightly charged vs to keepe his course, and to follow his Light, which wee did obserue, though our Master was very vnwil∣ling thereunto, assuring himselfe, that our Generals Master was mistaken, and besides his course, by too much crediting the perswasions and Art of one Iohn Dauis a great Nauigator reputed, who at that time fayled much of his Pilotage, and coniecture for the Sleeue, to the no little ha∣zard [ 10] of the whole Fleet, as afterwards was seene. During this forenamed Storme, sundry Birds came flying into our Ships, when wee were two hundred leagues from our owne Coast. First, there fell into vs an Owle, then a Tassell, and a Falcon, one of the which wee tooke, and brought into England, then at the last a Done lighted on our Maine-yard, which we all liked well, and tooke it as a presage of faire weather towards, and so (thankes bee to God) it succeeded present∣ly after two dayes. After wee had thus met with our Generall, and being well aduanced on our way for the Sleeue, and as we coniectured not farre from the entrance of the Channell, wee be∣gan of all hands to fall a sounding for ground, and the next day found it, though indeed by that sounding I saw few the wiser, or the more assured of the Coast. For it was the Banke of S••••ey•• but none could say so, nor then so iudge it, but onely the Master of our Ship, whose name was Broad∣baut, [ 20] a carefull man and a right good Marriner. For in the Generals ship, they were all of a con∣trary opinion, and according to their Errour shaped their course, with straight commandement giuen to vs, and to the rest that were in his traine, to follow his Light and course. The which we did very diligently, my selfe indeed being most in fault for it. For the Master was Ioath so to doe, but that I vrged our dutie to the Generals commandement, and our danger in breaking it by for∣mer experience. And therefore I watched, and stood by the Helme, and Bitackle, most part of that night, to see it performed, though with much repining of the Master, and his Mates, against this dangerous Course as they tearme it.

This sounding of ours, so much in practice, and yet many times bringing no great certainty withall, makes me now call to minde, an odde conceit and speech of a Spanish Prisoner, which the Generall gaue [ 30] me in this Iourney, but neuer yeelded me other Ransome then some faire promises, and smooth discourses: For hee after consened or bribed his keeper (a Captaine of a Pinnace) to whom I had committed him in charge, and very cleanely conueyed himselfe away, without euer bidding me farewell. Howbeit ••thers found better fruites of their Prisoners, which the Generall gaue vnto them.

This Spaniard of mine was a Gentleman, and a Souldier, but had of late yeeres, traded the West In∣dies by way of Merchandize: With whom I one day talking and discoursing of their Voyages and Na∣uigations (wherein hee was very well experienced) amongst other things hee told me, that in their Naui∣gation from the Indies, they sought out Spaine in a more certaine and gallant manner, then wee did England. For (said he) wee seeke out our Coast aloft with our Eyes, by the Heauens, by the Sunne, and Starres, and with the vse of Art, and Instruments, which seldome or neuer fayles. But you (said he) [ 40] that seeke for England, when you are to runne into narrow Seas, are (as I heare say) inforced for your surest Directions (like men blindfold) to search vnder the water, and to scrape with Lead and Tallow to the bottome for Bankes, Sands, and Shelues, as if you would rake Hell for instructions; to finde out the Channell, which you call the Sleeue, and yet for all your soundings, are oftentimes mistaken. I answered him againe, indeed it was true, that our Humilitie taught vs, to goe by the ground: Whereas their Pride led them to gaze aboue the Clouds, and by that meanes so dazeled their Eyes, as that they did often stumble vpon such men of Warre, that now vsed as well to sound Spanish Pockets, as the English Sleeue. Whereat my Spaniard smiling, and shaking his Head, said, hee could not well denie it, hauing so lately made too true experience thereof, For indeed hee was throughly rifled and ransackt of good short Wares, before that euer hee came to my hands. These words of his I remembred, and found true vpon our soun∣dings, [ 50] and the vncertaine coniectures thereof, with varieties of opinions.

For after wee had all found ground, all that Night wee held on so precisely in following our Generals light, as that very earely in the Morning, with the first peepe of day, wee in the Wast-spight looking about, found our selues on the North-side of Sylley. Which when with cold comfort wee had perfectly made, and perceiued with all our narrow escapes in that darke Night, hard alongst the Rockes called the Bishop, and his Clarkes: wee began of all hands to looke out for our comforts. And then wee discryed our Generall and diuers with him, aduanced some three leagues before vs, bearing in with all Sayles towards the Coast of Wales.

The morning was very close and foggie, and the Generall steering North-east, in stead of [ 60] East and by North, ranne right with the Sands of the Welch Coast, on which in that darke weather hee had stricken; and perished, if hee had held on, but a few houres longer. But on the contrary, although wee resclued not to lose the sight of his Lanthorne, yet wee kept our selues as farre to the East as wee could, and yet wee were scarce able to double Silley, but fell close aboord it, and a little to the North of it, at the breake of day. All which when I perceiued

(〈◊〉〈◊〉 later Watch being mine, and the Reare Admiral, being gone to rest) I did instantly com∣〈…〉〈…〉 the Master Gunner to shoot off a great Piece to cause them to looke about, but both our 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, and the Master Gunner were so mad at me for forcing them to follow this course, as that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hardly haue suffered a warning Piece to bee shot, but said, they deserued to taste the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their owne wilfulnesse, hauing brought themselues and all the Fleet, cleane out of the 〈…〉〈…〉to this danger. And out of very rage and discontent, these men had quite forgotten all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Charitie, and would by no meanes haue bestowed a shot vpon them, to alter them from that vnsafe course, but that I vrged their Dutie, and inforced them to shoot, and shoot a∣gaine three or foure times, one after another, much against their wills.

Whereupon we might within a little time, plainly perceiue our Admirall with all his Traine, [ 10] to tacke about, finding their owne Errours, as afterwards they confessed. And therefore present∣ly they beat it vp, to double the Cape of Silley, thereby to enter the Sleeue, which with much a∣doe they performed. But we in the Wast-spight, being now by this time shot in alongst the North side of Cornewall, almost as farre as Saint Iues, our ship being extreame weake and leakie, and our Drinke and Water come to the last cast, at very bare allowance, wee durst not againe put to the Seas in these wants, and in a Vessell so ill able to beat it vp against the winde, to double againe the Point of Silley, whereby to recouer the Sleeue. And therefore stood alongst the Coast, and that night anchored before Saint Iues, where wee found sundry Spanish Carauels, and Flee-boates of the Spanish Fleet, which was set out vnder the Adelantado, to haue incountred vs at our returne from the Ilands, but were all dispersed and tossed with the same Storme, that before had scattered [ 20] vs, which fell out very happily. For if wee had met, wee must haue tryed the Battell, chiefely by Boording, or else trusted to our Sayles, for that our best and greatest Ordnance (for the ease of our Ships in these stormes) were stricken downe vnder hold. So that wee should haue found great disaduantage, to haue incountred with a Nauie, comming strong and fresh from the Maine, and wee tired, and scattered a sunder, with a long and painfull Voyage. Herein was Gods fauour and mercy mightily shewed towards all sides: For by this Storme, which so furiously for the time afflicted vs, were wee, and that Spanish Fleet vnder the Adelantado seuered, and kept from incountring, which had cost much blood, and mischiese: and to say a truth, in all likelihood, the worst might haue fallen to our shares.

For when wee had left the Ilands and were once crosse sayled for England, I obserued, that be∣fore [ 30] the Storme, diuers of our best Ships, made all the haste they could homewards, neuer fol∣lowing nor attending the Admirals course, nor light. Which is an Errour too much vsed amongst vs, and very disorderly and dangerous; as would haue beene well found, if the Adelantado had then met with any of those straglers, or with the Admirall himselfe homewards bound, so sten∣derly accompanied.

Which manner of disorder and scattering, in the Conduct of a Royall Nauie, especially in so long a Voyage, is very fit to bee straightly reformed.

These Spanish Flee-boates and Carauels, had made many landings by stealth, on that side of Cornewall, and put the Countrey in great frights, and amazements: especially, vpon the report of a great Fleet, that was comming after them for England. Whereupon our Reere Admirall from [ 40] before the Saint Iues, left the Seas, and went a Land, to take some order for the Countrey of Cornewall, whereof hee was then her Maiesties Lieutenant, seeing it then in much amazement and feare, and so meant to goe ouer land to Plimouth, there to meet with our Generall.

From the Road of Saint Iues, the next morning, wee in the Wast-spight set sayle for Kingroad, and met with such foule weather, as that ouer against the flat Holmes, shee brake againe her Maine yard, which was before broken, and new fished in the beginning of this Voyage. But at last, with much adoe wee brought her about, to Kingroad, and within a few dayes after moo∣red her safe in Hungread; where I tooke speedie order for the paying, and discharging of her men, at the Spaniards cost, and also for the repayring of her decayes.

By this time wee also had newes, that our Admirall and the rest of our Fleet, were safely met, [ 50] and arriued at Plimouth. And at the same instant also wee had intelligence, by a small man of Brasill, but newly come from Corke in Ireland, that Sir Iohn Norris President of Munster, and the Lord Burgh Deputie of Ireland, were both lately deceased.

Of which two men, her Maiestie and the Realme had no small losse, being both Martiall men of as great worth, and seruice, as England bred in many yeeres before. And although it be no part of this matter to speake of them, yet their Deathes, being diuulged to vs at the same time, cannot be thought vnfit, or vnworthy (by the way) heere to be remembred and lamented.

After I had thus taken order with the Officers of the Ship at Bristoll, I receiued Letters from the Lord Treasurer, and the Lord Admirall, for the accomplishing of that, which I had already (out of due consideration) gone in hand withall: I meane the discharging and paying of the [ 60] Marriners and Souldiers, being to the number of foure hundred men, which would haue growne to a great, and needlesse expense, to haue kept them in pay and victuals vntill such time as I could haue sent vnto the Court, to receiue directions backe againe for the same. And therefore did first take vp monies vpon credit, and then by the Drum make knowne in Bristow, that there

were Sugars, Brasil wood, and Fernanbuck aboord o r Ships, which I would presently make sale of, to those that would giue most for it, and not merchand it vnder hand, nor in secret, to the preiudice and deceiuing of her Maiestie. And therefore with the knowledge and aduice of the Master, the Purser, and Boatswaine of the Ship, and the Customer, and Searcher of B••••stow, I lan∣ded those Wares in safe Cellers, and sold them to the best Chapmen in publique, testified vnder the hands of these Officers of the Citie, and of the Ship, for my discharge in that beha••••e, and made thereof fiue hundred pounds. The which summe I deliuered to one Askew then Purser of the Wast-spight, to the end that hee by his Booke might pay the Marriners; and the Souldiers by the Powle, as a care of mine for those poore-men vnder my Charge, which was duely performed.

The which I haue beene the more precise to remember and notifie, for that I tooke no small paines and care, in getting those Sugars, and Brasill wood aboard vs, out of a torne Brasill 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that was [ 10] ready to founder in the Sea•• before Saint Michaels, and abandoned to any that would aduenture to goe ab••ord her, to fetch away the lading. Which businesse (in that vacant time that the Ar〈…〉〈…〉e lay at Villa Franca, and we before S. Michaels Towne) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 put my selfe, and my Marriners vnto. And I had not so much paines and trauell in the getting, as trouble and vexation afterwards to preserue it, whilest it was aboord, when we came to Kingroad, from the purloyning and stealing of the Marriners, and Officers of the Ship. And to say no more but a truth, I dare thus much anouch, and iustifie, that if there had beene in some other of her Maiesties ships the like regard for these goods that were gotten, and of the Prizes ta∣ken in this Iourney, and as faithfully answered as were these, that then for all the crosses and errours, that had happened, it had fully returned to her Maiestie, the double value of all the Charges, she had beene at for this Voyage. But it was strange to see what carelesse courses were held in all such actions, as were set [ 20] out by the State, and what poore returnes were made againe into the Exchequer. And therefore more strange, that the Prince could subsist so often to set out, such chargeable Voyages, without any manner of getting, more then to particuler persons. For so fell it out before in the Indian Voyage, when Sancto Do∣mingo, and Cartagena were taken, and sack•• by Sir Francis Drake, and when Cades in Spaine was surprised, and sackt by the English Armie, where was infinite wealth. But that of Lisbona in Portu∣gall, vndertaken by Sir Iohn Norris, where the Suburbes did so abound with Merchandize and Spice∣rie, being wholly at the mercy and disposition of our Armie, was to be excused; for that our Shops kept not promise with him, in comming vp the Riuer, that should haue both assisted the land Armie with Muni∣tion and Victuals, and also carried away those Spiceries and rich Merchandize: wherein the Sea-men [ 30] were greatly wanting, and taxed by the generall voyce. But in this Voyage, wee all saw and knew, that there were besides Brasill men, three good Prizes taken that came from the Hauana, laden with Cochy∣nella, and other rich Merchandize, besides the Siluer, Gold, Pearle, Ciuet, Muske, Amber-greece, which was amongst the Passengers. And those three Prizes (whereof one was about 400. Tunnes, by the report of those Merchants that came in them) were said, and valued to bee richly worth aboue foure hundred thousand Duckets. At the taking of them I stood in our Gallerie in the Wast-spight, with the Reere Admirall, and wee halled and called vnto some, to inquire of their lading and Merchandize, and from what places they came, whereby wee learned, that they were come from the Hauana, very rich, and at the least to the value aboue said. Whereupon our Reere Aamirall said vnto me in priuate, that, although wee should be little the better for these rich Prizes, yet he was heartily glad for our Generals sake: because [ 40] they would in good sort giue contentment to her Maiestie, so that there should bee no repining against the poore Lord, for the expense of the Voyage. And for my better satisfaction in the value of them, I had cau∣sed mine owne Prisoner to giue me notice of the Ships, wherein hee had Aduentures, and according to the Rates thereof set downe vpon his owne knowledge: those three Ships could not be so little worth, as they all had formerly affirmed. Now if wee doe but looke into the husbandrie and prouidence of former Ages, and of the mightiest Empire, and best gouerned State that euer was, wee shall plainely see, that they euer ••coke a more strict and iust account of the benefit of their gettings and Victories. And that it was an espe∣ciall regard of the Roman Consuls, and Generals, at their returne from a prosperous Warre, to render a plentifull gaine into the publique Treasurie, which made their State still able to subsist in their great acti∣ons. And many times their greatest and worthiest Captaines were deepely called in question, for imbese∣ling any part of such gettings, as amongst others, was that famous Scipio, surnamed Africanus, prose∣cuted [ 50] in that kinde by the Petil••j, notwithstanding his many great seruices to the Common-wealth. But what became of all these our gettings God knowes. Onely I heare, that there was a Composition made af∣terwards with her Maiestie for the Cochynella, and other Merchandize, not to a third part of that it was worth. For neither that, nor yet any of the other riches, could truely come to light or publique knowledge, because they were neuer faithfully certified vnder the hands and testimonies of sufficient Officers, when they were first taken: nor any of that which was preserued fold when wee came home, but onely to the Buyers aduantage. And yet in Conclusion, they that had so played the wise Stewards, in so prouiding for themselues, and their followers, had all the grace and gaine, from those that had more carefully and iustly intended the publique Seruice. But this generall neglect of truth and merit throughout the world, is [ 60] the cause, that so few doe apply to follow those sincere and vnprofitable courses: especially, seeing how many doe daily, by fraud and slatterie, finde shorter and smoother wayes to Honours, wealth, and prefer∣ment: Euen beyond all measure and expectation.

The Conclusion of the Worke, with some later Aduertisements tou∣ching His Maiesties Care for VIRGINIA.

VVE haue now compassed the World in the Courses of so many Planets, euery of which had a peculiar wandering, and yet none erring from the publike benefit of the Vniuerse. And as in Geometricall compasses one foote is [ 10] fixed in the Centre, whiles the other mooueth in the Circumference, so is it with Purchas and his Pilgrimes, in this Geographicall compassing: they haue their owne motions, but ordered in this Circumference, from, for, and by him which abi∣deth at home in his Centre, and neuer trauelled two hundred miles from Thaxted in Essex (lately adorned and augmented with Franchises by his Maiestie) where hee was borne. All their lines tend to this Centre, and this Centre to the Basis and Ground thereof, that is to his Countrey, to the honour and benefit wherof, he and all his are due. All Nations dance in this Round to doe the English service, and English Trauellers here enioy the Mayne, others the By, to attend, and with their Trauels to perfect the English, at lest the knowledge of the World to the [ 20] English.

[illustration]

The Map of England.

ANGLIA

Yea, in this English Centre also I haue chosen the Centre of that Cen∣tre, the Renowmed Name of Queene ELIZABETH, to which, because Mortalitie hath depriued vs of Her Person, wee haue added that of King IAMES, the All that is left vs of Queene ELIZABETH, and more then that All in further perfection of Sexe and Arts. With those auspicious Names, as the faire Starres in the Constellations of both Poles, our Pilgrimes bega••ne their Progresse; by the Light of those two Eyes of Great Brittaine, they haue ta∣ken view of the World, and therefore heere wee end in our Pilgrimage with those two auspicious Names. [ 10]

His Maiestie first (for Brute is vncertaine) hath combined a Trinitie of King∣domes into an Vnitie, Fecit eos in gentem vnam, & made the Ocean the Wall to his Inheritance, hath rooted out the wonted barbarisme of Borderers, of Scottish Fewds, of English Duells, of Irish Bogges; hath confirmed and settled those cru∣der and more indigested beginnings of our prosperitie; hath enioyed soueraigne∣tie longer then euer did any of Britaines Soueraignes (and still ô still may we long long enioy him) hath giuen so manifold securitie against the extreamest and most fatall rigor, both in number, weight and worth of Royall pledges.

[illustration]

The Map of Great Brittaine and Ireland. [ 20]

ANGLIA SCO∣TIA et HIBERNIA

He is beyond comparison compared with others, a meere transcendent; beyond [ 60] all his Predecessors, Princes of this Realme; beyond the neighbouring Princes of his own times, beyond the conceits of subiects dazled with such brightnes: Beyond our victorious Debora not in sex alone, but as Peace is more excellent then War, and

Salomon then Dauid, in this also that He is, and we enioy his present Sunshine; in regard of posteritie not onely sowing thereto the fruit of his bodie, but of his learned mind, like a Salomon indeed by voluminous Writings, and not (which is more vsesuall to Princes, with apophthegme-flashes, recorded by others like Saul sometime among the Prophets; a Miracle and Oracle both, this in polemicall, politicall, problematicall, apocalypticall, positiue Theology, and Bookes of deuo∣tion also; that, in that his Royall body hath had the honour not to be polluted with women; aboue men, aboue Salomon. And as wee haue trauelled abroad that [ 10] wee may bring forraine rarities home, wee find no greater raritie abroad or at home then his Maiestie, the Father of the Clergie, the raiser of so many Families to honour, and of honours to Families; whose bountie and clemencie none deny, (let others beware least they perhaps haue euill eyes, because his is good) so honou∣red of his Subiects with awfull loue, with louing awe, that himselfe hath professed no King herein his superiour: and we can, and all History will professe with vs, that England neuer enioyed better daies then vnder her deceased Mother, and the present Pater Patriae, who hath secured Britaine in peace and prosperitie, whiles all Christian Kingdomes haue beene shaken with warres: and that which alone hath [ 20] escaped the Lions, hath beene bitten by the Adder, the Spanish Dominions being coasted, braued, spoiled of thousands of their people, besides wealth and security, by the basest of enemies, the Algier Pirates. Thus at home doth Great Britain enioy this Gem of Goodnes, the best part of the Ring of the worlds Greatnes: & abroad, we see that as Gods Steward to others also, His Maiestie hath ballanced the neerer World by his prudence, by iustice of commerce visited the remoter, by truest for∣titude without wrong to any man conquered the furthest North, and by iustest temperance disposed the ouerflowing numbers of his Subiects, not in Intrusions and Inuasions of weaker Neighbours, but in the spacious American Regions, [ 30] (some thinly, others not all inhabited) to breed New Britaines in another World. We haue giuen Voyages thorow this Booke, and being now returned home and fixed on so illustrious a Name, I meane to trauell no more, here I hang vp my Pil∣grims weeds; here I fixe my Tabernacle, it is good to bee here: wee haue brought all the World to England, England it selfe to the greatest of her Soueraignes, King IAMES.

But yet the mention of his Maiesties Plantations, makes me gratefully to men∣tion his gracious care of the same, euen since the former Virginian Relations were printed. I then left Virginia with some griefe and sorrow, because of her [ 40] distracted Children and Fathers, the diuisions and mutuall distasts of the Compa∣ny here and Planters there, sighing to God for them, who hath put in his Ma∣iesties heart to compassionate these his Subiects, and hauing appointed the Gouern∣ment to be according to a Commission in that Case directed, hath to further Vir∣ginias gaine beene content to suffer the losse of many thousands yeerly in his Roy∣all Customes arising out of Tobacco (so I haue heard deliuered in open Court) that so only that of the New Plantations may bee vendible till the Colonie may re∣couer greater strength.

His Maiestie is also pleased to send a Running Armie of Souldiers to scoure the [ 50] Countrey of the vnneighbourly malicious Naturalls; and to secure the planters from their priuie ambushments. For openly they dare not attempt, but lurking in secret places attend aduantages. I feare not but so bright a Sunshine will quickly produce blessed effects.

Of their vndertakers for three yeeres Tobacco, I lust not to speake, because I wish, and euen from that vndertaking, shortly expect better commodities from thence then Tobacco. I cannot but magnifie His Maiesties care, and manifest that also of the Honorable Lords of the Councel, who after diligent search of Virginian [ 60] Affaires the last yeere 1623. appointed Captaine Iohn Haruey, Master Iohn Porey, Master Abraham Persey, Master Samuel Matihews to search further into the disea∣ses and possible remedies of that plantation. In Februarie and March last a gene∣rall

Assembly was summoned, and questions propounded to Sir Francis Wiat Go∣uernour and the said Assembly: First, what places in the Countrey were best and most proper to be fortified or maintayned both against Indians or other Enemies. Secondly, concerning the present state of the Colonie in reference to the Sauages. Thirdly, touching the hopes really to be conceiued of the Plantation, and fourth∣ly touching the Meanes thereunto, &c. Their answere I know not whether I may publish in other things; In this one I presume, for better confirmation of what hath beene said before to incite and confirme Mens affections to Virginia; namely their answere to the third, subscribed (as the rest) by about thirty chiefe mens [ 10] hands. We hold it to be one of the goodliest parts of the Earth, abounding with Nauigable riuers full of varietie of Fish and Fowle; falling from high and sleepe Mountaines, which by generall relation of the Indians are rich with Mines of Gold, Siluer, and Copper: another Sea lying within sixe dayes iourney beyond them, into which other Riuers descend. The soile fruitfull and apt to produce the best sorts of commodities, replenished with many Trees for seuerall vses, Gums, Dyes, Earths and Simples of admirable vertues; Vines and Mulberry Trees growing wild in great quantities; the Woods full of Deare, Turkies, and other Beasts and Birds. Sir Thomas Gates and Sir Thomas Dales reports to the Company, concerning [ 20] those praises were in no part hyperbolicall, nor any Countrey more worthy of a Princes care and supportance. Other reports concerning the healthfulnesse of the aire (especially where the ground is cleered of woods) and other needfull prouisi∣ons of the plantation in numbers of Men and Armes (which some had hyperboli∣cally disgraced) and in all other necessaries, seeing the late massacre hath not permit∣ted it better, I am glad & reioyce that it is no worse, and hope and pray for the for∣tunate increase thereof daily. I reioyce also to heare (by one lately returned thence, Master Morell a Minister and man of credit) that the affaires of New England are thriuing and hopefull, which two Colonies of Virginia and New England (with all [ 30] their Neighbours) God make as Rachel and Leah, which two did build the house of Israel, that they may multiply into thousands, and there inlarge the Israel of God, and the Churches Catholike confines, doing worthily in America, and being fa∣mous in Great Britaine. These, with the rest of his Maiesties Dominions, and his neerest and deerest possession, Prince Charles his Highnesse, the Count Palatine, the Lady Elizabeth (more shining, more pure in her fiery trialls, and like the pressed palme, and her Royall Godmother, spreading her boughes the more by greater weight) with the sweet and princely Fruits of her wombe, still multiplied (like the Israelites vnder the Crosse) God preserue [ 40] and prosper vnto the Maiesty of our Dread Soueraigne, the mighty Defender of the True Faith, KING IAMES;

Amen O AMEN. [ 50]

The end of the tenth Booke. [ 60]

FINIS.

Notes

• 1. Ca. Challon 2. Cap. Hanam sent by Lord Chiefe Iustice Popham.
• 3. Cap. Popham & Cap. Gilbert.
• Sir Iohn Pop∣hams death.
• Captaine Pop∣hams death.
• Death of the Plantation.
• Sir Fr. Popham.
• Frenchmen plant there.
• Sir Sa. Argall.
• Noua Scotia.
• Cap. Hobson imployed with Cap. Herley, &c. 1611.
• Hunts Sauage hunting of Sa∣uages.
• Friers charitie.
• Wicked effects of wickednes.
• Cap. I. Smith
• Cap. Mason Gouernor in New found land Plantation.
• Cap. Rocraft.
• French seized.
• Conspiracie.
• Conspirators ••••ft Sawagua∣tock Menehig∣hon.
• Barke sunke.
• Rocraft ••••aine.
• Cap. Darmers voiage.
• Necessi ie of a Deck in Pin∣naces of disco∣uerie.
• Hollanders in Hudsons Riuer.
• Darmers disco∣ueries.
• New Patent thought on.
• Dermer betrai∣ed by Sauages. See sup. his owne letter to me. His death.
• Peaceable Plantation by his meanes.
• Patentre∣newed.
• Temperate Climate.
• Fertile Soile.
• Commodious Coast.
• Fowle.
• Deere. The Mosse a strange Beast described.
• Mount Mansell
• How they take the Mosse or Musse.
• Commodities.
• Seuerall Plan∣tations along the Coast.
• Thirtie saile 1622.
• Madera.
• Saint Lucia.
• Fortie English slaine by Saua∣ges, 1605. See the storie, sup. pag. 1255.
• Dominica.
• Friar Blascus his request.
• Three gallions lost at Guada∣lupa.
• Causes of yeer∣ly sending of Friars out of Spaine.
• Gold in Domi∣nica.
• They land 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Friar on Port Rico.
• They by vn∣happy hap fall amongst Spa∣nish ships.
• They are bor∣ded, taken and abused.
• King Iames his name little respected by Spaniards.
• French cour∣tesie.
• Their impri∣sonment.
• Hard hearted Spaniard.
• Cruell im••••∣nitie.
• Spanish Presi∣dents respect to the English.
• Honest Spa∣niards.
• Three ships cast away.
• Cap. Iohn Le∣gat of Plim∣mouth. Mutine. Cap. Legat slaine by his mutinous crew, which knew not when they had done to bring home their ship, and so stumbled on Spanish iusti∣cers. I haue heard him much com∣mended for a proper and ex∣pert Sea-man.
• Proofe 1. 1614.
• Proofe 2. 1615.
• Proofe 3. 1615.
• Proofe 4. 1616.
• Proofe 5. 1616.
• Proofe 6. 1616.
• Proofe 7. 1617.
• Proofe 8. 1618.
• Proofe 9. 1619.
• Proofe 10. 1620
• A Plantation in New Eng∣land. Proofe 11. 1620
• Proofe 12. 1620
• A Letter from New Plimoth.
• Proofe 13. 1622
• For this yeere 1622.
• Opechancanough taken in ••he midst of his ar∣mie, as Atabali∣pa was by Pi∣çarra.
• 1622.
• Sep. 6. 1620.
• No. 9. Cape Cod.
• Ill Landing.
• Sight of Sa∣uages.
• A Deere and water.
• Sepulchers.
• Kettle and Corne found.
• P••lizado.
• They returne.
• Deuise to catch Deere.
• Cold Harbour.
• Note.
• Frost and Snow.
• Sepulchre opened.
• Two houses.
• Houshold stuffe.
• Third discoue∣rie.
• Extreme cold.
• Gram••us Bay. Th••y found Grampuses dead, two in∣ches thicke of fat, and fiue or six paces long.
• A good Har∣bour.
• Two great Wolues.
• Thunder.
• Conference with Sauages.
• Patuxet. People all dead of a plague.
• Masasoyts.
• Nausites.
• Hunts wicked∣nesse.
• S••u••ge•• d••∣s••ribed▪
• The agree∣ments of peace betweene vs and Massasoyt.
• A iourney to Packanokik, the Habitation of the Great King Massasoy••.
• 1621.
• Great plague.
• Royall enter∣tainment.
• Games.
• Hungrie fare.
• A Voyage made by ten of our men o••the Kingdome of Nauset, to seek a Boy that had lost himselfe in the Woods; with such acci∣dents as besell vs in that Voyage.
• The Boy is re∣stored.
• Snakes skin defiance.
• Towne impa∣led.
• Tisquantum▪ trech••••y.
• Plagy 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• Master Westons planters: which pl••id the w••sps with English and Sauages.
• Two Ships.
• Helpe f〈…〉〈…〉 Master Iones.
• A Plague.
• Note.
• Honest Sa∣uages.
• Namasket. Manomet.
• Sauages great gamsters.
• Iust iealousie.
• Base Summer and Winter.
• Dutch Ship.
• Visitations of the sicke.
• Reports of Massassowats death.
• His commen∣dation.
• Miserable comforters.
• He reuealeth the trechery of the Massachu∣sets.
• Their name of God.
• Indians into lence.
• Sauages slain.
• Sauage Eng∣lishmen.
• An. 1623.
• Great drought
• Publike Fast.
• Gracious dewes.
• Indians coniu∣ration.
• M. Tomson a Scot his Plan∣tation.
• Day of thanks
• Two Ships.
• Their Religion The meaning of the word, ••••e••tan, I think hath re∣ference ••o An∣tiquity for Chise is an old man, and Ki••h∣chise, a man that excee∣de••h in ag••. I••e maledicti.
• Their Deuill.
• Powah or Priest
• Offerings.
• Sacrifices.
• Burnt offring. The Deuill keeps his ser∣uants poore.
• Their Knights. Pnieses: valou∣rous counsel∣lours.
• Bitter trialls.
• Sachim or Lords.
• Tribu〈…〉〈…〉
• Mourning fo•• the dead.
• Burialls.
• Womens sla∣uery.
• Manhood▪
• Names.
• Maids & wiues
• Adulterie and whooredome.
• Theft.
• Murther.
• Crying, a cowards note.
• Apparell.
• Wittie people. Their Arts. Note.
• Language.
• Registers.
• The Country.
• New England an Iland.
• Seasons.
• Dayes.
• Soyle.
• Corne,
• For the De∣scription & in∣couragements to this designe, and for better knowledge of New Scotland, besides a Book purposely pub∣lished by the Honourable & learned Au∣thor (who at other weapons hath plaied his Muses prizes, and giuen the world ample testimony of his learning) you may read our 8. Booke from the sixt Chapter for∣wards, the last two Chapiters of the ninth Booke, & that description of the Countrey of Maw••oshen, which I haue added hereto.
• Ann. 1622.
• An. 1623.
• Lukes Bay.
• Fit place for a Plantation.
• Port Iolly. Port Negro.
• This descripti∣on of Mawoo∣shen I had a∣mongst M. Hakluyts pa∣pers. Climate and quantitie. Tarantines are said to be the same with the Souriquois. 1. Quibequesson Riuer.
• Asticon Sagamo.
• A great Lake.
• 2. P••maquid riuer
• A great Lake.
• Anadabis.
• Three townes
• Bashabes. Caiocame.
• 3. Ramassoc.
• Panobsc••t a Towne. 4. Apanawapeske,
• 5. Apanmensek.
• A L••ke.
• Another Lake. All the Lakes full of Fish, Beeues, and sweet Rats. 6. Aponeg.
• 7. Aponeg.
• 8. Sagadahoc. Here C. Pop∣ham buil•• S. Georges Fort, and planted. Great Sound.
• T••o Lakes.
• A great Iland.
• Kenebeke.
• 9. Ashamabaga.
• 10. Shawak••toc.
• A Lake foure dayes iourney long & 2, broad
• Voyage in eight daies.
• Fishermens kinde assistan∣ces.
• State of the weather in Autumne and Winter. I haue by me a writ∣ten iournall, declaring the winde and weather of e∣uery day from 24. Nouember 1610. till the last of Aprill 1611. but thought it would seeme ted ous, the substance thereof being here contai∣ned. Moderate Frosta.
• Spring.
• Healthfulnes.
• Homicide di∣eth for thought
• Imployment of the Colony
• English Corne, Fowle and Cattle prosper there.
• Medow.
• Deere.
• Copper kettle.
• Their houses described.
• Their Oares.
• Sauages.
• Their fashions
• Their Canoas.
• The situation of the Country
• The tempera∣ture of the Ayre.
• The Inhabi∣tanes, with their nature and customes.
• The conueni∣ency of the Bayes in that Countrie.
• Commodious Ilands & wor∣thy Harbours.
• Trinitie Harbor affording di∣uers good commodities.
• Sauages liuing neer to Trinitie Harbour.
• The bottoms of diuers Baies meeting neere together.
• The Harbour of Trepassey ly∣ing commodi∣ously.
• The fertiltie of the soyle.
• Seuerall sorts. of Fruits there growing.
• Herbs & Flow∣ers both plea∣sant and medi∣cinable.
• Corn growing there, yeelding good increase.
• Store of Deere & other Beasts
• A rare example of the gentle nature of the Beasts of that Country.
• M Guies Ma∣st••••e & Grey∣hound vsed a Wolfe there more dogged∣ly, one pulling out the throat the other the belly.
• Great store of Land Fowle. Water Fowle, Penguins.
• Fresh water and Springs.
• Many sorts of Timber there growing.
• Good hope of Mines, and making of I∣ron and Pitch.
• Fish in great abundance.
• Cod-fishing a great hope of benefit there∣from.
• The benefit a∣rising to France, Spaine and Italy from fishing vpon those coasts.
• 250. saile of Shipslying vp∣on that coast, Anno 1615.
• What the valew of the Fish con tained in most Ships did a∣mount vnto.
• The relief that the trading there will af∣ford to seuerall sorts of people
• After this the author vseth reasons to per∣swade to a Plantation there; which I haue omitted, as busied in hi∣story. The Book is common to such as desire to reade it. I haue also omit ted his Admi∣ralty commis∣sion and pro∣ceedings.
• Commoditie•• vsed by the Natiues.
• This was the last Letter sent into England the yeere be∣fore, 1621.
• They were but twelue men all the last Win∣ter, vnti〈…〉〈…〉 the new supply came in the Spring follow∣ing.
• Temperate Winter.
• Bristow Planta∣tion.
• Salt made there.
• Abuses of Fi∣shermen.
• The Fi••••ts s•••• forth by queen Elizabeth. Sup. pag. 108••. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• A••••••. 17. 6. Her persecuti∣on from the Papacie from the wombe.
• In queen Ma∣ries daies.
• French wrongs
• Q. Elizabeths prosperitie. See of Gods mercies in this & other kinds, the B. of Chi∣chister his Re∣ligious Trac∣tate of Thanks∣giuing. See also Cam∣dens Elizabetha, and others Anuales of her Reigne.
• Arthur Poole of the house of George Duke of Clarence. Ann. 1569. Pius his impi∣ous Bull.
• Irish action.
• Don Iohn base son of Charles Emperour. 1576.
• A. 1572. Greg. 13. con∣firmeth the sentence a∣gainst Q. Elis-Stuklys trea on
• A. 1578.
• 1579. 1580. Sanders Au∣thor of the booke De visi••. Monarch, & of the forged tale De schismate Anglicano in which he abu∣seth the queens Mother with grosse lies, ne∣uer before een or dreams of by the sharpest and spitefulles•• eyes which Malice could entertain, euen then when she was most ma∣licious & most serpent sighted
• 15••3.
• 1584. Mendoza. Throckmorton. Creighton; pa∣pers. Asso••iation. P••••ries treason Allens booke.
• Earle of Nor∣thumberland.
• Burks & Ilandeys ••••i s in Ireland.
• Babington, &c.
• French Embas∣sad••urs plot with Moody.
• Lopez.
• Luke 8. 29.
• Rome, Citie of murthers & haters of kings
• Plin. l. 7. c. 25.
• See to. 1. l. 8. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3. 4. & 6. l. 2. c. 1 to. 2. l. 8. c. 4. &c.
• Present Rome greater man∣staier & Saint∣slaier then the Ethnike.
• Priests, agents in euery trea∣son.
• The Pope Ma∣ster Workman.
• Allen or Alan was by Spanish procurement made Cardi∣nall for this purpose; and to this purpose had written a violent booke which heart∣ned Parry to vndertake to kil the Queen. He and Bristow & Martin were Authors of the Rhemish Tran∣slation and Notes of the N. T.
• Papall preten∣ded causes of depriuing the Queene. Fugitiues im∣potent Zeale. Spanish argu∣ments to re∣quite good with euill.
• a

  Act. 24. 14. By the way which they cal heresie, so wor∣ship wee the God of our fa∣thers, belee∣uing all things written in the Law, &c.
• b

  They make the schisme or rent, which vniustly ex∣communicate & cut off from the body of Christ, as Io. 9, Sinite illos, coe∣ci sunt, &c.
• c

  Hinc ille lacrymae.
• d

  Withlie and all: shee reice∣ted the title of supreme head, to auoid from appearance of this euill, and declared her selfe to chal∣lenge onely, power ouer all her subiects, to command thé to do their du∣ties & execute their offices, excluding for∣rain iurisdicti∣on: as Dauid, Sal••mon, Con∣stantine, & her predecessors had done, ex∣ercising pow∣er ouer Priests, not in the Priesthood.
• e

  O impudency? What King of England euer sought the Popes confirmation King 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by Papall Arts made himselfe triburary but without and against his subiects con••ent; as Ma. Paris & R••••endouer then liuing testifie at larg〈…〉〈…〉 at writing being burnt and disclai∣med the subiects also rebelling against the Author thereof.
• f

  Quia totum tel••m non recep••••••et: Shee wronged them much in sou••ng [ 60] her throat from their blades.
• g

  Vnnaturall Prince, which not content with inheritance, would haue made conquest of the Pro∣uinces, so to swallow all their priuiledges, and subiect them to forraine inquisition and rule: so buying with 100. millions of treasure and the liues of 400000. Christians, the losse of those which would haue bought and sought to be his subiects, if hee would haue kept the oathes which the Pope dispensed with, twice made to them; and ruled as his predecessors had done.
• h

  The Pope confesseth hee gaue enter∣tainment to the Queenes Fug tiues, and for their sakes thus roared. The Spaniard entertained her Fugitiues, and she might not admit those whom he would not suf∣fer to obey him as his Ance∣stors had done
• i

  A mighty & cruell forgery of his Holiness
• k

  Who is here the inuader & disturber of peace? And whereto tends all this but to disanull peace?
• l

  Quis tulerit Gracchos dei se∣ditione queren∣tes?
• m

  Boner, &c. was ill handled because they were not so handled as they had handled Cran∣mer, Ridley, &c.
• n

  See M. Cam∣dens History, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 A. 1568. & seq. where those occurrents are otherwise re∣lated.
• o

  Ap. 2. 2. Thou hast tried them that say they are Apo∣stles and are not and hast found them liers.
• p

  How much more did He∣zekiab & ••osias in demolishing the meanes of superstition, how holy soe∣uer at their first institutiō? So the brasen Serpent, a Di∣uine type of Christ crucified was demolished, &c.
• q

  Uis dicam quid sis? magnus es ardelio. Pitie she promoted not Cardinal Allen or Father Parsons, the one to Lambeth, the other to Tib. I should say the Broad Seale.
• r

  What a faire deliuerance from this tyranny should we haue had by the Spanish Whips and Kniues?
• s

  We had indeed bin miserable, had we falne into the hands of such Phy∣sicians.
• t

  The holinesse of three Popes curse her, and the holy and blessed Trinitie blesse her.
• u

  Dutie and faith acknowledged and yet denied! Is not this babbling?
• x

  But God will not hold him guiltlesse that taketh his name in vaine.
• y

  Yet this is the first comman∣dement of promise; so contrary are Gods blessing and the Popes cursing. Eph. 6. 2.
• z

  A false Prophet! for neither did England e∣uer prosper more, or feare the Pope or Spaniard lesse, or so much loue or honour Her or any of her progenitors, as Her Maiesty after this: such a blessed haruest God raised out of this Cursers cursed seed.
• a

  The Duke of Medina Generall of this Fleet was of an∣other [ 60] mind, who being told of Catholikes in England which would take his part, &c. answered, That he must make way howsoeuer for his Master. And were not Count Egmond and Count Horne and others, Papists, which D'Alua executed? There were 700. Eng∣lish Fugitiues in Parmas Army for this inuasion, Qui omnium despicatissime habiti, the baggage of the Armies estimate: nor was re∣spectgiuen to Stanly and Westmerland, Traitors of note, Sed pro impietate in Patriam omni ad••tu prohibiti & tanquam pessima auspicia merito non si••e detestatione reiecti, saith Camden. They were excluded all Councells of Warre; for men vse to loue the Treason and hate the Traytor.
• Matth. 26. 54. ••udas ••scario•• went to the chiefe Priests: here the chiefe Priest preuents the Traitor & cou••••a••ts for more then 30. pieces, before he be sollicited with what will you giue me〈…〉〈…〉 e ••ewish Priest•• were dul, com∣pared to these Romish.
• H••••ly Fa! th〈…〉〈…〉!
• Pro thesauro carbones. The Pope grants that li∣berally which is al••••ly.
• The Armie of Biscay, of which is Captain Ge∣nerall Ian Mar∣tines of Ricalda.
• The Armie of the Gallyes of Castille, of the which is Generall, Ia∣ques Flores de Valdes.
• The Armie of the Ships of Andelo〈…〉〈…〉zie, of the which is Cap. Don Pe∣dro de Valdes. This Pedro de Valdes was ta∣ken, and priso∣ner in England.
• The Armie of Ships come from the Pro∣uince of Gi∣pouzce, of which is Ge∣nerall Michell de Oquendo.
• The Armie of the East, of the which is chief Martin de V••••∣tend••na.
• The Armie of Hulkes in the which is Cap. Iohn Lopez of Medina.
• Pata••••es and Zab••es, where in Don Antony of Mendoza. com∣mande••••.
• The foure Ga∣leaces of Na∣ples, which are giuē in charge to Dom Vgo de Moncada.
• A description of the Galeons
• A description of the Galli∣asses.
• The great O••d nance, bullets, Gunpowder, and other fur∣niture.
• The i••prouisi∣on of victuals & other things necessary.
• 32000. person•• in the Nauie. A Spanish terza consisteth of 3200. souldiers.
• Baggage of the Amada.
• The cause of the Iourney.
• Their Shrift.
• For auoiding blasphemy and raging oathes, and others.
• Debarring play.
• The preparati∣on of the Duke of Parma to aide the Spa∣niards.
• Her Maiesties warlike prepa∣ration by Sea.
• Her Maiesties Land-forces.
• Catholike Roman.
• The prepa〈…〉〈…〉 on of the vni∣ted Prouinces.
• The Spanish 〈◊〉〈◊〉 et••••let saile vpon the 19 of May. O multum dile∣ct: Deo. tib. mi∣litat aether co••∣iurati v••n••unt ad classica ven∣ti &c. Gains valour.
• They set saile from the Groine vpon the 11. of Iuly. The Spaniards come within ke••••ing of England. Cap. Fleming.
• The L. Admi∣rals short war∣ning vpon the 19. of Iuly.
• The 20. of Iuly.
• Gods great mercy to Eng∣land, For had not Flemming brought word, the Queenes Nauie had ea∣sily beene op∣pressed: nor could it so soon be ready, had the Spaniards then taken their opportu∣nitie.
• The 21. of Iuly
• Galeon for∣saken.
• The 22. of Iuly
• Don Pedro de Valdez with his ships and company takē.
• Virtus in hoste laudanda.
• 55000. duckets
• A great Bis∣caine ship ta∣ken by the English.
• The 23. of Iuly
• Slow motions of the great Spanish ships.
• Admirals hot fight. Captaine Fen∣ners valour.
• A great Vene∣tian ship and other ••m••ll ships taken by the English.
• 12000. English Mariners and Souldiers.
• The 24. of Iuly
• Want of Pow∣der.
• Spanish order.
• The 25. of Iuly
• Terrible fight.
• The 26. of Iuly
• Guisians fear••d Ta••••. conq••••st.
• The 27 of Iuly. The Spaniards ancre before Caleis.
• Prince of As∣coli his good fortune.
• The 28. of Iuly
• The 29. of Iuly
• The 30. of Iuly
• States Fleete.
• En••lish Hispa∣niol••zed traitors
• The Spaniards vaine opinion concerning their own fleet
• Sea-stratagem
• The 28. of Iuly
• The Galliasse of Hugo de Mon cada cast vpon the shoalds be∣fore Caleis.
• M. Amias Pre∣ston 〈…〉〈…〉antly boordeth the Galliasse.
• Moncada slain.
• 50000. duckets
• The great fight before Greue∣ling the 29. of Iuly.
• Englishs ships aduantage.
• Gods proui∣dent mercies to the English.
• Three Spanish ships sunke in the fight.
• Two Galeons taken and car∣ried into Zeland
• A small ship cast awa•• a∣b••ut Blanken∣berg.
• The dishono∣rable fl••gh of the Spanish na∣uy▪ & the pru∣dent ••dui••e of the L. Admiral.
• Our want of Powder & Bul∣lets p••••cl••ime th〈…〉〈…〉 u〈…〉〈…〉 of Gods present power & mer∣ciful both deli∣uerance and victory.
• Th•• En••lish re∣turn home 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the pursuit of the Spaniards the 4. of Aug.
• The Spaniards consult to saile round about Scotland & Ire∣land, and so to returne home.
• Horses cast ouer-boord.
• The ship wrack of the Spaniards vpon the Irish coast.
• Of 134. ships of the Spanish fleet there returned home but 53.
• D. of Medina.
• Ricaldes death.
• Spaniards pit∣tied.
• Spaines general losse.
• New coines stamped for the memory of the Spaniards ouer∣throw.
• The people of England and of the vnited pro∣uinces, pray, fast, and giue thankes vnto God.
• The Kings wise speech.
• Epinitian or triumph all verses.
• Ad serenissimam Elizabetham Anglia Reginam Theodor. Beza.
• Like lips like lettuce. A blind Bal∣ladmaker fit Homer for A∣chillian con∣quests.
• By a Letter of Diego Peres, chiefe Post∣master of Lo∣grono dated the second of Sep∣tember, 1588.
• Copie of a letter that Iohn Gamarra wrote from Rean the 31. of August of the same yeere
• Copie of a Letter that Pèdro de Alu•• did write from Roan the first of September of the same yeere.
• Aduise from London, which the Embassa∣dor of our So∣uereigne Lord the King resi∣dent in Parris had from thence.
• By a Letter of the chiefe Post master of Bur∣deux, written to the French Embassadour, the 2. of Sept. 1588.
• Relation of that which ha••h passed till this day, the fifth of Sept. 1588. till three of the clock in the a••ternoon, knowne by the relations and aduice come to his Maiestie from the hap∣py Fleet, wher∣of is Generall the Duke of Medina, in the conquest of England.
• A briefe re∣hearsall of the English exploits in this voyage,
• Generall No••∣r•••• and Gene∣rall Drake.
• Gen••rall Nor∣ris his Martiall edu••ation and employments.
• Earle of Essex his worthy Acts.
• Our men land within a mile of the G••••ine the 20. of April.
• Intemperate drinking cause of sicknesse.
• N•••• voyage to England inten∣ded.
• Gallion burnt.
• Dangerous fire
• Vndermining.
• Prouisions brought in.
• Tower falleth.
• 〈1 line〉〈1 line〉
• Conde de An∣drada his Ar∣mie.
• The notable ouerthrow gi∣uen to the Spa∣niards at Puen∣te de Burgos.
• Earle of Essex comes to them.
• They land at Peniche.
• Peniche taken.
• They march towards Li〈…〉〈…〉
• Good disci∣pline.
• Want of 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• Some died with drinking water.
• Earle of Essex his attempt.
• They come to the suburbs of Lisbon.
• Houses burnt by the Portu∣gall••.
• Colonell Bret fl••ine.
• Their retrait, and chase by E. Essex.
• Gen. Drakes comming.
• Cascai•• forsa∣ken.
• Ships taken.
• Consultation.
• Don Antonies promises frustrate.
• They m••••h frpm Lisban.
• The riches that they might haue gotten at Lisbon.
• Desire of the English to fight
• Feare of the enemies.
• Castle of Cas∣cais yeelded.
• Sixtie Hulkes brought.
• Cardinall Al∣bert after mar∣ried to the In∣fanta and Ru∣ler of the Spa∣nish Port of the Low Countries.
• Morocco Em∣bassadour.
• Bayon.
• Vigo taken.
• Borsis burned.
• Vig•• burned.
• Their returne to Plimmouth.
• M. Hackluit had published the large re∣port of this Voyage writ∣ten byone em∣ploied therin: out of which I haue taken that which ser∣ued our pur∣pose.
• Q. Mary said before her death, that if they opened her, they should finde Callis in her heart.
• French and Flemming takē and dismissed.
• Hamburgers taken.
• Letters taken
• Irishmans intel∣ligence.
• They arriue at Cadiz. Some which professe mar∣tiall knowledg blame the not landing th•• first day, and s••y the weather serued; but the scruple o•• sun∣day and other pretences lost a million of wealth. Doues lighting
• The Spanish Fleete.
• The fight be∣twixt the two Fleetes.
• Spanish losse.
• Two Apostles forced to preach English.
• Flemmish mis∣chance.
• The English land.
• Bad way.
• The English enter the town
• I haue bin told by some of great worth then in this action, that they heard the Lord Admirall affirme that he was 68. yeers old, or between that and 70. who yet liueth 1624. crowned with siluer haires and gol∣den raies of glorious acts. The Castle deliuered.
• Spaniards E〈…〉〈…〉 their ships.
• Cadiz described
• My Sexton T. Rowly, yet liu∣ing, hath often told me that he had the rif∣ling of a Iew∣ellers or Gold∣smiths house, and in his re∣turne gaue and sold for to••es many Stones (which by his description seemed Ru∣bies) of great bignes where∣of he had his hatfull, which proued not worth an angel to his ignorant simplicity, ne∣uer ordained to be rich.
• Sir Iohn Wink∣field buried.
• Iune 21. 22.
• 27.
• Cadiz 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the L Admirall his letters.
• Faraon burnt.
• Crossed with windes and stormes.
• Danger of the Admirallship.
• They put in to Plimmouth.
• Sicknesse.
• Order to dis∣charge land forces.
• Their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••o••th the se∣cond 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• Leake reme∣dies.
• Cape Finisterre
• Enterprise of Feroll uer∣throwne.
• The Rocke.
• South Cape.
• Tercera.
• Victuals sent after them.
• False aduise of a smal Pinnace comming from the Indies.
• Note, Mistak∣ing.
• The Indian Fleet rec〈…〉〈…〉uer the Rode of Tercera.
• Three Spanish Ships taken.
• Want of pro∣uisions.
• Punta delgada in S. Michael.
• Punta de la Galera.
• They land nee▪ Villa Franca.
• October the fifteenth.
• Their returne.
• A Carack ran her selfe on the Rocks. A Ship of Bra∣sil taken.
• Charles.
• Of these Ilands see be∣fore Linschotens obseruations: to which I haue added this Authors description, as containing somwhat ther∣in omitted. This booke was written A. 1607. and dedicated to that great hope of Great Bri∣taine, Prince Henry, the E∣pistle to him and the Pre∣face I haue o∣mitted in re∣gard of our long volume. I haue not ad∣ded a word of mine, but the Title and Marginall Notes; nor defalked any of the Authors (after my wont in others, not to make their writings mine, but ••hine, [ 60] the tediousnesse in so often repetitions by often relators, and the superfluities being such as would deterre the Reader:) The Dis∣courses I haue vsually put in another letter, to distinguish them from the History; the one the Eyes obseruations, the other the Minds and both worthy both thine eyes and minds best obseruation. Hee added also Notes touching the Na••••e Royall, which are worthy the noting, but perhaps not to be permitted to euery vulgar and notelesse eye. Sometim〈…〉〈…〉 veritas 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉; Paines may cause paines, and busie labour may reap the reward of a busie body. I am loth to buy repentance,
• Fayall.
• Gratiosa.
• Flores. Cueruo.
• S. Maries, &c.
• Commanders names and chiefe officers.
• Noblemen imployed in this seruice.
• The Nauie consisting of three Squa∣drons and 120. saile The Queenes ships and their Captaines.
• The rest of the Fleet.
• Ten Hollanders
• Land-Army.
• Fiue hundred Voluntaries gallantly fur∣nished. The designe.
• Intent for Tercera.
• Portland.
• Plimouth.
• Set saile.
• Instructions for the voyage and instructi∣ons touching instructions.
• Storme.
• Perill of high cargued & of weake ships.
• Returne to Plimouth.
• Great sicknesse
• Sir A. Sherly placed in roome of Sir F. Gorges.
• Sir Alexander Ratcliffe. The Treasure•• his ominous departure.
• Brewers 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• A Prize.
• Stormy Winds and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as arg••e not with deli∣cacy & brauery
• Aduice for Gallants.
• Note.
• Still crossed.
• Lord Rich de∣parteth.
• Land Army cashed.
• Sea-actions require a Prin∣ces purse.
• Small time great losse.
• Harmes by stormes.
• Good order for prouisions at Plimouth.
• Preten••e••.
• Bay of Alch∣sher.
• S. Matth••w distressed.
• Sir George Ca∣rews resolution
• Ed. E. of Lin∣colne High Admirall.
• Audaces fortu∣〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉at.
• Sir Iohn Parrot. Sir W. Gorges.
• D••riuall a Pirat, be••ter Mari∣ner then man.
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈…〉〈…〉s. us.
• Deriuall han∣ged against promise.
• Aduice.
• Story of the S. M••tthew.
• S. Matthew brought home
• C. ••r. Slingsby.
• Sir George Ca∣rews aduen∣tures i•• the A••••enture.
• Spanish Flee••.
• Corke H••uen.
• Danger by storme.
• S. Andrew.
• Course of the Fleet.
• Brauados often vnseasonable.
• Wastspite di∣stressed.
• S. W. Brooke.
• Vice-Admirals care.
• Rumors.
• S. Mathew and S. Andrew ta∣ken at Cadiz.
• False intelli∣gence by an Englishman.
• Letters from the Admirall.
• They sha••e their course for the Ilands.
• New distresses.
• Sep. 8. They make Tercera.
• Note for the Ilands.
• Rainbowe by Moonlight dif∣fering in color from those or the Sunne.
• They come to the Fleet.
• Entertainment by the General
• Inhabitants of Flores 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cueruos
• Earle of Essex his answer and behauiour to the Ilanders.
• Earle of Essex his respect to Sir W. Raleigh.
• A Counsell for taking in the Ilands.
• Holanders and Spaniards enmi∣tie implacable,
• Rainbow be the Moone.
• Fayall.
• Vnarmed rash∣nesse.
• Spaniards ha∣ted by the Por∣tugals.
• Hard place to land in.
• Helpe by Pin∣naces.
• Basenesse of some.
• Sir W. R. his re∣solution. They land.
• Flight of the enemy.
• More actiue feete ••hen hands.
• Spaniards and Portugals yeeld themselues.
• Spaniards and Portugall schol lers of Fortun extreame in extremes.
• And are not other Nations so? Vsus promp∣tos facit.
• Strange acci∣dent of a shot.
• Reare Admiral taxed.
• Disorder.
• Difference twixt Campe and Garrison Souldiers.
• Reare Admi∣rals valour.
• Dangerous discouery.
• Scarfe-braue∣ry perillous.
• Discouery best lest discoueted
• Fortification forsaken. Towne aban•• doned.
• They enter the Towne. Towne descri∣bed.
• Earle of Cum∣berland. See sup. l. 6. c. 1.
• Their order for safety and booty.
• The Generals comming.
• Sir Guilly Me∣ricks vnch••••i∣table officious∣nesie.
• Earle of Effe•• his ambition of honour.
• Sir Walter Ra∣l••igh commeth aboord the Generall.
• Accusation.
• His answere.
• Lord T. Howard (now Earle of Suffolke) his Christian and friendly medi∣ation.
• The Generall pacifed.
• High Fort a∣bandoned.
• Enuie spieth more in pre∣tended, then in professed ene∣mies, and is al∣way worst to it selfe, though bad to all.
• Hart and ano∣ther left with throates cut.
• Towne fired.
• Reward of cru∣elty is cruelty.
• Gra••iosa sub∣mitteth i•• selfe.
• Groue taxed.
• Saint Michael.
• Newes of the In••ian Fleet.
• Three Spanish ships taken.
• Indian Fleete pursued to T〈…〉〈…〉∣cera.
• The Peere de∣scribed.
• A Counsell.
• Digression touching rash on sets and brauad••s. Sir R. Greenuile his story you haue before, which perhaps may somwhat better excuse him.
• Roman exam∣ples.
• Reuenge, the only Ship of the Nauy Roy∣all, possessed by the Spani∣ards and dear∣ly bought.
• Rich. D. of Yorke
• Sir Io. Nor••is.
• 〈…〉〈…〉ter Strosse.
• Terribly exe∣cuted.
• Example of 88
• Inuinsible fleet inuisible.
• L. Admirall commended.
• They arriue at S. Micha••ls the second time.
• H••llow S••••.
• Boldnesse by some esteemed fortitude.
• Villa 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• They land at Villa Franca.
• Hanibals Capua.
• The Earle ex∣cused.
• A Brasil man.
• A mightie Carack.
• Greedinesse loseth his morsell.
• The Carack ran her selfe on ground. She was set on fire. Examples of Cades voyage.
• Carack of 1800. Tun••.
• Preparation for returne.
• Knights, made.
• Their returne.
• Want of water.
• Stills.
• Birds.
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dispersed.
• Disorderly haste home∣wards.
• Death of Sir Ioh•• Norris and Lord Bargh.
• Note touching priuate gaines and publike losse in many Expeditions.
• Roman policie.
• 1. Sam. 10.
• There is re∣port also of an English Colo∣ny left by C. North in Guia∣na still conti∣nuing. Ruth. 4. 11.