Purchas his pilgrimes. part 4 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

VOYAGES TO AND [ 10] LAND-TRAVELS IN FLORIDA, VIRGINIA, AND OTHER PARTS OF THE NORTHERNE AMERICA. FRENCH Plantings, Spanish Supplantings; English VIR∣GINIAN [ 20] Colonies, and to the Ilands Azores. (Book 8)

THE EIGHTH BOOKE. (Book 8)

CHAP. I.

A Relation of ALVARO NVNEZ called Capo di Vaua, * 1.1 con∣cerning [ 30] that which happened to the Fleet in India, whereof PAMPHILO NARVAEZ was Gouernour, from the yeere 1527. vntill the yeere 1536. who returned vnto Siuill with three of his companions only: translated out of RAMV∣SIO, * 1.2 and abbreuiated.

§. I. [ 40]

Their Fleet; and admirable and vnheard of tempest: their entrance into Flo∣rida: the Lakes, troublesome passages, incounters, disastrous successe, building Boats for returne.

THE sixteenth day of Iune, in the yeare 1527. the Gouernour * 1.3 Pamphilo di Naruaez departed from the hauen of Saint Lucar of Barrameda, with power and commandement from your Ma∣iestie to conquer and gouerne the Prouinces, which lye from the Riuer of Palmes vnto the Cape of Florida, all in the firme [ 50] land. And the Fleete which the Gouernour brought with him * 1.4 were fiue Ships, wherein six hundred men went. The Officers, because I am to make particular mention of them in this Booke, were these: Capo di Vaua Treasurer, Agozino Prouost Marti∣all, Alonso Eurriquez Auditor, and Alonso de Solis Factor, and ouerseer for his Maiestie. And besides, there was for Commis∣sary, a Frier of the order of Saint Francis, called Frier Giouanni, Iohn Gottierrez, and with him foure other Friers of the same Order.

We arriued first at the Iland of San Dominica, where we stayed but fortie fiue dayes, to pro∣uide * 1.5 [ 60] our selues of certaine necessary things, and principally of Horses. There we left more then an hundred and forty of our men, which would stay by promise and agreement which they of the Village made with them. Departing thence, we arriued at Saint Iago or Giacomo, which is an hauen in the Iland of Cuba, and reposing our selues there certaine dayes, the Captaine furnish∣ed * 1.6 himselfe with men, munition, and horses. It hapned in that place, that a Gentleman, called

Uasques Parcalle, neete vnto the towne of the Trinitie, which is in the same Iland, offered the Gouernour to giue him certaine victuall, which he had in the said towne of the Trinitie, which * 1.7 is an hundred leagues off from the said port of Saint Iago. Whereupon the Gouernour departed with all the Fleete, towards that towne. But arriuing halfe the way at an hauen which they call the Cape of Santa Cruz, it seemed good vnto the Gouernor to abide there, and send one Ship onely to receiue those victuals, and so he appointed one Captaine Pantoxa to goe thither with * 1.8 his Ship, and that for the greater security, I also should goe with him, and he remained still there with the foure Ships: we hauing now gotten another in the Iland of Saint Domenica. Being ar∣riued with our fiue Ships at the hauen of the Trinitie, the Captaine Pantoxa went with Vasquez Porcalle to receiue the victuals at the towne, which was one league distant from the hauen. One [ 10] houre after I was landed, the Sea began to be outragious, and the Northwinde was so strong, * 1.9 that the Boates durst not goe aland, nor could they with the Shippes in any sort put to the contrary side; the winde being in the prowe, whereupon with very great trauaile, with two contrary seasons, and with much raine they continued all that day, and the Sunday. The night approaching, the Sea and tempest began so much to increase, that it no lesse tor∣mented those on the land then them at Sea; for all the houses fell downe, and all the Churches, and wee were enforced to goe seuen or eight men embracing one another arme in arme together, to be able to resist the winde, that it might not carry vs away, and to auoide the ruine of the houses, flying vnto the Forrest, the trees gaue vs no lesse cause of feare, then the houses had giuen vs: because they falling held vs in continuall feare, [ 20] that they would kill vs. In this tempest and danger wee passed all the night, without * 1.10 finding any part or place, where for one halfe houre onely wee might stand secure: but principally, the midnight before wee heard noyses and great crying, and the sound of Belles, Flutes, and Drummes, and other instruments, which continued vntill the mor∣ning, that the tempest ceased. In those Countries so fearefull a thing had neuer beene seene, whereof I caused a testimoniall and true certificate to be made, which I haue sent vnto your Maiestie.

On Munday morning we went downe to the hauen, and found not the Ships there, but saw some of their furniture in the water; whereby we knew that they were cast away. And so we purposed to goe along the coast, searching if we might finde any thing, but finding nothing, [ 30] we determined to search by the Mountaines, and hauing gone about a quarter of a league of from * 1.11 the water side, wee found the Boate of a Ship set vpon certaine trees: and further beyond, ten leagues along the coast they found two persons of my Ship, and certaine couerings and roofes of houses. And those two men were so actually transfigured and changed with wea∣therbeating, both of the shore, and of the Sea, that they could not know who they were. we found also a Friers habit, and a Couerlet torne in peeces, and found no other person or thing any more. Threescore men were lost in those two Ships, and twenty horses, and those that re∣mained aliue were thirty persons onely, who the same day we arriued in that hauen, went aland together with the Captaine Pantoxa. Wee remained in such manner for certaine dayes, with much trouble and great necessitie, because the sustenance and prouision of that people, was all [ 40] lost, and destroyed, with certaine wilde Beasts, and the Countrey remained in such sort that it moued great compassion in the beholders, the trees being falne, the mountaines burned, and re∣maining without leaues, or grasse, and so we passed vntill the fift day of Nouember, that the Go∣uernour * 1.12 of our Fleete came thither to vs, with his other foure Ships, who also themselues had passed great dangers and torments, and were escaped, because in good time they had retired themselues vnto some place of safety.

The men which he had brought with him, and those that he found there, were so much affrigh∣ted, and terrified with the losses and dangers past, that they resolued to imbarke themselues no more in the winter, and besought the Gouernour that he would suffer them to repose and rest themselues in those places; he perceiuing their mindes, and the desire of the inhabitants, did so, [ 50] and gaue me the charge of the Ships, and the men, which should goe with me to winter at the hauen of Xaqua, which is twelue leagues distant from that place, and so going thither, we staied * 1.13 vntill the twentieth of February following. At this time the Gouernour came thither vnto vs, with a Brigantine which he had gotten at the Trinitie, and brought with him a Pilot, called Mi∣ruelo, who (as they said) was a man very well practised, and an excellent Pilot for all the coast of the North. Besides that, the Gouernour left on the coast of the Lissart Captaine Aluaro della Querda, with a Ship which the Gouernour had procured there, and left forty men with him, and twelue other with the horse.

Two dayes after the Gouernour came vnto vs, wee imbarked our selues, and were (in the whole) foure hundred men, and fourescore horses in foure Ships, and one Brigantine. The Pi∣lot [ 60] which we had newly taken, brought the Ships through the quicke sands, which they call * 1.14 Canerreo, so that the day following we found our selues on dry land, and so remained fiue dayes, the keele of the Ships oftentimes striking vpon the ground. At the end of those fiue dayes, a storme from the South brought so much water vpon the sands, that wee might come out, al∣though

not without much danger. Departing thence, we arriued at Guanignanico, where ano∣ther tempest assailed vs so fiercely, that we stood in great danger to be lost: at the head of the * 1.15 currents we had another, where we staid three dayes. And these being ouerpassed, we went a∣bout the Cape of Saint Anthony, and with a contrary winde, we went till wee came within twelue leagues of the Hauana. and standing the day following to put in there, a Southerne gale * 1.16 of winde tooke vs, which droue vs farre from the land, so that wee crossed ouer by the coast of Florida, and arriued the twelfth of Aprill, at the land of Martes; so coasting the way of Florida, vpon holy Thursday in the same coast, we ancored in the mouth of an open roade, at the head whereof we saw certaine houses, and habitations of the Indians.

The same day Alonso Euriquez the Auditor went out of the Ship, and landed vpon an Iland [ 10] which is in the same open roade, and called to those Indians, who came and abode with vs a good space, and by way of ransome gaue him fish, and certaine peeces of Deeres flesh. The day following, which was good Friday, the Gouernour imbarked himselfe with as many men as the Boates could carry, and we went to the Villages or houses of the Indians, which wee had seene, which we found all emptie and desolate, because that night the people were gone in their Ca∣noes. One of those houses was very great, and able to containe more then three hundred per∣sons, the other were much lesser, and there we found a little Bell of Gold within the Nets. The * 1.17 next day, the Gouernour aduanced the Ensigne for your Maiesty, and tooke possession of the Village in your royall name, and presented the Commissions and was receiued, and obayed as Gouernour, according to your Maiesties appointment. And so in like manner, we presented our [ 20] other prouisoes vnto him, which he accepted, and obeyed according to the contents thereof, and presently caused the rest of the men to be shipped, and the horses, which were not aboue two and fortie, because the other, through the many tempests, and beating of the Sea, and length of time, were dead. And these few that remained, were so weake and wearied, as at that time we could doe little seruice. The day following, the Indians of those places came vnto vs, and al∣though they spoke vnto vs, yet notwithstanding we vnderstood them not.

The Gouernour commanded that the Brigantine should goe coasting the way of Florida, and search for the hauen, which the Pilot Miruelo said he knew, but was now astonished, and knew not in what part we were, nor where the hauen was; and the Brigantine was appointed, that if they found not the hauen, to crosse ouer to the Hauana, and finde the Ship wherein Aluaro della [ 30] Querda was, and hauing taken in some victuall, to returne to finde it. The Brigantine being de∣ing departed, we returned to enter into the Village of the same people where we had bin before, with some other more, and we coasted the gulfe which wee had found, and hauing gone about foure leagues, we tooke foure Indians, and shewed them Maiz, because vntill that day wee had not yet seene any token thereof: they said, they would bring vs where it grew, and so they brought vs to their Village, which was not farre from thence, at the head of the gulfe, and there they shewed vs a little Maiz, which was not yet ripe to be gathered. There wee found many chests of the Merchants of Castile, and in euery one of them was the body of a dead man, all which were couered with Deeres skins painted. The Commissary thought, that it was a kinde of Idolatry, so he burned the chests with all the bodies. We also found peeces of webs of cloath, [ 40] and Pennacchi, which they had gotten out of Noua Hispaniola, and certaine mosters of Gold. Whereupon we demanded of those Indians by signes, from whence they had such things. They * 1.18 by signes, shewed vs: that very farre from thence there was a Prouince, called Apalachen, where∣in there was great quantity of Gold. Departing from thence, wee went further, carrying for guides those foure Indians which we had first taken, and so ten or twelue leagues off from that place, wee found another people of fifteene houses, where was a goodly Plaine sowed with Maiz, which now was ready to be gathered, and we found some also dry. There we abode two dayes, and after returned.

May the first, the Gouernour caused two pound of Biscuit, and halfe a pound of Porke to be giuen to euery one of them who were to goe with vs, and so we departed, to enter within the [ 50] land. The summe of all them who went, was three hundred men in all, among whom was the Commissary Frier Iohn Sciuarez, and another Frier, called Frier Iohn de Palis, and three Clarkes, and the Officers. Forty of vs were on horsebacke, and so with that prouision which wee had brought, wee went fifteene dayes without finding any other things to eate, except Dates, like those of Andaluzia. In all this time we found not any Indian, nor saw any house, nor place inha∣bited: and in the end we found a Riuer, which wee passed with much danger and trouble, by swimming, and vpon rafts, and staied a day to passe ouer it, because it ranne with much fury. Hauing passed to the other side of the Riuer, two hundred Indians came against vs, and the Go∣uernour went before, and after he had spoken to them by signes, they made much signes againe vnto vs, that we should ioyne our selues with them, taking fiue or sixe, who brought vs vnto [ 60] their houses which were about halfe a league off, and there wee found great quantity of Maiz, which staod now ready to be gathered. After some search of the Countrey to the Sea, wee de∣parted from that place, alwayes (as we went) inquiring for that Prouince, which (the Indians said) was called Apalachen, and brought for guides, them that we had taken, and so went forward

vntill the seuenteenth of Iune, and found no Indians that durst abide our comming. There, a y Ca∣cique came vnto vs, whom an Indian carried vpon his necke, and hee was couered with a Deeres * 1.19 skinne painted, and brought with him many people, who went before him playing vpon cer∣taine Flutes made of canes, and so came vnto the Gouernour, and abode with him an houre, and we gaue him to vnderstand (by signes) how that we went to Apalachen, and by those signes which he made vs, it seemed he ment to signifie that hee was an enemy to them of Apalachen, and would aide vs against them. We gaue him Crownes, Bels, and such other things, and he gaue the Gouernour the skin which he wore vpon him, and so turned backe againe, and we followed presently after him. That euening we came vnto a Riuer, which was very deepe and very broad, and ran very furiously, and not presuming to passe ouer it vpon rafts, we made a Canoa, and stai∣ed one whole day to passe ouer it: so that if the Indians would haue iniured vs, they might ea∣sily [ 10] haue disturbed our passage, and yet although they holped vs the best they could, wee had much trouble. One of our Horsemen, called Iohn Velasquez, a natiue of Cuellar, because he would * 1.20 not stay, tooke the Riuer with his Horse, and the current of the Riuer being very strong, cast him from his Horse, who catching hold on the raines of the bridle, drowned himselfe, together with the Horse. And those Indians of that Lord, called Dulcancellin, found the Horse, and told vs where we should finde him in the Riuer below: and so they went to search for him, whose death * 1.21 much discontented vs, because vntill that time there was not one man of our company wanting. The Horse gaue many their suppers that night. And so hauing passed that Riuer, the day follow∣ing we came vnto the people of that Lord, who sent vs some of their Maiz. The next day we departed, the Indians being fled. The Gouernour left by the way an ambuscado of certaine [ 20] Horsemen, which as those Indians passed by, issued out vpon them, and tooke three or foure, who before serued vs for guides, and they brought vs through a very troublesome Countrey to trauaile, and maruelous to behold, where were huge Mountaines, and very high Trees, whereof * 1.22 so many were fallen to the ground, that they intangled and stopped the way, in such sort that we could not passe without going farre about, to our great trouble; and of those trees that were fal∣len, the greater part were cleft from one end to the other, through the thunderbolts that fall * 1.23 there, great tempests being alwayes in that place: with this trouble wee marched vntill the six and twentieth day of Iune, at which day we came within the sight of Apalachen before they of the Towne perceiued vs. We rendered great thankes vnto God, seeing our selues so neere vn∣to * 1.24 [ 30] that place, and supposing that to be true which had been spoken, and hoping we should there end our great trauailes which wee had passed, as well for the long and euill iourney, as for the great famine which we had sustained. Because, although we sometimes found Maiz, yet for the most part we went six or eight leagues without finding any. And there were many amongst vs, that through hunger and wearinesse had wounded their shoulders with continuall wearing of their armes, besides the other calamities they daily incountered.

The Gouernour commanded me to take with me nine horse, and fiftie foote, and enter the towne, which the Controler and I did, and found none but little children, and women, because at that time the men were not there, but going a little way from those places, the Indians came, and began to fight, and shoot at vs, and slew the Controulers horse; but in the end they fled, and [ 40] left vs, There we found great quantity of Maiz which stood ready to be gathered, and had suf∣ficient, of which was dry, romeining. We found there many skinnes of wilde beasts taken by hunting, and some garments of thred, little and nought worth, wherewith the women couer some * 1.25 parts of their person.

They had many Mils to grinde Maiz. Among these people there were forty little houses, low built, and in close places, for feare of the great tempests to which that Countrey continually is accustomed. The houses are made of straw of stubble, and compassed about with Mountaynes * 1.26 standing thicke together, and great Trees, and many Seas of water, where so many and so great Trees are falne, that they trouble euery thing, and cause that no man is able to trauell there with∣out great incumberance. [ 50]

The land from the place where we di barked vnto this people of Apalachen, for the most part is plaine, and the soyle consisteth of hard and solid sand, and throughout all the same many great Trees, and famous Mountaines are found, where Nut trees are, and Labrani, and other, which they call Laquidambares: there are also Cedars, Sauine-trees, Holme-trees, Pines, Okes, and low Palme-trees like those of Castile. Throughout all that Countrey there are many great and little Lakes, and some are very troublesome to passe, as well for the great depth thereof, as also by rea∣son * 1.27 of the many trees, which are fallen there. The ground or bottome of them is sand: and those Lakes which we found in the Prouince of Apalachen, are much greater then all the other which we had found vntill then. There are many fields of their Maiz in this Prouince: and the houses are scattered through the Plaine, like those of Gerbe. The beasts which we saw there are Deere * 1.28 [ 60] of three sorts, Conies, Hares, Beares, and Lions, and other, among which we saw one, that car∣rieth her young in a bagge, which shee hath in her belly, where shee carrieth them all the time * 1.29 that they are little, vntill they be able to goe, and seeke their meate themselues. And if by chance the young stand seeking food without the damme, and people come vpon them, shee flyeth not

before she haue gathered them into her bagge. The Countrey is very cold there, and there are many good pastures for flockes.

There are also many sorts of Fowle, Go••••ings in great abundance, Geese, Duckes, Herons, * 1.30 Black-birds, and others of diuers sorts, and there we saw many Falcons, Ger-falcons, Sparrow∣hawkes, and many other sorts of Birds.

Two dayes after we came to Apalachen, the Indians that were fled returned vnto vs in peace, demanding their children, and we gaue them all, except one Cazique of theirs, whom the Go∣uernour retayned, which was the occasion to cause them to depart offended, who the day fol∣lowing returned as enemies, and assailed vs with such fury and suddennesse, that they came to set fire to the house where we were: but so soone as wee came forth, they fled and retired them∣selues [ 10] vnto the Lakes, which were very neere thereunto. Whereupon by reason of them, and the Corne which was very thicke there, we could not doe them any hurt, saue that we killed one man only. The day following, other Indians of another people, which was on the other side, came to vs and assailed vs after the same manner, that the other had done before, and fled like∣wise: and one of them also was slaine. We abode there fiue and twentie dayes, in the which we caused three to enter within the Land, and found it very poorely peopled, and hard trauelling, in respect of the troublesome passages, Mountaynes and Lakes which are there. Wee demanded of the Cazique whom wee had retayned, and of the other Indians whom wee had brought with vs, who were borderers and enemies to them of Apalachen, the qualitie and condition of that Countrey, of the people, the victuall, and other things about it, who all plainly answered vs, that [ 20] the greatest people of all that Countrey, were they of Apalachen, and that further beyond it was without people, and very poore, that all that Countrey, and theirs were ill peopled, and that the Inhabitants were much dispersed, and that going further forth, exceeding great Lakes are found, Mountaynes standing thicke together, and mighty Desarts, and without Inhabitants. Wee asked them of the Countrey which lay toward the South, what people and sustenance it had, who answered vs, that going from thence towards the Sea nine dayes iourney, were a peo∣ple called Aute, and that the Indians of that place had much Maiz, and that there were small Pulse, which are like to our Ciches and Gourds, and that being so neere to the Sea, fish was there to be found: and that they were their friends.

Seeing the pouerty of the Countrey, we agreed to depart from them, and goe to seeke out the [ 30] Sea, and that people of Aute, whereof they told vs. And so at the end of fiue and twenty dayes after we came thither, we departed. The first day we passed those Lakes and troublesome passa∣ges, without seeing any Indian. But the second day they came vpon vs, at a Lake which was very ill to passe: so that the water tooke vs vp to the breast, and many Trees were falne there, so that we being in the middest thereof, the Indians assayled vs, they being hid behind the trees that we might not see them: and others were vpon the trees that were falne, and beganne to shoote at vs in such sort, that they wounded many men and horses, and tooke the guide from vs which we had brought, they suddenly cast themselues into the Lakes and wounded fifteene men and horses. The Gouernour seeing this, commanded them on horsebacke to dismount, and as∣saile * 1.31 them on foot, and so they did, and the Auditor dismounted with them, and assayling them [ 40] put them all to flight, so that they entred into a Lake, and thus wee gained the passage of them. In that skirmish some of our men (whose good armes they carried preuayled not) remayned * 1.32 wounded: and some of them swore, that they saw two Okes, each of them as great as a mans legge, shot through from side to side with the Arrowes of the Indians. Which therefore is not a thing that wee should wonder at, seeing the force wherewith they deliuer them, and I my selfe haue seene an Arrow at the foot of an Elme, which entred an handfull in.

As many Indians as we saw in Florida, vntill wee came to that place, are all Archers, tall of stature, and goe naked, and seeme to them that see them afarre off mighty Giants. They are mar∣uellously well set, pleasant, and of much strength and agilitie. The Bowes they vse are as thicke as a mans arme, of eleuen or twelue spannes long, and they shoot two hundred paces off, and so * 1.33 straight and leuell, that they neuer shoote and misse. Hauing got ouer that passage, about one [ 50] league from thence, we came to another Lake of the same sort, saue that it was halfe a league long, which was much worser then the former. This we quietly passed, and without disturbance of the Indians: because they hauing spent all the munition of their Arrowes, in that first assault, it remayned not in their power to be able to assault vs afresh. The next day following going ouer another such passage, I who went in the Vantgard descryed the Sauage people, and gaue intelli∣gence to the Gouernour who came in the Rereward, and so going well ordered and prouided, they could not offend vs, and as soone as we were come forth into the Plaine, they came alwayes following vs. Whereupon turning about and diuiding our selues into two parts, we slue two of them. Auellaneda turning about ranne to helpe his boy, the Indians smote him with an Arrow [ 60] on the side of the Cuiras, and the stroke was such, that the whole Arrow almost went through behind the head, so that he suddenly dyed, and we carried him dead vnto Aute. We came to Au∣te, the ninth day after our departure from Apalachen: and found all the people of that place fled, hauing burned their houses. There we found much Maiz and Gourdes, and certaine Pulse which

were then readie to be gathered. So we reposed our selues two dayes there, and after the Gouer∣nour prayed me, that I would goe to discouer the Sea, seeing the Indians said, it was so neere, and we also had discouered it as we went, by a very great Riuer, which wee found by the way: and called it the Riuer of Madalena. I was sent to discouer the Sea. The day following we departed * 1.34 from Aute, and marched all that day vntill wee came where I had beene before: the way was very troublesome, because the Horses were neither able to carrie them that were feeble, nor knew we what remedy to take, because they were euery day worse then other. Hauing prooued many remedies, we all agreed in one iudgement, to put a very hard thing in execution, and that was to make Boats for vs to goe from thence. It seemed a thing impossible to all, because some of vs knew not how to make them, and wee had neither Iron Tooles, nor Forge, nor Ockam, [ 10] Pitch, nor Ropes, nor finally, any thing of so many, which were needfull in such an exercise: and aboue all we had not prouision of victuall for so long time while they should be made. The day following it pleased God, that one of our men came, who said, that hee would make certaine Pipes of wood, and that with the skinnes of wild beasts, certaine Bellowes should bee made to blow. And finding vs at a time, wherein what thing soeuer he would, which had the least colour, or shadow of remedie, seemed sufficient: we said, that he should make them, and so we agreed, that of the Stirrops, Spurres and Crosse-bowes, and other things of Iron which were among vs, Nayles, Sawes and Hatchets should be made; and other Tooles of Iron, seeing they were so need∣full. And we tooke for remedie, to haue some food while this should be put in execution, that foure entries should be made into Aute, with all the Horse, and others that could goe thither, * 1.35 [ 20] and that euery third day one Horse should be killed, to be diuided among them that wrought in the making of the Boates, and them that were sicke. The entries were made with as many men and horses, as was possible, who brought thence about foure hundred Staras of Maiz, although not without controuersie and contention, with those Indians. We caused many Palmiti also to be gathered, that with the woolley part and barke thereof, twisting and drawing them in length we might be able to vse them in stead of Ockam for the Boats.

And we vsed so great diligence therein, that beginning the fourth of August, the twentieth of September next fiue Boates were finished, of two and twenty Cubits a piece, and we stopped the chinkes, and calking with Ockam of the Palmiti; and pitched them with a certaine Gumme, * 1.36 which a Grecian called Don Theodoro, brought from certaine Pine-trees, and with the same barke [ 30] of the Palmiti, and of the traines, and haire of Horses we made cordage and tackling, and made sayles of out shirts, and of the Sauine trees which were there, we made such Oares as we thought necessary: and such was that Countrey, whereinto our sinnes conducted vs, that no stones were found there, to ballast the Boates, nor saw wee any throughout all that Countrey. Wee likewise * 1.37 flayed the whole legges of horses, and sewed the skinne together, to make bottles to carrie water. In this meane time, some of our men went to gather Tamarindi in the strond of the Sea, where the Indi••••s at two seuerall times wherein they incountred them, slue ten Christians, so neere to our Tents, that we saw them, and could not helpe them, and found them shot through from side to side, with Arrowes, so that although our men had excellent Armour, they were not able to re∣sist, * 1.38 their strokes, those Indians shooting with such dexteritie and force, as aforesaid. And our Pi∣lots [ 40] said and swore, that from the flat shoare which we called by the name of the Crosse, vnto this * 1.39 place, we had gone about two hundred and fourescore leagues, little more or lesse, and in all that Countrey we saw no Mountaines, nor had any notice by any meanes, that there were any, and * 1.40 before that we imbarked, besides those which the Indians had slaine, there were more then for∣ty other men dead through sicknesse and famine.

The two and twentieth day of September, they ceased to eate horses, so that only one re∣mayned, and on that day wee imbarked in this order. In the Gouernours Boate went nine and fortie men, and in the other which hee gaue to the Auditour and Commissary, went as many more. The third, he gaue to Captaine Alonzo del Castiglio, and Andrea Durante, with eight and forty men, and another he gaue vnto two other Captaines, the one called Telles, and the o∣ther [ 50] Pigualosa, with seuen and forty men, and the fift he gaue to the Controuler and mee, with nine and forty men. And after the victuals and furniture, and other things were shipped, they a∣rose no more then a fourth part aboue the water, and beside this we were so streighted, that we could not guide nor turne in the Boats. Necessitie was so powerfull, that it made vs aduenture to goe in this manner, and commit our selues vnto so dangerous a Sea, without hauing any one a∣mong vs, who knew the art of Nauigation.

That flat shoare from whence we departed, is called the shoare of the Horses, and we went se∣uen * 1.41 dayes through those gulfes with the water vp to the girdle, without seeing any signe of the Coast: and at the end of those seuen dayes, we arriued at an Iland which standeth neere vnto the Land. My Boat went before, and we saw fiue Canowes of Indians comming, who forsooke [ 60] them all, and left them in our hands seeing vs come towards them. Our other Boates went be∣fore, and lighted vpon certane houses in the same Iland, where they found many of their Egges and Thorn-back were dry, and greatly releeued vs in the necessitie wherein we were.

After this, we went further, and two leagues from thence we passed a Strait which that Iland

maketh with the Land, and called it the Strait of Saint Michael, because we passed it vpon that holy day. Being gotten out of that Strait, wee arriued at the Coast, where with the fiue Ca∣nowes * 1.42 which I had taken from the Indians, we remooued some things out of our Boats, making them fast and ioyning them to ours, so that they arose two handfuls aboue water, and therewith∣all we turned to goe along the Coast by the way of the Riuer of Palmes, thirst and famine al∣wayes * 1.43 increasing: because the victuals were very scant, and almost at an end, and we wanted wa∣ter, because the bottles which we had made of the skinnes of horses, became suddenly putrified and mustie, and were good for nothing, and many times wee entred into certaine gulfes and flat shoares, which went farre within the Land, and found them all shallow and dangerous. And so we went thirty dayes, and sometimes found some Indian fishers, a poore and miserable people: [ 10] and at the end of these thirty dayes, when our necessitie for want of water, was extreame, go∣ing to the Coast, one night we perceiued a Canow comming, and seeing her wee expected that she would haue arriued; but although we called vnto her she would not come nor behold vs, and because it was night we followed her not, but held on our course. When day began to appeare; we saw a small Iland, and went thither to see if wee could find any water there, but wee labou∣red in vaine because there was none. While wee stayed there, a mightie tempest arose vpon vs, whereupon we abode there sixe dayes, not daring to put out to Sea againe, and hauing passed fiue dayes without drinking, our thirst was so great, that we were forced to drinke the Sea-wa∣ter, and some dranke so largely that fiue of our men dyed suddenly. We went out the same way, which we had seene the Canow goe, the night before we departed thence. This day we saw our * 1.44 [ 20] selues many times drowned, and so cast away, that there was none of vs, who did not assure him∣selfe of death. But it pleased our Lord God, who in the greatest necessities vseth to shew his fa∣uour, that about Sunne set we weathered a point which the Land maketh, where wee found it very calme and quiet. Heere many Canowes came towards vs, and the Indians that were in them, spake vnto vs, and without wondring at vs returned. They were a people of a great bo∣die and well set, and carried neither Bowes nor Arrowes. Some of vs followed them vnto their houses, which stood neere vnto the water side, and leaped aland, and before the entrance of the houses, we found many pots of water, and great quantitie of fish, and the Lord of that Countrey offered it all vnto the Gouernour, and taking him by the hand, brought him to his house (their houses are of Mats very well made.) And after we entred into the house of their Cazique or [ 30] Lord, he gaue vs much fish, and we gaue them bread of Corne which we brought, and they eat it in our presence, and demanded more, which we gaue them, and the Gouernour gaue the Ca∣zique many small trifles, and abiding with him in his house, about halfe an houre within night, the Indians assaulted vs, and the rest of our men, who road very ill, beeing cast vpon that Coast, they assaulted also the house of the Cazique where the Gouernour was, and with a stone smote him on the face: and tooke the Cazique. But he hauing his men so neere escaped away, and left a Mantle of his of the skinnes of the Martinet Sables, which in my iudgement are the best of all the World, and haue a scent whereunto the scent of Ambergrise, and Muske is not compara∣ble: * 1.45 and the scent thereof was smelt very farre off. We saw also other but none like vnto that.

Now seeing the Gouernour wounded, we set him aboord, and caused him to bring with him [ 40] the greater part of the men vnto the Boats: and fifty of our men only remayned on land, to fight with the Indians, who that night assaulted vs three times, and with so great violence, that euery time they made vs retyre a stones cast, so that there was not one of our men, that was not wounded.

After this we returned to imbarke our selues, and sayled three dayes: and hauing taken a little water, as much as the few vesiels we had, were able to carrie, wee returned to fall into the same necessitie wherein we were first. And going on our Voyage, we entred into a Strait, where a∣biding we saw a Canow of the Indians comming, and as we called vnto them, they came, and the Gouernour to whose Boat they were neerest, demanded water of them, who offered it him if he would giue them vessels wherein to carrie it: so a Greeke Christian, called Theodoro, of whom [ 50] mention is made before, said that he would goe with them. And although the Gouernour, and many other laboured to disswade him, yet he would needs goe thither, and carried a Negro with him, and the Indians left for hostages two of their men.

Those Indians returned in the Euening, and brought vs our vessels without water, but brought not our two Christians againe: and those two men of theirs, who remayned for pledges, as soone as they spake vnto them, would haue cast themselues into the water, but our men who had them in the Boat held them, and so the other Indians fled and left vs much confounded and sorrowful, for the two Christians which we had lost.

The morning following, many other Canoas of the Indians came vnto vs, demanding their two companions which they left vs for hostages. The Gouernour answered, that he would giue them [ 60] vnto them, so that they would restore vs our two Christians. Fiue, or sixe Lords came with those people, and it seemed to vs, that they were of a very good disposition, and of greater authority, and retinue, then all the rest wee had found hitherto, although they were not of so tall a sta∣ture * 1.46 as the other before mentioned. They wore their haire loose, and very long, and were co∣uered

with mantles of Martinets, of the same sort whereof we spake before, and some of them were made of a very strange fashion, hauing certaine laces of the worke of Lions skinnes, which seemed very faire. They prayed vs, that we would goe with them, and they would giue vs our two Christians, and water, and many other things: and many Canoas came continually vpon vs, endeauouring to take the mouth of that passage, and so therefore, because the place was very dangerous, we went out to Sea, where we stayed with them vntill noone. But, not being wil∣ling to restore our Christians, and therefore we also would not restore their two hostages, they began to cast stones at vs with slings: making shew also that they would shoot at vs, although we saw not aboue three or foure Bowes among them. And while wee continued thus: a fresh gale of winde beganne to blowe, and they went their way. So, we sayled all that day vntill the [ 10] euening, at what time my Boat that went before, discouered a point which the Land made, and at the other end I saw a Riuer: then I anchored at a small Iland, which maketh that point, to stay for the other Boats. The Gouernour would not come neere it, but put into a flat shoare ve∣ry neere thereunto, where many small Ilands were, and there wee all met together, and tooke fresh water within the Sea, because the Riuer ranne into the Sea continually, and with great vio∣lence. And that wee might bee able to bake a little Maiz which wee brought, because for two dayes before, we had eaten it raw, we went aland on that Iland, but finding no wood there, we agreed to goe vnto the Riuer, which was behind the Point one league from thence. And as wee went, the current of the Riuer was so great, that by no meanes it suffered vs to arriue, but * 1.47 droue vs backe from the Land. [ 20]

§. II.

Misery pursues them at Sea, and betrayes them to the Indians: their miserable liues and death.

WEe sayled foure dayes, euery one eating halfe a handfull of raw Maiz a day by ratement. At the end of these foure dayes, a tempest tooke vs, which made vs recouer the Boat of Captaine Telles, and through the great mercy which God shewed to some of vs, [ 30] we were not wholly drowned. And being Winter, and exceeding cold, and so many dayes wherein we had sustained hunger, with many blowes which wee receiued from the Sea, the day following the men began very much to faint, in such manner, that when the Sunne went downe, all those that were in my Boat, were fallen one vpon the other, so neere vnto death, that few of them had any sense, and among all them there were not fiue that could stand on their feete, and when night came there remained no more but the Master and my selfe, that could mannage the Boat, and two houres within night the Master said vnto mee, that I should take charge of my Boat, because he was in such case, that he held it for certainty, that hee should die that night. And so I tooke the rudder, and midnight being past, I went to see if the Master were dead, who said vnto me, that suddenly he was better, and that hee would guide the Boat vntill [ 40] day. Then surely I found my selfe in such state, that much more willingly I would haue recei∣ued death, then see so many men before me in that manner wherein they were: and after the Master tooke charge of the Boat I rested my selfe a little, but very vnquietly, because at that time nothing was further from me then sleepe. And about the morning me thought that I heard the noise and roaring of the Sea, because being a very lowe Coast it raged much, whereupon when I heard this, I called to the Master, who answered me, that he supposed we were now neere vn∣to the Land; and sounding, we found our selues in seuen fathome, and he thought it fit, that we should abide at Sea vntill the day appeared. And so I tooke an Oare and rowed to the Lands side, which we found one league distant, and put the stearne to the Sea. And being neere to the Land, a waue tooke vs, which cast the Boat backe againe into the Sea as farre as a man might [ 50] well fling a stone, and with the great blowe which it gaue, almost all the men who remained there as dead, receiued their senses againe, and seeing vs so neere vnto the Land, beganne to arise and goe on their hands and feete. And hauing landed, wee made fire in certaine trenches, and boyled some of the Maiz which wee had brought, and found raine-water: and with the heate of the fire, the men beganne to recouer and take strength: and the day that we arriued there, was the sixth of Nouember.

After the men had eaten, I commanded Lopez de Ouiedo, who was the best able, and strongest of all the rest, that he should goe close to any tree of them that were there at hand, and climing vp into one of them, he should discouer the Land where we were, and see if hee could haue any knowledge thereof. He did so, and saw that we were in an Iland, and found certaine poore Cot∣tages [ 60] of the Indians, which stood solitary, because those Indians were gone vnto the field. And so he tooke a pot, a young whelpe, and a little Thorn-backe, and returned vnto vs. About halfe an houre after, an hundred Indian Archers came suddenly vpon vs, who though they were great, yet feare made them seeme to be Giants: and they stood round about vs, where the first three

were. It had beene a vaine thing amongst vs to thinke that there were any to defend vs, because there were scarce sixe that were able to rise from the ground. The Controller and I came to∣wards them, and called vnto them, and they came neere vnto vs, and wee endeauoured the best we could, to secure them; so we gaue them Crownes and Bells, and euery one of them gaue mee an Arrow, which is a token of friendship, and they told vs by signes that they would returne vnto vs in the morning, and bring vs somewhat to eate, because at that time they had nothing.

The next morning at the breake of day, which was the houre whereof the Indians had spo∣ken, they came vnto vs, and brought vs much fish, and certaine Roots which they eate, and are like vnto Nuts, some bigger, and some lesse, which they digge vnder the water with much trou∣ble. At the euening they returned againe, and brought vs more fish, and some of the same Roots, [ 10] and brought also their wiues and little children with them that they might see vs: and so they returned rich in Crownes and Bells which we gaue them, and the next day they returned to vi∣site vs with the same things, which they had done before.

Then seeing we were now prouided of fish, of those roots, and water, and other things which we could get, we agreed to embarke our selues, and proceed on our Voyage: so wee digged the Boat out of the sand, where it was fast moored, and were constrained to strippe our selues naked, and indured great labour to launch her into the water. Being embarked, about two Cros-bow shots within the Sea, there came such a waue of water that it washed vs all, and being naked, and the cold extreme, wee let goe the Oares, and another blowe which the Sea gaue vs, ouer∣turned the Boat, whereupon the Controller and two other went out to escape by swimming: [ 20] but the cleane contrary befell them, because the Boat strucke them vnder water, and drowned * 1.48 them. That Coast being very faire, the Sea cast vs all aland on the same Coast, all tumbled in the water, and halfe drowned, so that we lost not a man, but those three, whom the Boat smote vnder water. Wee which remained aliue were all naked, hauing lost all that which wee had, which although it were but a little, yet was it much for vs at that time: and being then No∣uember, and the cold very extreme, and being in such case, that a man might easily tell all our bones, we seemed to be the proper and true figure of Death. As for my selfe, I am well able to say, that from the moneth of May past, I had not eaten any other thing then parched Maiz, and sometimes I was in so great necessitie, that I haue eaten it raw, because although the Horses were killed while they made the Boats, yet I could neuer eate them, and I did not eate fish ten times. [ 30] I speake this, that euery one might consider, how we could continue in that case, and aboue all, the North wind blew that day, so that we were neerer vnto death, then life. It pleased God, that seeking the brands of the fire which we had made before wee embarked, wee found light there, and so making great fires, we stood crauing mercy from our Lord God, and pardon of our sinnes, with many teares, euery one of vs grieuing not onely for himselfe, but for all the rest, that hee saw in the same state. At the setting of the Sunne, the Indians supposing that we had not beene gone, came to finde vs, and brought vs somewhat to eate, but when they saw vs thus, in so dif∣fering an habite from the first, and in such strange manner, they were so afraid, that they turned backe againe: but I went towards them, and called them, who beheld mee with much feare. Hereupon I gaue them to vnderstand by signes, that the Boat was caft away, and three men [ 40] drowned, and there they themselues saw two dead, and the rest of vs that were now remayning were going the high way to death.

The Indians seeing the misfortune which had befallen vs, and the lamentable case wherein we * 1.49 were, with so great calamitie and miserie, came amongst vs, and through great griefe and com∣passion which they had of vs, beganne mightily to weepe and lament, and that from the heart, insomuch that they might be heard farre from thence, and they thus lamented more then halfe an houre. And surely, seeing these men so depriued of reason, and so cruell after the manner of brute beasts, so bewayled our miseries, it caused that in me, and all the rest of our men, the com∣passion and consideration of our miseries should be much more increased. The mournfull lamen∣tation being somewhat appeased, I demanded of the Christians, whether they thought it fit, that I should intreate those Indians to bring vs to their houses, whereunto some of them that were of [ 50] Noua Spagna, answered me, that I should not speake a word thereof, because if they brought vs home to their houses, they would haue sacrificed vs to their Idols. Now seeing there was no other remedie, and that, what other way soeuer, death was more certaine and more neere, I ca∣red not for that which they said, but prayed the Indians, that they would bring vs to their hou∣ses, and they shewed vs, that it pleased them very well, and that wee should tarrie a little, and they would doe as much as wee desired, presently thirty of them laded themselues with wood, and went vnto their houses, which were farre from thence: and wee remained with the rest, vntill it was almost night, and then they tooke vs, and conducting vs, we went with much an∣guish and heauinesse vnto their houses. And because they feared lest through the extreme cold∣nesse [ 60] of the way any of vs should die, or swound and faint, they had prouided, that by the way foure or fiue great fires should bee made, some small space distant each from other, and at euery one of them they warmed vs, and when they saw that we had taken a little strength and heate, they brought vs to another, with so great care, that they did not so much as suffer vs to set our

feete on the ground, and after this manner we were brought vnto their houses: where we found that they had prouided an house for vs, & many fires therein, and about one houre after we were come thither, they beganne to dance and reioyce, which continued all the night. Although a∣mongst vs there was neither ioy nor sleepe, expecting when they would haue sacrificed vs. In the morning they returned to giue vs fish, and rootes, and vsed vs so well, that wee somewhat assured our selues, and lost some part of the feare of sacrificing.

In those dayes wherein wee abode there, I saw a small Net, with one of those Indians, and knew that it was not any of them which wee gaue them, and demanding whence they had it, they answered me by signes, that other men, such as we were, gaue it them, who abode behind that place. I seeing this, sent two Christians, and two Indians, to shew them those men, and be∣ing [ 10] gone, they met with them very neere, who came to seeke vs out, because the Indians of those places had told them of vs. These men were Captaine Andrea Dorante, and Alonso del Castiglio, with all the men of their Boat. And being come vnto vs, they were afraid to behold vs in that manner wherein we were, and were very sorrowfull that they had not any thing to giue vs, be∣cause they had no other garments, then those which they wore. And they abode there with vs, and told vs, how on the fift day of that same moneth, their Boat had crossed ouer, one league and an halfe from thence, and that they had escaped without losing any thing.

Wee all agreed together, to trimme that Boat of theirs, and that all such as had strengh, and abilitie to doe it, should goe therein, and that the rest should remaine there vntill they recouered: and that when they were able, they should goe along the Coast, and waite there till God should [ 20] conduct them with the rest of vs vnto a Land of the Christians. And as we determined, so wee did, and before we lanched the Boat into the water, Tauera an Horseman of our companie died: and the Boat which we thought should carrie vs, she also made her end, and was not able to vp∣hold her selfe, but was suddenly drowned. Whereupon being in that manner aforesaid, and na∣ked, and the weather so vnseasonable to trauell, and passe ouer Riuers and Gulfes by swimming, and hauing no victuall, or any sustenance, nor meanes to carrie them, we determined to doe that which necessitie and force compelled vs vnto, that is to say, to winter there. And wee likewise agreed, that foure of our lustiest and strongest men should goe to Panuco, supposing it neere vnto * 1.50 that place. And that if it should please our Lord God, that they arriued there, they should giue intelligence that we were there, and tell them of our necessitie and miseries. They who went were very great swimmers, the one was called Alnaro Ferrante, a Portugall, who was a Carpen∣ter, [ 30] and a Mariner, the second was called Mendos, and the third Figeroa a natiue of Toledo, and the fourth was borne in Zaffra, and they carried an Indian with them of the Iland of Auia.

These foure Christians being departed, within few dayes after there came such vnseasonable weather of cold and tempests, that the Indians could not finde the roots, and out of the chan∣nels where they were wont to fish, they digged no fruit at all, and things falling out so vnhap∣pily, many people began to die: and fiue Christians who were in Xamo, vpon that Coast, came to such extremitie, that they eate one another, vntill there remained but one onely, because there was none to eate him. Their names are these Siera, Diego Lopez, Corral, Palatio, Gonzalo Ruis. * 1.51 The Indians were so altered through this accident, and tooke so great an offence, that without [ 40] doubt, if they had knowne it in the beginning, they would haue killed them all, so that all wee had beene in very great danger. Finally, in a small time, of fourescore men (which wee were in all) there remained onely fifteene. After this mortalitie, a certaine infirmitie of the stomacke happened to the Indians, through the which halfe of them died, and they beleeued that wee * 1.52 were the men that killed them: and holding it for an assured truth, they contended among themselues to kill all those few of vs that were remaining: and now comming to put it in execution, an Indian which I had, said vnto them, that they should not beleeue that we were those that killed them; for if we had such power, we would haue procured, that so many men of our owne should not haue died, which they had seene dead, without any abilitie of ours to remedie and helpe them, and that now wee were very few remaining, whereof none had done [ 50] them any preiudice or harme: wherefore it were better that they suffer vs to liue. Thus it plea∣sed our Lord God, that the rest followed his counsell and iudgement, and so ceassed from that pur∣pose. Wee called this Iland the Iland of Malhado. * 1.53

The people which wee found there, are of a great stature, and well set, and haue no other weapons but Bowes and Arrowes, with the which they are exceeding readie and quicke. The men haue one of their paps pierced from the one side to the other, and there are some who haue * 1.54 them both pierced, and in the hole which they make, they carrie a Cane acrosse, of the length of two spannes and an halfe and two fingers thicke. They likewise haue the nether lippe bored, and within the same they carrie a piece of a thin Cane, about halfe a finger thicke. The women indure much drudgerie and labour. The habitation which they make in that Iland, is from Octo∣ber [ 60] vntill the end of Februarie, and their food is the rootes aforesaid, digged vnder water in * 1.55 Nouember and December. They haue Weares, but haue no fish but at this time, and before that they eate roots. At the end of Februarie they goe into other Parts to seeke food: because the roots beginne then to growe, and are not very good. This Nation, aboue all other parts of the

world, loue their children, and vse them best. And when it happeneth that any one of their children dieth, the father, mother, and kindred, with all the people lament him, and the mour∣ning * 1.56 and lamentation, continueth one whole yeere, so that euery day before the Sunne ariseth, the parents beginne first to lament, and after them all the people, and they doe the same at noon, and in the morning: and the yeere being ended, they accomplish their Funerals, and honou∣rable rites of Buriall, which they performe vnto the dead: and then they wash themselues, and shift all the apparell which they wore. They bewayle all their dead in this manner, except the aged, whom they esteeme not, for, say they, that they haue now passed their time; and are * 1.57 no more good for any thing, but occupie the earth, and take away the maintenance from Infants and little children. They vse to bury the dead, vnlesse they be such as are Physicians among them, * 1.58 [ 10] whom they burne, and while the fire flameth they stand all dancing with great ioy, and make powder of the bones: and when the yeere is past, wherein they performe the honourable rites, vnto their dead, they all tumble, and wallow vpon the earth, and giue that powder of the bones to the kinsfolke, to drinke in water. Euery one haue their proper and peculiar wiues. The Phy∣sicians are they that haue most libertie, who may keepe two or three wiues, and among them there is great friendship and conformitie. When any marrieth his daughter, hee that taketh her, bringeth vnto the wife, whatsoeuer he taketh by hunting or fishing, euen vnto the day wherein he is espoused vnto her, who carrieth it vnto the house of the father, without daring to take or eate any thing thereof: and afterward they bring food to the house of the father-in-law for him to eate, and in all this time, neither father-in-law nor mother-in-law enter into their house, [ 20] nor are they to enter in••o their house, nor the houses of their kindred. And if by chance they meete each other in the way, they goe a Cros-bow shot off one from the other, and so long time as they thus goe farre off, they hang downe their heads, and cast their eies on the ground; for they hold it a wicked and an euill thing to be seene, and to be spoken vnto. The women haue libertie to conuerse with the fathers-in-law, and other kinsfolke: and they of that Iland haue * 1.59 this custome more then fiftie leagues within the Land.

They haue another custome, and that is this, that when any of their brethren or children die, for three moneths they prouide nothing to eate for them of the house where they died, but let them die through hunger, if the kinsfolke and neighbours prouide them not somewhat to eate. Whereupon, at the time that we were there, many people dying, there was very great famine. In the most part of the houses, because they strictly obserue their customes and ceremonies: and [ 30] they who prouided food for them, it being a very hard time, could finde but a little. And vpon this occasion, those Indians that had mee went out of the Iland, and in their Canoas passed ouer vnto the firme Land, vnto certaine flat shoares, where; they had many Oysters: and for three moneths in the yeere they eate no other thing, and drinke very bad water. They haue great scarcitie of wood, and great multitudes of Flies: their houses are made of mats spread vpon the sh lls of Oysters, and ouer them they sleepe vpon the hides of beasts, which yet they haue not but by a chance. And so we continued vntill the middle of Aprill, that wee went to the Sea∣coast, where wee eate Mulberries all that moneth, wherein they end their sports, and festi∣uall iollitie. [ 40]

In that Iland whereof I haue spoken, they would make vs Physicians, without examining * 1.60 vs, or demanding the titles of our profession, and because they heale the infirmitie with blowing vpon the diseased, and cure them with that, and with their hands: they would that wee also should doe the like, and serue them in any thing whatsoeuer. But wee laughed thereat, saying it was a iest and mockery, and that wee knew not how to heale, whereupon they tooke away our food, vntill we did that which they said. And seeing our vnbeliefe, an Indian said vnto me, that I knew not what I said, because stones and herbes that growe in the fields haue vertue, and that he with an hot stone, laying it vpon the stomacke, cured the paine: and that wee who are men, must of a certaintie haue greater vertue, then all other things of the world. In the end, seeing * 1.61 our selues in so great necessitie we were constrained to doe it, yet not hoping to helpe any at all: the manner and meanes which they obserue in curing is this, that seeing themselues sicke they [ 50] send for the Physitian, to whom (after they are cured) they giue all that they haue; and besides procure other things from their kindred to giue them. The cure which the Physitians doe vnto them, is to cut certaine gashes where the disease or griefe is, and sucke it round about. They seare * 1.62 it also with fire, which among them is held a verie profitable thing, and I haue proued it and it succeeded well. After this, blowing in the place where the griefe is, they suppose the disease thereby to be remoued. The meanes whereby we cured them, was to blesse them and blow vp∣on them, and say a Pater noster and an Au•• Mary, and pray the best we could vnto our Lord God, that he would giue them their health, and put it into their hearts to vse vs well. It pleased his mercy that all they for whom he praied, as soone as wee had blessed and hallowed them, said [ 60] vnto the rest that they were sound and well: and for this they vsed vs verie curteously and left eating themselues to giue it vnto vs, and gaue vs skins and other trifling things. The fa∣mine was so exceeding great in that place, that many times I continued three dayes with∣out eating any thing at all, and so did they also, insomuch as I thought it impossible to bee

able to liue: although afterward, I found my selfe in farre greater famine and necessitie, as I shall hereafter speakē.

The Indians who had Alonso del Castiglio, and Andrea Dorante and the rest that remayned a∣liue: being of another Language, and other parentage, passed ouer to another part of the firme Land, to eate Oysters where they abode vntill the first day of Aprill, and presently after they returned vnto an Iland neere vnto it about two leagues, for that it yeelded more water, and the Iland is halfe a league ouer and fiue in length. All the people of that Countrey goe naked, and the women only haue some parts of their bodie couered with a certaine kind of Cotton which they gather from certaine trees, and the Damsels couer themselues with the skinnes of wild beasts. The people differ much one from another in their Garments. There is not any Lord or Cazique [ 10] among them, and all they who are of one Family and stocke goe together. Two sorts of Langua∣ges dwell there, one of them that are called Capoques, and the other Han: they haue a custome, that if at any time they see such as they know, they stand halfe an houre lamenting, before they speake: and after that, he that is visited ariseth first and giueth vnto the other whatsoeuer hee possesseth, and he receiueth it: and a little after he goeth away with that Garment, and some∣times * 1.63 after they haue receiued it, they depart without speaking a word.

After Dorante and Castiglio returned to the Iland, they gathered together all the Christians, who were somewhat dispersed, and found them fourteene in all. I (as I said) abode on the other side in the mayne Land, whither my Indians had brought me, and where a great sicknesse tooke me. Now when the Christians knew that, they gaue the Mantle of Martinets (which wee had [ 20] taken from the Cazique as aforesaid) vnto an Indian that he might bring them where I was, to see me: and so twelue of them came, because the other two were so weake, that they feared to bring them with them. And when they were come to the firme Land, they found another of our men, called Francesco del Leon. All these thirteene went along the Coast, and as soone as the Indians who kept me were gone, they aduised mee, and told mee that Ieronimo d' Alaniz, and Lope d' Ouiedo, were yet remayning in that Iland. My infirmitie hindered mee that I could not follow them, and so I saw them not otherwise, and I was of necessitie to stay with those same Indians of the Iland more then a yeere. But by reason of the great trauell and paines whereun∣to they put me, as also their euill vsage of me, I determined to flye from thence, and passe ouer * 1.64 vnto them, who abide in the Mountaines and firme Land, whom they call the Indians of Carr••∣co, [ 30] because I could not indure the life, which I led with the other. For among many other pain∣full labours, I was compelled to digge Roots vnder the water, and among the Canes where they grew vnder the ground. And herewith I had my fingers so spoyled, that a straw that should haue touched me, would haue drawne bloud: and the Canes being full of splinters tare mee in diuers parts, among which I was to goe with the Garment aforesaid, which I wore. Whereupon I endeuoured to goe from thence vnto those other, and with them I continued somewhat better. And because I made my selfe a Merehant, I was carefull to performe that office with the best knowledge I had. And for this cause they gaue mee food, and vsed mee well, and prayed mee to goe from place to place for such things as they needed, because in respect of the Warres which they continually make among themselues, there is neither trauelling, nor much trading among [ 40] them: so that now with my trafficke and Merchandise, I went throughout the whole Countrie as farre as I would, and trauelled along the Coast, fortie or fiftie leagues. The principall trafficke I had, were pieces of shels of the Sea, and their hides, and shels wherewith they knit a certaine fruit like vnto Beech mast, with the which they prouide for their dancings and festiuall sports: and this is the greatest thing of price among them, and crownes of the Sea, and such other like things. And this is that which I carried within Land, I afterward carried hides in exchange, and red Ocre with the which they anoint and die their faces, and their haire: I also carried flint stones to make Arrow heads and Glue, and stiffe Canes to make Arrowes: and certaine flockes which they make of Deeres haire so died, that it remayneth coloured. And this office greatly auailed me, because I had libertie to goe whither I would, and was not bound to doe any thing, for I was [ 50] not a slaue, and whithersoeuer I went they vsed mee well, and gaue mee somewhat to eate in re∣spect of my Merchandize, but that which most imported mee, was, that going thus I searched, and saw how I might goe further: and among them I was very well knowne. And such as knew mee not desired my company, and procured meanes to know mee for the fame which I had among them. I continued about six yeeres with them in that Countrie alone, and naked as they all goe.

I got Lope de Ouiedo to trauell with me to seeke out the Christians: but hearing by the Indians * 1.65 that only three were left of our company, he left me: and I remained alone with those Indians, who were called Queuenes, and they with whom Lope went, were called Dragnanes. Two daies after Lope de Ouiedo was gone, the Indians who kept Alonso del Castiglio, and Andrea Dorante [ 60] came vnto the place, as those other Indians had foretold vs to eate of certaine Nuts wherewith they maintaine themselues, grinding certaine graines with them two monethes in the yeere, without eating any other thing; although they haue them not euery yeere, because some yeeres they grow, and some not. They are of the bignesse of those of Galicia, and the trees are very

great, and are there in great number. Being now neere vnto the place where they lodged, An∣drea Dorante came forth to see who it was, because the Indians had now told him that a Christi∣an was come. And as soone as he saw me, he remained much astonished, because they supposed I had beene long since dead, for so the Indians told them. Wee gaue God heartie thankes to see one another, and that day was one of them, wherein wee had the greatest ioy and pleasure in our liues.

And after comming where Castiglio was, they asked mee whether I would goe, I answered, that my purpose was to passe into the Land of the Christians, and that I went seeking and sear∣ching how I might doe it. Andrea Dorante answered, that long since hee intreated Castiglio and Esteuamico, that we might go further, but they durst not venter to do it, because they could not [ 10] swimme, and greatly feared the Riuers and Gulfes which they were to passe ouer, there being many in those Countries. Wherefore seeing it had pleased our Lord God to preserue mee among so many dangers and diseases, and in the end to bring mee into their company, they determined to flie, and that I should carrie them ouer the Riuers and Gulfes which wee found. And they aduertized mee, that by no meanes, I should let the Indians know that I would goe further, because they would presently kill me, and that for this cause I was of necessitie to stay with them sixe monethes, which was the time in the which those Indians went into another Countrie to eate Tune.

These Tune are certaine Fruits of the bignesse of an Egge, red and blacke, and of a very good * 1.66 taste. They eate them three monethes in the yeere, wherein they eate no other thing, and be∣cause [ 20] at the time when they gathered them, other Indians beyond would come with Bowes to contract and barter with them, we (when they returned) might escape from our Indians, and goe with them. With this determination I remained there, and yeelded my selfe a slaue vnto an Indian, with whom D••rante abode.

These Indians are called Mariane, and Castiglio remained with other of their Neighbours, cal∣led Iguales. And while we continued there, they reported vnto mee, that after they were come * 1.67 out of the Iland of Malhado vpon the Sea Coast, they found the Boat wherein the Auditor and the Friers crossed ouer, and that passing those Riuers which are foure, and very great: the many currents tooke the Boat wherewith they went to Sea, and foure of them were drowned, the rest with much labour passed the Gulfe: and that fifteene leagues further they found another, and as [ 30] soone as they met together there, two of their companions died in the time that they had tra∣uelled sixtie leagues, and that all the rest were yet at the point of death, and that all that iournie they had eaten nothing but Creuises and Herbs of the wall, and comming to this last Gulfe, they said, that they found Indians who stood eating of Mulberies, who when they saw the Chri∣stians they went vnto the other end, and so they standing still and deuising meanes to passe the Gulfe, an Indian and a Christian came vnto them, and being come, they knew it was Figheroa, one of the foure we had sent before from the Iland of Malhado, who recounted vnto them in what manner he and his companions came to that place where two of them and one Indian died all through cold and famine, because they were come thither in the hardest time of the yeere: and that the Indians had taken Figheroa himselfe and M••ndes, which Mendes fled afterwards, [ 40] trauelling the best hee could towards Pa••••co; and that the Indians followed after him and slue him. And that abiding thus with those Indians, hee vnderstood that with the Marianes there was a Christian, who had passed to the other side, and he found him with them whom they call Queuenes. Which Christian was Gernando d' Esquiuel, a Natiue of Badaioa, who came in the company of the Commissary, and that from Esquiuell, hee vnderstood what end the Gouernour had, together with the Auditor and the rest: telling them how the Auditor and the Friers had lanched their Boat into the Riuers, and comming along the Coast, the Gouernour landed his people, and went with his Boat vntill they came vnto that great Gulfe, where he turned to take in his men, and passe ouer to the other side, and returned for the Auditor and the Friers, and all the rest. And he declared, that being thus imbarked, the Gouernour reuoked the authoritie of his Lieutenant, which the Auditor had, and gaue that charge vnto a Captaine that went with him, [ 50] called Pantossa. And that the Gouernor stayed that night in his Boat, & would not come on Land, and the Master abode with him, and one Page who was not well, and they had neither water nor any thing to eate in the Boat: so about midnight so hard a gale of winde from the North tooke them, that it droue the Boat into the Sea before any one saw it, for he had nothing to re∣leeue him but one flint stone, and they knew not that he had any other thing besides. And when the men who remained on the land saw this, they went along the Coast, and finding the water so rough, they made floats with much trouble and paines, and so passed ouer vnto the other side. And going further they came to the point of an Hill at the water side, and found Indians there, who when they saw them comming put their things into their Canowes, and passed ouer to the other [ 60] side of the Coast. So the Christians seeing what the time was being in Nouember, abode in that Mountaine because they found water, wood, and certaine Creuises there, where through cold and famine, by little and little, they beganne to die. And beside this, Pantossa who remained Lieutenant, vsed them very ill, and not being able to indure it, the Sergeant Maior Brother of

Vasquez Porealle, who came in the fleete from Cuba, Master of the Campe, reuolted from Pan∣tossa, and smote him with a piece of wood, with the which blow hee died, and such as died be∣came the morsels of the other, and the last that died, was the Sergeant Maior, and Esquiuel did * 1.68 the like, and eating him, maintained himselfe vntill the first of March, that an Indian one of them who fled from thence came to see if they were all dead, and after brought Esquiuel away from thence with him, who being in subiection to this Indian Figheroa spake with him, and vnderstood all this of him which wee haue before declared, and prayed him to come with him, that they might goe together towards Pamico: but Esquiuel would not doe it, saying, that hee vnderstood by Friers that Pamico was behind them, and so he remained there, and Figheroa went to the Coast where he vsed to abide. [ 10]

All this Figheroa reported vnto vs, by the relation which Esquiuel made vnto him, and so from hand to hand it came vnto me. Whereby hee might see and know the end which all that fleete had, and the particular mischances which happened to euerie one of the rest. And hee further said, that if the Christians at any time should goe through those parts, it might bee, that they should see Esquiuel, b••cause hee knew that hee was fled from that Indian with whom hee a∣bode, vnto the other which are called Marianes, who were their Neighbours. And so hauing ended his Discourse, he and Asturiano, were about to goe vnto the other Indians that were further beyond, but those Indians who kept them perceiuing them, went forth and came to giue them many Bastinadoes and spoiled Asturian••, and wounded him on the arme with an Arrow, but yet in the end they fled, and the other Christians remained: and procured those Indians to take them for slaues, although abiding with them and seruing them, they were as euilly intreated as euer a∣ny [ 20] slaues were or other men of the World. Because of sixe which they were, not being conten∣ted continually to buffet, and ••udgell them, and plucke off their beards with the skinne, only for their pastime and recreation and only for going from one house to another, they killed three, who are those of whom I spoke before, to wit, Diego Dorante, Ualdeuiesso, and Diego de Helua: and the other three that remained, expected that they also should make the like end, and not being able to indure that life, Andrea Dorantes fled to the Marianes, who were they with whom Esquiuel abode, and they themselues repor••ed that they had kept Esquiuel there, who after∣ward would ha••e fled, because a woman had dreamed that hee should kill a childe of hers: the Indians pursued him and slue him; and they afterward shewed Andrea Dorante his Sword, [ 30] Crowne, Booke, and other things which he had.

They haue this custome also euen to kill the same male children while they sleepe, and when * 1.69 the female children are borne, they leaue them for the Dogs to eate, and cast them away in those places. And the reason why they doe it is this, because they say that all they of the Countrey are their enemies, and make very great warres with them. Wherefore if by chance they should marrie their Daughters, their enemies should be the more increased, who would subiect them, and hold them all in captiuitie. And for this cause, they would rather kill them, then haue any borne of themselues to become their enemies. Wee demanded of them why they married them not among themselues, who answered, that it was a beastly thing to marrie them vnto their kin∣dred, and that it was much better to kill them, then giue them for wiues vnto their kinsfolke [ 40] and enemies. And they obserue this custome, and other of their Neighbours also called Iaguanes, and no other of that Countrie, but they obserue the same. And when they take wiues, they get the women of their enemies, and the price which they pay is the best Bow that they can get, with two Arrowes. And if peraduenture they haue not a Bow, they giue a Net of the widenesse of a mans arme, and as much more in length. Dorante abode with them, and not long after fled from them. Castiglio and Esteuamico came into the firme Land to the Iaguanes. All they are Ar∣chers, and well ••et, although they be not so great as the other which we left behind, and haue all their paps and their lips pierced like them. Their food principally are roots of two or three sorts, * 1.70 which they seeke throughout the whole Countrie, which are very harsh and puffe vp such as eat them. They stay two dayes to roast them, and many of them are very bitter, and withall they [ 50] dig them with much paines, but the famine in those Countries is so great, that they cannot liue without them: and they goe two or three leagues to seeke them. They sometimes kill any wil••e * 1.71 beast whatsoeuer, and at certaine times take fish, but this is so little, and their hunger so great, that they eat Frogs, Ants Egs, Wormes, Lizards, Salamanders, Serpents and Vipers, which with their stinging kill men: they also eat earth, wood, and whatsoeuer they can get the dung of wild beasts, and other things which I leaue to report, and I certainly beleeue, that if there were stones in that Country they would eat them. They keep the sharpe bones of fishes and Serpents, which they eat to grind them all afterwards, and so eate that powder. The men load not themselues nor carrie burdens, but the old men and women do all this, who are least esteemed among them, they beare no such loue to their children as the other doe, whereof I haue spoken before. [ 60]

There are some among them, who vse that sinne which is against nature. Their women are very sufficient, and able to indure labour, for of the foure and twentie houres of the day and night, they haue but sixe houres of rest, and all the greater part of the night they spend in heating their Ouens, to dry those Rootes which they eate. And when the day beginneth to appeare,

they beginne to draw water, and carrie wood vnto their houses, and giue order for other things which they want.

The greater part of them are great Theeues, because although among them they are well di∣uided, yet if the Father or the Sonne turne but their heads about, the one taketh from the other * 1.72 whatsoeuer he can get. They are great and monstrous Liers and great Drunkards, and for that purpose they drinke a certaine kind of drinke. They are so well vsed to runne, that without re∣sting themselues, or standing still at all, they runne from Morning vntill the Euening following * 1.73 a Deere, and in this manner they kill many, following them vntill they tire them, and some∣times take them aliue. Their houses are of Mats set vpon foure Arches, and they take them vp and remooue them, euery two or three daies to seeke food. They sow nothing at all to be able to [ 10] haue fruit thereof, and are a very pleasant and cheerefull people, and notwithstanding the great hunger they indure, they cease not to dance and sport themselues.

The best time which they haue is when they eate Tune, because then they haue no hunger, and passe all that time in dancing, and eate day and night all the time they haue them. They wring them, open them, and set them to dry, and beeing thus dried they hang them vp in Gar∣lands like figges, and keepe them to eate by the way, when they returne thence: they also dry their Pils and make powder of them. Many times while we were with them, it so fell out, that we continued foure daies without eating any thing, because it was not there to be had; to make vs merrie they told vs, that wee should shortly haue Tune, and should eate many of them and drinke their juice, and fill our bellies very well, and that wee should be verie cheerefull and con∣tented, [ 20] and without any hunger. And when they told vs this, it was fiue or sixe monethes to the time of Tune.

And when the time came, wee came to eate Tune, and by the way wee found many flies of three sorts, very mischieuous and noisome, and all the rest of the Summer they put vs to much * 1.74 trouble. And to defend vs from them we made fires of rotten and moist wood, that it might not burne but make a smoake, but this defence put vs to another trouble, for all the night wee did nothing else but complaine of the smoake which came into our eyes, and also of the great heate * 1.75 which the much fire gaue vs, and wee went out to sleepe by the side thereof, and if at any time we could sleepe, they remembred vs with their bastinadoes to returne and make the fires burne. They who dwell further within the Land, vse a remedie for these flies, as intollerable as this and [ 30] worse, that is to say, they goe with fire-brands in their hands burning the Fields and the Woods wheresoeuer they meete with them, to make the flies to flie away: and so also they vse to digge vnder the earth for Lizards, and other such like things to eate them, they vse also to ••ill Decre; compassing them with many fires. Which they also doe to take away food from the beasts, that they might be constrained to goe from thence to find it, where they would haue them. For they neuer settle themselues to dwell, but where wood and water are, and sometimes they load them∣selues all with this prouision, and goe to seeke Deere, which (most commonly) abide where * 1.76 there is neither water nor wood: and the day they came thither they killed Deere, and some o∣ther hunting game such as they could get, and consumed all the water and wood in preparing them to be eaten, and in the fires which they made to hunt the flies, and tarried till the next day [ 40] to take some thing to carrie with them by the way.

When they depart they goe so miserably vexed with flyes, that they seeme to haue the disease of Lazarus, and in this manner they expell hunger two or three times in the yeere with so great paines as hath beene said: and because I haue proued it, I dare affirme, that there is no trauell in the World found like vnto this.

They found Oxen there and I saw them three times, and eate of them: and (as I thinke, they are of the bignesse of those of Spaine. They haue little hornes 〈…〉〈…〉e the Moresche cattle, and very * 1.77 long haire, and some of them are ash-colour, and others blacke, and in my iudgement they haue better haire and much thicker then those of our Countries. Of those which are not great, they make Garments to couer them, and of the greater they make shooes and Targets and these came [ 50] from the North further through the Land vnto the Coast of Florida, and extend themselues farre within the Land more then foure hundred leagues. And in all this way, through the Vallies by which they come, the people that dwell there, come downe and eat of them, and send great store of hides into the Countrie.

When the sixe moneths were ended, wherein I abode with the Christians, hoping to put the determination made betweene vs in execution, the Indians went to eate Tune, which might bee some thirtie leagues from thence, and being now readie to flie from them, the Indians with whom we abode, fell at variance among themselues about a woman, and b••ffetted and beate her, and broke her head: and for the great hatred and anger they conceiued, they tooke their houses, and euery one went vnto their place. Whereupon it was necessarie, that all the Christians who were [ 60] there, should separate themselues with them, so that by no meanes wee could meet together a∣gaine vntill the next yeere: and in this time I passed much miserie, as well for the great famine I indured, as for the euill vsage, and bad entertainment those Indians gaue mee which was such, that I was faine to flie three times from those Masters that kept me, who all came diligently to

seeke me that they might kill me, but it pleased our Lord God, not to suffer them to find mee, and to preserue me from their hands through his infinite mercie.

As soone as the time of Tune returned, wee Christians found our selues together againe in the same place where we were before, and hauing now ioyned together to flie from thence, and ap∣pointed the day, that very selfe same day the Indians separated vs, and euery one went vnto their place, so I said vnto the Christians, that I would expect them at the Tune, vntill the Moone were full, and that day when I said this vnto them, was the first of September, and the prime of the Moone. And further I assured them, that if they came not within that time, I would go thence alone and leaue them. And so we separated our selues, and euery man went with their Indians, and I stayed with mine vntill the thirteenth of the Moone: and my determination was to flie [ 10] thence vnto the other Indians, when the Moone should be full. On the thirteenth of the said moneth, Andrea Dorante and Esteuamico came vnto me and told me, that they had left Castiglio with other Indians, whom they call Canagadi, who dwelt neere thereabout, and that they had passed many miseries, and had lost their way. And that the day before our Indians remooued from * 1.78 their place, and were gone towards the place where Castiglio abode to ioyne themselues with them who kept him, and make themselues friends hauing beene enemies and at warres, euen vn∣till that day: and in this manner also we recouered Castiglio. In all the time that wee eate the Tune wee were thirstie and for remedie wee dranke the juice thereof, which wee powred in a trench which we made in the Earth, and when it was full, we dranke thereof vntill we were sa∣tisfied: it is sweet and pleasant, and of the colour of new wine boyled, and this they doe because [ 20] there are no other vessels there wherein to put it. There are many sorts of Tune, among which some are verie good, although all seemed good vnto me, and hunger gaue mee no time to bee able to make choice.

The greatest part of all this Nation drinke raine water, gathered together in certaine Tren∣ches. For although they haue Riuers there, neuerthelesse, because they neuer haue any certaine and setled place of abode, they haue no particular water knowne to them, or appointed place where to take it. Throughout the whole Countrie there are many great and goodly fences, and of excellent pasture for flockes and herds of cattle, and it would be a very fruitfull Countrie if it * 1.79 were manured, and inhabited by a people which had reason and knowledge. We saw no Moun∣taines in all that Countrie all the time we stayed there. Those Indians told vs, that further be∣yond [ 30] there were another people, called Camoni, who liue toward the Coast, who had ••laine all * 1.80 the men which came in the Boat of Pig••al••sa and Telliz, and that they were all so weake and sicke, that although they killed them, they did not any way defend themselues, and so they made an end of them all, and they shewed vs their Garments and Weapons, and that the Barke remayned there on the other side. This is the fift Boat which made vp the account, because wee haue alreadie said, that the Sea carried away the Boat of the Gouernour, and that of the Aud∣tour * 1.81 and the Friers was seene cast athwart the Coast, and Esquiuel declared the end of them. The two wherein Castiglio, my selfe, and D••rante went, we haue alreadie said, that they were drowned at the Iland of Malhado. [ 40]

§. III.

Their flight from the Indians to others, wonderfull cures, backe and belly cares: their trauells thorow the Countrey, and hungry aduentures. Diuers peoples and their customes.

AFter we were remoued from the place, about two daies iourney from them, wee recom∣mended our selues vnto our Lord God, and went flying thence, hoping that although [ 50] the time of the yeere were now late, and the Tune ended, yet with the fruits that re∣mained in the fields, wee should be able to trauell a great part of the Countrie. And so going that first day with much feare that the Indians would haue followed vs, wee saw certaine smoakes, and going towards them after the euening we saw an Indian, who when hee saw vs fled without tarrying for vs. Whereupon we presently sent the Negro vnto him, who when he saw him alone staied forhim. The Negro said vnto him, that we came to seeke out those people that made those smoakes, so he answered, that their horses were neere that place, and that hee would guide vs thither, and so we followed him and hee went running to giue notice of our comming. And about sun-set we saw the houses, and about two crosse-bow shoots before wee came thither, we found foure Indians who staied for vs and courteously entertained vs. Wee told them in the [ 60] language of the Mariames that we came to seeke them, who seemed to be glad of our company, and so they brought vs to their houses, and placed Dorante and the Negro in the house of a Phi∣sitian, and me and Castiglio, with certaine others. These people haue another language, and are called A••••uares, and are they who vsed to bring the Bowes vnto those our first masters, and to * 1.82

contract with them: and although they be of another nation and language, yet they vnderstand the language of them with whom we first abode: and they themselues also that selfe same day came into that place with their houses. The people presently offered vs much Tune, because they knew vs both that we had healed them.

The verie same night that we came thither, certaine Indians came into Castiglio, and told him that they had verie great paine in their heads, intreating him that he would heale them: and after he had blessed them and recommended them vnto God, in the verie same instant they said that they were well, and that the paine was gone. So they went into their houses and brought vs much Tune, and a piece of flesh of a wilde beast, which we knew not what it was. This being * 1.83 published among them, many other diseased people came that night that he should heale them, [ 10] and euerie one of them brought a piece of Venison, and they brought so many that we knew not where to put them. We yeelded great thankes vnto God, who so continually euerie day increa∣sed his mercie and his grace towards vs. Thus when the cures were ended, they began to dance and sing their rimes, and make their sports vntill the next day at the rising of the Sunne, and this festiuall iollitie continued three daies by reason of our comming thither. Afterward wee asked them of the Countrie beyond, and of the people and victualls that are found there, and they an∣swered vs, that throughout all that Countrie there was much Tune, but that they were now en∣ded and that we should find no people, because after they had gathered the Tune, euerie one returned to their houses, and that it was a verie cold Countrie, and verie few skinnes were found there. [ 20]

Seeing this, and considering that the Winter, and cold time of the yeere was come we agreed to winter with them. And at the end of fiue daies, after we came thither they departed thence, and went to seeke other Tune, where other people were of other Nations and diuers languages: and hauing trauelled fiue daies iourney with much hunger, because neither Tune, not other fruits are found by the way, wee came to a Riuer and set vp our houses there, and after went to seeke certaine fruits of a tree like vnto a fig tree, and there being no high way in all those places, I stai∣ed longer then the rest in finding them, and so they returned to their houses, and I remained alone, and comming to seeke our men that night I had almost lost my selfe: and it pleased God that I found a tree vnder the which there was a fire, and at that fire I passed the cold of that night. In the morning I loaded my selfe with wood, and taking two fire brands I returned to seeke them, and went in this manner fiue daies, alwaies with my fire and burden of wood, because if my fire [ 30] should haue beene extinguished in places where there had been no wood (as in many places there is none) I was to kindle other fire brands and not to remaine without fire, because I had no other remedie against the cold, being as naked as euer I was borne. And in the night I had this reme∣die, that I went to any small plat of ground beset with trees neere vnto the Riuer, and there a∣bode before the Sun went downe and made a trench in the ground and put much wood therein, which they vse to doe of certaine trees, whereof in those places there is great a••undance, and put many stickes together of such as were falne and drie, and about that trench I made foure fiers a crosse, and thought to come from time to time to renew the fiers, and had made certaine bun∣dels of straw, whereof in those places there is much, and therewith I couered me in that trench, and in this manner defended my selfe from the cold of the nights: and on a certaine night and [ 40] the fire lite on the straw which couered mee while I was sleeping in the trench. So the fire be∣gan to burne verie fiercely, and although with much furie I leaped out, yet the token of the dan∣ger which I had passed remained in my haire. In all this time I eate not one morsell nor found any thing to eate, and going thus scorched and singed much bloud issued from my feet, and God vsed great mercie towardes mee that in all this time the North winde blew not, for otherwise there had beene no remedie but I must needs haue died. At the end of my fiue daies I came to a Riuer side where I found my Indians, who together with my Christians held me for dead, and al∣waies thought that some viper had stung me. And when they found me they greatly reioyced to see me, but principally the Christians, who said vnto me, that vntill that time they had trauelled with much hunger, and for that cause they came not to seeke mee, and that night they gaue mee of the Tune which they had. The day following we departed thence, and went vnto the place [ 50] where much Tune was, wherewith we all satisfied the great hunger which we had, and we Chri∣stians gaue many thankes vnto our Lord God, who left vs not without remedie.

The next day many Indians came to vs in the morning, and brought fiue sicke men with them, who were lame and verie ill, and they came to seeke Castiglio that he might heale them, and eue∣ry one of them that were diseased gaue him their Bowes and Arrowes, which he receiued, and at the setting of the Sun he blessed them, and recommended them vnto God, and wee all be••ought him with the best deuotion we could that he would giue them health, seeing wee saw there was no other remedie but to doe the best we could that those people might helpe vs, that so we might [ 60]

be able to get out of that miserable life: and his infinite goodnesse dealt so mercifully with vs, that when the morning came they all arose as sound and strong, as if they had neuer had any dis∣ease. This caused them much to wonder, and likewise to render infinite thankes vnto our Lord, and that we more entirely acknowledged his great goodnesse, and had assured hope that he would deliuer vs, and conduct vs vnto the place where we might better serue him. And for my selfe, I can boldly speake, that I alwaies had an assured trust in his mercie, that hee would raise me from that captiuitie, and so I alwaies said to my companions. When the Indians were gone, and carried away their sicke men healed, wee went thence, where the other abode eating Tune, and these are called Cacalcuches and Maticones, who are of another language, and together with * 1.84 them were other called Coaios and Susolas, and on the other side others called Ataios, and they [ 10] maintaine warres with the Susolas, and they shot euery day amongst them: and because in those places they talked of nothing else but of miracles which our Lord God wrought by our meanes, they came from many parts to seeke vs that we might heale them, and at the end of two daies wherein we staied there, certaine Indians of Susolas came vnto vs and intreated Castiglio that hee would goe to cure one that was wounded and other sicke men, saying, that among them there was one who was readie to die. Castiglio was a verie fearefull Physitian, especially when the cures were grieuous and dangerous, and beleeued that his sinnes would haue caused that all the cures should not succeed well. The Indians said vnto mee, that I should goe to heale them, be∣cause they wished mee well, and remembred that I had sometimes healed them where the nuts grew, and that for the same they had giuen me nuts and hides: and this was when I came to [ 20] ioyne my selfe with the Christians; wherefore I agreed to goe with them, and Dorante and Este∣vamico went with me.

And when we were come neere vnto the Cottages which they haue, I saw the sicke man whom we went to cure, who was now dead, and about him stood many people lamenting, and his house plucked downe, which among them is a signe that the master thereof is dead. So when I came I found his eyes distorted, and that he had no pulse, and had all the tokens of a dead man, and as it seemed to mee it was so, and Dorante affirmed the same vnto me. I tooke vp the matt which he had vpon him to couer him, and the best I could I prayed vnto the Lord, that he would giue mee grace to giue health vnto that sicke men, and to all the rest that had need thereof. And after I had blessed him and blowne vpon him many times, they brought me his Bow and gaue it vnto me, and a chest of Tune; and brought me to cure many other who were ill at ease with gid∣dinesse, [ 30] and gaue me two other chests of Tune, which I gaue vnto our Indians which came with vs, and hauing done this wee returned vnto our lodgings: and our Indians to whom I gaue the Tune remained there, and at night returned to their houses also, and said, that hee who was then dead whom I had cured in their presence, arose vp and was well, and walked, and eate, and spoke * 1.85 with them; and so all the rest which I cured remained sound without any feuer, and very cheer∣full. This caused very great admiration and feare, and throughout that whole Countrey they speake of nothing else. All they to whom this report went came to seeke vs, that we might heale them and blesse their children: and when the Indians who abode in the company of our men, who were the Catalcuchi were to go thence, they gaue vs all the Tune that they had for their iourney, [ 40] without leauing any for themselues, and gaue vs fire-stones of an handfull and an halfe in length with the which they cut, and among them they are held in great estimation. They intreated vs that we would remember them, and pray vnto God that they might alwaies be in health, and we promised them to doe it, and with this they went away the most contented men in the world, hauing giuen vs all the best of that which they had. So we staied with those Indians Auauares eight moneths, and this account we made by the Moone. In all this time many people came to seeke vs and said certainly that wee were the children of the Sunne. Dorante and the Negro * 1.86 vntill then had not healed any, but through the great importunitie of so many people which flocked together from all parts we became all Physitians, although for the assurance to vndertake euery cure I was most noted amongst them all, and we neuer vndertooke to cure any who told vs * 1.87 not that hee was sound and well: And they had so great confidence in vs, that they thought [ 50] they could not be healed but by our hands, and they beleeued that as long as wee staied with them not one of them could die.

They, and those who are further behind them, declared a very strange matter vnto vs, and by the signes which they made it appeared that it fell out fifteene or sixteene yeeres since; and this it is, they say, that a man went about that Countrey (which they call an Euill thing) which was * 1.88 of a little bodie and had a beard, although they could neuer cleerely see his countenance. And when he came to any house all their haire, who were within stood vpright and they trembled, and presently at the doore of the house appeared a flaming fire-brand, and then that man entred into the house and tooke from them whatsoeuer he would, and gaue them three great cuts vpon [ 60] the flanke with a fire-stone very sharpe, as broad as a mans hand, and two handfulls long, and put * 1.89 his hand vpon those gashes and drew out their bowells, and cut them about an handfull, and that piece which he cut he put vpon the coales to broile: and presently gaue them three other cuts in one arme, and then smote them where he had lanced them, and disioynted their arme and a

little after returned to set it againe and put his hand vpon their wounds, and they say that they became suddenly whole. And that many times while they danced that Euill thing appeared among them, sometimes in the habite of a woman, and at another time like a man. And some∣times he tooke away an house or a cottage, and tooke it vp on high, and a little after fell downe againe together with it and gaue a great blow. Moreouer they told vs that they giue him meat, but he neuer eateth; and that they asked him whence he came, and in what part his house was; so he shewed them a cleft of the earth, and said that his house was vnder that. At these things which they told vs we laughed exceedingly, and made a iest thereof: who seeing wee beleeued it not they brought vs many of them whom that man had taken, and we saw the signes of the cuts which he had giuen them in the places which they had told vs. Wherefore wee said vnto them [ 10] that he was a wicked man, and after the best manner we could we gaue them to vnderstand, that if they would beleeue in our Lord God, and become Christians as we were, they should not need to feare him, and that he durst not come to doe those things vnto them: and that they should hold it for a certaintie, that while wee staied in that Countrie hee durst not appeare there, with this they remained verie well contented.

These Indians told vs that they had seene Austuriano and Figheroa, with others who abode on the coast beyond, whom we called those of the Fig-trees. All this Nation knew not the times by the Sunne nor Moone, nor keepe any account of the moneths or the yeere: but know the diffe∣rence of the times according as the fruits come to bee ripe, and by the mouing of the fishes and * 1.90 appearing of the Stars, wherein they are verie wise and well experienced. With them we were [ 20] alwaies well intreated, although we were faine to dig that which we had to eate with our owne hands, and carrie our burdens of water and wood. Their houses and sustenance are such as the o∣ther haue behinde them, although they haue much greater hunger, because they haue neither Maiz, mast, nor Nuts. We went alwayes in leather like them, and in the night wee couered our selues with Deere skins. Of eight moneths which we staied with them, in six of them we indu∣red much hunger, because the fi••h was not yet found. And at the end of that time the Tune be∣gan now to grow ripe, and before those Indians perceiued vs wee went further vnto the other, called Maticones. * 1.91

They were one dayes iourney from thence, whither I and the Negro came, and at the end of three dayes I sent the Negro to bring Dorante and Castiglio, and when they came wee departed [ 30] all together, with those Indians, who went to eate certaine small fruites of certaine trees, where∣with they maintaine themselues ten or twelue dayes, vntill the Tune come. And there other Indians ioyne with them, called Arbadaos, and among them we found many sicke, weake, and swollen, inso much as we greatly maruelled thereat. And the Indians with whom wee came, * 1.92 returned againe the same way, and we said we would remaine with those other, for the which they signified that they were greatly displeased, and so we abode in the field with them, neere vnto those honses. And when they saw vs, they withdrew themselues, and after they had reaso∣ned a little, euery one of them tooke one of vs by the hand, and brought vs to their houses. With * 1.93 them we indured greater hunger then with the other, so that in the whole day we eate but two handfuls of those fruits which were greene, and had so much iuice, that they burned our mouthes; [ 40] and there being great scarcitie of water, they caused much thirst to them that eate them. And the famine being so great, wee were faine to buy two Hogges of them, and in exchange thereof, wee gaue certaine Nettes, and other things, and one skinne wherewith I co∣uered mee.

I haue already said, that throughout all that Countrey we went naked, and not being accusto∣med vnto it before, we changed our skins twice in the yeare, after the manner of Serpents. And * 1.94 the Sunne and the weather caused many great sores to arise vpon the brests & shoulders of some of vs, which put vs to great paine, in respect of the burdens which wee carried, that were very heauie, and made the cords to stick in our armes. And the earth was so rough and iagged, that ma∣ny times when we gathered wood, when we had made an end of digging, the blound ran down [ 50] from many parts of our bodies, by reason of the thornes and briers wherewith wee met, which tore vs wheresoeuer they touched vs. On a time I happened to seeke wood, and after it had drawne much bloud from me, I could not carrie it on my shoulder, nor traile it along the ground; when I found my selfe in this torment, I had no other remedy nor comfort, but to thinke on the passion of our Lord Iesus Christ, and of the bloud which he shed for me, and consider how much greater the torment might be, which hee suffered through the crowne of thornes, then that which I indured. I contracted with those Indians, making Combes, Bowes, Arrowes, and Nets for them. Wee also made Mats, which are things whereof they haue very great neede, and although they know how to make them, they will make none for seeking foode to eate the meane while, for when they set themselues to worke, they sustaine very grear hunger. At other [ 60] times they made me shaue skins, and make them thin, and the greatest prosperity that I had a∣mong them, was the day when they gaue mee any hide to shaue, because I shaued it much, and eate those shauings, and that suffi••ed me for two or three dayes; yet it hapned, both with these and the other whom we left behinde, that when they gaue vs a peece of flesh, wee eate it raw,

for if wee had boiled it, the first of them that came would haue taken it, and eate it, wherefore wee thought it had not beene well done to put it to that danger; and besides, wee were none of them that would bethinke our selues whether wee should rather eate it sod∣den or raw.

This was the life we led with these Indians, and that little sustenance which we had we got it by small trifles which we made with our hands. After we had eaten these Dogs, supposing that we had some little strength to be able to goe further, we recommended our selues vnto our Lord God, that he would guide vs, and freed our selues from those Indians, who brought vs vnto o∣ther of their language, who dwelt neere thereunto: and so as we went it rained all that day, and beside that, we lost the way, and were to stay at a very great Mountaine, where wee gathered [ 10] many leaues of Tune, and bakd them that night in an Ouen which we had made, and put so much fire to them, that in the morning they were ready to be eaten, and after wee had eaten them, we recommended our selues vnto God, and went from thence, and found the way which we had lost. And hauing passed the Mountaine, we found other houses of the Indians, and be∣ing come thither, we saw two women and certaine little children that went on that Mountaine, who seeing vs were afraid, and fled to call their Indians, who went through the Mountaine. And being come, they staid to behold vs behinde certaine trees, so wee called vnto them, who ranne with much feare, and after we had spoken vnto them, they told vs that they had indured great * 1.95 famine, and that neere vnto that place many of their houses stood, and said, that they would bring vs thither: and so that night we came where fiftie houses were, and they were all ama∣zed to behold vs, and stood astonished through exceeding feare: and after they were somewhat [ 20] comforted, they came neere vnto vs, and laid their hands vpon our faces and bodies, and after put them vpon their owne faces and bodies. So we staied that night, and when the morning came, they brought the diseased that were among them vnto vs, intreating vs that wee would blesse them, and gaue vs such as they had to eate, which were the leaues of Tune and greene Tune rosted or dry, and for the good intertainment they gaue vs, and because they parted with that little which they had willingly, and were contented to be without meate themselues to giue it vnto vs, we abode with them certaine dayes. And while we thus staied, other Indians, of them that were farre beyond, came thither, and when they would be gone, wee said to the for∣mer Indians, that we would goe with the other, which much displeased them, and so we left them [ 30] sorrowing for our departure, at they which they conceiued great displeasure.

From the Iland of Malhado, all the Indians which we saw in that Countrey, obserue this for a common custome, that if they perceiue their women to be great with childe, they lye not * 1.96 with them, vntill two yeares be passed, after the children be borne, to the which they giue sucke, vntill they be of the age of twelue yeares, that they are now of vnderstanding to prouide foode for themselues. We demanded of them, for what reason they did thus nourish them, who answered vs, that they did it for the great famine which was in that Countrey: where, as wee our selues saw, they were faine to continue sometimes three or foure dayes without eating, and therefore they let them sucke, that in that time they might not dye through hunger, and if not∣withstanding some should escape, they would become too delicate, and of little strength. If by [ 40] chance it happen that any among them be sicke, they let them dye in those fields, if he be not a childe, and all the rest that cannot goe with them remaine there, but for a childe, or a brother of theirs, they lay them vpon their necke, and so they carry them.

They haue all this custome to be seperated from their wiues, when there is no agreement be∣tweene them, and that both they and she may marry againe with whom they please. And this is vsuall among the yonger sort; but such as haue children neuer forsake their wiues. And when they contend with other people, or be at variance one with another, they buffet and beate each o〈…〉〈…〉r with cudg〈…〉〈…〉ls vntill they be very weary, and then they part, and sometimes the women part them, going betweene them, because the men come not in to part them: and what choller or passion soeuer they haue, they fight not together with their Bowes and Arrowes. And after * 1.97 [ 50] they haue ••••ffetted and cudgelled each other, the braule being ended, they take their houses and women, and goe to liue in the fields, seperated from the rest, vntill their anger and choller be past: and when they are now pacified, it is not needefull that others interpose themselues to make peace and friendship, because in this manner they make it themselues. And if they who be at variance haue no wiues, they goe to other of their neighbours, who although they were their enemies, receiue them courteously, and doe them much flattering kindnesse, and giue them such as they haue, so that when their choller is past, they returne rich vnto their people. They are all warlike people, and vse as great subtilty to defend them from their enemies, as they would doe, if they had bin brought vp in Italy, and in continuall warre. The horses are they that onely ouercome them, and which the Indians generally feare. They who are to fight with them, must be * 1.98 [ 60] very wary that they know not that they be faint or cowardly, and while the battaile continu∣eth, they are to vse them the worst they can. For if they perceiue them to be timerous or cow∣ards, it is a people that very well knoweth the time to auenge themselues, and to take courage and strength from the feare of their enemies. When they are shot in the warres, and haue spent

Arrowes, they returne euery one their way, without any pursuit of the enemy, although the one part be few, and the other many, and this is their custome. They goe many times away shot cleane through with Arrowes, and dye not, if they touch not the bowels or heart, nay, they quickely heale them. They see and heare, and haue the sharpest sences, I thinke, of any men in * 1.99 the world. They are very well able to endure hunger, thirst, and cold, as they who are more ac∣quainted there with then any other.

In the Iland of Malhada there are two languages: the one called Canoques, and the other Han. * 1.100 In the firme land, afront that Iland, are others called Carruco, who take their name from the Mountaines where they liue. Further, vpon the Sea coast are others, called Deguenes, and a∣front them, are others called Mendica. Further vpon the coast are the Queu••nes, and afront [ 10] these within the firme land are the Marianes, and going further vpon the coast are other, called Guaicones, and afront those within the firme land the Iegunzes, at the end of them are other, cal∣led Ata••••s, and behinde them other called Acubadaos, and of these there are many along this banke further. Other called Quitoles, liue on the coast, and afront them within the firme land, are the Auauares, and with these the Maliacones vnite themselues, and the Cultalculebes, and other called Susolus, and other called Comos, and further vpon the coast abide the Cumoles, and on the same coast beyond are others, whom we called them of the Figtrees. All these Nations haue ha∣bitations, and people, and diuers languages. Among them there is one language, in the which, when they say vnto men, looke there, they say arraca, and to the Dogs, they say Xo: and in all that Countrey they make themselues drunke with a certaine smoake, and giue whatsoeuer they [ 20] haue to get it.

Likewise they drinke another thing which they take from the leaues of trees, like vnto the Mulberry trees, and boile it in certaine vessels on the fire, and after they haue boyled it, they fill the vessels with water, and so keepe it ouer the fire, and when it hath beene twice boiled, they poure it out into certaine vessels, and coole it with halfe a goord, and when it gathereth much ••ome, they drinke it as hot as they are able to suffer it, and while they put it out of the vessell, and vntill they drinke it, they stand crying, who will drinke. And when the women perceiue these exclamations, they presently settle themselues, not daring once to moue, although they * 1.101 finde that they are very well beloued. And if by chance any of them moue, they accompt her shamelesse, and cudgell her, and with much choller and anger cast away the water or drinke [ 30] which they haue made: and if they haue drunke it, they vomit it out againe, which they doe very easily. The reason of this their custome, they say is this, that if when they will drinke of that water, the women moue themselues from the place where they heare that voyce, some bad thing might be put into that drinke, which entring into the body, in short space would cause them to dye. And all the time, that that water is boyled, the vessell must be well closed and shut, and if peraduenture it should stand vncouered, and any woman should come and passe by, they cast it away and drinke no more of it. It is of the colour of Saffron, and they drinke it three dayes without eating, and euery day they drinke one * 1.102 amphora, and an halfe. And when the women haue their naturall purgation, they prouide no meate but for themselues, because no o∣ther person will eate of that which she carrieth. In the time that I continued among them, I saw [ 40] a most brutish and beastly custome, to wit, a man who was married to another, and these be cer∣taine effeminate and impotent men, who goe cloathed and attired like women, and performe the * 1.103 office of a woman; they carry no Bowes, but beare very great and waightie burdens: and among them we saw many such effeminate persons, as I haue said, and they are of greater lims and tal∣ler then the other men.

After we departed from them whom wee left lamenting, wee were with the other at their houses, and were very well intertained of them, who brought vs their children that wee should touch their hands, and so they gaue vs much Meale of Mesquiquez. These Mesquiquez are cer∣taine Fruits, which when they are on the Tree are very bitter, and are of the same sort that the * 1.104 Carobe are, and they eate them with the earth, and with it they are very sweet and good to eat. The manner how they prepare them is this; they make a Trench in the Earth of what depth [ 50] they please, and after they haue cast the fruit into this Trench they bruize and breake them very well, with a piece of wood as great as a mans legge, and three Cubits long, and after they are mingled with the earth of the Trench, they take other that are sitted, and put them into the said Trench, and returne to bruize them a little more, and after put them into a vessell like vnto a basket, and cast so much water thereon, as is sufficient to couer it, that the water may rise to the top, and hee that hath bruized them, tasteth them in his mouth, and if hee thinke they be not sweet and pleasant, he demandeth earth and mingleth it therewith. And this he doth vntill he find it sweet, and so afterward they prepare themselues to sit round, and euery one putteth in his hand, and taketh as much as he can, and the seeds or kernels of those Fruits, and so the huskes [ 60] they cast vpon certaine hides, and he that hath bruised them gathereth them together, and re∣turneth afterward to put them all in a basket, and casteth water vpon them, as at the first, and so they returne to wring out the iuyce and water so long as it will drop. And likewise they re∣turne to put the seedes and huskes vpon the hide, and so in this manner they doe three or foure

times fer euerie bruising: and they that are found at this banquet, which because it is verie great, remaine with their bellies much puffed vp through the earth and water which they drinke; and of this the Indians made vs many great feasts, and vsed much dancing and iollitie among them∣selues, for so long time as we staied there. And when we slept in the night, sixe men watched with great diligence and care, at the doore of the cottage where we abode, not ceasing to come in vnto some of vs till the Sunne arose.

And when we would depart from them, certaine women of other people who liued further beyond came thither, and being informed by them where their houses were, wee departed to∣wards those parts, although they earnestly entreated vs that we would not depart for that day, because those houses were very farre from thence, and that there was no way to goe thither, and [ 10] that the women who came were weary; but resting themselues vnto the next day, they would afterwards goe with vs, and conduct vs thither. But we dispatched our selues thence, and went away; and a little after those women who came thither with certaine others of the former In∣dians, came after vs: but there being no beaten way nor path, we presently lost our selues, and so went foure leagues, at the end whereof we came to drinke at a water, where wee found the women that followed vs, who told vs what great paines and trauaile they had taken to finde vs. Departing thence, and bringing those women for our guides, wee passed a Riuer somewhat late, and the water tooke vs vp to the brest, and might be as broad as that of Siuill, and it ranne very strongly. And at the setting of the Sunne we came to an hundred houses of the Indians, who before we came, went all forth to receiue vs with so vehement shouting and loud exclamation, * 1.105 [ 20] that it was a fearefull thing, and gaue great blowes with their hands vpon their thighes, and brought hollow guords with stones within them, which is the instrument of their greatest iol∣litie & sport, and neuer vse them but for their dancings, and for medicine; and none dare to take them in his hand but they. And they say that these guords haue vertue and come from heauen, because they grow not in those Countries, nor doe they know from whence they come, vnlesse the Riuers bring them when they ouerflow. And the feare and confusion of them was so great, that striuing to come neerest vnto vs and touch vs, they so thrunged vs, that it was a wonder that they had not killed vs: and not suffering vs to set our feete on the ground, they carried vs vnto their houses, and bare vs so aboue ground, and the presse of people so thrunged vs, that we entred into the houses which they had prepared for vs, and would not consent that they should make their festiuall sports any more with vs for that night. [ 30]

They passed all that night, among themselues, in sports and dancing, and the day following, at a good houre, they brought vs before all the people of that place, that we might touch and blesse them, as we had done to the rest with whom we abode. And after this, they gaue many arrowes to the women of another people, who were come with them. The next day we departed thence, and all that people went with vs. And when we came to the other Indians, we were very well entertained, as of the other; and they gaue vs such as they had, and Deere which they had kil∣led that day. Among these Indians we saw a new custome, to wit, that they who were first with vs, tooke the Bowes & Arrowes, Shooes and Crownes (if they had any) from them who came to vs to be healed, and after they had thus taken them away from them, they brought them before [ 40] vs, that we should heale them, and being healed, that we should haue them, so they departed ve∣rie well contented, and said that they were whole.

After this, we departed from them, and went vnto other, of whom we were verie courteously receiued, and they brought vs their diseased persons, who when we had blessed them, said they were cured, and he that was not whole, beleeued that we could cure him, & for that which others told them whom we had healed, they made such great sport and dancing, that they suffered vs not to sleepe. Departing from them, we went where many other houses were, and where another new custome began, to wit, that entertaining euery one of vs very well, they who came with vs, tooke all their substance from them, and rifled their houses, without leauing them any kinde of thing, which displeased vs verie much, seeing them so ill vsed who so curteously receiued vs, [ 50] and also fearing that least this might be the occasion of some alteration, or offence among them. But not being able to remedy the same, and chastise those that did it, wee were then to suffer it, vntill we saw we had more authoritie among them. And so, euen they themselues who lost their wealth, seeing we were displeased, comforted vs, saying, that we should not conceiue any dis∣pleasure thereat, considering they were so well contented that they had seene vs, and that they had bestowed their substance very well, and would hereafter be paid of others who were ex∣ceeding rich.

The next day they brought all their people before vs, the greatest part whereof are squint-eyed, * 1.106 and other of the same people are blinde, whereat we greatly maruelled: they are well set, and of good behauiour, and whiter then all the rest that we had seene vntill then. There we be∣gan [ 60] to see Mountaines, which seemed to extend themselues towards the Sea, from the North, and by the rela••••••n which the Indians made, I suppose they are fifteene leagues from the Sea. We departed thence with those Indians towards the Mountaines, whereof I now spake. And they brought vs where some of their kindred were, for they would not bring vs but to their kinsfolk,

because they were vnwilling that their enemies should receiue so great a benefit, as they thought it was to see vs. And when wee were come thither, they that came with vs spoiled the other, who knowing the custome had hid certaine things before we came thither. And after they had receiued vs with much ioy and gladnesse: they tooke out that which they had hidden, and pre∣sented it vnto vs, and they were Crownes, Magra, and certaine small plates of Siluer. We, accor∣ding to our custome, gaue them all presently to the Indians that came with vs, and hauing giuen vs that which they had, they began their dancing and festiuall iollitie, and sent to call other people neere thereabouts, that they might come to see vs, who came all about the euening, and brought vs Garlands, Bowes, and other trifling things, which for the most part we diuided a∣mong those other Indians. And the day following, we being desirous to depart, they would [ 10] all bring vs to their friends, who remained on the top of the Mountaines, laying that there are many houses and people, that they would giue vs many things: but because it was out of our way we would not goe thither, and therefore tooke our iourney through the plaine neere vnto the Mountaines, which we supposed should not be very farre from the coast. All those people are very poore and miserable, wherefore we held it better to crosse ouer the land, because the people that dwelt further into the Countrey were better conditioned, and would vse vs better, and we wer•• certainely perswaded, that we should finde a more populous Countrey, and of bet∣ter sustenance. And lastly, we therefore did it, because crossing ouer the land, we saw more par∣ticularities, so that if it should please our Lord God to bring some of vs out of that Countrey, and to conduct vs into the land of the Christians, wee might be able to make relation and report [ 20] thereof.

The Indians seeing that we were determined to goe whither they would not, told vs, that there was neither people nor Tune, nor any other thing to eate, and therefore praied vs that we would stay there for that day, and so we did. Then they sent two Indians to discouer the peo∣ple that way which we purposed to goe, and the next day we departed, carrying many of them with vs, and the women went laden with water, and our authoritie was so great among them, that none durst presume to drinke without our leaue. Two of their Phisicians gaue vs two Gourds, and from that time we afterward began to carry Gourds with vs, ioyning this ceremo∣ny to our authority, which among them is very great. They who accompanied vs, rifled the houses: but the houses being many, and they but few, they could not carry all away, but should [ 30] haue bin forced to haue lost the halfe, and so we went thence through many Mountaines; en∣tring within the land more then fiftie leagues, at the end whereof we found fortie houses, and among other things which they gaue vs, Andrea Dorante had a thicke and great Bell of cop∣per, * 1.107 with a visage ingrauen in it, which they seemed greatly to esteeme, saying that they had gotten it of their other neighbours: who being demanded whence they had it, they said, that they brought it from the Northward, and that it was much worth, and greatly esteemed there. Whereupon we knew, that from what place soeuer it came, the art of casting and melting of mettals must needes be there. And hereupon we departed the day following, and crossed ouer a Mountaine of six leagues; and the stones which were there, were of the scumme of Iron, and late in the euening we came to many houses, seated on the side of a most pleasant Riuer, [ 40] and the Lords of the same came into the middle of the high way to receiue vs with their chil∣dren in their armes, and gaue vs many small plates of Siluer, and Antimonie made in powder, * 1.108 wherewith they annoint their faces, and gaue vs many garlands, and many mantles of the hides of Kine, and laded all them that came with vs with such as they had: they eate Tune, and Pine apples.

They told vs, that in the place where the Bell was made, were many plates of that mettall vnder ground, and that that Bell among them was a thing greatly esteemed, and that houses were built there, and wee supposed that it was the South Sea, for we alwayes knew that that Sea was alwayes richer then that of the North. So we departed from them, and went * 1.109 through so many sorts of Nations, and diuers languages, that the memory of man is not able to reckon them, and one people alwayes spoyled the other, and so both they that lost, and they [ 50] who gained remained well contented. Through those Valleyes where we passed, euery one of them carried a sticke or cudgell of three handfuls long, and they went all in troopes, and if any Hare arose, whereof there are many in that Countrey, they turned her suddenly, and so many * 1.110 cudgels fell vpon her, that it was a marueilous matter to behold, and in this manner they made her goe from one to another, so that in my iudgement it was the goodliest hunting that could be imagined, because sometimes they came euen into their hands. And when wee setled our selues at night, we had so many of them that were giuen vs, that euery one of vs carried eight or ten, and such as carried Bowes, appeared not among vs, but went apart through the Mountaines to seeke deere, and when they came in the euening, they brought fiue, or six for euery one of vs, [ 60] and many Fowles, and Quailes, and other hunting game; and finally, whatsoeuer all those people tooke, they presented before vs, not daring to touch or take thereof for themselues, although they should dye for hunger (because they accustomed so to doe, since they came with vs) vn∣lesse they had first blessed the same. The women carried many Mats, with the which they made

houses for vs, to euery one apart, his seuerall house, and with all the people which hee knew.

When that was done, wee commanded them to bake those Deere and Hares, and whatsoeuer else they had taken; which is very quickly done in certaine ouens which they make for the same purpose. Then we first tooke a little of euery thing, and gaue the rest to the principall and chiefe * 1.111 men of the people to diuide it among them all: and when euery one had receiued his part, they came vnto vs that we should blow vpon it and blesse it, for otherwise they durst not presume to eate thereof. And many times we brought with vs three or foure thousand persons; whereupon it was a great trouble to vs to blow vpon and blesse the meate and drinke of euery one of them: and for euery other thing of the••rs which they would doe they came to vs to aske leaue: where∣by it may be considered how great the incumbrance and trouble was which wee endured. The [ 10] women brought before vs the Tune, Frogs, Wormes, and whatsoeuer else they could get; because although they should bee readie to die through hunger, they would not haue eaten any thing which they had not receiued from our hands. And so going with them wee passed ouer a great Riuer which came from the North parts, and hauing trauelled ouer certaine Plaines of thirtie leagues, wee found many people who came very farre off to receiue vs, and came forth vnto the way whether wee were to passe, and receiued vs after the same manner that the other had done.

From thence forward they obserued another manner of receiuing vs, as touching saccage and spoiling. For they that came forth into the high-way to bring vs any thing, were not spoiled of them who came with vs; but after we were entred into their houses, they of their owne accord [ 20] offered vs whatsoeuer they had and the houses also. Wee gaue all vnto the chiefe and principall, to the intent that they should diuide it among them; and alwaies they who remained so spoiled followed vs, whereby the number of people greatly encreased through desire to bee satisfied of their losses. And they said vnto the rest that they should beware how they hide any thing, be∣cause it could not be but we should know it, and cause them all suddenly to die. The feare and frighting wherein they put them were so great, that the first da••es they abode with vs they stood alwaies trembling, not presuming to speake, nor to lift vp their eyes to heauen. They guided vs aboue eightie leagues through a desert Countrey, and very rough mountaines which * 1.112 were so dry, that there was no hunting game there whereby to sustaine our great hunger. In the [ 30] end hauing passed ouer a very great Riuer, where the water tooke vp to the brest, many of those who came with vs began to lament, through the exceeding great hunger and trauell which they had endured through those mountaines, which were extreame rough and trouble some to passe. * 1.113 The same people brought vs vnto certaine plaines, and at the end of those mountaines much people came farre off to receiue vs, as the former had done, and gaue so many garments afterward to them that were with vs, that because they could not carry them they left the halfe behinde them; so that we told those Indians that brought them, that they should take them againe that * 1.114 they might not be lost: who answered, that they would not doe it for any thing, because it was not their custome after they had once giuen a thing, to returne afterward to take it againe and * 1.115 so they suffered them to be lost. [ 40]

Then we told them that we would goe toward the place where the Sunne went downe, who said that in those places the people were verie farre off. But wee commanded them to send to vnderstand that wee were comming, yet they excused themselues the best they could; saying, that they were their enemies, and that they were vnwilling we should goe thither; but not da∣ring to doe contrarie to our will, they sent two women thither, whom both the one and the other their enemies kept prisoners. And they sent these, because the women may well negotiate with * 1.116 the men euen in the warres: and we followed them, and rested our selues in a place where wee determined to expect them, but they staied fiue daies before they returned, and the Indians said that they should find no people. Wee told them that they should bring vs toward the North, whereupon they gaue vs the same answere, that is to say, that in those places there were no peo∣ple [ 50] but farre off, and that there was nothing there to eate nor water to bee found; yet notwith∣standing all this we continued obstinate, and said, that we would goe thither, although they al∣waies excused themselues the best they could: and for this cause wee were angrie, so that one night I arose and went out to sleepe in the open fields apart from them, but they came presently where I was, and neuer slept all that night with much feare, and speaking vnto me they said that if we would not continue any longer angrie, they would bring vs whether we purposed to goe, although they were certainly assured to die by the way. Neuerthelesse wee alwaies fained that we were yet angrie, and because their feare was not remoued, a verie strange accident happened, that is to say, that on the verie same day many of them became sicke, and the day following eight of them died. Whereupon through all the Countrey where it was knowne, they were so afraid of vs that when they saw vs they seemed euen to die as it were for feare. So they besought [ 60] vs that wee would not continue angrie any longer, and that wee would not cause any more of them to die, certainly perswading themselues that wee killed them onely with our will and de∣sire. We prayed our Lord God that hee would relieue vs, and so all those that were sicke began

to recouer: at which time wee saw a verie maruellous thing, to wit, that the fathers, brethren, and wiues of them that died were exceedingly grieued to see them so sicke, but after they wEre * 1.117 dead they shewed not any signe or token of sorrow, nor did wee see them lament nor speake one to the other, nor make any other signe, nor durst they come neere vnto them vntill we comman∣ded them to burie them: And for the space of fifteene daies and more that we abode with them, we neuer saw one speake to the other, nor any of their little children either laughed or cried, and if any of them lamented they carried them verie farre from thence: and with verie sharpe teeth they gashed and cut them from the shoulders to the legs; so seeing their crueltie and being angrie thereat, I demanded why they did it, they answered me, that they did it to chastise them for la∣menting before me. Al these fears which they haue of vs, they yet put into the heads of those who [ 10] came lately to know vs, because they should giue vs whatsoeuer they haue, for they know that we tooke nothing for our selues, but gaue euerie thing to them. This was the most obedient peo∣ple, and best conditioned that we found in all that Countrie, and commonly they are well dispo∣sed. Those that were sicke, being recouered and restored vnto health, and wee hauing continued there three daies, the women that we had sent came vnto vs, and said, that they had found ve∣rie few people, because they were gone to the kine, which was now their time. Then we com∣manded them that were weake to remaine behinde, and those that were well to come with vs: and that two daies iourney from thence those two women should goe with two of our men, to cause the people to come forth to the highwaies to receiue vs. And so the morning follow∣ing all those that were the lustiest departed with vs, and after three daies iourney wee set∣led [ 20] our selues, and the day following Alonso del Castiglio and Esteuanicco the Negro, together with those two women for their guides; and that who was their prisoner brought them vnto a Riuer which ranne within a mountaine where a people abode, among whom their father was; and these were the first houses that wee saw, which had the forme and manner of * 1.118 true houses.

There Castiglio and Esteuanicco arriued, and after they had spoken with those Indians, at the end of three dayes Castiglio returned to the place where they left vs, and brought fiue or sixe of those Indians, and said, That hee had found houses of people and of artificiall building, and that the people eate pulse and gourds, and that hee had seene Maiz there. * 1.119

There wee abode one day, and the next wee departed, they bringing vs with them to [ 30] other built houses, where wee did eate of the same food that they eate. And after from thenceforth there was another custome, that they who knew of our comming came not forth into the high-way to meete vs as the other did; but wee found them in their houses, and they did nothing else for vs. And they were all sitting, and all held their faces towards * 1.120 the wall, hanging downe their heads with their haire ouer their eyes, and all their clothes were hanged vp aloft in the middle of the house, and from thence forward they began to giue vs many mantles of hides, and they had not any thing which they gaue vs not. It is a Nation of the best and goodliest proportion of bodie that euer wee saw there, and of a more liuely spirit and agilitie, and that vnderstood vs better, and answered vs to whatsoeuer wee * 1.121 demanded them, and wee call them, The people of the Kine, because the greater part of [ 40] the Kine which dye in those Countries is neere thereabouts, and vp that Riuer more then fiftie leagues, they goe killing many. These people goe all naked, after the manner of those whom wee found first. The women goe couered with certaine Deere skinnes; and so doe some few men also, and particularly the aged, who are not seruiceable for the warres▪ It is a verie populous Countrey; and being demanded why it did not sowe Maiz, they said, They did it because they would not leese that which they should sowe for two yeeres since their water failed, and the seasons was so dry, that they all lost the Maiz that they had sowed, and that they could not by any meanes be assured to sowe, vnlesse first it had rained very much; and they prayed vs to speake vnto the Heauens that they might send downe raine: they boyle pulse in this manner. They fill a great pot halfe full with water, and put many of those * 1.122 [ 50] stones in the fire, which will quickely burne, and when they seeth them on fire they take them vp with certaine tongs of Wood, and cast them into that water in the gourd vntill they make it boyle with that fire of those stones; and when they perceiue that the wa∣ter boyleth, they put in that which they haue to boyle, and all this time they doe no∣thing else but take out one stone and put in another fired redde hot to make the water boyle. [ 60]

§. IIII.

They come to the South Sea, and trauell through a plentifull Countrey, till they meet with Spaniards; whose crueltie and manner of con∣uerting Sauages is related.

WE went Westward on our iourny, & crossed ouer all the land vntil we came forth at the South Sea, and the feare wherein they had put vs of the great famine which we were * 1.123 to passe (as surely we passed it for seuenteen daies together, as they had told vs) was not able to diuert vs from our intended purpose. Throughout all that Countrey vp the Ri∣uer, [ 10] they gaue vs many Mantles of the hides of Kine, and wee did not eate of those their fruites, * 1.124 but our sustenance was euery day a piece of the fat of Deere, of the bignesse of a mans hand, which for this necessitie wee prouided alwaies to haue in a readinesse, and so wee passed all those seuenteene daies iourney, and at the end of them wee crossed ouer the Riuer, and trauel∣led other seuenteene daies more to the West, through certaine plaines and verie great moun∣taines which are found there: and there wee met with a people; who the third part of the yeere eate no other thing saue the powder of straw, and because wee passed that way at that season of the yeere wee also were constrained to eate it, vntill hauing finished those daies iourney wee found setled houses, where there was great quantitie of Maiz, and of that * 1.125 and Meale they gaue vs enough, and Gourds, and Pulse, and Mantles of Bombasin Cot∣ton, [ 20] withall which we laded them whom wee had hyred there, who returned the most con∣tented men in the world. Wee yeelded many thankes vnto God who had brought vs thither, where we found such plentie of sustenance.

Among these houses they had some that were of earth, and all the rest were of mats * 1.126 and from thence wee passed more then an hundred leagues into the Countrey, and al∣waies found setled houses and much sustenance of Maiz and Pulse: and they gaue vs ma∣ny Deeres skinnes and Mantles of Bombasin Cotten, better then those of New Spaine; and gaue vs also many Garlands, and certaine Corall which grow in the South Sea, and many Turkie stones which come from toward the North. And finally they gaue vs what∣soeuer * 1.127 they had, and vnto Dorante they gaue Emeralds made into Arrow heads, and with [ 30] those Arrowes they make their sports and festiuall iollitie, seeming to mee very good. I deman∣ded of them whence they had them, who told me that they brought them from certaine very high mountaines, which lye towards the North, and that they got them by exchange and barter for quills and Parrats feathers, and there were many people there and very great hou∣ses. Among them wee saw the women more honourably and honestly vsed, then in any * 1.128 other part of India which wee had seene. They weare certaine smockes of Bombasin Cotton which reach to the knee and ouer them: soft sleeues of certaine folds or plaits of Deere skinnes without haire which touch the ground, and they perfume them with certaine roots which make them very fine, and so they vse them very well: they are open before and tied toge∣ther [ 40] with silken strings. They goe shod with shooes. All this Nation came vnto vs, that we should touch and blesse them, and they were so importunate herein that they put vs to much trouble; because the sicke and the whole would all goe from vs blessed: and it often happe∣ned * 1.129 that of the women that came with vs; some were deliuered, and as soone as the children were borne they brought them vnto vs, that wee should touch and blesse them. They accompanied vs vntill they left vs with another Nation, and among all these people they held it for a certaintie that wee came from Heauen: because all the things which they haue not, and * 1.130 know not whence they come: they say, that they descend from Heauen. For so long time as wee went with them, wee trauelled all the day without eating vntill night, and wee eate so little that they were astonied to see it. They neuer knew vs wearie, and surely wee [ 50] were so accustomed to trauell that we were neuer weary. We had great authoritie among them, * 1.131 and they held a reuerent opinion of vs, and to preserue the the same wee seldome spake vnto them. The Negro was the man that alwaies spoke and informed himselfe of the way that wee would goe by the direction of the people that were there, and touching euery other thing which we desired to know. We passed through diuers languages, and our Lord God fauoured vs withall, for they alwaies vnderstood vs and we vnderstood them, and if we demanded any thing of them by signes they answered vs as if they should haue spoken our language and wee theirs. For al∣though we, vnderstood six languages, we could not thereby preuaile with all, because wee found more then a thousand differences of language. Throughout all these Countries they who haue warre among themselues, became suddenly friends that they might come vnto vs and receiue vs, [ 60] and bring vs whatsoeuer they had.

Dorante had sixe hundred Deeres hearts giuen him, whereupon we called it the people of * 1.132 Hearts. Through this Countrey, entrie is made into many Prouinces which stand vpon the South Sea, and if they that desire to goe thither enter not from hence, they are lost, because the Coast

hath no Maiz, so that they are faine to eate the powder of beetes, straw, and fish, which they take in the Sea with floates, because they haue no Canowes, nor any Boat. The women couer their priuities with herbs and straw: they are a people of little vnderstanding and miserable. We sup∣posed that neere vnto the Coast by the way of those people which way wee went, it is more then a thousand leagues of a populous Countrey, and that they haue much prouision wherein they * 1.133 liue, for they sowe Pulse and Maiz three times in the yeere. We saw three sorts of Deere there, one as great as the biggest steeres of Castiglia. The houses of all those people for habitation are cottages. They haue poyson of a certaine kind of tree of the bignesse of an apple tree; and they doe no more but gather the fruit and anoint the Arrow therewith, and if they haue no fruit they breake of a bough, and with a certaine milkie iuyce which it hath they doe the same. There are * 1.134 [ 10] many of these trees that are so poysonous, that if the leaues thereof be bruised and cast into any standing poole and not running water, all the Deere and whatsoeuer other beast that drinketh * 1.135 thereof suddenly burst asunder. Wee abode three daies with these people, and about one daies iourny from thence there was another people, where such showres of raine came powring downe vpon vs, that by reason the Riuer which was there was so growne we could not passe it, and so we continued there fifteene daies.

In this meane time, Castiglio saw the buckle of a Spanish girdle about an Indians necke, and an Iron key sewed together with it, which he tooke from him: then we demanded what that thing was, and they answered, that it came from heauen; and questioning further with them who brought them, they answered, that certaine men brought them which had beards like vnto vs, [ 20] who came from heauen: and comming to that riuer with Horses, brought Lances and Swords, * 1.136 and two of them passed ouer with their Lances. Afterward, as cunningly as we could, we asked them what became of those men, so they answered vs, that they went to the Sea. Wee went through many Countries, and found them all dispeopled and not inhabited, for the countrie peo∣ple went their way flying through the mountaines, not daring to keepe their houses nor labour for feare of the Christians. It greatly discontented vs, seeing the Countrie verie fruitfull and ex∣ceeding * 1.137 pleasant and full of water and goodly riuers, and to see them afterward so solitarie and scorched, and the people so feeble and weake fled away and all hid, and because they sowed not in so great famine, they maintained themselues onely with the barkes of trees and roots. Wee had our part of this famine in all this iourney, because they could not so well prouide for vs being [ 30] so euilly hired, that it seemed they would all die. They brought vs couerings and beades, which they had hid for feare of the Christians, and gaue them vnto vs, and declared how at other times the Christians had entred and passed through that Countrie, and had destroied and burned the people, and carried halfe the men away, and all the women and little children, and that such as were able to escape out of their hands fled away. Wee seeing them so affrighted that they could not be secured to settle themselues in any place, and that they neither would nor could sowe nor labour and manure the Countrie; nay, they rather determined to suffer themselues to die, which seemed better vnto them, then to expect to bee so ill intreated with so great crueltie as they had beene vntill that time: and they seemed to bee greatly pleased with vs. Notwithstanding wee feared that being come vnto them who were vpon the Frontiers, and in warre with the Christi∣ans [ 40] least they would vse vs cruelly, and make vs pay for that which the Christians had done vnto them. But God being pleased to conduct vs where they were, they began to feare and reuerence vs, as the former had done and somewhat more, whereat we did not a little maruell. Whereby * 1.138 it may cleerely appeare, that to allure this Nation to become Christians, and make them obedi∣ent to the Imperiall Maiestie, they ought to be gently and curteously vsed, and this is the onely and most certaine way of all other. They brought vs to a people that abode on the top of a moun∣taine, where they were faine to climbe vp by reason of the exceeding roughnesse of those places, where we found many people gathered together for feare of the Christians. These people recei∣ued vs with great good will and kindnesse, and gaue vs whatsoeuer they had, and aboue two thousand burdens of Maiz, which wee gaue vnto those miserable and famished people who fol∣lowed [ 50] vs and conducted vs thither: and the day following wee dispatched foure Messengers through the Countrie, as we vsed to doe, to the intent that they should assemble and gather toge∣ther as many people as they could, vnto one people which abode three daies iourney off from thence: and hauing done this, wee departed with all the people that were there, and alwaies found the trackes and tokens where the Christians had lodged, and about midday wee found our Messengers, who told vs that they could not meet with any people, because they were all gone and fled, and hidden in the mountaines, least the Christians should either kill them or make them slaues. And that the night before they had seene the Christiàns; they themselues standing be∣hinde certaine trees to behold what they did, and they saw that they led certaine Indians in a Chaine tied. [ 60]

From this place, which is called the Riuer of Petutan, vnto the Riuer where Diego di Guzman * 1.139 arriued, where we vnderstood of the Christians, may be some fourescore leagues: and from thence where the waters staied vs, twelue leagues: and from thence to them whom we called the peo∣ple of the Harts, fiue leagues: and from thence to the South Sea, were twelue leagues. Through∣out * 1.140

all that Countrey wheresoeuer wee found mountaines, wee saw great shew and tokens of Gold, Iron, Antimony, and Copper, and other mettalls. In those places where the setled houses * 1.141 are, in Ianuary it is very hot. From thence towards the South of the vnpeopled Country, vnto the North Sea, it is a very naughtie Countrey and poore, where wee endured incredible famine, and they who inhabit there are a most cruell people, and of a very euill nature and behauiour. The Indians that haue settled houses, and the rest also make no account of Gold, nor of Siluer, nor know for what purpose it may serue.

I tooke the Negro and eleuen Indians with mee, and following the Christians by the tracke which they found, I went to three places where they had lodged, and the first day I tra∣uelled ten leagues, and in the morning following found foure Christian Horse-men, who wonde∣red [ 10] much to see me so strangely attired, and in the company of the Indians, and when they saw * 1.142 me they made a stand, and beheld me a good space, so much astonished that they durst not speake to me nor aske mee any question. Wherefore I spake vnto them, intreating them to bring me where there Captaine was; and so we went about halfe a league where Diego di Alcaraz abode, who was their Captaine, and after I had spoken vnto him, he told me that hee was in verie euill case because he had beene there many daies and could not take any Indian, and that he had not a∣ny prouision to depart, because they began to be in great necessitie and famine there. I told him that Dorante and Castiglio were remaining behinde, who abode ten leagues from thence, with ma∣ny people who had conducted vs: Whereupon he presently sent three Horse-men, and fiftie In∣dians of those they brought, and the Negro returned with them to guide them; but I remained [ 20] there, and requested him to make me a testimoniall of the yeere, moneth, and day that I came in∣to that place, and so he did. From this Riuer, vnto the people of the Christians called Saint Mi∣chael, which pertaineth to the iurisdiction of that Prouince, which they call Noua Galitia, are thirtie leagues.

After sixe daies were past Andrea Dorante, and Arlonzo del Castiglio came vnto vs, with those who came for them, and brought aboue sixe hundred persons with them, which were of them whom the Christians had caused to climbe into the mountaines, and hide themselues in the Coun∣trey: and they, who vntill then were come with vs brought them, and accompanied with the Christians, and they had dispatched away all the other people which they had brought thither, and came where I was. Alcaraz intreated me that I would send to call the people who abode at [ 30] the Riuer sides, and had fled into the mountaines, and that they should command them to bring them victualls although it were not needfull, because of their owne accord they brought vs as much as they could, and so we presently sent our Messengers to call them: whereupon six hun∣dred persons came who brought vs all the Maiz they had, and they brought it in certaine pipkins couered with clay, wherein they had hid it vnder ground, and they brought vs whatsoeuer they had besides: but wee would not take any thing saue victualls to eate, but gaue all the rest to the * 1.143 Christians to be diuided among them. And after this we had much controuersie with them; be∣cause they would haue made those Indians slaues whom wee brought with vs: And through this displeasure and disdaine at our departure, we left many Turkish Bowes which we brought, and many Budgets and Arrowes, and among them fiue of Emerands, which wee remembred not and [ 40] so we lost them. We gaue the Christians many Mantles of the hides of Kine, and other things which we brought, and much adoe with the Indians to cause them to returne to their houses, and to secure them and make them sowe their Maiz. They were not willing to goe but with vs, vn∣till they left vs with other Indians as the custome was: for otherwise if they returned without being left with others, they feared least they should die, and comming with vs they feared not the Christians nor their Lances. This thing greatly displeased the Christians, who caused an In∣terpreter to speake vnto them in their owne language, and tell them that wee were the very same men, who for a long time had beene terrified and lost, and were a people of meane condition and of small force, and that they were Lords of the Countrey whom they were to serue. But the Indians made little no no account of all this, so that among themselues they said one to ano∣ther [ 50] that the Christians lied, because we came from the place where the Sunne riseth, and the other Christians from the place where the Sunne went downe: and that wee healed the sicke, they kil∣led the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that were sound; and that wee went naked and without garments; they clothed on 〈…〉〈…〉backe and with Lances, and that wee had not any couetous or insatiable desires: so that whatso••uer was giuen vs, wee presently gaue it vnto others and had nothing our selues: and the Christians intend nothing else, but to rob and steale whatsoeuer they find and giue nothing to 〈…〉〈…〉v: and arter this manner those Indians gaue their iudgement of vs, censuring all our actions cleane contrary to that which the Christians doe. And thus they answered the Christians in their * 1.144 language, and did the like to others in a language which was among them which we vnderstood, and those that vse it wee call Pringaitu: which wee had found vsed for aboue the space of foure [ 60] hundred leagues of the Countrey where we trauelled, so that we found no other language for the space of foure hundred leagues and more. Finally, it was not possible for vs to make those Indians beleeue that we were any of those other Christians; yet with much adoe, and through our per∣swasion we made them returne vnto their houses, commanding them to rest satisfied, and bring

backe their people to sowe and till the ground, which because it was so desolate, became now full of woods, albeit of it owne nature surely, it were the best Countrey, and more fertile and a∣bundant then any in all those Indies: for they sowe three times in the yeare, and haue many fruites, and many goodly Riuers, and other very good waters. There are many signes, and great tokens of Mines of Gold and Siluer. The people are very well conditioned, and serue the Chri∣stians, that are their friends, with a very good will: they are much better disposed then the peo∣ple of Mexico; and finally, it wanteth nothing to make it an absolute Countrey. The Indians being dispatched, they told vs, that they would doe as much as they had commanded, and bring backe their people, if the Christians would suffer them to continue: whereupon I said and cer∣tainely affirmed, that if they did it not, the Christians should be much to blame. And after wee [ 10] had sent them away, the Christians sent vs with an Alcado, named Zebrero, and with him three other Christians, whereby it appeareth how much the imaginations of men were deceiued, in that we went to seeke liberty among the Christians; and when wee had thought to haue found it, the q••ite contrary befell vs, and by seperating vs from the conuersation of the Indians, they brought vs through desolate Mountaines, because we should not see what they did, nor their euill vsage; for they had determined to goe to assault the Indians, whom wee sent away secured * 1.145 and in peace; and so they did as they imagined: they brought vs two dayes through those Moun∣taines, without water, and without any beaten way or path, insomuch as we thought we should haue burst for thirst, whereof seuen of our men died, & many friends which the Christians brought with them, could not come till the next day at noone, where we found water: and we trauailed [ 20] with them about fiue and twenty leagues, at the end whereof, we came vnto a people of the In∣dians, which were in peace, and there the Alcado, who brought vs, left vs, and went three leagues further to a people called Culiazzan, where Melchior Diaz, the Sergeant Maior, and Captaine of that Prouince abode. As soone as he knew of our comming, hee presently came the same night to finde vs out, and lamented much with vs, highly praising our Lord God, for his excee∣ding mercy towards vs, and spake vnto vs, and vsed vs very well, and in the behalfe of the Go∣uernour Nunnez di Guz••an, and himselfe, offered vs whatsoeuer hee had or could procure, and began to speake much of the euill vsage wherewith Alcaraz and the rest had vsed vs, so that we held it for certaine, that if hee had bin there, that which was done vnto vs had not bin done, and that night being passed, we departed for Auhacan, and the Sergeant Maior intrea∣ted [ 30] vs earnestly to stay there, and that wee might doe great seru••••e vnto our Lord God, and to your Maiestie, because the Countrie was desolate, without manuring, and altogether destroyed, and the Indians went and hid themselues, flying through the Mountaines, vnwilling to come and stay with their people, and that we should send to call them, and command them in the name of our Lord God, and of your Maiesty, to come and inhabit the Plain, and till the Countrie. But this seemed a troublesome matter vnto vs to put it in execution, because wee had not any of our Indi∣ans, or those who were wont to accompany vs, to helpe and further vs in such like offices. Not∣withstanding we thought good to proue two of our Indians which we had prisoners there, who were of the same Country, and were found with the Christians when we first came among them, and saw the people that accompanied vs, & vnderstood by them the great authority & dominion [ 40] which we had had throughout all those Countries, & the miraculous things which we had done in healing the diseased, and many other things, and with these we sent others of the same people which were also with them, to call the Indians that abode in the Mountains, & those of the riuer Patachan, where we had found the Christians. And we willed them to tell them, that they should come vnto vs, because we would speake with them, and so secure them that went, and the other who should come, we gaue them a great gourd, of those which we caried in our hands, which was a principall token and speciall argument of great state, and with this they went and trauailed se∣uen daies, and in the end came and brought with them three Lords of those who had fled into the Mountaines, who were accompanied with fifteene men, who brought vs Crownes, Turkies, and plumes of Feathers: and the messeng•••••• told vs; that they had not found them of the Riuer from whence we came, because the Christians had caused them to flye into the Mountaines: So [ 50] Melchior Diaz willed the Interpreter to speake vnto those Indians in our behalfe, and say vnto them, that we were come from God, who abideth in heauen, and had tranailed through the world nine * 1.146 yeares, saying vnto all them that we found, that they should beleeue in God, and serue him, because he is Lord of all the things in the world, and that he giueth a reward and paiment vnto the good, and perpetuall punishment of hell fire vnto the wicked: and that when the good men dye, he taketh them vp into heauen, where afterwards they shall neuer dye any more, nor suffer hunger or cold, or endure any other necessi∣tie; but finde there greater glory then can be imagined. And they who will not beleeue nor obay him, shall be throwne downe vnder the earth in the company of Diuels, into an exceeding huge fire which neuer shall haue end, but continually and eternally torment them. And besides that, if they will become [ 60] Christians, and serue God after the manner that we will tell them, the Christians shall hold them for brethren, and vse them very well; and that we would command that they should not doe them any hurt, nor take their Counyrie from them, but become their good friends. And if they would not doe it, the Chri∣stians should vse them very cruelly, and carry them for slaues into farre and remote Countries. To this

they answered the Interpreter, that they would become very good Christians, and serue God. And demanding of them, whom they adored, and to whom they sacrificed, and of whom they asked water for their seede time, and health and safety for themselues; they answered, that they praied vnto a man which is in heauen, and being demanded how they called him, they said Aguar; and they beleeued that he created all the world, and the things therein. Then wee questioned them further, whence they knew that, who answered, that their Parents told them so, and that of a long time they vnderstood it, and knew that he sent water, and all other good things. So wee caused the Interpreter to tell them, that hee whom they called Aguar, we cal∣led God, and that they also should call him so, and serue him, and adore him, as we had appoin∣ted, and they should finde it very good for them. They answered, that they vnderstood all ve∣ry [ 10] well, and that they would doe so; wherefore wee commanded them to descend from the Mountaines, and that they should liue secure and in peace, and dwell in the Countrey, and build their houses, and among them make a house for God, and set a Crosse at the entry there∣of, like vnto that which we had there: and when the Christians should come, they should goe to meete them with the Crosse, without Bowes and weapons, and conduct them to their houses, and giue them such as they had to eate, and so they would not doe them any harme, but would become their friends: and the Captaine gaue them some of the Mantles, and vsed them very well. So they departed, carrying with them the two Indians, which before were priso∣ners, whom we had sent as Messengers, and all this was done in the presence of the Secreta∣ry of the Gouernour, and many other witnesses. Now when the Indians were returned, all the rest of that Prouince, who were friends vnto the Christians, came to see vs, and brought [ 20] vs Crownes and Feathers, and wee commanded them to make Churches, and set Crosses there, because vntill then they had not made them, and wee made them bring the children of the principall Seigniory to Baptise them: whereupon the Captaine presently made a vowe and pro∣mise vnto God, neither to make nor cause any entry to be made vpon them, nor take slaues or people in those Countries, which we had secured, and that he would obserue this, vntill your Maiesty or the Gouernour Nunez di Guzman, or the Viceroy in his name, should prouide better for the seruice of our Lord God, and of your Maiesty.

Christianity shall not be so difficult a matter to bring in, because two thousand leagues which we trauailed by land and Sea, and other ten moneths, after we came out of captiuitie, we trauai∣led without stay, and neuer found Sacrifices nor Idolatry. In this time, we crossed ouer from one * 1.147 [ 30] Sea to another, and by the notice, which through much diligence wee procured to haue, from the one coast to the other, wee suppose it to be about two hundred leagues broad and more, and wee vnderstand that on the coast of the South Sea are Pearles and great riches, and that all the best and richest are neere there abouts. We abode in the towne of Saint Michael, vntill the fifteenth of the moneth of May, and the occasion why we staied there so long was this, because from thence vnto the Citie of Compostella, where the Gouernour Nunez di Guzm•••• made his re∣sidence, it was 100. leagues distance; and the Country was not inhabited & enemy, and it was fit, that other people should go with vs to conduct vs, among whom there were forty horsemen, who accompanied vs about fortie leagues, and from thence forward, six Christians came with vs, who * 1.148 [ 40] brought fiue hundred Indian slaues, and being come to Compostella, the Gouernour Nunez recei∣ued vs very curteously, and gaue vs such as he had to cloath vs, which apparell for many dayes, I was not able to carry, and wee could not sleepe but on the ground. And so after tenne or twelue dayes wee departed for Mexico, and came thither on Saint Iames his euen, where the Viceroy and the Marquesse of the Valley kindely intreated vs, and gaue vs apparell and whatsoeuer they had.

To the Reader. [ 50]

CAptaine Soto was the sonne of a Squire of Xerez of Badaioz. Hee went into the Spanish Indies when Peter Arias of Auila was Gouernour of the West Indies: And there he was without any thing else of his owne, saue his Sword and Target: and for his good qualities and valour, Peter Arias made him Captaine of a troope of horsemen, and by his commandment he went with Fernando Pizarro to the conquest of Peru: where (as many persons of credit reported, which were there present) as well at the ta∣king * 1.149 of Atabalipa, Lord of Peru, as at the assault ef the Citie of Cusco, and in all other places where they found resistance, wheresoeuer he was present, he surpassed all other Captaines and principall persons. For which cause, besides his part of the treasure of Atabalipa, he had a good share: whereby in time hee gathered an hundred and fourescore thousand Duckets together, with that which fell to his part; which [ 60] he brought into Spaine: whereof the Emperour borrowed a certaine part, which he repaied againe with 60000. Rials of Plate in the rent of the Silkes of Granada, and all the rest was deliuered him in the Con∣tractation house of Siuil. From Siuil he went to the Court, and in the Court, there accompanied him Iohn Danusco of Siuil, and Lewis Moscoso D'aluarado, Nunno de Touar, and Iohn Rodriguez Lobillo.

Except Iohn Danusco, all the rest came with him from Peru; and euery one of them brought foureteene or fifteene thousand Duckets: all of them went well and costly apparelled. And although Soto of his owne * 1.150 nature was not liberall, yet because that was the first time that he was to shew himselfe in the Court, be spent franckly, and went accompanied with those which I haue named, and with his seruants, and many other which resorted vnto him. He married with Donna Isabella de Bouadilla, daughter of Peter Arias of Auila, Earle of Punno en Rostro. The Emperour made him the Gouernour of the Isle of Cuba, and Adelantado or President of Florida; with a title of Marquesse of certaine part of the lands that hee should conquer.

This History partly for better knowledge of those parts of the world and partly for the profit of Vir∣ginian aduenturers, and discouerers, I haue here published far briefer then the author in Portuguse (and [ 10] out of him Master Hakluyt) had done; and added this to that of Neruaz. Cabeza de Vaca the Au∣thor of that at this time had come to the Court to beg the conquest of Florida: but seeing Don Ferdi∣nando * 1.151 de Soto had gotten it already, for his oathes sake, he said, he might tell nothing of that which they would know. Soto made him great offers: and being agreed to goe with him, because he would not giue him money to pay for a Ship, which he had bought, they brake off, and he went for Gouernour to the Ri∣uer of Plate. His kinsmen Christopher de Spindola, and Baltasar de Gallegos went with Soto. Those * 1.152 passed and were counted and enroled, which Soto liked and accepted of, and did accompany him into Flo∣rida; which were in all six hundred men. He had already bought seuen Ships, and had all necessary pro∣uision aboord them.

In the yeare of our Lord 1538. in the moneth of Aprill, the Adelantado deliuered his Shippes to the [ 20] Captaines which were to goe in them. They arriued at Saint Iago in Cuba on Whitsunday. The Citie of Iago hath eightie houses which are great and well contriued. The most part haue the wals made of boords, and are couered with thatch; it hath some houses builded with lime and stone, and couered with tiles. It hath great Orchards and many trees in them, differing from those of Spaine: there be Figge∣trees * 1.153 which beare Figges as big as ones fist, yellow within, and of small taste; and other trees which beare fruite which they call Ananes, in making and bignesse like to a small Pineapple: it is a fruit very sweete * 1.154 in taste: the shel being taken away, the kernell is like a peece of fresh cheese. In the granges abroad in the Countrie there are other great Pineapples, which grow on low trees, and are like the * 1.155 Aloetree: they are of a very good smell and exceeding good taste. Other trees doe beare a fruite, which they call Mameis of the bignesse of Peaches. This the Islanders doe hold for the best fruit of the countrey. There * 1.156 [ 30] is another fruit which they call Guayabas like Filberds, as bigge as figges. There are other trees as high as a iaueline, hauing one onely stocke without any bough, and the leaues as long as a casting dart: and the fruit is of the bignesse and fashion of a Cucumber, one bunch beareth twenty or thirty, and as they ripen the tree bendeth downwards with them: they are called in this Countrie Plantanos, and are of a * 1.157 good taste, and ripen after they be gatherod, but those are the better which ripen vpon the tree it selfe: they beare fruit but once, and the tree being cut downe, there spring vp others out of the but, which beare fruit the next yeare. There is another fruit, whereby many people are sustained, and chiefly the slaues, which are called Batatas. These grow now in the Isle of Terzera, belonging to the Kingdome of Portugall, * 1.158 and they grow within the earth, and are like a fruit called lname, they haue almost the taste of a Chest∣nut. The Bread of this countrie is also made of rootes which are like the Batatas. And the stocke whereon [ 40] those rootes doe grow is like an Elder tree: they make their ground in little hillocks, and in each of them * 1.159 they thrust foure or fiue stakes; and they gather the rootes a yeare and an halfe after they set them. If any one, thinking it is a Batata or Potato root, chance to eate of it neuer so little, he is in great danger of death; which was seene by experience in a Soldier, which as soone as he had eaten a very little of one of those roots be died quickly. They peare these roots and stampe them, and squese them in a thing like a presse: the iuyce that commeth from them is of an euill smell. The Bread is of little taste and lesse substance. Of the fruits * 1.160 of Spaine there are Figs and Oranges, & they beare fruit all the yeare, because the soile is very ranke and fruitfull. In this Countrie are many good Horses, and there is greene grasse all the yeare. There be many wilde Oxen and Hogs, whereby the people of the Island is well furnished with flesh: Without the townes a∣broad in the Countrie are many fruits. And it happeneth sometimes that a Christian goeth ont of the way [ 50] and is lost fifteene or twenty daies, because of the many paths in the thicke groues that crosse to & fro made by the Oxen: and being thus lost, they sustaine themselues with fruits and palmitos: for there be many great groues of Palme trees through all the Island; they yeelde no other fruite that is of any profit. The Isle of Cuba is 300. leagues long from the East to the West, and is in some places 30. in others 40. leagues from * 1.161 North to South. It hath six towns of Christians: to wit, S. Iago, Baracôa, Bayamo, Puerto de Princi∣pes, S. Espirito, and Hauana. Euery one hath betweene thirty and forty housholds, except S. Iago and Ha∣uana, which haue about sixtie or eightie houses. They haue Churches in each of them, and a Chaplen which confesseth them and saith Masse. In S. Iago is a Monasterie of Franciscan Friers: it hath but few Friers, and is well prouided of almes, because the Countrie is rich: The Church of S. Iago hath honest reuenew, and there is a Curat and Prebends and many Priests, as the Church of that Citie, which is the chiefe of [ 60] all the Island. There is in this Countrie much Gold, and few slaues to get it: For many haue made a∣way themselues, because of the Christians euill vsage of them in the Mines. A Steward of Vasques * 1.162 Porcallo, which was an inhabitour in that Island, vnderstanding that his slaues would make away them∣selues, staied for them with a cudgell in his hand at the place where they were to meete, and told them,

that they could neither doe nor thinke any thing, that hee did not know before, and that hee came thither to kill himselfe with them, to the end, that if he had vsed them badly in this World, hee might vse them worse in the World to come: And this was a meane that they changed their purpose, and turned home a∣gaine to doe that which he commanded them.

CHAP. II.

FERDINANDO de SOTO his Voyage to Florida and Discouerie of [ 10] the Regions in that Continent: with the Trauels of the Spaniards foure yeeres together therein, and the accidents which befell them: written by a Portugall of the Company, and here contracted.

§. I.

SOTOS entrance into Florida, taking of IOHN ORTIZ [ 20] one of Naruaz his company, comming to Paracossy, and diuers other Caciques, with accidents in the way.

ON Sunday the eighteenth of May, in the yeere of our Lord 1539. the Adelantado or President departed from Hauana in Cuba with his fleet, which were nine ves∣sels, * 1.163 fiue great shippes, two Carauels, and two Brigantines: They sayled seuen dayes with a prosperous wind. The fiue and twentieth day of May, the day de Pasca de Spirito Santo (which we call Whitson Sunday) they saw the Land of [ 30] Florida; and because of the shoalds, they came to an anchor a league from the shoare. On Friday the thirtieth of May they landed in Florida, two leagues from a Towne of an Indian Lord, called Vcita. They set on Land two hundred and thirteene Horses, which they brought with them, to vnburden the ships, that they might draw the lesse water. He landed all his men, and only the Seamen remained in the ships, which in eight daies, going vp with the tide euerie day a little, brought them vp vnto the Towne. Assoone as the people were come on shore, he pitched his Campe on the Sea side, hard vpon the Bay which went vp vnto the Towne. And presently the Captaine Generall Vasques Porcallo with other seuen Horsemen foraged the Coun∣trie halfe a league round about, and found sixe Indians, which resisted him with their Arrowes, which are the weapons which they vse to fight withall: The Horsemen killed two of them, [ 40] and the other foure escaped; because the Countrie is cumbersome with Woods and Bogs, where the Horses stacke fast, and fell with their Riders, because they were weake with trauelling vpon the Sea. The same night following the Gouernour with an hundred men in the Brigantines lighted vpon a Towne, which he found without people, because, that assoone as the Christians had sight of Land, they were descried, and saw along the Coast many smokes, which the Indi∣ans had made to giue aduice the one to the other. The next day Luys de Moscoso, Master of the Campe set the men in order, the Horsemen in three Squadrons, the Vantgard, the Batalion, and the R••reward: and so they marched that day, and the day following, compassing great Creekes which came out of the Bay: They came to the Towne of Vcita, where the Gouernour was, on Sunday the first of Iune, being Trinitie Sunday. The Towne was of seuen or eight houses. The * 1.164 [ 50] Lords house stood neere the shoare vpon a very high Mount, made by hand for strength. At ano∣ther end of the Towne stood the Church, and on the top of it stood a fowle made of wood with gilded eies. Here we found some Pearles of small value, spoiled with the fire, which the Indi∣ans doe pierce and string them like Beads, and weare them about their neckes and hand-wrists, * 1.165 and they esteeme them very much. The houses were made of Timber, and couered with Palme leanes.

From the Towne of Vcita the Gouernour sent Alcalde Maior Baltasar de Gallegos with for∣tie Horsemen and eightie Footmen into the Countrie to see if they could take any Indians: and the Captaine Iohn Rodriguez L••billo another way with fiftie Footmen. Iohn Rodriguez Lobillo returned to the Campe with sixe men wounded, whereof one died, and brought the foure Indian [ 60] women, which Baltasar Gallegos had taken in the Cabbins or Cottages. Two leagues from the Towne; comming into the plaine field, he espied ten or eleuen Indians, among whom was a Chri∣stian, which was naked and scorched with the Sunne, and had his armes razed after the manner of the Indians, and differed nothing at all from them. And assoone as the Horsemen saw them

they ranne toward them. The Indians fled, and some of them hid themselues in a Wood, and they ouertooke two or three of them which were wounded: and the Christian seeing an Horse∣man runne vpon him with his Lance, began to crie out, Sirs, I am a Christian, slay mee not, nor these Indians, for they haue saued my life. And straight way hee called them, and put them out of feare, and they came forth of the Wood vnto them. The Horsemen tooke both the Christian and the Indians vp behind them; and toward night came into the Campe with much ioy: which thing being knowne by the Gouernour, and them that remained in the Campe, they were re∣ceiued with the like.

This Christians name was Iohn Ortiz, and hee was borne in Siuill, of Worshipfull Parentage. * 1.166 He was twelue yeeres in the hands of the Indians. He came into this Countrie with Pamphilo de [ 10] Naruaez; and returned in the ships to the Iland of Cuba, where the Wife of the Gouernour Pam∣philo de Naruaez was: and by his commandement with twentie or thirtie other in a Brigandine, returned backe againe to Florida: and comming to the Port in the sight of the Towne, on the shoare they saw a Cane sticking in the ground, and riuen at the top, and a Letter in it: and they beleeued that the Gouernour had left it there to giue aduertisement of himselfe, when hee resolued to goe vp into the Land: and they demanded it of foure or fiue Indians, which walked along the Sea shoare: and they bad them by signes to come on shoare for it: which against the will of the rest Iohn Ortiz and another did. And assoone as they were on the Land, from the hou∣ses of the Towne issued a great number of Indians, which compassed them about, and tooke them in a place where they could not flee: and the other which sought to defend himselfe, they pre∣sently [ 20] killed vpon the place and tooke Iohn Ortiz aliue, and carried him to Vcita their Lord. And those of the Brigandine sought not to land, but put themselues to Sea, and returned to the the Iland of Cuba. Vcita commanded to bind Iohn Ortiz hand and foot vpon foure stakes aloft vpon a raft, and to make a fire vnder him, that there he might bee burned: But a daughter of his desired him that he would not put him to death, alleaging, that one only Christian could do him neither hurt nor good, telling him, that it was more for his honour to keepe him as a Captiue. And Ucita granted her request, and commanded him to bee cured of his wounds: and assoone as he was whole, he gaue him the charge of the keeping of the Temple: because that by night the Wolues did carrie away the dead corpses out of the same: who commended himselfe to God and * 1.167 tooke vpon him the charge of his Temple. One night the Wolues gate from him the corpses of [ 30] a little child, the Sonne of a principall Indian; and going after them he threw a Dart at one of the Wolues, and strooke him that carried away the corps, who feeling himselfe wounded, left it, and fell downe dead neere the place: and hee not woting what he had done, because it was night, went backe againe to the Temple: the morning being come, and finding not the bodie of the childe, he was very sad. Assoone as Vcita knew thereof, he resolued to put him to death; and sent by the tract, which hee said the Wolues went, and found the bodie of the childe, and the Wolfe dead a little beyond: whereat Vcita was much contented with the Christian, and with the watch which hee kept in the Temple, and from thence forward esteemed him much. Three yeeres after he fell into his hands, there came another Lord called Mocoço, who dwelleth two * 1.168 daies iourney from the Port, and burned his Towne. Vcita fled to another Towne that he had in [ 40] another Sea Port. Thus Iohn Ortiz lost his office and fauour that he had with him. These people being worshippers of the Deuill, are wont to offer vp vnto him the liues and bloud of their In∣dians or of any other people they can come by: and they report, that when hee will haue them doe that Sacrifice vnto him, he speaketh with them, and telleth them that hee is athirst, and * 1.169 willeth them to sacrifice vnto him. Iohn Ortiz had notice by the Damosell that had deliuered him from the fire, how her father was determined to sacrifice him the day following, who willed him to flee to Mocoço: for she knew that he would vse him well: for she heard say, that he had asked for him, and said he would be glad to see him: and because he knew not the way, she went with him halfe a league out of the Towne by night, and set him in the way, and returned be∣cause she would not be discouered. Iohn Ortiz trauelled all that night, and by the morning came * 1.170 vnto a Riuer, which is in the Territorie of Mocoço. Three or foure Indians carried the newes to [ 50] their Lord: who came forth a quarter of a league from the Towne to receiue him; and was very glad of him. He caused him presently to sweare according to the custome of the Christians, that he would not runne away from him to any other Lord: and promised him to entreate him very well; and that if at any time there came any Christians into that Countrie, he would freely let him goe, and giue him leaue to goe to them: and likewise tooke his oath to performe the same according to the Indian custome. He dwelt with Mocoço nine yeeres, with small hope of seeing any Christians. Assoone as our Gouernour arriued in Florida, it was knowne to Mocoço, and straightway he signified to Iohn Ortiz, that Christians were lodged in the Towne of Vcita. And Mocoço gaue him ten or eleuen principal Indians to beare him company: and as they went to the [ 60] P••rt where the Gouernour was, they met with Baltasar de Gallegos, as I haue declared before. Assoone as hee was come to the Campe, the Gouernour commanded to giue him a sute of appa∣rell, and very good Armour, and a faire Horse; and enquired of him, whether hee had notice of any Countrie where there was any Gold or Siluer? He answered, No, because hee neuer went

ten leagues compasse from the place where he dwelt: But that thirty leagues from thence dwelt an Indian Lord, which was called Parocassi, to whom Mocoço and Vcita, with all the rest of that * 1.171 Goast payed Tribute, and that he peraduenture might haue notice of some good Countrie: and that his Land was better then that of the Sea-coast, and more fruitfull and plentifull of Maiz. Whereof the Gouernour receiued great contentment: and said that hee desired no more then to find victuals, that he might goe into maine Land, for the Land of Florida, was so large, that in one place or other there could not choose but bee some Countrie. The Cacique Mocoço came to the Port to visit the Gouernour.

The Gouernour answered him, That although in freeing and sending him the Christian, he had preserued his honour and promise, yet he thanked him, and held it in such esteeme, as it had no [ 10] comparison; and that he would alwayes hold him as his Brother, and would fauour him in all things to the vtmost of his power. Then he commanded a shirt to be giuen him, and other things wherewith the Cacique being very well contented, to his leaue of him, and departed to his owne Towne.

From the Port de Spirito Santo where the Gouernour lay, he sent the Alcalde Maier Baltasar de Gallego; with fiftie Horsemen, and thirtie or fortie Footmen to the Prouince of Paracossi, to view the disposition of the Countrie, and informe himselfe of the Land farther inward, and to send him word of such things as he found. Likewise he sent his ships backe to the Iland of Cu∣ba, that they might returne within a certaine time with victuals. Vasques Porcallo de Figueroa, which went with the Gouernour as Captaine Generall, (whose principall intent was to send slaues from Florida, to the Iland of Cuba, where he had his goods and Mynes) hauing made some [ 20] In-rodes, and seeing no Indians were to be got, because of the great Bogges and thicke Woods that were in the Countrie, considering the disposition of the same, determined to returne to Cu∣ba. And though there was some difference betweene him and the Gouernour, whereupon they neither dealt nor conuersed together with good countenance, yet notwithstanding with louing words hee asked him leaue and departed from him. Baltasar de Gallegos came to the Paracossi: * 1.172 There came to him thirty Indians from the Cacique, and said, that their Lord was ill at ease, and therefore could not come, but that they came on his behalfe to see what he demanded. Hee asked them if they knew or had notice of any rich Country where there was Gold or Siluer. They told them they did: and that toward the West, there was a Prouince which was called Cale; and * 1.173 that others that inhabited other Countries had warre with the people of that Countrie, where [ 30] the most part of the yeere was Summer, and that there was much Gold: and that when those their enemies came to make warre with them of Cale, these Inhabitants of Cale did weare hats of Gold, in manner of Head-pieces. Baltasar de Gallegos, seeing that the Cacique came not, thinking all that they said was fained, with intent that in the meane time they might set them∣selues in safetie, fearing, that if he did let them goe, they would returne no more, commanded the thirtie Indians to be chained, and sent word to the Gouernour by eight Horsemen what had passed whereof the Gouernour with all that were with him, at the Port de Spirito Santo receiued great comfort, supposing that that which the Indians reported, mght be true. Hee left Captaine Calderan at the Port, with thirtie Horsemen and seuentie Footmen, with prouision for two [ 40] yeeres, and himselfe with all the rest marched into the mayne Land, and came to the Paracossi, * 1.174 at whose Towne Batasar de Gallegos was: and from thence with all his men tooke the way to Cale. He passed by a little Towne called Acela, and came to another called Tocaste: and from thence he went before with thirtie Horsemen, and fiftie Footmen toward Cale. And passing by * 1.175 a Towne, whence the people were fled, they saw Indians a little from thence in a Lake; to whom the Interpretor spake. They came vnto them and gaue them an Indian for a guide: and hee came to a Riuer with a great current, and vpon a Tree, which was in the midst of it, was made a Bridge, whereon the men passed: the Horses swamme ouer by a Hawser, that they were pulled by from the otherside: for one which they droue in at the first without it, was drowned. From thence the Gouernour sent two Horsemen to his people that were behind, to make haste [ 50] after him; because the way grew long, and their victuals short. He came to Cale, and found the * 1.176 Towne without people. He tooke three Indians which were Spies, and tarried there for his people that came after, which were sore vexed with hunger and euill wayes, because the Coun∣trie was very barren of Maiz, low, and full of water, bogs, and thicke woods; and the victuals, which they brought with them from the Port de Spirito Santo, were spent. Wheresoeuer any * 1.177 Towne was found, there were some Beets, and he that came first gathered them, and sodden with water and salt, did eate them without any other thing: and such as could not get them, gathe∣red the stalkes of Maiz and eate them, which because they were young had no Maiz in them. When they came to the Riuer which the Gouernour had passed, they found Palmitos vpon low Palme-trees like those of Andaluzia. There they met with the two Horsemen which the Go∣uernour [ 60] sent vnto them, and they brought newes that in Cale there was plentie of Maiz; at which newes they all reioyced. Assoone as they came to Cale, the Gouernour commanded them to gather all the Maiz that was ripe in the field, which was sufficient for three moneths. At the gathering of it the Indians killed three Christians, and one of them which were taken told

the Gouernour, that within seuen dayes iourney, there was a very great Prouince, and plenti∣full of Maiz, which was called Apalache. And presently hee departed from Cale with fiftie Horsemen, and sixtie Footmen. He left the Master of the Campe Luys de Moscoso with all the rest of the people there, with charge that he should not depart thence vntill he had word from him. And because hitherto none had gotten any slaues, the bread that euery one was to eate, hee was fame himselfe to beate in a Morter made in a piece of Timber with a Pestle, and some of them * 1.178 did sift the flowre through their shirts of Mayle. They baked their bread vpon certaine Tile∣shares which they set ouer the fire. It is so troublesome to grinde their Maiz, that there were many that would rather not eat it, then grind it: and did eate the Maiz parched and sodden.

The eleuenth day of August 1539. the Gouernour departed from Cale; hee lodged in a little Towne called Y••ara, and the next day in another called Potano, and the third day at Vtinama, and * 1.179 [ 10] came to another Towne, which they named the Towne of Euill peace; because an Indian came in peace, saying, That he was the Cacique, and that he with his people would serue the Gouernour, and that if he would set free eight and twentie persons, men and women, which his men had ta∣the night before, he would command prouision to be brought him, and would giue him a guide to instruct him in his way: The Gouernour commanded them to be set at libertie, and to keepe him in safegard. The next day in the morning there came many Indians, and set themselues round a∣bout the Towne neere to a Wood. The Indian wished them to carrie him neere them; and that he would speake vnto them, and assure them, and that they would doe whatsoeuer he comman∣ded them. And when he saw himselfe neere vnto them he brake from them, and ranne away so [ 20] swiftly from the Christians, that there was none that could ouertake him, and all of them fled into the Woods. The Gouernour commanded to loose a Greyhound, which was alreadie fleshed * 1.180 on them, which passing by many other Indians, caught the counterfeit Cacique, which had es∣caped from the Christians, and held him till they came to take him. From thence the Gouer∣nour lodged at a Towne called Cholupaha: and because it had store of Maiz in it, they named it * 1.181 Villa farta. Beyond the same there was a Riuer, on which he made a Bridge of Timber, and tra∣uelled two daies through a desert. The seuenteenth of August, he came to Caliquen, where hee was informed of the Prouince of Apalache: They told him that Pamphilo de Naruaez had beene there, and that there he tooke shipping, because he could find no way to goe forward: That there was none other Towne at all; but that on both sides was all water. The whole company were [ 30] verie sad for these newes; and counselled the Gouernour to goe backe to the Port de Spirito San∣to, and to abandon the Countrie of Florida, lest he should perish as Naruaez had done: declaring, that if he went forward, he could not returne backe when he would, and that the Indians would gather vp that small quantitie of Maiz which was left. Whereunto the Gouernour answered, that he would not goe backe, till he had seene with his eies that which they reported: saying, that he could not beleeue it, and that wee should be put out of doubt before it were long. And he sent to Luys de Moscoso to come presently from Cale, and that hee tarried for him heere. Luys de Moscoso and many others thought, that from Apalache they should returne backe; and in Cale they buried their Iron Tooles, and diuers other things. They came to Caliquen with great trou∣ble; because the Countrie, which the Gouernour had passed by, was spoiled and destitue of Maiz. [ 40] After all the people were come together, he commanded a Bridge to bee made ouer a Riuer that passed neere the Towne. Hee departed from Caliquen the tenth of September, and carried the Cacique with him. After hee had trauelled three dayes, there came Indians peaceably, to visit * 1.182 their Lord, and euery day met vs on the way playing vpon Flutes: which is a token that they vse, that men may know that they come in peace. They said, that in our way before was there a Cacique, whose name was Vzachil, a Kinsman of the Cacique of Caliquen their Lord, wayting for him with many presénts, and they desired the Gouernour that hee would loose the Cacique. But hee would not, fearing that they would rise, and would not giue him any Guides, and sent them away from day to day with good wordes. He trauelled fiue daies, passed by some small Townes, came to a Towne called Napetuca, the fif∣teenth * 1.183 day of September. There were thirtie or fortie Indians slaine. The rest fled to two very [ 50] great Lakes, that were somewhat distant the one from the other: There they were swimming, and the Christians round about them. The Calieuermen and Crosse-bowmen shot at them from the banke; but the distance being great, and shooting afarre off, they did them no hurt. The Go∣uernour commanded that the same night they should compasse one of the Lakes, because they were so great, that there were not men enow to compasse them both: beeing beset, assoone as night shut in, the Indians, with determination to runne away, came swimming very softly to the banke; and to hide themselues, they put a water Lilly leafe on their heads. The Horsemen assoone * 1.184 as they perceiued it to stirre, ranne into the water to the Horses breasts, and the Indians fled a∣gaine into the Lake. So this night passed without any rest on both sides. Iohn Ortiz perswaded [ 60] them, that seeing they could not escape, they should yeeld themselues to the Gouernour: which they did, enforced thereunto by the coldnesse of the water; and one by one, hee first whom the cold did first ouercome, cried to Iohn Ortiz, desiring that they would not kill him, for he came to put himselfe into the hands of the Gouernour. By the morning watch they made an end of yeel∣ding

themselues: only twelue principall men, being more honourable and valorous then the rest, resolued rather to die then to come into his hands. And the Indians of Paracossi, which were now loosed out of chaines, went swimming to them, and pulled them out by the haire of their heads, and they were all put in chaines, and the next day were diuided among the Christians * 1.185 for their seruice. Being thus in captiuitie, they determined to rebell; and gaue in charge to an Indian, which was Interpretor, and held to bee valiant, that assoone as the Gouernour did come to speake with him, hee should cast his hands about his necke, and choake him: Who, when he saw opportunitie, laid hands on the Gouernor, and before he cast his hands about his necke, he gaue him such a blow on the nostrils, that he made them gush out with bloud, and presently all the rest did rise. He that could get any weapons at hand or the handle wherwith he [ 10] did grind the Maiz, sought to kill his Master, or the first hee met before him: and hee that could get a Lance or Sword at hand, bestirred himselfe in such sort with it, as though he had vsed it all his life time. One Indian in the Market place enclosed betweene fifteene or twentie Footmen, made away like a Bull with a Sword in his hand, till certaine Halbardiers of the Gouernor came, which killed him. Another gat vp with a Lance to a loft made of Canes, which they build to keepe their Maiz in, which they call a Barbacoa, and there he made such a noyse, as though tenne men had beene there defending the doore: they slue him with a partisan. The Indians were in all about two hundred men. They were all subdued. And some of the youngest the Gouernour gaue to * 1.186 them which had good chaines, and were carefull to looke to them that they gat not away. All the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he commanded to be put to death, being tyed to a stake in the midst of the Market place: [ 20] and the Indians of the Paracossi did shoot them to death.

The G〈…〉〈…〉 nour departed from Napetuca the three and twentieth of September: hee lodged by a Riuer, where two Indians brought him a Bucke from the Cacique of Vzachil. The next * 1.187 day he passed by a great Towne called Hapaluya; and lodged at Vzachil, and found no people in it, because they durst not tarrie for the notice the Indians had of the slaughter of Napetuca. Hee * 1.188 found in that Towne great store of Maiz, French Beanes and * 1.189 Pompions, which is their food, and that wherewith the Christians there sustained themselues. The Maiz is like course Millet, and the Pompions are better and more sauourie then those of Spaine. From thence the Gouer∣nour sent two Captaines each a sundry way to seeke the Indians. They tooke an hundred men and women: of which aswell there as in other places where they made any inrodes, the Captain [ 30] chose one or two for the Gouernour, and diuided the rest to himselfe, and those that went with him. They led these Indians in chaines with Iron collars about their neckes; and they serued to carrie their stuffe, and to grind their Maiz, ••and for other seruices that such Captiues could doe. Sometimes it happened that going for wood or Maiz with them, they killed the Christian that led them, and ranne away with the chaine: others filed their chaines by night with a piece of stone, wherewith they cut them, and vse it in stead of Iron. Those that were perceiued paid for themselues, and for the rest, because they should not dare to doe the like another time. The wo∣men and young boyes, when they were once an hundred leagues from their Countrie, and had forgotten things, they let goe loose, and so they serued; and in a very short space they vnder∣stood the Language of the Christians. From Vzachil the Gouernour departed toward Apalache, [ 40] and in two dayes iourney, he came to a Towne called Axille, and from thence forward the Indi∣ans, * 1.190 were carelesse, because they had as yet no notice of the Christians. The next day in the mor∣ning, the first of October, he departed from thence, and commanded a Bridge to be made ouer a * 1.191 Riuer which he was to passe.

The Gouernour passed vpon Wednesday, which was Saint Francis his day, and lodged at a * 1.192 Towne which was called Vitachuco, subiect to Apalache: he found it burning; for the Indians had set it on fire. From thence forward the Countrie was much inhabited, and had great store of Maiz. He passed by many Granges like Hamlets. On Sunday the fiue and twentieth of Octo∣ber, * 1.193 he came to a Towne, which is called Uzela, and vpon Tuesday to Anaica Apalace, where the Lord of all that Countrie and Prouince was resident: in which Towne the Campemaster, [ 50] whose office it is to quarter out and lodge men, did lodge all the company round about within a league and halfe a league of it. There were other Townes, where was great store of Maiz, Pom∣pions, French Beanes, and Plummes of the Countrie, which are better then those of Spaine, and they grow in the fields without plantin. The victuals that were thought necessary to passe the Winter, were gathered from these Townes to Anaica Apalache. The Gouernour was informed, * 1.194 that the Sea was ten leagues from thence. He presently sent a Captaine thither with Horsemen and Footmen: And sixe leagues on the way he found a Towne, which was named Ochete, and so came to the Sea, and found a great tree felled, and cut it into peeces, with stakes set vp like mangers, and saw the skuls of horses. He returned with this newes. And that was held for cer∣taine, which was reported of Pamphilo de Naruaez, that there he had builded the barkes where∣with [ 60] he went out of the land of Florida, and was cast away at Sea. Presently the Gouernour sent Iohn Danusco with thirty horsemen to the port de Spiritu Santo, where Calderan was with order that they should abandon the port, and all of them come to Apalache. He departed on Sa∣turday the seuenteenth of Nouember. In Uzachil and other townes that stood in the wa•• hee

found great store of people already carelesse. He would take none of the Indians for not hindring himselfe, because it behooued him to giue them no leasure to gather themselues together: Hee passed through the Townes by night, and rested without the Townes three or fou••e houres. In * 1.195 ten daies he came to the Port de Spirito Santo. Hee carried with him twenty Indian women, which he tooke in Yeara, and Potano, neere vnto Cale, and sent them to Donna Isabella, in the two Carauels, which he sent from the Port de Spirito Santo to Cuba. And he carried all the footemen in the Brigandines, and coasting along the shoare, came to Apalache. And Calderan with the horsemen, and some crossebow-men on foote went by land; and in some places the Indians set vpon him, and wounded fome of his men. As soone as he came to Apalache, presently the Go∣uernour sent sawed plankes and spikes to the Sea side, wherewith was made a Piragna or Barke, [ 10] wherein were embarked thirty men well armed, which went out of the Bay to the Sea, looking for the Brigandines. Sometimes they fought with the Indians, which passed along the harbour in their Canoes. Vpon Saturday, the twenty nine of Nouember, there came an Indian through the Watch vndiscouered, and set the Towne on fire, and with the great winde that blew, two parts of it were consumed in a short time. On Sunday the twenty eight of December came Iohn Danusco with the Brigandines. The Gouernor sent Francisco Maldonado, a Captain of footmen, with fiftie men to discouer the coast Westward, & to seeke some Port, because he had determined to goe by land, & discouer that part. That day there went out eight horsemen by commandement of the Gouernour into the field, two leagues about the Towne to seeke Indians: for they were now so emboldened, that within two crossebow shot of the campe, they came & slew men. They [ 20] found two men and a woman gathering French Beanes: the men, though they might haue fled, yet because they would not leaue the woman, which was one of their wiues, they resolued to die fighting: and before they were slaine, they wounded three horses, whereof one died within a few daies after. Calderan going with his men by the Sea-coast, from a wood that was neere the place, the Indians set vpon him, and made him forsake his way, and many of them that went with him for sooke some necessary victuals, which they carried with them. Three or foure dayes after the limited time giuen by the Gouernor to Maldonado for his going and comming, being already determined and resolued, if within eight dayes he did not come, to tarry no longer for him, hee came, and brought an Indian from a Prouince, which was called Ochus, sixty leagues Westward * 1.196 from Apalache; where he had found a good Port of good depth and defense against weather. And [ 30] because the Gouernor hoped to finde a good Countrie forward, he was very well contented. And he sent Maldonado for victuals to Hauana, with order, that hee would tarrie for him at the Port of Ochus, which he had discouered, for he would goe seeke it by land: and if he should chance to stay, and not come thither that summer, that then he should returne to Hauana, & should come againe the next summer after, and tarry for him at that Port: for he said he would doe none other thing but goe to seeke Ochus. Francisco Maldonado departed, and in his place for Captaine of the * 1.197 footemen remained Iohn de Guzman. Of those Indians which were taken in Napetuca, the treasu∣rer Iohn Gaytan had a yong man, which said, that he was not of that Countrie, but of another far off toward the Sunrising, and that it was long since he had trauelled to see Countries; and that his Countrie was called Yupaha, and that a woman did gouerne it: and that the Towne where shee [ 40] was resident was of a wonderfull bignesse, and that many Lords round about were tributaries to her: and some gaue her clothes, and others Gold in abundance: and he told, how it was taken out of the Mines, and was moulten & refined, as if he had seene it done, or the Diuell had taught * 1.198 it him. So that all those which knew any thing concerning the same, said that it was impossible to giue so good a relation, without hauing seene it: And all of them, as if they had seene it, by the signes that he gaue, beleeued all that he said to be true.

On Wednesday the third of March, of the yeere 1540. the Gouernour departed from A∣naica Apalache to seeke Yupaha. He commanded his men to goe prouided with Maiz for sixtie leagues of desert. The horsemen carried their Maiz on their horses, and the footemen at their sides: because the Indians that were for seruice, with their miserable life that they lead that win∣ter, * 1.199 being naked and in chaines, died for the most part. Within foure dayes iourney they came [ 50] to a great Riuer: and they made a piragua or ferrie boate, and because of the great current, they made a cable with chaines, which they fastened on both sides of the Riuer; and the ferrie boate went along by it, and the horses swam ouer, being drawne with capstans. Hauing pas∣sed the Riuer, in a day and a halfe they came to a Towne called Capachiqui. Vpon Friday, the e∣leuenth of March, they found Indians in armes. The next day fiue Christians went to seeke * 1.200 morters, which the Indians haue to beate their Maiz, and they went to certaine houses on the backe-side of the Campe enuironed with a wood: and within the wood were many Indians which came to sp••e vs; of the which came other fiue and set vpon vs. One of the Christi∣ans came running away, giuing an alarme vnto the Campe. Those which were most ready an∣swered [ 60] the alarme. They found one Christian dead, and three sore wounded. The Indians fled vnto a lake adioyning neere a very thicke wood, where the horses could not enter. The Gouer∣nour departed from Capachiqui, and passed through a desert. On Wednesday the twenty one of the moneth he came to a Towne called Toalli: And from thence forward there was a diffe∣rence

in the houses. For those which were behinde vs were thatched with straw, and those of Toalli were couered with reedes, in manner of tiles. These houses are very clenly. Some of them * 1.201 had wals daubed with clay, which shewed like a mudwall. In all the cold Countries the Indians haue euery one a house for the winter daubed with clay within & without, and the doores is ve∣ry little; they shut it by night, and make fire within, so that they are in it as warme as in a stoue: and so it continueth all night that they neede not cloathes: and besides these, they haue others for Summer; and their kitchins neere them, where they make fire and bake their bread; and they haue barbacoas wherein they keepe their Maiz; which is an house set vp in the aire vpon foure stakes, boorded about like a chamber, and the floore of it is of cane hurdles. The difference which Lords or principall mens houses haue from the rest, besides they be greater, is, that they haue [ 10] great galleries in their fronts, & vnder them seates made of canes in manner of benches: and round about them they haue many lotts, wherein they lay vp that which the Indians doe giue them for tribute, which is Maiz, Deeres skins, and mantles of the Countrie, which are like blankets: they * 1.202 make them of the inner rinde of the barkes of trees & some of a kinde of grasse like vnto nettles, which being beaten, is like vnto flaxe. The women couer themselues with these Mantles; they put one about them from the waste downeward; and another ouer their shoulder, with their right arme out, like vnto the Egyptians. The men weare but one Mantle vpon their shoulders after the same manner; and haue their secrets hid with a Deeres skin, made like a linnen breech, which was wont to be vsed in Spaine. The skins are well corried, and they giue them whatco∣lour they list, so perfect, that if it be red, it seemeth a very fine cloath in graine, and the blacke is * 1.203 [ 20] most fine: and of the same leather they make shooes; and they dye their Mantles in the same co∣lours. The Gouernor departed from T••alli the foure and twentieth of March: he came on Thurs∣day at euening to a small Riuer, where a bridge was made whereon the people passed, and Benit Fernandez a Portugall fell off from it, and was drowned. As soone as the Gouernour had passed * 1.204 the Riuer, a little distance thence he found a Towne called Achese. The Indians had notice of the * 1.205 Christians; they leaped into a Riuer: some men and women were taken; among which was one that vnderstood the youth which guided the Gouernour to Yupaha: whereby that which he had reported was more confirmed. For they had passed through Countries of diuers languages, and some which he vnderstood not. The Gouernour sent by one of the Indians that were taken to call the Cacique, which was on the other side of the Riuer. He came. The Gouernour told him [ 30] that he was the Sonne of the Sunne, and came from those parts where hee dwelt, and trauelled through that Countrie, and sought the greatest Lord, and richest Prouince that was in it. The Ca∣cique * 1.206 told him, that farther forward dwelt a great Lord, and that his dominion was called Ocute. He gaue him a guide and an Interpreter for that Prouince. The Gouernour commanded his In∣dians to be set free, and trauelled through his Countrie vp a Riuer very well inhabited. Hee de∣parted * 1.207 from his Towne the first of Aprill; and left a very high crosse of Wood set vp in the mid∣dest of the market place: and because the time gaue no more leasure, hee declared to him onely, that that crosse was a memoriall of the same, whereon Christ, which was God and man, and created the heauens and the earth, suffered for our saluation: therefore he exhorted them that they should reuerence it: and they made shew as though they would doe so. The fourth of A∣prill [ 40] they passed by a Town called Altamaca, and the tenth of the moneth he came to Ocute. The * 1.208 Cacique sent him two thousand Indians with a present, to wit, many Conies, & Partridges, bread of Maiz, two Hens, and many Dogs: which among the Christians were esteemed as if they had * 1.209 beene fat Wethers, because of the great want of flesh meate and Salt, and hereof in many places, and many times was great neede; and they were so scarse, that if a man fell sicke, there was no∣thing to cherrish him withall; and with a sicknesse, that in another place easily might haue beene remedied, he consumed away till nothing but skinne and bones were left: and they died of pure weakenesse, some of them saying, If I had a slice of meate, or a few cornes of Salt, I should not di••. And because they were thus scanted of flesh, when six hundred men that went with Soto, came to any Towne, and found thirty or forty Dogs, he that could get one and kill it, thought him∣selfe [ 50] no small man: and he that killed it, and gaue not his Captaine one quarter, if he knew it, he frowned on him, and made him feele it, in the watches, or in any other matter of labour that was offered, wherein he might doe him a displeasure. On Monday, the twelth of Aprill, the Gouernour departed from Ocute: The Cacique gaue him two hundred Tamenes, to wit, Indians to carrie burdens: he passed through a Towne, the Lord whereof was named Cofaqui, and came to a Prouince of an Indian Lord, called Patofa. * 1.210

This Countrie, from the first peaceable Cacique, vnto the Prouince of Patofa, which were fiftie leagues, is a fat Countrie, Beautifull, and very fruitfull, and very well watered, and full * 1.211 of good Riuers. And from thence to the Port de Spirito Santo, where we first arriued in the land of Florida (which may be 350. leagues, little more or lesse) is a barren land, and the most of it [ 60] groues of wilde Pine-trees, low and full of lakes, and in some places very high and thicke groues, * 1.212 whither the Indians that were in armes fled, so that no man could finde them, neither could any horses enter into them.

In the Towne of Patofa, the youth which the Gouernour carried with him for an Interpre∣tour

and a guide, began to fome at the mouth, and tumble on the ground, as one possessed with the Diuell: They said a Gospell ouer him; and the fit left him. And he said, that foure daies iournie from thence toward the Sunne rising, was the Prouince that hee spake of. The Indians of Patofa said, that toward that part they knew no habitation; but that toward the Northwest, they knew a Prouince which was called Coço, a very plentifull Countrie, which had very great Townes in it. The Cacique told the Gouernour, that if he would goe thither, he would giue him guides and Indians for burdens; and if he would goe whither the youth spake of, that hee would likewise giue him those that he needed: and so with louing words and offers of courtesie, they tooke their leaues the one of the other. He gaue him seuen hundred Indians to beare burdens. He tooke Maiz for foure dayes iournie. He trauelled six daies by a path which grew narrow more and more, till it was lost altogether: He went where the youth did lead him, and passe two Riuers * 1.213 [ 10] which were waded: each of them was two crossebowshot ouer: the water came to the stirrops, and had so great a current, that it was needefull for the horsemen to stand one before another, that the footemen might passe aboue them leaning vnto them. He came to another Riuer of a greater current and largenesse, which was passed with more trouble, because the horses did swim * 1.214 at the comming out about a lances length. Hauing passed this Riuer, the Gouernour came to a groue of Pinetrees, and threatned the youth, and made as though hee would haue cast him to the dogs, because he had told him a lye, saying, it was but foure daies iournie, and they had trauelled * 1.215 nine, euery day seuen or eight leagues, and the men by this time were growne wearie and weake, and the horses leane through the great scanting of the Maiz. The youth said, that he knew not where he was. It saued him that hee was not cast to the dogs, that there was neuer another [ 20] whom Iohn Ortiz did vnderstand. The Gouernour with them two, and with some horsemen and footemen, leauing the Campe in a groue of Pinetrees, trauelled that day fiue or six leagues to seeke a way, and returned at night very comfortlesse, and without finding any signe of way or towne. The next day, the Gouernour sent other foure with as many horsemen that could swim, to passe the Ose and Riuers which they should finde, and they had choise horses the best that were in the Campe. The Captaines were Baltasar de Galleg••s, which went vp the Riuer; and Iohn Danusco, downe the Riuer: Alfonso Romo, and Iohn Rodriguez Lobillo went into the inward parts of the land. The Gouernour brought with him into Florida thirteene Sowes, * 1.216 and had by this time three hundred Swine: Hee commanded euery man should haue halfe a [ 30] pound of Hogs flesh euery day: and this he did three or foure dayes after the Maiz was spent. With this small quantitie of flesh, and some sodden hearbes, with much trouble the people were sustained. Iohn Danusco came on Sunday late in the euening, and brought newes that hee had found a little Towne twelue or thirteene leagues from thence: he brought a Woman and a Boy that he had tooke there. With his comming and with those newes, the Gouernour and all the rest were so glad, that they seemed at that instant to haue returned from death to life. Vpon Monday, the twenty six of Aprill, the Gouernour departed to goe to the Towne, which was called Aymay; and the Christians named it the Towne of Reliefe. He left where the Campe had lien at the foote of a Pinetree a letter buried, and letters carued in the barke of the Pine, the * 1.217 contents whereof was this: Digge here at the foot of this Pine, and you shall finde a letter. And [ 40] this he did, because when the Captaines came, which were sent to seeke some habitation, they might see the letter, and know what was become of the Gouernour, and which way hee was gone. There was no other way to the Towne, but the markes that Io••n Danusco left made vp∣on the trees. The Gouernour with some of them that had the best horses came to it on the Mon∣day: And all the rest inforcing themselues the best they could, some of them lodged within two leagues of the Towne, some within three and foure, euery one as he was able to goe, and his strength serued him. There was found in the Towne a storehouse full of the flowre of parched Maiz; and some Maiz, which was distributed by allowance. Here were foure Indians taken, and none of them would confesse any other thing, but that they knew of none other habitation. The Gouernor commanded one of them to be burned; and presently another confessed, that two daies * 1.218 iournie from thence, there was a Prouince that was called Cutifa-Chiqui. Vpon Wednesday came [ 50] the Captaines Baltasar de Gallegos, Alfonso Romo, and Iohn Rodriguez Lobillo: for they had found the letter, and followed the way which the Gouernour had taken toward the towne. As soone as they came, he departed toward Cutifa-Chiqui. In the way three Indians were taken, which said, that the Lady of that Countrie had notice already of the Christians, and staied for them in a Towne of hers.

Within a little while the Lady came out of the Towne in a Chaire, whereon certaine of the principall Indians brought her to the Riuer. She entred into a Barge which had the Sterne tilted ouer, and on the floore her mat ready laied with two custions vpon it one vpon another, where she sat her downe; and with her came her principall Indians in other Barges, which did wait vp∣on [ 60] her. She went to the place where the Gouernour was. She presented vnto him great store of cloathes of the Countrie, which she brought in other Canoes; to wit, Mantles and Skins; and * 1.219 tooke from her owne necke a great cordon of Pearles, and cast it about the necke of the Gouer∣nour, entertaining him with very gracious speeches and courtesie, and commanded Canoes to

be brought thither, wherein the Gouernor & his people passed the Riuer. As soon as he was lodged in the Town, she sent him another present of many Hens. This Countrie was very pleasant, fat, * 1.220 and hath goodly Medows by the Riuers. Their woods are thin, & full of Walnut trees & Mulber∣ry trees. They said the Sea was two daies iourny from thence. Within a league & halfe about this * 1.221 Towne were great Townes dispeopled, and ouergrown with grasse; which shewed, that they had been long without inhabitants. The Indians said, that two yeers before there was a Plague in that Countrie, and that they remoued to other Townes. There was in their store-houses great quanti∣ty of Clothes, Mantles of yarne made of the barkes of trees, and others made of Feathers, white, greene, red, and yellow, very fine after their vse, and profitable for winter. There were also many Deeres skins, with many compartiments traced in them, and some of them made into hose, [ 10] stockings, and shooes. And the Lady perceiuing that the Christians esteemed the Pearles, adui∣sed the Gouernour to send to search certaine graues that were in that Towne, and that he should finde many: and that if he would send to the dispeopled Townes, he might loade all his Horses. They sought the graues of that Towne, and there found foureteene rooues of Pearles, and little Babies and Birds made of them. The people were browne, well made, and well proportioned, * 1.222 and more ciuill then any others that were seene in all the Countrie of Florida, and all of them went shod and cloathed. The youth told the Gouernour, that he began now to enter into the land which he spake of: and some credit was giuen him that it was so, because hee vnderstood the language of the Indians: and he requested that he might be Christened, for he said he desired to become a Christian: He was Christened, and named Peter; and the Gouernour commanded [ 20] him to be loosed from a chaine, in which vntill that time he had gone. This Countrie, as the Indians reported, had beene much inhabited, and had the fame of a good Countrie. And as it see∣meth, * 1.223 the youth which was the Gouernours guide, had heard of it, and that which hee knew by heresay, he affirmed that he had seene, and augmented at his pleasure. In this Towne was found a Dagger and Beades, that had belonged to Christians. The Indians reported, that Christi∣ans had beene in the hauen, which was two dayes iournie from this Towne, many yeeres agoe. He that came thither was the Gouernour, the Licenciate Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, which went to conquer this Countrie, and at his comming to the Port hee died; and there was a diuision, quarrels and slaughters betweene some principall men which went with him, for the principall gouernment: And without knowing any thing of the Countrie, they returned home to His∣paniola. [ 30] All the Company thought it good to inhabit that Countrie, because it was in a tempe∣rate climate: And that if it were inhabited, all the Ships of New Spaine, of Peru, Santa Mar∣tha, and Tierra firme, in their returne for Spaine, might well touch there: because it was in their way; and because it was a good Countrie, and sited fit to raise commoditie. The Gouernour, since his intent was to seeke another treasure, like that of Atabalipa Lord of Peru, was not conten∣ted with a good Countrie, nor with Pearles, though many of them were worth their weight in Gold. And if the Countrie had beene diuided among the Christians, those which the In∣dians had fished for afterward, would haue beene of more value: for those which they had, because they burned them in the fire, did leese their colour. The Gouernour answered them, that vrged him to inhabit, That in all the Countrie, there were not victuals to sustaine his men [ 40] one moneth; and that it was needefull to resort to the Port of Ocus, where Maldanado was to stay for them: and that if no richer Countrie were found, they might returne againe to that * 1.224 whensoeuer they would; and in the meane time the Indians would sow their fields, and it would be better furnished with Maiz. He inquired of the Indians, whether they had notice of any great Lord farther into the land. They told him, that twelue daies iourney from thence, there was a Prouince called Chiaha, subiect to the Lord of Coça. Presently the Gouernour determined to seeke that land. And being a sterne man, and of few words, though he was glad to sift and know the opinion of all men, yet after he had deliuered his owne, hee would not be contraried, and al∣wayes did what liked himselfe, and so all men did condescend vnto his will. [ 50]

§. II.

SOTOS further Discoueries in Florida and manifold various Aduen∣tures till hee came to Tulla.

THe Gouernour departed from Cutifa Chiqui the third day of May. And because the In∣dians had reuolted, and the will of the Ladie was perceiued, that if shee could, shee would depart without giuing any Guides or men for burdens, for the wrongs which the Christians had done to the Indians: (for there neuer want some among many of a base [ 60] sort, that for a little gaine doe put themselues and others in danger of vndoing.) The Gouernour * 1.225 commanded her to be kept in safegard, and carried with him, not with so good vsage as shee de∣serued for the good will she shewed. And he carried her on foot with his bond-women to looke vnto her. In all the Townes where the Gouernour passed, the Lady commanded the Indians to

come and carrie the burdens from one Towne to another. Wee passed through her Countrie an hundred leagues, in which, as wee saw, shee was much obeyed. For the Indians did all that shee commanded them with great efficacie and diligence. In seuen dayes space the Gouernour came * 1.226 to a Prouince called Chalaque, the poorest Countrie of Maiz that was seene in Florida. The In∣dians fed vpon Roots and Herbes which they seeke in the fields, and vpon wilde beasts, which they kill with their Bowes and Arrowes: and it is a very gentle people. All of them goe naked, and are very leane. There was a Lord, which for a great Present, brought the Gouernour two Deeres skinnes: and there were in that Countrie many wilde Hens. In one Towne they made him a Present of seuen hundred Hens, and so in other Townes they sent him those which they * 1.227 had or could get. From this Prouince to another, which is called Xualla, hee spent fiue dayes: [ 10] here he found very little Maiz; and for this cause, though the people were wearied, and the horses very weake, hee stayed no more but two dayes. From Ocute to Cutifa-chiqui may bee * 1.228 some hundred and thirtie leagues, whereof eightie are Wildernesse. From Cutifa-chiqui to Xualla, two hundred and fiftie, and it is an Hilly Countrie. The Gouernour departed from Xualla to∣ward Guaxule: he passed very rough and high hils. In that iourney, the Lady of Cutifa-chiqui (whom the Gouernour carried with him, as is aforesaid, with purpose to carrie her to Guaxule, because her Territorie reached thither) going on a day with the bond-women which lead her, * 1.229 went out of the way, and entred into a Wood, saying, shee went to ease her selfe, and so shee de∣ceiued them, and hid her selfe in the Wood; and though they sought her they could not find her. She carried away with her a little chest made of Canes in manner of a Coffer, which they call [ 20] Petaca, full of vnbored Pearles. Some which could iudge of them, said, that they were of great value. An Indian woman that waited on her did carrie them. The Gouernour not to discontent her altogether, left them with her, making account that in Guaxule he would aske them of her, when he giue her leaue to returne: which Coffer shee carried away, and went to Xualla with three slaues which fled from the Campe, and one Horseman which remained behind, who falling sicke of an Ague went out of the way, and was lost. This man, whose name was Alimamos, dealt with the slaues to change their euill purpose, and returne with him to the Christians: which two of them did; and Alimamos and they ouertooke the Gouernour fiftie leagues from thence in a Prouince called Chiaha; and reported how the Lady remayned in Xualla with a slaue of Andrew de Vasconcellos which would not come backe with them, and that of a certaintie they liued as [ 30] man and wife together, and meant to goe both to Cutifa-chiqui. Within fiue dayes the Gouer∣nour came to Guaxule. The Indians there gaue him a Present of three hundred Dogges, because * 1.230 they saw the Christians esteeme them, and sought them to feed on them: for among them they are not eaten. In Guaxule, and all that way, was very little Maiz. The Gouernour sent from thence an Indian with a message to the Cacique of Chiaha, to desire him to gather some Maiz thither, that he might rest a few dayes in Chiaha. The Gouernour departed from Guaxule, and * 1.231 in two dayes iourney came to a Towne called Canasagua. There met him on the way twentie Indians euery one loaden with a basket full of Mulberies: for there be many, and those very good, from Cutifa-chiqui thither, and so forward in other Prouinces, and also Nuts and Plums. And the trees grow in the fields without planting or dressing them, and are as bigge and as ranke, as [ 40] though they grew in Gardens digged and watered. From the time that the Gouernour depar∣ted from Canasagua, he iournied fiue dayes through a Desert; and two leagues before he came to Chiaha, there met him fifteene Indians loaden with Maiz, which the Cacique had sent; and they told him on his behalfe, that he waited his comming with twentie Barnes full of it; and farther, that himselfe, his Countrie, and subiects, and all things else were at his seruice. On the fift day of Iune, the Gouernour entred into Chiaha: The Cacique voided his owne houses, in which hee lodged, and receiued him with much ioy.

There was in this Towne much Butter in Gourds melted like Oyle: they said it was the fat of Beares. There was found also great store of Oyle of Walnuts, which was cleere as Butter, * 1.232 and of a good taste, and a pot full of Honie of Bees, which neither before nor afterward was seene in all the Countrie. The Towne was in an Iland betweene two armes of a Riuer, and was [ 50] seated nigh one of them. The Riuer diuideth it selfe into those two branches two Crosse-bow shot aboue the Towne, and meeteth againe a league beneath the same. The plaine betweene both the branches is sometimes one Crosse-bow shot, sometimes two Crosse-bow shot ouer. The branches are very broad, and both of them may be waded ouer. There were all along them very good Medowes, and many fields sowne with Maiz. And because the Indians stayed in their Towne, the Gouernour only lodged in the houses of the Cacique, and his people in the fields; where there was euer a tree, euery one tooke one for himselfe. Thus the Campe lay separated one from another, and out of order. The Gouernour winked at it, because the Indians were in peace, and because it was very hot, and the people should haue suffered great extremitie, if it had [ 60] not beene so. The horses came thither so weake, that for feeblenesse, they were not able to carry their Masters: because that from Cutifa-chiqui, they alwayes trauelled with very little Prouen∣der, and were hunger-starued and tired euer since they came from the Desert of Ocute. And be∣cause * 1.233 the most of them were not in case to vse in battell, though need should require, they sent

them to feed in the night a quarter of a league from the Campe. The Christians were there in great danger, because that if at this time the Indians had set vpon them, they had beene in euill * 1.234 case to haue defended themselues. The Gouernour rested there thirtie dayes, in which time, be∣cause the Countrie was very fruitfull, the horses grew fat. A Cacique of a Prouince called Coste, came to this Towne to visit the Gouernour. After he had offered himselfe, and passed with him some words of tendring his seruice and courtesie; the Gouernor asking him whether he had no∣tice of any rich Countrie? he said, yea: to wit, that toward the North, there was a Prouince na∣med Chisca: and that there was a melting of Copper, and of another metal of the same colour, saue that it was finer, and of a far more perfect colour, and far better to the sight; and that they vsed it not so much, because it was softer. And the selfe same thing was told the Gouernour in Cutifa-chiqui; * 1.235 [ 10] where we saw some little Hatchets of Copper, which were said to haue a mixture of Gold. But in that part the Countrie was not wel peopled, and they said there were Mountaines, which the horses could not passe: and for that cause, the Gouernour would not goe from Cutifa-chiqui directly thither: And he made account, that trauelling through a peopled Countrie, when his men and horses should bee in better plight, and hee were better certified of the truth of the thing, he would returne toward it, by Mountaines, and a better inhabited Countrie, whereby he might haue better passage. He sent two Christians from Chiaha, with certain Indians which knew the Countrie of Chisca, and the language thereof to view it, and to make report of that which they should find; where he told them that he would tarrie for them.

In seuen dayes he came to Coste. The second of Iuly he commanded his Campe to be pitched [ 20] two Crosse-bow shot from the Towne: and with eight men of his guard he went where hee found the Cacique, which to his thinking receiued him with great loue. As he was talking with him, there went from the Campe certaine Footmen to the Towne to seeke some Maiz, and not contented with it, they ransacked and searched the houses, and took what they found. With this despite the Indians began to rise and to take their armes: and some of them with cudgels in their hands, ranne vpon fiue or sixe Christians, which had done them wrong, and beat them at their pleasure. The Gouernour seeing them all in an vprore, and himselfe among them with so few Christians, to escape their hands vsed a stratagem, farre against his owne disposition, being, as he was, very franke and open: and thought it grieued him very much that any Indian should bee so bold, as with reason, or without reason to despise the Christians, he tooke vp a cudgell, and tooke * 1.236 [ 30] their parts against his owne men; which was a meanes to quiet them: And presently hee sent word by a man very secretly to the Campe, that some armed men should come toward the place where he was; and he tooke the Cacique by the hand, vsing very milde words vnto him, and with some principall Indians that did accompany him, he drew them out of the Towne into a plaine way, and vnto the sight of the Campe, whither by little and little with good discretion the Christians began to come and to gather about them. Thus the Gouernour led the Cacique, and his chiefe men vntill he entred with them into the Campe: and neere vnto his Tent, hee commanded them to be put in safe custodie: and told them, that they should not depart with∣out giuing him a guide and Indians for burthens, and till certaine sicke Christians were come, which he had commanded to come down the Riuer in Canoes from Chiaha; and those also which [ 40] he had sent to the Prouince of Chisca: (for they were not returned; and he feared that the Indians had flaine the one, and the other.) Within three dayes after, those which were sent to Chisca re∣turned, * 1.237 and made report, that the Indians had carried them through a Countrie so poore of Maiz, and so rough, and ouer so high Mountaynes, that it was impossible for the Armie to trauell that way; and that seeing the way grew very long, and that they lingred much, they consulted to returne from a little poore Towne, where they saw nothing that was of any profit, and brought an Oxe hide, which the Indians gaue them, as thin as a calues skin, and the haire like a soft wool, betweene the course and fine wooll of sheepe. The Cacique gaue a guide, and men for burdens, and departed with the Gouernours leaue. The Gouernour departed from Coste the ninth of Iu∣ly, and lodged at a Towne called Tali. [ 50]

The Cacique commanded prouision necessary for two dayes, while the Gouernour was there, to be brought thither: and at the time of his departure, he gaue him foure women and two men, which he had need of to beare burthens. The Gouernour trauelled sixe dayes through many Townes subiect to the Cacique of Coça: and as he entred into his Countrie many Indians came vnto him euery day from the Cacique, and met him on the way with messages, one going, and another comming. He came to Coça vpon Friday, the sixe and twentieth of Iuly. The Caci∣que came forth to receiue him, two Crosse-bow shot from the Towne in a chaire, which his prin∣cipall men carried on their shoulders, sitting vpon a cushion, and couered with a garment of Mar∣terns, of the fashion and bignesse of a womans Huke: hee had on his head a Diadem of feathers, and round about him many Indians playing vpon Flutes, and singing. [ 60]

There was in the Barnes, and in the fields great store of Maiz and French Beanes: The Coun∣trie * 1.238 was greatly inhabited with many great Townes, and many sowne fields, which reached from the one to the other. It was pleasant, fat, full of good Meadowes vpon Riuers. There were in the fields many Plum-trees, as well of such as grow in Spaine, as of the Countrie: and

wild tall Vines, that runne vp the trees; and besides these, there were other low Vines with bigge and sweet Grapes; but ••or want of digging and dressing, they had great kernels in them. * 1.239 The Gouernour vsed to set a guard ouer the Caciques, because they should not absent themselues, and carried them with him, till he came out of their Countries: because that carrying them a∣long with him, he looked to find people in the Townes, and they gaue him guides, and men to carrie burdens: and before hee went out of their Countries, hee gaue them license to returne to their houses, and to their Porters likewise, assoone as hee came to any other Lordshippe, where they gaue him others. The men of Coça seeing their Lord detained, tooke it in euill part, and reuolted, and hid themselues in the Woods, aswell those of the Towne of the Cacique, as those of the other Townes of his principall subiects. The Gouernour sent out foure Captaines, euery [ 10] one his way to seeke them. They tooke many men and women, which were put into chaines: They seeing the hurt which they receiued, and how little they gained in absenting themselues, came againe, promising to doe whatsoeuer they were commanded.

The Gouernor rested in Coça fiue and twentie dayes. He departed from thence the twentieth * 1.240 of August to seeke a Prouince called Tascaluca: he carried with him the Cacique of Coça. Hee passed that day by a great Towne called Tallimuchase, the people were fled: hee lodged halfe a * 1.241 league farther neere a Brooke. The next day he came to a Towne called Ytaua, subiect to Coça. He stayed there sixe dayes because of a Riuer that passed by it, which at that time was very high; and assoone as the Riuer suffered him to passe, he set forward, and lodged at a Towne named Vl∣libahali. There came to him on the way, on the Caciques behalfe of that Prouince, ten or twelue [ 20] principall ••ndians to offer him his seruice; all of them had their plumes of feathers, and Bowes and Arrowes. The Gouernour comming to the Towne with twelue Horsemen, and some Foot∣men of his Guard, leauing his people a Crosse-bow shot from the Towne, entred into it, hee found all the Indians with their weapons: and as farre as he could ghesse, they seemed to haue some euill meaning. It was knowne afterward, that they were determined to take the Cacique of Coça from the Gouernour, if he had requested it. The Gouernour commanded all his people * 1.242 to enter the Towne, which was walled about, and neere vnto it passed a small Riuer. The wall, aswell of that, as of others, which afterward wee saw, was of great posts thrust deepe into the ground and very rough, and many long railes as bigge as ones armes laid acrosse betweene them, and the wall was about the height of a Lance, and it was daubed within and without with clay, [ 30] and had loope-holes. On the otherside of the Riuer was a Towne, where at that present the Ca∣cique was. The Gouernour sent to call him, and he came presently. After he had passed with the Gouernour some words of offering his seruices, he gaue him such men for his carriages as he nee∣ded, and thirtie women for slaues. In that place was a Christian lost, called Mançano, borne in Salamanca, of noble Parentage, which went astray to seeke for Grapes, whereof there is great store, and those very good. * 1.243

The day that the Gouernour departed from thence, he lodged at a Towne subiect to the Lord of Vllibahali: and the next day hee came to another Towne called Toasi. The Indians gaue the * 1.244 Gouernour thirtie women, and such men for his carriages as hee needed. He trauelled ordinarily fiue or sixe leagues a day when he trauelled through peopled Countries: and going through De∣serts, * 1.245 [ 40] he marched as fast as he could, to es••hew the want of Maiz. From Toasi, passing through some Townes subiect to a Cacique, which was Lord of a Prouince called Tallise, he trauelled fiue dayes: He came to Tallise the eighteenth of September: The Towne was great, and situated neere vnto a maine Riuer. On the other side of the Riuer were other Townes, and many fields sowne with Maiz. On both sides it was a very plentifull Countrie, and had store of Maiz: they had voided the Towne. The Gouernour commanded to call the Cacique; who came, and be∣tweene them passed some words of loue and offer of his seruices, and he presented vnto him for∣tie Indians. There came to the Gouernour in this Towne a principall Indian in the behalfe of the Cacique of Tascaluca.

After hee had rested there twenty dayes, hee departed thence toward Tascaluca. That day when he went from Talisse, he lodged at a great Towne called Casiste. And the next day passed * 1.246 [ 50] by another, and came to a small Towne of Tascaluca; and the next day hee camped in a Wood two leagues from the Towne where the Cacique resided, and was at that time. And he sent the Master of the Campe, Luys de Moscoso, with fifteene Horsemen, to let him knowe how he was comming. The Cacique was in his Lodgings vnder a Canopie: and without doores, right against his Lodgings, in an high place, they spread a Mat for him, and two Cushions one vpon another, where he sate him downe, and his Indians placed themselues round about him, somewhat distant from him, so that they made a place, and a voide roome where hee sate: and his chiefest men were neerest to him, and one with a shadow of Deeres skinne, which kept the Sunne from him, being round, and of the bignesse of a Target, quartered with blacke and white, hauing a rundell [ 60] in the middest: afarre off it seemed to be of Taffata, because the colours were very perfect. It was set on a small staffe stretched wide out. This was the deuice which he carried in his warres. He was a man of a very tall stature, of great limmes, and spare and well proportioned, and was much feared of his neighbours and subiects. Hee was Lord of many Territories and much people:

In his countenance he was graue. After the Master of the Campe had spoken with him, he and those that went with him coursed their Horses, pransing them to and fro, and now and then to∣ward the place where the Cacique was, who with much grauitie and dissimulation now and then lifted vp his eyes, and beheld them as it were with disdaine. At the Gouernours comming, hee made no offer at all to rise. The Gouernour tooke him by the hand, and both of them sate down together on a seate which was vnder the Cloth of Estate.

When he departed from thence, he determined to carrie him along with him for some causes, and at two dayes iourney he came to a Towne called Piache, by which there passed a great Riuer. * 1.247 The Gouernour demanded Canoas of the Indians: they said, they had them not, but that they would make Rafts of canes and drie timber, on which hee might passe well enough: And they made them with all diligence and speed, and they gouerned them; and because the water went [ 10] very slowe, the Gouernour and his people passed very well.

From the Port de Spirito Santo to Apalache, which is about an hundred leagues, the Gouer∣nour, * 1.248 went from East to West: and from Apalache to Cutifa-chiqui, which are foure hundred and thirtie leagues, from the South-west to the North-east: and from Cutifa-chiqui to Xualla, which are about two hundred and fiftie leagues, from the South to the North: and from Xualla to Tascaluca, which are two hundred and fiftie leagues more, an hundred and ninety of them he trauelled from East to West, to wit, to the Prouince of Coça: and the other sixtie from Coça to Tascaluca, from the North to the South.

Hauing passed the Riuer of Piache, a Christian went from his companie from thence to seeke a woman-slaue that was runne away from him, and the Indians either tooke him captiue, or slue [ 20] him. The Gouernour vrged the Cacique that he should giue account of him, and threatned him, that if he were not found, he would neuer let him loose. The Cacique sent an Indian from thence to Mauilla, whither they were trauelling, which was a Towne of a principall Indian and his subiect, saying, that he sent him to aduise them to make ready victuals, and men for carriages. But (as afterward appeared) he sent him to assemble all the men of warre thither, that hee had in his Countrie. The Gouernour trauelled three dayes; and the third day he passed all day tho∣row a peopled Countrie: and he came to Mauilla vpon Monday the eighteenth of October. He went before the Campe with fifteene Horsemen, and thirtie Footmen. And from the Town * 1.249 came a Christian, whom he had sent to the principall man, three or foure dayes before, because [ 30] he should not absent himselfe, and also to learne in what sort the Indians were: who told him, that he thought they were in an euill purpose: for while he was there, there came many people into the Towne, and many weapons, and that they made great haste to fortifie the wall. Luys * 1.250 de Moscoso told the Gouernour, that it would bee good to lodge in the field, seeing the Indians were of such disposition: and he answered, that he would lodge in the Towne, for he was wea∣ry of lodging in the field. When he came neere vnto the Towne, the Cacique came forth to re∣ceiue him with many Indians playing vpon Flutes and singing: and after hee had offered him∣selfe, he presented him with three mantles of Marterns. The Gouernour, with both the Caciques, * 1.251 and seuen or eight men of his guard, and three or foure Horsemen, which alighted to accompanie him, entred into the Towne, and sate him downe vnder a Cloth of Estate. The Cacique of Ta∣scaluca [ 40] requested him, that he would let him remaine in that Towne, and trouble him no more with trauelling: and seeing he would not giue him leaue, in his talke hee changed his purpose, and dissemblingly fained that hee would speake with some principall Indians, and rose vp from the place where he sate with the Gouernour, and entred into a house, where many Indians were with their Bowes and Arrowes. The Gouernour when he saw he returned not, called him, and he answered, that he would not come out from thence, neither would hee goe any further then that Towne, and that if he would goe his way in peace, hee should presently depart, and should not seeke to carrie him perforce out of his Countrie and Territorie.

Baltasar de Gallegos, which stood by, tooke hold of a Gowne of Marterns which hee had on; * 1.252 and he cast it ouer his head, and left it in his hands: and because all of them immediatly began [ 50] to stirre, Baltasar de Gallegos gaue him such a wound with his Coutilas, that hee opened him downe the backe, and presently all the Indians with a great crie came out of the houses shooting their Arrowes. The Gouernour considering, that if he taried there, he could not escape, and if he commanded his men to come in, which were without the Towne, the Indians within the houses might kill their Horses, and doe much hurt, ranne out of the Towne, and before he came out, he fell twice or thrice, and those that were with him did helpe him vp againe; and hee and those that were with him were sore wounded: and in a moment there were fiue Christians slaine in the Towne. The Gouernour came running out of the Towne, crying out, that euery man should stand further off, because from the wall they did them much hurt. The Indians seeing that the Christians retired, and some of them, or the most part, more then an ordinarie pace, shot [ 60] with great boldnesse at them, and strooke downe such as they could ouertake. The Indians which the Christians did leade with them in chaines, had laid down their burthens neere vnto the wall: and a••••oone as the Gouernour and his men were retired, the men of Mauilla laid them on the Indians backes againe, and tooke them into the Towne, and loosed them presently from their

chaines, and gaue them Bowes and Arrowes to fight withall. Thus they possessed themselues of all the Clothes and Pearles, and all that the Christians had, which their slaues carried. And * 1.253 because the Indians had beene alwaies peaceable vntill wee came to this place, some of our men had their weapons in their fardels and remained vnarmed. And from others that had entred the Towne with the Gouernour they had taken Swords and Holbards, and fought with them. When the Gouernour was gotten into the field, he called for an Horse, and with some that ac∣companied him, he returned and slue two or three Indians: All the rest retired themselues to the Towne, and shot with their Bowes from the wall. And those which presumed of their nimble∣nesse, sallied forth to fight a stones cast from the wall: And when the Christians charged them, they retired themselues at their leasure into the Towne. At the time that the broyle beganne, there [ 10] were in the Towne a Fi••er, and a Priest, and a seruant of the Gouernour, with a woman∣slaue: and they had no time to come out of the Towne: and they tooke an house, and so re∣mained in the Towne. The Indians become Masters of the place, they shut the doore with a field gate: and among them was one Sword which the Gouernours seruant had, and with it he s••t himselfe behind the doore, thrusting at the Indians which sought to come into them: and the Frier and the Priest stood on the other side, each of them with a barre in their hands to beate him downe that first came in. The Indians seeing they could not get in by the doore, beganne to vncouer the house top. By this time, all the Horsemen and Footmen which were behind, were come to Mauilla.

As soone as the battell and the rereward were come to Mauilla, the Gouernor commanded all * 1.254 [ 20] those that were best armed to alight, and made foure squadrons of Footmen. The Indians seeing how he was setting his men in order concluded with the Cacique that hee should goe his way, saying vnto him, as after it was knowne by certaine women that were taken there, that he was but one man, and could fight but for one man, and that they had there among them many prin∣cipall Indians, very valiant and expert in feates of Armes, that any one of them was able to order the people there. The Gouernour was informed how there went men out of the Towne, and he commanded the Horsemen to beset it, and sent in euery squadron of Footmen one Souldier with a fire-brand to set fire on the houses, that the Indians might haue no defense: all his men being set in order, he commanded an Harquebuse to be shot off. The signe being giuen, the foure squadrons, euery one by it selfe with great fury, gaue the onset, and with great hurt on both [ 30] sides they entred the Towne. The Frier and the Priest, and those that were with them in the house were saued, which cost the liues of two men of account, and valiant, which came thither to succour them. The Indians fought with such courage, that many times they draue our men out of the Towne. The fight lasted so long, that for wearinesse and great thirst many of the Christians went to a Poole that was neere the wall, to drinke, which was all stained with the bloud of the dead, and then came againe to fight. The Gouernour seeing this, entred among the Footmen into the Towne on horsebake, with certaine that accompanied him, and was a meane that the Christians came to set fire on the houses, and brake and ouercame the Indians, who run∣ning out of the Towne from the Footmen, the Horsemen without draue in at the gates againe, where being without all hope of life, they fought valiantly, and after the Christians came among [ 40] them to handy blowes, seeing themselues in great distresse without any succour, many of them fled into the burning houses, where one vpon another they were smothered and burnt in the fire. The whole number of the Indians that died in this Towne, were two thousand and fiue hundred, * 1.255 little more or lesse. Of the Christians there died eighteene; of which one was Don Carlos, bro∣ther in law to the Gouernour, and a Nephew of his, and one Iohn de Gamez, and Men Rodriguez Portugals, and Iohn Vazquez de Villanoua de Barca Rota, all men of honour, and of much valour: the rest were Footmen. Besides those that were slaine, there were an hundred and fiftie woun∣ded with seuen hundred wounds of their Arrowes: and it pleased God that of very dangerous wounds they were quickly healed. Moreouer, there were twelue Horses slaine, and seuenty hurt. All the Clothes which the Christians carried with them to clothe themselues withall, and the [ 50] ornaments to say Masse, and the Pearles, were all burnt there: and the Christians did set them on fire themselues; because they held for a greater inconuenience, the hurt which the Indians might doe them from those houses, where they had gathered all those goods together, then the losse of them. Here the Gouernour vnderstood, that Francisco Maldonado waited for him at the Port of Ochuse, and that it was sixe dayes iourney from thence; and he dealt with Iohn Ortiz to keepe * 1.256 it secret, because hee had not accomplished that which hee determined to doe; and because the Pearles were burnt there, which he meant to haue sent to Cuba for a shew, that the people hea∣ring the newes, might be desirous to come to that Countrie.

From the time that the Gouernour entred into Florida, vntill his departure from Mauilla, there died an hundred and two Christians, some of sicknesse, and others which the Indians slue. [ 60] He stayed in Mauilla, because of the wounded men, eight and twentie dayes; all which time he lay in the field. It was a well inhabited and a fat Countrie, there were some great and walled * 1.257 Townes: and many houses scattered all about the fields, to wit, a Cros-bow shot or two, the one from the other. Vpon Sunday, the eighteenth of Nouember, when the hurt men were

knowne to be healed, the Gouernour departed from Mauilla. Euery one furnished himselfe with Maiz for two dayes, and they trauelled fiue dayes through a Desart: they came to a Prouince called Pafallaya, vnto a Towne, named Taliepataua: and from thence they went to another, cal∣led * 1.258 Cabusto: neere vnto it ranne a great Riuer. The Indians on the other side cried out, threat∣ning the Christians to kill them, if they sought to passe it. The Gouernour commanded his men to make a Barge within the Towne, because the Indians should not perceiue it: it was finished in foure dayes, and being ended, hee commanded it to bee carried one night vpon sleds halfe a league vp the Riuer. In the morning there entred into it thirtie men well armed. The Indians perceiued what was attempted, and those which were neerest, came to defend the passage. They resisted what they could, till the Christians came neere them; and seeing that the Barge came * 1.259 [ 10] to the shoare, they fled away into the Groues of Canes. The Christians mounted on Horsebacke, and went vp the Riuer to make good the passage, whereby the Gouernour and his companie passed the Riuer. There were along the Riuer some Townes well stored with Maiz, and French * 1.260 Be••nes. From thence to Chicaça the Gouernour trauelled fiue dayes through a Desart. He came to a Riuer, where on the other side were Indians, to defend the passage. He made another Barge * 1.261 in two dayes; and when it was finished, the Gouernour sent an Indian to request the Cacique to accept of his friendship, and peaceably to expect his comming: whom the Indians that were on the other side the Riuer slue before his face, and presently making a great shout went their way. Hauing passed the Riuer, the next day, being the seuenteenth of December, the Gouer∣nour * 1.262 came to Chicaça, a small Towne of twentie houses. And after they were come to Chicaça, [ 20] they were much troubled with cold, because it was now Winter, and it snowed, while most of them were lodged in the field, before they had time to make themselues houses. This Countrie * 1.263 was very well peopled, and the houses scattered like those of Mauilla, fat and plentifull of Maiz, and the most part of it was fielding: they gathered as much as sufficed to passe the Winter. Some Indians were taken, among which was one whom the Cacique esteemed greatly. The Gouer∣nour sent an Indian to signifie to the Cacique, that hee desired to see him and to haue his friend∣ship. The Cacique came vnto him, to offer him his person, Countrie and Subiects, and told him, that he would cause two other Caciques to come to him in peace; who within few dayes after came with him, and with their Indians: The one was called Alimamu, the other Nicala. They * 1.264 gaue a present vnto the Gouernour of an hundred and fiftie Conies, and of the Countrie gar∣ments, [ 30] to wit, of Mantles of skinnes. The Cacique of Chicaça came to visite him many times; and sometimes the Gouernour sent to call him, and sent him an Horse to goe and come. He com∣plained vnto him, that a Subiect of his was risen against him, and depriued him of tribute, re∣questing his aide against him, for he meant to seeke him in his Countrie, and to punish him ac∣cording to his desert. Which was nothing else but a fained plot. For they determined, as soone * 1.265 as the Gouernour was gone with him, and the Campe was diuided into two parts, the one part of them to set vpon the Gouernour, and the other vpon them that remained in Chicaça. Hee went to the Towne where he vsed to keepe his residence, and brought with him two hundred Indians with their Bowes and Arrowes. The Gouernour tooke thirtie Horsemen, and eightie Footmen, and they went to Saquec••uma (for so was the Prouince called of that Chiefe man, * 1.266 [ 40] which he said had rebelled.) They found a walled Towne, without any men: and those which * 1.267 went with the Cacique set fire on the houses, to dissemble their treason. But by reason of the great care and heedfulnesse that was as well in the Gouernours people which hee carried with him, as of those which remained in Chieaça, they durst not assault them at that time. The Go∣uernour inuited the Cacique, and certaine principall Indians, and gaue them Hogs flesh to eate. And though they did not commonly vse it, yet they were so greedy of it, that euery night there came Indians to certaine houses a Cros-bow shot from the Campe, where the Hogs lay, and kil∣led, and carried away as many as they could. And three Indians were taken in the manner. Two of them the Gouernour commanded to be shot to death with Arrowes; and to cut off the hands of the other; and he sent him so handled to the Cacique. Who made as though it grieued him [ 50] that they had offended the Gouernour, and that he was glad that he had executed that punish∣ment on them. He lay in a plaine Countrie halfe a league from the place, where the Christians lodged. Foure Horsemen went a stragling thither, to wit, Francisco Osorio, and a seruant of the Marquesse of Astorga, called Reynoso, and two seruants of the Gouernour, the one his Page cal∣led Ribera, and the other Fuentes his Chamberlaine: and these had taken from the Indians some Mantles, wherewith they were offended, and forsooke their houses. The Gouernour knew of it, and commanded them to be apprehended; and condemned to death Francisco Osorio, and the Chamberlaine as principals, and all of them to losse of goods. The Friers and Priests and other principall persons were earnest with him to pardon Francisco Osorio his life, and to moderate his sentence, which he would not grant for any of them. While he was ready to command them [ 60] to be drawne to the Market place to cut off their heads, there came certaine Indians from the Cacique, to complaine of them. Iohn Ortiz, at the request of Baltasar de Gallegos and other per∣sons, changed their words, and told the Gouernour, that the Caciquo said, hee had notice how his Lordship held those Christians in prison for his sake, and that they were in no fault, neither

had they done him any wrong, and that if hee would doe him any fauour, hee should set them free. And he told the Indians; that the Gouernour said, he had them in prison, and that he would punish them in such sort, that they should be an example to others. Hereupon the Gouernour commanded the prisoners to be loosed. As soone as March was come, he determined to depart from Chicaça, and demanded of the Cacique two hundred men for carriages. Hee sent him en∣swere, that he would speake with his principall men. Vpon Tuesday the eighth of March, the * 1.268 Gouernour went to the Towne where he was, to aske him for the men: he told him, he would send the next day. As soone as the Gouernour was come to Chicaç••, he told Luys de Moscoso the Camp-master, that hee misliked the Indians, and that hee should keepe a strong watch that night, which he remembred but a little. The Indians came at the second watch in foure squa∣drons, [ 10] euery one by it selfe, and as soone as they were descried, they sounded a Drum, and gaue the assault with a great crie, and with so great celeritie, that presently they entred with the scouts, that were somewhat distant from the Campe. And when they were perceiued of them * 1.269 which were in the Towne, halfe the houses were on fire, which they had kindled. That night three Horsemen chanced to be scouts, two of them were of base callings and the worst men in all the Campe, and the other, which was a Nephew of the Gouernour, which vntill then was held for a tall man, shewed himselfe there as great a coward, as any of them: for all of them ranne away. And the Indians without any resistance came and set the Towne on fire; and taried behind the doores for the Christians, which ranne out of the houses, not hauing any leasore to arme themselues; and as they ranne hither and thither amazed with the noise, and blinde•• with [ 20] the smoke and flame of the fire, they knew not which way they went, neither could they light vpon their weapons, nor saddle their Horses, neither saw they the Indians that shot a〈…〉〈…〉 them. Many of the Horses were burned in the Stables, and those which could breake their Ha〈…〉〈…〉gat loose. The disorder and flight was such, that euery man fled which way he could, without lea∣uing any to resist the Indians. But God (which chastiseth his according to his pleasure, and in the greatest necessities and dangers sustaineth them with his hand) so blinded the Indians, that they saw not what they had done, and thought that the Horses which ranne loose, were men on Horsebacke, that gathered themselues together to set vpon them. The Gouernour onely rode on Horsebacke, and with him a Souldier called Tapia, and set vpon the Indians, and striking the first he met with his Lance, the Saddle fell with him, which with haste was euill girded, and so [ 30] hee fell from his Horse. And all the people that were on foot were fled to a Wood out of the Towne; and there assembled themselues together. And because it was night, and that the In∣dians thought the Horses were men on horsebacke which came to set vpon them, as I said before, they fled; and one onely remayned dead, and that was hee whom the Gouernour slue with his Lance. The Towne lay all burnt to ashes. There died in this hurlibu••lie eleuen Christians, and fiftie Horses; and there remayned an hundred Hogges, and foure hundred were burned. If any * 1.270 perchance had saued any clothes from the fire of Mauilla, here they were burned, and many were clad in skinnes, for they had no leasure to take their Coates. They indured much cold in this place, and the chiefest remedie were great fires. They spent all night in turnings without sleepe: for if they warmed one side, they freezed on the other. Some inuented the weauing of certaine [ 40] Mats of drie Iuie, and did weare one beneath, and another aboue: many laughed at this deuice, whom afterward necessitie inforced to doe the like. The Christians were so spoyled, and in such want of Saddles and weapons which were burned, that if the Indians had come the second night, they had ouercome them with little labour. They remoued thence to the Towne where * 1.271 the Cacique was wont to lie, because it was in the champaine Countrie. Within eight dayes af∣ter, there were many Lances and Saddles made. There were Ash-trees in those parts, whereof they made as good Lances as in Biscay.

Vpon Wednesday the 15. of March, 1541. after the Gouernour had lodged eight dayes in a Plaine, halfe a league from the place which he had wintered in, after he had set vp a forge, and tempered the Swords which in Chicaça were burned, and made many Targets, Saddles, and Lan∣ces, on Tuesday night, at the morning watch, many Indians came to assault the Campe in three [ 50] squadrons, euery one by themselues: Those which watched gaue the alarme. The Gouernour with great speed set his men in order three squadrons, and leauing some to defend the Campe, went out to encounter them. The Indians were ouercome and put to flight. The ground was champaine and fit for the Christians to take the aduantage of them; and it was now breake of day. But there happened a disorder, whereby there were not past thirtie or fortie Indians shine: and this it was: that a Frier cried out in the Campe without any iust occasion, To the Campe, To the Campe: Whereupon the Gouernour and all the rest repaired thither, and the Indians had time to saue themselues. There were some taken, by whom the Gouernour informed himselfe of the Countrie, through which he was to passe. The fiue and twentieth of Aprill, hee departed * 1.272 [ 60] from Chicaça, and lodged at a small Towne called Alimamu. They had very little Maiz, and they were to passe a Desart of seuen dayes iourney. The next day, the Gouernour sent three Captaines euery one his way with Horsemen and Footmen to seeke prouision to passe the De∣sart. And Iohn Danusco the Auditor went with fifteene Horsemen, and fortie Footmen that

way that the Gouernour was to goe, and found a strong Fort made, where the Indians stayed for him, and many of them walked on the top of it with their weapons, hauing their bodies, thighes and armes okered and died with blacke, white, yellow and red, striped like vnto panes, * 1.273 so that they shewed as though they went in hose and doublets: and some of them had Plumes, and others had hornes on their heads, and their faces blacke, and their eyes done round about with streakes of red, to seeme more fierce.

Iohn Danusco sent three horsemen to aduertise the Gouernour hereof. He came presently: for his intent was to driue them from thence, saying, that if he did it not, they would be embold∣ned to charge him another time, when they might doe him more harme. Hee made the horse∣men to alight, and set his men in foure Squadrons: The signe being giuen, they set vp the In∣dians, [ 10] which made resistance till the Christians came neere the Fort, and assoone as they saw they could not defend themselues, by a place where a Brooke passed neere the Fort, they ran away, and from the otherside they shot some Arrowes: and because at that instant wee knew no ford for the horses to passe, they had time enough to get out of our danger. Three Indians were slaine there, and many Christians were hurt, whereof within few dayes, there died fifteene by the way.

The Gouernour was inforced to depart presently toward Quizquiz. He trauelled seuen dayes * 1.274 through a Desert of many Marishes and thicke Woods: but it might all bee trauelled on horse∣backe, except some Lakes which they swamme ouer. Hee came to a Towne of the Prouince of Quizquiz without being descried, and tooke all the people in it before they came out of their * 1.275 [ 20] houses.

There came to the Campe sixe principall Indians, and said, they came to see what people they were, and that long agoe, they had beene informed by their fore-fathers, That a white people * 1.276 should subdue them: and that therefore they would returne to their Cacique, and bid him come presently to obey and serue the Gouernour: and after they had presented him with sixe or seuen skins and Mantles which they brought, they tooke their leaue of him, and returned with the o∣ther, which waited for them by the Brookes side. The Cacique neuer came againe nor sent other message. And because in the Towne where the Gouernour lodged, there was small store of Maiz, * 1.277 he remoued to another halfe a league from Rio Grande, where they found plentie of Maiz: And he went to see the Riuer, and found, that neere vnto it was great store of Timber to make Bar∣ges, [ 30] and good situation of ground to incampe in. Presently he remooued himselfe thither. They made houses, and pitched their Campe in a plaine field a Crosse-bow shot from the Riuer. And thither was gathered all the Maiz of the Townes, which they had lately passed. They began presently to cut and hew downe Timber, and to saw plankes for Barges. The Indians came presently downe the Riuer: they leaped on shoare, and declared to the Gouernour, That they were subiects of a great Lord, whose name was Aquixo, who was Lord of many Townes, and * 1.278 gouerned many people on the other side of the Riuer, and came to tell him on his behalfe, that the next day he with all his men would come to see, what it would please him to command him. The next day with speed, the Cacique came with two hundred Canoes full of Indians with their Bowes and Arrowes, painted, and with great plumes of white feathers, and many other colours, [ 40] with shields in their hands, wherewith they defended the Rowers on both sides, and the men of Warre stood from the head to the sterne, with their Bowes and Arrowes in their hands. The Canoe wherein the Cacique was, had a Tilt ouer the sterne, and hee sate vnder the Tilt; and so w••re other Canoes of the principall Indians. And from vnder the Tilt where the chiefe man sat, he gouerned and commanded the other people. All ioyned together, and came within a stones cast of the shoare. From thence the Cacique said to the Gouernour, which walked along the Ri∣uers side with others that wayted on him, that he was come thither to visit, to honor, and to o∣bey him; because he knew he was the greatest and mightiest Lord on the Earth: therefore hee would see what he would command him to doe. The Gouernour yeelded him thankes, and re∣quested him to come on shoare, that they might the better communicate together. And with∣out [ 50] any answere to that point, hee sent him three Canoes, wherein was great store of fish and loaues, made of the substance of Prunes like vnto Brickes. After hee had receiued all, hee than∣ked him, and prayed him againe to come on shoare. And because the Caciques purpose was, to * 1.279 see if with dissimulation he might doe some hurt, when they saw that the Gouernour and his men were in readinesse, they beganne to goe from the shoare: and with a great cry, the Crosse∣bowmen which were ready, shot at them, and slue fiue or sixe of them. They retired with great order: none did leaue his Oare, though the next to him were slaine; and shielding themselues, they went farther off. Afterward they came many times and landed: and when any of vs came * 1.280 toward them, they fled vnto their Canoes, which were very pleasant to behold: for they were very great and well made, and had their Tilts, Plumes, Paueses, and Flagges, and with the mul∣titude * 1.281 [ 60] of people that were in them, they seemed to be a faire Armie of Gallies. In thirtie dayes space, while the Gouernour remayned there, they made foure Barges. Assoone as those that passed first, were on Land on the other side, the Barges returned to the place where the Gouer∣nour was: and within two houres after Sunne rising, all the people were ouer. The Riuer * 1.282

was almost halfe a league broad. If a man stood still on the other side, it could not bee discer∣ned, whether hee were a man or no. The Riuer was of great depth, and of a strong current: the water was alwayes muddie: there came downe the Riuer continually many trees and tim∣ber, which the force of the water and streame brought downe. There was great store of fish in it of sundry sorts, and most of it differing from the fresh water fish of Spaine, as hereafter shall bee shewed.

Hauing passed Rio Grande, the Gouernour trauelled a league and an halfe, and came to a great Towne of Aquixo, which was dispeopled before hee came thither. They espied thirtie Indians comming ouer a plaine, which the Cacique sent to discouer the Christians determination: and assoone as they had sight of them, they tooke themselues to flight. The Horsemen pursued [ 10] them, and slue tenne, and tooke fifteene. And because the Towne, whither the Gouernour went, was neere vnto the Riuer, hee sent a Captaine, with as many men as hee thought suffi∣cient to carrie the Barges vp the Riuer. And because in his trauelling by land, many times hee went farre from the Riuer to compasse the creekes that came from it, the Indians tooke occasion to set vpon them of the Barges, and put them in great danger, because that by reason of the great current, they durst not leaue the shoare, and from the banke they shot at them. Assoone as the Gouernour was come to the Towne, hee presently sent Crosse-bowmen downe the Riuer, which came to rescue them: and vpon the comming of the Barges to the Towne, hee comman∣ded them to be broken, and to saue the Iron for others, when it should be needfull. He lay there one night, and the day following, he set forward to seeke a Prouince, called Pacaha: which he [ 20] was informed to bee neere vnto Chisca, where the Indians told him there was gold. Hee passed * 1.283 through great Townes of Aquixo, which were all abandoned for feare of the Christians. Hee vnderstood by certaine Indians that were taken, that three dayes iournie from thence dwelt a great Cacique, whose name was Casqui. He came to a small Riuer, where a Bridge was made, by which they passed: that day till Sun-set, they went all in water, which in some places came to the waste, and in some to the knees. When they saw themselues on dry land, they were ve∣ry glad, because they feared they should wander vp and downe as forlorne men all night in the water. At noone they came to the first Towne of Casqui: they found the Indians carelesse, be∣cause * 1.284 they had no knowledge of them. There were many men and women taken, and store of goods, as Mantles and skinnes, as well in the first Towne, as in another, which stood in a [ 30] field halfe a league from thence in sight of it; whither the Horsemen ranne. This Countrie is higher, drier, and more champaine, then any part bordering neere the Riuer, that vntill then they had seene. There were in the fields many Walnut-trees, bearing soft shelled Walnuts, in fashion * 1.285 like bullets, and in the houses they found many of them, which the Indians had laid vp in store. The trees diff••red in nothing else from those of Spaine, nor from those which we had seene before, but onely that they haue a smaller leafe. There were many Mulberie trees and Plum trees, which bare red Plums like those of Spaine, and other gray, somewhat differing, but farre better. And * 1.286 all the trees are all the yeere so fruitfull, as if they were planted in Orchards: and the Woods were very thinne. The Gouernour trauelled two dayes through the Countrie of Casqui, before he came to the Towne where the Cacique was: and the most of the way was alway by Cham∣paine [ 40] ground, which was full of great Townes, so that from one Towne, you might see two or * 1.287 three. Hee sent an Indian to certifie the Cacique, that hee was comming to the place where hee was, with intent to procure his friendship, and to hold him as his brother. Whereunto hee an∣swered, That he should be welcome, and that he would receiue him with speciall good will, and accomplish all that his Lordship would command him. He sent him a Present vpon the way; to wit, skinnes, Mantles, and fish: And after these complements, the Gouernour found all the Townes as he passed, inhabited with people, which peaceably attended his comming, and offe∣red him skinnes, Mantles, and fish. The Cacique accompanied with many Indians came out of the Towne, and stayed halfe a league on the way to receiue the Gouernour.

Within a while after both of them vsed words of great offers and courtesie the one to the o∣ther, and the Cacique requested him to lodge in his houses. The Gouernour, to preserue the [ 50] peace the better, excused himselfe, saying, that hee would lodge in the fields. And because it was very hot, they camped neere certaine trees a quarter of a league from the Towne. The Ca∣cique * 1.288 went to his Towne, and came againe with many Indians singing. Assoone as they came to the Gouernour, all of them prostrated themselues vpon the ground. Among these came two In∣dians that were blind. The Cacique made a speech: that seeing the Gouernour was the Sonne of the Sunne, and a great Lord, he besought him to doe him the fauour to giue sight to those two blind men. The blind men rose vp presently, and very earnestly requested the same of the Go∣uernour. He answered, That in the high Heauens was hee that had power to giue them health, and whatsoeuer they could aske of him; whose seruant he was: And that this Lord made the Heauens and * 1.289 [ 60] the Earth, and man after his owne likenesse, and that hee suffered vpon the Crosse to saue Mankind, and rose againe the third day, and that he died as he was man, and as touching his Diuinitie, he was, and is immortall; and that he ascended into Heauen, where hee standeth with his armes open to receiue all such as turne vnto him: and straight way hee commanded him to make a very high Crosse of wood,

which was set vp in the highest place of the Towne; declaring vnto him, that the Christians worshipped the same in resemblance and memorie of that whereon Christ suffered. The Gouernour and his men kneeled downe before it, and the Indians did the like. The Gouernour willed him, that from thence∣forth he should worship the same, and should aske whatsoeuer they stood in need of, of that Lord that he told him was in Heauen. Then he asked him how farre it was from thence to Pa∣caha: He said, one dayes iournie, and that at the end of his Countrie, there was a Lake like a Brooke which falleth into Rio Grande, and that hee would send men before to make a Bridge whereby hee might passe. The same day that the Gouernour departed thence, hee lodged at a Towne belonging to Casqui: and the next day he passed in sight of other Townes, and came to * 1.290 the Lake, which was halfe a Crosse-bow shot ouer, of a great depth and current. At the time of [ 10] his comming, the Indians had made an end of the Bridge, which was made of timber, laid one tree after another: and on one side it had a course of stakes higher then the Bridge, for them that passed to take hold on. The Cacique of Casqui came to the Gouernour, and brought his people with him. The Gouernour sent word by an Indian to Caciqui of Pacaha, that though he were enemie to the Cacique of Casqui, and though he were there, yet hee would doe him no disgrace no•• hurt, if hee would attend him peaceably, and imbrace his friendship; but rather wouldin∣treate him as a Brother. The Indian, which the Gouernour sent, came againe, and said, that the Cacique made none account of that which he told him, but fled with all his men out at the other side of the Towne. Presently the Gouernour entred, and ranne before with the Horsemen, that way, by which the Indians fled; and at another Towne distant a quarter of a league from thence, [ 20] they tooke many Indians: and assoone as the Horsemen had taken them, they deliuered them to the Indians of Casqui, whom, because they were their enemies, with much circumspection and reioycing, they brought to the Towne where the Christians were: and the greatest griefe they had, was this, that they could not get leaue to kill them. There were found in the Towne many Mantles, and Deere skinnes, Lions skinnes, and Beares skinnes, and many Cats skinnes. Many came so farre poorely apparelled, and there they clothed themselue: of the Mantles, they made them Coates and Cassocks, and some made Gownes, and lined them with Cats skinnes; and like∣wise their Cassocks. Of the Deeres skinnes, some made them also Ierkins, Shirts, Hose and Shooes: and of the Beare skinnes, they made them very good Clokes: for no water could pierce them. There were Targets of raw Oxe Hides found there; with which Hides they ar∣med * 1.291 [ 30] their Horses.

Vpon Wednesday the nineteenth of Iune, the Gouernour entred into Pacaha: He lodged in the Towne, where the Cacique vsed to reside, which was very great, walled, and beset with Towres, and many loope-holes were in the Towres and Wall. And in the Towne was great store of old Maiz, and great quantitie of new in the fields. Within a league and halfe a league were great Townes all walled. Where the Gouernour was lodged, was a great Lake, that came * 1.292 neere vnto the wall: and it entred into a ditch that went round about the Towne, wanting but a little to enuiron it round. From the Lake to the great Riuer was made a weare by the which the fish came into it; which the Cacique kept for his recreation and sport: with Nets that were * 1.293 found in the Towne, they tooke as much as they would: and tooke they neuer so much, there [ 40] was no want perceiued. There was also great store of fish in many other Lakes that were therea∣bout, but it was soft, and not so good as that which came from the Riuer, and the most of it was different from the fresh water fish of Spaine. There was a fish which they called Bagres: the * 1.294 third part of it was head, and it had on both sides the gils, and along the sides great prickes like very sharpe Aules: those of this kind that were in the Lakes were as bigge as Pikes: and in the Riuer, there were some of an hundred, and of an hundred and fiftie pounds weight, and many of them were taken with the hooke. There was another fish like Barbels; and another like Breames, headed like a delicate fish, called in Spaine Besugo, betweene red and grey. This was thereof most esteeme. There was another fish called a Pele fish: it had a snowt of a Cubit long, and at the end of the vpper lip it was made like a Peele. There was another fish like a Westerne Shad: And all [ 50] of them had scales, except the Bagres, and the Pele fish. There was another fish, which somtimes the Indians brought vs, of the bignesse of an Hogge, they call it the Pereo fish: it had rowes of teeth beneath and aboue.

From thence he sent thirtie Horsemen, and fiftie Footmen to the Prouince of Caluça, to see if from thence he might trauell to Chisca, where the Indians said, there was a worke of Gold * 1.295 and Copper. They trauelled seuen dayes iournie through a Desert, and returned very wearie, eating greene Plums and stalkes of Maiz, which they found in a poore Towne of sixe or seuen houses. From thence forward toward the North; the Indians said, That the Countrie was very * 1.296 ill inhabited, because it was very cold: And that there were such store of Oxen, that they could keepe no Corne for them: and that the Indians liued vpon their flesh. The Gouernour [ 60] seeing, that toward that part the Countrie was so poore of Maiz, that in it they could not bee sustained, demanded of the Indians, which way it was most inhabited: and they said, they had notice of a great Prouince, and a very plentifull Countrie, which was called Quigaute, and it was toward the South.

The Gouernour tooke his iournie toward Quigaute. The fourth day of August, hee came to * 1.297 the Towne, where the Cacique vsed to keepe his Residencie: on the way hee sent him a Present of many Manties and Skinnes, and not daring to stay for him in the Towne, hee absented him∣selfe. The Towne was the greatest that was seene in Florida.

They tooke many men and women. Now seeing the hurt which they sustained for their Re∣bellion, they came to see what the Gouernour would command them, and passed to and fro many times, and brought Presents of Cloth and Fish. The Cacique and his two wiues were in the lodging of the Gouernour loose, and the Halbardiers of his Guard did keepe them. The Gouer∣nour * 1.298 asked them which way the Countrie was most inhabited? They said, that toward the South downe the Riuer were great Townes and Caciques, which commanded great Countries, [ 10] and much people: And that toward the North-west, there was a Prouince neere to certaine * 1.299 Mountaines that was called Coligoa. The Gouernour and all the rest thought good to goe first to Coligoa: saying, that peraduenture the Mountaines would make some difference of soile, and that beyond them there might be some Gold or Siluer: As for Quigaute, Casqui, and Pacaha, they were plaine Countries, fat grounds, and full of good Medowes on the Riuers, where the Indians sowed large fields of Maiz. From Tascaluca to Rio grande, or the great Riuer, is about three hundred leagues: it is a very low Countrie, and hath many Lakes. From Paca••a to Qui∣gaute may bee an hundred leagues. The Gouernour left the Cacique of Quiga••te in his owne Towne: And an Indian, which was his Guide, led him through great Woods without any way seuen dayes iournie through a Desert, where at euery lodging, they lodged in Lakes and Pooles [ 20] in very shoald water: there was such store of fish, that they killed them with cudgels; and the * 1.300 Indians which they carried in chains, with the mud troubled the waters, and the fish being there∣with, as it were, astonied, came to the top of the water, and they tooke as much as they listed. The Indians of Coligoa had no knowledge of the Christians, and when they came so neere the Towne, that the Indians saw them, they fled vp a Riuer, which passed neere the Towne, and * 1.301 some leaped into it; but the Christians went on both sides of the Riuer, and tooke them. There were many men and women taken, and the Cacique with them. And by his commandement within three dayes came many Indians with a Present of Mantles and Deeres skinnes, and two Oxe hides: And they reported, that fiue or sixe leagues from thence toward the North, there * 1.302 were many of these Oxen, and that because the Countrie was cold, it was euill inhabited: That [ 30] the best Countrie which they knew, the most plentifull, and most inhabited, was a Prouince called Cayas, lying toward the South. From Quiguate to Coligoa may be fortie leagues. It was a fat soile and so plentifull of Maiz, that they cast out the old, to bring in the new. There was al∣so great plentie of French Beanes and Pompions. The French Beanes were greater, and better then those of Spaine, and likewise the Pompions, and being roasted, they haue almost the taste of Chestnuts. The Cacique of Coligoa gaue a Guide to Cayas, and stayed behind in his owne Towne. We trauelled fiue dayes, and came to the Prouince of Palisema. The house of the Caci∣que * 1.303 was found couered with Deeres skins of diuers colours and workes drawne in them, and with the same in manner of Carpets was the ground of the house couered. The Cacique left it so, that the Gouernour might lodge in it, in token that hee sought peace and his friendship. But hee [ 40] durst not tarrie his comming. The Gouernour, seeing he had absented himselfe, sent a Captaine with Horsemen and Footmen to seeke him: He found much people, but by reason of the rough∣nesse of the Country, he tooke none saue a few women and children. The Towne was little and scattering, and had very little Maiz. For which cause the Gouernour speedily departed from thence. He came to another Towne called Tatalicoy••, he carried with him the Cacique thereof, * 1.304 which guided him to Cayas. From Tatalicoya are foure dayes iournie to Cayas. When he came to Cayas, and saw the Towne scattered; he thought they had told him a lye, and that it was not * 1.305 the Prouince of Cayas, because they had informed him that it was well inhabited: He threatned the Cacique, charging him to tell him where he was: and he and other Indians which were taken neere about that place, affirmed that this was the Towne of Cayas, and the best that was in that Country, and that though the houses were distant the one from the other, yet the ground that [ 50] was inhabited was great, and that there was great store of people, and many fields of Maiz. This Towne was called Tanico: he pitched his Campe in the best part of it neere vnto a Riuer. * 1.306 The same day that the Gouernour came thither, he went a league farther with certaine Horse∣men, and without finding any, he found many skinnes in a pathway, which the Cacique had left there, that they might bee found, in token of peace. For so is the custome in that Countrey.

The Gouernour rested a moneth in the Prouince of Cayas. In which time the horses fattened and thrined more, then in other places in a longer time, with the great plentie of Maiz and the leaues thereof, which I thinke was the best that hath beene seene, and they dranke of a Lake of [ 60] very hot water, and somewhat brackish, and they dranke so much, that it swelled in their bellies * 1.307 when they brought them from the watering. Vntill that time the Christians wanted Salt, and there they made good store, which they carried along with them. The Indians doe carrie it to o∣ther places to exchange it for Skins and Mantles. They make it along the Riuer, which when

it ebbeth, leaueth it vpon the vpper part of the sand. And because they cannot make it, with∣out much sand mingled with it, they throw it into certaine baskets which they haue for that purpose, broad at the mouth, and narrow at the bottome, and set it in the Aire vpon a barre, and throw water into it, and set a small Vessell vnder it, wherein it falleth: Beeing strained and set to boyle vpon the fire, when the water is sodden away, the Salt remayneth in the bottome of the Pan. On both sides of the Riuer the Countrie was full of sowne fields, and there was store of Maiz.

Immediately the Gouernour with certaine Horsemen and fifty Footmen, departed toward Tulla, hee found the Towne abandoned: for the Indians durst not tarrie his comming. The * 1.308 Ca••••que came, and eightie Indians with him. He brought a Present of many Oxe hides: which, [ 10] because the Countrie was cold, were very profitable, and serued for Couerlets, because they were very soft, and woolled like sheepe. Not farre from thencee toward the North were many Oxen. The Christians saw them not, nor came into the Countrie where they were, because those parts were euill inhabited, and had small store of Ma••z where they were bred. The Cacique of Tulla made an Oration to the Gouernour, wherein he excused himselfe, and offered him his Country, subiects, and person. Aswell this Cacique as the others, and all those which came to the Gouer∣nour on their behalfe, deliuered their message or speech in so good order, that no Oratour could vtter the same more eloquently.

§. III. [ 20]

His departure to Autiamque, ORTIZ his death and disasters following: SOTO takes thought and dieth. MOSCOSCO succee∣deth. They leaue Florida, and arriue at Panuco.

THe Gouernour informed himselfe of all the Countrie round about; and vnderstood, that toward the West was a scattered dwelling, and that toward the South-east were great [ 30] Townes, especially in a Prouince called Autiamque, ten daies iou••••ie from Tulla; which might be about eightie leagues; and that it was a plentifull Countrey of Maiz. And because * 1.309 Winter came on, and that they could not trauell two or three moneths in the yeere for cold, wa∣ters, and snow: and fearing, that if they should stay so long in the scattered dwelling, they could not be susteined; and also because the Indians said, that neere to Autiamque was a great water, and according to their relation, the Gouernour thought it was some arme of the Sea: And be∣cause hee now desired to send newes of himselfe to Cuba, that some supply of men and horses might be sent vnto him: (for it was aboue three yeeres, since Donna Isabella, which was in Ha∣uana, or any other person in Christendome had heard of him, and by this time hee had lost two hundred and fiftie men, and one hundred and fiftie horses) he determined to winter in Autiam∣que, [ 40] and the next Spring, to goe to the Sea Coast, and to make two Brigantines, and send one of them to Cuba, and the other to Nueua Espanna, that that which went in safetie, might giue newes of him: Hoping with the goods which he had in Cuba, to furnish himselfe againe, and to attempt the Discouerie and conquest toward the West: for he had not yet come where Cabe∣ca de Uaca had beene. Thus hauing sent away the two Caciques of Cayas and Tulla, hee tooke his iournie toward Autiamque: He trauelled fiue dayes ouer very rough Mountaines, and came to * 1.310 a Towne called Quipana, where no Indians could bee taken for the roughnesse of the Countrie: and the Towne being betweene Hils, there was an ambush laid, wherewith they tooke two In∣dians; which told them, that Autiamque was sixe dayes iournie from thence, and that there was another Prouince toward the South eight dayes iournie off, plentifull of Maiz, and very well [ 50] peopled, which was called Guahate. But because Autiamque was neerer, and the most of the * 1.311 Indians agreed of it, the Gouernor made his iournie that way. In three dayes hee came to a Towne called Anaixi. He sent a Captaine before with thirtie Horsemen, and fiftie Footmen, and * 1.312 tooke the Indians carelesse, he tooke many men and women prisoners. Within two dayes af∣ter the Gouernour came to another Towne called Catamaya, and lodged in the fields of the * 1.313 Towne. Two Indians. came with a false message from the Cacique to know his determination. He had them tell their Lord, that hee should come and speake with him. The Indians returned and came no more, nor any other message from the Cacique. The next day the Christians went to the Towne, which was without people: they tooke as much Maiz as they needed. That day they lodged in a Wood, and the next day they came to Autiamque. They found much Maiz * 1.314 [ 60] laid vp in store, and French Beanes, and Walnuts and Prunes, great store of all sorts. They tooke some Indians which were gathering together the stuffe which their wiues had hidden. This was a Champaine Countrie, and well inhabited. The Gouernor lodged in the best part of the Towne, and commanded presently to make a fence of timber round about the Campe distant from the hou∣ses,

that the Indians might not hurt them without by fire. And measuring the ground by paces, he appointed euery one his part to doe according to the number of Indians which he had: pre∣sently the timber was brought by them; and in three dayes there was an inclosure made of ve∣ry high and thicke posts thrust into the ground, and many rayles laid acrosse. Hard by this Towne passed a Riuer, that came out of the Prouince of Caya••; and aboue and beneath it was ve∣ry * 1.315 well peopled. They stayed in Autiamque three moneths with great plentie of Maiz, French * 1.316 Beanes, Walnuts, Prunes, and Conies: which vntill that time they knew not how to catch. And in Autiamque the Indians taught them how to take them: which was; with great springes. which lifted vp their feet from the ground: And the share was made with a strong string, where∣unto was fastned a knot of a cane, which ranne close about the necke of the Conie, because they [ 10] should not gnaw the string. They tooke many in the fields of Maiz, especially when it freezed or snowed. The Christians stayed there one whole moneth so inclosed with snowe, that they * 1.317 went not out of the Towne: and when they wanted fire-wood. the Gouernour with his Hors∣men * 1.318 going and comming many times to the Wood, which was two Cros-bow shot from the Towne, made a path-way, whereby the Footmen went for wood. In this meane space, some Indians which went loose, killed many Conies with their Giues, and with their Arrowes. These Conies were of two sorts, some were like those of Spaine, and the other of the same colour and * 1.319 fashion, and as bigge as great Hares, longer, and hauing greater loines.

Vpon Monday the sixt of March, 1542. the Gouernour departed from Autiamque to seeke * 1.320 Nilco, which the Indians said was neere the Great Riuer, with determination to come to the Sea, [ 20] and procure some succour of Men and Horses: for he had now but three hundred Men of warre, and fortie Horses, and some of them lame, which did nothing but helpe to make vp the num∣ber: and for want of Iron, they had gone aboue a yeere vnshod: and because they were vsed to it in the plaine Countrie, it did them no great harme. Iohn Ortiz died in Autiamque; which * 1.321 grieued the Gouernour very much: because that without an Interpreter he feared to enter farre into the Land, where hee might bee lost: whereby it often happened, that the way that they went one day, and sometimes two or three dayes, they turned backe, and went astray through the wood here and there. The Gouernour spent ten dayes in trauelling from Autiamque to a Prouince called Ayays; and came to a Towne that stood neere the Riuer that passeth by Cayas and Autiamque. There hee commanded a Barge to bee made, wherewith hee passed the Riuer. [ 30] When he had passed the Riuer, there fell out such weather, that foure dayes he could not trauell for Snow. As soone as it gaue ouer snowing, he went three dayes iourney through a Wildernesse, * 1.322 and a Countrie so lowe, and so full of Lakes and euill wayes, that he trauelled one time a whole day in water, sometimes knee deepe, sometimes to the stirrup, and sometimes they swamme. He came to a Towne called Tutelpinco, abandoned, and without Maiz: there passed by it a Lake, * 1.323 that entred into the Riuer, which carried a great streame and force of water.

The Gouernour went a whole day along the Lake seeking passage, and could finde none, nor any way that did passe to the other side. Comming againe at night to the Towne he found two peaceable Indians, which shewed him the passage, and which way hee was to goe. There they made of canes, and of the timber of houses thatched with canes, rafts wherewith they passed * 1.324 [ 40] the Lake. They trauelled three dayes, and came to a Towne of the Territorie of Nilco, called Tianto. There they tooke thirtie Indians, and among them two principall men of this Towne. The Gouernour sent a Captaine with Horsemen and Footmen before to Nilco, because the In∣dians, * 1.325 might haue no time to carrie away the prouision. They passed through 3. or 4. great Towns; and in the Towne where the Cacique was resident, which was two leagues from the place where the Gouernour remained, they found many Indians with their Bowes and Arrowes, in manner as though they would haue stayed to fight, which did compasse the Towne; and as soone as they saw the Christians come neere them without misdoubting them, they set the Caciques house on fire, and fled ouer a Lake that passed neere the Towne, through which the Horses could not passe.

The next day being Wednesday the nine and twentieth of March, the Gouernour came to * 1.326 [ 50] Nilco: he lodged with all his men in the Caciques Towne, which stood in a plaine field, which was inhabited for the space of a quarter of a league: and with in a league and halfe a league were other very great Townes, wherein was great store of Maiz, of French Beanes, of Walnuts, and * 1.327 Prunes. This was the best inhabited Countrie, that was seene in Florida, and had most store of Maiz, except Coca, and Apalache. There came to the Campe an Indian accompanied with o∣thers, and in the Caciques name gaue the Gouernour a Mantle of Marterns skinnes, and a Cor∣don of Pearles. The Gouernour gaue him a few small Margarites, which are certaine Beades much esteemed in Peru, and other things, wherewith he was very well contented. He promised to returne within two dayes, but neuer came againe: but on the contrary the Indians came by night in Canoas, and carried away all the Maiz they could, and made them Cabins on the other [ 60] side of the Riuer.

This Riuer which passed by Nilco, was that which passed by Cayas and Autiamque, and fell * 1.328 into Rio grande, or the Great Riuer, which passed by Pachaha and Aquixo, neere vnto the Pro∣uince of Guachoya. Within few dayes the Gouernour determined to goe to Guachoya, to learne

there whether the Sea were neere, or whether there were any habitation neere, where he might relieue his companie, while the Brigantines were making, which he meant to send to the Land of the Christians. He came to Guachoya vpon Sunday the seuenteenth of Aprill; hee lodged in * 1.329 the Towne of the Cacique, which was inclosed about, and seated a Cros-bow shot distant from the Riuer. Here the Riuer is called Tamaliseu; and in Nilco, Tapatu; and in Coça, Mico; and in * 1.330 the Port or Mouth, Ri.

The Cacique of Guachoya brought with him many Indians with great store of Fish, Dogges, Deeres skinnes, and Mantles. Hee asked him whether he had any notice of the Sea. Hee an∣swered, no, nor of any Townes downe the Riuer on that side. The Gouernour thought that the Cacique lyed vnto him, to rid him out of his owne Townes, and sent Iohn Danusco with eight Horsemen downe the Riuer, to see what habitation there was, and to informe himselfe, if there [ 10] were any notice of the Sea. He trauelled eight dayes, and at his returne he said, that in all that time he was not able to goe aboue fourteene or fifteene leagues, because of the great creekes that came out of the Riuer, and groues of Canes, and thicke Woods that were along the bankes of the Riuer, and that he had found no habitation. The Gouernour fell into great dumpes, to see how hard it was to get to the Sea: and worse, because his Men and Horses euery day dimini∣shed, * 1.331 being without succour to sustaine themselues in the Countrie: and with that thought hee fell sicke. But before he tooke his bed, he sent an Indian to the Cacique of Quigalta, to tell him, that he was the Child of the Sunne, and that all the way that he came all men obeyed and serued him, that he requested him to accept of his friendship, and come vnto him; for he would be ve∣ry glad to see him: and in signe of loue and obedience to bring something with him of that [ 20] which in his Councrie was most esteemed. The Cacique answered by the same Indian:

That whereas he said, that he was the Childe of the Sunne, if he would drie vp the Riuer hee would * 1.332 beleeue him: and touching the rest, that he was wont to visit none: but rather that all those of whom hee had notice did visit him, serued, obeyed and paid him tributes willingly or perforce: therefore if hee desired to see him, it were best he should come thither: that if he came in peace, hee would receiue him with speciall goodwill; and if in warre, in like manner he would attend him in the Towne where he was, and that for him or any other he would not shrinke one foote backe.

By that time the Indian returned with this answere, the Gouernour had be taken himselfe to bed, being euill handled with Feuers, and was much aggrieued, that hee was not in case to passe [ 30] presently the Riuer, and to seek him, to see if he could abate that pride of his, considering the Ri∣uer went now very strongly in those parts; for it was neere halfe a league broad, and 16. fathoms deepe, & very furious, and ran with a great current; and on both sides were many Indians, and his power was not now so great, but that he had need to helpe himselfe rather by slights then force.

The Gouernour felt in himselfe that the houre approached, wherein he was to leaue this pre∣sent life, and called for the Kings Officers, Captaines and principall persons. Hee named L••ys de Moscoso de Aluarado his Captaine generall. And presently he was sworne by all that were present, and elected for Gouernour. The next day, being the one and twentieth of May, 1542. * 1.333 departed out of this life, the valorous, virtuous, and valiant Captaine, Don Fernando de Soto, Go∣uernour of Cuba, and Adelantado of Florida: whom fortune aduanced, as it vseth to doe others, [ 40] that he might haue the higher fall. Hee departed in such a place, and at such a time, as in his sicknesse he had but little comfort: and the danger wherein all his people were of perishing in that Countrie, which appeared before their eyes, was cause sufficient, why euery one of them had neede of comfort, and why they did not visite nor accompanie him as they ought to haue done. Luys de Moscoso determined to conceale his death from the Indians, because Ferdinando de Soto had made them beleeue, That the Christians were immortall; and also because they tooke him to be hardy, wise, and valiant: and if they should knowe that hee was dead, they would be bold to set vpon the Christians, though they liued peaceably by them. In regard of their dis∣position, and because they were nothing constant, and beleeued all that was told them, the Ade∣lantado made them beleeue, that he knew some things that passed in secret among themselues, [ 50] without their knowledge, how, or in what manner he came by them: and that the figure which appeared in a Glasse, which he shewed them, did tell him whatsoeuer they practised and went * 1.334 about: and therefore neither in word nor deed durst they attempt any thing that might be pre∣iudiciall vnto him.

As soone as he was dead, Luys de Moscoso commanded to put him secretly in an house, where he remayned three dayes: and remouing him from thence, commanded him to be buried in the night at one of the gates of the Towne within the wall. And as the Indians had seene him sick, and missed him, so did they suspect what might be. And passing by the place where he was bu∣ried, seeing, the earth moued, they looked and spake one to another. Luys de Moscoso vnder∣standing of it, commanded him to be taken vp by night, and to cast a great deale of sand into the Mantles, wherein he was winded vp, wherein he was carried in a Canoa, and throwne into the [ 60] midst of the Riuer. The Cacique of Guachoya inquired of him, demanding what was become of his brother and Lord, the Gouernor: Luys de Moscoso told him, that he was gone to Heauen, as many other ti•••••• he did: ••••d because he was to stay there certaine dayes, he had left him in his place.

The Cacique thought with himselfe that he was dead; and commanded two young and well pro∣portioned Indians to be brought thither; and said, that the vse of that Countrie was, when any * 1.335 Lord died, to kill Indians, to waite vpon him, and serue him by the way: and for that purpose by his commandement were those come thither: and prayed Luys de Moscoso to command them to be beheaded, that they might attend and serue his Lord and brother. Luys de Moscoso told him, that the Gouernour was not dead, but gone to Heauen, and that of his owne Christian Souldiers, he had taken such as he needed to serue him, and prayed him to command those Indians to be loosed, and not to vse any such bad custome from thenceforth: straightway he comman∣ded them to be loosed, and to get them home to their houses. And one of them would not goe; saying, that he would not serue him, that without desert had iudged him to death, but that hee would serue him as long as he liued, which had saued his life. [ 10]

All were of opinion, that it was best to goe by land toward the West, because Nueua Espan∣ua * 1.336 was that way; holding the Voyage by Sea more dangerous, and of greater hazard, because they could make no ship of any strength to abide a storme, neither had they Master, nor Pilot, Compas, nor Chart, neither knew they how farre the Sea was off, nor had any notice of it; nor whether the Riuer did make any great turning into the Land, or had any great fall from the Rockes, where all of them might be cast away. And some which had seene the Sea-chart, did finde, that from the place where they were, by the Sea-coast to Nueua Espanna, might be foure hundred leagues little more or lesse; and said, that though they went somewhat about by Land in seeking a peopled Countrie, if some great Wildernesse which they could not passe did not hin∣der [ 20] them, by spending that Summer in trauell, finding prouision to passe the Winter in some peopled Countrie, that the next Summer after they might come to some Christian Land, and that it might fortune in their trauell by Land, to finde some rich Countrie, where they might doe themselues good. The Gouernour, although he desired to get out of Florida in shorter time, seeing the inconueniences they layed before him, in trauelling by Sea, determined to follow that which seemed good to them all.

On Monday the fifth of Iune, he departed from Guachoya. The Cacique gaue him a Guide to * 1.337 Chaguate, and stayed at home in his owne Towne. They passed through a Prouince called Ca∣talte: * 1.338 and hauing passed a Wildernesse of sixe dayes Iourney, the twentieth day of the moneth he came to Chaguate. There he was informed of the habitation that was toward the West. They * 1.339 told him, that three dayes Iourney from thence was a Prouince called Agnacay. The Gouernour [ 30] came to this Towne on Wednesday, the fourth of Iuly. He found the Towne without people, * 1.340 and lodged in it; he stayed there about a day; during which, he made some roades, and tooke many men and women. There they had knowledge of the South Sea. * 1.341

The next day he came to a small Towne called Pato. The fourth day after his departure from Aguacay he came to the first habitation of a Prouince called Amaye. There an Indian was ta∣ken, which said that from thence to Naguatex, was a day and a halfes Iourney; which they tra∣uelled, finding all the way inhabited places. Hauing passed the peopled Countrie of Amaye, on Saturday the twentieth of Iuly they pitched their Campe at noone between Amaye and Nagua∣tex. * 1.342 The next day he came to the habitation of Naguatex, which was very scattering. Within * 1.343 [ 40] foure dayes he departed thence, and comming to the Riuer, hee could not passe, because it was growne very bigge; which seemed to him a thing of admiration, being at that time that it was, and since it had not rained a moneth before. The Indians said, that it increased many times after that manner without rayning in all the Countrie. It was supposed, that it might bee the tide that came into it. It was learned that the floud came alway from aboue, and that the Indians of all the Countrie had no knowledge of the Sea.

Hee departed from Naguatex, and within three dayes Iourney came to a Towne of foure or fiue houses, which belonged to the Cacique of that Prouince, which is called Nissoone: it was * 1.344 euill inhabited, and had little Maiz. Two dayes iourney forward the Guides which guided the Gouernour, if they were to goe Westward, guided him to the East, and somtimes went vp and downe through very great Woods out of the way. The Gouernour commanded them to be•• [ 50] hanged vpon a tree: and a woman that they tooke in Nissoone guided him, and went backe a∣gaine to seeke the way. In two dayes he came to another miserable Towne, called Lacana: an * 1.345 Indian was taken in that place, and said, that the Countrie of Nondacao was a Countrie of great * 1.346 habitation, and the houses scattering the one from the other, as they vse to be in Mountaines, and had great store of Ma••z. The Cacique came with his men weeping, like them of Naguatex: for this is their vse, in token of obedience: he made him a present of much fish, and offered to doe what he would command him.

The Gouernour departed from Nondacao toward Soacati••a, and in fiue dayes iourney came to a Prouince called Aays. That day that the Gouernour departed from thence, the Indian that * 1.347 [ 60] guided him said, that in Nondacao he had heard say, that the Indians of Soacatino had seene other Christians, whereof they were all glad; thinking it might be true, and that they might haue entred into those parts by Nueua Espanna; and that if it were so, it was in their owne hands to goe out of Florida, if they found nothing of profit: for they feared they should lose themselues

in some wildernesse. This Indian led him two dayes out of the way. The Gouernour comman∣ded to torture him. He said, that the Cacique of Nondacao, his Lord, commanded him to guide them so, because they were his enemies, and that he was to doe as his Lord commanded him. The Gouernour commanded him to be cast to the dogs: and another guided him to Soacatino, whi∣ther he came the day following. It was a very poore Country: there was great want of Maiz * 1.348 in that place. He asked the Indians whether they knew of any other Christians. They said, that a little from thence toward the South they heard they were. He trauelled twentie dayes through * 1.349 a Country euill inhabited, where they suffered great scarsitie and trouble. For that little Maiz which the Indians had, they had hidden and buried in the woods, where the Christians, after they were well wearied with trauell, at the end of their iourney went to seeke by digging what they * 1.350 [ 10] should eate. At last, comming to a Prouince that was called Guasco, they found Maiz, where∣with they loaded their horses, and the Indians that they had.

The Indians told them there, that ten daies journie from thence toward the West, was a Riuer called Daycao: whither they went sometimes a hunting and killing of Deere: and that they had seene people on the other side, but knew not what habitation was there. There the Christi∣ans tooke such Maiz as they found and could carry, and going ten daies iournie through a wil∣dernesse, * 1.351 they came to the Riuer which the Indians had told them of. Ten horsemen which the Gouernour had sent before, passed ouer the same, and went in a way that led to the Riuer, and lighted vpon a company of Indians that dwelt in very little cabins; who, as soone as they saw them, tooke themselues to flight, leauing that which they had; all which was nothing but mi∣serie [ 20] and pouertie. The Countrie was so poore, that among them all there was not found halfe a pecke of Maiz. The horsemen tooke too Indians, and returned with them to the Riuer, where the Gouernour staied for them. He sought to learne of them what habitation was toward the West. There was none in the Campe that could vnderstand their language. The Gouernour assembled the Captaines and principall persons, to determine with their aduice what they should doe. And the most part said, that they thought it best to returne backe to Rio grande, or the great Riuer of Guachoya; because that id Nilco and thereabout was store of Maiz; saying, that they would make Pinnaces that winter, and the next Summer passe downe the Riuer to the Seaward in them, and comming to the Sea they would goe along the coast to Nuena Espanna. For though it seemed a doubtfull thing and difficult, by that which they had already alleadged, yet it was the last reme∣dy * 1.352 they had. For by land they could not goe for want of an Interpreter. And they held that the [ 30] Countrie beyond the Riuer of Dayaco, where they were, was that which Cabeça de Uaca men∣tioned in his relation that he passed of the Indians, which liued like the Alarbes, hauing no setled place, and fed vpon Tunas and rootes of the fields, and wilde beasts that they killed. Which if it were so, if they should enter into it and finde no victuals to passe the winter, they could not choose but perish. For they were entred already into the beginning of October: and if they staied any longer, they were not able to returne for raine and snowes, nor to sustaine themselues in so poore a Countrie. The Gouernour (that desired long to see himselfe in a place where hee might sleepe his full sleepe, rather then to conquer and gouerne a Countrie where so many trou∣bles presented themselues) presently returned backe that same way that he came. [ 40]

When that which was determined was published to the Campe, there were many that were greatly grieued at it: for they held the Sea voyage as doubtfull, for the euill meanes they had, and as great danger as the trauelling by land: and they hoped to finde some rich Countrey before they came to the land of the Christians, by that which Cabeça de Vaca had told the Emperour: and that was this; That after he had found cloathes made of Cotten wooll, hee saw Gold and Siluer, and stones of great value. And they had not yet come where hee had beene. For vntill * 1.353 that place he alwayes trauelled by the Sea coast: and they trauelled farre within the land; and that going toward the West, of necessitie they should come where he had beene. For he said, That in a certaine place he trauelled many dayes, and entred into the land toward the North. And in Guasco they had already found some Turkie stones, and Mantles of Cotten wooll; which the * 1.354 [ 50] Indians signified by signes that they had from the West: and that holding that course they should draw neere to the land of the Christians. From Daycao, where now they were, to Rio grando, or the great Riuer, was one hundred and fiftie leagues: which vnto that place they had gone West∣ward. They departed from Nilco in the beginning of December; and all that way, and before from Chilano, they endured much trouble; for they passed through many waters, and many times it rained with a Northren winde, and was exceeding colde, so that they were in open field with water ouer and vnderneath them: and when at the end of their dayes iourney they found dry ground to rest vpon, they gaue great thankes to God. With this trouble almost all the Indians that serued them died. And after they were in Minoya, many Christians also died: and the most part were sicke of great and dangerous diseases, which had a spice of the lethargie. [ 60]

As soone as they came to Minoya, the Gouernour commanded them to gather all the chaines together, which euery one had to lead Indians in; and to gather all the Iron which they had for their prouision, and all the rest that was in the Campe: and to set vp a forge to make nailes, and commanded them to cut downe timber for the Brigandines. And a Portugall of Ceuta, who

hauing bin a prisoner in Fez, had learned to saw timber with a long Saw, which for such pur∣poses they had carried with them, did teach others, which helped them to saw timber. And a * 1.355 Genowis, whom it pleased God to preserue (for without him they had neuer come out of the Countrie; for there was neuer another that could make Ships but he) with foure or fiue other Biscaine Carpenters, which hewed his plankes and other timbers, made the Brigandines: And two calkers, the one of Genua, the other of Sardinia did calke them with the tow of an hearbe like Hempe, whereof before I haue made mention, which there is named Enequen. And because there was not enough of it, they calked them with the flaxe of the Countrie, and with the Man∣tles, which they rauelled for that purpose. A Cooper made for euery Brigandine two halfe hogs heads, which the Mariners call quarterers, because foure of them hold a Pipe of water. In the [ 10] moneth of March, when it had not rained a moneth before, the Riuer grew so big, that it came to Nilco, which was nine leagues off: and on the other side, the Indians said, that it reached other nine leagues into the land. In the towne where the Christians were, which was somewhat high ground, where they could best goe, the water reached to the stirrops. They made certaine rafts of timber, and laid many boughes vpon them, whereon they set their horses, and in the houses they did the like. But seeing that nothing preuailed, they went vp to the lofts: and if they went out of the houses, it was in Canoes, or on horseback in those places where the ground was high∣est. So they were two moneths, and could doe nothing, during which time the Riuer decreased not. The Indians ceased not to come vnto the Brigantines as they were wont, and came in Ca∣noes. At that time the Gouernour feared they would set vpon him. He commanded his men to [ 20] take an Indian secretly of those that came to the Towne, and stay him till the rest were gone: and they tooke one. The Gouernour commanded him to be put to torture, to make him confesse whether the Indians did practise any treason or no. Hee confessed that the Caciques of Nilco, Guachoya, and Taguanate, and others, which in all were about twenty Caciques, with a great number of people, determined to come vpon him; and that three dayes before, they would send a great present of fish to colour their great treason and malice, and on the very day they would send some Indians before with another present. And these with those which were our slaues, which were of their conspiracie also, should set the houses on fire, and first of all possesse them∣selues of the lances which stood at the doores of the houses; and the Caciques with all their men should be neere the Towne in ambush in the wood, and when they saw the fire kindled, should [ 30] come, and make an end of the conquest. The Gouernour commanded the Indian to be kept in a chaine, and the selfe same day that he spake of, there came thirty Indians with fish. Hee com∣manded their right hands to be cut off, and sent them so backe to the Cacique of Guachaya, whose men they were. He sent him word, that he and the rest should come when they would, for he desired nothing more, and that he should know, that they taught not any thing which he knew not before they thought of it. Hereupon they all were put in a very great feare: And the Ca∣ciques of Nilco and Taguanate came to excuse themselues; and a few dayes after came he of Gua∣choya. The Brigandines being finished in the moneth of Iune, the Indians hauing told vs, That the Riuer increased but once a yeare, when the Snowes did melt, in the time wherein I mentio∣ned, it had already increased, being now in Summer, and hauing not rained a long time, it plea∣sed [ 40] God that the flood came vp to the Towne to seeke the Brigandines, from whence they car∣ried them by water to the Riuer. Which if they had gone by land, had beene in danger of break∣ing and splitting their keeles, and to be all vndone; because that for want of Iron, the spikes were short, and the plankes and timber were very weake. They shipped two and twenty of the best Horses that were in the Campe, the rest they made dried flesh of; and dressed the Hogges which they had in like manner. They departed from Minoya the second day of Iuly 1543.

There went from Minoya three hundred twenty and two Spaniards in seuen Brigandines, well made, saue that the plankes were thin, because the nailes were short, and were not pitched, nor had any decks to keepe the water from comming in. In stead of deckes they laid plankes, whereon the Marriners might run to trim their sailes, and the people might refresh themselues [ 50] aboue and below. They sailed downe the Riuer seuenteene dayes; which may be two hundred and fiftie leagues iourney, little more or lesse: and neere vnto the Sea the Riuer is diuided into two armes; each of them is a league and a halfe broad. By the way the Indians set on them: slew some, and wounded many.

The eighteenth of Iuly, they went forth to Sea with faire and prosperous weather for their voyage. They sailed with a reasonable good winde that day and the night following, and the next day till euening song, alwaies in fresh water, whereat they wondred much; for they were very farre from land. But the force of the current of the Riuer is so great, and the coast there is so shallow and gentle, that the fresh water entreth farre into the Sea. [ 60]

They indured an intolerable storme first, and after that the torment of an infinite swarme of Moskitos which fell vpon them, which as soone as they had stung the flesh, it so infected it, as

though they had beene venomous. For the sayles which were white seemed blacke with them. Those which rowed, vnlesse others kept them away, were not able to rowe. Hauing passed the feare and danger of the storme, beholding the deformities of their faces, and the blowes which they gaue themselues to driue them away, one of them laughed at another. They met all toge∣ther in the creeke, where the two Brigandines were, which outwent their fellowes. There was * 1.356 found a skumme, which they call Copee, which the Sea casteth vp, and it is like Pitch, where∣with in some places, where Pitch is wanting, they pitch their ships: there they pitched their Brigandines. They rested two dayes, and then eftsoones proceeded on their Voyage. They sai∣led two dayes more, and landed in a Bay or arme of the Sea, where they stayed two dayes. * 1.357

From the time that they put out of Rio Grande, to the Sea, at their departure from Florida, vntill they arriued in the Riuer of Panuco, were two and fiftie dayes. They came into the Riuer * 1.358 [ 10] of Panuco the tenth of September, 1543. There arriued there of those that came out of Florida, three hundred and eleuen Christians.

From the Port de Spiritu Santo, where they landed when they entred into Florida, to the Prouince of Ocute, which may be foure hundred leagues, little more or lesse, is a very plaine Countrie, and hath many Lakes and thicke Woods, and in some places they are of wilde Pine-trees; and is a weake soyle: There is in it neither Mountaine nor Hill. The Countrie of Ocute is more fat and fruitfull; it hath thinner Woods, and very goodly Medowes vpon the Riuers. From Ocute to Cutifachiqui may be an hundred and thirty leagues: eightie leagues thereof are Desart, and haue many Groues of wilde Pine-trees. Through the Wildernesse great Riuers doe [ 20] passe. From Cutifachiqui to Xuala, may bee two hundred and fifty leagues: it is all an hilly Countrie. Cutifachiqui and Xuala stand both in plaine ground, high, and haue goodly Medowes on the Riuers. From thence forward to Chiaha, Coça, and Talise, is plaine ground, d••ie and fat, and very plentifull of Maiz. From Xuala to Tascaluça may be two hundred and fifty leagues. From Tascaluça to Rio Grande, or the Great Riuer, may be three hundred leagues: the Countrie is lowe, and full of Lakes. From Rio Grande forward, the Countrie is higher and more cham∣paine, and best peopled of all the Land of Florida. And along the Riuer from Aquixo to Paca∣ha, and Coligoa, are an hundred and fifty leagues: the Countrie is plaine, and the woods thinne, * 1.359 and in some places champaine, very fruitfull and pleasant. From Coligoa to Autiamque are two hundred and fifty leagues of hilly Countrie. From Autiamque to Aguacay, may bee two hun∣dred * 1.360 and thirtie leagues of plaine ground. From Aguacay to the Riuer of Daycao an hundred [ 30] and twentie leagues, all hilly Countrie.

From the Port de Spiritu Santo vnto A••alache, they trauelled from East to West, and North. west. From Cutifachiqui to Xuala from South to North. From Xuala to Coça from East to West. From Coça to Tascaluça, and to Rio Grande, as farre as the Prouince of Quizquiz and Aquixo from East to West. From Aquixo to Pacaha to the North. From Pacaha to Tulla from East to West: and from Tulla to Autiamque from North to South, to the Prouince of Guachoya and Daycao, &c.

This Relation of the discouery of Florida was printed in the house of Andrew de Burgos, Prin∣ter and Gentleman of the house of my Lord Cardinall the Infant. It was finished the tenth of [ 40] February, in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and seuen, in the Noble and most loyall Citie of Euora.

CHAP. III.

Diuers expeditions from Mexico and other parts of New Spaine and New Biskay, especially to the more Northerly parts of America, by diuers Spaniards in a hundred yeares space. [ 50]

§. I.

The Relation of NVNNO di GVSMAN written to CHAREES the fift Emperour; translated out of RAMVSIOS third Tome, and abridged.

I Writ from Mechuacan to your Maiestie (after I had written from Mexico) that I went thence with one hundred and fiftie horsemen, and as many footemen well armed, and with twelue small Peeces of artillery, and 7. or 8000. * 1.361 Indians our [ 60] friends, and all necessaries for the discouery and conquest of the Countrey from the Terlichichimechi which continue with New Spaine. I arriued at the Riuer of the purification of Saint Mary, so called, for passing it on that day. And because that Countrey was of the enemies, I determined to plant there three great Crosses, which I had

carried with me, well wrought and of good proportion, which after Masse said in Procession with Trumpets, the Captaines and I carried on our shoulders, and planted one on the Riuer, and the second before a Church of the Purification, then begun to be builded, and the third before the way which I was to passe, * 1.362 to the which Crosses with all deuotion wee after made due prayer. This done, the standerds of the Crosse began to be directed in the land of those infidels, which had not beene done since the Christians entred those parts. Incontinently some people met vs in peace, yeelding themselues and promising seruice. Meane while the Church was finished and walled about, that fifteene or twenty horsemen might lodge within. There Masse was said, and a Sermon was preached; after which certaine ordinances were red for good orders to be kept in the Armie. After this, on the seuenth of February possession was taken in your Maiesties name of that New Discouerie, and on the foureteenth was made the request which is accustomed to [ 10] be made.

In regard of accusations made against Caconci Lord of Mechuacan for rebellion and conspira∣cie * 1.363 to haue slaine vs, I marched against him and found the information true, besides other inormi∣ties in sacrificing Indians and Christians, as he had vsed to doe before he was a Christian, whereup∣on I condemned him to the fire, as may be seene in the processe made against him. Hauing exe∣cuted this man and pacified the Countrie, I left a Spaniard in a fortresse there built by the Indi∣ans, and trauelled six daies in a Countrie not inhabited, three of them downe the Riuer, lea∣uing at euery lodging place a Crosse. On the sixt day we came to the Prouince Cuinao, full of * 1.364 good Townes and abounding in victuals. The people had at first armed themselues for resistance, [ 20] but when I sent Barius against them, they were all fled to the Mountaines. The light horse tooke some of the slowest not without making some defence. I sent them word not to be a∣fraid, but to returne to their houses and giue their obedience, which they refusing, I marched against them with three squadrons, and sent the Ouerseer on one part, and Captaine Ognate on the other, and I was at their backes. The Ouerseer found none but women and chil∣dren. Ognate incountred with about one hundred men with their Bowes and Arrowes wounded sleightly two horses and three men, but many of them were slaine, others taken with women and children about fiue hundred, which I caused to be kept together, lest the Indians should sacrifice them after their wont. The Cacique was fled to the next Prouince, called Cuinaquiro, of another signiorie and language. Because hee came not at my sending, I * 1.365 [ 30] went to seeke him. Entring that Prouince where were many Townes, and great store of Maiz and Fruites, wee found many people dead, sacrificed, which had out of the for∣mer Prouince retired thither for feare of vs, with many peeces of flesh which they vse to eate. I sent many prisoners to their friends to let them see that I came not to slay them. The language of this people none of ours could vnderstand. The Ouerseer encoun∣tred three hundred armed with Bowes and Arrowes, which the day before had killed foure of our Indians: they set vpon ours singing, and killed a Horse, but hauing lost one hundred of their company, the rest escaped. I found my men cutting the Horse in pee∣ces, that the enemies might see no signe of him, whereby they might know that a Horse could dye. I sent the Campe Master to discouer the foord: three Indians set on him, one * 1.366 [ 40] of which had a two hand sword of wood, which gaue him two blowes, but the Indian was slaine. I moued forwards, and discouered many inhabited places. Another skirmish happened with the Indians wherein aboue one hundred of them were slaine. All the Countrie is full of Maiz, Kidney-beanes, Hens, Parrats, Palmitos: there growes much Cotten, and some shewes appeared of Gold and Siluer found with some of the inhabitants.

I procured the Cacique to come to me with all his principall men, whom I entertained with much kindnesse, and made a speech to them, giuing them to vnderstand what God was, and the * 1.367 Pope, and what they ought to doe to be saued: and how the King of Castile was the Minister of God in earth, and Lord of all those parts subiect to him; and that to me in his royall name they were to yeelde obe∣dience and seruice; and that they should abstaine from sacrificing & adoration to Idols and Diuels, which they had hitherto done, because God alone was to be worshipped, feared and serued, and after him they [ 50] ought to serue and obey on earth the King of Castile. The Cacique answered that till that houre hee * 1.368 had neuer knowne any thing of that which I had spoken, nor had euer heard of any but me that which I declared; but that he now conceiued great pleasure to haue vnderstood it, and that from henceforth he would hold for God the King of Castile, and would worship him. I answered that hee ought not so to doe, for the King of Castile was a mortall man as we our selues are, but that hee was Lord and Soueraigne ouer vs all, and giuen to vs of God to rule and gouerne vs, and we were to serue and obey him. And God aboue, which created heauen and earth, and all things visible and inuisible, is he which ought to be worshipped, feared, and serued aboue all things, for as much as he giueth vs, and of his hands we hold the life and being which we haue, and he is able to take [ 60] it from vs at his pleasure.

In this manner he stood aduised of that which he ought to doe, although their wit and capa∣citie be very small, and their will much disagreeing, by reason of their ancient custome of ser∣uing the D••uell. But seeing all things must haue a beginning and labour, and herein especially

the grace of God is necessary and the holy Ghost to be infused; it is to be beleeued and hoped of his infinite gentlenesse and mercy, that hauing directed your Maiestie to discouer this place and conquest, in vertu thereof and good fortune, after that of God, all things shall be done prospe∣rously, and he will suffer to giue to this Nation knowledge of the truth. And if it be not so sud∣denly done, yet the way shall be opened, and the Countrie conuersed in, and inhabited of Chri∣stians, which adore and laud his holy Name, where before, the Deuill was adored with so many Idolatries; and the Baners of his most holy Crosse shall be fixed in all those Countries, that when he shall send his Grace, those Nations may be prepared to receiue it. I gaue to that Cacique all the people which I had taken, and they beganne to reinhabite their houses: and after a most sumptuous Crosse placed there, and possession of those Prouinces taken in your Maiesties name, I departed by the way of another Prouince called Cuiseo, situate on the other side of a great Ri∣uer * 1.369 [ 10] issuing out of a great Lake. After a battell with this People, wherein we preuailed by our Artillerie, the Cacique sent a Messenger to me, by whom I sent him word, that we came thither to haue them our friends, and to take possession of that Countrie, in the name of the King of Castile. Hauing obtayned prouisions, and passing further, in an Iland in the Riuer happened a hard skirmish, in which diuers were hurt, many of theirs slaine and taken, and the rest fled. The last which was taken, and which fought most couragiously, was a man in habite of a woman, which confessed, that from a childe he had gotten his liuing by that filthinesse, for which I cau∣sed * 1.370 him to be burned.

Returning to the Campe, I caused the principall Lords of the Countrie to come to me, and pa∣cified them, giuing them clothes, restoring the prisoners, and bidding them returne to their ha∣bitations: [ 20] giuing them to vnderstand on behalfe of the King of Castile, That he was Lord and the Minister of God in Earth, in which God, the King and all men of the world are to beleeue, to adore, feare and serue him as God alone, maker and Creator of all things: and on Earth to be vassals, and to obey the commandements of the King of Castile, as his Minister: and to mee in his Royall name, and that they should not worship Idols, nor eate mans flesh. They answered me, that so they would doe, and their sacrificing to Idols hitherto grew from hence, that they knew not what God was; and because the Deuill commanded them to obserue those formes, and desired flesh and bloud of them, giuing them to vnderstand, that he was the Lord of all the world, whereupon for feare they had committed this errour, which henceforth they would cease to doe. Great are the sinnes [ 30] of all men liuing, seeing God permits so great abominations to bee committed against his di∣uine Maiestie, and that such a multitude of soules are lost, and remaine blinde as brute beasts, and worse: for they follow their naturall course, which these haue lost: although some not * 1.371 onely publish the warre which is made vpon them to be vniust, but also seeke to disturbe it, being the most worthie and holy worke, and of most merit, (with the punishing of that Nation) that nothing can be done in the seruice of God greater, howsoeuer it be done by the hands of great sinners, and especially by mee who am the greatest of all, since that nothing is hidden from his heate, and as the mercifull and giuer of * 1.372 all good, I hope in his infinite clemency that he will receiue my meane desire, and small paine and labour, in diminution of my sinnes: and will permit by his infinite bountie and grace, and because your Maiestie doth all for the seruice of God which it doth, whose charge it is to guide the enterprise in such manner, [ 40] that the beginning be with manifesting his Name, where before, that of the Enemie was serued wholly, and adored. Bee it knowne to your Maiestie, that wheresoeuer I come, I giue all the people to vnder∣stand what God is, and who your Maiestie is. The Towne aboue this place or ford of the Riuer is called Guanzebi, where a Crosse was planted. * 1.373

Departing toward the Prouince of Tonola, I sent the Ouerseer to the Prouince of Cuy∣naccaro, * 1.374 on the other side of the Riuer. The Seniory of that Prouince (for they had no par∣ticular Lord) sent Messengers that they expected mee in peace, and would giue mee what I would howsoeuer Coiula, Coiuila, and Cuynaccaro, the three neighbour Prouinces were fooles, * 1.375 and resolued vpon warre, These fought with vs so valiantly, that some one Indian would turne his head against a Light-horseman, and taking his Lance with one hand, with the other would [ 50] lay on him with a club which they vse; others would lay hold on the Bridles, and those which haue beene in New Spaine, and other parts, testifie that more couragious Indians haue not beene * 1.376 seene. They vse Bowes, Arrowes, Clubs, and two-hand Swords of wood, a Sling, and some Targets. The most of them feare the Horses, holding opinion that they would eate them, and a thousand of them haue beene afraid of three Horsemen; yet neuerthelesse some are thus har∣dy. The Countrie is temperate, they are great Sacrificers, haue Siluer, and some Gold: but I made shew not to care for it, and said I had no need of Gold, but that they should serue, and not sacrifice as before. In the place of the victorie was erected a faire Church called, The victorie of the Crosse, and a Crosse of sixtie foot long there erected. Zapatula receiued me in peace, Axi∣mocuntla * 1.377 people fled, yet sent store of victuals, as did also Ixtatlan. [ 60]

Our Indians in our march had slaine and sacrificed certaine women and children, the signes whereof I found, it being a thing impossible to remedie, notwithstanding all the punishment I * 1.378 inflicted, howsoeuer some say, they are good Christians. And let your Maiestie beleeue, that they doe at this present time as they did before, but secretly. And for this, and for other iust causes

which I haue written to your Maiestie, there ought not so much libertie be giuen them, nor more then that which is accustomed to their state and liuing; for to doe otherwise, is to giue occasion to them to be bad, and especially this People is of such nature, that they must be very much hol∣den vnder, and made to feare, that they may be good Christians. * 1.379

From Xalpa three Embassadors came to me, with offer of peace, subiection, and certaine Sil∣uer plates, and an Idoll made of Cotton, and full of bloud, and a Rasor of stone in the midst, wherewith they sacrificed, which was burned in their sight, to their great amazement, who thought it would haue destroyed all. Against Mandie Thursday a Church was erected of reeds in a day, and deuout Procession was then made of more then thircie Disciplinants. On Easter Tues∣day * 1.380 I departed thence to Tespano, thence by Mount Amec to Teulinchano, a strong place, being [ 10] all of stone cut round, where euery Lord of the Prouince ought to haue a house wherein to sa∣crifice; there had beene a great Idoll of Gold, destroyed in other warres. The Palaces were of stone engrauen, some pieces of eighteene spannes, with great Statues of men, with other things like those of Mexico. The Courts of the Palaces were spacious, and faire, with Fountaines of good water. Thence I sent Captaine Verdugo to Xaltenango, thorow a Valley of sixe leagues, but the people were fled to the Mountaines. A Crosse was planted, and Masse said for the seruice of * 1.381 God, there where the Deuill had so long beene serued, and had receiued so many Sacrifices. I diuided the Armie, one part to goe to Mechuacan (another Prouince, not that of New * 1.382 Spaine) neere to the South Sea I marched with the other to Guatatlan, and there planted a Crosse on a Hill, and thence to Tetitlan, accompanied with the Caciques of the Countrie; [ 20] thence to Xalisco. Heere the way was so bad that in fifteene dayes I rode not three, and many * 1.383 beasts were lost.

I sent to the principall Lords of Xalisco, to whom I made the request accustomed. They were all retired to the Mountaines. Finding my selfe neere the Sea, I tooke possession thereof for your Maiestie. At Tepique two of the Lords of Xalisco came to me in peace, and to yeeld obedience, * 1.384 as three other Townes had done neere the Sea, where are said to bee Mines of Gold. There I made Officers in your Maiesties name, as being a new Discouerie and Conquest separate from New Spaine, that there might be some to receiue your Maiesties fifths. Two Crosses were ere∣cted in Xalisco and two in Tepeque, a place well watered, and very fertile. In marching from thence a great and dangerous battell was giuen vs by the Indians wherein we obtained victorie. [ 30] They wounded fiftie Horses, of which onely sixe died (one Horse I assure your Maiestie, is worth aboue foure hundred Pezos) diuers of the principall Commanders were wounded also. The next day I made a Procession with a Te Deum. Thence I passed the great Riuer of the Trinitie, to come to Omitlan, the chiefe of that Prouince. The Countrie is very hot, and the Riuer full of Croco∣diles, and there are many venomous Scorpions. Here was erected one Church, and two Crosses. Aztatlan is three dayes iourney hence where they prepare to giue mee battell. From thence ten dayes further I shall goe to finde the Amazons, which some say dwell in the Sea, some in * 1.385 an arme of the Sea, and that they are rich, and accounted of the people for Goddesses, and whi∣ter then other women. They vse Bowes, Arrowes and Targets: haue many and great Townes; at a certaine time admit them to accompanie them, which bring vp the males, as these the fe∣male [ 40] issue, &c. From Omitlan a Prouince of Mecuacan of the greater Spaine, on the eighth of Iuly, 1530.

I had thought but for prolixitie, here to haue added Aluarados Conquests the other way from Mexico, * 1.386 two of whose Letters are extant in Ramusio. The later of them is dated from the Citie of Saint Iago, which hee founded. Hee writes that hee was well entertained in Guatimala, and passed alongst with diuers fortunes, foure hundred leagues from Mexico conquering; and let your Lordship beleeue mee, this Countrie is better inhabited and peopled then all that which your Lordship hath hitherto gouerned. In this Prouince I haue found a Vulcan, the most dreadfull thing that euer was seene; which casteth forth stones as great as a house, burning in light flames, which falling, breake in pieces, [ 50] and couer all that fiery Mountaine. Threescore leagues before wee saw another Vulcan, which sends forth a fearefull smeake, ascending vp to Heauen, and the body of the smoake encompasseth halfe a league. None drinke of the streames which runne downe from it, for the Brimstone sent. And espe∣cially there comes thence one principall Riuer, very faire, but so hot, that certaine of my companie were not able to passe it, which were to make out-roades into certaine places; and searching a Ford, found another cold Riuer running into it, and where they met together, the Ford was temperate and passable. I beseech your Lordship to grant mee the fauour to bee Gouernour of this Citie, &c. From Saint Iago, Iuly 28. 1524. [ 60]

§. II.

The Voyages of Frier MARCO de Niça, Don FR. VASQVEZ de Coro∣nado, Don ANTONIO de Espeio, and diuers into New Mexico, and the adioyning Coasts and Lands.

THere arose some strife betwixt Don Antonio de Mendoza Vice-roy of New Spaine, and * 1.387 Cortes, each striuing to exceed the other in New-Discoueries, and complaining of each other to the Emperour. Whiles Cortez went to that end into Spaine, Mendoza hea∣ring somewhat by Dorantez, one of Naruaez his companions in the former inland Discoueries [ 10] from Florida, sent both Frier Marco de Niça, with Steph. a Negro of Dorantez, and afterwards Captaine Francis Vasquez de Coronado, by Land as likewise Ferdinando Alarchon by Sea. Cortez also sent Francis Vlloa with a Fleet of three ships for discouerie of the same Sea, commonly cal∣led the South Sea. The Voyages Ramusio hath published at large in Italian, and Master Hakluyt out of him in English. I shall borow leaue to collect out of them and Gomara, and F. Iuan Gon∣zales de Mendoza, and others, some breefe heads of things agreeing to our purpose for the bet∣ter knowledge of the Northerne America.

Francis Vasquez de Coronado Gouernour of Nueua Galicia, Anno 1539. writes, that hee arri∣ued in the Prouince of Topira, where the Indians were fled into the Mountaines for feare of the * 1.388 Christians. They haue houses of stone, store of Gold, Emeralds, and other Iewels; haue strong [ 20] armour of Siluer fashioned in shapes of beats, worship herbs and birds, and sing songs to them. Neere thereto is another Prouince where the people goe naked. Their Priests which they call Chichimechas keepe in the woods without houses, and eate things giuen of almes by the people. Both men and women goe naked; the men tye their priuie member to the knee; they haue Temples couered with straw, the windowes full of dead mens skulls. They haue in a ditch be∣fore the Temple the figure of a Serpent of diuers metals, with his tayle in his mouth. One eue∣ry * 1.389 yeere is sacrificed by lot, crowned with flowers and layd in that ditch, and fire put to him; which his death he takes patiently, and the yeere following is worshipped with hymnes, and after that his head is set vp with the rest. They sacrifice their prisoners burning them in another ditch without such ceremonies. [ 30]

Frier Marco de Niça went from Saint Michael in Culiacan, two hundred leagues from Mexi∣co, * 1.390 with Stephen the Negro, and other Indians, and came to Petatlan, and thence passed a Desart foure dayes, and came to certaine Indians, which made much of him, sought to touch his garments, and called him Hayota, that is, A man comne from Heauen. Thence he trauelled to Vacupa, fortie leagues from the Sea (of California) and thence to Ceuola, which in thirty dayes iourney: hee learned that the people by the Sea haue store of Pearles, and Targets of Kow-hides. By the way he had vnderstanding of the Kingdomes of Totonteac and Acus. They shewed him an hide halfe * 1.391 as big againe as the hide of an Oxe, and said, it was the skinne of a beast which had but one horne vpon his fore-head, bending toward his breast, and that out of the same goeth a point for∣ward with which he breakes any thing that he runneth against. The colour of the hide was as [ 40] of a Goat-skinne, the haire a finger thicke. He passed thorow two Defarts. The men of Ce••ola sl••e Stephen the Negro. Frier Marke went within sight of it, and sayth it is a faire Citie seated at the foot of a Hill. Vpon this newes Captaine Vasquez aforesaid in Aprill, 1540. trauelled with 400. Horsemen, and a great Armie of Spaniards and others, many of which died of famine both Indians and Horses. The wayes were so rough, that the Sheepe and Lambes which they carried for their prouision lost their hoofes. The sixe and twentieth of May hee arriued in the Valley of Coracones, fiue dayes iourney from the Westerne Sea, and thence hee went to Chichilcale, and with much scarsitie to Ceuola, which is the name of a Prouince in which are seuen Cities neere * 1.392 together: their houses are of stone foure or fiue stories high; they vse Ladders in stead of staires, and haue Cellers vnder the ground made for Winter in manner of Stoues. The seuen Cities are [ 50] but small Townes with in foure leagues together. In one were two hundred houses compassed with walls, and some three hundred other vnwalled. They goe for the most part naked, vse painted Mantles, seeme not witty euough to build such houses; haue good quantitie of Turques∣ses, some Emeralds also and Granates; great Guinee Corkes; and season (in Summer) as in Me∣xico; many beasts, as Tigres, Beares, Lions, Porkespicks, and certaine Sheepe as big as Horses, with very great hornes and little tayles. I haue seene their hornes so great that it is a wonder. I haue seene the heads of wilde Goats, pawes of Beares and skinnes of wilde Boares. There is game of Deere, Ounces, and very great Stags, Hares, Conies. He sent the Vice-roy an embroi∣dered garment of Needle-worke wrought by those Indians, and clothes painted by them with the pictures of the beasts of the Countrey. It is very cold in Winter, although it be in 37. de∣grees [ 60] and a halfe. The snow continueth seuen moneths, in so much that the people vse furred Mantles, and other winter prouisions. The Souldiers seeing little here to bee had, were offended with the Friers which had commended Siuola, and loth to returne emptie to Mexico, they pro∣ceeded to Acuco, and Cardenas with his troope of Horse went thence to the Sea, Vasquez with

the rest to Tiguez, on the banke of a great Riuer. There they had newes of Axa and Quiuira. They heard of a bearded rich King also called Tatarcax, whom they would visit; they burnt a Towne, and lost thirtie Horses in their way, and spent 45. dayes in siege of a Towne, which dranke snowe in stead of water and burned their goods to preuent the Spanish spoyle, then issu∣ing by force with their wiues and children, few escaping: and diuers Spaniards also were slaine, and 80. wounded, besides Horses. They burnt the Towne and marched to Cicuic, horse and men passing ouer the Riuer vpon the Ice being in 37. degrees: and foure leagues from thence met with a new kind of Kine wilde and fierce, of which they slue 80. the first day for their proui∣sion. * 1.393 From Cicuic they went to Quiuira neere 300. leagues, thorow woodlesse Plaines, making heapes of Oxe-dung for way-markes against their returne. All that Plaine is as full of bunch∣backed Kine as Serena in Spaine of Sheepe, and no other people but the Herd-men. It hailed [ 10] one day stones as big as Oranges. * 1.394 At length they came to Quiuira and there found King Ta∣tarrax, * 1.395 a hoary man, naked and with a brasse Iewell at his necke; whereat not a little vexed to see themselues gulled with reports of riches, and the Crosse worshipped, and Queene of Heauen, of which they saw no signe, they returned to Mexico, and there arriued in March, 1542. Vasquez fell from his Horse in Tiguez, and withall out of his wits.

Quiuira is in 40. degrees temperate, well watered, and hath store of fruits. They are appa∣relled * 1.396 with Oxe hides, and Deeres skinne. They saw ships on the coast with Alcatrazes of Gold and Siluer in their Prowes, which they esteemed to bee of China, making signes that they had savled thirtie dayes. Some Friers returned to Quiuira, and were slaine. As for those bunch∣backed [ 20] Kine, they are the food of the Natiues, which drinke the bloud hot, and eate the fat, and often rauine the flesh raw. They wander in companies, as the Alarbes (and Tartars) following the pastures according to the seasons. That which they eate not raw, they rost, or warme rather a•• a fire of Oxe-dung, and holding the flesh with his teeth, cut it with Rasors of stone. These * 1.397 Oxen are of the bignesse of our Bulls, but their hornes lesse, with a great bunch on their fore∣shoulders, and more haire on their fore-parts then behind, which is like wooll; a mane like a Horses on their backe bone, and long haire from the knees downward, with store of long haire at the chinne and throat, a long flocke also at the end of the males tailes. The Horses fled from them, of which they slue some, being enraged. They are 〈…〉〈…〉eat, drinke, shooes, houses, fire, ves∣sels, and their Masters whole substance. Other creatures as big as Horses the Spaniards for their * 1.398 [ 30] fiue wooll called Sheepe; one of their hornes ordinarily weighed fiftie pounds. There are also great Dogs which will fight with a Bull, able to carrie fiftie pounds weight in their huntings and remouals.

A N〈…〉〈…〉 1581. Frier Augustine Ruiz, with two other Friers, and eight Souldiers trauelled from the Mines of Saint Barbara to Los Tiguas, two hundred and fifty leagues Northwards, where, vpon occasion of one of the Friers being slaine, the Souldiers returned. The two Friers and a Mestizo stayed. Whereupon the Franciscans carefull of their two Brethren, procured An∣tonio de Espeio, a rich Mexican, with Frier Bernardine Beltran, and others, licensed to follow him to set ••orth on the said Discouerie, in Nouember, An. 1582. with an hundred and fifteene Horses, [ 40] and store of prouisions. Hee passed the Conchos, and the Passaguates, and Tob••sos, and Iumanos, (finding many Siluer Mines in the way) and then came to people, which for want of Language they could not name, and heard by one of the Conchos, of a great Lake, and Townes neere it, with houses of three or foure stories, but went not thither. Fifteene dayes they trauelled tho∣row Woods of Pine-trees, and two thorow Woods of Poplars and Wal••uts, still keeping by the Riuer of the North, as they called it, till they came to a Countrie which they called New Mexico. They came to ten Townes situate on both sides the Riuer, which vsed them kindly. Their houses are of foure stories, well built, with Stoues for Winter: their apparel of Cotton, and Deeres skinnes; both men and women ware Boots and Shooes with soles of Neats leather. * 1.399 Each house had an Oratorie for the Deuill, where they set him meate, for whose ease (as they say) they erect Chappels also in the high-way. Thence they came to Tiguas in which were six∣teene [ 50] Townes: in Poala they had slaine the two Friers, and now therefore fled to the Moun∣taines. * 1.400 They fou••d many Hennes in the Countrey, and many metals. Hearing that there were * 1.401 rich Townes Eastwards, they trauelled two dayes, and found eleuen Townes, and (as they thought) fortie thousand people. There are signes of rich Mines. They heard of a Prouince Quires, sixe leagues higher vp the Riuer, which they visited, and found fiue Townes. They saw * 1.402 there a Pie in a Cage, and certaine tirasols or shadowes, such as they vse in China, in which were painted the Sunne, Moone and Starres. They found themselues in 37. degrees and a halfe. Four∣teene leagues more to the North, they came to the Cunames, which had fiue Townes; the grea∣test was C••a, with eight Market places, the houses plaistered and painted with diuers colours, [ 60] the people many and more ciuill then any they had seene.

They trauelled thence North-westward to a Countrie which had seuen great Townes, and in them thirtie thousand soules. Fifteene leagues further Westward they came to Acoma, a * 1.403 Towne of sixe thousand persons, seated on a Rocke fifty paces high, without any passage to it

but by staires hewen in the Rocke; all their water was kept in Cisternes. They trauelled hence foure and twentie leagues Westward to Zuny or Cibola, where Vasquez had beene, and erected Crosses, still standing. Three Indians of his Armie were still aliue here, which told Espeio, of a great Lake sixtie dayes iourney thence, vpon the bankes whereof were many Townes which had store of Gold. Whereupon, the rest returning, hee with nine companions determined to goe thither, and came to a populous Prouince, called Mohotze, and being well entertained, hee * 1.404 perswaded the Indians to build a Fort, to secure them from the Horses, which hee said would * 1.405 otherwise eate them; which they did. Here he left some of his companie, and went to discouer certaine rich Mines, whereof he had heard, fiue and fortie leagues Westward, which hee found rich of Siluer. He had further intelligence also of that great Lake, and hauing trauelled twelue leagues to the Hubates and Tamos, populous Prouinces, being so few, they returned in Iuly, 1583. [ 10] by another way, downe a Riuer called, De las Vaccas, or Of Kine, an hundred and twenty leagues, still meeting with store of those cattell, and thence to Conchos, and so to the Valley of Saint Bartholmew in New Biscay.

Bartholmew Can•• writ from Mexico, in May, 1590. that Rodrigo del Rio, Gouernour of New * 1.406 Biscay was sent by the Vice-roy with fiue hundred Spansards to the conquest of Cibola.

NOw for Cortez his three ships, they set forth from Acapulco, the eighth of Iuly, 1539. and * 1.407 sayled alongst the coast Northwards to Cape Roxo, (as they stiled it, and so to the Riuer of Saint Crosses, which coast some thought to bee part of the Continent, others to bee but broken Lands or Ilands: and sayled so farre in the same, that I am loth to follow them, the particulars [ 20] being both in Ramusio, and Master Hakluyt. Fernando Alarchon, Anno 1540. was sent by Men∣doza * 1.408 the Vice-roy, with two ships, who sayth, hee went to the bottome of the Bay (of Cali∣fornia) and sayled vp the Riuer farre into the Countrie. I remit the desirous Reader to the Au∣thours aforesaid. To mee, Ullua the Marquesses Generall seemes to make California nothing but Ilands, and to haue sayled within a great way, and after out of them: this other aemulous Discouerer would seeme to finde it a Bay, and therefore goeth vp the Riuer; later Maps make it an Iland, as wee haue said; a Letter 1595. from Los Angelos, calleth them Ilands, and sayth, * 1.409 they are rich, and that the Vice-roy sent to conquer them. But I am Sea-sicke, and therefore returne to our Land-discouerers. In which wee haue a Iesuite first, to entertaine you, and after [ 30] that, a Letter of later Newes of Onnates Discoueries in those Northerne parts of America. All which may be of vse one day, when our Virginian Plantation (which blusheth to see so little done after eighteene yeeres continued habitation, with so much cost, and so many liues and liuelihoods spent thereon) shall lift vp her head with more viue alacritie, and shake her glorious lockes, and disparkle her triumphant lookes, thorow the inland Countries to the Westerne Ocean. And in∣deed for Uirginias sake wee haue so long held you in Spanish discourses, of whose Acts this Chap∣ter had beene the last, but that the leauen which leaueneth in so great part the Spanish lumpe may be knowne, to awaken English vigilance to preuent it in themselues (they had a faire caueat 1588.) and to auoide the like with others, I shall adde to these their Discoueries a Spanish Tra∣ueller, Frier, Bishop, to discouer their Discouerers; which shall cast vp the American parcels, [ 40] the particular relations of which you haue had already, and yeeld you the totall summe for a conclusion to our Spanish-Indian Peregrinations.

§. III.

Extracts out of certaine Letters of Father MARTIN PER••Z of the Societie of Iesus, from the new Mission of the Prouince of Cinoloa to the Fathers of Mexico, dated in the moneth of December, 1591. With a Letter added, written 1605. of later [ 50] Discoueries.

SInce my last Letters, dated the sixth of Iuly, among the Tantecoe, on which day wee came into this Prouince of Cinoloa, being guided by the Gouernour Roderigo del Rio, * 1.410 we passed and trauelled through diuers Castles, Countrie Villages, Mines of Metall, Shepheards houses, Townes of Spaniards, and certaine Signiories, helping our neigh∣bours by our accustomed duties, so that wee were alwaies full of businesse. Wee passed ouer in eight dayes the rough and hard and painefull Mountaine Tepesnan, seeing no liuing creature, saue * 1.411 certaine Fowles. The cause whereof is, the force of certaine Muskitos, which trouble Horses, whereof is exceeding abundance in all the Mountaine, which were most noisome to our Horses. There met vs certaine Cuimecht, which are warlike Indians, which offered vs bountifully such as * 1.412 [ 60] they had, without doing vs any harme. There are almost an infinite number of these, which wander dispersed vp and downe, doing nothing else but hunt and seeke their food. And it was told vs, that three thousand of them were assembled in a part of the hill, which besought the

Gouernour, that he would cause them to be taught and instructed in the Christian Faith. Their Minister, which was but onely one, came to visite vs. There met vs also a certaine Spanish Captaine, which had the gouernment of six Castles or Countrie Villages in a part of the Moun∣taine, who knowing well enough what the societie ment by these missions, wrote vnto the fa∣ther Visitor, requesting him to grant him one of the Fathers, by whose trauell twenty thousand soules might be instructed, which he would recommend vnto him.

These and other Villages we passed by not without griefe, because it was resolued already among vs, that we should stay in no other place, but in this Prouince. A few dayes before our comming thither we wrote to six or seuen Spaniards, which dwell there without any Priest, and heard Masse onely once a yeare, to wit, when any Priest, dwelling thirtie or forty leagues [ 10] off, came vnto them, to confesse and absolue them being penitent; who being accompanied with most of the chiefe Indians, met vs with exceeding great ioy and gladnesse, aboue twen∣ty * 1.413 leagues distant from their dwellings, and accompanied vs vnto the second Riuer of this Pro∣uince, wherein the towne of Saint Philip and Iacob standeth. This Prouince is from Mexico a∣boue three hundred leagues, and is extended towards the North. On the right hand it hath the Mountaines of the Tepesuanes, on the left hand the Mediterrane Sea, or the Gulfe of California: on another part it stretcheth euen to Cibola and California, which are Prouinces toward the West, very great and well inhabited. On one side, which regardeth the North, new Mexico is but two dayes iourney distant from the vttermost Riuer of this Prouince (as we were enformed by the Gouernour) which is so famous and renowned, and so full of Pagan superstition, whereof * 1.414 [ 20] diuers haue often written.

They measure and diuide the Prouince of Cinaloa with eight great Riuers which runne through the same. The reason of that diuision is this, because all the Castels and Villages of the inhabitants are setled neere the bankes and brinkes of the Riuers, which are replenish∣ed with fish, and which in short space doe fall into the Mediterran•• Sea, or Gulfe of California. The soyle is apt for tillage and fruitfull, and bringeth forth such things as are sowne in it. The ayre is cleere and wholesome. The Pesants and husband men reape twice a yeare, and among other things, store of Beanes, Gourds, Maiz, and such kinde of Pulfe, whereof wee and they eate so plentifully, that there is no speech of the rising of the price of things, or of Famine; nay rather a great part of the old crop perisheth oftentimes, and [ 30] they cast away their old Maiz, to make roome for the new. They haue great store of Cotten Wooll, whereof they make excellent cloathes, wherewith they are apparelled. Their apparell * 1.415 is a peece of cloath tyed vpon their shoulders, wherewith as with a cloak they couer their whole * 1.416 body, after the manner of the Mexicans.

True it is, that though they be all workemen, yet for the most part of the yeare they are not couered, but goe naked; yet all of them weare a broad girdle of the said Cotten cloath cunningly and artificially wrought, with figures of diuers colours in the same, which the shels of Cockles and Oysters ioyned artificially with bones doe make. Moreouer, they thrust many threds through their eares, whereon they hang earerings; for which purpose they bore the eares of their children as soone as they be borne in many places, and hang eare∣rings, [ 40] round Stones, and Corall in them, so that each eare is laden with fiftie of these Ornaments at least, for which cause they alwayes sleepe not lying on their sides, but with their face vpward. The women are decently couered from their waste downeward, being all the rest naked. The men as well as the women weare long haire; the women haue it * 1.417 hanging downe their shoulders, the men often bound vp and tyed in diuers knots: they thrust Corals in it, adorned with diuers feathers and cockle shels, which adde a certaine beautie and ornament to the head. They weare many round Beades of diuers colours a∣bout their neckes. They are of great stature, and higher then the Spaniards by a hand∣full, * 1.418 so that as wee sate vpright vpon our horses, without standing on tiptoe, they easily could embrace vs. They are valiant and strong, which the warres which they * 1.419 [ 50] had with the Spaniards doe easily shew, wherein though they sustained no small damages, yet were they not vnreuenged, nor without the bloud of their aduersaries. When they would fight resolutely for their vttermost libertie, they denounced and appointed the day of battell. Their weapons are Bowes and poysoned Arrowes, and a kinde of clubbe of * 1.420 hard wood, wherewith they neede not to strike twice to braine a man. They vse also ••ertaine short iauelins made of red wood, so hard and sharpe, that they are not inferiour to our armed speares. And as fearefull and terrible as they be to their enemies, so quiet and peaceable are they among themselues and their neighbours, and you shall seldome finde a quar∣rellour or contentious person. The Spaniards after certaine conflicts at length made friendship with them, leauing their Countrie to them: but those eight Spaniards, whom I mentio∣ned [ 60] before, liue quietly among them: and though they be called Lords, yet are they * 1.421 contented with such things as the Indians giue them, offering no violence nor molestation to any man.

Vpon our comming into these Countries, the Indians stirred vp with the fame of new men,

came by flockes vnto our lodging, and witnessed their loue, with exceeding great signification of good will, with salutation and words, which yet we vnderstood not, staying so long with vs till they were friendly dismissed by vs: neither neglected they the opportunitie offred vpon the first occasion, to shew how greatly they affected the Christian religion; for as soone as we entred into the first Villages of this Prouince, the day following there assembled a great number of old * 1.422 and yong folkes to be baptized, which was a great comfort vnto vs; we christened full foure∣score boyes and girles; we raised the mindes of the rest with good hopes, that assoone as they were instructed with necessary doctrine, they should be partakers of the same Sacrament. Wee * 1.423 found foure hundred Christians, which hauing bin baptized by the Franciscane Fathers, which came into these parts twelue yeares past, when at length they were slaine by the Inhabitants [ 10] were left destitute of a teacher; neither can all of them be instructed by vs, vnlesse some helpe be sent vs; for besides that the people are many, they also differ in language and tongues, al∣though there be two chiefe and most generall.

We learne two tongues with great celeritie, which albeit they be not so vulgar and generall, yet are they more necessary: and we haue profited so much in three moneths, that wee could easily vnderstand the Indians when they spake. Wherefore wee began to instuct in the Cate∣chisme, and with godly speeches to exhort the Nation, to keepe them within the compasse of their duetie, and to deliuer them of all feare: when they see that they receiue of vs the seruice * 1.424 and formes of praying to God, not in a strange but in their owne language; the which together with the Catechisme they learne with great care and shortnesse of time. And now wee haue * 1.425 [ 20] Christened aboue sixteene hundred, as well those of yeares as boyes; besides those foure hun∣dred, which being christened by the aforesaid Fathers, almost in their infancie, and fully twelue yeares neglected, had scarsely any shew of Christendome, but were married with Pagans after their Countrey fashion. From many of them we tooke away their Concubines, because such is the custome of this Nation, that they take as many as they are able to keepe. Many of them we likewise married.

There are also many more which desire to be baptized, but since the people be exceeding ma∣ny, and the workemen but two onely, we are not able to sustaine the labour. The last of No∣uember I visited the people of this tract or Riuer, and in the space of twelue or thirteene miles, there are foure thousand Indians at the least, which vse Bowes and Arrowes, besides [ 30] women and children. Among these are certaine of bad name and fame, which haue familia∣rity and acquaintance with the Diuell, with whom they commit abominable and very horri∣ble * 1.426 sinnes.

Many of them fled into the Mountaines, that their children might not be Christened, because the Diuell had reported abroad, that all they should die that were Baptized. Not withstanding in seuen or eight dayes we Christened two hundred and fortie children. Necessitie enforced me to * 1.427 leaue them, and to goe to another place, to helpe our neighbours: yet I am greatly desirous to re∣turne moued with a certaine pitie, because I see this people so strongly possessed by the Diuell being vtterly ignorant of the faith.

There are now thirteene Churches in these three Riuers, besides those which are erected by [ 40] little and little, neither haue we any more holy Vestments for them, then those which we car∣ry * 1.428 about with vs, and one other furniture of an Altar, which belongeth to the Spaniards: we haue neuer a Bell in any of these Churches. We furnished an Alter with one Crosse and certaine pa∣per Images, which were brought hither from Culhuacan, because we want other furniture, which we looke from your Reuerencies, and it will be very profitable, since this Nation is so delighted * 1.429 with outward ornaments.

We celebrated the dedication of a Church at Petatlan, on the day of the conception of the Vir∣gin, the Mother of God. In the same I set vp a certaine small Image consecrated to the concepti∣on * 1.430 of the blessed Virgin: We went on Procession, wherein the Boyes sang the Te Deum laudam〈…〉〈…〉 in the vulgar language: I added a Prayer, and then red Masse, because the singers are yet igno∣rant [ 50] of Song, and can sing nothing else but Amen, with a rude and vntuned voyce. Many of the Pagans were present, which were inuited to this holy day from other places, and were almost amazed beholding these first beginnings, wishing that the like solemnitie might be kept in their Villages. As farre as hitherto we are able to gather, the Indians the inhabitants of these and the neighbour Pagan Castles, where there is greater store of people, and lesse diuersitie of lan∣guages, are quicke and prompt, tractable, and of easier conuersion, then any that I haue hitherto seene or knowne. I could wish that I might sometime liue priuately with my selfe, but such is the concourse of commers, that they loue me not thus quiet, and though I be silent, yet they minister diuers speeches, inquiring of our things, and rehearsing their owne, and come to vs in the night to prayer. They are ingenious and docile, although they haue no teacher, by whose [ 60] instruction this force of nature should be exercised. They liue in Castles and Countrey villages, in houses ioyned neere the one to the other, and builded of chalke and timber, which they adore * 1.431 with Mats and couerings of reedes.

In the marriages which they make, when they take many wiues, it seemeth not inconueni∣ent

or indecent vnto them, to take their sister, mother, or daughter, because they thinke that this maketh much for domesticall peace, and that thereby all emulation may be auoided. And though * 1.432 they make no account of affinitie, yet they haue exceeding great regard of consanguinitie. They loue their children most tenderly for a certaine time, and teach them nothing else but such things as they know themselues, and neuer beate them nor chastise them for any thing, and so * 1.433 they liue like beasts. They marrie them at their time; and this is the forme of their marriage: The Parents of each partie meete together, and after conferences had betweene them, they dance according to their Countrie custome, and giuing hands returne home; if the Bridegroome or Bride be vnder age, they stay certaine moneths and sometime a yeare, neuer seeing one the other: afterward at time conuenient the Father of the spouse giueth an house to his daughter and son in [ 10] law, with furniture thereto belonging.

They also make the Bridegroome a Knight, if he be of a worthy familie, with diuers rites, * 1.434 whereof these be the chiefest ceremonies: They deliuer him a Bowe, and instruct him how to vse his new weapons; and to shew a signe of his industrie and abilitie, he is turned out to some yong Lyon or wilde beast, which when he hath killed, he is aduanced to some honour and dig∣nitie, whereby he excelleth others which are not Knights. Among the things belonging to po∣licie, this is one which they doe obserue; that they adopt other mens children for their owne; * 1.435 but this adoption into another familie hath very seuere and dangerous ceremonies, for they thrust a sticke into their mouthes into the bottome of their throates, wherewith they are almost choaked; if it fall out well, they vomit vp all the meate in their stomacke, and so they passe [ 20] ouer into the right of another man. Whatsoeuer time remaineth from labour and trauaile they * 1.436 spend in a play, which is like to Dice, but consisteth of diuers signes. They play with exceeding great moderation and patience of minde, being most cunning in this kinde of sport, no oath is heard among them, nor any contentions or brabling word, though they loose their apparell and all that they haue, and goe home naked, as sometime it falleth out.

When they be sicke, if the disease be sore and dangerous, they digge a place for their buriall, and sometimes it standeth fiue or sixe dayes open, which custome was very profitable to a cer∣taine * 1.437 woman; for when I came into a certaine Village, and saw the ground digged very deeply, knowing what the matter was, I came vnto her lying on her Couch and sicke, and ha∣uing instructed her in the Catechisme which I had written in the vulgar Tongue, in the princi∣ples [ 30] of Christian Religion, I baptised her, but she recouered. Now the cause why they open the places of their burials is this, That presently they may couer the bodie or ashes of him that is dead (for somtimes they burne the bodies with all the house and household stuffe.) They sprinkle the Sepulchre with a certaine dust, whereof they make a drinke, and bring meate with them, and after they haue wept ouer the Graue, they make themselues drunke, the Kinsfolke of the dead making a Feast for them that doe assist them. And these be their Funerals.

The Vicar of the Church of Culiacan, which is fortie two leagues from Cinoloa, where the foresaid Fathers liue, in his Letters sent to a certaine friend writeth after this manner: In Cina∣loa the Fathers labour painfully in the Lord in conuerting the Indians vnto the Faith so fruitful∣ly and happily, that we all hold it for a Miracle. Neither can it be beleeued, both with what ce∣leritie [ 40] they haue learned and speak the tongue of that Countrie, and with what facilitie and con∣tentment. The Inhabitants come to bee baptized, and desire to bee instructed in the Articles of our faith. Doubtlesse it is the worke of God; wherefore the Diuine Maiestie doth fauour and promote the same.

A Letter written from Valladolid by LVDOVICVS TRIBALDVS TO∣LETVS to Master RICHARD HAKLVYT, translated out of Latine, touching IVAN de ONATE his Discoueries [ 50] in new Mexico, fiue hundred leagues to the North from the old Mexico.

WHen you shall see the English returned home out of our Spaine, and can finde no Letters sent vnto you from vs, perhaps, and that worthily you will accuse vs of breach of our friendship, and also as little mindfull of our promise. Yet we as free from this fault salute you most willingly. For it is not long since we arriued here, that is to say in this Court, a little after the departure of your Coun∣trimen into England. Yet we made our iournie by Sea and by Land indifferent pleasantly and according to our desire. After we had rested our selues a small while, we desired nothing more then to visit An∣drew Garsia Cespedes, a man for many respects linked vnto vs in most straight bands of friendship. [ 60] He greatly reioyced of your good will toward him: And shewed me a certaine briefe yet very perspicuous * 1.438 Relation of things atchieued by Don Iuan de Onate, among the Indians of New Mexico.

For therein is written, that he departed from old Mexico in the yeere 1599. with an Armie and carriages of fiue thousand men, in which number boyes, women, youngmen and Souldiers

are included. He carried also great store of victuals with him, flockes of Sheepe and Goates, Herds of Oxen, and all things necessarie for life, also Horses and Armour, and other things which in these kind of Expeditions ought to be prouided. Therefore hauing trauelled through diuers * 1.439 Countries fiue hundred leagues, hee found diuers Nations by the way, noble for their builded Townes and reasonable ciuill manners. All which he receiued into the friendship of the King of Spaine, and they openly testified the same by publike instruments, and giuing of their faith. And when with his company he came vnto a Towne very strong by situation of the place, built vpon a most high and mightie Rocke, and was freely receiued by the Inhabitants, giuing their right hands to each other, they courteously supplied them with all things necessarie for their reliefe, and promised within a while after that they would furnish them with more, sufficient to make [ 10] a very long iournie. When Onate had waited for this thing, at the day appointed hee sent his Nephew by his sister with a few Souldiers, who entring the Towne, came into the Market place, where almost all the multitude of the Townesmen were assembled together. Now while hee with his company was busie in buying of things, suddenly the Traitours from all parts rushed * 1.440 vpon him and his fellowes vnawares, and by most wicked treason cut off the Captaines head and sixe others; the rest being wounded hardly escaped by flight from so great a multitude that as∣saulted them, yet some of the enemies were slaine and thrust through. When speedily the fame hereof came to Onate, taking with him a choice number of Souldiers, in a great furie he came vn∣to the Towne, besiged it, and after a long fight by maine force he tooke the same, slue most part, * 1.441 tooke the rest, burnt the Towne and razed it to the ground, that no tokens might remaine of so [ 20] great a wickednesse committed against him. The Townes name was Acoma: and none of our men was slaine in the siege thereof.

After this he easily proceeded forward on his iournie as he did before, till he came to a mightie great Citie: he inforced this City with the villages adioyning to sweare obedience to the King of * 1.442 Spaine, not altogether vnwilling, yet feared by the example and ruine of the towne that was de∣stroyed. From hence he came to a greater Citie, which likewise after hee had obtained it by great * 1.443 friendship he sent certain men from thence to search out the oxen of Cibola, long since known by the report of one, (to wit of Vasquez de Coronado) whether they were such indeed or no. Who when they had found a great multitude of these oxen, and would compasse them about, and force them into certaine inclosures or toiles, their enterprize preuailed but a little: they are so wild and so swift. Yet after they had killed many of them, bringing store of them with them, as though [ 30] they had bin Deere, returning to their company and General, to the great admiration of all men, they declared the wildnesse and innumerable number of these Oxen.

Afterward employing of themselues to keepe those things which they had gotten, they buil∣ded a Towne, which they called Saint Iohns Towne, and entring into very great friendship with the people which they had lately discouered, after they had found certaine very rich Mynes of gold and siluer, being laden with store of other riches, they determined to liue pleasantly and quietly, and to end their trauels, with singular profit of the Inhabitants in the Christian Religi∣on, and abiuring of their Idols, which in former time they worshipped most religiously.

At length within these two yeeres, leauing his fellowes there, Onate vndertooke a new Dis∣uerie [ 40] toward that most famous Riuer of the North, which at length he discouered, being euery∣where courteously entertained by the Inhabitants. At last he came to the Lake whereof long since, haue gone many reports. This is the Lake of Conibas, on the brinke whereof hee beheld a farre off a Citie seuen leagues long, and aboue two leagues broad. The houses of this Citie were separated the one from the other, and trimly and artificially builded, adorned with many trees and most goodly Gardens; and often diuided with streames running betweene them. Yet none of the Inhabitants did appeare. Therefore being not furnished with a sufficient Armie, he kept his Souldiers about him in a strong place, yet he sent certaine Horsemen into the Towne to view it: who after they had ridden by a certaine space through certaine exceeding faire streets of the Ci∣tie, and could see none of the Citizens, at length came to an exceeding great Market place, [ 50] which was filled with an exceeding great company of men, fortified with Rampiers and other fortifications in manner of a Fortresse. Therefore perceiuing themselues to be vnequall to so in∣finite a number, they retired backe to their fellowes without attempting any thing and so retur∣ned home to their owne houses vnder the conduct of Onate, defferring the assaulting of so great a Towne vntill a more conuenient time: and now they keepe those places diligently, which they haue alreadie found, and doing violence to none of the Inhabitants, they liue in all happinesse * 1.444 and prosperitie.

Moreouer, other newes is brought from New Spaine, to wit, that by the commandement of the Vice-roy, the Coasts of the South Sea toward Cape Mendoçino are discouered, and that ex∣ceeding faire and large Hauens are found neere the Californias, which hitherto no man knew, and [ 60] that Castles are there to be builded and fortified, fit to withstand the force of the enemie: which I saw painted with the precise longitudes and latitudes, annexed vnto them.

There is no newes come of the Voyage to the Iland lately found out toward Noua Guinea. If any newes come, I will carefully aduertise you thereof.

It remaineth, that I speake somewhat of the instruction which I promised you, and now send vnto you: to wit, that the same was sent to the West Indies, and that according to the precepts therein contained, all things are obserued very exactly, and written to the Councell of the In∣dies: and that Cespedes our friend hauing diligently read ouer these Writings, hath written an excellent Volume; but he hath not obtained leaue to publish the same: for they will not haue all these things particularly to come to light.

And these be the things which I now thought good to write vnto you, my Hakluyt, meaning to haue written more, if there had beene any fresher things to haue written of. Neither haue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yet sought out all those that might informe me of these new Discoueries: for I could not yet doe it by reason of the shortnesse of the time. I hope hereafter I shall haue leisure: and I know you will commend mee for my friendship towards you. Farewell from Ualladolid the Nones of [ 10] Iuly 1605.

TO THE READER.

AFter so many other Spanish Discourses and Discoueries, I haue added for a Spanish farewell this of B••rtnolomew de las Casas a zealous Dominican Frier, after made Bishop of Chiapa, tou∣ching the excesses committed by some Spaniards in the Continent and Ilands of America, from their first Discouerie till the yeere 1542. in which this was written; the rather heere annexed, as our conclusion [ 20] of Spanish Relations. The occasion (it seemeth) was his godly zeale of conuerting soules to Iesus Christ from the power of Ethnike darknesse, which was hindered by a worse darknesse in those which professed themselues children of Light, and had the name and Sacraments of Christians. For it beeing then the custome, as you haue seene in Soto, and others before, to get so much of the American Regions in Parti∣tion, Commendam or a Comm••ssion from the King (then Charles the fifth Emperour) to discouer and pacifie, as their stile hath it, that is, as the Popes Bull prescribeth, to bring into Spanish subiection, and to conuert to the Christian Faith, so much as their Commission limited, paying the fifth part of what∣soeuer they got to the Crowne; they abusing the Emperours lenitie, and concealing their out-rages, pro∣ceeded in conuerting, as that word is deriued from conuerrere, not from conuertere, and in such course as this Author expresseth, if he and other Diuines which made complai••t thereof to the Emperour bee [ 30] to be credited. Neither is it incredible for the maine part of the Historie (we see their owne Iournals in∣sinnate as much in milder and closer termes) how soeuer his zeale flings forth fiery tearmes, and paints out their Acts in the blackest Inke, and most Hyperbolicall Phrases. The Issue was the alteration of gouern∣ment in the Indies, by the gentlenesse of the Kings of Spaine, which freed them from slauerie, and tooke better order both for their bodily and spirituall estate, as before wee haue read in Herera. And if any thinke that I publish this in disgrace of that Nation; I answere, Euery Nation (We see it at home) hath many euillmen, many Deuill men. Againe, I a••ke whether the Authour (himselfe a Spaniard and Diuine) intended not the honour and good of his Countrie thereby: which also was effected, euill manners producing good Lawes. And indeed it is as much honour to this Bishop and the Bishop of Mexico, with other Spaniards that shewed their zeale of reformation herein, as also to the Kings of Spaine which haue [ 40] effected it; as the doing it is shame to other Spaniards, and the genetalitie here touched. The like abuses of Sauages in Brasill, you haue seene by Portugals, complained of by Iesuites, sup. l. 7. c. 2. For my part I honour vertue in a Spaniard, in a Frier, in a Iesuite: and haue in all this volumino〈…〉〈…〉 storie not beene more carefull to shew the euill acts of Spaniards, Portugals, Dutch in quarrels twixt them and vs, then to make knowne whatsoeuer good in any of them, when occasion was offered. And so farre am I from delighting to thrust my singer in sores (which yet I doe on necessitie, euen with the English also) that I haue left out many many inuectiues and bitter Epithetes of this Author, abridging him after my wont, and lopping of such superfluities, which rather were the fruit of his zeale, then the flowre of his History. I could also haue added the names of those which he here calleth Tyrants, the Captaines in those Expedi∣tions: but he spared them; as then liuing, and in Herera before you haue them, which yet is angry with [ 50] Ramusio for that wherein this storie doth excuse him, the concealment of their names being best commen∣dation of such men. In these prunings and comission of some things (in their owne places, before related) aboue a third part is left out, and yet more then enough left to testifie that Man•• heart giuen ouer to co∣uetousnesse or other vice, is a bottomlesse Hell, wicked and deceitfull aboue all; who can search it? The colours which the Spaniards pretended for such executions, were the Man-eatings, Sodomies, Ido∣latries and other vices of Americans; perhaps made worse in the telling, and certainly with worse vices in this sort punished by vniustest Iustice in respect of the Spamards, whose vniustice is neuerthelesse most iust in regard of God, which knoweth how to punish sinne by sinne, by Sinners. This Booke is extant in Spanish, Latine, Dutch, and in English also printed 1583. when as peace was yet betwixt England and Spaine, which English Copie I haue followed. [ 60]

The Prologue of the Bishop Frier BARTHOLOMEW de las CASAS or CASAVS, to the most high and mightie Prince, Our Lord Don PHILIP Prince of Spaine.

MOst high and mightie Lord, as God by his Prouidence hath for the guiding and com∣moditie of mankind in this World, in Realmes and Prouinces, appointed Kings to be as Fathers, and as Homer nameth them Shepherds, and so consequently the most noble and principall members of Common-weales: so can we not iustly doubt by reason of the good wils that Kings and Princes haue to minister Iustice, but that if there be any things a∣misse, [ 10] either any violences or iniuries commited, the only cause that they are not redressed, is, for that Princes haue no notice of the same. For certainly if they knew of them, they would im∣ploy all diligence and indeuour in the remedie thereof. Whereof it seemeth that mention is made in the holy Scripture, in the Prouerbs of Solamon, where it is said, Rex qui sedet in solio Iu∣dicij dissipat omne malum intuitu suo. For it is sufficien••ly to be presupposed euen of the kindly and naturall vertue of a King, that the only notice that hee taketh of any mischiefe tormenting his Kingdome, is sufficient to procure him, if it bee possible, to roote out the same as beeing a thing that he cannot tollerate euen one only moment of time.

Considering therefore with my selfe most mightie Lord the great mischiefes, damages and losses (the like whereof it is not to be thought, were euer committed by Mankind) of so l••rge and great Kingdomes, or to speake more truely, of this so new World of the Indies, which God and [ 20] holy Church haue committed and commended vnto the King of Castile, to the end they might gouerne, conuert, and procure their prosperitie as well temporally as spiritually. I therefore (I say) being a man of experience, and fiftie yeeres of age or more, considering these euils, as hauing seene them committed, at my being in those Countries: Also that your Highnesse hauing infor∣mation of some notable particularities, might bee mooued most earnestly to desire his Maiestie, not to grant or permit to those Tyrants such conquests as they haue found out, and which they doe so name, (whereunto if they might bee suffered they would returne) seeing that of them∣selues, and being made against this Indian, peaceable, lowly and milde Nation which offendeth none, they be wicked, tyrannous, and by all Lawes either Naturall, Humane or Diuine, vtterly [ 30] condemned, detested and accursed: I thought it best, least my selfe might become also guiltie, by concealing the losse of an infinite number both of souls & bodies which are so committed, to cause a few of their dealings which of late I had selected from among infinite others, and that might truly be reported to be printed, to the end your Highnesse might with more ease peruse and reade them ouer. Also whereas your Highnesse Master the Archbishop of Toleto, when hee was Bishop of Carthagena required them at my hands, and then presented them to your Highnesse: perad∣uenture by reason of such great Voyages as your Highnesse tooke vpon you, both by Sea and by Land for matters of Estate wherein you haue beene busied, it may bee you haue not perused, ei∣ther haue forgotten them, and in the meane time the rash and disordinate desire of those which thinke it nothing to doe wrong, to shed such abundance of mans bloud, to make desolate these so [ 40] large Countries of their naturall Inhabitants and Owners, by slaying infinite persons, either to purloine such incredible treasures, do daily augment, these Tyrants proceeding vnder al counter∣feit titles and colours in their instant and importunate sute, namely, to haue the said Conquests permitted and granted vnto them: Which in truth cannot bee granted without transgressing the Law both of Nature and of God, and so consequently not without incurring mortall sinne, worthy most terrible and euerlasting torments: I thought it expedient to doe your Highnesse seruice in this briefe Summarie of a most large Historie, that might and ought to bee written of such slaughters and spoiles as they haue made and perpetrated. Which I beseech your Highnesse to receiue and reade ouer, with that Royall clemencie and courtesie, wherewith you vse to accept and peruse the workes of such your seruants, as no other desire, but faithfully to employ them∣selues [ 50] to the common commoditie, and to procure the prosperitie of the Royall Estate.

This Summarie being perused, and the vildnesse of the iniquitie committed against these poore innocent people, in that they are sl••ine and hewed in pieces without desert, only through the auarice ambition of those that pretend ••o the doing of such execrable deeds, being considered. It may please your Highnesse to desire, and effectually to perswade his Maiestie to denie any whosoeuer shall demand or require so hurtfull and detestable enterprises: yea, euen to burie any such suite or petition in the infernall pit of perpetuall silence, thereby shewing such terrour and dislike as hereafter no man may bee so bold, as once to name or speake thereof. And this (most mightie Lord) is very expedient and necessarie, to the end God may prosper, preserue and make the estate of the Royall Crowne of Castile for euer to flourish both spiritually and temporally. [ 60]

CHAP. IIII.

A briefe Narration of the destruction of the Indies by the Spaniards: written by a Frier BART. de las CASAS a Spaniard, and Bishop of Chiapa in America.

THe Indies were discouered the yeere 1492. and inhabited by the Spanish the yeere next after ensuing: so as it is about fortie nine yeeres sithence that the Spaniards some of them went into those parts. And the first Land that they entred to inha∣bite, [ 10] was the great and most fertile Ile of Hispaniola, which containeth sixe hun∣dred leagues in compasse. There are other great and infinite Iles round about, and in the Confines on all sides: which we haue seene the most peopled, and the fullest of their owne natiue people, as any other Countrie in the World may be. The firme Land lying off from this Iland two hundred and fiftie leagues, and somewhat ouer at the most, containeth in length on the Sea Coast more then ten thousand leagues: which are alreadie discouered, and daily be discoue∣red more and more, all full of people, as an Emmote hill of Emmots. Insomuch, as by that which since, vnto the yeere the fortieth and one hath beene discouered: It seemeth that God hath bestowed in that same Countrie, the gulfe or the greatest portion of Mankind.

God created all these innumerable multitudes in euery sort, very simple, without subtletie, or [ 20] craft, without malice, very obedient, and very faithfull to their naturall Liege Lords, and to the Spaniards whom they serue, very humble, very patient, very desirous of peace making, and peacefull, without brawles and strugglings, without quarrels, without strife, without rancour or hatred, by no meanes desirous of reuengement.

They are also people very gentle, and very tender, and of an easie complexion, and which can sustaine no trauell, and doe die very soone of any disease whatsoeuer, in such sort as the very children of Princes and Noblemen brought vp amongst vs, in all commodities, ease, and deli∣catenesse, are not more soft then those of that Countrie: yea, although they bee the children of Labourers. They are also very poore folke, which possesse little, neither yet doe so much as desire to haue much worldly goods, and therefore neither are they proud, ambitious, nor couetous. [ 30] Their diet is such (as it seemeth) that of the holy Fathers in the Desert hath not bin more scarce, nor more straight, nor lesse daintie, nor lesse sumptuous. Their apparelling is commonly to goe naked: all saue their shamefast parts alone couered. And when they be clothed, at the most, it is but a of a Mantle of Bombacie of an ell and a halfe, or two ells of linnen square. Their lodging is vpon a Mat, and those which haue the best: sleepe as it were vpon a Net fastened at the foure corners, which they call in the Language of the Ile of Hispaniola, Hamasas. They haue their vn∣derstanding very pure and quicke, being teachable and capeable of all good Learning, very apt to receiue our holy Catholike Faith, and to be instructed in good and vertuous manners, hauing lesse incumberances and disturbances to the attaining thereunto, then all the folfe of the world besides, and are so enflamed, ardent, and importune to know and vnderstand the matters of the [ 40] faith after they haue but begunne once to taste them, as likewise the exercise of the Sacraments of the Church, and the diuine Seruice: that in truth, the religious men haue need of a singular patience to support them. And to make an end, I haue heard many Spaniards many times hold this as assured, and that which they could not denie, concerning the good nature which they saw in them. Vndoubtedly these folkes should bee the happiest in the World, if onely they knew God.

Vpon these Lambes so meeke, so qualified and endued of their Maker and Creator, as hath bin said, entred the Spanish incontinent as they knew them, as, Wolues, as Lions, and as Tigres most cruell of long time famished: and haue not done in those quarters these fortie yeeres past, nei∣ther yet doe at this present, ought else saue teare them in pieces, kill them, martyr them, afflict [ 50] them, torment them, and destroy them by strange sorts of cruelties neuer neither seene, nor read, nor heard of the like (of the which some shall be set downe hereafter) so far forth that of aboue three Millions of soules that were in the Ile of Hispaniola, and that we haue seene, there are not now two hundred natiues of the Countrey. The Ile of Cuba, the which is in length as farre as * 2.1 from Vallodolid vntill Rome, is at this day as it were all waste. Saint Iohns Ile, and that of Ia∣mayca, both of them very great, very fertill, and very faire: are desolate. Likewise the Iles of Lucayos, neere to the Ile of Hispaniola, and of the North side vnto that of Cuba, in number being aboue threescore Ilands, together with those which they call the Iles of Geante, one with ano∣ther, great and little, whereof the very worst is fertiler then the Kings Garden at Siuill, and the Countrie the healthsomest in the World: there were in these same Iles more then fiue hundred [ 60] thousand soules, and at this day there is not one only creature. For they haue beene all of them * 2.2 slaine, after that they had drawne them out from thence to labour in their Minerals in the Ile of Hispaniola, where there were no more left of the Natiues of that Iland. A ship riding for the space of three yeeres betwixt all these Ilands, to the end, after the inning of this kind of Vin∣tage,

to gleane and cull the remainder of these folke (for there was a good Christian moued with pittie and compassion, to conuert and win vnto Christ such as might be found) there were not found but eleuen persons which I saw: other Iles more then thirty, neere to the Ile of Saint Iohn haue likewise bin dispeopled and marred. All these Iles containe aboue two thousand leagues of land, and are all dispeopled and laid waste.

As touching the maine firme land, we are certaine that our Spaniards, by their cruelties and cursed doings haue dispeopled and made desolate more then ten Realmes greater then all Spaine, comprising also therewith Aragon & Portugall, and twise as much or more land then there is from Seuill to Ierusalem, which are aboue a thousand leagues: which Realmes as yet vnto this present day remaine in a wildernesse and vtter desolation, hauing bin before time as well p••opled as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 [ 10] possible. We are able to yeelde a good and certaine accompt, that there is within the space of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 said fortie yeares, by those said tyrannies and diuellish doings of the Spaniards, doen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 death 〈◊〉〈◊〉 iustly and tyrannously more then twelue Milions of soules, men, women, and children. And * 2.3 I doe verily beleeue, and thinke not to mistake therein, that there are dead more then fifteene Millions of soules.

The cause why the Spanish haue destroyed such an infinite of soules, hath beene onely, that they haue held it for their last scope and marke to get Gold, and to enrich themselues in a short time, and to mount at one leape to very high estates, in no wise agreeable to their persons: or to say in a word, the cause hereof hath beene their auarice and ambition. And by this meanes haue di∣ed so many Millions without faith and without Sacraments. [ 20]

Of the Ile of Hispaniola.

In the Ile Hispaniola, which was the first (as we haue said) where the Spaniards arriued, began the great slaughters and spoyles of people: the Spaniards ha••ing begun to take their wiues and children of the Indies, for to serue their turne and to vse them ill, and hauing begun to eate their victuals, gotten by their sweate and trauell; not contenting themselues with that which the Indians gaue them of their owne good will, euery one after their abilitie, the which is algates ve∣ry small, forasmuch as they are accustomed to haue no more store then they haue ordinarily neede of, and that such as they get with little trauell: And that which might suffice for three housholds, reckoning ten persons for each houshold for a moneths space, one Spaniard would eate [ 30] and destroy in a day.

Now after sundry other forces, violences, and torments, which they wrought against them: the Indians began to perceiue that those were not men discended from heauen. Some of them therefore hid their victuals, others hid their wiues and children, some others fled into the Moun∣taines, to separate themselues a farre off from a Nation of so hard natured and ghastly conuer∣sation. The Spaniards buffeted them with their fists and bastonades: pressing also to lay hands vpon the Lords of the Townes. And these cases ended in so great an hazard and desperatenesse, that a Spanish Captaine durst aduenture to rauish forcibly the wife of the greatest King and Lord of this Ile. Since which time the Indians began to search meanes to cast the Spaniards out of [ 40] their lands, and set themselues in armes: but what kinde of armes? very feeble and weake to [ 40] withstand or resist, and of lesse defence. The Spaniards with their Horses, their Speares and Lan∣ces, began to commit murders, and strange cruelties: they entred into Townes, Borowes, and * 2.4 Villages, sparing neither children nor old men, neither women with childe, neither them that * 2.5 lay In, but that they ripped their bellies, and cut them in peeces, as if they had beene ope∣ning of Lambes shut vp in their fold. They laid wagers with such as with one thrust of a sword would paunch or bowell a man in the middest, or with one blow of a sword would most readily and most deliuerly cut off his head, or that would best pierce his entrals at one stroake. They tooke the little soules by the heeles, ramping them from the mothers dugges, and crushed their heads against the clifts. Others they cast into the Riuers laughing and mocking, and when they tumbled into the water, they said, now shift for thy selfe such a ones corpes. They put o∣thers, [ 50] together with their mothers, and all that they met, to the edge of the sword. They made certaine Gibbets long and low, in such sort, that the feete of the hanged on, touched in a man∣ner the ground, euery one enough for thirteene, in honour and worship of our Sauiour and his twelue Apostles (as they vsed to speake) and setting to fire, burned them all quicke that were fastened. Vnto all others, whom they vsed to take and reserue aliue, cutting off their two hands as neere as might be, and so letting them hang, they said; Get you with these Letters, to carry tydings to those which are fled by the Mountaines. They murdered commonly the Lords and Nobility on this fashion: They made certaine grates of pearches laid on pickforkes, and made a little fire vnderneath, to the intent, that by little and little yelling and despairing in these tor∣ments, [ 60] they might giue vp the Ghost.

One time I saw foure or fiue of the principall Lords roasted and broyled vpon these gredi∣rons. * 2.6 Also I thinke that there were two or three of these gredirons, garnished with the like fur∣niture, and for that they cryed out pittiously, which thing troubled the Captaine that he could

not then sleepe: he commanded to strangle them. The Sergeant, which was worse then the Hang man that burned them (I know his name and friends in Siuil) would not haue them stran∣gled, but himselfe putting Bullets in their mouthes, to the end that they should not cry, put to * 2.7 the fire, vntill they were softly roasted after his desire. I haue seene all the aforesaid things and others infinite. And forasmuch, as all the people which could flee, hid themselues in the Moun∣taines, and mounted on the tops of them, fled from the men so without all manhood, emptie of all pitie, behauing them as sauage beasts, the slaughterers and deadly enemies of mankinde they taught their Hounds, fierce Dogs, to teare them in peeces at the first view, and in the space that one may say a Credo, assailed and deuoured an Indian as if it had beene a Swine. These Dogges wrought great destructions and slaughters. And forasmuch as sometimes, although seldome, when the Indians put to death some Spaniards vpon good right and Law of due Iustice: [ 10] they made a Lawe betweene them, that for one Spaniard they had to slay an hundred Indians.

There were in this Ile Hispaniola, fiue great principall Realmes, and fiue very mighty Kings, * 2.8 vnto whom almost all other Lords obayed, which were without number. There were also cer∣taine Lords of other seuerall Prouinces, which did not acknowledge for soueraigne any of these Kings: One Realme was named Magua, which is as much to say, as the Kingdome of the plaine. This Plaine is one of the most famous and most admirable things of all that is in the world. For it containeth fourescore leagues of ground, from the South Sea vnto the North sea, hauing in breadth fiue leagues, and eight vnto ten.

It hath on one side and other exceeding high Mountaines. There entreth into it aboue thirty thousand Riuers and Lakes, of the which twelue are as great as Ebro, and Duero, and Guadalque∣uir * 2.9 [ 20] And all the Riuers which issue out of a Mountaine which is towards the West, in number a∣bout fiue and twenty thousand, are very rich of Gold. In the which Mountaine or Mountaines, is contained the Prouince of Cibao, from whence the Mines of Cibao take their names, and from whence commeth the same exquisite Gold and fine of foure and twenty Karrets, which is so re∣nowned in these parts. The King & Lord of this Realme was called Guarionex, which had vnder him his Vassals & Lieges so great and mighty, that euery one of them was able to set forth three∣score thousand men of armes for the seruice of the King Guarionex. Of the which Lords I haue known some certain. This Guarionex was very obedient and vertuous, naturally desirous of peace, and well affectioned to the deuotion of the Kings of Castile, and his people gaue by his comman∣dement, [ 30] euery housekeeper a certaine kinde of Drumfull of Gold: but afterwards being not able to fill the D••um, cut it off by the middest, and gaue the halfe thereof full. For the Indians of that Ile had little or none industrie or practise to gather or draw Gold out of the Mines. The Cacique presented vnto the King of Castile his seruice, in causing to be manured all the lands from the I∣sabella, where the Spanish first sited, vnto the Towne of Saint Domingo, which are fiftie leagues large, on condition that he should exact of them no Gold: for hee said (and hee said the truth) that his Subiects had not the skill to draw it out. As for the manuring which he said he would procure to be done: I know that he could haue done it very easily, and with great readiness, and that it would haue beene worth vnto the King euery yeere more then three Millions of Castil∣lans, besides that it would haue caused, that at this houre there had bin aboue fiftie Cities greater [ 40] then Siuill.

The paiment that they made to this good King and Lord, so gracious and so redoubted, was to dishonour him in the person of his wife, an euill Christian, a Captaine rauishing her. This King could haue attended the time and opportunitie to auenge himselfe in leuying some armie: but the aduised to withdraw himselfe rather, and onely to hide him out of the way, thus being banish∣ed from his Realme and state, into a Prouince of the Cignaios, where there was a great Lord his vassall. After that the Spaniards were ware of his absence, and he could no longer hide himselfe: they make warre against the Lord which had giuen him entertainment, and make great slaugh∣ters through the Countrey as they goe, till in the end they found and tooke him, thrusting him loden with chaines and irons into a Ship, to carry him to Castile: which Ship was lost vpon the * 2.10 Sea, and there were with him drowned many Spaniards, and a great quantity of Gold, amongst [ 50] the which also was the great wedge of Gold, like vnto a great loafe, weying three thousand six hundreth Castillans. Thus it pleased God to wreake vengeance of matters so lewd and so enormous.

The other Realme was called of Marien, where is at this day the Port at one of the bounds of the plaine, towards the North: and it is farre greater then the Realme of Portugall, and * 2.11 much fertiler, worthy to be inhabited, hauing great Mountaines, and Mines of Gold, and Cop∣per very rich. The King was called Guacanagari, which had vnder him many great Lords, of the which I haue knowne and seene sundry. In this Kings Countrey arriued first the old Admirall, when he discouered the Indies, whom at that time that he discouered the Ile, the said Guacana∣gari [ 60] receiued so graciously, bountifully, and curteously with all the Spaniards who were with him, in giuing him all entertainement and succour, for at the very instant was the Ship lost (which the Admirall was carried in) that hee could not haue bin better made off in his owne Countrie of his owne Father. This did I vnderstand of the Admirals owne mouth: This King

dyed, in flying the slaughters and cruelties of the Spaniards through the Mountaines, being de∣stroyed and depriued of his estate. And all the other Lords his subiects dyed in the tyrannie and seruitude that shall be declared hereafter.

The third Realme and dominion was Maguana, a Countrie also admirable, very healthfull, and very fertile, where the best Sugar of the Ile at this day is made. * 2.12

The King of this Countrie was named Caenabo, who surpassed all the others in strength and state, in grauitie, and in the ceremonies of his seruice. The Spaniards tooke this King with great subtiltie and malice, euen as he was in his owne house, doubting of nothing. They conueied him afterwards into a Ship to carry him to Castile; but as there attended them six other Ships in the port, all ready to hoise vp saile: behold how God by his iust iudgement, would declare, that it, [ 10] with other things, was an exceeding great iniquitie and vniust, by sending the same night a tem∣pest, which sunke and drenched that Nauie with the Spaniards that were within. There died al∣so with them the said Caonabo, charged with bolts and irons.

The Prince had three or foure brothers valiant men, and couragious like himselfe, who consi∣dering the imprisonment of their Lord & brother so against all equitie, together with the wasts and slaughters which the Spaniards made in other Realmes, and specially after that they had heard that the King their brother was dead, they put themselues in armes to encounter the Spaniards, and to auenge the wrong; who on the otherside meeting with them on horsebacke; so they rage in discomfitures and massacres, that the one moytie of this Realme hath beene thereby desolate and displ••pled. [ 20]

The fourth Realme is the same which is named of Xaragua. This Realme was as it were the * 2.13 centre or middle point, or to speake of, as the Court of this Isle, the diamond ouer all the other Realmes in language and polished speech, in policie and good manners, the best composed and ordered. For as much as there were many noble Lords and Gentlemen, the people also being the best made and most beautifull. The King had to name Behechio, which had a sister called Anacao∣na. These two, the brother and sister, had done great seruices to the Kings of Castile, and great good turnes to the Spaniards, deliuering them from sundry dangers of death.

After the decease of Behechio, Anacaona remained sole Soueraigne of the Realme. At a time came into this Realme the Gouernour of this Ile with threefcore Horses, and more then three hundreth footemen (the horsemen alone had beene enough to spoyle and ouerrunne not this [ 30] Ile alone, but all the firme land withall:) And to him came, being called, more then three hundred Lords vnder assurance, of whom the chiefest, he fraudulently caused to be con∣ueyed into a house of thatch, and commanded to set to fire. Now on this wise were these Lords burned all aliue: all the rest of the Lords, with other folke infinite, were smitten to death with their Speares and Swords. But the Soueraigne Lady Anacaona, to doe her honour, they hanged. It happened that certaine Spaniards, either of pittie or of couetousnesse, hauing taken and detained certaine yong striplings to make them their Pages; because they would not haue them slaine, and setting them behinde them on their horse backes; another Spaniard came behinde, which stabbed them through with a speare. If so be any childe or boy tombled downe to the ground, another Spaniard came and cut off his legges. Some certaine of these Indians which [ 40] could escape this crueltie so vnnaturall, passed ouer vnto a little Ile neere vnto the other, within an eight leagues. The Gouernour condemned all those which had passed the water, to become slaues; because they had fled from their butcherie.

The fifth Realme was called Higney, ouer the which raigned an ancient Queene named Hig∣nanama, * 2.14 whom the Spaniards hanged vp. The people were infinite whom I saw burnt aliue, and rent in peeces, and tormented diuersly and strangely, and whom I saw made slaues, euen so many as they tooke aliue. And now for as much as there are so many particularities in these Massacres and destruction of those peoples, that they cannot conueniently be comprised in writing (yea I doe verily beleeue, that of a number of things to be spoken of, there cannot be disciphered of a thousand parts one:) I will onely in that which concerneth the warres aboue [ 50] mentioned, conclude, auerre, and iustifie in conscience, and as before God, that of all others, which I ouerpasse to speake of, or shall be able to speake of, the Indians neuer gaue no more oc∣casion or cause, then might a conuent of good religious persons well ordered, why they should be robbed and slaine, and why those that escaped the death, should be retained in a perpetuall captiuitie and bondage. I affirme yet moreouer, for ought that I can beleeue or coniecture, that, during all the time that all this huge number of these Islanders haue beene murdered and made away vtterly, they neuer committed against the Spaniards any one mortall offence, punishable by the law of man. And concerning offences, of the which the punishment is reserued vnto God, as are desire of reuengement, hatred and rancour, which these people might beare against enemies so capitall as were the Spaniards, that very few persons haue beene attached with the [ 60] blemish, and lesse violent and forcible did I finde them, by the good experience I had of them, then children of tenne or twelue yeares of age. And I know for certaine and infallible, that the Indians had euermore most iust cause of warre against the Spaniards; but the Spaniards neuer had any iust cause of warre against the Indians, but they were all diabolicall and most vnrighteous

more then can be spoken of any tyrant that is on the whole earth. And I affirme the selfe same for all their other acts and gests by them done throughout all the Indies.

The warres atchieued, and all the men done to death thereby, reserued commonly the yong folke, women, and children (the which they departed among them, in giuing to one thirtie, to another fortie, and to another an hundreth, or two hundreth, according as euery one had the fauour of the head tyrant, whom they called the Gouernour) they gaue them to the Spaniards vpon that condition and colour, that they would teach them the Catholike faith, they them∣selues who tooke vpon them this charge of soules, commonly all idiots, or vtterly ignorant per∣sons, barbarous men, extreamely couetous and vicious.

Now the carke and care that these had of them, was to send the men vnto the Mines, to [ 10] make them dreine them out Gold, which is an intollerable trauell; and the women they bestow∣ed into the Countrie to their Farmes, to manure and till the ground, which is a sore trauell, euen for the very men, the ablest and mightiest. They gaue to eate neither to one nor other, nought saue grasses and such like things of no substance; in such sort as the milke of the breasts of the wiues new deliuered of their childebirth dried vp; and thus dried vp in a small season, all the lit∣tle creatures their yong children. Further, by reason of the separation and not cohabiting of the men with their wiues, the generation ceased betweene them. The men died with toyle and fa∣mine * 2.15 in the Minerals: these the women died of the same in the fields. By these meanes were con∣sumed and brought to their ends so huge a number of the folke of this Island. By the like might be abolished and exterpate all the inhabitants of the world. [ 20]

As touching loding, they laid vpon them fourescore or an hundreth pounds waight, which they should carrie an hundreth or two hundreth leagues: The Spanish also causing themselues to be carried in Lyters vpon mens armes, or beds made by the Indians, in fashion of Nets. For they serued their turnes with them to transport their carriages and baggage as beasts, whereby they had vpon their backes and shoulders, whailes and gals as poore galled beasts. Also as touching whippings, bastonading, buffeting, blowes with the fist, cursing, and a thousand other kindes of torments, which they practised vpon them during the time that they trauailed, of a truth, they cannot be recounted in a long season, nor written in a great deale of paper, and they should be euen to affright men withall.

It is to be noted, that the destruction of these Iles and lands, began after the decease of the [ 30] most gracious Queene, dame Isabel, which was the yeare one thousand fiue hundred and foure. For before there were laid wast in this Ile, but certaine Prouinces by vniust warre, and that not wholly altogether, & these for the more part, or in a manner all were conceiled from the know∣ledge of the Queene (vnto who it may please God to giue his holy glory) forasmuch as she had a great desire, and a zeale admirable, that those people might be saued and prosper, as we do know good examples, the which we haue seene with our eyes, and felt with our hands. Further note here, that in what part of the Indies the Spanish haue come, they haue euermore exercised against the Indians, these innocent peoples, the cruelties aforesaid, and oppressions abominable, and in∣uented day by day new torments, huger and monstrouser, becomming euery day more cruell, wherefore God also gaue them ouer to fall headlong downe with a more extreame downfall in∣to [ 40] a reprobate sense.

Of the two Iles Saint Iohn, and Iamayca.

THe Spanish passed ouer the Ile of Saint Iohn, and to the end of Iamaica which were like Gar∣dens for Bees) 1509. setting before them the same end which they had in the Ile Hispaniola, and committing the robberies and crimes aforesaid, adioyning thereunto many great and notable cruelties, killing, burning, rosting and casting them to the Dogs: furthermore, afterwards oppres∣sing, and vexing them in their Minerals and other trauell, vnto the rooting out of those poore in∣nocents * 2.16 which were in these two Iles, by supputation six hundred thousand soules; yea I beleeue [ 50] that they were more then a Million, although there be not at this day in either Ile two hundred persons, and all perished without faith and without Sacraments.

Of the Ile of Cuba.

IN the yeare 1511. they passed to the Ile of Cuba (where were great Prouinces, and great multi∣tudes of people) they both began and concluded with them after the fashion afore spoken, yea worse and farre more cruelly. There came to passe in this Iland matters worth the noting: A Ca∣cique, named Hathuey, which had conueied himselfe from the Ile Hispaniola to Cuba, with many [ 60] of his people, to auoide the calamities & practises so vnnaturall of the Spanish: when as certain In∣dians had told him tidings that the Spaniards were comming towards Cuba, he assembled his men, and bespake them: Now you know that the Spaniards are comming on this side, and yee know * 2.17 also by experience, how they haue entreated such, and such, and the people of Hayti (meaning

thereby Hispaniola) hither they come to doe the like here. Wot yee why they doe it? they an∣swered, no, vnlesse it be that they are by nature voide of humanitie. He replied: They do it not onely for that; but because they haue a God whom they honour, and doe demand very much, and to the end to haue from vs as well as others to honour him withall, they doe their vttermost to subdue vs. He had then by him a little Chest full of Gold and Iewels, and said, Behold here the God of the Spaniards, let vs doe to him, if it so seeme you good, Aretos (which are wind∣lesses and dances) thus doing, we shall please him, and he will command the Spaniards that they shall doe vs no harme: They answered all with a loud voyce: Well said Sir, well said. Thus then they danced before it, vntill they were weary, then quoth the Lord Hathney, Take wee heede how euer the world goe, if we keepe him, to the end that he be taken away from vs, in the end [ 10] they will kill vs; wherefore let vs cast him into the Riuer: whereunto they all agreed, and so they cast it into a great Riuer there.

This Lord and Cacique went alwayes flying the Spanish, incontinent as they were arriued at the Ile of Cuba, as he which knew them but too well, and defended himselfe when he met them. In the end he was taken, and onely for because that hee fled from a Nati〈…〉〈…〉 so vniust and cruell, * 2.18 and that he defended himselfe from such as would kill him, and oppresse him euen vnto the death, with all his folke, he was burned aliue. Now as he was fastned to the stake, a religious man of Saint Francis order, a deuou•• person, spake to him somewhat of God and of our Faith, which things this said Lord had neuer heard of, yet might be sufficient for the time which the butchers gaue him, that if he would beleeue those things which were spoken to him, hee should [ 20] goe to heauen, where is glory and rest euerlasting, that if he did not beleeue, hee should goe to hell, there to be tormented perpetually. The Lord after hauing a little paused to thinke of the matter, demanded of the Religious man, whether that the Spaniards went to heauen; who an∣swered, * 2.19 yea; such of them that were good. The Cacique answered againe immediately without any further deliberation, that he would not goe to heauen, but that he would goe to hell, to the end, not to come in the place where such people should be, and to the end not to see a Nation so cruell. Loe here the praises and honour which God and our faith haue receiued of the Spaniards, which haue gone to the Indies.

One time the Indians came to meete vs, and to receiue vs with victuals, and delicate cheere, and with all entertainment ten leagues of a great Citie, and being come at the place, they presen∣ted [ 30] vs with a great quantity of fish, and of bread, and other meate, together with all that they could doe for vs to the vttermost. See incontinent the Diuell, which put himselfe into the Spa∣niards, to put them all to the edge of the sword in my presence, without any cause whatsoeuer, more then three thousand soules, which were set before vs, men, women, and children. I saw there so great cruelties, that neuer any man liuing either haue or shall see the like. * 2.20

Another time, but a few dayes after the premisses. I sent messengers vnto all the Lords of the Prouince of Hanana, assuring them, that they should not neede to feare (for they had heard of my credit) and that without withdrawing themselues, they should come to receiue vs, and that there should be done vnto them no displeasure: for all the Countrie was afraid, by reason of the mischiefes and murderings passed, and this did I by the aduice of the Captaine himselfe. After [ 40] that we were come into the Prouince, one and twenty Lords and Caciques came to receiue vs, whom the Captaine apprehended incontinently, breaking the safe conduct which I had made them, and intending the day next following to burne them aliue, saying that it was expedi∣ent so to doe, for that otherwise those Lords one day, would doe vs a shrewd turne. I found my selfe in a great deale of trouble to saue them from the fire; howbeit in the end they escaped.

After that the Indians of this Iland were thus brought into bondage and calamitie, like vnto those of the Ile of Hispaniola, and that they saw that they died and perished all without reme∣dy: some of them began to flye into the Mountaines, others quite desperate hanged themselues, and there hung together husbands with their wiues, hanging with them their little children. * 2.21 And through the crueltie of one only Spaniard, which was a great tyrant, and one whom I know, [ 50] there hung themselues more then two hundred Indians: and in this fashion died an infinite of people.

There was in this Ile an officer of the Kings, to whom they gaue for his share three hundred Indians, of whom at the end of three moneths there died by him in the trauell of the Mines, two hundred and sixty: in such sort, that there remained now but thirty, which was the tenth part. Afterwards they gaue him as many more, and more, and those also hee made hauocke of in like manner, and still as many as they gaue him, so many he slew, vntill he died himselfe, and that the Diuell carried him away.

In three or foure moneths (my selfe being present) there died more then sixe thousand chil∣dren, * 2.22 by reason that they had plucked away from them their fathers and mothers, which they [ 60] sent into the Mines. I beheld also other things frightfull. Shortly after they resolued to climbe after those which were in the Mountaines, where they wrought also ghastly slaughters, and thus laid waste all this Ile; which we beheld not long after, and it is great pitie to see it so dispeopled and desolate as it is.

Of Terra Firma, or the firme land.

IN the yeere 1514. there landed in the Maine a mischieuous Gouernour. Hee not onely wasted or dispeopled the Sea Coast, but sacked also great Realmes and Countries, making hauocks by slaying and murdering of peoples, infinite to be numbred, and sending them to Hell. He ouer∣ranne and harried most of the places in the Land, from Darien vpward, vnto the Realme and Prouinces of Nicaragua within being, which are more then fiue hundred leagues of the best, and most fertile ground in the whole World, where there were a good number of great Lords, with a number of Townes, Boroughes, and Villages, and store of gold in more abundance then was to be found on the earth vntill that present. [ 10]

This Gouernour with his men, found out new sorts of cruelties and torments, to cause them to discouer and giue him gold. There was a Captaine of his, which slue in one walke and course which was made by his commandement, to rob and roote out more then fortie thousand soules, putting them to the edge of the Sword, burning them, and giuing them to the Dogges, and tor∣menting them diuersly: which also a Religious man of the Order of Saint Francis, who went with him, beheld with his eies, and had to name Frier Francis of Saint Romane.

The most pernicious blindnesse, which hath alwaies possessed those who haue gouerned the Indians, in stead of the care which they should haue for the conuersion and saluation came to that passe, as to command orders to bee set downe vnto the Indians to receiue the faith, and render [ 20] themselues vnto the obedience of the King of Castile, or otherwise to bid them battle with fire and Sword, and to slay them or make them slaues: he commanded (or peraduenture the theeues, whom he dispatched to doe the execution, did it of their heads) when they were purposed to goe a rouing and robbing of any place, where they knew that there was any gold, the Indians being in their Townes and dwelling houses, without mistrusting any thing, the wicked Spaniards would goe after the guize of Theeues, vnto within halfe a league neere some Towne, Borough, or Village, and there by themselues alone, and by night make a reading, publication, or Procla∣mation of the said Ordinances, saying thus, Oyes, Caciques and Indians of this firme Land of such * 2.23 a place: Be it knowne vnto you, that there is one God, one Pope, one King of Castile, which is Lord of these Lands: make your appearance, all delay set aside, hereto doe him homage, &c. Which if you shall [ 30] not accomplish: Be it knowne vnto you, that we will make warre vpon you, and we will kill you, and make you slaues. Hereupon at the fourth watch in the morning, the poore Innocents, sleeping yet with their wiues and children: these Tyrants set vpon the place, casting fire on the houses which com∣monly were thatched, and so burne vp all quicke men, women and children, more suddenly then that they could of a great many be perceiued. They massacred at the instant those that seemed them good, and those whom they tooke prisoners, they caused them cruelly to die vpon the Racke, to make them to tell in what places there were any more Gold then they found with them: and others which remained aliue, they made them slaues, marking them with a hot Iron, so after the fire being out and quenched, they goe seeke the gold in their houses. This is then the deportment in these affaires of this person, with all the bond of his vngodly Christians, which [ 40] he trained from the fourteenth yeere, vnto the one and twentie, or two and twentieth yeere, sending in these Exploits sixe or moe of his Seruants or Souldiers, by whom he receiued as ma∣ny shares, ouer and besides his Captaines Generals part, which hee leuied of all the Gold, of all the Pearles, and of all the Iewels which they tooke of those whom they made their slaues. The selfe-same did the Kings Officers, euerie one sending forth as many seruants as he could.

The Bishop also, which was the chiefe in the Realme, he sent his seruants to haue his share in the bootie: They spoiled more gold within the time, and in this Realme, as farre forth as I am able to reckon, then would amount to a Million of Ducates, yea, I beleeue, that I make my rec∣koning with the least. Yet will it be found, that of all this great theeuing, they neuer sent to the King ought saue three thousand Castillans, hauing thereabout killed and destroyed aboue eight hundred thousand soules. The other Tyrant Gouernours which succeeded after, vnto the yeere * 2.24 [ 50] thirtie and three, slue or at least wise consented, for all those which remained to slay them in that tyrannicall slauerie.

Amongst an infinite sort of mischiefes, which this Gouernour did, nor consented vnto the doing during the time of his gouernment, this was one: To wit, that a Cacike or Lord giuing him, either of his good will, or which is rather to be thought for feare, the weight of nine thousand Ducates: the Spaniards not content withall, tooke the said Lord, and tied him to a stake, setting him on the earth, his feet stretched vp, against the which they set fire to cause him to giue them some more gold. The Lord sent to his house, whence there were brought, yet moreouer three thousand Castillans. They goe afresh to giue him new torments. And when the Lord gaue [ 60] them no more, either because he had it not, or because he would giue them no more, they bent his feet against the fire, vntill that the verie marrow sprang out, and trilled downe the soles of his feete: so as hee therewith died. They haue oftentimes exercised these kinde of torments to∣wards the Lords, to make them giue them gold, wherewith they haue also slaine them.

Another time, a certaine companie of Spaniards, vsing their thefts and robberies, came to a Mountaine, where were assembled and hid a number of people, hauing shunned those men so pernicious and horrible: whom incontinent entring vpon, they tooke about three or fourescore, as well women as maids, hauing killed as many as they could kill. The morrow after, there assem∣bled a great companie of Indians, to pursue the Spaniards, warring against them for the great de∣sire they had to recouer their wiues and daughters.

The Spaniards perceiuing the Indians to approach so neere vpon them, would not so forgoe their prey, but stabd their Swords thorow the bellies of the wiues and wenches, leauing but one alone aliue of all the fourescore. The Indians felt their hearts to burst for sorrow and griefe which they suffered, yelling out in cries and speaking such words: O wicked men, O yee the cruell [ 10] Spaniards: doe yee kill Las Iras: They terme Iras in that Countrie the women: as if they would say, to kill women, those be acts of abominable men, and cruell as beasts.

There was about ten or fifteene leagues from Ioanama, a great Lord named Paris, which was very rich of gold: The Spaniards went thither, whom this Lord receiued as if they had beene his owne brethren, and made a Present vnto the Captaine of fiftie thousand Castillans of his owne voluntarie accord. It seemed vnto the Captaine and the other Spaniards, that he which gaue such a great summe of his owne will, should haue a great treasure, which should be the end and easing of their trauels. They pretend in words to depart: but they returne at the fourth watch of the morning, setting vpon the Towne which mistrusted nothing set it on fire, whereby was burnt and slaine a great number of people, and by this meanes they brought away in the spoile fiftie, or threescore thousand Castillansmoe. The Cacike or Lord escaped without being slaine or taken, [ 20] and leuied incontinent as many of his as he could. And at the end of three or foure daies ouerta∣keth the Spaniards which had taken from him an hundred and thirtie, or fortie thousand Castil∣lans, and set vpon them valian••ly, killing fiftie Spaniards, and recouering all the gold which they had taken from him. The others saued themselues by running away, being well charged with blowes and wounded. Not long after, diuers of the Spanish returne against the said Cacike, and discomfite him with an infinite number of his people. Those which were not slaine, they put them to the ordinarie bondage: in such sort, as that there is not at this day, neither tracke nor token, that there hath beene liuing there either people, or so much as one man alone borne of woman within thirtie leagues of the Land, which was before notably peopled and gouerned by [ 30] diuers Lords. There is no reckoning able to be made of the murders which this Caitiffe with his companie committed in these Realmes which he so dispeopled.

Of the Prouince of Nicaragua.

THe yeere 1522. or twentie three, this Tyrant went farther into the Land: to bring vnder his yoke the most fertile Prouince of Nicaragua, and so in thither he entred in an euill houre. There is no man which is able worthily and sufficiently to speake of the fertiltie, healthsomenesse, prosperitie, and frequencie, of those Nations that there were.

He sent fiftie Horsemen, and caused to slay all the people of this Prouince, (which is greater [ 40] then the Countie of Rossillon) with the Sword: in such sort, as that hee left aliue, nor man, nor woman, nor old, nor young, for the least cause in the World: as if they came not incontinent at his command: or if they did not bring him so many load of Maiz, which signifieth in that Coun∣trie bread Corne: or if they did not bring him so many Indians to serue him and others of his company: for the Countrie lay leuell, as was said, and no creature could escape his horses and de∣uillish rage. He sent Spaniards to make out rodes, that is to say, to go a theeuing into other Pro∣uinces: and gaue leaue to those Rouers, to carrie with them as many Indians of this peaceable people as they listed, and that they should serue them, whom they put to the chaine, to the end they should not giue ouer the burdens of three or fourescore pounds weight, wherewith they loaded them, whereof it came to passe oftentimes that of foure thousand Indians, there returned [ 50] not home to their houses six aliue: but euen fell downe starke dead in the high way: and when any were so wearie that they could march no farther for the weight of their burdens, or that some of them fell sicke, or fainted for hunger or thirst, because it should not need to stand so long as to vnlocke the chaine, and to make the speedier dispatch, hee cut off the head from the shoul∣ders, and so the head tumbled downe one way, and the bodie another. Now consider with your selues, what the other poore soules might thinke the whiles.

He was the cause that the Indians sowed not their grounds one whole yeeres continuance. So as now, when they wanted bread, the Spaniards tooke away from the Indians their Maiz, which they had in store for prouision, to nourish them and their children: whereby there died of famine more then twentie or thirtie thousand soules. And it came to passe, that a woman falne mad with * 2.25 [ 60] the famine slue her Sonne to eate him.

They haue discomfited and oppressed in this Prouince a great number of people, and hastened their death in causing them to beare boords and timber vnto the Hauen thirty leagues distance, to make ships with: and sent them to go seeke Honie and Wax amiddest the Mountaines, where

the Tigres deuoured them: Yea they haue laden women with childe, and women new deliue∣red or lying in, with burdens enough for beasts.

The greatest plague which hath most dispeopled this Prouince, hath beene the licence which the Gouernour gaue to the Spaniards, to demand or exact of the Cacicks and Lords of the coun∣trie slaues. They did giue them euery foure or fiue moneths, or as oftentimes as euery one could obtaine licence of the Gouernour fiftie slaues: with threatnings, that if they gaue them not, * 2.26 they would burne them aliue, or cause them to be eaten with Dogges. Now ordinarily the In∣dians doe not keepe slaues, and it is much if one Cacike doe keepe two, three or foure: Where∣fore to serue this turne, they went to their subiects, and tooke first all the Orphelins, and after∣wards they exacted of him that had two children one, and of him that had three, two: and in [ 10] this manner was the Cacicke faine to furnish still to the number that the Tyrant imposed, with the great weeping and crying of the people: for they are people that doe loue (as it seemeth) tenderly their children. And for because that this was done continually, they dispeopled from the yeere 23. vnto the yeere 33. all this Realme. For there went for sixe or seuen yeeres space, fiue or sixe ships at a time, carryi••g forth great numbers of those Indians, for to sell them for slaues at Ioanama and Peru: where they all died not long after. For it is a thing proued and ex∣perimented a thousand times, that when the Indians are transported from their naturall Coun∣trey, they soone end their liues: besides that these giue them not their sustenance, neither yet di∣minish they of their toile, as neither doe they buy them, for ought else but to toile. They haue by this manner of doing drawne out of this Prouince of the Indies, whom they haue made slaues, [ 20] being as free borne as I am, more then fiue hundred thousand soules. And by the Deuillish warres * 2.27 which the Spanish haue made on them, and the hideous thraldome that they haue laid vpon them, they haue brough•• to their deaths, other fiftie or threescore thousand persons, and do yet daily make hauocke of them at this present. All these slaughters haue beene accomplished with∣in the space of fourteene yeeres. There may be left at this day in all this Prouinces of Nicaragua, the number of about foure or fiue thousand persons, which they also cause to die as yet euery day, through bondages and oppressious ordinarily and personall, hauing beene the Countrey the most peopled in the World, as I haue alreadie said.

Of New Spaine. [ 30]

IN the yeere 1517. was New Spaine discouered: at the Discouerie whereof were committed great disorders and slaughters of the Indians, by those which had the doing of that Exploite. The yeere 1518. there went Spanish Christians (as they terme themselues) to rob and slay, not∣withstanding * 2.28 that they said they went to people the Countrie. Sithence that yeere, 1518. vn∣to this present yeere 1542. the vniust dealings, the violencie, and the Tyrannies which the Spa∣niards haue wrought against the Indians, are mounted to the highest degree of extremitie: those selfe-same Spaniards, hauing thorowly lost the feare of God, and of the King, and forgotten themselues. For the discomfitures, cruelties, slaughters, spoiles, the destructions of Cities, pillages, violences, and Tyrannies which they haue made in so many Realmes, and so great haue been such [ 40] and so horrible, that all the things which we haue spoken of, are nothing in comparison of those which haue beene done and executed from the yeere 1518. vnto the yeere 1542. and as yet at this time, this moneth current of September, are in doing and committing the most grieuousest, and the most abominablest of all: in such sort that the rule which wee set downe before is veri∣fied: That is, That from the beginning they haue alwaies proceeded from euill to worse, and haue gone be∣yond themselues in the most greatest disorders and deuillish doings.

In such wise, as that since the first entring into New Spaine, which was on the eight day of Aprill, in the eighteenth yeere vnto the thirtieth yeere, which make twelue yeeres complete: the slaughters and the destructions haue neuer ceassed, which the bloudie and cruell hands of the Spaniards haue continually executed in foure hundred and fiftie leagues of Land or thereabout in compasse, round about Mexico, and the Neighbour Regions round about, such as the which [ 50] might containe foure or fiue great Realmes, as great and a great deale farre fertiler then is Spaine. All this Countrie was more peopled with Inhabitants, then Toledo, and Siuill, and Vallodolid, and Sauagoce, with Barcelona. For that there hath not beene commonly in those Cities, nor neuer were such a world of people, when they haue beene peopled with the most, as there was then in the said Country, which containeth in the whole compasse more then 1800. leagues: during the time of the aboue mentioned twelue yeeres, the Spaniards haue slaine and done to death in the said 450. leagues of Land what men, what women, what young and little children, more then foure Millions of soules, with the dint of the Sword and Speare, and by fire, during (I say) the Conquests (as they call them.) Neither yet doe I here comprize those, whom they haue slaine, [ 60] and doe slay as yet euery day, in the aforesaid slauerie and oppression ordinarie.

Amongst other Murders and Massacres they committed this one which I am now to speake of, in a great Citie more then of a thirtie thousand housholds, which is called Cholula: that is, that comming before them the Lords of the Countrie and places neere adioyning, and first and

formost the Priests with their chiefe high Priest in procession, to receiue the Spaniards with great solemnitie and reuerence, so conducting them in the middest of them, towards their Lod∣gings in the Citie, in the houses and place of the Lord, or other principall Lords of the Citie: the Spaniards aduised with themselues to make a massacre, or a chastise (as they speake) to the end, to raise and plant a dread of their cruelties in euery corner of all that Countrie.

Now this hath beene alwaies their customary manner of doing, in euery the Regions which they haue entred into, to execute incontinent vpon their first arriuall, some notable cruell but∣cherie, to the end, that those poore and innocent Lambes should tremble for feare which they should haue of them: in this wise they sent first to summon all the Lords and Noblemen of the Citie, and of all the places subiect vnto the same Citie: who so soone as they came to speake with the Captaine of the Spaniards, were incontinent apprehended before that any body might [ 10] perceiue the matter, to be able thereupon to beare tidings thereof vnto others. Then were de∣manded of them fiue or sixe thousand Indians, to carry the lodings and carriages of the Spaniards: which Indians came forthwith, and were bestowed into the base Courts of the Houses. It was a pitifull case to see these poore folke, what time they made them ready to beare the carriages of the Spaniard. They come all naked, only their secret parts couered, hauing euery one vpon their shoulder a Net with a small deale of victuall: they bow themselues euery one, and hold their backes cowred downe like a sort of ••llie Lambes, presenting themselues to the Swords: and thus being all assembled in the base Court, together with others, one part of the Spanish all ar∣med, bestowe themselues at the gates to hemme them in, whiles the rest put these poore Sheepe to the edge of the Sword and the Speares, in such sort, that there could not escape away one [ 20] onely person, but that he was cruelly put to death; sauing that after a two or three dayes you might haue seene come forth sundry all couered with bloud which had hid and saued themselues vnder the dead bodies of their fellowes, and now presenting themselues before the Spaniards, asking them mercy and the sauing of their liues: they found in them no pitie nor compassion any whit at all, but were all hewed in pieces.

All the Lords which were aboue and vnderneath, were all bound, the Captaine commanding them to be brent quicke being bound vnto stakes pitched into the ground. Howbeit one Lord, which might be peraduenture the principall and King of the Countrie saued himselfe, and cast himselfe with thirtie or fortie other men into a Temple thereby, which was as good vnto them as a Fort, which they call in their Language, Qewe: and there he defended himselfe a good part [ 30] of the day. But the Spaniards, whose hands nothing can escape specially armed for the warre, cast fire on the Temple, and burned all those which were within.

From Cholula they went to Mexico. The King Motensuma sent to meet them a thousand of * 2.29 presents, and Lords, and people, making ioy and mirth by the way.

After great and abhominable tyrannies committed in the Citie of Mexico, and in other Cities, and the Countrey, ten, fifteene, and twenty leagues compasse of Mexico: this tyrannie and pe∣stilence aduanced it selfe forward, to waste also, infect, and lay desolate the Prouince of Panuco. It was a thing to be wondred at of the world, of people that there were, and the spoyles and slaughters there done. Afterward they wasted also after the selfe manner, all the Prouince of Tuttepeke, and the Prouince of Ipelingo, and the Prouince of Columa: each Prouince contayning [ 40] more ground then the Realme of Leon and Castile.

This Captaine tyrant, with this gorgeous and pretended title, dispatched two other Cap∣taines, as very tyrants and farre more cruell, and lesse pitifull then himselfe, into great Realmes most flourishing, and most fertile, and full of people, to wit, the Realme of Guatimala, which lieth to the Seaward on the South side, and the same of Naco, and Honduras, otherwise called Guaymura, which coasteth on the Sea on the North side, confronting and confining the one with the other, three hundred leagues distance from Mexico. He sent the one by Land, and the other by Sea: both the one and the other carried with them a many of troopes to serue on horsebacke and a foot. [ 50]

He which went by Sea, committed exceeding pillings, cruelties, and disorders amongst the people on the Sea-coast.

The Prouinces and Realmes of Naco and Honduras, which resembled a Paradise of pleasures: and were more peopled, frequented, and inhabited, then any Countrey in the world: now of late, wee comming along thereby, haue seene them so dispeopled and destroyed, that who so should see them, his heart would cleaue for sorrow, ware hee neuer so flinty. They haue slaine within these eleuen yeeres, more then two millions of soules, hauing not left in more then an * 2.30 hundred leagues of the Countrey square, but two thousand persons, whom they slay as yet dai∣ly in the said ordinary bondage.

The great tyrant and Captaine, which went to Guatimala (as hath beene said, exceeded all) from the Prouinces neere to Mexico, (according as himselfe wrote in a Letter to the principall [ 60] Tyrant which had sent him) distant from the Realme of Guatimala foure hundred leagues (kee∣ping the way by him traced) as he went, slue, robbed, burned and destroyed all the Countrey, wheresoeuer he became, vnder the shadow of title aboue mentioned, saying: that they should

submit themselues vnto them, in the name of the King of Spaine, who was vnto them vn∣knowne, and of whom they had neuer heard speake: and which those Nations there esteemed * 2.31 more vniust and more cruell then they his men were. And the Tyrants giuing them no respite of time to deliberate, they fling vpon the poore folke, in a manner as soone as the message was done, putting all to fire and bloud.

Of the Prouince and Realme of Guatimala.

NO sooner arriued hee into this said Realme: but that hee beganne with great slaughter of the Inhabitants. This notwithstanding the chiefe Lord came to receiue him, being carried [ 10] in a Lighter, with Trumpets and Tabours, reioycings, and disports, accompanied with a great number of the Lords of the Citie of Ultlatan, head Citie of the whole Realme, doing them also seruice with all they had, but specially in giuing them food abundantly, and whatsoeuer they demanded besides. The Spanish lodged this night without the Citie, forasmuch as the same see∣med vnto them strong, and there might be thereby danger.

This Captaine called to him the next morrow the chiefe Lord, with other great Lords, who being come as meeke sheepe, he apprehended them all, and commanded them to giue him cer∣taine summes of gold. They answering that they had none, forasmuch as the Countrie yeelded none: he commandeth incontinent to burne them aliue, without hauing committed any crime whatsoeuer, and without any other forme of Processe or sentence. [ 20]

As the Lords of all these Prouinces perceiued, that they had burned their soueraigne Lords, onely because they gaue them no Gold, they fled all to the Mountaines, commanding their Sub∣iects to goe to the Spaniards, and to serue them as their Lords, but that they should not discouer them, nor giue them intelligence where they were. With this, loe all the people of the Coun∣trey, presenting them, and protesting to be theirs, and to serue them as their Lords: The Cap∣taine made answere that he would not accept of them, but that he would kill them if they told not where were their Lords. The Indians answered, they could not tell ought: but as touching themselues they were content, that they should employ them to their seruice, with their wiues and children: and that they should vse their houses, and that there they might kill, or doe what∣soeuer them pleased. [ 30]

It is a wonderfull thing, that the Spaniards went to their Villages and Burrowes, and finding there these silly people at their worke, with their wiues and children, neither misdoubting any thing, they pierced them with their Boare-speares, and hackled them to pieces. They came to one Burrow great and mighty, which held it selfe more ass••red then any other, because of their innocency: whom the Spanish laid desolate in a manner all whole, in the space of two houres, putting to the edge of the sword, children, with women, and aged persons, and all those which could not escape by fleeing.

The Indians aduised betweene them to digge certaine ditches in the middest of the wayes, to make their Horses tumble into, and piercing their bellies with Pikes sharp••ed and brent at one end, there bestowed of purpose, and couered ouer so orderly with greene turfe, that it seemed [ 40] there was no such matter.

There fell in Horses once or twice: for the Spaniards afterwards could beware of them. But now to auenge them, they made a Law, that as many Indians as might bee taken aliue, should be slung into the same pits. Hereupon they cast in women with child, and women new deliue∣red of child-birth, and old folke as many as they could come by, vntill that the ditches were fil∣led vp. It was a lamentable thing to behold the women with their children stabbed with these pickes. All besides, they slue with thrust of Speares, and edge of Sword. They cast of them also to flesh fraunching Dogs, which tare them and deuoured them. They brent a Lord at a great fire of quicke flames: saying, they would herein doe him honour. And they persisted in these butcheries so vnnaturall, about seuen yeeres, from the yeere 24. vntill the yeere 31. [ 50]

The Indians which escaped, with all other of the Countrie seeing all the mischiefes of the Spa∣nish, began to assemble, and put themselues in Armes: whereupon the Spaniards worke great discomfitures and slaughters, returning to Guatimala, where they builded a Citie, the which * 2.32 God of a iust iudgement hath reuersed with three ouerwhelmings falling all three together: the one was with water, the other with earth, and the third with stones, of the bignesse of ten or twentie Oxen. By such like meanes all the Lords, and the men that were able to beare Armes being slaine: those which remayned, were reduced into the Diabolicall seruitude aforesaid, being made tributary slaues or villaines regardant, but giuing for their tribute sonnes and daugh∣ters, for they will haue none other kinde of bond-men. And so the Spaniards sending whole ships laden with them to Peru, to sell them, with their other slaughters, haue destroyed and laid [ 60] desart an whole Realme, of an hundred leagues square, or aboue, a Countrie the most blessefull, and peopled the most that might be in the world. For the Tyrant himselfe wrote hereof, that it was more peopled then Mexico: and herein he said the truth. He hath done to death, with * 2.33 his consorts and confreres, more then foure or fiue millions of soules in fifteene or sixteene yeeres

space, from the yeere 24. vnto the yeere 40. and yet at this houre they slay and destroy those that remayne.

This Tyrant had a custome, when as he went to make warre vpon any Citie or Prouince: to carrie thither of the Indians already vnder-yoaked, as many as hee could, to make warre vpon the other Indians: and as he gaue vnto a ten or twentie thousand men which hee led along no sustenance, he allowed them to eate the Indians which they tooke: And so by this meanes hee had in his Campe an ordinary shambles of mans flesh, where in his presence they killed and ro∣sted * 2.34 children. They killed men onely to haue off from them their hands and their feete, which parts they held to be the daintiest morsels.

He was the death of an infinite sort of the Indians in making of ships, the which hee trans∣ported after this rate great store of Artilerie, which hee loded vpon the shoulders of these poore [ 10] folke going naked: whereby I haue seeue very many fall downe in the high way, by reason of their great burdens. He vndid whole housholds, by taking from the men their wiues and daugh∣ters: the which afterwards he dispersed in gifts to his Mariners and Souldiers to please them withall, who led them along with them in their Nauies. Hee stuffed all the ships with Indians, where they died for thirst and hunger. He made two Nauies, either of a great number of ships, with the which he consumed as with fire and lightning flashing from Heauen all those peoples.

Of new Spaine, and Panuco, and Xalisco.

AFter the exceeding cruelties and slaughters aforesaid, and the others which I haue omitted, [ 20] which haue beene executed in the Prouinces of New Spaine and Panuco: there came to Panuco another Tyrant, cruell and vnbrideled, in the yeere 1••25. Who in committing very ma∣ny cruelties, and in branding many for slaues, after the manner aforesaid, which were all free, and in sending very many ships laden to Cuba, and Hispaniola, where they might best make mer∣chandise of them, he atchieued the desolation of this Prouince.

And it hath come to passe in his time, that there hath beene giuen for one Mare, eight hun∣dred * 2.35 Indians soules partakers of reason. And this man from this roome was promoted to be Pre∣sident of Mexico, and of all the Prouince of New Spaine, and there were promoted with him other Tyrants, to the offices of Auditorships: in the which dignities they set forward also this Countrie into so extreme a desolation, that if God had not k••pt them by meanes of the resi∣sta••ce [ 30] of the religious men of Saint Francis Order, and if that there had not beene prouided with all speed a Court of Audience, and the Kings Counsell in those parts friend to all vertue, they had layd waste all New Spaine, as they haue done the Ile of Nispaniola, There was a man, amongst those of the companie of this Captaine, who to the end to enclose a Garden of his, with a wall: kept in his workes eight thousand Indians, without paying them ought, nor gi∣uing them to eate, in manner ••hat they died, falling downe suddenly, and hee neuer tooke the more thought for the matter.

After that the chiefe Captaine which I spake of, had finished the laying waste of Panuco, and that hee vnderstood the newes of the comming of the Kings Court of Audience: hee aduised with himselfe to proceed farther into the innermost parts of the Realme, to search where hee [ 40] might tyrannize at his ease, and drew by force out of the Prouince of Mexico, fifteene or twen∣tie thousand men, to the end, that they should carrie the loades and carriages of the Spaniards, which went with him, of whom there neuer returned againe two hundred, the others being dead on the high-wayes.

He came at the Prouince of Mechuacham, which is distant from Mexico fortie leagues, a Re∣gion as blissefull and full of Inhabitants, as is that of Mexico. The King and Lord of the Coun∣trey went to receiue him with an infinite companie of people, which did vnto them a thousand seruices and curtesies. He apprehended him by and by, for that he had the bruit to be very rich of Gold and siluer: and to the end, that he should giue him great treasures, he beganne to giue [ 50] him the torments, and put him in a paire of stockes by the feet, his body stretched out, and his hands bound to a stake, he maketh a flashing fire against his feet, and there a boy with a basting sprinkle soked in Oyle in his hand, stood and basted them a little and a little, to the end to well rost the skinne. There was in one side of him a cruell man, the which with a Cros-bow bent, aymed right at his heart, on the other side another which held a Dog snarling, and leaping vp as to runne vpon him, which in lesse then the time of a Credo, had beene able to haue torne him in pieces: and thus they tormented him, to the end hee should discouer the treasures which they desired, vntill such time as a religious man of Saint Francis Order tooke him away from them, notwithstanding that hee died of the same torments. They tormented and slue of this fashion very many of the Lords and Cacikes in these Prouinces: to the end that they should giue them Gold and Siluer [ 60]

At the same time a certaine tyrant found, that certaine Indians had hid their Idols, as those which had neuer beene better instructed by the Spaniards of any better God, hee apprehended and detayned prisoners the Lords, vntill such time as that they would giue them their Idols,

supposing all this while they had beene of Gold or of Siluer: howbeit they were not so, where∣fore he chastised them cruelly and vniustly. But to the end he would not remayne frustrate of his intent, which was to spoyle, he constrayned the Cacikes to redeeme their said Idols, and they redeemed them for such Gold and Siluer as they could finde, to the end, to worship them for Gods, as they had beene wont to doe aforetime.

This great Captaine passed farther from Mechuacham to the Prouince of Xalisco the which was all whole most full of people, and most happie. For it is one of the most fertilest and most * 2.36 admirable Countrie of the Indies, which had Burrowes contayning in a manner seuen leagues. As he entred this Countrey, the Lord with the Inhabitants, according as all the Indians are accu∣stomed to doe, went to receiue him with presents and ioyfulnesse. Hee began to commit his cru∣elties [ 10] and mischieuousnesse, which hee had learned, and all the rest had beene accustomed to pra∣ctise, which is to heape vp Gold, which is their God. Hee burned Townes, hee tooke the Ca∣cikes prisoners, and gaue them torments. Hee made slaues all that hee tooke. Whereof there died an infinite number tyed in chaines. The women new deliuered of child-birth, going la∣den with the stuffe of euill Christians, and being not able to beare their owne children be∣cause of trauell and hunger, were faine to cast them from them in the wayes, whereof there died an infinite.

An euill Christian taking by force a young Damsell to abuse her, the mother withstood him: and as shee would haue taken her away, the Spaniard drawing his Dagger or Rapier, cut off her hand, and slue the young girle with slashes of his weapon: because shee would not consent to [ 20] his appetite.

Amongst many other things, he caused vniustly to be marked for slaues, foure thousand and fiue hundred soules as free as they, men, women, and sucking babes, from of a yeere and a halfe old, vnto three or foure yeeres old: which notwithstanding had gone before them in peace, to re∣ceiue them with an infinite number of other things that haue not beene set downe in writing.

His Stewards slue very many of the Indians, hanging them and burning them aliue, and ca∣sting some vnto the Dogs, cutting off their feet, hands, head and tongue, they being in peace, onely to bring them into a feare, to the end they should serue him

It is said of him, that he hath destroyed and burned in this Realme of Xalisco, eight hundred * 2.37 Burrowes, which was the cause that the Indians being fallen desperate, and seeing those which [ 30] remayned, how they perished thus cruelly: they lift vp themselues, and went into the Moun∣taines, slaying certaine Spaniards: howbeit by good right. And afterwards because of the wic∣kednesses and outrages of other tyrants now being, which passed by that way to destroy other Prouinces (that which they call discouering) many of the Indians assembled, fortifying them∣selues vpon certaine Rockes. Vpon the which Rockes the Spanish haue made, and yet at this present, and afresh doe make so many cruelties, that they almost made an end of laying desolate all this great Countrey, slaying an infinite number of people.

Of the Realme of Yucatan.

THe yeare one thousand fiue hundred twenty and six, was deputed ouer the Realme of Yu∣catan [ 40] another caitiffe Gouernour, and that through the lies and false reports which him∣selfe had made vnto the King: in like manner as the other tyrants vntill this present, to the end there might be committed vnto them offices and charges, by meanes whereof they might rob at their pleasures. This Realme of Yucatan was full of inhabitants; for that it was a Countrie in e∣uery respect wholesome, and abounding in plentie of victuals, and of fruites more then Mexico; and singularly exceeded for the abundance of Honie and Waxe there to be found, more then in any quarter of the Indies, which hath beene seene vnto this present. It containeth about three hundred leagues compasse. The people of that Countrie were the most notable of all the In∣dies, as well in consideration of their policie and prudencie, as for the vprightnesse of their life, [ 50] verily worthy the training of the knowledge of God: amongst whom there might haue beene builded great Cities by the Spanish, in which they might haue liued as in an earthly Paradise, if so be they had not made themselues vnworthy, because of their exceeding couetousnesse, hard hartednesse, and heinous offences: as also vnworthy they were of other moe blessings a great ma∣ny, which God had set open in these Indies. This tyrant began with three hundred men to make warre vpon these poore innocent people, which were in their houses without hurting any bo∣dy: where he slew and ransacked infinite numbers. And for because the Countrey yeeldeth no Gold, for if it had yeelded any, he would haue consumed those same Indians, in making them to toyle in the Mines; to the end he might make Gold of the bodies and soules of those for whom Iesus Christ suffered death, he generally made slaues of all those whom he slew not, and returned [ 60] the Ships that were come thither, vpon the blowing abroad and noyse of the selling of slaues, full of people bartered for Wine, Oyle, Vinegar, powdred Bacons flesh, Garments, Horses, and that that euery man had neede of, according to the Captains estimate and iudgement. He would let choose amongst an hundred or fiftie yong Damosels, bartering some one of the fairest, and of

the best complexion, for a Caske of Wine, Oyle, Vineger, or for Porke powdred. And in like manner he would let choose out a young hansome Stripling amongst two or three hundred for the foresaid Merchandize. And it hath beene seene, that a youth seeming to bee the Sonne of some Prince, hath beene bartered for a Cheese, and an hundred persons for an Horse. Hee conti∣nued in these doings from the yeere twentie sixe, vntill the yeere thirtie three.

As these Spaniards, went with their mad Dogges a foraging by the tracke, and hunting out the Indian men and women: An Indian woman being sicke, and seeing she could not escape their Dogges, that they should not rent her as they did others: shee tooke a coard and hanged her selfe at a beame, hauing fastened at her foot a child she had of a weere old, and she had no sooner done: behold these Curres, which come and dispatch this infant, howbeit that before it died, a Reli∣gious [ 10] man a Frier baptized it.

When the Spanish parted out of this Realme, one amongst others said, to a Sonne of a Lord of some Citie or Prouince, that he should goe with him: the Boy answered, and said, he would not forsake his Countrie, The Spaniard replied: Goe with me, or else I will cut off thine eares. The young Indian persisted in his first saying, that he would not forsake his Countrie. The Spaniard drawing out his Dagger, cut off first one, and then his other eare. The youngman abiding by it still that he would not leaue his Countrie: he mangled off also his Nose, with the vppermost of his lips: making no more scrupulositie of the mater, then if he had giuen him but a philip. This damna∣ble wretch magnified himselfe, and vaunted him of his doings villanously vnto a reuerend Reli∣gious person, saying: that hee tooke as much paines as hee could, to beget the Indian women in great numbers with child, to the end, he might receiue the more money for them in selling them [ 20] great with childe for slaues.

In this Realme, or in one of the Prouinces of New Spaine, a certaine Spaniard went one day with his Dogges on hunting of Venison, or else Conies, and not finding game, hee minded his Dogges that they should bee hungrie, and tooke a little sweet Babie which hee bereaued the mo∣ther of, and cutting off from him the armes and the legges, chopped them in small gobbets, gi∣uing to euery Dogge his Liuerie or part thereof, by and by after these morsels thus dispatched, he cast also the rest of the bodie or the carkasse to all the kenell together.

Being now departed the Realme all the Deuillish Tyrants, blinded with the couetousnesse of the riches of Peru, that reuerend Father, Frier Iames, with foure other Religious of Saint Fran∣cis, [ 30] was moued in spirit to goe into this Realme to pacifie them, and for to preach to them, and to winne vnto Iesus Christ those which might bee remayning of the Butcheries and Tyrannous Murders, which the Spanish had beene pe••petrating seuen continuall yeeres. And I beleeue that these same were those Religious persons, the which in the yeere thirtie foure, certaine In∣dians of the Prouince of Mexico, sending before them Messengers in their behalfe, requested them that they would come into their Countrie, to giue them knowledge of that one only God, who is God, and very Lord of all the wo••ld: according in the end to admit them with condition, that they should enter thems••lues alone, and not the Spaniards with them, that which the Religious promised them. For it was permitted them, yea commanded them so to doe, by the Vice-roy of New Spaine, and that there should bee no kind of displeasure bee done vnto them by the Spa∣niards. [ 40] The Religious men preached vnto them the Gospell of Christ, as they are accustomed to doe, and as had beene the holy intention of the Kings of Castile, that should haue beene done. Howbeit, that the Spaniards in all the seuen yeeres space past, had neuer giuen them any such notice of the truth of the Gospell, or so much as that there was any other King sauing himselfe, that so tyrannized ouer them, and destroyed them. By these meanes of the Religious, after the end of fortie dayes that they had preached vnto them, the Lords of the Countrie brought vnto them, and put into their hands their Idols, to the end that they should burne them. After also they brought vnto them their young children, that they should catechise them, whom they loue as the Apple of their eye. They made for them also Churches, and Temples, and houses. More∣ouer, some other Prouinces sent, and inuited them, to the end that they might come to them al∣so, [ 50] to preach, and giue them the vnderstanding of God, and of him whom they said to bee the great King of Castile. And being perswaded and induced by the Religious, and did a thing which neuer yet before hath beene done in the Indies. Twelue or fifteene Lords, which had very many subiects and great dominion, assembling euery one for his owne part his people, and taking their aduise and consent, of their owne voluntarie motion, yeelded themselues to the subiection, and to be vnder the domination of the Kings of Castile: admitting the Emperour as King of Spaine, for their Liege Souereigne. Whereof also they made certaine Instruments, by them con∣signed, which I keepe in my charge, together with the Testimonies thereunto of the said Religious.

The Indians being thus onward in the way of the faith, with the great ioy, and good hope of [ 60] the Religious Brethren, that they should be able to winne vnto Iesus Christ all the people of the Realme that were the residue, being but a small number of the slaughters, and wicked wars pas∣sed: There entred at a certaine Coast, eighteene Spaniards Tyrants on horsebacke, and twelue on foot, driuing with them great loades of Idols, which they had taken in the other Prouinces

of the Indians. The Captaine of those thirtie Spaniards called vnto him a Lord of the Countrie therabouts as they were entred, and commandeth him to take those Idols, and to disperse them throughout all his Countrie, selling euery Idoll for an Indian man, or an Indian woman, to make slaues of them, with threatning them, that if he did not doe it, he would bid them battaile. That said Lord being forced by feare, distributed those Idols throughout all the Countrie, and com∣manded all his subiects, that they should take them to adore them, and that they should returne in exchange of that ware Indies and Indisses tomake slaues of. The Indians beeing affraid, those which had two chldren, gaue him one, and hee that had three gaue him two. This was the end of this Sacrilegious Trafficke: and thus was this Lord or Cacique, faine to content these Spaniards: I say not Christians. [ 10]

One of these abominable Chafferers, named Iohn Garcia, being sicke, and neere his death, had vnder his bed to packs of Idols, and commanded his Indish Maid that serued him, to looke to it that she made not away his Idols, that there were for Murlimeus, for they were good stuffe: and that making vent of them, shee should not take lesse then a slaue a piece for one of them with another: and in fine, with this his Testament and last Will thus deuised, the Catiffe died.

The Indians perceiuing that, that which the Religious had promised them, was as good as no∣thing: namely, that the Spaniards should not enter those Prouinces: and seeing the Spaniards which had laded thither Idols from other places, there to make vent of them, they hauing put all their Idols afore into the hands of the Friars, to the end they should bee burned, and to the end the true God should be by them adored, all the Country was in a mutinie, and a rage against the [ 20] Religious Friars, and the Indians comming vnto them, say: Why haue you lied vnto vs, in promi∣sing vs by deceits that there should not enter any Spaniards into these Countries? And why haue you burnt our gods, seeing the Spaniards doe bring vs other Gods from other Nations? Were not our Gods as good, as the Gods of other Prouinces? The Friars pacified them in the best manner that they could, not knowing what to answere them: and went to seeke out those thirty Spaniards, to whom they declared the euill which they had done, praying them to get them thence: which the Spa∣niards would not doe, but said to the Indians, that those Religious men had caused them to come thither themselues of their owne accord, which was rightly an extreme maliciousnesse. In the end the Indians deliberated to kill the Religious men: By occasion whereof, the Friers fled away in a night, hauing aduertisement of the case by some of the Indians. [ 30]

Of the Prouince of Saint Martha.

THe Prouince of Saint Martha, was a Countrie where the Spaniards gathered Gold in all plentie: the Land being with the Regions adiacent very rich, and the people industrious to draw out the Gold. Wherefore also infinite Tyrants haue made thither continually with their ships, ouer-running, and ranging along the Country, killing and spoyling those the Inhabitants, and ramping from them that gold that they had, with speedie returne euer to their ships, which went and came oftentimes. And so wrought they in those Prouinces great wasts and slaugh∣ters, and cruelties horrible, and that most commonly on the Sea-coast, and certaine leagues with∣in [ 40] the Country. At what time there went Spanish Tyrants to inhabite there. And for as much as the Country was exceeding rich as hath beene said, there euer succeeded Captaines one in anothers roome, euery one more cruell then other: in such sort that it seemed that euery one in∣forced himselfe, for the masterie in doing of euils. The yeere 1529. there went a great Tyrant, very resolute, with great troupes: but without any feare of God, or compassion of the nature of man, who wrought such wastes and slaughters so great, that he exceeded all others that had gone before him, himselfe robbing for the space of sixe or seuen yeeres that he liued, great Trea∣sures: after being deceassed without confession, and fled from the place of his residence: there succeeded him other murdering Tyrants and Theeues, which made an end of the rest of the peo∣ple: that from the yeere 1529. vnto this day, they haue reduced into a Wildernesse in those same quarters more then 400. leagues of Land, which was no lesse peopled then the other Countries [ 50] which we haue spoken of.

Verily if I had to make a bed-roll of the Vngraciousnesses, of the Slaughters, of the Desolati∣ons, of the Iniquities, of the Violencies, of the Massacres, and other great Insolencies which the Spaniards haue done, and committed in those Prouinces of Saint Martha, against God, the King, and against those innocent Nations: I should write an Historie very ample. But that may be done if God spare me life, hereafter in his good time: onely I will set downe a few words of that which was written in a Letter by a Bishop of this Prouince, to the King our Souereigne: and the Letter beareth date the twentieth of May, 1541. The which Bishop amongst other words speaketh thus: I say, sacred Maiestie, that the way to redresse this Countrie, is that his Ma∣iestie * 2.38 [ 60] deliuer her out of the power of Stepfathers, and giue vnto her an husband which may intreate her as is reason, and a••cording as shee deserueth: otherwise, I am sure hereafter as the Tyrants which now haue the gouernment, doe torment and tormoyle her, she will soone take an end. &c. And a little below he saith: Whereby, your Maiestie shall know cleerely, how those which gouerne in those quarters doe de∣serue

to be dismounted, and deposed from their gouernment, to the end, that the Common-weales may be relieued. That if that be not done, in mine aduise, they can neuer be cured of their diseases. His Ma∣iestie shall vnderstand moreouer, that in those Regions, there are not any Christians but Deuils, that there are no Seruants of God and the King, but Traitors to the state, and their King. And in truth the greatest incumbrance that I find in reducing the Indians, that are in warre, and to set them at peace, and to lead those which are at peace to the knowledge of our faith, is vnnaturall and cruell entreatie, which they that are in peace receiue of the Spanish, being so deeply altered, and launced, that they haue nothing in more hatred and horror, then the name of Christians, the which in all these Countries they call in their Language, Yares, that is to say, Deuils. For the acts which they committed here, are nei∣ther of Christians, nor of men which haue the vse of reason: but of Deuils. Whereof it commeth to [ 10] passe, that the Indies which doe see these behauiours to be generally so farre estranged from all humanitie, and without any mercie, aswell in the heads as in the members: they esteeme, that the Christians do hold these things for a Law, and that their God, and their King are the Authors thereof. And to endeuour to perswade them otherwise, were to endeuour in vaine, and to minister vnto them the more ample mat∣ter, to deride and scorne Iesus Christ and his Law. The Indians that are in war, seeing the intreatie vsed toward the Indians that are in peace: would choose rather to die once for all, then to endure sun∣drie deaths, beeing vnder the command of the Spanish. I know this by experience, most victorious Caesar, &c.

He calleth the Indians in warre, those which saued themselues by flying into the Mountaines from the slaughters of the mischieuous Spaniards. And hee calleth the Indians in peace, those [ 20] which after hauing lost an infinite of their people, by the Massacres, haue beene thral∣led into the Tyrannicall and horrible seruitude aforesaid, and whereof in the end they haue beene fined out, desolated, and slaine, as appeareth by that which hath beene said by the Bishoppe, which notwithstanding speaketh but little, in comparison of that which they haue suffered.

The Indians in that Countrie haue accustomed to say, if when they are trauelled and driuen vp the Mountaines loden, they happen to fall downe, and to faint for feeblenesse, and for paine: for at that time they lay on vpon them blowes with their feet and with their staues, and they breake their teeth with the pummels of their Swords, to make them rise, and march on without taking of breath, with these words, Out vpon thee, what a Uillaine art thou? they [ 30] (I say) the Indians, for their parts are wont to say, I can no more: kill me here right. I doe desire to die heere: and this they say with great sighes, and being scarce able to speake, for hauing their heart drawne together, declaring a great anguish and dolour.

Of the Prouince of Carthagene.

THis Prouince of Carthagene, is situate vnder, and a fiftie leagues distant from the same of Saint Martha, towards the West, confining with the Prouince of Ceu, vnto the Gulph of Araba: which are a hundred leagues all along the Sea-side, and is a great Countrie with∣in Land towards the South. These Prouinces since the yeere 1498. or ninetie nine, vn∣till [ 40] now haue beene euill entreated, martyred, massacred, desolated like vnto that of Saint Martha.

Of the Coast of Pearles, and of Paria, and of the Ile of the Trinitie.

FRom the Coast of Paria, vnto the Gulfe of Venesuela, without forth, which are two hun∣dred leagues: the Spanish haue wrought great and strange destructions, rioting vpon that people, and taking aliue as many as they could, to the end they might sell them for slaues: and oftentimes making them prisoners against the assurance and the promise of friendship made vn∣to them. It cannot bee well told, nor particularly exprest, the sundrie kindes and greiuous [ 50] vexations, wrongs, hurts, and spoiles, which those people, indured at the Spaniards hands, from the yeere 1510. vntill this present. I will onely rehearse two or three acts, by the which it may be iudged of the rest, innumerable and excessiue, and worthy all torments and fire.

In the Ile of the Trinitie, which is farre greater and more fertile then the Ile of Sicile, and ioyneth with the firme Land of the Coast of Paria, and where the people are the best disposed, and most enclined to vertue in their kind, of all the Indians, as they went, there a Captaine Ro∣uer in the yeere, 1510. accompanied with sixtie or seuentie other pettie Theeues well appointed: they published among the Indians by Proclamations, and other publike Summons, that they should come and dwell and liue with them in that Ile. The Indians receiued them as their owne bowels and babes: and as well the Lords as Subiects serued them with exceeding readinesse, [ 60] bringing them to eate from day to day, as much as might suffice to feed, as many moe people. For this is the liberalitie of all these Indians of the new World, to bestow on the Spaniards of all that they haue in great abundance.

The Spanish build a great house of Timber in the which the Indians should dwell altogether:

for the Spanish would haue it so, that there should bee one only house for all, and no more, to compasse that, which they had alreadie premeditate to doe, and did it. When they laid the Thatch vpon the binding staues or sparres, and had alreadie couered to the height of two mens length, to the end that those that were within might not see those that were without, vnder colour to hasten forward the worke, that it might bee the sooner dispatched, they set a great number of people within, the Spaniards deuiding themselues, the one part of them being be∣stowed without, compassing the house round about with their weapons, because of those that might get forth, the other part of them presse into the house: Thus laying hands on their Swords, they beganne to threaten the Indians naked as they were, to kill them if they did stirre, and then bound them. And those which fled they hewed them in pieces: Howbeit some of [ 10] the Indians which fled, both of the hurt and not hurt, with others that had not come within the house, tooke their Bowes and Arrowes and assembled themselues in another house, about an hundred or two hundred persons: And as they kept the gate, the Spaniards set fire on the house, and burned them aliue. After with their purchase, which might bee of an hundred or fourescore persons of them which they had bound: they get them to the Ile of Saint Iohn, where they sold the one moitie, and thence to the Ile of Hispaniola: where they sold the other moitie. As I reprehended the Captaine for this notable Treason, at the same time, and at the same Ile of Saint Iohn, he made an answere: Sir, quiet your selfe for that matter. So haue they comman∣ded me to doe, and giuen me instruction which sent me: that if I could not take them by warre, I should take them vnder countenance and colour of peace. And in truth the Captaine told mee [ 20] that in all his life, he neuer had found Father nor Mother, but in this Ile of Trinitie, in respect of the friendly courtesies the Indians had shewed him.

At another time, the Religious Friars of Saint Dominickes Order, beeing determined to goe preach, they receiued them as Angels comne from Heauen: and heard with great affection, at∣tention, and willingnesse such words as the Religious at that time were able to giue them to vn∣derstand, more by signes then otherwise, for they knew not the tongue. It came to passe that there arriued there another ship, after that the ship in which the Religious men came was depar∣ted thence, and the Spanish in this Vessell, keeping their Deuillish custome, by suttletie without the knowlede of the Religious, carried away the Lord of the Countrie called Alfonso: were it that Friars had giuen him this name, or else others. For the Indians loue and desire to beare the [ 30] name of the Christians, desiring incontinent that it may be giuen them euen before they know any thing, that they may be baptized. They induced fraudulently this Don Alfonso to come a∣boord their ship with the Ladie his wife, and other persons, making semblance to goe about to feast them. In the end there entred seuenteene persons, together with the Lord and his Ladie: the Lord trusting that the Religious persons being entred into his Countrie, would keepe the Spaniards from doing any wrong: for otherwise hee would neuer haue put himselfe in the hands of the Spanish. The Indians therefore thus being in the ship, the traiterous Spaniards hoised sailes, and away they went to Hispaniola with them, there selling them for slaues. All the Countrie seeing that their Lord and Ladie were carried away, they runne to the Religious men, purpo∣sing to kill them. The poore men appeased the Indians in the best manner they could, saying [ 40] that they would write to them at Hispaniola by the first ship that went, and would take such care and order in the matter, that their Souereigne should bee restored them againe with those that were in his company. God sent immediately a ship thither, and they wrote to the Spanish Reli∣gious men that were in the Ile of Hispaniola. They cry out, and call Heauen and Earth witnesse against them, both first, and sundrie times after: But the Iudges of the audience, would neuer giue them audience to doe them Iustice, for because themselues had part in the bootie of the In∣dians, which the Tyrants had so against all right and reason taken. The two Religious men, which had promised the Indians of the Countrie, that their Lord Don Alfonso, with others should come home with the rest within foure moneths, seeing that they came not neither in foure nor eight made themselues readie to the death, and to giue their life, which they had gaged [ 50] before they came out of Spaine, if neede should bee, and in that sort the Indians tooke vengeance on them in killing them iustly, notwithstanding that they were innocent: for because that they thought, that the Religious men had beene the occasion of this * 2.39 Treason.

Another time, by reason of the great Tyrannies and execrable acts of the cursed ones, bearing the name of Christians, the Indians slue other two Religious men of Saint Dominickes Order, and one of Saint Francis. Whereof I can be a good witnesse for that I escaped at the time miraculously from the same death, of the which it should be a hard matter to intreat, and would be to amaze men, by reason of the grieuousnesse and horriblenesse of the case. Wherefore I will not lay it abroad (for being too tedious) vntill his time, and at the day of iudgement it shall bee [ 60] more euident, when God shall take vengeance of the Theeueries so horrible and so abominable as are done by those which beare the name of Christians against the Indians.

Another time in those Prouinces at the Cape of the Codera, (as they call it) there was a Towne, the Lord whereof was named Higueroto a name either proper to the person, or it may

be common to the Lords of the place. This Lord was so bounteous, and his people so vertuous and seruiceable, that as many Spaniards as came thither by ship, they found there good enter∣tainment, meate, lodging, all cheering, and refreshing. This said Lord had also deliuered many from death of those which were fled thither out of other Prouinces, where they had rioted and tyrannized, and come thither sicke, and halfe dead for hunger, whom they refreshed, and after∣ward sent them away safe, to the Ile of Pearles, where there were Spaniards, and might haue slaine them if he had would, without that euer any should haue knowne it. And shortly to say the Spanish did call the Subiects of Higurroto, the House and Harbour of euery body. A Catiffe Tyrant aduised himselfe to out-rage that people also, when as they thought themselues sure enough: and getting him to a ship, he had there inuited a great number of people to come a [ 10] boord her as they were accustomed to doe, and to trust the Spaniards. A great number of people being entred into her, men, women, and children, hee hoysed sailes, and went to the Ile of Saint Iohn, where he sold them all for slaues. I came at the same instant to the Ile of Saint Iohn, and I saw the Tyrant, and vnderstood what he had done. He had destroyed all that Town∣ship: whereby he did great harme to all other his fellow Tyrants, wonted to rob, and roue all along those Coasts, insomuch as they had in abomination this act so hideous, being bereft there∣by of their Harbour, and house of retire, as ordinary and familiar vnto them as it had beene their owne home and house.

They haue singled out at times from all this Coast, the which was very well peopled, vnto the * 2.40 Iles of Saint Iohn and Hispaniola, aboue two Millions of soules, seised vpon by their purchases in [ 20] theeuing and robbing: which also euery one of them they haue slaine not long after, by thru∣sting them into the Minerals and other tormoiles, besides the great numbers there were there al∣readie before time, as we haue abouesaid.

It is a tried case, that they neuer conuey away their shippings of Indians so robbed and pur∣chased, as I haue said, but that they cast the third part into the Sea, besides those which they slay, when they will sort them to themselues for their chaffer. The cause is, that when as they will by all meanes attaine to the end which they haue proposed to themselues: they haue need of a great number of people, for to draw a great deale of money, according to the quantitie of the slaues: and they prepare but a very small deale of sustenance and water, to serue but a few per∣sons: * 2.41 to the end that those Tyrants whom they cal Purueyours of the ships should not spend them [ 30] much. And there is but euen scarse enough, saue to serue the Spaniards turne which goe a rouing and robbing: and there is alwaies wanting for the poore Indians. Wherefore also they die for hunger and thirst: and then there is none other remedie but to cast them ouer the boord into the Sea. And verily a man among them did tell me, that from the Ile of Lucayos, where had beene wrought great slaughters in this manner, vnto the Isle of Hispaniola, which are sixtie or seuentie leagues there trended a ship all alongst, without that it had either Compasse or Mariners Card, be∣ing guided onely by the tracke of dead Indians carkasses floating vpon the Seas, of them which had bin cast in. And after they be landed in the Ile, whither they bring them to make sale of them * 2.42 it is to make a heart to yearne of whosoeuer, haue he neuer so little compassion to behold them naked and famished, fall downe and faint for hunger and thirst, women, and aged men, and [ 40] children.

Afterwards they soone after separate them, as it were Lambes, the fathers from the children, and the wiues from the husbands, in making troupes of them of ten or twentie persons, and so cast lots on them, to the end, those Purueyours should take their share, which are those who doe rigge and furnish two or three ships for the Nauie of those Tyrants, seasing vpon all they come by, and pulling the poore men out of their owne housen. And looke when the lot falleth vpon the flocke where there were among them any old or sicke person, the Tyrant to whom the same escheated would say: The Deuill take the old Graybeard, why doest thou giue him mee, to the end I should goe burie him? And this sicke Rascall, what haue I to doe that hee should fall out to my lot: to the end, I should be his Phisicion to cure him? [ 50]

The tyrannie which the Spanish exercise ouer the Indians, to fish for Pearles, is one of the cruel∣lest things that is in the World. There is no hell in this life, nor other desperate state in this World, that may be compared vnto it: although that the Trade of Gold finding, be in his kind, * 2.43 very grieuous, and very miserable. They let them into the Sea, three, foure, or fiue fathome forth downe right vnder water, from the morning vntill Sun-set, where they are continually flitting without stint, to plucke Oysters, in the which are engendred the Pearles. They surge vp aboue the waters, with a Net full of Oysters to take breath: where standeth readie a Spanish Tormentor, in a little Cocke Boate, or a Brigantine, and if the poore wretches stay neuer so lit∣tle while to rest themselues: they all to be buffet them with their fists, and draw them by the haire into the water to returne to their fishing. Their sustenance is fish, and the same very fish [ 60] which containeth the Pearles, and the bread Cacabi, or some Maiz, which are the kinds of bread of that Countrie: the one of very slender nourishment, the other is not easie to bee made into bread, of the which also, they neuer giue them their belly full. The beds that they lodge them in a nights, is to set them by the heeles, their bodies recoyling on the cold ground, in a paire of

stockes for feare of running away. Sometimes they are drowned in the Sea, and at their fishing and trauell picking of Pearles, and neuer rise vp againe aboue the water: because the * 2.44 Bunches and whirlepooles doe kill them and eate them.

It is impossible, that men should be able to liue any long season vnder the water without ta∣king breath, the continuall cold piercing them, and so they die commonly, parbraking of bloud at the mouth, and of the bloudy fluxe, caused by the cold. Their haires, which by nature are cole blacke, alter and become after a branded russet, like to the haires of the Sea-wolues. The Salt∣peter breaketh out of their shoulders, in such sort, that they seeme to bee a kinde of monsters in the shape of men, or else some other kinde of men. They dispatched in ridding about this in∣supportable trauell, or rather to speake rightly, this deuilish torment, all the Lucayan Indians [ 10] which were in the Iles, hauing sauoured this gaines, and euery Indian was worth vnto them a fiftie, or an hundred Castillans. They made an open Mart of them, notwithstanding it were in∣hibited them, by the Magistrate otherwise vnmercifull: for the Lucayens were good swim∣mers. They also, about these things haue slaine a number of the people of other Prouinces.

Of the Riuer Yuia pari.

THere runneth through the Prouince of Paria, a Riuer named Yuia Pari, more then two hun∣dred leagues within land from the head. There entred the same Riuer, an vnlucky tyrant, a great many leagues vpward, in the yeere 1529. with foure hundred men, or more: which there [ 20] wrought great slaughters, burning aliue, and putting to the edge of the sword, an infinite sort of Indians, which were in their lands and houses, doing hurt to no creature, and therefore secure, and mistrusting nothing.

In the end hee died an euill death, and his Nauie was disparaged: albeit that other tyrants there were which succeeded him in his mischieuousnesses and tyrannies: and yet at this day thi∣ther they goe, destroying, and slaying, and plunging into Hell the soules for whom the Sonne of God shed his bloud.

Of the Realme of Venesuela.

THe yeere 1526. the King our Soueraigne, being induced by sinister informations and per∣swasions [ 30] damageable to the State, as the Spaniards haue alwaies pained themselues to con∣ceale from his Maiestie the damages and dishonours which God and the soules of men, and his State doeth receiue in the Indies: granted and committed a grea R••alme, greater then all Spaine (Venesuela, with the gouernment and entire iurisdiction) vnto certaine Dutch Merchants, with certaine capitulations and conuentions accorded betweene them.

These same entring the Countrey with three hundred men: they found the people very ami∣able, and meeke as Lambes, as they are all in those parts of the Indies, vntill the Spanish doe out∣rage them. These set vpon them without comparison a great deale more cruelly, then any of the other tyrants, of the which wee haue spoken before: shewing themselues more vnnaturall and [ 40] fierce, then raging Tigres, or Wolues, or ramping Lions. These haue layd desolate and destroy∣ed more then foure hundred leagues of most fertile land, and therein of Prouinces exceeding and wonderfull, faire Valleyes to the breadth of forty leagues, and Bournes very great, full of people and of Gold. They haue staine, and wholly discomfited great and diuers Nations, so farre forth as to abolish the Languages wonted to bee spoken, not leauing aliue that could skill of them: vnlesse some one or other, who had hid themselues in the caues and bowels of the earth, flee∣ing the dint of the sword, so raging and plaguing. They haue slaine destroyed, and sent to Hell by diuers and strange manners of cruelties and vngodlinesses, more (I suppose) then foure or fiue millions of soules: and yet at this present they ceasse not to doe the same by in∣finite * 2.45 outrages, spoyles and slaughters, which they haue committed, and doe commit daily vnto this present. [ 50]

They tooke the Lord Soueraigne of all the Prouince, without all cause, onely to bereaue him of his Gold, giuing him also the torture: which Lord vnbound himselfe, and escaped from them into the Mountaines, wherefore also the Subiects rose, and were in a mutinie, hiding themselues vpon the Mountaines, amongst the hedges and bushes. The Spaniards make after to chase them, and hauing found them, commit cruell massacres, and as many as they take aliue, they sell them in port sale for slaues. In diuers Prouinces, yea in all where they became before that they tooke the Soueraigne Lord, the Indians went to receiue them with songs, and dances, and with pre∣sents of Gold in great quantitie. The payment made them, was, to bee put to the edge of the sword, and hewen in pieces. One time, as they went to receiue the Spanish in the fashion a∣boue said: [ 60] the Dutch Captaine tyrant caused to bee put in a thatched house a great number of people, and hakled in pieces. And being on high, neere the top of the house, certaine beames, which diuers had got vpon, auoyding the bloudy hands and swords of those people (O merci∣lesse beasts) the deuilish man, sent to put to fire, whereby as many as there were, were burned

aliue. By this meanes the Countrie remayned very desart, the people fleeing into the Moun∣taines, where they hoped to saue themselues.

They came into another great Prouince, in the confines of the Prouince and Realme of Saint Martha, where they found the Indians peaceable in their Burroughs, and in their houses, doing their businesse: they continued a long time with them, eating their store, and the Indians serued them, as if they had to receiue of them their life and safeguard, supporting their continuall op∣pressions, and vsuall outragiousnesses, which are intolerable: besides that one Spanish, glut∣ton, eateth more in one day, then would suffice an whole houshold of more then ten Indians. They gaue them at that time, a great quantitie of Gold, of their owne good-will, ouer and be∣sides, other seruices innumerable, which they did vnto them. At the end as these tyrants would depart the place, they aduised to pay them for their lodging, in this manner. [ 10]

The Almaine tyrant Gouernour, commanded to take such Indians as they could, with their wiues and children, and that they should shut them vp within an inclosure, letting them know, that who so would come forth, and be let goe free, that he should redeeme himselfe at the plea∣sure of the vniust Gouernour: in giuing so much Gold for himselfe, so much for his wife, and so much for euery poll of his children. And yet to presse them the more, he commanded to giue them nothing to eate, vntill such time as they had performed the quantitie of Gold inflicted them for their ransome. Many sent to their houses for Gold, and bought out themselues as they were able, and those same were deliuered, and went abroad about their businesse to get their li∣uing. The tyrant sent certaine Spanish thieues and robbers, to goe take them againe the second time, after they had beene redeemed. They are carried to the perclose, and there wrung with [ 20] hunger and thirst, to the end, that they should yet once againe pay for their freedome. And there were many amongst them, which were taken and ransomed two or three sundry times. Others which had not to giue, for because they had all they had, hee let them within the toyle die for hunger. And in this manner hath beene destroyed a Prouince very rich of people and gold, the which hath a Vale or Bourne of fourtie leagues, where hath beene brent a Burrough of the receit of a thousand housholds.

This Tyrant resolued with himselfe to pierce farther into the Countrey, with a great de∣sire to discouer on that side, that Hill of Peru. By occasion of which accursed Voyage both hee and others carried forth with them, Indians infinite, Ioden with two or three quintals [ 30] weight, and being enchained. If any were weake and weary, fainting for hunger, or trauel∣ling, they cut incontinent his head off euen with the collar of the chaine that yoked them: because they should not need to vnhamper the others that went with the same collars about their neckes, and so tumbled the head on the one side, and the body on the other. And the lode of him that had so fayled was distributed and bestowed vpon others. To tell of the Prouinces, which hee hath layed desart, and the Townes and places which hee hath brent, for all the houses are thatched, and to number the Nations which hee hath slaine, and the cruelties, and murders particular, which hee had committed by the way, it would bee a thing scarse credible: howbeit very true and wonderfull. In this same very course and steppes marched sithence the other tyrants, who came from the said Venesuela, and others of the Prouince of Saint Martha, [ 40] with the selfe same holy intention to discouer the same sacred golden Palace of Peru: and found the whole Countrie in length more then two hundred leagues so burned, dispeopled, and spoy∣led, hauing beene before most notably peopled, and most fertile, as hath beene said, that them∣selues as very tyrants and sauage beasts as they were, wondered and stood astonished to see the trackes of the destructions so lamentable, wheresoeuer he had passed.

All these things haue beene giuen in euidence with the depositions of many witnesses by the Attorney of the Councell of the Indies, and the euidences are kept amongst the Records of the same Councell: and yet haue they neuer burnt aliue, any of those execrable tyrants. Those Prouinces of Venesuela with the others which they haue laid waste, and dispeopled more then foure hundred leagues forthright, as hath beene said, is a region the most blissefull, and the richest [ 50] of Gold, and was the best peopled of any in the world: in such sort, that they haue disturned from the Kings Coffers, and occasioned the losse in this Realme of aboue two millions of rent, within seuenteene yeeres sithence by past, that these enemies of God and the King haue begunne to destroy it: neither is there any hope that euer those losses will be repaired.

These seuenteene yeeres they haue sent by Sea a great number of ships Ioden and stuffed with Indians, to make sale of them as slaues at Saint Martha, at the Iles of Hispaniola, and of Iamayca, and at Saint Iohns Ile, moe then one million: and doe send daily, as now this yeere 1542. the * 2.46 Court of the Audience Royall notwithstanding established, for, and at Hispaniola, right well see∣ing all this, and dissimuling to see it, yea, fauouring and supporting all the matter: as likewise they haue had their eyes blinded at all the other tyrannies and ransackings infinite, which haue [ 60] beene done in all this coast of the Firme land which are about foure hundred leagues, the which haue beene and now are vnder their iurisdiction, like vnto Venesuela, and Saint Martha: all which the said Court might very well haue empeached and remedied.

Of the Prouinces of the firme land, or quarter that is called Florida. * 2.47

INto these Prouinces went three tyrants at three diuers times since the yeere 1510. or 1511. there to put in vre the acts which others, and two of them from among themselues haue com∣mitted in other quarters of the Indians: to the end to aspire to high degrees, in no respect con∣uenient to their persons, higher then their merits in the Common-wealth could conceiue, with the bloud and destruction of their neighbours: and they are dead all three of an euill death, and their houses likewise haue beene destroyed with them, the which they had builded in times past, with the bloud of mankind, as I can be a sufficient witnesse of all three, and their memory is now abolished from of the face of the earth, as if they had neuer beene in this world. [ 10]

The fourth tyrant, that came last in the yeere 1538. cunningly aduised, and being fully fur∣nished: it is three yeeres since there is no tidings concerning him. Sure he is one of the notori∣ousest and best experimented amongst them that haue done the most hurts, mischieues, and de∣structions in my Realmes with their consorts: wherefore I beleeue that God hath giuen him like end vnto the others.

Of the Riuer of La Plata, that is to say, Of Siluer.

SIthence the yeere, one thousand fiue hundred, and two or three and twenty: certaine Cap∣taines [ 20] made three or foure Voyages vp the Riuer of Plata, where there are great Prouinces and Realmes, and Nations well ordered and endued with vnderstanding. In generall wee vn∣derstood, that they haue made there great butcheries and inuasions: but like as this Countey is farre discoasted from the Indies most famous, so we are not able, to quote the notablest points in particular.

Of the mighty Realmes, and large Prouinces of Peru.

IN the yeere 1531. went another great tyrant with certaine other consorts, to the Realmes of Peru, where entring with the same title and intention, and with the same proceedings as all [ 30] the rest before gone, forasmuch as he was one of them, which had of long time beene exercised in all kindes of cruelties and murders, which had beene wrought in the firme land, ••ithence the yeere 1510. hee tooke encouragement to accrue in cruelties, murders, and robberies: being a man without loyaltie and truth, laying waste Cities and Countries, bringing them to nought, and vtterly vndoing them by slaying the Inhabitants, and being the cause of all the euils, which ensued in that Countrie.

He slue and laid waste at his first arriuall with a mischiefe certaine boroughes, from whom he pillaged a great quantitie of Gold. In an Iland neere to the same Prouinces, named Pagna, well peopled and pleasant, the Lord thereof with his people receiued them as it had beene Angels from heauen: and six moneths after, when as the Spanish had eaten vp all their prouision: They [ 40] discouered also vnto them the corne which they kept vnder ground, for themselues, their wiues, and their children, against a dry time and barren: making them offer of all, with trees plentifull to spend and eate at their pleasure. The recompence in the end which they made them, was to put to the edge of the Sword and Lance, a great quantitie of those people. And those whom they could take aliue, they made sl••ues: with other cruelties great and notable which they commit∣ted, dispeopled as it were all that Ile.

From thence they make to the Prouince of Tumbala, which is in the firme land, where they slay and destroy as many as they could come by. And because all the people were fled as affrigh∣ted by their horrible acts, they said that they made an insurrection, and rebelled against the King of Spaine. This tyrant had this policie, and kept this order of proceeding, that vnto all those whom he tooke, or vnto others which presented him with Gold and Siluer, or other things which they had: he commanded them to bring more, vntill such time as he perceiued that either [ 50] they had no more, or that they brought him no more. And then he would say, that he accepted them for the vassals and lieges of the King of Spaine, and made much of them: and would cause it to be proclaimed at sound of two Trumpets, that from thenceforth they would take them no more, and that they would doe them no manner harme at all: setting it downe for good ando lawfull, all whatsoeuer he had robbed from them.

A few dayes after the King and Emperour of those Realmes, named Atabaliba, came accom∣panied with a number of naked people, bearing their ridiculous armour, not knowing neither how Swords did carue, nor Speares did pierce, nor Horses did run, nor who or what were the Spaniards. Hee commeth to the place where they were, saying: Where are these Spaniards? [ 60] Let them come, I will not stirre a foote, till they satisfie me for my Subiects whom they haue slaine, and my boroughs which they haue dispeopled, and for my wealth, which they haue be∣reaued me.

The Spaniards set against him, and slew an infinite sort of his people: they tooke him also in person, who came carried in a Litter borne vpon mens shoulders. They treate with him, to the end that he should ransome himselfe. The King offereth to performe foure millions of Castillans, * 2.48 and performeth fifteene, they promise to release him: notwithstanding in the end, keeping nor faith nor truth (as they neuer kept any in the Iudies, vnto the Indians) they laid to his charge al∣together vntruely, that by his commandement the people assembled. The King answered, that in all the Countrie there moued not a leafe of a tree, without his good will: that if there assem∣bled any people, they were to beleeue that it was by his commandement, and as touching him∣selfe that he was prisoner, and they might slay him.

All this notwithstanding, they condemned him to be burnt aliue: but at the request of some [ 10] certaine, the Captaine caused him to be strangled: and being strangled, hee was burned. This King vnderstanding his sentence, said: Wherefore will you burne me? What trespasse haue I done yee? Did not you promise me to set me at libertie, if I gaue you the Gold? And haue I not perfor∣med more then I promised? Seeing you needes will haue it so, send me to your King of Spaine: speaking other things, to the great confusion and detestation of the great wrongfulnesse that the Spaniards vsed, whom in the end they burned. Here let be considered the right and title of this warfare, the imprisonment of this Prince, the sentence, and the execution of his death, and the conscience, whereby they possesse great treasures, as indeede they haue robbed in those Realmes from this King and other seuerall Lords infinite.

As touching the innumerable cruelties, and notable, for the mischiefes and enormities withall [ 20] committed in the rooting out of those peoples by them, who call themselues Christians: I will here rehearse some certaine, the which a Frier of Saint Francis order saw at the beginning, and the same certified vnder his name and signe: sending them into all those quarters, and amongst others in to this Realme of Castile, whereof I retaine a Copie in my keeping, in the which it is thus written:

I Frier Marke, of the order of Saint Francis, commissarie ouer the other Friors of the same Order in * 2.49 the Prouinces of Peru, and who was one of the first religious men, which entred into the said Prouinces with the Spaniards: doe say, bearing true testimonie of certaine things, the which I haue seene with mine eyes in that Countrie, namely, concerning the entreatie and conquests made ouer the naturall inhabitants of the Countrie: first of all I am an eye witnesse, and haue certaine knowledge, that those Indians of Peru, [ 30] are a people the most kinde hearted that hath beene seene among all the Indians, being courteous in con∣uersation, and friendly vnto the Spaniards. And I saw them giue to the Spanish in abundance, Gold, Siluer, precious stones, and all that was asked them, and that they had, doing them all kinde of seruice lawfull. And the Indians neuer yeelded forth to warre, but kept them in peace so long time, as they gaue them not occasion, by their euill entreating of them and their cruelties, but contrariwise receiued them with all amitie and honour in their boroughes, in giuing them to eate, and as many slaues mankinde and womenkinde, as they demanded for their seruice.

Item, I am witnesse, that without that the Indians gaue occasion: the Spanish as soone as they were entred the land, after that the great Cacique Atabalipa, had giuen to the Spanish more then two mil∣lions of Gold, and had put into their power the whole Countrie without resistance, incontinent they bur∣ned [ 40] the said Atabalipa, which was Lord of the whole Countrie. And after him they burnt his captaine generall Cochilimaca, who had come to the Gouernour in peace with other Lords. In the like manner also a few dayes after they burned a great Lord named Chamba, of the Prouince of Quito, without any fault at all, and without hauing giuen the least occasion that might be. In like manner they burned vn∣iustly Schappera Lord of the Canaries * 2.50. Also they burnt the feete of Aluis a great Lord amongst all those which were in Quito, and caused him to endure sundry other torments, to make him tell where was the Gold of Atabalipa: of the which treasure, as it appeared, he knew nothing.

Also they burnt in Quito Cosopanga, who was Gouernour of all the Prouinces of Quito, which vpon the request to him first made by Sebastian of Bernalcasar, Captaine vnder the Gouernour, was come to them in peace: and onely because he gaue them not Gold so much as he demanded of him▪ they burned him [ 50] with very many other Caciques and principall Lords. And for ought that I can vnderstand, the intent of the Spaniards was, that there should not be left aliue one Lord in the whole Countrey.

Item, I certifie, that the Spaniards caused to assemble a great number of Indians, and locked them vp in three great houses, as many as could be pored in, and setting to fire, they burned them all, without that they had done the least thing that might be, or had giuen to the Spanish the least occasion thereof whatsoeuer. And it came to passe, that a Priest, who is named Ocanna, drew a yong Boy out of the fire, in the which he burned, which perceiuing, another Spaniard tooke from out of his hands the Boy, and flung him into the middest of the flames, where he was resolued into ashes together with others. The which Spaniard returning the same day to the Campe, fell downe dead suddenly, and mine aduice was, he should not be buried. [ 60]

Item, I affirme, to haue seene with mine owne eyes, that the Spanish haue cut the hands, the noses, and the eares of the Indians, and of their women, without any other cause or purpose, saue onely that so it came into their fantasie, and that in so many places and quarters, that it should be too tedious to re∣hearse. And I haue seene, that the Spanish haue made their Mastiues runne vpon the Indians to rent

them in pieces. And moreouer, I haue seene by them burnt so many houses, and whole boroughes, or town∣ships, that I am not able to tell the number. Also it is true, that they violently plucked the little infants from the Mothers dugges, and taking them by the armes, did throw them from them as farre as they could: Together with other enormities and cruelties without any cause, which gaue me astonishment to be∣hold them, and would be to long to rehearse them.

Item, I saw when they sent for the Caciques and other principall Indians, to come see them in peace, and assuranc•• to them made, promising them safe conduct: and incontinent as they were arriued, they burned them. They burned two whiles I was present, the one in Andon, and the other in Tumbala: and I could neuer preuaile with them to haue them deliuered from burning, preached I vnto them neuer so much. And in God and my conscience, for ought that euer I could perceiue, the Indians of Peru, neuer lift themselues vp, nor neuer rebelled for any other cause, but for the euill entreating of the other side, as [ 10] is manifest vnto euery one, and for iust cause: the Spaniards destroying them tyrannously against all rea∣son and iustice, with all their Countrie, working vpon them so many outrages, that they were determined to die, rather then to suffer much another time. Item, I say, that by the report of the Indians them∣selues, there is yet more Gold hidden then is come to light, the which because of the vniustices and cruelties of the Spaniards, they would not discouer, neither euer will discouer, so long as they shall be so euill entrea∣ted, but will choose rather to dye with their fellowes. Wherein God our Lord hath beene highly trespassed against, and the Kings Maiestie euill serued, hauing beene defrauded in that, that his highnesse hath ••••st such a Countrie, as hath beene able to yeelde sustenance to all Castile: for the recouerie of which Coun∣trie, it will be a matter of great difficultie, dispence, and charges. [ 20]

All these hitherto are the formall words of the said religious person: the which are also rati∣fied * 2.51 by the Bishop of Mexico, which witnesseth that the reuerend Father hath to his know∣ledge affirmed all the aboue said. It is here to be considered, that the good Father saith, that he saw those things. For tha••, that he hath beene fiftie or an hundred leagues vp into the Countrie, for the space of nine or ten yeares, and at the very beginning, when there were not as yet but very few of the Spaniards: but at the ringing of the Gold, there were quickely gathered and flocked thither foure or fiue thousand, which shed themselues forth ouer many great Realmes and Prouinces, more then fiue hundred or sixe hundred leagues, the which Countrey hath beene throughly destroyed, they executing still the selfe same practises, and others more bar∣barous and cruell. [ 30]

Of a veritie, from that day vnto this present, there hath beene destroyed and brought to deso∣lation moe soules then he hath counted: and they haue with lesse reuerence of God or the King, and with lesse pittie then before, abolished a great part of the linage of mankinde. They haue slaine vnto this day in these same Realmes (and yet daily they doe slay them) moe then foure * 2.52 Millions of soules. Certaine dayes passed, they pricked in shooting with darts of reedes to death a mightie Queene, wife of Eling, who is yet King of that Realme, whom the Spaniards by laying hands vpon him compelled to rebell, and in rebellion he persisteth. They tooke the Queene his wife, and so as hath beene said, slue her against all reason and iustice, being great with childe as she was, as it was said onely to vexe her husband withall.

Of the new Realme of Granado. [ 40]

WIthin the yeare 1539▪ there tooke their flight together sundry tyrants, flocking from Venesuela, from Saint Martha, and from Carthagene, to search for the Perous: and there were also others which came downe from Peru it selfe to assay, to make a glade farther in∣to the Countrie: And they found from beyond Saint Marthas and Carthagene three hundred leagues vp into the Countrie, fertile lands, and admirable Prouinces, full of infinite people, kinde hearted like the rest, and very rich, as well of Gold as of precious stones, which they call Eme∣ralds. Vnto the which Prouinces they gaue the name of New Granado: for because that the ty∣rant which came first into this Countrey, was a Granadan, borne in our Countrey. A Gouer∣nour, for as much as he which robbed and slew in the new Realme of Granado, would not ad∣mit [ 50] him for consort with him to rob and slay as did he: he procured an enquirie, and thereby e∣uidence came in against him with sundry witnesses vpon the fact of his slaughters, disorders, and murders which he had done, and doth as yet vnto this day, the processe of which enqui∣rie, together with the euidences was read, and is kept in the Records of the Counsell of the Indies.

The witnesses doe depose in the same enquirie, that the said whole Realme was in peace, the Indians seruing the Spaniards, giuing them to eate of their labour, and labouring continually, and manuring the ground, and bringing them much Gold and precious stones, such as are Emeralds, and all that which they could or had: the Townes, and the Lordships, and the people being di∣stributed [ 60] amongst the Spaniards euery one his share: which is all that they studie for, for that, that it is their meane way to attaine to their last end and scope, to wit, Gold. And all being sub∣dued to their tyrannie and accustomed bondage, the tyrant the principall Captaine which com∣manded ouer that Countrey, tooke the Lord and King of the Countrey, and detained him pri∣soner

six or seuen moneths, exacting of him Gold and Emeralds without cause or reason at all. The said King, who was named Bogata, for feare which they put him in, said that hee would giue them an house full of Gold: hoping that he should escape out of the hands of him which tormented him. And he sent Indians which should bring him Gold, and by times one after ano∣ther, they brought in a great quantitie of Gold and precious stones. But because the King did not giue an whole house full of Gold, the Spaniards bid kill him: sithence that he did not accom∣plish that which he had promised.

The tyrant commanding that this King should be arraigned before himselfe: They sommon * 2.53 and accuse in this order the greatest King of all that Countrie, and the tyrant giueth sentence, condemning him to be racked and tormented, if he doe not furnish forth the house full of Gold. [ 10] They giue him the torture and the strapado with cords; they fling burning sewet vpon his na∣ked belly; they lay on bolts vpon his feete, which were fastened to one stake, and gird his necke fast vnto another stake, two men holding both his hands, and so they set fire vnto his feete: and the tyrant comming vp and downe now and then, willeth him to haue his death gi∣uen him by little and little, if he made not ready the Gold. Thus they dispatched and did to death that Noble Lord in those torments, during the execution whereof, God manifested by a signe, that those cruelties displeased him, in consuming with fire all the towne where they were committed. All the Spaniards to the end to follow their good Captaine, and hauing none other thing to doe, but to hackle in peeces those poore innocents doe the like, tormenting with diuers and sauage torments euery Indian, both Cacique or Lord of euery people or peoples, with all their [ 20] flockes, that were committed to their charges: those said Lords with all their subiects seruing them, and giuing them Gold and Emeraulds as many as they could, and as much as they had: Tormenting them onely to the end they should giue them more Gold, and rich Minerals: thus they broyled and dispatched all the Lords of that Countrie.

For the great reare of the notorious cruelties that one of the pettie tyrants did vnto the Indi∣ans, there transported himselfe vnto the Mountaines, in flying so great crueltie, a great Lord named Daytama, with many of his people. For this they hold for their last remedy and refuge, if it might haue preuailed them ought: and this the Spaniards call insurrection and rebellion. Which the Captaine head tyrant hauing knowledge of, he sendeth supplie of Souldiers vnto the said cruell man (for whose cruelties sake, the Indians that were peaceable, and had endured great tyrannies and mischiefes, were now gone into the Mountaines) to the end he should pur∣sue [ 30] them. Who, because it sufficeth not to hide them in the entrals of the earth, finding there a great multitude of people, slue and dispatched them, aboue fiue hundred soules, what men, what women, for they receiued none to mercy. Also the witnesses depose, that the said Lord Day∣tama, before that the Spaniards put him to death, came to the cruell man, and brought him foure or fiue thousand Castillans, the which notwithstanding he was murdered as a∣bouesaid.

Another time many Indians being come to serue the Spaniards, and seruing them with humi∣litie and simplicitie, as they are accustomed to doe, reputing themselues assured: behold the Cap∣taine of the towne where they serued, who commeth by night, commanding that those Indians [ 40] should be put to the edge of the sword, when they had supped, and whiles that they were a sleepe, taking their rest after the toyle which they sustained the day time. And this he did, for that it seemed him necessary to doe this massacre, to the end to engraue an awe of himself in the hearts of all the peoples of that Countrie.

Another time the Captaine commanded to take an oathe of the Spaniards, to wit, how many euery one had in his seruice of the Caciques, and principall Lords, and Indians of the meaner sort; that incontinent they should be brought to the most open place of the Citie, where he comman∣ded that they should be beheaded: thus were there at that time put to death foure or fiue hun∣dred soules.

Moreouer these witnesses depose concerning another of the pettie tyrants, that he had exer∣cised great cruelties in slaying, and chopping off the hands and noses of many persons, aswell [ 50] men as women, and destroying very much people. Another time the Captaine sent the selfe same cruell man with certaine Spaniards into the Prouince of Bogata, to be informed by the inhabi∣tants what Lord it was, that was successour vnto the chiefe Lord, whom hee had made to die that cruell death in those torments spoken of before: Who running along the Countrie through∣out many places, tooke as many Indians as he could come by, And for that he could not learne of them, what he was that succeeded that Lord, he mangled off some hands, he bid cast others, men and women vnto hungrie Mastiues, who rend them in peeces. And in this manner haue beene destroyed very many Indians, and Indesses. One time, at the fourth watch of the night, he went to ouerrun Caciques or Gouernours of the land, with many of the Indians, which were in peace, and held themselues assured (for he had giuen them his faith, and assurance that they should re∣ceiue [ 60] no harme nor damage) vpon credit whereof, they were come forth of their holes in the Mountaines, where they had beene hid, to people Plaine, in the which stood their Citie: thus being common without suspition, and trusting the assurance made, he tooke a great number, as

well men as women, and commanded to hold out their hands stretched against the ground, and himselfe with a woodknife cut off their hands, telling them that he did on them this chastise∣ment, for that they would not confesse where their new Lord was, which had succeeded in the charge of gouernment of the Realme.

Another time for that the Indians gaue him not a coffer full of Gold, that this cruell Captaine required them: he sent men to warre vpon them: who cut off the hands and noses of men and women without number. They cast others before their dogs being hunger bitten, and vsed to the feare of feeding on flesh, the which dispatched and deuoured.

Another time the Indians of that Realme perceiuing that the Spaniards had burnt three or foure of their principall Lords, they fled for feare vp into a Mountaine, from whence they might [ 10] defend themselues against their enemies so estranged from all humanitie. There were of them by the testimonie of the witnesses foure or fiue Indians. This aboue said Captaine sent a great and notable tyrant, which exceeded farre most of those to whom he had giuen the charge to ransacke and waste, together with a certaine number of Spaniards, to the end that they should chastise the Indian rebels: as they would seeme to make them for that they were fled from a pestilence and slaughter so intollerable. Well, so it is that the Spanish by force preuailed to get vp to the Moun∣taine: for the Indians were naked without weapons. And the Spaniards cryed peace vnto the Indians; assuring them, that they would doe them no harme: and that they of their parts should not warre any longer. Streight way as the Indians stinted from their owne defence, the vile cru∣ell man sent to the Spaniards to take the forts of the Mountaine, and when they should get them [ 20] to enclose within them the Indians. They set then like vnto Tygers and Lyons, vpon these lambes so meeke, and put them to the edge of the sword, so long that they were faine to breath and rest themselues. And after hauing rested a certaine season, the Captaine commanded that they should kill and cast downe from the Mountaine, which was very high, the residue that were aliue: which was done. And these witnesses say, that they saw as it were a could of Indi∣ans cast downe from the Mountaine, to the number by estimation of seuen hundred men toge∣ther, where they fell battered to peeces.

And to atchieue all his great crueltie, they searched all the Indians that were hid amongst the bushes: and he commanded to cut off their heads, at blockes ends; and so they slue them and cast them downe the Mountaines: yet could not he content himselfe with those said things so cruell, [ 30] but that he would make himselfe a little better knowne, augmenting his horrible sinnes, when as he commanded that all the Indians men and women, which some priuate persons had taken aliue (for euery one in those massaeres is accustomed to cull out some one or other mankinde and womankinde, to the end to become his seruants) should be put into a strawen house, sauing and reseruing those, which seemed necessary to be employed in their seruice, and that there should be put to fire: thus were there burned fortie or fiftie. Hee caused the rest to be flong to the carrion dogs, which rend them in peeces, and deuoured them.

Another time the selfe same tyrant went to a Citie called Cotta, and tooke there a number of Indians, and caused to be dismembred by his dogges, a fifteene or twenty Lords of the principall, and cut the hands of a great multitude of men and women: which said hands he hanged one by [ 40] another on a pole, to the end the other Indians might see that which hee had done vnto them. There were so hanged one by another threescore and ten paire of hands. Hee slised off besides from many women and children their noses.

No creature liuing and reasonable, is able to decipher the mischiefes and cruell dealing of this fellow, enemy of God. For they are without number, neuer otherwise heard of, nor seene: those, I meane, which hee hath done in the land of Guatimala, and all about where he hath become.

The witnesses say for a surcharge, that the cruell dealings and slaughters which haue beene committed, and are yet in the said Realme of new Grenado, by the Captaines themselues in per∣son, and by their consents giuen vnto all the other tyrants, wasters, and weeders of the nature of man, which were in his company, and the which hath laid all the Countrie wilde and waste, [ 50] are such and so excessiue, that if his Maiestie doe not take some order therein in some time (al∣beit that the slaughter and discomfiture of the Indians is done onely to bereaue them of their Gold, the which they haue none of, for they haue surrendred all that which they had) they will in a short time make an end of them so in such sort, that there will be no more Indians to inhabit the land, but that it will remaine in a wildernesse without being manured.

There are other great Prouinces, which bound vpon the said Realme of new Grenado, which they call Popayin and Cali, and three or foure others, which containe more then fiue hundred leagues of ground, which they haue destroyed and desolated in the same manner, as they haue done others, robbing and slaying with torments, and the enornities afore spoken of. For the [ 60] land is very fertile, and those that come from thence now daily, doe report, that it is a ruefull thing to see so many goodly Townes burned and laid desolate, as they might behold passing vp and downe that way: so as there, where there was wor•• to be in one towne a thousand or two thousand households, they haue not found fiftie, and the rest vtterly ransacked and dispeopled.

And in some quarters they haue found two or three hundred leagues of Land dispeopled and bur∣ned, and great Cities destroyed. And finally, by that, that sithence into the Realmes of Peru, of the Prouince side of Quito, are entred farre into the Countrey sore and fell tyrants, as farre as to the said Realme of Grenado, and of Popayan, and of Cali, by the coast of Carthagene, and Ara∣ba, and other accursed tyrants of Carthagene haue gone to assault Quito, and moreouer, afterwards of the Riuers side of Saint Iohn, which is on the South side, all the which haue met to ioyne hands together in this exploit: they haue rooted out and dispeopled aboue sixe hundred leagues of land, with the losse of an infinite of soules, doing still the selfe same to the poore wretches that remaine behinde, howsoeuer innocent they appeare to be.

After the ends of the slaughters and massacres of the warres, they bring the people into the horrible bondage abouesaid, and giue them to the commandement of Deuils, to one an hundred [ 10] Indians, to another three hundred. The commander Deuill commandeth, that there come before him an hundred Indians, which incontinent present themselues like Lambes. He causing forty or fifty amongst them to haue their heads cut off: sayth vnto the other there present, I will serue you of the same sauce, if you doe not me good seruice, or if so be, that you goe out of my sight without my leaue. That for the honour of God, all they that haue read this piece of worke, or shall giue it a reading, consider now, whether this act, so hideous, fell and vnnaturall, doe not exceed all cruelty and iniquitie, that may bee imagined, and whether the Spaniards haue any wrong offered them when a man calleth them Diuels, and whether were better, to giue the In∣dians to keepe to the Deuils in Hell, or the Spaniards which are at the Indies.

After this I will rehearse another deuilish part, the which I cannot tell whether it bee lesse [ 20] cruell and voide of manhood, then are those of sauage beasts: that is, that the Spanish which are in the Indies, doe keepe certaine Dogs most raging, taught and trained wholly to the purpose, to kill and rend in pieces the Indians. That let all those that are true Christians, yea, and also those which are not so, behold, if euer there were the like thing in the whole world: that is, to feed those Dogs, they leade about with them wheresoeuer they goe a great number of Indians in chaines, as if they were Hogs, and kill them, making a shambles of mans flesh. And the one of them will say to another, Lend mee a quarter of a villaine, to giue my Dogs some meate, vntill I kill one next, altogether as if one should borrowe a quarter of an Hogge or Mutton. There be others which goe forth a hunting in the morning with their curres, the which being re∣turned [ 30] to eate, if another aske him: How haue yee sped to day? they answere, Very well: for I haue killed with my Dogs to day, fifteene or twnety Villacoes. All these diabolicall do∣ings, with others like haue beene proued in the suits of Law, that the tyrants haue had one of them against another. Is there any case more ougly or vnnaturall?

I will here now deport me of this discourse, vntill such time, that there come other newes of things, in vngraciousnesse more notcrious and remarkable (if it so bee, that there can bee any more grieuous) or vntill such time as we may returne thither to behold them our selues anew, as we behold them for the space of two and forty yeeres continually with mine owne eyes: pro∣testing in a good conscience before God, that I doe beleeue, and I hold it for certaine, that the damages and losses are so great, with the destructions and ouerthrowes of Cities, massacres and murders, with the cruelties horrible and ougly, with the rauins, iniquities and robberies, all the [ 40] which things haue beene executed amongst those people, and are yet daily committed in those quarters: that in all the things, which I haue spoken and deciphered, as I was able the nee∣rest to the truth: I haue not said one of a thousand, of that which ha••h beene done, and is dai∣ly a doing at this present, bee it that you consider the qualitie, or bee it, that yee consider the quantitie.

And to the end that all Christians haue the greater compassion of those poore innocents, and that they complaine with me the more their perdition and destruction, and that they detest the greedinesse, loftinesse, and felnesse of the Spanish: that all doe hold it for a most vndoubted veri∣tie, with all that hath beene abouesaid, that sithence the first Discouerie of the Indies vntill now, * 2.54 [ 50] the Indians neuer did harme vnto the Spanish in any place wheresoeuer, vntill such time, that they first receiued wrongs and iniuries, being robbed and betrayed: but indeed did repute them to be immortall, supposing them to be descended from Heauen, and they receiued them for such, vntill such time as that they gaue it forth manifestly to be knowne by their doings, what they were, and whereto they tended.

I will adioyne hereunto this, that from the beginning vnto this houre, the Spaniards haue had no more care to procure that vnto those people should be preached the Faith of Iesus Christ, then as if they had beene Curr••dogs, or other beasts: but in lieu thereof, which is much worse they haue forbidden by expresse meanes the religious men to doe it, for because that that seemed vn∣to them an hinderance likely to be, to the getting of their Gold, and these riches which their [ 60] auarice foreglutted in. And at the day there is no more knowledge of God throughout the In∣dies, to wit, whether he be of timber, of the aire, or the earth, then there was an hundred yeeres agoe, excepting New Spaine, whither the religious men haue gone, which is but a little corner of the Indies: and so are they perished, and doe perish all with Faith, and without Sacraments.

I brother Bartholomew de las Casas or Casaus, religious of the Order of Saint Dominicke, which by the mercy of God am come into this Court of Spaine, to sue that the Hell might bee with∣drawen from the Indies, and that these innumerable soules, redeemed by the bloud of Iesus Christ, should not perish for euermore without remedie, but they might know their Creator and be sa∣ued: also for the care and compassion that I haue of my Countrey, which is Castile, to the end that God destroy it not for the great sinnes thereof, committed against the Faith and his ho∣nour, and against our neighbours: for certaine mens sakes notably zealous of the glory of God, touched with compassion of the afflictions and calamities of others, followers of this Court: howbeit, that I was purposed to doe it, but I could not so soone haue done it, because of my con∣tinuall occupations, I atchieued this Treatise and Summarie at Valencia, the eight of December, [ 10] 1542. the force being mounted to the highest type of extremitie, and all the violences, tyran∣nies, desolations, anguishes, and calamities abouesaid, spred ouer all the Indies, where there are Spaniards, although they be more cruell in one part then they be in another, and more sauage and more abhominable.

Mexico and her confines are lesse euill intreated. In truth, there they cannot execute their outrages openly, for that there and not elsewhere, there is some forme of iustice, as slender as it is. For because that there also they kill them with deuilish tributes: I am in good hope, that the Emperour and King of Spaine, our liege Soueraigne Lord, Don Charles the fift of that name, who beginneth to haue vnderstanding of the mischiefes and treasons that there haue beene, and are committed against those poore people, against the will of God, and his owne, (for they haue [ 20] alwaies cunningly concealed the truth from him) will roote out those euils, and take some order for this new world that God hath giuen him, as vnto one that loueth and doeth iustice: whose honour and prosperous estate Imperiall, God almightie vouchsafe to blesse with long life, for the benefit of his whole vniuersall Church, and to the saluation of his owne Royall soule. Amen.

After hauing couched in writing the premisses, I vnderstood of certaine Lawes and Ordi∣nances, which his Maiestie hath made about this time at Barcellone, Anno 1542. in the moneth of Nouember, and the yeere following at Madrill: by the which Ordinances, there is order set downe, as the case them seemeth to require: to the end, to cut off the mischiefes and sins which are committed against God and our neighbours, tending to the vtter ruine and perdition of this new world. His Maiestie hath made these Lawes, after hauing holden many assemblies of persons [ 30] of authoritie, of learning and conscience, and after hauing had disputations & conferences in Val∣ladolid: and finally with the assent and aduise of all those others which haue giuen their aduise in writing, and haue beene found neerest approching vnto the Law of Iesus Christ, and withall free from the corruption and soyle of the treasures robbed from the Indians: the which treasures haue soyled the hands, and much more the soules of many, ouer whom those treasures and aua∣rice haue got the masterie, and where hence hath proceeded the blinding, which hath caused so to marre all without remorse. These Lawes being published, the creatures of those tyrants, who then were at the Court, drew out sundry copies thereof (for it grieued them at the hearts: for that it seemed them that thereby there was a doore shut vp vnto them against their rauine and extortion afore rehearsed) and dispersed them into diuers quarters of the Indies. Those which [ 40] had the charge to robbe, root out, and consume by their tyrannies, (euen as they had neuer kept any good order but rather disorder, such as Lucifer himselfe might haue held) as they read those copies before the new Iudges might come to execute their charge, knowing it (as it is said, and that very credible) by those who vntill this time haue suported and maintayned their crimes and outrages, to be likely that such execution should be vsed of those Lawes: they ranne into a mutinie in such wise, as that when the good Iudges were come to doe their duties, they aduised with themselues (as those which had lost the feare and loue of God) to cast off also all shame, and obedience which they owe to the King, and so tooke vnto them the name of name of open and arrant traitors, behauing themselues as most cruell and gracelesse tyrants: and principally in the Realme of Peru, where presently this yeere 1442. are committed acts so horrible and [ 50] frightfull, as neuer were the like, neither in the Indies, nor in all the world besides, not onely a∣gainst the Indians, the which all or in a manner all are slaine, all those Regions being dispeopled: but also betwixt themselues by a iust iudgement of God, who hath permitted that they should * 2.55 be the Butchers one of an other of them. By meanes of the support of this rebellion, none of all the other parts of this new World would obey those Lawes: But vnder colour of making supplication to his Maiesty to the contrary, they haue made an insurrection as well as the others. For that it irketh them to leaue their estates and goods which they haue vsurped, and to vnbinde the hands of the Indians, whom they detaine in a perpetuall captiuitie. And there where they cease to kill with the sword, readily and at the instant, they kill them a little and a little, by per∣sonall slaueries, and vniust charges and intolerable. That which the King could not hitherunto [ 60] let: for because that they all, great and little, roue and robbe, some more, some lesse: some o∣uertly, and some couertly, and vnder the pretence of seruing the King: dishonour God, and robbe the King.

Part of a Letter written by one which saw things mentioned.

HEe gaue licence to put them to the Chaine, and in bondage: That which they did: and the Cap∣taine led after him three or foure droues of these persons enchained: and in this doing, he procu∣red not that the Countrey should bee inhabited and peopled (as had beene conuenient should haue done) but robbing from the Indians all their victuals they had, the inbornes of the Countrey were reduced to such an extremitie, that there were found great numbers dead of famine in the high-wayes. And the Indians comming and going to and fro the coast, laden with the carriage of the Spaniards, hee was the death by these meanes of about ten thousand. For not one that arriued at the very coast escaped death: * 2.56 [ 10] by reason of the excessiue heate of the Countrey.

After this, following the same tract and way, by the which Iohn of Ampudia was gone, hee sent the Indians which he had purchased in Quito, a day before him, to the end they should discouer the bourges of the Indians, and should pillage them, that when he came with his maynie he might finde his bootie rea∣dy. And those Indians were his owne mates: of the which such a one bad two hundred, such a one three hundred, and such a one a hundred; according to the baggage that euery one of them had: which In∣dians came to yeeld themselues to their Masters with all that they had robbed.

After that the said Captaine was returned from the coast, hee determined to depart from Quito, and to goe seeke the Captaine Iohn de Ampudia, leauing thereto moe then two hundred of Footmen and Horsemen, amongst whom were a great many Inhabitants of the Citie of Quito. Unto those Inhabi∣tants [ 20] the Captaine gaue licence to carrie with them the Cacikes, that were escheated them in sharing, with as many Indians as they would. That which they did: and Alfonso Sanches Nuita carried forth with him his Cacike, with moe then an hundred Indians besides: and in like manner Peter Cibo, and his Cousin: and they led out more then an hundred and fifty with their wiues: and sundry also sped out their children, because that in a manner euery one died for hunger. Also Moran Inhabitant of Po∣payan, carried out moe then two hundred persons. And the like did all the rest, Citizens and Souldiers, euery one after his abilitie: the Souldiers crauing that they might haue licence giuen them to captiue those Indians men and women, which they carried forth: the which was granted them vntill the death of the said captiues, and those deceased, to take as many more. [ 30]

When they departed out of the Prouince of Quito, they carried out moe then sixe thousand Indians, men and women, and of all those there neuer returned home into their Countrie twenty persons. For they died all through the great and excessiue trauell, which they made them indure in those broyling Coun∣tries contrary to their nature. It happened at that time, that one Altonso Sanches, whom the said Cap∣taine sent for Chieftaine ouer a certaine number of men into a Prouince there, met with a good company of women, and young boyes laden with victuals: who stayed waiting for them without mouing from the place to giue them of that which they had, and hauing so done, the Captaine commanded that they should be put to the sharpe of the sword.

It came to passe also, that at the time that the said Captaine came into the Prouince of Lili, to a Towne called Palo, neere vnto the great Riuer, where hee found the Captaine Iohn de Ampudia, [ 40] which was gone before to discouer, and pacifie the Countrie: the said Ampudia kept a Citie by him pro∣uided of a Garrison, in the name of his Maiestie, and of the Marques Francis of Pizarro: and had set ouer them for Gouernours ordinary, one Petre Solano of Quennoues, and eight Coun∣sellours, and all the rest of the Countrie was in peace, and shared out amongst them. And as hee knew that the said Captaine was in the said Riuer, hee came to see him, with a great number of the Inhabi∣tants of the Countrie, and peacefull Indians, laden with victuals and fruits. Shortly after also all the neighbour Indians came to see him, bringing him food. There were the Indians of Xamundi, and of Palo, and of Soliman, and of Bolo.

Now because that they brought no Mahis which he would haue, he sent a great number of Spaniards with their Indians, to goe search for Mahis: commanding them to bring some where soeuer they found [ 50] any. So went they to Bolo, and to Palo, and found the Indians men and women in their houses in peace: and the said Spaniards with those that were with them, tooke them, and robbed their Mahis, their Gold, and Couerings, and all that they had, and bound many.

Wherefore, they seeing that the Captaine kept no Faith with them: all the Countrie arose and reuol∣ted from the Spanish, whereof ensued great damage, and God and the Kings Maiestie offended: and by this meanes the Countrey remayned dispeopled: for that the Olomas and the Manipos their enemies, which are Mountaine people, and warlike, descended daily to take and robbe them, when they perceiued the Citie and places of their abode left destitute. And amongst them hee who was the stronger, did eate vp his fellow, for all died for famine. This done, the Captaine came to the Citie of Ampudia, where * 2.57 he was receiued for Generall. From this place they goe to a Citie called Tukilicui, from whence the Ca∣cike of the place yeelded forth incontinent in peace, a number of Indians going before him. The Cap∣taine [ 60] demanded Gold of him and of his Indians. The Cacike told him that hee had but a small deale, and that which he had should be giuen him: and immediatly all beganne to giue him all that they had. Whereupon the said Captaine gaue vnto euery of them a ticket, with the name of the said Indian, for

a testimoniall that he had giuen him Gold: affirming that hee which should haue neuer a ticket, should be cast to the Dogges to bee deuoured, because he gaue him no Gold. Whereupon the Indians for feare that they were put in, gaue him all the Gold that they were able: and those which had none fled into the Mountaines and other Townes, for feare to bee slaine. By reason whereof perished a great num∣ber of the natiue Inhabitants of the Countrie. And shortly after, the said Captaine commanded the Cacike to send two Indians to another Citie named Dagna, to will them that they should come in peace, and bring him Gold in abundance. And comming to another Citie, hee sent that night many Spani∣ards to take the Indians, and namely of Tulilicui. So as they brought the next morrow aboue an hundred persons: and all those which could beare burdens, they tooke them for themselues, and for their Souldiers, and put them to the chaine, whereof they died all. And the said Captaine gaue the little chil∣dren vnto the said Cacike Tulilicui, that hee should eate them: and in truth, the skinnes of those chil∣dren [ 10] are kept in the house of the said Cacike Tulilicui full of ashes: and so departed hee from thence without an Interpreter, and went towards the Prouinces of Castile, where hee ioyned himselfe vnto the Captaine Iohn de Ampudia, who had sent him to discouer another way, doing both of them great out∣rages, and much mischiefe vnto the Inhabitants of the Countrie where they became. And the said Iohn de Ampudia came to a Citie, the Cacike and Lord whereof called Bitacur, had caused to make cer∣taine Duches to defend himselfe, and there fell into the same two Horses, the one of Antonie Rodondos, the other of Marc Marque••••s. That of Marcos Marquis died, the other not. For which cause the said Ampudia commanded to take all the Indians men and women that might be: and thereupon tooke and layed together more then an hundred persons, whom they cast aliue into those Ditches and slue them, and brent withall more then an hundred houses in the said Citie. And in that manner met in a great [ 20] Citie, where without summoning (the Indians being at peace, and without any spokesman to goe betweene them) they slue with their Speares a great number of them, making on them mortall warre. And as it is said soone after they were met, the said Ampudia told the Captaine what he had done in Bitaco, and how he cast so many into the Ditches: and the said Captaine answered, that it was well done, and that he for his part had done as much at the Riuer Bamba, when hee entred the same, which is in the Pro∣uince of Quito, and that he had flung into the Ditches moe then two hundred persons; and there they stayed warring on all the Countrie. Soone after he entred into the Prouince of Bitu, or Anzerma: in making cruell warre with fire and bloud till they came as farre as vnto the Salt-houses. And from thence he sent Francis Garcia before him to pillage, who made cruell warre on the naturall Inhabitants [ 30] of the Countrie as he had done before him. The Indians came vnto him two and two, making signes, that they demanded peace on the behalfe of the whole Countrie: alledging that they would affoord him, all that he could reasonably demand, were it Gold, or Women, or Uictuals, onely that they would not kill them, as indeed it was a troth. For themselues afterwards confessed it to bee so. But the said Francis Garcia bid them get them packing: telling them moreouer, that they were a sort of drunkards, and that hee vnderstood them not, and so returned hee to the place where the said Captaine was, and they made a complot, to ouerrunne all the Prouince, making cruell warre on all the Countrie, in spoyling, robbing and slaying all: and with the Souldiers, which hee brought with him, drew thence moe then two thousand soules, and all those died in the chaine. Before departing the place which hee had peopled, they slue more then fiue hundred persons. And so returned to the Prouince of Calili. And by the way if [ 40] any Iode or Indesse, were weary, in such sort, that they could not passe any further, they did inconti∣nently head them, paring it off from the shoulders euen with the chaine, to the end not to take the paines to open the locke thereof: and to the end that others which went the same way should not make wise to bee sicke, and by this meanes died they all: and in the high-wayes were left all those people which hee made his purchase of out of Quito, and of Pasto, and of Quilla Cangua, and of Paxa, and of Popayan, and of Lili, and of Cali, and of Anzerma, and a great number of people died. Also imme∣diatly vpon their returne to the great Citie, they entred into it, slaying all that they could: taking in that day moe then three hundred persons, &c.

AMong diuers the remedies by Friar De las Casas Bishop of the Royal Towne called Chiapa, propounded in the assemblie of sundry Prelates named Parsons, by his Maiesties comman∣dement [ 50] gathered together in the Towne of Valladolid, the yeere of our Lord 1542. for order and reformation to be obserued in the Indies: the eighth in order was this ensuing, which consisteth vpon twentie reasons and motions.

The eight Remedie, is among all other principall and most in force, as without which all the rest are to no purpose, for that they all haue relation thereunto, as euery motion to his proper end, in whatsoeuer toucheth or is of any importance vnto your Maiestie, which no man can expresse: in as much as thereupon dependeth at the least the whole losse or preseruation of the Indies. And the remedie that I speake of is this, that your Maiestie doe determine, decree, command, and solemnely in your soueraigne Courts ordaine by pragmaticall Sactions and Royall Statutes, that [ 60] all the Indies as well already subdued, as hereafter to be subdued, may be inserted, reduced, and incorporate into the Royall Crowne of Castile and Leon, to be holden in chiefe of your Maiestie as free subiects and vassals, as they are. Likewise that they be not giuen in commendam vnto the Spaniards: but that it stand as an inuiolable constitution, determination and Royall Law, that

they neuer, neither at this time, neither hereafter in time to come, may bee alienated or taken from the said Royall Crowne, neither that they be giuen, commanded, demised in fee farme, by depost, commandement or alienation, either vnder any other title or manner whatsoeuer, and be dismembred from the Royall Crowne, for any whatsoeuer the seruice or desert of any, either vp∣on any necessitie that may happen, or for any cause or colour whatsoeuer that may be pretended. For the inuiolable obseruation, or establishment of which Law, your Maiestie shall formally sweare by your Faith, and on your Word and Royall Crowne, and by all other sacred things, whereby Christian Princes doe vsually sweare, that at no time neither your selfe, neither your successours in these ten Dominions, or in the Indies, so farre as in you shall lie, shall reuoke the same: and you shall further set downe in expresse words in your Royall Will and Testament, that [ 10] this decree be euer kept, maintayned, and vpholden: also that so farre as in your selfe or in them shall lie, they shall confirme and continue the same. And for proofe of the necessitie hereof, there bee twenty reasons to be alledged: out of which twenty we haue drawne and put in writing so many as may seeme to serue to our purpose.

The Spaniards through their great auarice and couetousnesse to get, doe not permit any re∣ligious * 2.58 persons to enter into their Townes and Holds which they possesse, alledging that they receiue double losse by them. One and the principall is, that religious persons doe keepe the In∣dies occupied when they gather them together to their Sermons, so as in the meane time their worke is omitted, while the Indians being idle, labour not: yea, it hath so fallen out, that the Indians being in the Church at the Sermon, the Spaniard comming in, in the face of al the people, [ 20] hath taken fifty, or an hundred, or so many as he hath needed to carrie his baggage and stuffe, and such as would not goe, he hath loden with stripes, spurning them forth with his feet, thereby, to the great griefe both of the Indians, and of the religious persons troubling and molesting all that were present, &c.

The Spaniards are charged to instruct the Indians in our holy Catholike Faith: whereupon on * 2.59 a time when we examined Iohn Colmenere of Saint Martha, a fantasticall, ignorant, and foolish man, who had gotten a great Towne in commendam, and had a charge of soules, he could not tell how to blesse himselfe: and asking him what doctrine he taught the Indians committed to his charge, he said, he gaue them to the Deuill: also that it was enough for him to say, Per signim sanctin Cruces. How can the Spaniards that trauell to the Indies, how noble or valiant soeuer they be, haue any care of the soules, when the most of them are ignorant of their Creede and [ 30] ten Commandements, and knowe not the matters pertayning to their owne saluation, neither doe trauell to the Indies for any other purpose but to satisfie their owne desires and couetous af∣fections, being for the most part vicious, corrupt, vnhonest, and disordinate persons: so as hee that would weigh them in an equall ballance, and compare them with the Indians, should finde the Indians without comparison, more vertuous and holy then them. For the Indians what In∣fidels soeuer they be, doe neuerthelesse keepe them to one and their owne wife, as nature and ne∣cessitie teacheth, and yet we see some Spaniard haue fourteene or more, which Gods Comman∣dements doe forbid. The Indians deuoure no mans goods, they doe no man wrong: they doe not vexe, trouble, or slay any, where themselues doe see the Spaniards commit all sinnes, iniquities, [ 40] and treacheries, that man can commit against all equitie and iustice. To be briefe, the Indians doe not beleeue any thing, but doe mocke at all that is shewed them of God, being in truth fully roo∣ted in this opinion of our God, that he is the worst, and most vniust, and the most wicked of all Gods, because he hath such seruants: also concerning your Maiestie, they thinke you the most vniust and cruell of all Kings, because you doe both send thither and keepe here such euill Sub∣iects, supposing that your Maiestie doth feed vpon humane flesh and bloud.

The Spaniards hauing authoritie to command, or particular interest in the Indies, cannot by * 2.60 reason of their great couetousnesse abstaine from afflicting, troubling, disquieting, vexing, or op∣pressing the Indians, taking away their goods, lands, wiues, or children, and vsing among them many other kindes of iniquitie, for the which they can haue no redresse, sanction, or warrant at your Maiesties chiefe Iustice, because the Spaniards doe make them afraide: yea sometimes doe [ 50] kill them, lest they should complaine. They doe night and day mourne after their Gods, thin∣king them to be better then ours at whom they sustaine such harmes, while contrariwise of their owne they reape there so many commodities: and there is nothing that troubleth them so much as the Christians.

Wee can shew to your Maiestie, that the Spaniards haue within eight and thirty or for∣ty * 2.61 yeeres slaine of iust accompt, aboue twelue millions of your Subiects: I will not say how mightily this world of people might haue multiplied. This Countrey being the fertilest, whe∣ther for cattell, or mankinde, that is in the world: the soyle being for the most part, more temperate and fauourable to humane generation. All these innumerable persons, and all these [ 60] people haue the Spaniards slaine, to the end to beare sway, gouerne, and command ouer the rest: and when in vniust warres they haue slaine them, then doe they vse the rest, who iustly haue withstood them, in drawing Gold and Siluer, yoking them together like beasts, to make them carrie their burdens.

What plague of pestilence, or mortalitie could there haue fallen from heauen that had beene able to consume or make waste aboue 2500. leagues of flat Country, replenished with people, and would not haue left either trauailer or inhabitant?

The Spaniards onely for their temporall commoditie, haue blemished the Indies with the * 2.62 greatest infamie, that any man euen among the most horrible and villanous persons in the world, could be charged withall, and whereby they haue sought to take them out of the degree of man∣kinde: namely that they were all polluted with the abominable sinne against nature: which is a wretched and false slander. For in all the great Iles, Hispaniola, Saint Iohn, Cuba, and Lamaica: Also in the sixtie Iles of Lucayos, which were inhabited with an infinite number of people, the same was neuer thought vpon; in some other part there is a voice of a few: for whole sakes ne∣uerthelesse all that world is not to be condemned. We may say as much of the eating of mans [ 10] flesh, which likewise those places that I haue named are free of; although that in other places thy doe it indeede. They be also charged with their Idolatrie. The Spaniards haue purposely and effectually hindered the teaching of the Law of God and Iesus Christ: with all other ver∣tues among the Indians, and driuen away the Religious persons out of Townes and Fortresses, least they should see and disclose their tyrannies: yea, they haue by their euill example, infected and corrupted the Indies, teaching them many odious behauiours and vices, which before they knew not, as blaspheming the name of Iesus Christ, practising of vsurie, lying, and many other abho∣minations wholly repugnant to their nature.

The Spaniards doe sucke from the Indians the whole substance of their bodies, because they * 2.63 haue nothing else in their houses. They make them spit bloud: They exhibite them to all dan∣gers: [ 20] They lay vpon them sundry and intollerable trauailes: and more then all this, They loade them with torments, beatings, and sorrowings: To be briefe, they spoile and consume a thou∣sand manner of wayes.

Besides all that the Indians doe indure in seruing and pleasing the Spaniards, there is yet a * 2.64 butcher or cruell hangman, to keepe them in awe appointed in euery Towne and place, and is tearmed Estanciero or Calpisque: who hath authoritie to lay his clawes vpon them, and to make them labour, and doe what the Lord Commander or chiefe thiefe will. So as if in hell there were no other torment, yet were this incomparable. This hangman whippeth them, he ladeth them with stripes, he basteth them with scalding grease, he afflicteth them with continuall torments and trauels, hee forceth and defloureth their daughters and wiues, dishonouring and abusing [ 30] them: he deuoureth their Hens, which are their greatest treasure, not because themselues doe eate them, but that of them they offer presents and seruice to their greatest Lord and chiefe ty∣rant: he vexeth them with innumerable other torments and griefes: and least they should com∣plaine of so many iniuries and miseries, this tyrant putteth them in feare, saying; that hee will accuse them, and say that he see them commit Idolatry. To be briefe, they must please and con∣tent aboue twenty disordinate and vnreasonable persons; so as they haue foure Lords and Ma∣sters. Your Maiestie, their Cacique, him that hath them in commendam, and the Estanciero of whom I last spake, which Estanciero is to them more grieuous to beare then a quintall of lead, a∣mong which we may also in truth adde all the Mochachos and Moores, that doe serue the Com∣mander and Master, for they all doe molest, oppresse, and rob these poore people. [ 40]

It is greatly to be feared, least God will lay Spaine desolate, euen for those horrible sinnes that * 2.65 this Nation hath committed in the Indies, whereof we doe euidently behold the scourge, and all the world doth see and confesse that already it hangeth ouer our heads, wherewith God doth afflict and shew that he is highly offended in those parts through the great destruction and waste of those Nations, in that of so great treasures haue bin transported out of the Indies into Spaine (the like quantitie of Gold and Siluer, neither King Salomon, neither any other worldly Prince euer had, saw, or heard of) there is none left, besides that of that that was here before the Indies * 2.66 were discouered, there is now none to be found, no neuer a whit. Hereof it commeth that things are thrise dearer then they were, the poore that haue want doe suffer great miseries: and your Maiestie cannot dispatch matters of great importance. [ 50]

So long as Lares bare sway and ruled, that was nine yeares, there was no more care of teaching * 2.67 or bringing the Indians to saluation, neither was there any more labor employed, or once thought of to that purpose, then if they had beene Trees, Stones, Dogs, or Cats. He wasted great townes and fortresses, he gaue to one Spaniard a hundred Indians, to another fiftie, to another more or lesse, as euery man was in liking or fauour, and as it pleased him to grant. He gaue children, and old men, women with childe, and in childebed, men of countenance and commons, the naturall Lords of the Townes and Countries, he parted them among those to whom hee wished most wealth and commoditie, vsing in his Letters of command this speech following: To you such a man, are giuen so many Indians with their Cacique, them to vse in their Mines and affaires. So as [ 60] all, great and small, yong and old, that could stand on their feete, men, women with childe, or in childebed, one or other, trauailed and wrought so long as they had any breath in their bodies. He gaue leaue to take away married men, and to make them draw Gold, tenne, twenty, thirtie, fortie, or eightie leagues, or farther. The women remained in farme houses and granges, in

great labours. So that the man and wife should not see one another in eight or ten moneths or a whole yeare. And at their meeting they were so worne with labour and hunger, that they had no minde of cohabitation, whereby their generation ceased, and their poore children per••••hed, because the mothers through hunger and trauaile had no milke wherewith to nourish them: This was a cause that in the Ile of Cuba, one of vs being there, there perished in the space of three moneths for hunger 7000. children, some desperate women strangled and killed their owne chil∣dren, others finding themselues with childe, did eate certaine hearbes thereby to loose their fruit, so that the men died in the Mines, the women perished in the farme houses, their whole generation in a short space decayed, and all the Countrey lay desolate. The said Gouernour, to the end without release to keepe them in continuall labour, still gaue them away, and yet be∣sides [ 10] their great labors he suffered them rigorously, and very austerely to be misused. For the Spa∣niards that had them in command, appointed certaine hangmen ouer them, some in the Mines, whom they tearmed Miniero, others in the Farmes, that were called Estanciero: vnnaturall and pittilesse persons that beate them with staues and cords, boxing them, pricking them with nee∣dles, and still calling them dogges: neither did they euer shew any signe of humanity or clemen∣cie, but all their dealings did consist of extreame seueritie, riot, and bitternesse.

The Gouernour had also in the Spanish Townes and Forts, certaine of the most honorable and principall persons about him, whom he called Visitors, vnto whom also besides their other ordi∣nary portions that he had giuen them, he gaue in respect of their offices one hundred Indians to serue them. These in the Townes were the greatest executioners, as being more cruell then the [ 20] rest. before whom Athuaziles del camoo brought all such as had bin taken in this chase. The accu∣ser, he that had them in command, was present, and accused them, saying; This Indian, or those Indians are dogs, and will doe no seruice, but doe daily run to the Mountaines, there to become loyterers and vagabonds: and therefore required that they might be punished. Then the Visitor with his owne hands bound them to a Pale, and taking a pitched cord, in the Gallies called an Eele, which is as it were an iron rod, gaue them so many stripes, and beate them so cruelly, that the bloud running downe diuers p••rts of their bodies, they were left for dead. God is witnesse of the cruel∣ties committed among those lambs.

Throughout the yeare they neuer knew holiday, neither might be suffered from labour little or much. Besides that during all this toyle, they neuer had sufficient food, no not of Caçabi. Some [ 30] ther•• were that through niggardlinesse wanting meate to giue them, would send them two or three dayes abroad into the fields and Mountaines, to feede where they might satisfie them∣selues with such fruite as hang on the trees, and then vpon the force of that which they brought in their guts, would force them to labour two or three dayes more without giuing them any one morsell to eate. The Gouernour commanded they should be paid their day wages and expences for any labour or seruice that they should doe to the Spaniard, and their wages was three blankes euery two dayes, which in the yeare amounted to halfe a Castelin. Thus grew they into sicke∣nesse through long and grieuous trauailes, and that was soone caught among them. When the Spaniards perceiued the sickenesse increase, so as there was no profit or seruice to be looked for at their hands, then would they send them home to their houses, giuing them to spend in some [ 40] thirty, forty, or eightie leagues trauaile, some halfe dozen of Radish or Refortes, that is a kinde of nauet roote, and a little Caçabi, wherewith the poore men trauailed not farre before they should desperately dye, some went two or three leagues, some ten or twenty, so desirous to get to their owne home, there to finish their hellish life that they suffered, that they euen fell downe dead by the wayes; so as many times we found some dead, others at deaths doore, others groning and pittifully to their powers pronouncing this word, hunger, hunger. Then the Gouer∣nour seeing that the Spaniard had in this wise slaine halfe or two third parts of these Indians, whom hee had giuen them in command, he came a fresh to draw new lots, and make a new di∣stribution of Indians: still supplying the number of his first gift, and this did hee almost euery yeare. [ 50]

Pedrarias entred into the firme land, as a Wolfe that had long beene starued doth into a flocke of quiet and innocent Sheepe and Lambs: and as Gods wrath and scourge, committing infinite slaughters, robberies, oppressions and cruelties, together with those Spaniards whom he had leui∣ed, and laid waste so many Townes and Villages, which before had bin replenished with people, as it were Ant hils, as the like was neuer seene, heard of, or written by any that in our daies haue dealt in Histories. He robbed his Maiestie & Subiects with those whom he tooke with him, and the harme that he did amounted to aboue foure, yea six Millions of Gold: hee laid aboue fortie leagues of land desart, namely from Darien, where he first arriued, vnto the Prouince of Nicaraga, one of the fruitfullest, richest and best inhabited lands in the world. From this cursed wretch sprang first the pestilence of giuing the Indians in command, which afterward hath infected all [ 60] those Indies where any Spaniards doe inhabit, and by whom all these Nations are consumed; so that from him & his commands haue proceeded the certaine waste and desolation that your Ma∣iestie haue sustained in these so great lands and dominions, since the yeare 1504.

When we shall say that the Spaniards haue wasted your Maiesties, and laid you desolate seuen

Kingdomes bigger then Spaine, you must conceiue that we haue seene them wonderfully peopled, and now there is nobody left, because the Spaniards haue slaine all the naturall inhabitants by meanes aforesaid, and that of the Townes and Houses there remaineth onely the bare wals: euen as if Spaine were all dispeopled, and that all the people being dead, there remained onely the wals of Cities, Townes and Castels.

Your Maiestie haue not out of all the Indies one maruedy of certaine perpetuall and set rent, * 2.68 but the whole reuenewes are as leaues and straw gathered vpon the earth, which being once ga∣thered vp doe grow no more: euen so is all the rent that your Maiestie hath in the Indies, vaine and of as small continuance as a blast of winde, and that proceedeth onely of that the Spaniards haue had the Indians in their power; and as they doe daily slay and rost the inhabitants, so must it [ 10] necessarily ensue that your Maiesties rights and rents doe wast and diminish.

The Kingdome of Spaine is in great danger to be lost, robbed, oppressed and made desolate by forraigne Nations, namely by the Turkes and Moores, because that God who is the most iust, true, and soueraigne King ouer all the world, is wroth for the great sinnes and offences that the Spaniards haue committed throughout the Indies. But had chosen Spaine as his minister and in∣strument, to illuminate and bring them to his knowledge, and as it had bin for a worldly recom∣pence, besides the eternall reward, had granted her so great naturall riches, and discouered for her such and so great fruitfull and pleasant lands, &c.

In as much as our life is short, I doe take God to witnesse with all the Hierarchies and thrones of Angels, all the Saints of the heauenly court, and all the men in the world; yea, euen those that [ 20] shall hereafter be borne, of the certificate that here I doe exhibite: also of this the discharge of my conscience, namely that if his Maiestie granteth to the Spaniards the aforesaid diuellish and tyrannous partition, notwithstanding whatsoeuer lawes or statutes shall be deuised, yet will the Indies in short space be laid desart and dispeopled, euen as the Ile of Hispaniola is at this present, which otherwise would be most fruitfull and fertile; together with other the Iles & lands aboue 3000. leagues about, besides Hispaniola it selfe and other lands both farre and neere. And for those sinnes, as the holy Scripture doth very well informe, God will horribly chastize, and peraduen∣ture wholly subuert and roote out all Spaine. Anno 1542.

The summe of the disputation betweene Fryer BARTHOLOMEVV [ 30] de las CASAS or CASAVS, and Doctor SEPVLVEDA.

DOctor Sepulueda, the Emperours chronographer, hauing information, and being perswa∣ded by certaine of those Spaniards, who were most guiltie in the slaughters and wastes com∣mitted among the Indian people, wrote a Booke in Latine, in forme of a Dialogue very eloquent∣ly, and furnished with all flowers, and precepts of Rhetoricke, as indeede the man is very lear∣ned and excellent in the said tongue: which Booke consisted vpon two principall conclusions; the one, That the Spaniards warres against the Indians, were as concerning the cause and equitie [ 40] that moued them thereto, very iust: also, that generally the like warre may and ought to be continued. His other conclusion, that the Indians are bound to submit themselues to the Spaniards, gouernment, as the foolish to the wise: if they will not yeelde, then that the Spaniards may (as he affirmeth) warre vpon them. These are the two causes of the losse and destruction of so infi∣nite numbers of people: also that aboue 2000. leagues of the maine land, are by sundry new kindes of Spanish cruelties and inhumaine dealings bin left desolate in the Ilands: name∣ly by Conquests and Commands as hee now nameth those which were wont to be called Partitions.

The said Doctor Sepulueda coloureth his Treatise, vnder the pretence of publishing the title which the Kings of Castile and Leon doe challenge in the gouernment and vniuersall soueraigntie of this Indian world; so seeking to cloake that doctrine which he endeuoureth to disperse and [ 50] scatter as well in these lands, as also through the Kingdomes of the Indians. This Booke he exhi∣bited to the royall Councell of the Indies, very earnestly and importunately lying vpon them for licence to print it, which they sundry times denied him in respect of the offence, dangers, and manifest detriment, that it seemed to bring to the Common-wealth.

The Doctor seeing that here he could not publish his Booke, for that the Counsell of the In∣dies would not suffer it, he dealt so farre with his friends that followed the Emperours Court, that they got him a Patent, whereby his Maiestie directed him to the royall Counsell of Castile, who knew nothing of the Indian affaires: vpon the comming of these Letters the Court and Cou••sell being at Aranda in Duero, the yeare 1547. Fryer Bartholomew de las Casas or Casaus, [ 60] Bishop of the royall towne of Chiapa, by hap arriued there, comming from the Indians, and ha∣uing intelligence of Doctor Sepulneda his drifts and deuises, had notice also of the Contents of his whole Booke: but vnderstanding the Authors pernicious blindenesse, as also the irrecouerable losses that might ensue vpon the printing of this Booke, with might and maine withstood it,

discouering and reuealing the poyson wherewith it abounded, and whereto it pretended.

The Lords of the Royall Counsaile of Castile, as wise and iust Iudges, determined therefore to send the said Booke to the Vniuersities of Salamanca and Alcala, the matter being for the most part therein Theologically handled, with commandement to examine it, and if it might bee printed, to signe it: which Vniuersities after many exact and diligent disputations, concluded, that it might not be printed, as contayning corrupt doctrine.

The Doctor not so satisfied, but complaning of the Vniuersities aforesaid, determined, not∣withstanding so many denials and repulses at both the Royall Counsailes, to send his Treatise to his friends at Rome, to the end there to print it, hauing first transformed it into a certaine Apo∣logie written to the Bishop of Segouia, because the same Bishop hauing perused the Treatie and Booke aforesaid, had brotherly and charitably as his friend by Letters reprooued and counsailed [ 10] him. The Emperour vnderstanding of the Impression of the said Booke and Apologie, did im∣mediately dispatch his Letters Patents, for the calling in and suppression of the same, comman∣ding likewise to gather in againe all Copies thereof throughout Castile. For the said Doctour had published also in the Castilian Language a certaine abstract of the said Booke, thereby to make it more common to all the Land: and to the end ••••so that the Commons, and such as vn∣derstood no Latine, might haue some vse thereof, as being a matter agreeable and toothsome to such as coueted great riches, and sought wayes to clime to other estates, then either themselues, or their Predecessors could neuer attaine vnto without great cost, labour, and cares, and often∣times with the losse and destruction of diuers.

Which when the Bishop of Chiapa vnderstood, hee determined also to write an Apologie in [ 20] the vulgar tongue, against the said Doctors summarie in defence of the Indies, therein impugning and vndermining his foundations, and answering all reasons, or whatsoeuer the Doctor could al∣leage for himselfe, therein displaying and setting before the peoples face the dangers, inconue∣niences and harmes in the said doctrine contained.

Thus as many things passed on both sides, his Maiestie in the yeere 1550. called to Valadolid, an Assembly of learned men, as well Diuines as Lawyers, who beeing ioyned with the Royall counsaile of the Indies should argue, and among them conclude, whether it were lawfull with∣out breach of Iustice, to leuie warres, commonly tearmed conquests, against the Inhabitants of those Countries, without any new offence by them committed, their infidelity excepted.

Doctor Sepulueda was summoned to come and say what he could, and being entred the Coun∣saile [ 30] Chamber, did at the first Session vtter his whole minde. Then was the said Bishop likewise called, who for the space of fiue dayes, continually did reade his Apologie: but being somewhat long, the Diuines and Lawyers there assembled, besought the Learned and Reuerend Father Do∣minicke Soto his Maiesties Confessor, and a Dominican Friar, who was there present, to reduce it into a Summary, and to make so many Copies as there were Lords, that is fourteene, to the end they all hauing studied vpon the matter, might afterward in the feare of God say their mindes.

The said Reuerend Father and Master Soto, set downe in the said Summary, the Doctors rea∣sons, with the Bishops answeres to the same. Then had the Doctour at his request a Copie deli∣uered [ 40] him to answere: out of which Summarie he gathered twelue against himselfe, whereto he made twelue answeres, against which answeres the Bishop framed twelue Replyes.

Doctor Sepulued a his Prologue to the Lords of the Assembly, beganne thus. Most worthy and No∣ble Lords, sith your Lordships and Graces haue as Iudges for the space of fiue or sixe dayes heard the Lord Bishop of Chiapa reade that Booke, whereinto he hath many yeeres laboured to gather all the reasons that either himselfe, or others could inuent to proue the conquest of the Indies to be vniust, as seeking first to subdue barbarous Nations before we preach the Gospell vnto them, which haue beene the vsuall course correspondent to the grant made by Pope Alexander the sixt, * 2.69 which all Kings and Nations haue hitherto taken and obserued: it is meete, and I doe so desire you, that I who take vpon me to defend the grant and authority of the Apostolike Sea, together [ 50] with the equitie and honour of our Kings and Nation, &c.

Out of which Replies, here followeth the Abstract of two that stand vs insteed. The report is vn∣true that the Indians did yeerely sacrifice in New Spaine twenty thousand persons: either one hundred or fiftie. For had that beene so, we could not now haue found there so much people: and therefore the Tyrants haue inuented it, thereby to excuse and iustifie their Tyrannies: also to detaine so many of the Indians as escaped the oppression and desolation of the first Vintage, in bondage and tyrannie. But we may more truely say, that the Spaniards during their abode in the Indies, haue yeerely sacrificed to their so deerely beloued and reuerend Goddesse Couetousnesse more people, then the Indians haue done in a hundred yeeres. This doe the Heauens, the Earth, the Elements, and the Starres both testifie and bewaile: the Tyrants, yea, the very Ministers of these mischiefes cannot deny it. For it is euident how greatly these Countries at our first entrie [ 60] swarmed with people, as also how wee haue now laid it waste, and dispeopled the same: wee might euen blush for shame, that hauing giuen ouer all feare of God, wee will yet neuer the lesse seeke to colour and excuse these our so execrable demeanours: considering that only for getting

wealth and riches, we haue in fortie fiue or fortie eight yeeres, wasted and consumed more Land then all Europe, yea and part of Asia, doe in length and breath containe, robbing and vsurping vpon that with all crueltie, wrong, and tyrannie, which we haue seene well inhabited with hu∣mane * 2.70 people, among whom there haue beene slaine and destroyed twentie Millions of soules.

In the twelfth and last Reply as followeth, The Spaniards haue not entred into India for any de∣sire to exalt Gods honour, or for zeale to Christian Religion, either to fauour, and procure the saluation of their Neighbours, no, neither for their Princes seruice, whereof they doe so vainely bragge: but Couetousnesse hath brought them, and Ambition hath allured them to the perpetu∣all dominion ouer the Indies, which they as Tyrants and Deuils, doe couet to bee parted among them: and to speake plainly and flatly, doe seeke no other but to expell and driue the Kings of Castile out of all that World, and themselues seizing thereupon, by Trannie to vsurpe and take [ 10] vpon them all Royall Souereigntie.

CHAP. V.

Notes of Voyages and Plantations of the French in the Northerne Ame∣rica: [ 20] both in Florida and Canada.

OF the French Plantation in that part of Brafill by Uillagaynon, which therefore Frier Thenet called France Antarctike, you haue seene alreadie in Lerius. Besides the French haue almost from the first beginnings of the Spanish Plantation, with men of warre haunted those Coasts, and taken many Spanish prises. The French * 2.71 haue also made other Discoueries, and setled some habitation for a time in the Northerne parts of the New World.

Iohn Uerrazano a Florentine was sent Anno 1524. by King Francis the first, and Madame Re∣gent [ 30] his Mother, who is said to haue discouered from the eight and twentieth to the fiftieth de∣gree; (all which and much more had long before beene discouerd by Sir Sebastian Cabot for the * 2.72 King of England, who was the first that set foote on the American Continent in behalfe of any Christian Prince Anno 1496. or as othe••rs 1497. and therefore the French reckoning falleth short, some of which Nation vpon Verazanos Discouery challenge I know not what right to all that Coast, and make their New France neere as great as all Europe. To leaue that, we are to do them Historicall right in relating their actions in those parts. The Rites and Customes of Florida are related at large by Ren•• Laudonniere, by Master Hakluyt translated, and in his Workes published. Laudonniere was sent by that famous Admirall Chastillon with Iohn Ribalt, Anno 1562. who ar∣riued * 2.73 at Cape François in Florida in thirtie degrees, and there erected a Pillar with the French [ 40] Armes. The Riuer they called the Riuer of May, hauing entred it on May day. In the Woods they found great store of red and white Mulberie Trees, and on their tops an infinite number of Silk-wormes. Eight other Riuers they discouered to which they gaue the names of Seine, Som∣me, * 2.74 Loyre, Cherente, Garonne, Gironde, Belle, Grande, and after that Belle a Voire, and Port Royal. In this last they anchored; the Riuer at the mouth is three French leagues broad: hee sayled vp many leagues, and erected another like Pillar of stone. Ribalt hauing built a Fort and furnished it with prouisions, called it Charles Fort, and left a Golonie there vnder Captaine Albert. These found great kindnesse with their Indian Neighbours, till dissention happened amongst them∣selues, the Captaine for a small fault hanging a Souldier and exercising seueritie ouer the rest, * 2.75 which thereupon in a mutinie slue him, and hauing chosen a new Captaine, they built a Pinnasse [ 50] and furnished it as well as they could to returne for France, but surprized in the way with calmes, and expence of their prouision, they first did eare their shooes and Buffe Ierkins, and yet conti∣nuing famished, they killed one of their fellowes called La Chere, and made cheere of him, and after met with an English Barke which releeued them, and setting some on Land, brought the rest to Queene Elizabeth.

The cause of their not releeuing according to promise was the Ciuill warres, which beeing compounded the Admirall procured the King to send three ships to Florida vnder the command of the Author Rene Landonniere, which see saile in Aprill 1564. He went on shoare at Dommica, in which Iland his men killed two Serpents nine foote long, and as bigge as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 legge. The * 2.76 two and twentieth of Iune, they landed in Florida ten leagues aboue Capo Francois, and after in [ 60] the Riuer of May, where the Indians very ioyfully welcommed them, and the stone Piller 〈…〉〈…〉∣rected * 2.77 by Ribalt was crowned with bayes and baskets of Mill or Moiz set at the foot, and they kissed the same with great reuerence. One of Par••coussy (or the King) his Sonnes presented 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Captain with a wedge of siluer. With another Parc••ussy they saw one old Father blind with age,

but liuing, and of his lomes sixe generations descended, all present, so that the Sonne of the el∣dest was supposed two hundred and fiftie yeeres old. They planted themselues on this Riuer of May, and there built a Fort which they called Carolina of their King Charles. Landonniere sent * 2.78 Outigni his Lieutenant to search out the people called Thimogoa, whence that siluer wedge had comne, and there heard of a great King Olata Ouae Utina, to whom fortie Kings were vassals. Sa∣turioua * 2.79 was said to haue thirtie, and to be enemie to Vtina.

A fearefull lightning happened which burned fiue hundred acres of ground, and all the fowles, after which followed such a heat, that as many fish were: dead therewith at the mouth of the Riuer, as would haue laden fiftie Carts, and of their putrifaction grieuous diseases. The Sauages had thought the French had done it with their Ordnance. He got some prisoners of Vtinas sub∣iects [ 10] which Saturioua had taken and sent them to him, some of his men assisting Vtina in his warres against Potanou one of his enemies, and returning with some quantitie of Siluer and Gold.

Whiles things continued in good termes with the Sauages Mutinies and Conspiracies fell out amongst the French, some conspiring to kill the Captaine, others running away with the Barks, one of which robbed by Sea, and after was driuen by famine to seeke to the Spaniards at Hauana: * 2.80 and when two other Barkes were a building, a third Conspiracie seized on the Captaine, detai∣ned him Prisoner, and forced him to subscribe their passe with these two Barkes. Away they went and the next diuision was amongst themselues, one Barke departing from the others. One of them after diuers Piracies came backe, and the chiefe mutinies were executed, Francis Iean [ 20] one of the other Barke was he which after brought the Spaniards thither to destroy them. The Indians vse to keepe in the Woods Ianuarie, Februarie, and March, and liue on what they take in hunting; so that the French neither receiuing their expected reliefe from France, nor from the * 2.81 Sauages which had no Corne, hauing before sold them what they had, suffered grieuous famine; they resolued to build a vessell able to carrie them into France, the Sauages making aduantages of their necessities (according to the wonted perfidiousnesse of those wilde people) whereupon they tooke King Vtina Prisoner with his Sonne to get food for his ransome. The famine was so sharpe that it made the bones to grow thorow the skinne, and when the Maiz by the end of May * 2.82 came to some ripenesse, food it selfe ouercame their weake stomacks. Some reliefe they had by Sir Iohn Hawkins who came thither with foure ships, guided by a man of Deepe which had been [ 30] there in Ribalts Voyage, who also offered to transport him, and set them all on land in France. This he refused, but made good aduantage hereof with the Sauages, telling them that this was his brother which brought him great reliefe and plentie, whereupon all sought his friendship. His men at last generally fearing to continue in that misery, wanting both apparell and victuall, and meanes to returne, so wrought with him, that not daring to giue the Siluer, and such things as he had gotten in the Countrie (which might bring an English Plantation into those parts) he bought a ship of Sir Iohn Hawkins, who partly sold and partly gaue them prouisions also of apparell and * 2.83 victuall for their returne; and as Laudonniere acknowledgeth like a charitable man, saued their liues.

Whiles thus they were preparing to set saile, Captaine Ribalt came into the Riuer with seuen * 2.84 [ 40] saile foure greater and three lesse (whom the Admirall had sent, hearing that Laudonniere lorded and domineered in tyrannicall and insolent manner) and was solemnely welcommed in the end of August 1565. A while after, when as the Indians had filled Captaine Ribalt with golden hopes of the Mynes at Apalatci, some proofes whereof were found to be perfect gold, sixe great ships * 2.85 of Spaniards came into the Riuer on the fourth of September, and made faire shew to the French, which trusted them neuer the more, but let slip their Anchors and fled, being no way matchable but in swiftnesse of saile, whereby they escaped the pursuite of the Spaniards, and obserued their course sending word thereof to Captaine Ribalt. The High Admirall Chastillon also had in his last Letters written to Ribalt, that he had intelligence out of Spaine, of Don Pedro Melendes * 2.86 his Expedition to Florida, iust before his comming from France, Captaine Ribalt embarkes him∣selfe [ 50] the eight of September, pretending to goe seeke the Spaniards, which soone after came to seeke the French at their Fort, guided by Francis Iean, before a Mutiner, now also a Traytour, who shewed the Captaine to the Spaniards. Notwithstanding their assault, Laudonniere made an escape with some others ouer the Marishes into the ships, and so returned first into England, and after into France. Captaine Ribalt was surprized with a Tempest which wracked him vpon the Coast, and all his ships were castaway, himselfe hardly escaping drowning, but not escaping the more then Rockie Spaniards which massacred him and all his companie. * 2.87

This butcherie was reuenged in a fourth Floridan Voyage made from France, by Captaine Gaurgues, Anna 1567. who borrowed and sold to set forth three ships, and entring the Riuer Ta∣ca••acourn (which the French called Seine) he made league with eight Sauage Kings, which had [ 60] beene much dispighted by the Spaniards, and were growne as dispightfull to them. The Spaniards were accounted foure hundred strong, and had diuided themselues into three Forts vpon the Ri∣uer of May, the greatest begun by the French; two smaller neerer the Riuers mouth to fortifie each thereof with twelue hundred Souldiers in them well prouided for Munition. * 2.88

In Aprill 1568. he tooke these two Forts and slue all the Spaniards, the vindicatiue Sauages giuing him vehement and eager assistance, especially Olotocara, Nephew to Saturioua. As they went to the Fort, he said, that he should die there, and therefore desired Gourgues to giue that to his wife which he would haue giuen himselfe, that it might bee buried with him for his better * 2.89 welcome to the Village of the Soules departed. This Fort was taken, the Spaniards some slaine, others taken, and hanged on the same trees on which the French hung; fiue of which on of these Spaniards confessed he had hanged, and now acknowledged the Diuine Iustice. In steed of the Writings which Melendes had hanged ouer them, I doe not this as to Frenchmen but as to Luthe∣rans; Gourgues set vp another, I doe not this as to Spaniards or Mariners, but as to Traitors, Robbers * 2.90 and Murtherers. The Forts he razed, not hauing men to keepe them, and in Iune following arriued in Rochel. Comming to the King with expectation of reward, the Spanish King had so [ 10] possessed him, that he was faine to hide himselfe. This Dominicke de Gourgues had beene an old Souldier, once imprisoned, and of a Captaine made a Gally-slaue by the Spaniards, and grew for his seruice in reputation with the Queene of England: he died Anno 1582. And thus much of the French Voyages in Florida, for Virginias sake worthy to be knowne of the English. Now for their more Northerne Voyages and Plantations.

Master Hakluyt hath published the Voyages of Iaques Cartier, who in Aprill 1534. departed from Saint Malo with two ships, and in May arriued at Newfoundland. On the one and twen∣tieth * 2.91 of May they came to the Iland of Birds a league about, so full of Birds as if they were sowed there, and a hundred times as many houering about it, some as bigge as Iayes, blacke and white with beakes like Crowes, lying alway on the Sea; their wings not bigger then halfe ones hand, [ 20] which makes that they cannot flie high. In lesse then halfe an houre they filled two Boat, with them. These they named Aporatz; another lesse Port, which put themselues vnder the wings of others greater, they called Godetz, a third, bigger and white, byting like Dogges they called Margaulx. Though the Iland be fourteene leagues from the Continent, Beares come thither to * 2.92 feed on those Birds. One white one as bigge as a Kow they killed in her swimming, and found her good meate. Three such Bird Ilands they also discouered the fiue and twentieth of Iune, which they called the Ilands of Margaulx. There also they found Morses, Beares and Wolues. But these Northerne Coasts are better knowne to our Countrymen: then that I should mention his French names, which from Cabots time almost forty yeeres before had beene knowne to the English. [ 30]

The next yeere Cartier set forth with three ships to Saint Lawrence his Bay, and so to the Ri∣uer of Hochelaga. They went to Canada, and to the Towne of Hochelaga. They saw the great and swift fall of the Riuer, and were told of three more therein. The Scorbute that Winter kil∣led fiue and twentie of their men in their Fort: the rest recouered by the vse the sap and leaues of a tree called Hameda, which was thought to be Sassafras. These reports of Canada, Saguenay, and Hochelaga, caused King Francis to send him againe, Anno 1540. purposing also to send Iohn Francis de la Roche, Lord of Robewall to be his Lieutenant in the Countries of Canada, Saguenay, * 2.93 and Hochelaga. Hee went Anno 1542. his chiefe Pilot was Iohn Alphouso of Xantoigne, whose Notes, as also the Relation of that Voyage with three shippes, and two hundred persons, men, women and children, Master Hakluyt hath recorded. He built a Fort and wintered there: and [ 40] then returned.

These were the French beginnings, who haue continued their Trading in those parts by yeer∣ly Voyages to that Coast to these times, for fishing, and sometimes for Beauers skinnes and o∣ther Commodities. One Saualet is said to haue made two and forty Voyages to those parts. * 2.94 Marke Lescarbot hath published a large Booke called Noua Francia, and additions thereto, part of which we haue here for better intelligence of those parts, added with Champleins Discoueries.

CHAP. VI. [ 50]

The Voyage of SAMVEL CHAMPLAINE of Brouage, made vnto Canada in the yeere 1603. dedicated to CHARLES de Montmorencie, &c. High Admirall of France.

WE departed from Houfleur, the fifteenth day of March 1603. This day we put in∣to * 2.95 the Roade of New Hauen, because the winde was contrary. The Sunday fol∣lowing being the sixteenth of the said moneth, we set saile to proceed on our Voy∣age. The seuenteenth day following, we had sight of Iersey and Yarnsey, which are [ 60] Iles betweene the Coast of Normandie and England. The eighteenth of the said moneth, wee discryed the Coast of Britaine. The nineteenth, at seuen of the clocke at night, we made account that we were thwart of Ushent. The one and twentieth, at seuen of clocke in the morning, we met with seuen ships of Hollanders, which to our iudgement came from the

Indies. On Easter day, the thirtieth of the said moneth, wee were encountred with a great storme, which seemed rather to be thunder then winde, which lasted the space of seuenteene dayes, but not so great as it was the two first dayes; and during the said time we rather lost way then gained.

The sixteenth day of Aprill the storme began to cease, and the Sea became more calme then before, to the contentment of all the Company; in such sort as continuing our said course vn∣till the eighteenth of the said moneth, we met with a very high Mountaine of Ice. The morrow after we discried a banke of Ice, which continued aboue eight leagues in length, with an infinite number of other smaller peeces of Ice, which hindred our passage. And by the iudgement of our * 2.96 Pilot, the said flakes or Ice were one hundred, or one hundred & twenty leagues from the Coun∣try [ 10] of Canada; and we were in 45. degrees and two third parts; & we found passage in 44. deg. The second of May, at eleuen of clocke of the day, we came vpon The Banke in 44. degrees one third part. The sixt of the said moneth, we came so neere the land that we heard the Sea beate against the shore, but we could not descrie the same through the thicknesse of the fogge, whereunto these coasts are subiect; which was the cause that we put farther certaine leagues into the Sea, vntill the next day in the morning, when we descried land, the weather being very cleere, which was the Cape of Saint Marie. The twelfth day following we were ouertaken with a great flaw * 2.97 of winde, which lasted two dayes. The fifteenth of the said moneth, wee descried the Isles of Saint Peter. The seuenteenth following we met with a banke of Ice neere Cape de Raie, sixe leagues in length, which caused vs to strike saile all the night, to auoide the danger we might in∣curre. * 2.98 [ 20] The next day we set saile, and descried Cape de Raie, and the Isles of Saint Paul, and Cape de Saint Laurence, which is on the South side. And from the said Cape of Saint Laurence vnto Cape de Raie, is eighteene leagues, which is the breadth of the entrance of the great Gulfe of Canada.

The same day, about ten of the clocke in the morning, we met with another Iland of Ice, which was aboue eight leagues long. The twentieth of the said moneth, we discried an Isle, which containeth some fiue and twenty or thirty leagues in length, which is called the Isle of * 2.99 Assumption, which is the entrance of the Riuer of Canada. The next day we descried Gachepe, which is a very high land, and began to enter into the said Riuer of Canuda, ranging the South coast vnto the Riuer of Mantanne, which is from the said Gachepe sixtie fiue leagues; from the said Riuer of Mantanne we sailed as farre as the Pike, which is twenty leagues, which is on the [ 30] South side also: from the said Pike we sailed ouer the Riuer vnto the port of Tadousac, which is fifteene leagues. All these Countries are very high, and barren, yeelding no commoditie. The foure and twentieth of the said moneth we cast anker before Tadousac, and the six and twentieth we entred into the said Port, which is made like to a creeke in the entrance of the Riuer of Sa∣guenay, where there is a very strange currant and tide, for the swiftnesse and depth thereof, where sometimes strong windes do blow, because of the cold which they bring with them; it is thought * 2.100 that the said Riuer is fiue and forty or fiftie leagues vnto the first fall, and it commeth from the North North-west. The said Port of Tadousac is little, wherein there cannot ride aboue ten or twelue Ships: but there is water enough toward the East, toward the opening of the said Riuer [ 40] of Sagenay along by a little hill, which is almost cut off from the maine by the Sea: The rest of the Countrie are very high Mountaines, whereon there is little mould, but rockes and sands full of woods of Pines, Cypresses, Fir-trees, Burch, and some other sorts of trees of small price. There is a little Poole neere vnto the said Port, enclosed with Mountaines couered with woods. At the entrance of the said Port there are two points, the one on the West side running a league into the Sea, which is called Saint Matthewes point; and the other on the South-east side, containing a quarter of a league, which is called the point of all the Diuels. The South and South South-east, and South South-west windes doe strike into the said hauen. But from Saint Mat∣thewes Point, to the said Point of all the Diuels, is very neere a league: Both these Points are dry at a low water. [ 50]

THe seuen and twentieth day we sought the Sauages at the Point of Saint Matthew, which * 2.101 is a league from Tadousac, with the two Sauages whom Monsieur du Pout brought with him, to make report of that which they had seene in France, and of the good entertainement which the King had giuen them. As soone as we were landed we went to the Caban of their great Sagamo, which is called Anadabijou, where we found him with some eightie or a hundred of his companions, which were making Tabagie, that is to say, a Feast. Hee receiued vs very [ 60] well, according to the custome of the Countrey, and made vs sit downe by him, and all the Sa∣uages sat along one by another on both sides of the said Cabine. One of the Sauages which we had brought with vs began to make his Oration, of the good entertainement which the King had giuen them, and of the good vsage that they had receiued in France, and that they might assure

themselues that his said Maiestie wished them well, and desired to people their Countrey, and to make peace with their enemies (which are the Irocois) or to send them forces to vanquish them. He also reckoned vp the faire Castels, Palaces, Houses, and people which they had seene, and our manner of liuing. He was heard with so great silence, as more cannot be vttered. Now when * 2.102 he had ended his Oration, the said grand Sagamo Anadabijon, hauing heard him attentiuely began to take Tobacco, and gaue to the said Monsieur du Pont Grane of Saint Malo, and to mee, and to certaine other Sagamos which were by him: after he had taken store of Tobacco, he be∣gan to make his Oration to all, speaking distinctly, resting sometimes a little, and then speak∣ing againe, saying, that doubtlesse they ought to be very glad to haue his Maiestie for their great * 2.103 friend: they answered all with one voyce, ho, ho, ho, which is to say, yea, yea, yea. He pro∣ceeding [ 10] forward in his speech, said, That he was very well content that his said Maiestie should people their Countrey, and make warre against their enemies, and that there was no Nation in the world to which they wished more good, then to the French. In fine, hee gaue them all to vnderstand what good and prefit they might receiue of his said Maiestie. When hee had ended his speech, we went out of his Cabine, and they began to make their Tabagie or Feast, which * 2.104 they make with the flesh of Orignac, which is like an Oxe, of Beares, of Seales, and Beuers, which are the most ordinary victuals which they haue, & with great store of wilde Fowle. They had eight or ten Kettels full of meate in the middest of the said Cabine, and they were set one from another some six paces, and each one vpon a seuerall fire. The men sat on both sides the house (as I said before) with his dish made of the barke of a tree: and when the meate is sodden, [ 20] there is one which deuideth to euery man his part in the same dishes, wherein they feede very filthily, for when their hands be fattie, they rub them on their haire, or else on the haire of their dogs, whereof they haue store to hunt with, Before their meate was sodden, one of them rose vp, and took a dog, & danced about the said Kettels from the one end of the Cabin to theother: when he came before the great Sagamo, he cast his dog perforce vpon the ground, and then all of them with one voice, cried, ho, ho, ho, which being done, he went and sat him downe in his place; then immediately another rose vp and did the like, and so they continued vntill the meate was sod∣den. When they had ended their Feast, they began to dance, taking the heads of their enemies in their hands, which hanged vpon the wall behinde them; and in signe of ioy there is one or two which sing, moderating their voice by the measure ef their hands, which they beate vpon their [ 30] knees, then they rest sometimes, and cry, ho, ho, ho; and begin againe to dance, & blow like a man that is out of breath. They made this triumph for a victory which they had gotten of the Irocois, of whom they had slaine some hundred, whose heads they cut off, which they had with them for * 2.105 the ceremony. They were three Nations when they went to war; the Estechemins, Algoumequins, and Mountainers, to the number of a thousand, when they went to war against the Irocois, whom they encountred at the mouth of the Riuer of the said Irocois, and slew an hundred of them. The war which they make is altogether by surprises, for otherwise they would be out of hart; & they feare the said Irocois very much, which are in greater number then the said Mountainers, Esteche∣mins and Algoumequins. The twenty eight day of the said moneth, they encamped themselues in the foresaid hauen of Tadousac, where our Ship was; at the break of day their said great Sagamo [ 40] came out of his Cabine, going round about all the other Cabins, and cried with a loud voice that they should dislodge to goe to Tadousac, where their good friends were. Immediately euery man in a trice tooke down his cabin, and the said grand Captain, first began to take his canoe, & carri∣ed it to the Sea, where he embarked his wife and children, & store of furs; and in like manner did well neere two hundred canowes, which goe strangely; for though our Shallop was well manned, yet they went more swift then we. There are but two that row, the man and the wife. Their Ca∣nowes * 2.106 are some eight or nine pases long, and a pace, or a pace & a halfe broad in the middest, and grow sharper & sharper toward both the ends. They are very subiect to ouerturning, if one know not how to guide them; for they are made of the barke of a Birch tree, strengthned within with * 2.107 little circles of wood well & handsomely framed, and are so light, that one man will carry one of them easily; and euery Canowe is able to carry the weight of a Pipe: when they would passe ouer [ 50] any land to goe to some Riuer where they haue busines, they carry them with them. Their Cabins are low, made like Tents, couered with the said barke of a tree, and they leaue in the roofe about a foot spacevncouered, wherby the light commeth in; and they make many fires right in the midst * 2.108 of their Cabin, where they are sometimes ten housholds together. They lie vpon skins one by an∣other, and their dogs with them. They were about a thousand persons, men, women and children. The place of the point of S. Matthew, where they were first lodged, is very pleasant; they were at the bottome of a little hill, which was ful of Fir & Cypresse trees: vpon this point there is a little leuel plot, which discouereth far off, & vpon the top of the said hill, there is a Plain, a league long, * 2.109 and halfe a league broad, couered with trees; the soile is very sandy, and is good pasture; all the rest [ 60] is nothing but Mountains of very bad rocks: the Sea beateth round about the said hil, which is dry for a large halfe league at a low water. * 2.110

THe ninth day of Iune the Sauages began to make merrie together, and to make their feast, as I haue said before, and to dance for the aforesaid victory which they had obtained against

their enemies. After they had made good cheere, the Algoumequins, one of the three Nations, went out of their Cabins, and retired themselues apart into a publike place, and caused all their women and girles to sit downe in rankes one by the other, and stood themselues behinde, then singing all in one time, as I haue said before. And suddenly all the women and maidens began to cast off their Mantles of skins, and stripped themselues starke naked, shewing their priuities, ne∣uerthelesse odorned with Matachia, which are paternosters and chaines enterlaced made of the * 2.111 haire of the Porkespicke, which they dye of diuers colours. After they had made an end of their songs, they cried all with one voyce, ho, ho, ho; at the same instant all the women and maidens couered themselues with their Mantels, for they lye at their feete, and rest a short while; and then eftsoones beginning againe to sing, they let fall their Mantels as they did before. They goe [ 10] not out of one place when they dance, and make certaine gestures and motions of the body, first * 2.112 lifting vp one foote and then another, stamping vpon the ground. While they were dancing of this dance, the Sagamo of the Algoumequins, whose name was Besouat, sat before the said women and virgins, betweene two staues, whereon the heads of their enemies did hang. Sometimes he * 2.113 rose and made a speech, and said to the Mountainers and Estechemains; ye see how we reioyce for the victory which we haue obtained of our enemies, ye must doe the like, that we may be con∣tented: then they all together cried, ho, ho, ho. Assoone as hee was returned to his place, the great Sagamo, and all his companions cast off their Mantels, being starke naked saue their priui∣ties, which were couered with a little skin, and tooke each of them what they thought good, as Matachias, Hatchets, Swords, Kettels, Fat, Flesh of the Orignac, Seales, in briefe, euery one had a present, which they gaue the Algoumequins. After all these ceremonies the dance ceased, [ 20] and the said Algoumequins both men and women carried away their presents to their lodgings. They chose out all ò two men of each Nation of the best disposition, which they caused to run, and he which was the swiftest in running had a present.

All these people are of a very cheerefull complexion, they laugh for the most part, neuerthe∣lesse they are somewhat melancholly. They speake very distinctly, as though they would make themselues well vnderstood, and they stay quickely bethinking themselues a great while, and then they begin their speech againe: they often vse this fashion in the middest of their Orations in counsaile, where there are none but the principals, which are the ancients: the women and children are not present. All these people sometimes endure so great extremity, that they are al∣most [ 30] constrained to eate one another, through the great colds and snowes; for the Beasts and * 2.114 Fowles whereof they liue, retire themselues into more hot climates I thinke if any would teach them how to liue, and to learne to till the ground, and other things, they would learne very well; for I assure you that many of them are of good iudgement, and answere very well to the purpose to any thing that a man shall demand of them. They haue one naughty qualitie in them, which is, that they are giuen to reuenge, and great lyars, a people to whom you must not giue * 2.115 too much credit, but with reason, and standing on your owne guard. They promise much and per∣forme little. They are for the most part a people that haue no Law, as farre as I could see and enforme my selfe of the said great Sagamo, who told me, that they constantly beleeue, that there is one God, which hath made all things: And then I said vnto him, since they beleeue in one [ 40] God onely, How is it that he sent them into this world, and from whence came they? he answe∣red * 2.116 me, that after God had made all things, he tooke a number of Arrowes, and stucke them in the ground, from whence men and women grew, which haue multiplied in the world vntill this present, and had their originall on this fashion. I replied vnto him, that this which hee said was false; but that indeede there was one God onely, which had created all things in the earth, and in the heauens: seeing all these things so perfect, without any body to gouerne this world be∣neath, he tooke of the slime of the earth, & thereof made Adam, our first Father. As Adam slept, God tooke a rib of the side of Adam, & thereof made Eue, whom he gaue him for his companion; and that this was the truth that they and we had our originall after this manner, and not of Ar∣rowes as they beleeued. He said nothing vnto me, saue, that he beleeued rather that which I said, [ 50] then that which he told me. I asked him also, whether he beleeued not that there was any other but one God onely? He told me, that their beliefe was, That there was one God, one Sonne, one Mother, and the Sunne, which were foure; yet that God was aboue them all: but that the Son * 2.117 was good, and the Sunne in the firmament, because of the good that they receiued of them; but that the Mother was naught, and did eate them, and that the Father was not very good. I shewed him his errour according to our faith, wherein he gaue mee some small credit. I deman∣ded of him, whether they had not seene, nor heard say of their ancestors, that God came into the world. He told me, that he had neuer seene him; but that in old time there were fiue men which went toward the Sunne setting, which met with God, who asked them, Whither goe ye? They said, we goe to seeke our liuing: God answered them, you shall finde it here. They went far∣ther, [ 60] without regarding what God had said vnto them: which tooke a stone, and touch∣ed two of them with it, which were turned into a stone: And hee said againe vnto the o∣ther three, Whither goe yee? and they answered as at the first: and God said to them againe, Goe no further, you shall finde it here. And seeing that nothing came vnto them, they went far∣ther:

and God tooke two staues, and touched the two first therewith, which were turned into staues; and the fift staied and would goe no turther: And God asked him againe, whither go∣est thou? I goe to seeke my liuing: stay and thou shalt finde it. He stayed without going any further, and God gaue him meate, and he did eate thereof; after he had well fed, hee returned with other Sauages, and told them all the former storie. He told them also, That another time there was a man which had store of Tobacco (which is a kinde of hearbe, whereof they take the smoake.) And that God came to this man, and asked him where his Tobacco pipe was? The man tooke his Tobacco pipe and gaue it to God, which tooke Tobacco a great while: after hee had taken store of Tobacco, God broke the said pipe into many peeces: and the man asked him, why hast thou broken my pipe, and seest that I haue no more? And God tooke one which hee had, [ 10] and gaue it him, and said vnto him; loe here I giue thee one, carry it to thy great Sagamo, and charge him to keepe it, and if he keepe it well he shall neuer want any thing, nor none of his companions. The said man tooke the Tobacco pipe, and gaue it to his great Sagamo, which as long as he kept, the Sauages wnnted nothing in the world. But after that the said Sagamo lost this Tobacco pipe, which was the occasion of great famine, which sometimes they haue among * 2.118 them. I asked him whither he beleeued all this? he said yea, and that it was true. This I beleeue is the cause wherefore they say that God is not very good. But I replied and told him, that God was wholly good; and that without doubt this was the Diuell that appeared to these men, and that if they would beleeue in God as we doe, they should not want any thing needefull. That the Sunne which they beheld, the Moone and the Starres were created by this great God, which [ 20] hath made heauen and earth, and they haue no power but that which God hath giuen them. That we beleeue in this great God, who by his goodnesse hath sent vs his deare Sonne, which being conceiued by the holy Ghost, tooke humaine flesh in the Virginall wombe of the Virgin Marie, hauing bin thirty three yeares on the earth, working infinite miracles, raising vp the dead, healing the sicke, casting out Diuels, giuing sight to the blinde, teaching men the will of God his Father, to serue, honour, and worship him, did shed his bloud, and suffred death and pas∣sion for vs, and for our sinnes, and redeemed mankinde, and being buried, he rose againe, he des∣cended into hell, and ascended into heauen, where he sitteth at the right hand of God his Fa∣ther. That this the beleefe of all the Christians, which beleeue in the Father, the Sonne, and he holy Ghost, which neuerthelesse are not three Gods, but one onely, and one onely God, and one [ 30] Trinitie, in the which none is before or after the other, none greater or lesse then another. That the Virgin Mary the Mother of the Sonne of God, and all men and women which haue liued in this world, doing the commandements of God, and suffring martyrdome for his name sake, and by the permission of God haue wrought miracles, and are Saints in heauen in his Paradise, doe all pray this great diuine Maiestie for vs, to pardon vs our faults and our sinnes which we doe a∣gainst his Law and his Commandements: and so by the prayers of the Saints in heauen, and by our prayers which we make to his diuine Maiestie, he giueth that which we haue neede of, and the Diuell hath no power ouer vs, and can doe vs no harme: That if they had this beliefe, they should be as we are, and that the Diuell should be able to doe them no hurt, and should neuer want any thing necessary. Then the said Sagamo told me, that he approued that which I said. I asked [ 40] him what ceremony they vsed in praying to their God? He told me, that they vsed none other ceremonies, but that euery one praied in his heart as he thought good: This is the cause why I beleeue they haue no law among them, neither doe they know how to worship or pray to God, and liue for the most part like brute beasts, and I thinke in short space they would be brought to be good Christians, if their Countrie were planten, which they desire for the most part. * 2.119

They haue among them certaine Sauages which they call Pilotoua, which speak visibly with the Diuell, which telleth them what they must doe, as well for the warre as for other things; and if he should command them to put any enterprise in execution, either to kill a French man, or any other of their Nation, they would immediately obey his commandement. Also they beleeue that all the dreames which they dreame are true: and indeede there are many of them, [ 50] which say that they haue seene and dreamed things which doe happen or shall happen. But to speake truely of these things, they are visions of the Diuell, which doth deceiue and seduce them. Loe this is all their beliefe that I could learne of them, which is brutish and bestiall. All these people are well proportioned of their bodies, without any deformitie, they are well set, and the * 2.120 women are well shapen, fat and full, of a tawnie colour by abundance of a certaine painting wherewith they rubbe themselues, which maketh them to be of an Oliue colour. They are apparelled with skins, one part of their bodies is couered, and the other part vncouered; but in the winter they couer all, for they are clad with good Furres, namely with the skins of Orignac, * 2.121 Otters, Beuers, Lea-boores, Stagges, and Deere, whereof they haue store. In the winter when the Snowes are great, they make a kinde of racket which is twice or thrice as bigge as one of * 2.122 [ 60] ours in France, which they fasten to their feete, and so goe on the Snow without sinking; for otherwise they could not hunt nor trauaile in many places. They haue also a kinde of Marriage, which is, that when a Maide is foureteene or fifteene yeares old, shee shall haue many seruants * 2.123 and friends, and she may haue carnall company with all those which she liketh, then after fiue

or six yeares, she may take which of them she will for her husband, and so they shall liue toge∣ther all their life time, except that after they haue liued a certaine time together and haue no children, the man may forsake her and take another wife, saying that his old wife is nothing worth, so that the Maides are more free then the married Women. After they be married they be chaste, and their husbands for the most part are iealous, which giue presents to the Father or Parents of the Maide, which they haue married: loe this is the ceremonie and fashion which they vse in their marriages.

Touching their burials, when a man or woman dieth, they make a pit, wherein they put all * 2.124 the goods which they haue, as Kettels, Furres, Hatchets, Bowes and Arrowes, Apparell, and other things, and then they put the corps into the graue, and couer it with earth, and set store [ 10] of great peeces of wood ouer it, and one stake they set vp on end, which they paint with red on the top. They beleeue the immortality of the Soule, and say that when they be dead they goe * 2.125 into other Countries to reioyce with their parents and friends.

THe eleuenth day of Iune, I went some twelue or fifteene leagues vp Saguenay, which is a faire Riuer, and of incredible depth; for I beleeue, as farr•• as I could learne by conference * 2.126 whence it should come, that it is from a very high place, from whence there descendeth a fall of water with great impetuositie: but the water that proceedeth thereof is not able to make such a Riuer as this; which neuerthelesse holdeth not but from the said course of water (where the first fall is) vnto the Port of Tadousac, which is the mouth of the said Riuer of Saguenay, in [ 20] which space are fortie fiue or fiftie leagues, and it is a good league and a halfe broad at the most, and a quarter of a league where it is narrowest, which causeth a great currant of water. All the Countrie which I saw, was nothing but Mountaines, the most part of rockes couered with woods of F••r-trees, Cypresses, and Birch-trees, the soyle very vnpleasant, where I found not * 2.127 a league of plaine Countrey, neither on the one side nor on the other. There are certaine hils of Sand and Isles in the said Riuer, which are very high aboue the water. In fine, they are very Desarts voide of Beasts and Birds; for I assure you, as I went on hunting through places which seemed most pleasant vnto mee, I found nothing at all, but small Birds which are like Nightingales, and Swallowes, which come thither in the Summer; for at other times I thinke there are none, because of the excessiue cold which is there; this Riuer com∣meth [ 30] from the North-west. They reported vnto me, that hauing passed the first fall, from * 2.128 whence the currant of water commeth, they passe eight other sants or fals, and then they tra∣uaile one dayes iourney without finding any, then they passe ten other sants, and come into a Lake, which they passe in two dayes (euery day they trauaile at their ease, some twelue or fif∣teene * 2.129 leagues:) at the end of the Lake there are people lodged: then they enter into three other Riuers, three or foure dayes in each of them; at the end of which Riuers there are two or three kinde of Lakes, where the head of Saguenay beginneth: from the which head or spring, vnto the said Port of Tadousac, is ten * 2.130 dayes iournee with their Canowes. On the side of the said Riuers are many lodgingings, whither other Nacions come from the North, to trucke with the said Mountainers, for skins of Beuers and Marterns, for other Merchandises, which the [ 40] French Ships bring to the said Mountainers. The said Sauages of the North say, that they see a Sea, which is salt. I hold, if this be so, that it is some gulfe of this our Sea, which disgorgeth it selfe by the North part between the lands; and in very deede it can be nothing else. This is that which I haue learned of the Riuer of Saguenay.

ON Wednesday the eighteenth day of Iune, we departed from Tadousac, to go to the Sault: we passed by an Ile, which is called the Ile dulieure, or the Ile of the Hare, which may be * 2.131 some two leagues from the Land on the North side, and some seuen leagues from the said Tadou∣sac, and fiue leagues from the South Coast. From the Ile of the Hare we ranged the North Coast about halfe a league, vnto a point that runneth into the Sea, where a man must keepe farther off. [ 50]

The said point is within a league of the Ile, which is called the Ile du Coudre, or the Ile of F••l∣berds, which may be some two leagues in length: And from the said Ile to the Land on the North side is a league. The said Ile is some what euen, and groweth sharpe toward both the ends; on the West end there are Medowes and Points of Rockes which stretch somewhat into the Riuer. The said Ile is somewhat pleasant, by reason of the Woods which enuiron the same. There is store of Slate, and the soyle is somewhat grauelly: at the end whereof there is a Rocke which stretcheth into the Sea about halfe a league. We passed to the North of the said Ile, which is distant from the Ile of the Hare twelue leagues. * 2.132

The Thursday following we departed from thence, and anchored at a dangerous nooke on the Northside, where there be certaine Medowes, and a little Riuer, where the Sauages lodge [ 60] sometimes. The said day wee still ranged the Coast on the North, vnto a place where wee put backe by reasons of the winds which were contrary vnto vs, where there were many Rockes and places very dangeous: here we stayed three dayes wayting for faire weather. All this Coast is nothing but Mountaynes as well on the South side as on the North, the most part like the Coast

of the Riuer of Saguenay. On Sunday the two and twentieth of the said moneth wee departed to goe to the Ile of Orleans, in the way there are many Iles on the South shoare, which are low and couered with trees, shewing to be very pleasant, contayning (as I was able to iudge) some two leagues, and one league, and another halfe a league. About these Iles are nothing but Rocks and Flats, very dangerous to passe, and they are distant some two leagues from the mayne Land on the South.

And from thence wee ranged the Ile of Orleans on the Southside: It is a league from the North shoare, very pleasant and leuell, contayning eight leagues in length. The Coast on the * 2.133 South shoare is low land, some two leagues into the Countrey: the said lands begin to below o∣uer against the said Ile, which beginneth two leagues from the South Coast: to passe by the North side is very dangerous for the bankes of Sand and Rockes, which are betweene the said Ile [ 10] and the mayne Land, which is almost all dry at a low water. At the end of the said Ile I saw a fall of water, which fell from a great Mountaine, of the said Riuer of Canada, and on the top of the said Mountaine the ground is leuell and pleasant to behold, although within the said Coun∣tries a man may see high Mountaynes which may bee some twenty, or fiue and twenty leagues within the Lands, which are neere the first Sault of Saguenay. We anchored at Quebec, which * 2.134 is a Strait of the said Riuer of Canada, which is some three hundred pases broad: there is at this Strait on the North side a very high Mountayne, which falleth downe on both sides: all the rest is a leuell and goodly Countrey, where there are good grounds full of Trees, as Okes, Cypresses, Birches, Firre-trees and Aspes, and other Trees bearing fruit, and wild Vines: So that in mine opinion, if they were dressed, they would be as good as ours. There are along the Coast of the * 2.135 [ 20] said Quebec Diamants in the Rockes of Slate, which are better then those of Alonson. From the said Quebec to the Ile of Coudre, or Filberds, are nine and twenty leagues. * 2.136

ON Munday the three and twentieth of the said moneth, we departed from Quebec, where the Riuer beginneth to grow broad sometimes one league, then a league and an halfe or * 2.137 two leagues at most. The Countrey groweth still fairer and fairer, and are all low grounds, without Rockes, or very few. The North Coast is full of Rockes and bankes of Sand: you must take the South side, about some halfe league from the shore. There are certaine small Riuers which are not nauigable, but only for the Canowes of the Sauages, wherein there be many fals. Wee anchored as high as Saint Croix, which is distant from Quebec fifteene leagues. This is a low [ 30] point, which riseth vp on both sides. The Countrey is faire and leuell, and the soyles better then in any place that I haue seene, with plenty of wood, but very few Firre-trees and Cypresses. There are in these parts great store of Vines, Peares, small Nuts, Cheries, Goose-beries, red and greene, and certaine small Roots of the bignesse of a little Not, resembling Musheroms in taste, which are very good roasted and sod. All this soyle is blacke, without any Rockes, saue that there is great store of Slate: The soyle is very soft, and if it were well manured it would yeeld great increase. On the Northside there is a Riuer which is called Batiscan, which goeth farre in∣to the Countrey, whereby sometimes the Algoumequins come downe: and another on the same side three leagues from the said Saint Croix, in the way from Quebec, which is, that where Iac∣ques Quartier was in the beginning of the Discouery which he made hereof, and hee passed no [ 40] farther. The said Riuer is pleasant, and goeth farre vp into the Countries. All this North Coast is very leuell and delectable.

On Tuesday the foure and twentieth of the said moneth, wee departed from the said Saint Croix, where we stayed a tyde and an halfe, that we might passe the next day following by day light, because of the great number of Rockes which are thwart the Riuer (a strange thing to be∣hold) which is in a manner dry at a low water: But at halfe flood, a man may beginne to passe safely; yet you must take good heed, with the Lead alwayes in hand. The tyde floweth heere * 2.138 almost three fathomes and an halfe: the farther we went, the fairer was the Countrey. We went some fiue leagues and an halfe, and anchored on the North side. The Wednesday following wee departed from the said place, which is a flatter Countrey then that which we passed before, full of great store of Trees as that of Saint Croix. We passed hard by a little Ile, which was full of [ 50] Vines, and came to an Anchor on the South side neere a little Hill: but beeing on the top thereof * 2.139 all is euen ground.

There is at other little Ile three leagues from Saint Croix, ioyning neere the South shore. Wee departed from the said Hill the Thursday following, and passed by a little Ile, which is neere the North shoare, where I saw sixe small Riuers, whereof two are able to beare Boats farre vp, and * 2.140 another is three hundred pases broad: there are certaine Ilands in the mouth of it; it goeth farre vp into the Countrey; it is the deepest of all the rest which are very pleasant to behold, the soyle being full of Trees which are like to Walnut-trees, and haue the same smell: but I saw no Fruit, [ 60] which maketh me doubt: the Sauages told me that they beare Fruit like ours. * 2.141

In passing further we met an Ile, which is called Saint Eloy, and another little Ile, which is hard by the North shoare: we passed betweene the said Ile and the North shore, where betweene the one and the other are some hundred and fiftie paces. From the said Ile we passed a league and

an halfe, on the South side neere vnto a Riuer, whereon Canowes might goe. All this Coast on the North side is very good, one may passe freely there, yet with the Lead in the hand, to auoid * 2.142 certaine points. All this Coast which we ranged is mouing Sand; but after you be entred a little into the Woods, the soile is good. The Friday following we departed from this Ile, coasting still the North side hard by the shoare, which is low and full of good Trees, and in great number as farre as the three Riuers, where it beginneth to haue another temperature of the season, some∣what differing from that of Saint Croix: because the Trees are there more forward then in any * 2.143 place that hitherto I had seene. From the three Riuers to Saint Croix are fifteene leagues. In this Riuer are sixe Ilands, three of which are very small, and the others some fiue or sixe hundred paces long, very pleasant and fertile, for the little quantitie of ground that they containe. There * 2.144 [ 10] is one Iland in the middest of the said Riuer, which looketh directly vpon the passage of the Riuer of Canada, and commandeth the other Ilands which lye further from the shoare, aswell on the one side as on the other, of foure or fiue hundred paces: it riseth on the South side, and falleth somewhat on the North side. This in my iudgement would be a very fit place to inhabit; and it might bee quickly fortified: for the situation is strong of it selfe, and neere vnto a great Lake, which is aboue foure leagues distant, which is almost ioyned to the Riuer of Saguenay, by the re∣port * 2.145 of the Sauages, which trauell almost an hundred leagues Northward, and passe many Saults, and then goe by Land some fiue or sixe leagues, and enter into a Lake, whence the said Riuer of Saguenay receiueth the best part of his Spring, and the said Sauages come from the said Lake to Tadousac. [ 20]

Moreouer, the planting of The three Riuers would be a benefit for the liberty of certaine Nati∣ons, which dare not come that way for feare of the said Irocois their enemies, which border vp∣on all the said Riuer of Canada. But this place being inhabited, we might make the Irocois and the other Sauages friends, or at least wise vnder the fauour of the said Plantation, the said Saua∣ges might passe freely without feare or danger: because the said place of The three Riuers is a passage. All the soyle which I saw on the North shoare is sandy. Wee went vp aboue a league into the said Riuer, and could passe no further, by reason of the great current of water. We took * 2.146 a Boate to search vp further, but we went not past a league, but we met a very Strait full of wa∣ter, of some twelue paces, which caused vs that we could not passe no further. All the ground which I saw on the bankes of the said Riuer riseth more and more, and is full of Firre-trees and [ 30] Cypresse Trees, and hath very few other Trees.

ON the Saturday following, we departed from The three Riuers, and anchored at a Lake, * 2.147 which is foure leagues distant. All this Countrey from The three Riuers to the entrance of the said Lake is low ground, euen with the water on the North side; and on the South side it is somewhat higher. The said Countrey is exceeding good, and the most pleasant that hitherto we had seene: the Woods are very thinne, so that a man may trauell easily through them. The next day being the nine and twentieth of Iune, we entred into the Lake, which is some fifteene leagues in length, and some seuen or eight leagues broad: At the entrance thereof on the South∣side within a league there is a Riuer which is very great, and entreth into the Countrey some six∣tie * 2.148 [ 40] or eightie leagues, and continuing along the same Coast, there is another little Riuer, which pierceth about two leagues into the Land, and commeth out of another small Lake, which may containe some three or foure leagues. On the North side where the Land sheweth very high, a man may see some twentie leagues off; but by little and little the Mountaynes beginne to fall toward the West, as it were into a flat Countrey.

The Sauages say, that the greatest part of these Mountaynes are bad soyle. The said Lake hath some three fathoms water whereas we passed, which was almost in the middest: the length lieth East and West, and the breadth from North to the South. I thinke it hath good fish in it, of such kinds as we haue in our owne Countrey. Wee passed it the very same day, and anchored about two leagues within the great Riuer which goeth vp to the Sault: In the mouth whereof [ 50] are thirtie small Ilands, as farre as I could discerne; some of them are of two leagues, others a * 2.149 league and an halfe, & some lesse, which are full of Walnut-trees, which are not much different from ours; and I thinke their Walnuts are good when they bee ripe: I saw many of them vnder the Trees, which were of two sorts, the one small, and the others as long as a mans Thumbe, * 2.150 but they were rotten. There are also store of Vines vpon the bankes of the said Ilands. But when the waters be great, the most part of them is couered with water. And this Countrey is yet better then any other which I had seene before.

The last day of Iune wee departed from thence, and passed by the mouth of the Riuer * 2.151 of the Irocois; where the Sauages which came to make warre against them, were lodged and fortified. Their Fortresse was made with a number of posts set very close one to ano∣ther, [ 60] which ioyned on the one side on the banke of the great Riuer of Canada, and the other on the banke of the Riuer of the Irocois: and their Boates were ranged the one by the o∣ther neere the shoare, that they might flie away with speed, if by chance they should bee surpri∣sed by the Irocois. For their Fort is couered with the barke of Okes, and serueth them for no∣thing

else, but to haue time to embarke themselues. We went vp the Riuer of the Irocois some fiue or sixe leagues, and could passe no farther with our Pinnasse, by reason of the great course of water which descendeth, and also because we cannot goe on Land, and draw the Pinnasse for the multitude of Trees which are vpon the bankes.

Seeing we could not passe any further, we tooke our Skiffe, to see whether the current were more gentle, but going vp some two leagues, it was yet stronger, and wee could goe no higher. Being able to doe no more we returned to our Pinnasse. All this Riuer is some three hundred or foure hundred paces broad, and very wholsome. Wee saw fiue Ilands in it, distant one from the other a quarter or halfe a league, or a league at the most: one of which is a league long, which is the neerest to the mouth, and the others are very small. All these Countries are couered with * 2.152 [ 10] Trees and low Lands, like those which I had seene before; but here are more Firres and Cypres∣ses then in other places. Neuerthelesse, the soile is good, although it bee somewhat sandy. This Riuer runneth in a manner South-west. The Sauages say, that some fifteene leagues from the place where we were vp the Riuer, there is a Sault which falleth downe from a very steepe place, * 2.153 where they carry their Canowes to passe the same some quarter of a league, and come into a Lake; at the mouth whereof, are three Ilands, and being within the same they meete with more Iles: This Lake may containe some fortie or fiftie leagues in〈…〉〈…〉gth, and some fiue and twentie leagues in breadth, into which many Riuers fall, to the number of ten, which carrie Canowes very far vp. When they are come to the end of this Lake, there is another fall, and they enter againe in∣to another Lake, which is as great as the former, at the head whereof the Irocois are lodged. They [ 20] say moreouer, that there is a Riuer, which runneth vnto the Coast of Florida, whether it is from the said last Lake some hundred, or an hundred and fortie leagues. All the Countrey of the Iro∣cois is somewhat Mountaynous, yet notwithstanding exceeding good, temperate, without much Winter, which is very short there.

AFter our departure from the Riuer of the Irocois, wee anchored three leagues beyond the same, on the North side. All this Countrie is a lowe Land, replenished with all sorts of * 2.154 trees, which I haue spoken of before. The first day of Iuly we coasted the North side, where the wood is very thinne, and more thinne then wee had seene in any place before, and all good land for tillage. I went in a Canoa to the South shoare, where I saw a number of Iles, which haue [ 30] many fruitfull trees, as Vines, Wal-nuts, Hasel-nuts, and a kinde of fruit like Chest-nuts, Che∣ries, Oskes, Aspe, Hoppes, Ashe, Beech, Cypresses, very few Pines and Firre-trees. There are also other trees which I knew not, which are very pleasant. Wee found there store of Straw∣berries, Rasp-berries Goos-berries red, greene, and blue, with many small fruits, which growe there among great abundance of grasse. There are also many wilde beasts, as Orignas, Stagges, * 2.155 Does, Buckes, Beares, Porkepickes, Conies, Foxes, Beauers, Otters, Muske-rats, and certaine other kindes of beasts which I doe not knowe, which are good to eate, and whereof the Sauages liue. Wee passed by an Ile, which is very pleasant, and containeth some foure leagues in length, and halfe a league in breadth. I saw toward the South two high Mountaines, which shewed some twentie leagues within the Land. The Sauages told mee, that here beganne the first fall [ 40] of the foresaid Riuer of the Irocois. The Wednesday following wee departed from this place, and sayled some fiue or sixe leagues. Wee saw many Ilands: the Land is there very lowe, and these Iles are couered with trees, as those of the Riuer of the Irocais were.

The day following, being the third of Iuly, we ranne certaine leagues, and passed likewise by * 2.156 many other Ilands, which are excellent good and pleasant, through the great store of Medowes which are thereabout, as well on the shoare of the maine Land, as of the other Ilands: and all the Woods are of very small growth, in comparison of those which wee had passed. At length we came this very day to the entrance of the Sault or Fall of the great Riuer of Canada, with * 2.157 fauourable wind; and wee met with an Ile, which is almost in the middest of the said entrance, which is a quarter of a league long, and passed on the South side of the said Ile, where there was not past three, foure or fiue foot water, and sometimes a fathome or two, and straight on the [ 50] sudden wee found againe not past three or foure foot. There are many Rockes, and small Ilands, whereon there is no wood, and they are euen with the water. From the beginning of the fore∣said Ile, which is in the middest of the said entrance, the water beginneth to runne with a great force. Although we had the wind very good, yet wee could not with all our might make any * 2.158 great way: neuerthelesse wee passed the said Ile which is at the entrance of the Sault or Fall. When wee perceiued that wee could goe no further, wee came to an anchor on the North shoare ouer against a small Iland, which aboundeth for the most part with those kinde of fruits which I haue spoken of before. Without all delay wee made ready our skiffe, which wee had made of purpose to passe the said Sault: whereinto the said Monsieur de Pont and my selfe entred, with [ 60] certaine Sauages, which we had brought with vs to shew vs the way. Departing from our Pin∣nace, * 2.159 we were scarse gone three hundred paces, but we were forced to come out, and cause certain Mariners to goe into the water to free our Skiffe. The Canoa of the Sauages passed easily. Wee met with an infinite number of small Rockes, which were euen with the water, on which wee touched oftentimes.

There he two great Ilands, one on the North side, which containeth some fifteene leagues in length, and almost as much in breadth, beginning some twelue leagues vp within the Riuer of * 2.160 Canada, going toward the Riuer of the Irocois, and endeth beyond the Sault. The Iland which is on the South side is some foure leagues long, and some halfe league broad. There is also ano∣ther Iland, which is neere to that on the North side, which may bee some halfe league long, and some quarter broad: and another small Iland which is betweene that on the North side, and an∣other neerer to the South shoare, whereby wee passed the entrance of the Sault. This entrance being passed, there is a kinde of Lake, wherein all these Ilands are, some fiue leagues long and * 2.161 almost as broad, wherein are many small Ilands which are Rockes. There is a Mountaine neere the said Sault which discouereth farre into the Countrie, and a little Riuer which falleth from the said Mountaine into the Lake. On the South side are some three or foure Mountaines, which * 2.162 [ 10] seeme to be about fifteene or sixteene leagues within the Land. There are also two Riuers; one, which goeth to the first Lake of the Riuer of the Irocois, by which sometimes the Algoume∣quins inuade them: and another which is neere vnto the Sault, which runneth not farre into the Countrey.

At our comming neere to the said Sault with our Skiffe and Canoa, I assure you, I neuer saw any streame of water to fall downe with such force as this doth; although it bee not very high, * 2.163 being not in some places past one or two fathoms, and at the most three: it falleth as it were steppe by steppe: and in euery place where it hath some small heigth, it maketh a strong boy∣ling with the force and strength of the running of the water. In the breadth of the said Sault, * 2.164 which may containe some league, there are many broad Rockes, and almost in the middest, [ 20] there are very narrow and long Ilands, where there is a Fall as well on the side of the said Iles which are toward the South, as on the North side: where it is so dangerous, that it is not pos∣sible for any man to passe with any Boat, how small soeuer it be. We went on land through the Woods, to see the end of this Sault: where, after wee had trauelled a league, wee saw no more Rockes nor Falls but the water runneth there so swiftly as it is possible: and this current la∣steth * 2.165 for three or foure leagues: so that it is in vaine to imagine, that a man is able to passe the said Saults with any Boats. But he that would passe them, must fit himselfe with the Canoas of the Sauages, which one man may easily carrie. For to carrie Boats is a thing which cannot be done in to short time as it should bee to bee able to returne into France, vnlesse a man would [ 30] winter there. And beside this first Sault, there are ten Saults more, the most part hard to passe. So that it would be a matter of great paines and trauell to bee able to see and doe that by Boat which a man might promise himselfe, without great cost and charge, and also to bee in danger to trauell in vaine. But with the Canoas of the Sauages a man may trauell freely and readily in∣to all Countries, as well in the small as in the great Riuers: So that directing himselfe by the meanes of the said Sauages and their Canoas, a man may see all that is to be seene, good and bad, within the space of a yeere or two. That little way which wee trauelled by Land on the side of the said Sault, is a very thinne Wood, through which men with their Armes may march easily, without any trouble; the aire is there more gentle and temperate, and the soyle better then in any place that I had seene, where is store of such wood and fruits, as are in all other places be∣fore [ 40] mentioned: and it is in the latitude of 45. degrees and certaine minutes.

When we saw that we could doe no more, we returned to our Pinnace; where we examined the Sauages which we had with vs, of the end of the Riuer, which I caused them to draw with their hand, and from what part the Head thereof came. They told vs, that beyond the first Sault that we had seene, they trauelled some ten or fifteene leagues with their Canoas in the Ri∣uer, where there is a Riuer which ••unneth to the dwelling of the Algoumequins, which are some sixty leagues distant from the great Riuer; and then they passed fiue Saults, which may containe from the first to the last eight leagues, whereof there are two where they carrie their Canoas to passe them: euery Sault may containe halfe a quarter or a quarter of a league at the most. And then they come into a Lake, which may be fifteene or sixteene leagues long. From thence they [ 50] enter againe into a Riuer which may be a league broad, and trauell some two leagues in the same; and then they enter into another Lake some foure or fiue leagues long: comming to the end thereof, they passe fiue other Saults, distant from the first to the last some fiue and twenty or thirty leagues; whereof there are three where they carrie their Canoas to passe them, and tho∣row the other two they doe but draw them in the water, because the current is not there so strong, nor so bad, as in the others. None of all these Saults is so hard to passe, as that which we saw. Then they come into a Lake, which may containe some eighty leagues in length, in which are many Ilands, and at the end of the same the water is brackish, and * 2.166 the Winter gentle. At the end of the said Lake they passe a Sault which is somewhat high, where little water descen∣deth: there they carrie their Canoas by land about a quarter of a league to passe this Sault. From [ 60] thence they enter into another Lake, which may be some sixty leagues long, and that the wa∣ter thereof is very brackish: at the end thereof they come vnto a Strait which is two leagues broad, and it goeth farre into the Countrie. They told vs, that they themselues had passed no farther; and that they had not seene the end of a Lake, which is within fifteene or sixteene

leagues of the farthest place where themselues had beene, nor that they which told them of it, had knowne any man that had seene the end thereof, because it is so great that they would not hazard themselues to sayle farre into the same, for feare lest some storme or gust of winde should surprise them. They say that in the Summer the Sunne doth set to the North of the said Lake, * 2.167 and in the Winter it setteth as it were in the middest thereof: That the water is there excee∣salt, to wit, as salt as the Sea water. I asked them whether from the last Lake which they had seene, the water descended alwaies downe the Riter comming to Gaschepay? They told me, no: but said, that from the third Lake onely it descended to Gaschepay: But that from the last Sault, which is somewhat high, as I haue said, the water was almost still; and that the said Lake might take his course by other Riuers, which passe within the Lands, either to the South, or to * 2.168 [ 10] the North, whereof there are many that runne there, the end whereof they see not. Now, in my iudgement, if so many Riuers fall into this Lake, hauing so small a course at the said Sault, it must needs of necessitie fall out, that it must haue his issue forth by some exceeding great Riuer. But that which maketh me beleeue that there is no Riuer by which this Lake doth issue forth (considering the number of so many Riuers as fall into it) is this, that the Sauages haue not seene any Riuer, that runneth through the Countries, saue in the place where they were. Which maketh me beleeue that this is the South Sea, being salt as they say: Neuerthelesse we may not giue so much credit thereunto, but that it must bee done with apparent reasons, although there be some small shew thereof. And this assuredly is all that hitherto I haue seene and heard of the Sauages, touching that which we demanded of them. [ 20]

VVEe departed from the said Sault on Friday the fourth day of Iuly, and returned the * 2.169 same day to the Riuer of the Irocois. On Sunday the sixth of Iuly wee departed from thence, and anchored in the Lake. The Monday following wee anchored at the three Riuers. This day wee sayled some foure leagues beyond the said three Riuers. The Tuesday following we came to Quebec; and the next day wee were at the end of this Ile of Orleans, where the Sa∣uages came to vs, which were lodged in the maine Land on the North side. Wee examined two or three Algoumequins, to see whether they would agree with those that wee had examined tou∣ching the end and the beginning of the said Riuer of Canada. They said, as they had drawne out the shape thereof, that hauing passed the Sault, which wee had seene, some two or three [ 30] leagues, there goeth a Riuer into their dwelling, which is on the North side. So going on for∣ward in the said great Riuer, they passe a Sault, where they carrie their Canoas, and they come to passe fiue other Saults, which may containe from the first to the last some nine or ten leagues, and that the said Saults are not hard to passe, and they doe but draw their Canoas in the most part of the said Saults or Falls, sauing at two, where they carrie them: from thence they enter into a Riuer, which is as it were a kinde of Lake, which may containe some sixe or seuen leagues: * 2.170 and then they passe fiue other Falls, where they draw their Canoas as in the first mentioned, sa∣uing in two, where they carrie them as in the former: and that from the first to the last there are some twenty or fiue and twenty leagues. Then they come into a Lake contayning some * 2.171 hundred and fifty leagues in length: and foure or fiue leagues within the entrance of that Lake [ 40] there is a Riuer which goeth to the Algoumequins toward the North; and another Riuer which goeth to the Irocois, whereby the said Algoumequins and Irocois make warre the one against the other. Then comming to the end of the said Lake, they meete with another Fall, where they carrie their Canoas. From thence they enter into another exceeding great Lake, which may containe as much as the former: They haue beene but a very little way in this last Lake, and haue heard say, that at the end of the said Lake there is a Sea, the end whereof they haue not seene, neither haue heard that any haue seene it. But that where they haue beene, the water is not salt, because they haue not entred farre into it; and that the course of the water commeth from the Sun-setting toward the East; and they knowe not, whether beyond the Lake that they haue seene, there be any other course of water that goeth Westward. That the Sunne set∣teth on the right hand of this Lake: which is, according to my iudgement, at the North-west, [ 50] little more or lesse; and that in the first great Lake the water freezeth not (which maketh mee iudge that the climate is there temperate) and that all the Territories of the Algoumequins are lowe grounds, furnished with small store of wood: And that the coast of the Irocois is Moun∣tainous, neuerthelesse they are excellent good and fertile soyles, and better then they haue seene any where else: That the said Irocois reside some fifty or sixty leagues from the said great Lake. And this assuredly is all which they haue told mee that they haue seene: which differeth very little from the report of the first Sauages. This day wee came within some three leagues of the Ile of Coudres or Filberds. * 2.172

On Thursday the tenth of the said moneth, wee came within a league and an halfe of the * 2.173 [ 60] Ile Du Lieure, or Of the Hare, on the North side, where other Sauages came into our Pinnace, among whom there was a young man, an Algoumequin, which had trauelled much in the said great Lake. Wee examined him very particularly, as wee had done the other Sauages. Hee told vs, that hauing passed the said Fall which wee had seene, within two or three leagues there is a

Riuer, which goeth to the said Algoumequins, where they be lodged; and that passing vp the great Riuer of Canada, there are fiue Falls, which may containe from the first to the last some eight or nine leagues, whereof there bee three where they carrie their Canoas, and two others wherein they draw them: that each of the said Falls may be a quarter of a league long: then they come into a Lake, which may containe some fifteene leagues. Then they passe fiue other Falls, which * 2.174 may containe from the the first to the last some twenty or fiue and twenty leagues; where there are not past two of the said Falls which they passe with their Canoas, in the other three they doe but draw them. From thence they enter into an exceeding great Lake, which may containe * 2.175 some three hundred leagues in length: when they are passed some hundred leagues into the said Lake, they meet with an Iland, which is very great; and beyond the said Iland the water is [ 10] brackish: But when they haue passed some hundred leagues farther, the water is yet falter: and comming to the end of the said Lake, the water is wholly salt. Farther he said, that there is a Fall that is a league broad, from whence an exceeding current of water descendeth into the said Lake. That after a man is passed this Fall, no more land can be seene neither on the one side nor on the other, but so great a Sea, that they neuer haue seene the end thereof, nor haue heard tell, that any other haue seene the same. That the Sunne setteth on the right hand of the said Lake: and that at the entrance thereof there is a Riuer which goeth to the Algoumequins, and ano∣ther Riuer to the Irocois, whereby they warre the one against the other. That the Countrie of the Irocois is somewhat mountainous, yet very fertile, where there is store of Indian Wheat, and other fruits, which they haue not in their Countrie: That the Countrie of the Algoumequins [ 20] is lowe and fruitfull. I enquired of them, whether they had any knowledge of any Mines? They told vs, that there is a Nation which are called, the good Irocois, which come to exchange for merchan••••ses, which the French ships doe giue to the Algoumequins, which say, that there is toward the North a Mine of fine Copper, whereof they shewed vs certaine Bracelets, which * 2.176 they had receiued of the said Good Irocois: and that if any of vs would goe thither, they would bring them to the place, which should bee appointed for that businesse. And this is all which I could learne of the one and the other, differing but very little; saue that the second which were examined, said, that they had not tasted of the salt water: for they had not beene so farre with∣in the said Lake, as the others: and they differ some small deale in the length of the way, the one sort making it more short, and the other more long. So that, according to their report, from * 2.177 the Sault or Fall where wee were, is the space of some foure hundred leagues vnto the Salt Sea, [ 30] which may be the South Sea, the Sunne setting where they say it doth. On Friday the tenth of the said moneth we returned to Tadousac, where our ship lay.

ASsoone as wee were come to Tadousac, wee embarqued our selues againe to goe to Gachepay, * 2.178 which is distant from the said Tadousac about some hundred leagues. The thirteenth day of the said moneth we met with a companie of Sauages, which were lodged on the South side, almost in the mid-way betweene Tadousac and Gachepay. Their Sagamo or Captaine which led them is called Armouchides, which is held to be one of the w••sest and most hardy among all the Sauages: Hee was going to Tadousac to exchange Arrowes, and the flesh of Orignars, which [ 40] they haue for Beauers and Marterns of the other Sauages, the Mountainers, Estechema••ns, and Algoumequins.

The fifteenth day of the said moneth we came to Gachepay, which is in a Bay, about a league and a halfe on the North side. The said Bay containeth some seuen or eight leagues in length, and at the mouth thereof foure leagues in breadth. There is a Riuer which runneth some thirty leagues vp into the Countrie: Then we saw another Bay, which is called the Bay des Mollues, or the Bay of Cods, which may be some three leagues long, and as much in bredth at the mouth. From thence we come to the Ile Percee, which is like a Rocke, very steepe rising on both sides, wherein there is a hole, through which Shalops and Boats may passe at an high water: and at a lowe water one may goe from the maine Land to the said Ile, which is not past foure or fiue hundred paces off. Moreouer, there is another Iland in a manner South-east from the Ile Percee [ 50] about a league, which is called the Ile de Bonne-aduenture, and it may bee some halfe a league long. All these places of Gachepay, the Bay of Cods, and the Ile Percee, are places where they make dry and greene Fish. When you are passed the Ile Percee, there is a Bay which is called they Bay of Heate, which runneth as it were West South-west, some foure and twenty leagues into the land, containing some fifteene leagues in breadth at the mouth thereof. The Sauages of * 2.179 Canada say, that vp the great Riuer of Canada, about some sixtie leagues, ranging the South coast, there is a small Riuer called Mautanne, which runneth some eighteene leagues vp into the * 2.180 Countreys and being at the head thereof, they carrie their Canowes about a league by land, and they come into the said Bay of Heate, by which they goe sometimes to the Isle Percee. Also they goe from the said Bay to Tregate and Misamichy. Running along the said coast we passe by [ 60] many Riuers, and come to a place where there is a Riuer which is called Souricoua, where Mon∣sieur Preuert was to discouer a Mine of Copper. They goe with their Conowes vp this Riuer three or foure dayes, then they passe three or foure leagues by land, to the said Mine, which is

hard vpon the Sea shoare on the South side. At the mouth of the said Riuer, there is an I∣land lying a league into the Sea; from the said Island vnto the Isle Perçee, is some sixtie or se∣uentie * 2.181 leagues. Still following the said coast, which trendeth toward the East, you meete with a Strait, which is two leagues broad, and fiue and twenty leagues long. On the East side is an Isle, which is called the Isle of Saint Laurence, where Cape Breton is; and in this place a Na∣tion of Sauages, called the Souricois, doe winter.

Passing the Strait of the Iles of Saint Lawrence, and ranging the South-west Coast, you come to a Bay which ioyneth hard vpon the Myne of Copper. Passing farther there is a Riuer, which runneth threescore or fourescore leagues into the Countrey; which reacheth neere to the Lake of the Irocois, whereby the said Sauages of the South-west Coast make warre vpon them. I would be an exceeding great benefit, if there might be found a passage on the Co•••••• of Florida neere to [ 10] the said great Lake, where the winter is salt; aswell for the Na••igation of ships, which should not bee subiect to so many per••ls as they are in Canada, as for the shortning of the way about three hundred leagues. And at is most certaine, that there are Riuers on the Goa•••• of Florida, which * 2.182 are not yet discouered, which ••••erce vp into the Countries, where the soile is exceeding good and fertile, and very good Hauens. The Countrey and Coast of Florida may haue another tempera∣ture of the season, and may be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 more fertile in abundance of fruites and other things, then that which I haue seene: But it cannot haue more euen not better sayles, then those which we haue seene.

The Sauages say, that in the foresaid great Bay of Hete there is a Riuer, which runneth vp * 2.183 [ 20] vp some twentie leagues into the Countrey, at the head whereof there is a Lake, which may be about twentie leagues in compasse, wherein is little store of water, and the Summer it is dried vp, wherein they find, about a foot or a foot and an halfe vnder the ground a kind of Metall like to ••••luer, which I shewed them; and that in another place neere the said Lake there is a Myne of Copper. And this is that which I learned of the foresand Sauages.

WE departed from the Ile 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the ninteenth day of the said moneth to returne to Ta∣dous••c. * 2.184 When we w••••e within three leagues of Cape le Vesque, or the Bishops Cape, we were encountred with a storme which lasted two dayes; which forced vs to put roomer with a great creake, and to stay for faire weather. The day following we departed, and were encoun∣tred [ 30] with another storme: Being loth to p•••• roome, and thinking to gaine way wee touched on the North shore the eight and twentieth day of Iuly 〈◊〉〈◊〉 creeke which is very bad, because of the edges of Rockes which lie there. This creeke is in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. degrees and certaine minutes. The next day we anchored neere a Riuer, which is called Saint Margarites Riuer, where at a full Sea is some three fathomes water, and a fathome and an halfe at a low water: this Riuer goeth farre vp into the Land. As farre as I could see within the Land on ••he East shoare, there is a fall of wa∣ter which entreth into the said Riuer, and falleth some fiftie or sixtie ••athomes downe, from whence commeth the greatest part of the water which descendeth downe. At the mouth there∣of there is a banke of Sand, whereon at the ebbe is but halfe a fa••home water. All the Coast to∣ward the East is mouing Sande there is a point some halfe league from the said Riuer, which [ 40] stretcheth halfe a league into the Sea: and toward the West there is a small Iland: this place is in fiftie degrees. All these Countries are exceeding bad, full of Firre-trees. The Land here is some∣what high, but not so high as that on the Southside. Some three leagues beyond we passed neere vnto another Riuer, which seemed to be very great, yet barred for the most part with Rockes: some eight leagues farther there is a Point which runneth a league and an halfe into the Sea, * 2.185 where there is not past a fathome and an halfe of water. When you are passed this Point, there is another about foure leagues off, where is water enough. All this Coast is low and sandie. Foure leagues beyond this there is a creeke where a Riuer entreth: many ships may passe heere on the * 2.186 West side: this is a low point, which runneth about a league into the Sea; you must runne along the Easterne shoare some three hundred paces to enter into the same. This is the best Hauen which is all along the North shoare; but it is very dangerous in going thither, because of the flats and sholds of sand, which lye for the most part all along the shoare, almost two leagues into the [ 50] Sea. About six leagues from thence, there is a Bay where there is an Isle of sand; all this Bay is * 2.187 very shallow except on the East side, where it hath about foure fathoms water: within the chan∣nell which entreth into the said Bay, some foure leagues up, there is a faire creeke where a Riuer * 2.188 entreth. All this coast is low and sandie, there descendeth a fall of water which is great. About fiue leagues farther is a Point which stretcheth about halfe a league into the Sea, where there is a creeke, and from the one point to the other are three leagues, but all are shoald, where is little water. About two leagues off, there is a strand where there is a good hauen, and a small Riuer, wherein are three Islands, and where Ships may harbour themselues from the weather. Three [ 60] leagues beyond this, is a sandie point which runneth out about a league, at the end whereof there is a small Islet. Going forward to Lesqueuim, you meete with two little low Islands, and a little * 2.189 rocke neere the shoare: these said Ilands are about halfe a league from Lesqueuim, which is a ve∣ry bad Port, compassed with rockes, and dry at a low water, and you must fetch about a little

point of a rocke to enter in, where one Ship onely can passe at a time. A little higher there is a Riuer, which runneth a little way into the land. This is the place where the Basks kill the * 2.190 Whales; to say the truth, the hauen is starke naught. Wee came from thence to the foresaid ha∣uen of Tadousac, the third day of August. All these Countries before mentioned are low toward the shoare, and within the land very high. They are neither so pleasant nor fruitfull as those on the South, although they be lower. And this for a certaintie is all which I haue seene of this Nor∣therne coast.

AT our comming to Tadousac, we found the Sa••ages which wee met in the Riuer of the Ir••∣cois, * 2.191 who met with three Canowes of the Irocois in the first Lake, which fought against [ 10] tenne others of the Mountayners; and they brought the heads of the Irocois to Tadousac, and there was but one Mountayner wounded in the arme with the shot of an Arrow, who dreaming of something, all the other tenne must seeke to content him, thinking also that his wound there∣by would mend if this Sauage die, his Parents will reuenge his death, either vpon their Nation or vpon others, or at least wise the Captaines must giue Presents to the Parents of the dead, to content them; otherwise as I haue said, they would be reuenged: which is a great fault among them. Before the said Mountayners set forth to the Warre, they assembled all, with their richest apparell of Furres, Beauers, and other Skinnes adorned with Pater-nosters and Chaines of diuers colours, and assembled in a great publike place, where there was before them a Sagaue whose [ 20] name was Beg••••rat, which led them to the Warre, and they marched one behind another, with their Bowes and Arrowes, Mases and Targets, wherewith they furnish themselues to fight: and they went leaping one after another, in making many gestures of their bodies, they made many turnings like a Snaile: afterward they began to dance after their accustomed manner, as I haue said before: then they made their Peast, and after they had ended it, the women stripped them∣selues starke naked, being decked with their fairest Cordons, and went into their Canowes thus naked and there danced, and then they went into the water, and strooke at one another with their Oares, and beate water one vpon another: yet they did no hurt, for they warded the blowes which they strooke one at the other. After they had ended all these Ceremonies, they retired themselues into their Cabines, and the Sauages went to warre against the Irocois.

The sixt day of August we departed from Tadousac, and the eighteenth of the said moneth we [ 30] arriued at the Ile Perçee, where wee found Mon〈…〉〈…〉r Preuert of Saint Malo; which came from * 2.192 the Myne, where he had beene with much trouble, for the feare which the Sauages had to meet with their enemies, which are the Ar〈…〉〈…〉cois, which are Sauages very monstrous, for the shape that they haue. For their head is little, and their body short, their armes small like a bone, and their thigh like; their legges great and long, which are all of one proportion, and when they sit vpon their heeles, their knees are higher by halfe a foot then their head, which is a strange thing, and they seeme to be out of the course of Nature. Neuerthelesse, they be very valiant and resolute, and are planted in the best Countries of all the South Coast: And the Souricois do great∣ly feare them. But by the incouragement which the said Mon〈…〉〈…〉r de Preuert gaue them, hee * 2.193 brought them to the said Myne, to which the Sauages guided him. It is a very high Mountaine, * 2.194 [ 40] rising somewhat ouer the Sea, which glistereth very much against the Sunne, and there is great store of Verde-grease issuing out of the said Myne of Copper. He saith, that at the foot of the said Mountayne, at a low water there were many morsels of Copper, as was otherwise declared vnto vs, which fall downe from the top of the Mountaine. Passing three or foure leagues fur∣ther * 2.195 toward the South, there is another Myne, and a small Riuer which runneth a little way vp into the Land, running toward the South, where there is a Mountaine, which is of a blacke pain∣ting, wherewith the Sauages paint themselues: Some sixe leagues beyond the second Myne, to∣ward * 2.196 the Sea, about a league from the South Coast, there is an Ile, wherein is found another kind of Metall, which is like a darke browne: if you cut it, it is white, which they vsed in old time for their Arrowes and Kniues, and did beate it with stones. Which maketh me beleeue that it is [ 50] not Tinne, nor Lead, being so hard as it is; and hauing shewed them siluer, they said that the Myne of that Ile was like vnto it, which they found in the earth, about a foot or two deepe. The said Monsieur Preuert gaue the Sauages Wedges and Cizers, and other things necessarie to draw out the said Myne; which they haue promised to doe, and to bring the same the next yeere, and giue it the said Monsieur Preuert. They say also that within some hundred or one hundred and twentie leagues there are other Mynes, but that they dare not goe thither vnlesse they haue Frenchmen with them to make warre vpon their enemies, which haue the said Mynes in their possession. The said place where the Myne is, standeth in 44. degrees and some few minutes, neere the South Coast within fiue or sixe leagues: it is a kind of Bay, which is certaine leagues broad at the mouth thereof, and somewhat more in length, where are three Riuers, which fall * 2.197 [ 60] into the great Bay neere vnto the Ile of Saint Iohn, which is thirtie or fiue and thirtie leagues long, and is sixe leagues distant from the South shoare. There is also another little Riuer, which falleth almost in the mid way of that whereby Monsieur Preuert returned, and there are as it were two kind of Lakes in the said Riuer. Furthermore, there is yet another small Riuer which

goeth toward the Mountaine of the painting. All these Riuers fall into the said Bay on the South-east part, neere about the said Ile which the Sauages say there is of this white Metall. On * 2.198 the North side of the said Bay are the Mynes of Copper, where there is a good Hauen for ships, and a small Iland at the mouth of the Hauen; the ground is Oze and Sand, where a man may run his ship on shoare. From the said Myne to the beginning of the mouth of the said Riuers is some sixtie or eightie leagues by Land. But by the Sea Coast, according to my iudgement, from the passage of the Ile of Sain Lawrence and the Firme Land, it cannot be past fiftie or sixtie leagues to the said Myne. All this Countrey is exceeding faire and flat, wherein are all sorts of trees, which wee saw as wee went to the first Sault vp the great Riuer of Canada, very small store of Firre-trees and Cypre••••es. And this of a truth is as much as I learned and heard of the said Mon∣sieur Preuert. [ 10]

BEfore we departed from Tadousac, to returne into France, one of the Sagamoz of the Moun∣tayners * 2.199 named Bechourat, gaue his Sonne to Monsieur du Pont to carrie him into France, and he was much recommended vnto him by the Great Sagamo Anadabijou, praying him to vse him well, and to let him see that, which the other two Sauages had seene which we had brought backe againe. We prayed them to giue vs a woman of the Irocois, whom they would haue ea∣ten: whom they gaue vnto vs, and we brought her home with the foresaid Sauage. Monsieur de Preuert in like manner brought home foure Sauages, one man which is of the South Coast, one woman and two children of the Canadians.

The foure and twentieth of August, we departed from Gachepay, the ship of the said Mon∣sieur [ 20] Preuert and ours. The second of September, we counted that wee were as farre as Cape Rase. The fift day of the said moneth we entred vpon the Banke, whereon they vse to fi••••. The * 2.200 sixteenth, we were come into the Sounding, which may be some fittie leagues distant from the Ushant. The twentieth of the said moneth we arriued in New Hauen by the grace of God to all our contentments, with a continuall fauourable wind.

CHAP. VII.

The Patent of the French King to Monsieur de MONTS for the inha∣biting [ 30] of the Countries of La Cadia Canada, and other places in New France.

HEnry by the grace of God King of France and Nauarre. To our deare and well beloued the Lord of Monts, one of the ordinarie Gentlemen of our Chamber, greeting. As our greatest care and labour is, and hath alwayes beene, since our comming to this Crowne, maintaine and conserue it in the ancient dignitie, greatnesse and splendour thereof, to ex∣tend and amplifie, as much as lawfully may bee done, the bounds and limits of the same. We being, of a long time, informed of the situation and condition of the Lauds and Ter∣ritories [ 40] of La Cadia, moued aboue all things, with a singular zeale, and deuout and constant resolution, which we haue taken, with the helpe and assistance of God, Author, Distributour, and Protectour of all Kingdomes and Estates, to cause the people, which doe inhabit the Countrey, men (at this present time) Barbarous, Atheists, without Faith, or Religion, to be conuerted to Christianitie, and to the Beliefe and Profession of our Faith and Religion: and to draw them from the ignorance and vnbeliefe wherein they are. Hauing also of a long time knowne by the Relation of the Sea Captaines, Pilots, Merchants and others, who of long time haue haunted, frequented and trafficked with the people that are found in the said places, how fruitfull, commodious and profitable may be vnto vs, to our Estates and Subiects, the Dwelling, Possession, and Habitation of those Countries, for the great and apparent profit which may be drawne by the greater frequentation and habitude which may bee had with the people that are found [ 50] there, and the Trafficke and Commerce which may be, by that meanes safely treated and negotiated. We then for these causes fully trusting on your great wisdome, and in the knowledge and experience that rou haue of the qualitie, condition and situation of the said Countrie of La Cadia: for diuers and sundry Na∣uigations, Voyages and Frequentations that you haue made into those parts, and others neere and borde∣ring vpon it: Assuring our selues that this our resolution and intention, being committed vnto you, you will attentiuely, diligently, and no lesse couragiously and valorously execute and bring to such perfection as we desire: Haue expresly appointed and established you, and by these Presents, signed with our owne hands, doe commit ordaine, make, constitute and establish you, our Lieutenant Generall, for to represent our person, in the Countries, Territories, Coasts and Co▪ fines of La Cadia To begin from the 40. de∣gree [ 60] vnto the 46. And in the same distance, or part of it, as farre as may bee done, to establish, extend and make to be knowne our Name, Might and Authoritie. And vnder the same to subiect, submit and bring to obedience all the people of the said Land and the Borderers thereof: And by the meanes thereof, and all lawfull wayes, to call, make, instruct, prouoke and incite them to the knowledge of God, and to the

light of the Faith and Christian Religion, to establish it there: And in the exercise and profession of the same, keepe and conser•••• the said people, and all other Inhabitants in the said places, and there to com∣mand in peace, rest and tranquill••••ie, as well by Sea as by Land: to ordaine, decide, and cause to bee exe∣cuted all that which you shall iudge fit and necessarie to be done, for to maintaine, keepe and conserue the said places vnder our Power and Authoritie, by the formes, wayes and meanes prescribed by our Lawes. And for to haue there a care of the same with you, to appoint, establish, and constitute all Officers, as well in the affaires of Warre, as for Iustice and Policie, for the first time, and from thence forward to name and present them vnto vs: for to be disposed by vs, and to giue Letters, Titles, and such Prouisoes as shall be necessarie, &c.

Giuen at Fountain-Bleau the eight day of Nouember: in the yeere our Lord 1603. And of our [ 10] Reigne the fifteenth. Signed Henry: and vnderneath by the King, Potier; And sealed vpon single labell with yellow Waxe.

The Voyage of Monsieur de MONTS into New France,

written by MARKE LESCARBOT.

MOnsieur de Monts hauing made the Commissions and Prohibitions before said, to bee proclaimed thorow the Realme of France, and especially thorow the Ports and * 2.201 maritine Townes thereof, caused two shippes to bee rigged and furnished, the one [ 20] vnder the conduct of Captaine Timothy of New-hauen, the other of Captaine Morell of Honfleur. In the first, hee shipped himselfe, with good number of men of account, as well Gentlemen as others. And for as much as Monsieur de Poutrincourt was, and had beene of a long time, desirous to see those Countries of New France, and there to finde out and choose some fit place to retire himselfe into, with his Family, Wife and Children, not meaning to be the last that should follow and participate in the glorie of so faire and generous an enterprize, would needs goe thither, and shipped himselfe with the said Monsieur de Monts, carrying with him some quantitie of Armours and Munitions of Warre; and so weighed Anchors from New-hauen the seuenth day of March 1604. But being departed some what too soone, before the Win∣ter had yet left off her frozen Weed, they found store of Icie bankes, against the which they [ 30] were in danger to strike, and so to be cast away.

The Voyage was long by reason of contrarie winds, which seldome hapneth to them that set out in March for the New-found lands, which are ordinarily carried with an East or Northerne winde, fit to goe to those Lands. And hauing taken their course to the South of the Ile of Sand or Sablon, or Sand, for to shunne the said Ices, they almost fell from Caribdis into Scylla, go∣ing to strike towards the said Ile, during the thicke mists that are frequent in that Sea. In the end, the sixt of May they came to a certaine Port, where they found Captaine Rossignol of New-hauen, who did trucke for skinnes with the Sauages, contrary to the Kings Inhibitions, which was the cause that his ship was confilcated. This Port was called Le Port du Rossignol, ha∣uing (in this his hard fortune) this onely good, that a good and fit Harborough or Port, in those [ 40] Coasts be areth his name.

From thence coasting and discouering the Lands, they arriued at another Port, very faire, which they named Le Port de Moutton, by reason that a Mutton or Weather hauing leaped o∣uer-board and drowned himselfe came aboard againe, and was taken and eaten as good prize. Neere the said Moutton Port there is a place so replenished with Rabbets and Conies, that they almost did eate nothing else. During that time Monsieur Champlein was sent with a shallop to seeke farther off a fitter place to retire themselues, at which Exploit he carried so long, that de∣liberating vpon the returne, they thought to leaue him behind: for there was no more victuals: and they serued themselues with that, that was found in the said Rossignols ship, without which they had beene forced to returne into France, and so to breake a faire enterprize at the very birth [ 50] and beginning thereof; or to starue, hauing ended the hunting of Conies, which could not still continue.

All New France in the end being contained in two ships, they weighed Anchors from Port du Moutton, for to imploy their time, and to discouer Lands as much as might before Winter. Wee came to Cape de Sable, or the Sandie Cape; and from thence we sailed to the Bay of Saint Marie, where our men lay at Anchor fifteene dayes, whilest the Lands and passages as well by Sea as by Riuer might be descried and knowne. This Bay is a very faire place to inhabit, because that one is readily carried thither without doubling. There are Mynes of Iron and Siluer; but in no great abundance, according to the triall made thereof in France. A Priest losing his way in the Woods was missing sixteene dayes. Whereupon a Protestant was charged to haue killed him be∣cause [ 60]

they quarrelled sometimes for matters of Religion. Finally, they sounded a Trumpet thorow the Forrest, they shot off the Canon diuers times, but in vaine: for the roaring of the Sea, stronger then all that, did expell backe the sound of the said Canons and Trum∣pets. Two, three and foure dayes passed he appeareth not. In the meane-while the time hastens to depart, so hauing tarried so long that hee was then held for dead, they weighed Anchors to goe further, and to see the depth of a Bay that hath some fortie leagues length, and fourteene (yea eighteene) of breadth, which was named La Baye Francoise, or the French Bay. * 2.202

In this Bay is the passage to come into a Port, whereinto our men entred, and made some abode, during the which they had the pleasure to hunt an Elian, or Stagge, that crossed a [ 10] great Lake of the Sea, which maketh this Port, and did swimme but easily. This Port is en∣uironed with Mountaines on the North side: Towards the South bee small Hills, which (with the said Mountaines) doe powre out a thousand Brookes, which make that place pleasanter then any other place in the World: there are very faire falles of waters, fit to make Milles of all sorts. At the East is a Riuer betweene the said Mountaines and Hilles, in the shippes may saile fifteene leagues and more, and in all this distance is nothing of both sides the Riuer but faire Medowes, which Riuer was named L' Equille, because that the first fish taken therein was an Equille. But the said Port, for the beautie thereof was called Port Royall. Monsieur * 2.203 de Poutrincourt hauing found this place to bee to his ••••king demanded it, with the Lands thereunto adioyning, of Monsieur de Monts: to whom the King had by Commission, before [ 20] inserted, granted the distribution of the Lands of New France from the fortieth degree to the sixe and fortieth. Which place was granted to the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt, who since hath had Letters of confirmation for the same of his Maiestie, intending to retire himselfe thi∣ther with his Family, and there to establish the Christian and French Name, as much as his power shall stretch, and God grant him the meanes to accomplish it. The Port contayneth eight leagues of circuit, besides the Riuer of L' Equille. There is within it two Iles very faire and pleasant: the one at the mouth of the said Riuer, which I deeme to bee of the great∣nesse of the Citie of Beauvais: The other at the side of the mouth of another Riuer, as broad as the Riuer of Oise, or Marne, entring within the said Port: The said Ile beeing almost of the greatnesse of the other: and they both are wooddie. In this Port, and right ouer against the [ 30] former Ile, wee dwelt three yeeres after this Voyage. We will speake thereof more at large hereafter.

From Port Royall they sailed to the Copper Myne, whereof wee haue spoken before else-where. * 2.204 It is a high Rocke betweene two Bayes of the Sea, wherein the Copper is conioyned with the stone, very faire and very pure, such as is that which is called Rozette Copper. Many Gold-smithes haue seene of it in France, which doe say that vnder the Copper Myne there might be a Golden Myne: which is very probable. For if those excrements that Nature ex∣pelleth forth be so pure, namely, small pieces that are found vpon the grauell at the foote of the Rocke, when it is low water, there is no doubt that the Metall which is in the bowels of the earth is much more perect, but this is a Worke that requireth time. The first myning and wor∣king [ 40] is to haue Bread, Wine and Cattle, as we haue said else-where. Our felicitie consisteth not in Mynes, specially of Gold and Siluer, the which serue for nothing in the tillage of the ground, nor to Handicrafts vse. Contrariwise, the abundance of them is but a charge and burthen, that keepeth man in perpetuall vnquiet, and the more he hath thereof, the lesse rest enioyeth he, and his life lesser assured vnto him.

Before the Voyages of Perou great riches might haue beene set vp in a small place, in stead * 2.205 that in this our age by the abundance of Gold and siluer the same is come at no value nor esteeme. One hath need of huge Chests and Coffers to put in that, which a small Budget might haue contained. One might haue trauelled with a Purse in ones sleeue, and now a Cloke-bagge and a Horse must expresly be had for that purpose. Wee may iustly curse the houre that greedie Aua∣rice did carrie the Spaniard into the West, for the wofull euents that haue ensued thereof. For [ 50] when I consider that by his greedinesse he hath kindled and maintayned the Warre thorow all Christendome, and his onely studie hath beene how to destroy his Neighbours (and not the Turke) I cannot thinke that any other but the Deuill hath beene the Authour of their Voy∣ages. And let not the pretence of Religion be alleaged vnto mee: for (as wee haue said else∣where) they haue killed all the of-spring of the Countrey with the most inhumane tor∣ments that the Deuill hath beene able to excogitate. And by their cruelties haue rendred the Name of God odious, and a name of offence to those poore people, and haue continually and daily blasphemed him in the midst of the Gentiles as the Prophet reprocheth to the people * 2.206 of Israel. W••••nesse him that had rather bee damned, then goe to the Paradise of the Sp••∣niards, [ 60] &c. * 2.207

Among these Copper Rockes there is found sometimes small Rockes couered with Diamonds fixed to them. I will not aflure them for fine, but that is very pleasing to the sight. There are also certaine shining blue stones, which are of no lesse value or worth than Turkie Stones. * 2.208

Monsieur de Champdore our guide for the Nauigations in those Countries, hauing cut within a Rocke one of those stones, at his returne from New France hee brake it in two, and gaue one part of it to Monsieur de Monts, the other to Monsieur de Poutrincourt, which they made tobe put in Gold, and were found worthy to be presented the one to the King by the said Poutrincourt, the other to the Queene by the said de Monts, and were very well accepted, I remember that a Goldsmith did offer fifteene Crownes to Monsieur de Poutrincourt for that hee presented to his Maiestie.

This Riuer is one of the fairest that may be seene, hauing store of Ilands, and swarming with * 2.209 fishes. This last yeere 1608. thy said Monsieur de Champdore, with one of the said Monsieur de * 2.210 Monts his men, hath beene some fiftie leagues vp the said Riuer: and doe witnesse that there is great quantitie of Vines along the shoare, but the Grapes are not so bigge as they be in the Coun∣trie * 2.211 [ 10] of the Armouchiquois: There are also Onions, and many other sorts of good hearbs. As for the Trees they are the fairest that may be seene. When wee were there wee saw great number * 2.212 of Cedar Trees. Concerning fishes the said Champdore hath related vnto vs, that putting the Kettle ouer fire, they had taken fish sufficient for their Dinner before that the water was hot. Moreouer this Riuer, stretching it selfe farre within the Lands of the Sauages doth maruellously shorten the long trauels by meanes thereof. For in sixe dayes they goe to Gashepe, comming to the Bay of Gulfe of Chaleur, or heate, when they are at the end of it, in carrying their Canowes some few leagues. And by the same Riuer in eight dayes they go to Tadoussac by a branch of the same which commeth from the North-west. In such sort that in Port Royall one may haue with∣in fifteene or eighteene dayes newes from the Frenchmen, dwelling in the great Riuer of Canada, [ 20] by these wayes: which could not be done in one moneth by Sea, nor without danger.

Leauing Saint Iohns Riuer, they came following the Coast twentie leagues from that place, to * 2.213 a great Riuer (which is properly Sea) where they fortified themselues in a little Iland seated in the middest of this Riuer, which the said Champleine had beene to discouer and view. And see∣ing it strong by nature, and of easie defence and keeping, besides that the season beganne to slide away, and therefore it was behoouefull to prouide of lodging, without running any farther, they resolued to make their abode there.

As they began to visit and search the Iland, Monsieur de Champdore (of whom we shall hence∣forth make mention, by reason he dwelt foure yeere in those parts, conducting the Voyages made there) was sent backe to the Bay of Saint Mary, with a Mine-finder, that had beene car∣ried [ 30] thither for to get some Mynes of siluer and Iron, which they did. And as they had crossed * 2.214 the French Bay, they entred into the said Bay of Saint Marie, by a narrow Straite or passage, which is betweene the Land of Port Royall, and an Iland called the Long Ile: where after some abode they going a fishing, Monsieur Aubri (the Priest before lost) perceiued them, and beganne with a feeble voice to call as loud as he could; and put his Handkercher, and his Hat on a staues end, which made him better to be knowne. During these sixteene daies hee fed himselfe but by (I know not what) small fruits, like vnto Cheries, without kernell (yet not so delicate) which are scarsly found in those Woods. They gaue him food by measure, and brought him backe a∣gaine to the company at the Iland of Saint Croix, whereof euery one receiued an incredible ioy [ 40] and consolation.

Before we speake of the ships returne into France, it is meete to tell you how hard the Ile of * 2.215 Saint Croix is to bee found out, to them that were neuer there. For there are so many Iles and great Bayes to goe by, before one be at it, that I wonder how euer one might pierce so farre for to finde it. There are three or foure Mountaines, imminent aboue the others, on the sides: But on the North side, from whence the Riuer runneth downe, there is but a sharpe pointed one, a∣boue two leagues distant. The Woods of the maine Land are faire and admirable high and well growne, as in like manner is the grasse. There is right ouer against the Iland fresh water brooks, very pleasant and agreeable, where diuers of Monsieur de Monts, his men did their businesse, and * 2.216 builded there certaine Cabanes. As for the nature of the ground it is most excellent and most a∣bundantly [ 50] fruitfull. For the said Monsieur de Monts, hauing caused there some piece of ground to bee tilled, and the same sowed with Rie (for I haue seene there no Wheate) hee was not able to tarrie for the maturitie thereof to reape it: and notwithstanding, the graine, fallen, hath growne and increased so wonderfully that two yeeres after we reaped and did gather of it as faire, bigge and weightie, as in France, which the soile had brought forth without any tillage: and yet at this present it doth continue still to multiply euery yeere. The said Iland containeth some halfe * 2.217 a league of circuit, and at the end of it on the Sea side, there is a Mount or small Hill, which is (as it were) a little Ile seuered from the other, where Monsieur de Monts his Canon was placed: There is also a lit••le Chappell built after the Sauage fashion. At the foot of which Chappell there is such store of Muscles as is wonderfull, which may bee gathered at low water, but they * 2.218 [ 60] are small.

Now let vs prepare and hoise vp sailes. Monsieur de Poutrincourt made the Voyage into these parts with some men of good sort, not to winter there, but as it were to seeke out his seate, and find out a Land that might like him. Which he hauing done, ••ad no need to soiourne there any

longer. So then the ships being ready for the returne, he shipped himselfe, and those of his com∣panie, in one of them. * 2.219

During the foresaid Nauigation, Monsieur du Monts his people did worke about the Fort; which he seated at the end of the Iland, opposite to the place where he had lodged his Cannon. Which was wisely considered, to the end to command the Riuer vp and downe. But there was an inconuenience, the said Fort did lie towards the North, and without any shelter, but of the trees that were on the Ile shoare, which all about he commanded to be kept, and not cut downe.

The most vrgent things being done, and hoary snowy Father being come, that is to say, Win∣ter, * 2.220 then they were forced to keepe within doores, and to liue euery one at his owne home: du∣ring which time, our men had three speciall discommodities in this Iland, videlicet, want of [ 10] wood, (for that which was in the said Ile was spent in buildings) lacke of fresh water, and the continuall watch made by night, fearing some surprise from the Sauages, that had lodged them∣selues at the foot of the said Iland, or some other enemie. For the malediction and rage of ma∣ny * 2.221 Christians is such, that one must take heed of them much more than of Infidels. A thing which grieueth me to speake: would to God I were a lyar in this respect, and that I had no cause to speake it! When they had need of water or wood, they were constrained to crosse ouer the Riuer, which is thrice as broad of euery side, as the Riuer of Seine. It was a thing painfull * 2.222 and tedious, in such sort, that it was needfull to keepe the Boat the whole day, before one might get those necessaries. In the meane while the cold and snowes came vpon them, and the Ice so strong, that the Sider was frozen in the vessels, and euery one his measure was giuen him * 2.223 [ 20] out by weight. As for Wine it was distributed but at certaine dayes of the weeke. Many idle sluggish companions dranke snow-water, not willing to take the paines to crosse the Riuer. Briefly, the vnknowne sicknesses like to those described vnto vs by Iames Quartier, in his Rela∣tion, assailed vs. For remedies there was none to bee found. In the meane while the poore sicke creatures did Ianguish, pining away by little and little, for want of sweet meates, as Milke or spoon-meate for to sustaine their stomackes which could not receiue the hard meates, by reason of let, proceeding from a rotten flesh which grew and ouer-abounded within their mouthes: and when one thought to root it out, it did growe againe in one nights space more abundantly than before. As for the tree called Annedda, mentioned by the said Quartier, the Sauages of these Lands knowe it not. So that it was most pitifull to behold euery one, very few excepted, in [ 30] this miserie, and the miserable sicke folkes to die, as it were full of life, without any possibilitie to be succoured. There died of this sicknesse thirty sixe, and thirty sixe or forty more that were stricken with it, recouered themselues by the helpe of the Spring, as soone as the comfortable season appeared. But the deadly season for that sicknesse is in the end of Ianuary, the moneths of February and March, wherein most commonly the sicke doe die, euery one at his turne, ac∣cording to the time they haue begunne to be sicke: in such sort, that he which beganne to be ill in February and March, may escape, but he that shall ouer-haste himselfe, and betake him to his bed in December and Ianuary, he is in danger to die in February, March, or the beginning of Aprill.

Monsieur de Poutrincourt made a Negro to be opened, that died of that sicknesse in our Voy∣age, [ 40] who was found to haue the inward parts very sound, except the stomacke, that had wrinkles, as though they were vlcered.

As for the food, this sicknesse is caused by cold meates, without iuyce, grosse and corrupted. One must then take heed of salt meates, smoaky, musty, raw, and of an euill sent, likewise of dried fishes, as New-found-Land fish, and stinking Rayes: Briefly, from all melancholy meates, which are of hard digesting, are easily corrupted, and breed a grosse and melancholy bloud. I would not (for all that) bee so scrupulous as the Physicians, which doe put in number of grosse and melancholy meates, Beeues flesh, Beares, wilde Boares and Hogs flesh (they might as well adde vnto them Beauers flesh, which notwithstanding wee haue found very good) as they doe amongst fishes the Tons, Dolphins, and all those that carrie Lard: among the birds, the Hernes, [ 50] Duckes, and all other water birds: for in being an ouer-curious obseruator of these things, one might fal into the danger of staruing, and to die for hunger. They place yet among the meats that are to be shunned Bisket, Beanes and Pulse, the often vsing of Milke, Cheese: the grosse and harsh Wine, and that which is too small, white Wine, and the vse of Vinegar: Beere which is not well sodden, nor well scummed, and that hath not Hoppes enough. Also waters that runne tho∣row rotten wood, and those of Lakes and Bogges, still and corrupted waters, such as is much in Holland and Frizeland, where is obserued that they of Amsterdam are more subiect to Palsies and stifning of sinews, then they of Roterdam, for the abouesaid cause of still and sleepy waters: which besides doe ingender Dropsies, Dysenteries, Fluxes, quartaine Agues, and burning Feuers, swel∣lings, vlcers of the Lights, shortnesse of breath, ruptures of children, swelling in the veines, [ 60] sores in the legges: finally, they wholly belong to the disease whereof we speake, being drawne by the Spleene, where they leaue all their corruption.

Sometimes this sicknesse doth also come by a vice which is euen in waters of running Foun∣taines, as if they be among, or neere Bogges, or if they issue from a muddy ground, or from a

place that hath not the Sunnes aspect. So Plinie reciteth that in the Voyage which the Prince Caesar Germanicus made into Germanie, hauing giuen order to his Armie to passe the Riuer of * 2.224 Rhine, to the end to get still forward in the Countrie, he did set his campe on the Sea shoare, vp∣on the coast of Frizeland, in a place where was but one onely Fountaine of fresh water to bee found, which notwithstanding was so pernicious, that all they that dranke of it lost their teeth in lesse than two yeeres space, and had their knees so weake and disioynted, that they could not beare themselues. Which is verily the sicknesse whereof wee speake, which the Physicians doe call Stomaccacè, that is to say, Mouthes sore; and Scelotyrbè, which is as much to say, as the sha∣king * 2.225 of thighs and legges. And it was not possible to finde any remedie, but by the meanes of an herbe called Britannica, or Scuruy grasse, which besides is very good for the sinewes, against * 2.226 [ 10] the sores and accidents in the mouth: against the Squinancie, and against the biting of Ser∣pents. It hath long leaues, drawing in colour a darke greene, and produceth a blacke roote, from which liquor is drawne, as well as from the leafe. Strabo sayth, that the like case hap∣pened * 2.227 to the Armie that Aelius Gallus brought into Arabia, by the commission of Augustus the Emperour. And the l••ke also chanced to King Saint Lewes his Armie in Egypt, as the Lord * 2.228 de Io••nuille reporteth Other effects of bad waters are seene neere vnto vs, to wit, in Sauoy, where the women (more than men, because they are of a colder constitution) haue commonly swel∣lings in their throats, as bigge as Bottles. * 2.229

Next to waters, the aire is also one of the Fathers and Ingenderers of this sicknesse, in boggy and watrish places, and opposite to the South, which is most often rainy. But there is yet in New [ 20] France another bad qualitie of the aire, by reason of Lakes that be thicke there, and of the great rottennesse in the Woods, whose odour the bodies hauing drawne vp, during the raines of Au∣tumne and Winter, easily are ingendred the corruptions of the mouth, and swelling in the legges before spoken, and a cold entreth vnsensibly into it, which benummeth the limbes, stifneth the sinewes, constraineth to creepe with crutches, and in the end, to keepe the bed. And for as much * 2.230 as the windes doe participate with the aire, yea are an aire running with a more vehement force than ordinary, and in this qualitie haue great power ouer the health and sicknesses of men. This noisome qualitie of winde proceedeth (in my iudgement) from the nature of the Coun∣trie thorow which it passeth, which (as wee haue said) is full of Lakes, and those very great, which bee (as it were) standing and still waters. Whereto I adde the exhalation of the rotten∣nesse of woods, that this winde bringeth, and that in so much greater quantitie, as the North-west [ 30] part is great, large and spacious.

The seasons are also to be marked in this disease, which I haue not seene nor heard of, that it * 2.231 begins to worke, neither in the Spring time, Summer nor Autumne, vnlesse it be at the end of it, but it Winter. And the cause thereof is, that as the growing heate of the Spring maketh the humours closed vp in the Winter to disperse themselues to the extremities of the body, and so cleareth it from melancholy, and from the noisome humors that haue beene gathered in Winter: so the Autumne, as the Winter approacheth, draweth them inward, and doth nourish this me∣lancholy and blacke humour, which doth abound specially in this season, and the Winter being come sheweth forth his effects at the costs and griefe of the poore patients. [ 40]

I would adde willingly to all the aforesaid causes the bad food of the Sea, which in a long Voi∣age * 2.232 brings much corruption in mans body. This sicknesse proceeding from an indigestion of rude, grosse, cold and melancholy meates, which offend the stomacke, I thinke it good (submitting my selfe to better iudgement and aduice) to accompany them with good sawces, be it of Butter, Oyle, or Fat, all well spiced, to correct as well the qualitie of the meate, as of the bodie in∣wardly waxen cold. Let this be said for rude and grosse meates, as Beanes, Pease, and fish: for he that shall eate good Capons, good Partridges, good Ducks, and good Rabets, may be assured of his health, or else his body is of a bad constitution. We haue had some sick, that haue (as it were) raised vp ••rom death to life: for hauing eaten twice or thrice of a coolice made of a Cocke, good Wine * 2.233 taken according to the necessitie of nature, is a soueraigne preseruatiue for all sicknesses, and parti∣cularly for this. The young buds of herbs in the Spring time be also very soueraigne. * 2.234 [ 50]

And as for that which concerneth the exteriour parts of the body, we haue found great good in wearing woodden Pantaphles, or Patins with our shooes, for to auoide the moistnesse. The houses neede no opening nor windowes on the North-west side, being a winde very dange∣rous: but rather on the East side, or the South. It is very good to haue good bedding (and it was good for mee to haue carried things necessary co this purpose) and aboue all to keepe him∣selfe neate. I would like well the vse of Stoues, such as they haue in Germanie, by meanes whereof they feele no Winter, being at home, but as much as they please. Yea, they haue of * 2.235 them in many places, in their Gardens, which doe so temper the coldnesse of Winter, that in this rough and sharpe season there one may see Orange-trees, Lymmon-trees, Fig-trees, Pom∣granat-trees, [ 60] and all such sorts of trees, bring forth fruit as good as in Prouence.

The Sauages vse sweatings often, as it were euery moneth, and by this meanes they preserue themselues, driuing out by sweate all the cold and euill humours they might haue gathered. But one singular preseruatiue against this perfidious sicknesse, which commeth so stealingly, and

which hauing once lodged it selfe within vs, will not bee put out, is to follow the counsell of him that is wife amonst the wise, who hauing considered all the afflictions that man giue to * 2.236 himselfe during his life, hath found nothing better then to reioyce himselfe, and doe good, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 take pleasure in his owne workes. They that haue done so, in our companie, haue found themse〈…〉〈…〉s well by it: contrariwise some alwaies grudging, repining, neuer content, idle, haue beene found out by the same disease. True it is, that for to enioy mirth it is good to haue the sweetnesse of fresh meates, Fleshes, Fishes, Milke, Butter, Oyles, Fruits, and such like, which wee had not at will (I meane the common sort: for alwaies some one, or other of the companie did furnish Mon∣sieur de Poutrincourt, his Table with Wilde-fowle, Venison or fresh Fish) And if wee had halfe a dozen Kine, I beleeue that no body had died there. [ 10]

It resteth a preseruatiue, necessary for the accomplishment of mirth, and to the end one may take pleasure on the worke of his hands is euery one to haue the honest companie of his law∣full * 2.237 wife: for without that, the cheere is neuer perfect; ones minde is alwaies vpon that which one loues and desireth; there is still some sorrow, the body becomes full of ill humours, and so the sicknesse doth breed. And for the last and soueraigne remedie, I send backe the Patient to the tree of life (for so one may well qualifie it) which Iames Quartier doth call Anneda, yet vn∣knowne * 2.238 in the coast of Port Royall, vnlesse it bee, peraduenture the Sasafras, whereof there is quantitie in certaine places. And it is an assured thing, that the said tree is very excellent. But Monsieur Champlain, who is now in the great Riuer of Canada, passing his Winter, in the same part, where the said Quartier did winter, hath charge to finde it out, and to make proui∣sion [ 20] thereof.

THe rough season being passed, Monsieur de Monts, wearied with his bad dwelling at Saint Croix, determined to seeke out another Port in a warmer Countrie, and more to the South: * 2.239 And to that end made a Pinnace to bee armed and furnished with victuals, to follow the coast, and discouering new Countries, to seeke out some happier Port in a more temperate aire. Hee made in this Voyage but about an hundred and twenty leagues, as wee will tell you now. From Saint Croix to sixty leagues forward, the coast lieth East and West: at the end of which sixty leagues is a Riuer, called by the Sauages Kinibeki. From which place to Malebarre it lieth North and South, and there is yet from one to the other sixty leagues, in right line, not follow∣ing [ 30] the Bayes. So farre stretcheth Monsieur de Monts his Voyage, wherein hee had for Pilot in his Vessell, Monsieur de Champdore. In all this Coast so farre as Kinibeki, there are ma∣ny places where shippes may bee harboured amongst the Ilands, but the people there is not so frequent as is beyond that: And there is no remarkable thing (at least that may bee seene in the outside of the Lands) but a Riuer, whereof many haue written fables one after another.

I will recite that which is in the last Booke, intituled, The vniuersall Historie of the West In∣dies, Printed at Douay the last yeere 1607. in the place where hee speaketh of Norombega: For in reporting this, I shall haue also said that which the first haue written, from whom they haue had it.

Moreouer, towards the North (sayth the Authour, after hee had spoken of Virginia) is Norom∣bega, * 2.240 [ 40] which is knowne well enough, by reason of a faire Towne, and a great Riuer, though it is not found from whence it hath his name: for the Barbarians doe call it Aguncia: At the mouth of this Riuer there is an Iland very fit for fishing. The Region that goeth along the Sea, doth abound in fish, and towards New France there is great number of wilde beasts, and is very commodious for hun∣ting; the Inhabitants doe liue in the same manner as they of New France.

If this beautifull Towne hath euer beene in nature, I would faine knowe who hath pulled it downe: For there is but Cabins heere and there made with pearkes, and couered with barkes of trees, or with skinnes, and both the Riuer and the place inhabited is called Pempte∣goet, * 2.241 and not Agguncia. The Riuer (sauing the tide) is scarce as the Riuer on that coast, be∣cause there are not Lands sufficient to produce them, by reason of the great Riuer of Cana∣da, [ 50] which runneth like this coast, and is not fourescore leagues distant from that place in crossing the Lands, which from else-where receiued many Riuers falling from those parts which are towards Norombega: At the entrie whereof, it is so farre from hauing but one I∣land, that rather the number thereof is almost infinite, for as much as this Riuer enlar∣ging it selfe like the Greeke Lambda 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the mouth whereof is all full of Iles, whereof there is one of them lying very farre off (and the formost) in the Sea, which is high and markable aboue the others.

But some will say that I equiuocate in the situation of Norombega, and that it is not placed where I take it. To this I answer, that the Author, whose words I haue a little before alleaged, is in * 2.242 this my sufficient warrant, who in his Geographicall Mappe, hath placed in the mouth of this [ 60] Riuer in the 44. degree, and his supposed Towne in the 45. wherein we differ but in one degree, which is a small matter. For the Riuer that I meane is in the 45. degree, and as for any Towne, there is none. Now of necessity it must be this riuer, because that the same being passed, and that of Kinibeki, (which is in the same higth) there is no other Riuer forward, whereof account should be

made, till one come to Virginia. I say furthermore, that seeing the Barbarians of Norombega doe liue as they of new France, and haue abundance of hunting, it must be, that their Prouince be sea∣〈…〉〈…〉 our new France; for fiftie leagues farther to the South-west there is no great game, be∣c〈…〉〈…〉e the woods are thinner there, and the Inhabitants setled, and in greater number then in No∣rombega.

The Riuer of Norombega being passed, Monsieur de Monts went still coasting, vntill he came * 2.243 to Kinibeki, where a Riuer is that may shorten the way to goe to the great Riuer of Canada. There is a number of Sauages Cabined there, and the land beginneth there to be better peopled. From Kinibeki going farther, one findeth the Bay of Marchin, named by the Captaine his name that * 2.244 commandeth therein. This Marchin was killed the yeare that we parted from New France [ 10] 1607. Farther is another Bay called Chouakoet, where (in regard of the former Countries) is a great number of people: for there they till the ground, and the region beginneth to be more temperate, and for proofe of this, there is in this land store of Vines. Yea, euen there be I∣lands full of it (which be more subiect to the iniuries of the winde and cold) as we shall say here∣after. There is betweene Chouakoet and Malebarre many Bayes and Iles, and the Coast is sandy, with shallow ground, drawing neere to the said Malebarre, so that scarce one may land there * 2.245 with Barkes.

The people that be from Saint Iohns Riuer to Kinibeki (wherein are comprised the Riuers of * 2.246 Saint Croix and Norombega) are called Etechemins. And from Kinibeki as farre as Malebarre, and farther, they are called Armouchiquois. They be traitors and theeues, and one had neede to take * 2.247 [ 20] heede of them. One of them from a man of Saint Malos tooke a Kettell, and ran away speedi∣ly with his bootie. The Malouin running after, was killed by this wicked people: and al∣though the same had not hapned, it was in vaine to pursue after this theefe; for all these Armou∣chiquois are as swift in running as Grayhounds; as we will yet further say in speaking of the voi∣age that Monsieur de Poutrincourt made in the same Country, in the yeare 1606.

The Spring season being passed in the Voyage of the Armouchiquois, Mounsieur du Pont, sur∣named * 2.248 Graue, dwelling at Honfleur, did arriue with a company of some forty men, for to ease the said Monsieur de Monts and his troope, which was to the great ioy of all, as one may well ima∣gine: and Canon shots were free and plentifull at the comming, according to custome, and the sound of Trumpets. The said Monsieur du Pont, not knowing yet the state of our French men, did thinke to finde there an assured dwelling, and his lodgings ready: but considering the accidents [ 30] of the strange sicknesse, whereof we haue spoken, he tooke aduice to change place. Monsieur de Monts was very desirous that the new habitation had beene about 40. degrees, that is to say 4. de∣grees farther then Saint Croix: but hauing viewed the Coast as farre as Malebarre, and with much paine, not finding what he desired, it was deliberated to goe and make their dwelling in Port Royall, vntill meanes were had to make an ampler discouery. So euery one began to packe * 2.249 vp his things: That which was built with infinite labour was pulled downe, except the Store∣house, which was too great and painefull to be transported, and in executing of this, many voy∣ages are made. All being come to Port Royal they found out new labours: the abiding place is chosen right ouer against the Iland, that is at the comming in of the Riuer L'Esquilie, in a place * 2.250 where all is couered ouer, and full of woods as thicke as possibly may be. The Moneth of Sep∣tember [ 40] did already begin to come, and care was to be taken for the vnlading of Monsieur du Pont his Ship, to make roome for them that should returne backe into France. Finally, there is worke enough for all. When the Ship was in a readinesse to put to sailes, Monsieur de Monts hauing seene the beginning of the new habitation, shipped himselfe for his returne with them that would follow him. Notwithstanding many of good courage (forgetting the griefes and labours passed) did tarry behinde, amongst whom were Monsieur Champlaine and Monsieur Champdore, the one for Geographie, and the other for the conducting and guiding of the voiages that should be necessary to be made by Sea.

The Winter being come, the Sauages of the Countrey did assemble themselues, from farre to * 2.251 Port Royall, for to trucke with the Frenchmen, for such things as they had, some bringing Beauers [ 50] skins, and Otters (which are those whereof most account may be made in that place) and also Ellans or Stagges, whereof good buffe be made: Others bringing flesh newly killed, wherewith they made many good Tabagies, or feasts, liuing merrily as long as they had wherewithall. They neuer wanted any Bread, but Wine did not continue with them till the season was ended. For when we came thither the yeare following, they had beene aboue three Moneths with∣out any Wine, and were very glad of our comming, for that made them to take againe the taste of it.

The greatest paine they had, was to grinde the Corne to haue Bread, which is very painfull with hand-mils, where all the strength of the body is requisite. This labour is so great, that the * 2.252 [ 60] Sauages (although they be very poore) cannot beare it, and had rather to be without bread, then to take so much paines, as hath beene tried, offering them halfe of the grinding they should doe, but they choosed rather to haue no corne. And I might well beleeue that the same, with other things, hath beene great meanes to breede the sicknesse spoken of, in some of Monsieur

du Pont his men: for there died some halfe a dozen of them that winter. True it is, that I finde a * 2.253 defect in the buildings of our Frenchmen, which is, they had no ditches about them, whereby the waters of the ground next to them did run vnder their lower-most roomes, which was a great hindrance to their health. I adde besides the bad waters which they vsed, that did not run from a quicke spring, but from the neerest brooke.

The winter being passed, and the Sea nauigable, Monsieur du Pont would needes atchieue the * 2.254 enterprise begun the yeare before by Monsieur de Monts, and to goe seeke out a Port more Sou∣therly, where the ayre might be more temperate, according as he had in charge of the said Mon∣sieur de Monts. He furnished then the Barke which remained with him to that effect. But be∣ing set out of the Port, and full ready, hoisted vp sailes for Malebarre, he was forced by contra∣ry winde twice to put backe againe, and at the third time the said Barke strake against the rocks * 2.255 [ 10] at the entry of the said Port. In this disgrace of Neptune, the men were saued with the better part of prouision and merchandise; but as for the Barke it was rent in peeces. And by this mishap the Voyage was broken, and that which was so desired intermitted. For the habitation of Port Royall was not iudged good. And notwithstanding it is, on the North and North-west sides, well sheltered with Mountaines, distant some one league, some halfe a league from the Port and * 2.256 the Riuer L'Esquelle. So we see how that enterprises take not effect according to the desires of men, and are accompanied with many perils. So that one must not wonder if the time be long in establishing of Colonies, specially in lands so remote, whose nature, and temperature of aire is not knowne, and where one must fell and cut downe Forrests, and be constrained to take heed, not from the people we call Sauages, but from them that tearme themselues Christians, and yet [ 20] haue but the name of it, cursed and abhominable people, worse then Wolues, enemies to God and humane nature.

This attempt then being broken, Monsieur du Pont knew not what to doe, but to attend the succour and supply that Monsieur de Monts promised parting from Port Royall, at his return into France, to send him the yeare following. Yet for all euents he built another Barke and a Shal∣lop for to seeke French Ships in the places where they vse to dry fish, such as Campsean Port, Eng∣lish Port, Misamichis Port: the Bay of Chaleur (or Heat) the Bay of Morues or Coddes, and o∣thers in great number, according as Monsieur de Monts had done the former yeare, to the end to Ship himselfe in them, and to returne into France, in case that no Shippe should come to suc∣cour him. [ 30]

ABout the time of the before mentioned Shipwracke, Monsieur de Monts being in France, * 2.257 knowing Monsieur de Poutrincourt his desire, he wrote vnto him, and sent a man of purpose to giue him notice of the Voyage that was in hand. Which the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt ac∣cepted of. He was no sooner come to Paris, but that he was forced to depart, not hauing scarse time to prouide for things necessary. And I hauing had that good hap to be acquainted with him some yeares before, he asked me if I would take part in that businesse?

Being come to Rochell, we found there Monsieur de Monts, and Monsieur de Poutrincourt, that were come in Poste, and our Ship called the Ionas, of the burthen of one hundred and fiftie tuns, ready to passe out of the chaines of the Towne, to tarry for winde and tide. The tyde I say, be∣cause * 2.258 [ 40] that a great Ship laden, cannot come to sea from Rochell, but in spring tydes, vpon the new and full Moone, by reason that in the Towne roade there is no sufficient depth. I beleeue, that after so many trials, none would haue ventured to goe plant Colonies in those parts, that Coun∣trey being so ill spoken of, that euery one did pittie vs, considering the accidents happened to * 2.259 them that had beene there before. Notwithstanding Monsieur de Monts and his associates, did beare manfully this losse.

The Saturday, Whitson eue, the thirteenth of May, we weied our anckers, and sailed in o∣pen Sea, so that by little and little we lost the sight of the great Towers and Towne of Rochell, * 2.260 then of the Iles of Rez and Oleron, bidding France fare-well. It was a thing fearefull for them that were not vsed to such a dance, to see them carried vpon so moueable an element, and to be [ 50] at euery monent (as it were) within two fingers breadth to death. We had not long sailed, but * 2.261 that many did their endeuour to yeelde vp the tribute to Neptune. In the meane while we went still forward, for there was no more going backe, the planke being once taken vp. The sixteenth of May we met with thirteene Holanders, going for Spaine, which did inquire of our voiage, and so held their course.

About the eighteenth day of Iune, we found the Sea-water, during three dayes space, very warme, and by the same warmth, our Wine also was warme in the bottome of our Ship, yet the ayre was not hotter then before. And the one and twentieth of the said Moneth, quite contra∣ry, * 2.262 we were two or three dayes so much compassed with Mistes and Coldes, that wee thought [ 60] our selues to be in the moneth of Ianuary, and the water of the Sea was extreame cold. Which * 2.263 continued with vs vntill we came vpon the said Banke, by reason of the said Mists, which out∣wardly did procure this cold vnto vs. When I seeke out the cause of this Antiperistase, I attribute it to the Ices of the North, which come floting downe vpon the Coast and Sea adioyning to

New-sound-Land, and Labrador, which we haue said elsewhere, is brought thither with the Sea, by her naturall motion, which is greater there, then elsewhere, because of the great space it hath to run, as in a gulfe, in the depth of America, where the natuee and situation of the vniuersall earth doth beare it easily. Now these Ices (which sometimes are seene in bankes of ten leagues length, and as high as Mountaines and hils, and thrice as deepe in the waters) holding, as it were, an Empire in this Sea, driue out farre from them, that which is contrary to their coldnesse, and consequently doe binde and close on this side, that small quantity of milde temperature that the Summer may bring to that part, where they come to seate and place themselues.

Before we come to the Banke, which is the great Banke where the fishing of greene Cod-fishes * 2.264 is made (so are they called when they are not dry, for one must goealand for the drying of [ 10] them) the Sea-faring-men, besides the computation they make of their course, haue warnings when they come neere to it, by Birds, which are knowne: euen as one doth them of these our parts, returning backe into France, when one is within one hundred or one hundred and twenty leagues neere it. The most frequent of these Birds, towards the said Bankes, be Godes, Fou∣quets, and other called Happe-foyes.

The Banke whereof we speake, are Mountaines grounded in the depth of the waters, which are raised vp to thirty, six and thirty, and forty fathams, neere to the vpper face of the Sea. This Banke is holden to be of two hundred leagues in length, and is eighteene, twenty, and twenty foure leagues broad, which being passed, there is no more bottome found out, then in these parts, vntill one come to the land. The Ships being there arriued, the sailes are rowled vp, and there [ 20] fishing is made for the greene-fish. There is farther off, other Bankes, as I haue marked in the said Map, vpon the which good fishing may be made: and many goe thither that know the pla∣ces. When that we parted from Rochel, there was (as it were) a Forrest of Ships lying at Chef de Bois (whereof that place hath taken his name) which went all in a company to that Coun∣try, preuenting vs (in their going) but onely of two daies.

Hauing seene and noted the Banke, we hoisted vp sailes and bare all night, keeping still our * 2.265 Coast to the West. But the dawne of day being come, which was Saint Iohn Baptists Eue', in Gods name we pulled downe the sailes, passing that day a fishing of Cod-fish, with a thou∣sand mirths and contentments, by reason of fresh meates, whereof we had as much as we would, hauing long before wished for them. Monsieur de Poutrincourt, and a yong man of Retel named [ 30] Le Fleure, who by reason of the Sea-sicknesse were not come out from their beds nor Cabines, from the beginning of the Nauigation, came vpon the hatches that day, and had the pleasure * 2.266 not onely of fishing of Cod, but also of those Birds, that be called by the French Marriners Hap-foyes, that is to say, Liuer-catchers, because of their greedinesse to deuoure to liuers of the Cod-fishes that are cast into the Sea, after their bellies be opened, whereof they are so couetous, that though they see a great Powle ouer their heads, ready to strike them downe, yet they aduenture themselues to come neere to the Ship, to catch some of them, at what price soeuer. And they which were not occupied in fishing, did passe their time in that sport. And so did they, by their diligence, that we tooke some thirty of them.

In this fishing, we sometimes did take Sea-dogs, whose skins our Ioyners did keepe carefully [ 40] to smooth their worke withall. Item, fishes called by Frenchmen Merlus, which be better then * 2.267 Cod, and sometimes another kinde of fish, called Bars: which diuersity did augment our de∣light. They which were not busie in taking neither Fishes nor Birds, did passe their time in ga∣thering the hearts, guts, and other inward parts (most delicate) of the Cod-fish, which they did * 2.268 mince with lard and spices, and with those things did make as good Bolonia Sausiges, as any can be made in Paris, and we did eate of them with a very good stomacke.

From the eighteenth of Iune vntill we did arriue at Port Royal, we haue found the weather quite otherwise to that we had before. For (as we haue already said) we had cold mists or fogs, * 2.269 before our comming to the Banke (where we came in faire sunshine) but the next day, we fell to the fogs againe, which (a farre off) we might perceiue to come and wrap vs about, holding vs [ 50] continually prisoners three whole dayes, for two dayes of faire weather that they permitted vs: which was alwayes accompanied with cold, by reason of the Summers absence. Yea euen diuers * 2.270 we haue seene our selues a whole sennight, continually in thicke fogges, twice without any shew of Sunne, but very little, as I will recite hereafter. And I will bring forth a reason for such effects which seemeth vnto me probable. As wee see the fire to draw the moistnesse of a wet cloth, opposite vnto it; likewise the Sunne draweth moistnesse and vapours both from the Sea and from the land. But for the dissoluing of them, there is here one vertue, and beyond those parts another, according to the accidents and circumstances that are found. In these our Coun∣tries it raiseth vp vapours onely from the ground, and from our Riuers: which earthly vapours, grosse and waighty, and participating lesse of the moist ellement, doe cause vs a hot aire, and the [ 60] earth discharged of those vapours, becomes thereby more hot and parching. From thence it com∣meth, that the said vapours, hauing the earth on the one p••rt, and the Sunne on the other, which heateth them, they are easily dissolued, not remaining long in the ayre, vnlesse it be in winter. when the earth is waxen cold, and the Sunne beyond the Equinoctiall line. farre off from v••

From the same reason proceedeth the cause why Mists and Fogs be not so frequent, nor so long in the French Seas, as the New-found-land, because that the Sunne, passing from his rising, aboue the grounds, this Sea, at the comming thereof, receiueth almost but earthly vapours, and by a long space retaineth this vertue to dissolue very soone the exhalation it draweth to it selfe. But when it commeth to the middest of the Ocean, and to the said New-found-land, hauing eleuated and as∣sumed in so long a course a great abundance of vapours, from this moist wide Ocean, it doth not so easily dissolue them, as well because those vapours be cold of themselues, and of their nature, as because the element which is neerest vnder them, doth simpathize with them, and preserueth them, and the Sunne beames being not holpen in the dissoluing of them, as they are vpon the earth. Which is euen seene in the land of that Countrie, which (although it hath but small [ 10] heate, by reason of the abundance of woods) notwithstanding it helpeth to disperse the Mists and Fogges, which be ordinarily there, in the morning, during Summer, but not as at Sea, for about eight a clocke in the morning they begin to vanish away, and serue as a dew to the ground.

The eight and twentieth day of Iune, we found our selues vpon a small banke (other then the great Banke whereof we haue spoken) at forty fathams. From that time forward, we began to * 2.271 descry land-markes (it was New-found-land) by hearbes, mosses, flowers, and peeces of wood, that we alwaies met, abounding the more, by so much wee drew neere to it. The fourth day of Iuly, our sailers, which were appointed for the last quarter watch, descried in the morning, ve∣ry early, euery one being yet in bed, the Iles of Saint Peter. And the Friday the seuenth of the [ 20] said Moneth, we discouered, on the Larboord, a Coast of land, high raised vp. Euen our Dogs did ••hrust their noses out of the Ship, better to draw and smell the sweet ayre of the land, not being able to containe themselues from witnessing, by their gestures, the ioy they had of it. We dre〈…〉〈…〉 within a league neere vnto it, and (the sailes being let downe) we fell a fishing of Cod, the fi〈…〉〈…〉g of the Banke beginning to faile, They which had before vs made voyages in those parts, did ••udge vs to be at Cape Breton. The night drawing on, we stood off to the Sea-ward: the * 2.272 next day following, being the eight of the said moneth of Iuly, as we drew neere to the Bay of Campseau, came, about the euening, mists, which did continue eight whole dayes, during the which we kept vs at Sea, hulling still, not being able to goe forward, being resisted by West and South-west windes. During these eight dayes, which were from one Saturday to another, God [ 30] (who hath alwayes guided these voyages, in the which not one man hath been lost by Sea) shew∣ed * 2.273 vs; his speciall fauour, in sending vnto vs, among the thicke fogges, a clearing of the Sunne, which continued but halfe an houre: And then had we sight of the firme land, and knew that we were ready to be cast away vpon the rockes, if wee had not speedily stood off to Sea-ward. Finally, vpon Saturday, the fifteenth of Iuly, about two a clocke in the afterdoone, the skie be∣gan to salute vs, as it were, with Cannon shots, shedding teares, as being sorry to haue kept vs * 2.274 so long in paine. So that faire weather being come againe, we saw comming straight to vs (we being foure leagues off from the land) two Shallops with open sailes, in a Sea yet wrathed. This * 2.275 thing gaue vs much concent. But whilst we followed on our course, there came from the land od••rs vncomparable for sweetnesse, brought with a warme winde, so abundantly, that all the [ 40] Orient parts could not procure greater abundance. We did stretch out our hands, as it were to take them, so palpable were they, which I haue admired a thousand times since. Then the two Shallops did approach, the one manned with Sauages, who had a Stagge painted at their sailes, * 2.276 the other with Frenchmen of Saint Maloes, which made their fishing at the Port of Camseau, but the Sauages were more diligent, for they arriued first. Hauing neuer seene any before, I did ad∣mire, at the first sight, their faire shape, and forme of visage. One of them did excuse himselfe, for * 2.277 that he had not brought his faire beuer gowne, because the weather had beene foule. He had but one red peece of Frize vpon his backe, and Matachiaz about his necke, at his wrists, aboue the * 2.278 elbow, and at his girdle. We made them to eate and drinke. During that time they told vs all that had passed, a yeare before, at Port Royal whither we were bound. In the meane while they of Saint Maloe came, and told vs as much as the Sauages had. Adding that the wednesday, when that we did shun the rockes, they had seene vs, and would haue come to vs with the said Saua∣ges, [ 50] but that they left off, by reason we put to the Sea: and more ouer that it had beene alwayes faire weather on the land: which made vs much to maruell: but the cause thereof hath beene shewed before. These Frenchmen of Saint Maloe were men that did deale for the associates of Monsieur de Monts, and did complaine that the Baskes, or men of Saint Iohn de Lus (against the King his Inhibitions) had trucked with the Sauages, and carried away aboue six thousand Bea∣uers skins. They gaue vs sundry sorts of their fishes, as Bars, Marl〈…〉〈…〉s, and great Fletans.

At the parting, some number of ours went aland at the Port of Campseau, as well to fetch vs * 2.279 some wood and fresh water, whereof we had neede, as for to follow the Coast from that place to Port Royall in a Shallop, for we did feare least Monsieur de Pont should be at our comming thi∣ther [ 60] already gone from thence. The Sauages made ••ff••r to goe to him thorow the woods, with promise to be there within six dayes, to aduertise him of our comming, to the end to cause his stay, for as much as word was left with him to depart, vnlesse hee were succoured within the

sixteenth day of that moneth, which he failed not to doe: notwithstanding our men desirous to see the Land neerer, did hinder the same which promised vs to bring vnto vs the next day the said wood and water, if wee would approach neere the Land, which wee did not, but followed on our course.

Tuesday the seuenteenth of Iuly, wee were according to our accustomed manner, surprized * 2.280 with mists and contrarie wind. But the Thursday wee had calme weather, so that whether it were mist or faire weather wee went nothing forward. After this calme wee had two dayes of * 2.281 fogges. The Sunday the three and twentieth of the said moneth, wee had knowledge of the Port Du Rossignoll, and the same day in the afternoone, the Sunne shining faire, we cast Anchor at the mouth of Port du Mouton, and we were in danger to fall vpon a shoald, being come to two fathomes and a halfe depth. We went aland seuenteene of vs in number, to fetch the wood and * 2.282 [ 10] water, whereof we had need. There we found the Cabins and Lodgings, yet whole and vnbro∣ken, that Monsieur de Monts made two yeeres before, who had soiourned there by the space of one moneth, as we haue said in his place. We saw there, being a sandy Land, store of Okes, bea∣ring Acornes, Cypresse-trees, Firre-trees, Bay-trees, Muske-roses, Goose-berries, Purslen, Ras∣pies, Fernes, Lysimachia, (a kind of Sammonee) Calamus odoratus, Angelica, and other Simples, in the space of two houres that wee tarried there. Wee brought backe in our ship wilde Peaze, which we found good. We had not the leisure to hunt after Rabets that be there in great num∣ber, not farre from the Port, but we returned aboord as soone as we had laden our selues with wa∣ter and wood: and so hoised vp sailes.

Tuesday the fiue and twentieth day we were about the Cap de Sable, in faire weather, and [ 20] made a good iourney, for about the euening we came to sight of Long Ile, and the Bay of Saint * 2.283 Marie, but because of the night we put back to the Seaward. And the next day we cast Anchor at the mouth of Port Royall, where wee could not enter by reason it was ebbing water, but we gaue two Canon shot from our ship to salute the said Port, and to aduertize the Frenchmen that we were there.

Thursday the seuen and twentieth of Iuly, we came in with the floud, which was not with∣out much difficultie, for that we had the wind contrarie, and gusts of wind from the Mountains, * 2.284 which made vs almost to strike vpon the Rockes. And in these troubles our ship bare still con∣trarie, the Poope before, and sometimes turned round, not being able to do any other thing else. Finally, being in the Port, it was vnto vs a thing maruellous to see the faire distance and large∣nesse * 2.285 [ 30] of it, and the Mountaines and Hils that inu••roned it, and I wondred how so faire a place did remayne desert, being all filled with Woods, seeing that so many pine away in the World, which might make good of this Land, if onely they had a chiefe Gouernour to conduct them thither. We knew not yet, if Monsieur du Pont was gone or no, and therefore wee did expect that hee should send some men to meete vs; but it was in vaine: for hee was gone from thence twelue dayes before. And whilest we did hull in the middest of the Port Membertou, the grea∣test Sagamos of the Souriquois (so are the people called with whom we were) came to the French * 2.286 Fort, to them that were left there, being only two, crying as a mad man, saying in his Language; What! You stand here a dining (for it was about noone) and doe not see a great ship that com∣meth here; and we know not what men they are: Suddenly these two men ranne vpon the [ 40] Bulwarke, and with diligence made readie the Canons, which they furnished with Pellets and touch Powder. Membertou, without delay, came in a Canow made of barkes of trees, with a Daughter of his, to view vs: And hauing found but friendship, and knowing vs to be French∣men, made no alarme. Notwithstanding one of the two Frenchmen left there, called La Taille, came to the shoare of the Port, his match on the cocke, to know what we were (though he knew it well enough, for we had the white Banner displayed at the top of the Mast) and on the sudden foure volley of Canons were shot off, which made innumerable echoes: And from our part, the Fort was saluted with three Canon shots, and many Musket shots, at which time our Trumpe∣ter was not slacke of his dutie. Then we landed, viewed the house, and we passed that day in gi∣uing [ 50] God thankes, in seeing the Sauages Cabins, and walking thorow the Medowes. But I can∣not but praise the gentle courage of these two men, one of them I haue alreadie named, the other * 2.287 is called Miquelet: which deserue well to be mentioned here, for hauing so freely exposed their liues in the conseruation of the welfare of New France. For Monsieur du Pont hau••ng but one Barke and a Shallop, to seeke out towards New-found-land, for French shippes, could not charge himselfe with so much furniture, Corne, Meate, and Merchandises as were there; which he had bin forced to cast into the Sea (and which had bin greatly to our preiudice, and we did feare it ve∣ry much) if these two men had not aduentured themselues to tarrie there, for the preseruing of those things, which they did with a willing and ioyfull minde.

The Friday, next day after our arriuall, Monsieur de Poutrincourt affected to this Enterprize, * 2.288 as for himselfe, put part of his people to worke in the tillage and manuring of the ground, [ 60] whilest the others were employed in making cleane of the Chambers, and euery one to make readie that which belonged to his Trade. In the meane time those people of ours that had left * 2.289 vs at Campseau, to come along the Coast, met (as it were miraculously) with Monsieur du Pont,

among Ilands, that bee in great number in those parts. The said Monsieur du Po••t, at this hap∣pie and fortunate meeting, returned backe to see vs in the Port Royall, and to ship himselfe in the Ionae, to returne into France. As this chance was beneficiall vnto him, so was it vnto vs, by the meanes of his ships that hee left with vs. For without that, wee had beene in such extremitie that we had not beene able to goe nor come any where, our ship being once returned into France. Hee arriued there, on Monday the last of Iuly, and tar••ied yet in Port Royall, vntill the eight and twenty of August. All this moneth we made merry.

At the very beginning, we were desirous to see the Countrie vp the Riuer, where wee found Medowes, almost continuall aboue twelue leagues of ground, among which, brookes doe runne without number, which come from the Hills and Mountaines adioyning. The Woods very [ 10] thicke on the water shoares, and so thicke, that sometimes, one cannot goe thorow them. In the passage to come forth from the same Fort, for to goe to Sea, there is a Brooke, which fal∣leth from the high Rockes downe, and in falling disperseth it selfe into a small raine, which is very delightfull in Summer, because that at the foote of the Rocke there are Caues, wherein one is couered, whilest that this raine falleth so pleasantly: And in the Caue (wherein the raine of this Brooke falleth) is made, as it were, a Rain-bowe, when the Sunne shineth: which hath * 2.290 giuen me great cause of admiration.

Within fifteene leagues of our dwelling, the Countrey, thorow which the Riuer L'Equille passeth, is all plaine and euen. I haue seene in those parts many Countries, where the land is all euen, and the fairest of the world. But the perfection thereof is, that it is well watered. [ 20] And for witnesse whereof, not onely in Port Royall, but also in all New France, the great Riuer of Canada is proofe thereof, which at the end of foure hundred leagues is as broad as the grea∣test * 2.291 Riuers of the world, replenished with Iles and Rockes innumerable: taking her beginning from one of the Lakes which doe meete at the streame of her course (and so I thinke) so that it hath two courses, the one from the East towards France: the other from the West towards the South Sea: which is admirable, but not without the like example found in our Europe. For the Riuer which commeth downe to Trent, and to Verone proceedeth from a Lake which produceth another Riuer, whose course is bent opposite to the Riuer of Lins, which falleth into the Riuer Dan••be. So the Nile issueth from a Lake that bringeth forth other Riuers, which dis∣charge themselues into the great Ocean. [ 30]

Let vs returne to our tillage: for to that must wee apply our selues: it is the first mine that * 2.292 must bee sought for, which is more worth than the treasures of Atabalipa: And hee that hath Corne, Wine, Cattell, Woollen and Linnen, Leather, Iron, and afterward Cod-fish, he needeth no other treasures, for the necessaries of life. Now all this is (or may be) in the Land by vs de∣scribed: vpon which Monsieur de Pontrincourt hauing caused a second tillage to be made, in fif∣teene * 2.293 dayes after his arriuall thither, he sowed it with our French Corne, as well Wheat and Rie, as with Hempe, Flaxe, Turnep seed, Radice, Cabages, and other seeds: And the eight day fol∣lowing, he saw that his labour had not beene in vaine, but rather a faire hope, by the production that the ground had already made of the seedes which shee had receiued. Which being shewed to Monsieur du Pont, was vnto him a faire subiect to make his relation in France, as a thing alto∣gether [ 40] new there. The twentieth day of August was already come, when these faire shewes * 2.294 were made, and the time did admonish them that were to goe in the Voyage, to make ready. Whereunto they beganne to giue order, so that the fiue and twentieth day of the same moneth, after many peales of Ordnance, they weighed anchor to come to the mouth of the Port, which is commonly the first dayes iourney.

Monsieur de Monts being desirous to reach as farre into the South as he could, and seeke out a * 2.295 place very fit to inhabite, beyond Malebarre, had requested Monsieur de Poutrincourt to passe farther than yet he had done, and to seeke a conuenient Port in good temperature of aire, ma∣king no greater account of Port Royall than of Saint Croix, in that which concerneth health. Whereunto the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt being willing to condescend, would not tarrie for [ 50] the Spring time, knowing he should haue other employments to exercise himselfe withall. But seeing his sowings ended, and his field greene, resolued himselfe to make this Voyage and Dis∣couerie before Winter. So then hee disposed all things to that end, and with his Barke anchored neere to the Ionas, to the end to get out in companie.

The eight and twentieth day of the said moneth each of vs tooke his course, one one way, * 2.296 and the other another, diuersly to Gods keeping. As for Monsieur du Pont he purposed by the way to set vpon a Merchant of Roan, named Boyer, who (contrary to the Kings inhibitions) was in those parts to trucke with the Sauages, notwithstanding hee had beene deliuered out of prison in Rochell, by the consent of Monsieur de Poutrincourt, vnder promise hee should not goe thither; but the said Boyer was already gone. And as for Monsieur de Poutrincourt, hee tooke [ 60] his course for the Ile of Saint Croix, the Frenchmens first abode, hauing Monsieur de Champ∣dore for Master and Guide of his Barque: but being hindered by the winde, and because his Barque did leake, hee was forced twice to put backe againe. In the end hee quite passed the * 2.297 Bay Françoise, and viewed the said Ile, where hee found ripe Corne, of that which two yeeres

before was sowed by Monsieur de Monts, which was faire, bigge, weighty, and well filled. Hee sent vnto vs some of that Corne to Port Royall, where I was requested to stay, to looke to the house, and to keepe the rest of the companie there, in concord. Whereunto I did agree (though it was referred to my will) for the assurance that wee had among our selues, that the yeere following wee should make our habitation in a warmer Countrie beyond Malebarre, and * 2.298 that wee should all goe in companie with them that should bee sent to vs out of France. In the meane while I employed my selfe in dressing the ground, to make inclosures and partitions of Gardens, for to sowe Corne and Kitchin herbes. Wee caused also a Ditch to bee made all about the Fort, which was very needfull to receiue the waters and moistnesse, that before did runne vnderneath among the rootes of trees, that had beene fallen downe: which peraduenture did make the place vnhealthfull. I will not stand in describing heere, what each of our other work∣men [ 10] and labourers did particularly make. It sufficeth, that wee had store of Ioyners, Carpen∣ters, Masons, Stone-caruers, Lock-smithes, Taylors, Boord-sawyers, Mariners, &c. who did exercise their Trades, which (in doing their duties) were very kindly vsed, for they were at their owne libertie for three houres labour a day. The ouerplus of the time they bestowed it, in going to gather Mussels, which are at lowe water in great quantitie before the Fort, or Lob∣sters, or Crabbes, which are in Port Royall, vnder the Rockes in great abundance, or Cockles, which are in euery part in the oze, about the shoares of the said Port: All that kinde of fish is taken without Net or Boat. Some there were that sometimes tooke wilde-fowle, but not be∣ing * 2.299 skilfull, they spoyled the game. And as for vs, our Table was furnished by one of Monfieur de Monts men, who prouided for vs in such sort that wee wanted no fowle, bringing [ 20] vnto vs, sometimes halfe a dozen of birds, called by Frenchmen, Outards (a kinde of wilde Geese) sometimes as many Mallards, or wilde Geese, white and gray, very often two or three dozen of Larkes, and other kindes of birds. As for Bread, no body felt want thereof, and eue∣ry one had three quarts of pure and good Wine a day. Which hath continued with vs as long * 2.300 as wee haue beene there, sauing that, when they, who came to fetch vs, in stead of bringing commodities vnto vs, helped vs to spend our owne. For our allowance, wee had Pease, Beanes, Rice, Prunes, Raisins, drie Codde, and salt Flesh, besides Oyle and Butter. But whensoeuer the Sauages, dwelling neere vs, had taken any quantitie of Sturgions, Salmons, or small fishes; Item, any Beuers, * 2.301 Ellans, Carabous (or fallow Deere) they brought vnto vs halfe of it: and that which remained they exposed it sometimes to sale publikely, and they that would haue [ 30] any thereof did trucke Bread for it.

Wherein is to be noted a thing that now I remember. It is, that being necessary to cut turfes to couer the Piles of wood, heaped to make the said Coales, there was found in the Medowes three foote deepe of earth, not earth, but grasse or herbes mingled with mudde, which haue hea∣ped themselues yeerely one vpon another from the beginning of the world, not hauing beene mooued. Neuerthelesse the greene thereof serueth for pasture to the Ellans, which wee haue many times seene in our Medowes of those parts, in herds of three or foure, great and small, suffering themselues sometimes to bee approached, then they r••nne to the Woods: But I may say moreouer, that I haue seene, in crossing two leagues of our said Medowes, the same to bee all troden with trackes of Ellans, for I knowe not there any other clouenfooted beasts. There * 2.302 [ 40] was killed one of those beasts, not farre off from our Fort at a place where Monsieur de Monts hauing caused the grasse to bee mowed two yeeres before, it was growne againe the fairest of the world. Some might maruell how those Medowes are made, seeing that all the ground in those places is couered with Woods. For satisfaction whereof, let the curions Reader knowe, that in high Spring tides, specially in March and September, the floud couereth those shoares, which hindereth the trees there to take roote. But euery where, where the water ouerfloweth not, if there bee any ground, there are Woods.

LEt vs returne to Monsieur de Poutrincourt, whom we haue left in the Ile Saint Croix. Hauing [ 50] made there a reuiew, and cherished the Sauages that were there, hee went in the space of * 2.303 foure dayes to Pemptegoet, which is that place so famous vnder the name of Norombega. There needeth not so long a time in comming thither, but hee tarried on the way to mend his Barke: for to that end he had brought with him a Smith and a Carpenter, and quantitie of boords. Hee crossed the Iles, which bee at the mouth of the Riuer, and came to Kinibeki, where his Barke was in danger, by reason of the great streames that the nature of the place procureth there. This was the cause why hee made there no stay, but passed further to the Bay of Marchin, which is * 2.304 the name of a Captaine of the Sauages, who at the arriuall of the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt, beganne to crie out aloud He He: whereunto the like answere was made vnto him. Hee repli∣ed, asking in his Language, What are yee? They answered him, Friends: And thereupon Monsieur de Poutrincourt approaching, treated amitie with him, and presented him with Kniues, [ 60] Hatchets, and Matachiaz, that is to say, Scarfes, Karkenets and Bracelets made of Beades, or Quills made of white and blue Glasse; whereof hee was very glad, as also for the confederacy that the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt made with him, knowing very well that the same would * 2.305

bee a great aide and support vnto him. Hee distributed to some men that were about him, a∣mong a great number of people, the Presents that the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt gaue him, to whom hee brought store of Orignac, or Ellans flesh (for the Baskes doe call a Stagge, or El∣lan, * 2.306 Orignac) to refresh the companie with victuals. That done, they set sayles towards Cho∣uakoet, where the Riuer of Captaine Olmechin is, and where the yeere following was made the warre of the Souriquois and Etechemins, vnder the conduct of the Sagamos Membertou, which I haue described in Verses, which Verses I haue inserted among the Muses of New France. At the entry of the Bay of the said place of Chouakoet there is a great Iland, about halfe a league compasse, wherein our men did first discouer any Vines (for, although there bee some in the Lands neerer to Port Royall, notwithstanding there was yet no knowledge had of them) [ 10] which they found in great quantitie, hauing the trunke three and foure foote high, and as bigge as ones fist in the lower part, the Grapes faire and great, and some as big as Plummes, or lesser: but as blacke, that they left a staine where their liquour was spilled: Those Grapes, I say, lying ouer bushes and brambles that growe in the same Iland, where the trees are not so thicke as in other where, but are sixe or seuen rods distant assunder, which causeth the Grapes to be ripe the sooner; hauing besides a ground very fit for the same, grauelly and sandy. They tarried there but two houres: but they noted, that there were no Vines on the North side, euen as in the Ile Saint Croix are no Cedar trees, but on the West side.

From this Iland they went to the Riuer of Olmechin, a Port of Chauakoet, where Marchin * 2.307 and the said Olmechin brought to Monsieur de Poutrincourt a prisoner of the Souriquois (and there∣fore [ 20] their enemy) which they gaue vnto him freely. Two houres after, there arriued two Sa∣uages, * 2.308 the one an Eteshemin, named Chko••dun, Captaine of the Riuer Saint Iohn, called by the Sauages O••goudi: The other a Souriquois, named Messamoet, Captaine or Sagamos of the Riuer of the Port De la Heue, where this prisoner was taken. They had great store of Merchandises trucked with Frenchmen, which they were comming to vtter, that is to say, great, meane, and small Kettles, Hatchets, Kniues, Gownes, short Clokes, red Waste-coates, Bisket, and other things: whereupon there arriued twelue or fifteene Boats, full of Sauages of Olmechins subie∣ction, * 2.309 being in very good order, all their faces painted, according to their wonted custome, when they will seeme faire, hauing their Bow and Arrow in hand, and the quiuer, which they layed downe aboord. At that houre Messamoet beganne his Oration before the Sauages: shewing * 2.310 [ 30] them, how that in times past, they often had friendship together: and that they might easily ouercome their enemies, if they would haue intelligence and serue themselues with the amitie of the Frenchmen, whom they saw there present to knowe their Countrey, to the end to bring commodities vnto them hereafter, and to succour them with their forces, which forces he knew, and hee was the better able to make a demonstration thereof vnto them, by so much that hee which spake, had before time beene in France, and dwelt there with Monsieur de Grandmont, Gouernour of Bayonne, Finally, his speech continued almost an houre with much vehemency and affection, with a gesture of body and armes, as is requisite in a good Oratour. And in the end * 2.311 he did cast all his merchandises (which were worth aboue three hundred crownes, brought into that Countrie) into Olmechin his Boat, as making him a present of that, in assurance of the loue [ 40] hee would witnesse vnto him. That done the night hasted on, and euery one retired himselfe. But Messamoet was not pleased, for that Olmechin made not the like Oration vnto him, nor requited his present: For the Sauages haue that noble qualitie, that they giue liberally, ca∣sting at the feet of him whom they will honour, the Present that they giue him: But it is in hope to receiue some reciprocall kindnesse, which is a kinde of contract, which wee call, with∣out name, I giue thee, to the end thou shouldest giue mee. And that is done thorow all the world. Therefore Messamoet from that day had in minde to make warre to Olmechin. Notwithstan∣ding, * 2.312 the next day in the morning he and his people did returne with a Boate laden with that which they had, to wit, Corne, Tabacco, Beanes and Pumpions, which they distributed here and there. Those two Captaines Olmechin and Marchin haue since beene killed in the warres. [ 50] In whose stead was chosen by the Sauages, one named Bessabes, which since our returne hath * 2.313 beene killed by Englishmen: and in stead of him they haue made a Captaine to come from with∣in the Lands, named Asticou, a graue man, valiant and redoubted, which, in the twinkling of * 2.314 an eye, will gather vp a thousand Sauages together, which thing Olmechin and Marchin might also doe. For our Barkes being there, presently the Sea was seene all couered ouer with their Boates, laden with nimble and lusty men, holding themselues vp straight in them: which wee cannot doe without danger, those Boates being nothing else but trees hollowed. From thence * 2.315 Monsieur de Poutrincourt following on his course, found a certaine Port very delightfull, which had not beene seene by Monsieur de Monts: And during the Voyage they saw store of smoke, and people on the shoare, which inuited vs to come aland: And seeing that no account was [ 60] made of it, they followed the Barke along the sand, yea most often they did outgoe her, so swift * 2.316 are they, hauing their Bowes in hand, and their Quiuers vpon their backes, alwaies singing and dancing, not taking care with what they should liue by the way.

Monsieur de Poutrincourt hauing landed in this Port, behold among a multitude of Sa∣uages

a good number of Fifes, which did play with certaine long Pipes, made as it were with Canes of Reedes, painted ouer, but not with such an harmonie as our Shepheards might doe: * 2.317 And to shew the excellency of their arte, they whisled with their noses in gambolling, accor∣ding to their fashion.

And as this people did runne headlong, to come to the Barke, there was a Sauage which hurt himselfe grieuously in the heele against the edge of a Rocke, whereby hee was enforced to re∣mayne * 2.318 in the place. Monsieur de Poutrincourt his Chirurgion, at that instant would apply to this hurt that which was of his Arte, but they would no•• permit it, vntill they had first made their mouthes and mops about the wounded man. They then layed him downe on the ground, * 2.319 one of them holding his head on his lappe, and made many bawlings and singings, whereunto [ 10] the wounded man answered but with a Ho, with a complayning voice, which hauing done they yeelded him to the cure of the said Chirurgion, and went their way, and the Patient also after hee had beene dressed: but two houres after he came againe, the most iocund in the world, ha∣uing * 2.320 put about his head, the binding cloth, wherewith his heele was wrapped, for to seeme the more gallant.

The day following, our people entred farther into the Port, where being gone to see the Ca∣bins * 2.321 of the Sauages, an old woman of an hundred or sixscore yeeres of age, came to cast at the feete of Monsieur de Poutrincourt, a loafe of bread, made with the Wheat called Mahis, then ve∣ry faire Hempe of a long growth; Item, Beanes, and Grapes newly gathered, because they had seene Frenchmen eate of them at Chauakoet. Which the other Sauages seeing, that knew it not, [ 20] they brought more of them than one would, emulating one another; and for recompence of this their kindnesse, there was set on their foreheads a Fillet or Band, of paper, wet with spittle, of which they were very proud. It was shewed them, in pressing the Grape into a Glasse, that of that we did make the Wine which wee did drinke. Wee would haue made them to eate of th•• Grape, but hauing taken it into their mouthes, they spitted it out, so ignorant is this people of the best thing that God hath giuen to Man, next to Bread. Yet notwithstanding they haue no want of wit, and might be brought to doe some good things, if they were ciuilized, and had the vse of Handy-cra••••s. But they are subtile, theeuish, traiterous, and though they bee naked, yet one cannot take heed of their fingers, for if one turne neuer so little his eyes aside, and that they spie ••••e opportunitie to steale any Knife, Hatchet, or any thing else, they will not misse nor fayl〈…〉〈…〉 it; and w••ll put the theft betweene their buttockes, or will hid•• it within the sand [ 30] with their foot so cu〈…〉〈…〉gly, that one shall not perceiue it. Indeed I doe not wonder if a peo∣ple * 2.322 poore and naked be t〈…〉〈…〉uish; but when the heart is malicious, it is vnexcusable. This people is such, that they must bee h••ndled with terrour: for if through loue and gentlenesse one giue them too free access••, they will practise some surprize, as it hath beene knowne in diuers occa∣sions heretofore, and will yet here-after be seene. And without deferring any longer, the second day after our comming thither as they saw our people busie awashing Linnen, they came some fitty, one following another, with Bowes, Arrowes and Quiuers, intending to play some bad part, as it was con••ect••red vpon thei•• man••er of proceeding; but they were preuented, some of our men going to meet them, with their Muskets and Matches at the cocke, which made some [ 40] of them runne away, and the others being compassed in, hauing put downe their weapons, came to a Peninsule, or small head of an Iland, where our men were, and making a friendly shew, de∣manded to trucke the Tabacco they had for our merchandises.

The next day the Captaine of the said place and Port, came into Monsieur de Pontrincourts Barke to see him: wee did maruell to see him accompanied with Olmechin, seeing the way was maruellous long to come thither by Land, and much shorter by Sea. That gaue cause of bad su∣spicion, albeit hee had promised his loue to the Frenchmen. Notwithstanding they were gently receiued. And Monsieur de Poutrincourt gaue to the said Olmechin a complete garment, where∣with being clothed, hee viewed himselfe in a Glasse, and did laugh to see himselfe in that order. But a little while after, feeling that the same hindred him, although it was in October, when * 2.323 hee was returned vnto his Cabins, he distributed it to sundry of his men, to the end that one [ 50] alone should not be ouerpestered with it. Now during the time of the said Monsieur de Poutrin∣court was there, being in doubt whether Monsieur de Monts would come to make an habitation on that Coast, as hee wished it, hee made there a piece of ground to be tilled, for to sowe Corne * 2.324 and to plant Vines.

As they were a deliberating to passe farther, Olmechin came to the Barke to see Monsieur de Poutrincourt, where hauing carried certaine houres, either in talking or eating, hee said, that the next day an hundred Boates should come, contayning euery one sixe men: but the comming of * 2.325 such a number of men, being but troublesome, Monsieur de Poutrincourt would not tarrie for them; but went away the same day to Malebarre, not without much difficultie, by reason of the great streames and shoalds that are there. So that the Barke hauing touched at three foot of * 2.326 [ 60] water onely, we thought to be cast away, and wee beganne to vnlade her, and put victuals into the Shalop, which was behind, for to saue vs on Land: but being no full Sea, the Barke came aflote within an houre. All this Sea is a Land ouerflowed, as that of Mount Saint Michaels, a

sanday ground, in which, all that resteth is a plaine flat Countrey as farre as the Mountaines, which are seene fifteene leagues off from that place. And I am of opinion, that as farre as Virginia, * 2.327 it is all alike. Moreouer, there is here great quantity of Grapes, as before, and a Country very full of people. Mousieur de Monts being come to Malebarre in an other season of the yeare, gathered onely greene Grapes; which he made to be preserued, and brought some to the King. But it was our good hap to come thither in October, for to see the maturity thereof. I haue here * 2.328 before shewed the difficulty that is found in entering into Malebarre. This is the cause why Monsieur de Poutrincourt came not in with his Barke, but went thither with a Shallop onely, which thirty or forty Sauages did helpe to draw in: and when it was full tide (but the tide doth not mount here but two fathams high, which is seldome seene) he went out, and retired himselfe * 2.329 [ 10] into his said Barke, to passe further in the morning, as soone as he should ordaine it.

THe night beginning to giue place to the dawning of the day, the sailes are hoised vp, but it was but a very perilous nauigation. For with this small Vessell they were forced to coast * 2.330 the land, where they found no depth: going backe to Sea it was yet worse; in such wise that they did strike twice or thrice, being raised vp againe onely by the waues, and the rudder was broken, which was a dreadfull thing. In this extremity they were constrained to cast anker in the Sea, at two fathams deepe, and three leagues off from the land. Which being done, Daniel Hay (a man which taketh pleasure in shewing forth his vertue in the perils of the Sea) was sent towards the Coast to view it, and see if there were any Port. And as he was neere land he saw [ 20] a Sauage, which did dance, singing, yo, yo, yo, he called to him to come neerer, and by signes ask∣ed * 2.331 him if there were any place to retire Ships in, and where any fresh water was. The Sauage hauing made signe there was, hee tooke him into his Shallop, and brought him to the Barke, wherein was Chkoudun Captaine of the Riuer of Oigoudi, otherwise Saint Iohns Riuer: who being brought before this Sauage, he vnderstood him no more than did our owne people: true it is, that hy signes he comprehended better then they what he would say. This Sauage shewed the places where no depth was, and where was any, and did so well indenting and winding here and there, alway the led in hand, that in the end they came to the Port shewed by him, where small depth is; wherein the Barke being arriued, diligence was vsed to make a forge * 2.332 for to mend her with her rudder, and an Ouen to bake Bread, because there was no more [ 30] Bisket left.

Fifteene dayes were imployed in this worke, during the which Monsieur de Poutrincourt, ac∣cording * 2.333 to the laudable custome of Christians, made a Crosse to be framed and set vp vpon a greene Banke, as Monsieur de Mont: had done, two yeeres before at Kinibeki and Malebarre. Now among these painefull exercises they gaue not ouer making good cheere, with that which both the Sea and Land might furnish in that part. For in this Port is plenty of Fowle, in taking of which many of our men applied themselues: specially the Sea Larkes are there in so great flights that Monsieur de Poutrincourt killed eight and twenty of them with one Caliuer shot. * 2.334 As for fishes, there be such abundance of Porpeses, and another kinde of fish, called by Frenchmen Soufleurs, that is to say, Blowers, that the Sea seemes to be all couered ouer with them. But [ 40] they had not the things necessary for this kinde of fishing, they contented themselues then with shel-fish, as of Oysters, Skalops, Periwincles, whereof there was enough. The Sauages of the * 2.335 other side did Bring fish, and Grapes within baskets made of rushes, for exchange with some of * 2.336 our wares.

After certaine dayes, the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt, seeing there great assembly of Sauages, came ashoare, and to giue them some terrour, made to march before him one of his men, flourish∣ing * 2.337 with two naked swords. Whereat they much wondred, but yet much more when they saw that our Muskets did pierce thicke peeces of wood, where their Arrowes could not so much as scratch. And therefore they neuer assailed our men, as long as they kept watch. And it had beene good to sound the Trumpet at euery houres end, as Captaine Iames Quartier did. For (as Mon∣sieur [ 50] de Poucrincourt doth often say) One must neuer lay bait for theeues; meaning, that one must * 2.338 neuer giue cause to any enemy to thinke that he may surprise you: But one must alwayes shew that he is mistrusted, and that you are not asleepe, chiefely when one hath to doe with Sauages, which will neuer set vpon him that resolutely expects them; for soone after they killed foure of our men which were carelesse. They named this Port, Port Fortune. * 2.339

Counsell being taken, it was resolued to returne into Port Royall: Monsieur de Poutrincourt besides all this, being yet in care for them whom he had left there, so they came againe for the * 2.340 third time into Port Fortune, where no Sauage was seene. Vpon the first wnde, the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt weighed anker for the returne, and being mindfull of the dangers passed he sai∣led in open Sea: which shortned his course, but not without a great mischiefe of the rudder, * 2.341 [ 60] which was againe broken; in such sort, that being at the mercy of the waues, they arriued in the end, as well as they could amongst the Ilands of Norombega, where they mended it. Monsieur de Poutrincourt arriued in Port Royall the foureteenth day of Nouember, where we receiued him * 2.342 ioy fully.

The publike reioycing being finished, Monsieur de Poutrincourt had a care to see his corne, the greatest part whereof he had sowed two leagues off from our Port, by the Riuer L'Esquelle; and the other part about our said Port: and found that which was first sowen very forward, but not * 2.343 the last, that had beene sowed the sixth and tenth dayes of Nouember, which notwithstanding did grow vnder the Snow, during Winter, as I haue noted it in my sowings. It would be a tedi∣ous thing to particularise all that was done amongst vs during Winter: as to tell how the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt caused many times coales to be made, the forge-coale being spent: That he caused waies to be made thorow the woods: That he went thorow the Forrests by the guide of the Compasse, and other things of such nature. But I will relate that, for to keepe vs merry and clenly concerning victuals, there was an order established at the Table of the said Monsieur [ 10] de Poutrincourt, which was named L'ordre de bon temps, the order of good time (or the order of * 2.344 mirth) at first inuented by Monsieur Champlein, wherein they (who were of the same table) were euery one at his turne and day (which was in fifteene dayes once) Steward and Cater. Now his care was that we should haue good and worshipfull fare, which was so well obserued, that (al∣though the Belly-gods of these parts doe often reproach vnto vs that we had not La Rue aux Ours of Paris with vs) we haue ordinarily had there, as good cheere as we could haue at La Rue aux Ours, and at farre lesser charges. For there was none, but (two dayes before his turne came) * 2.345 was carefull to goe a hunting or fishing, and brought some daintie thing, besides that which was of our ordinary allowance. So well, that at breakfast we neuer wanted some modicom or other, of fish or flesh: and at the repast of dinners or suppers, yet lesse; for it was the great banquet, where the Gouernour of the feast, or Steward (whom the Sauages doe call Atoctegi) hauing made [ 20] the Cooke to make all things ready, did march with his Napkin on his shoulder, and his staffe of office in his hand, with the colour of the order about his necke, which was worth a∣boue foure crownes, and all of them of the order following him, bearing euery one a dish. The like also was at the bringing in of the Fruit, but not with so great a traine. And at night after grace was said, he resigned the Collar of the Order, with a cup of wine, to his successour in that charge, and they dranke one to another. I haue heretofore said that we had abundance of Fowle, as Mallards, Outards, Geese gray and white, Partridges and other Birds: Item, of Ellans or Stag∣flesh, of Caribous or Deere, Beuers, Otters, Beares, Rabbets, Wilde-cats or Leopards, Nibaches, and such like, which the Sauages did take, wherewith we made as good dishes of meate, as in the [ 30] Cookes shops that be in La rue aux Ours, Beare streete, and greater store; for of all meates none is so tender as Ellans flesh (whereof we made good pasties) nor so delicate as the Beauers-taile. Yea, we haue had sometimes halfe a dosen Sturgions at one clap, which the Sauages did bring to vs, part whereof we did take, paying for it, and the rest was permitted them to sell publikely, * 2.346 and to trucke it for Bread, whereof our people had abundantly. And as for the ordinary meate brought out of France, that was distributed equally, as much to the least as to the biggest. And the like with Wine, as we haue said. In such actions we had alwayes twenty or thirty Sauages, men, women, girles and Boies, who beheld vs doing our effices. Bread was giuen them grati••, as * 2.347 we doe here to the poore. But as for the Sagamos Membertou, and other Sagamos (when they came to vs) they sat at table eating and drinking as we did: and wee tooke pleasure in seeing [ 40] them, as contrariwise their absence was irkesome vnto vs; as it came to passe three or foure times that all went away to the places where they knew that game and Venison was, and brought one of our men with them, who liued some six weekes as they did without Salt, without Bread and without Wine, lying on the ground vpon skins, and that in snowie weather. Moreouer they had greater care of him (as also of others that haue often gone with them) than of them∣selues, * 2.348 saying, that if they should chance to dye, it would be laid to their charges to haue killed them.

Such gouernment as we haue spoken of, did serue vs for preseruatiues against the Country dis∣ease. And yet foure of ours died in February and March, of them who were of a fretfull conditi∣on * 2.349 sluggish. And I remember I obserued that all had their lodgings on the West side, and looking [ 50] towards the wide open Port, which is almost foure, leagues long, shaped ouale-wise, besides they * 2.350 had all of them ill bedding.

We had faire weather almost during all the Winter: for neither raines nor fogges are so fre∣quent there as here, whether it be at Sea or on the land: The reason is, because the Sun-beames, * 2.351 by the long distance, haue not the force to raise vp vapours from the ground here, chiefely in a Countrey all wooddy. But in Summer it doth, both from the Sea and the Land, when as their force is augmented, and those vapors are dissolued suddenly or slowly, according as one approach∣eth to the Equinoctiall line. Raines being in those parts rare, in that season, the Sunne like∣wise shineth there very faire, after the fall of Snowes, which we haue had seuen or eight times, but it is easily melted in open places, and the longest abiding haue beene in February. Howsoe∣uer [ 60] it be, the Snow is very profitable for the fruits of the earth, to preserue them against the frost, * 2.352 and to serue them as a fur-gowne.

And as the skie is seldome couered with clouds towards New-found-lands in Winter time, so are there morning frosts, which doe increase in the end of Ianuary, February, and in the begin∣ning * 2.353

of March, for vntill the very time of Ianuary, we kept vs still in our doublets: And I re∣member that on a Sunday, the foureteenth day of that moneth, in the afternoone, wee sported * 2.354 our selues singing in Musicke vpon the Riuer L'Esquelle, and in the same moneth wee went to see Corne two leagues off from our Fort, and did dine merrily in the Sun-shine: I would not for all that say that all other yeares were like vnto this. For as that winter was as milde in these parts, * 2.355 these last Winters of the yeares 1607. 1608. haue beene the hardest that euer was seene; it hath also beene alike in those Countries, in such sort, that many Sauages died through the rigour of the weather, as in these our parts many poore people and trauellers haue beene killed through the same hardnesse of Winter weather. But I will say, that the yeare before we were in New France, the Winter had not beene so hard, as they which dwelt there before vs haue testified vnto me. Let this suffice for that which concerneth the winter season. But I am not yet fully satisfied in [ 10] searching the cause, why in one and the selfe same parallell the season is in those parts of New France more slow by a moneth than in these parts, and the leaues appeare not vpon the trees but * 2.356 towards the end of the moneth of May: vnlesse wee say that the thicknesse of the wood and greatnesse of Forrests doe hinder the Sunne from warming of the ground: Item, that the Country where we were is ioyning to the Sea, and thereby more subiect to cold. And besides that, this land hauing neuer beene tilled is the more dampish, the trees and plants not being able easily to draw sap from their mother the earth. In recompence wherof the Winter there is also more slow, as we haue heretofore spoken.

The cold being passed, about the end of March the best disposed amongst vs striued who should * 2.357 best till the ground, and make Gardens, to sowe in them, and gather fruits thereof. Which was [ 20] to very good purpose, for wee found great discommodity in the Winter for want of Garden hearbes. When euery one had done his sowing, it was a marueilous pleasure in seeing them daily * 2.358 grow and spring vp, and yet greater contentment to vse thereof so abundantly as wee did: so that this beginning of good hope made vs almost to forget our natiue Countrie, and especially when the fish began to haunt fresh-water, and came abundantly into our brookes, in such innu∣merable * 2.359 quantity that we knew not what to doe with it.

Whilest some laboured on the ground, Monsieur de Poutrincourt made some buildings to be * 2.360 prepared, for to lodge them which he hoped should succeede vs. And considering how trouble∣some the Hand-mill was, he caused a Water-mill to be made, which caused the Sauages to ad∣mire much at it. For indeede it is an inuention which came not into the spirit of men from the [ 30] first ages. After that, our workmen had much rest, for the most part of them did almost nothing. But I may say that this Mill, by the diligence of our Millers, did furnish vs with three times more Herrings then was needefull vnto vs for our sustenance. Monsieur de Pontrincourt made two Hogsheads full of them to be salted, and one hogshead of Sardines, or Pilchers to bring into France for a shew, which were left in our returne at Saint Maloes, to some Merchants.

Among all these things the said Monsieur de Pontrincourt did not neglect to thinke on his returne. Which was the part of a wise man, for one must neuer put so much trust in mens pro∣mises, but one must consider that very often many disasters doe happen to them in a small mo∣ment * 2.361 of time. And therefore, euen in the Moneth of Aprill, he made two Barkes to be prepa∣red, [ 40] a great one and a small one, to come to seeke out French-ships towards Campseau, or New∣found-land, if it should happen that no supply should come vnto vs. But the Carpentry-worke being finished, one onely inconuenience might hinder vs, that is, we had no Pitch to calke our Vessels. This (which was the chiefest thing) was forgotten at our departure from Rochel. In * 2.362 this important necessitie, the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt aduised himselfe to gather in the woods quantity of the gumme issuing from Firre-trees. Which he did with much labour, go∣ing thither himselfe, most often with a Boy or two: so that in the end hee got some hundred pounds weight of it. Now after these labours, it was not yet all, for it was needefull to melt and purifie the same, which was a necessary point and vnknowne to our ship-Master Monsieur de Champ-dore, and to his Marriners, for as much as that the Pitch we haue, commeth from Nor∣wege, * 2.363 Suedland, and Danzick. Neuerthelesse the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt found the meanes to draw out the quintessence of these Gummes and Firre-tree barkes: and caused quantity of [ 50] Brickes to be made, with the which he made an open furnace, wherein he put a limbecke made with many kettles, ioyned one in the other, which hee filled with those gummes and barkes: Then being well couered, fire was put round about it, by whose violence the gumme enclosed within the lembecke melted, and dropped downe into a bason: but it was needefull to be very watchfull at it, by reason that if the fire had taken hold of the Gumme, all had beene lost. That was admirable, especially in a man that neuer saw any made. Whereof the Sauages being asto∣nied, did say in words borrowed from the Basques, Endia chaue Normandia, that is to say, that * 2.364 the Normans know many things. Now they call all Frenchmen Normands, except the Bas∣ques, [ 60] because the most part of fishermen that goe afishing there, be of that Nation. This remedie came very fitly vnto vs, for those which came to seeke vs were fallen into the same want that we were.

THe Sunne did but beginne to cheere the earth, and to behold his Mistris with an amorous aspect, when the Sagamos Membertou (after our Prayers solemnely made to God, and the * 2.365 break-fast distributed to the people, according to the custome) came to giue vs aduertisement that he had seene a sayle vpon the Lake, which came towards our Fort. At this ioyfull new es euery one went out to see, but yet none was found that had so good a••sight as he, though he be a∣boue a 100. yeeres old; neuerthelesse we spied very soone what it was. It was onely a small Bark vnder the charge of a young man of Saint Maloes, named Cheualier, who beeing arriued at the Fort, deliuered his Letters to Monsieur de Poutrincourt, which were read publikely. They did * 2.366 write vnto him, that for to helpe to saue the charges of the Voyage, the ship (being yet the Io∣nas) should stay at Campseau Port, there to fish for Cods, by reason that the Merchants associate [ 10] with Monsieur de Monts, knew not that there was any fishing farther then that place: Notwith∣standing if it were necessary he should cause the ship to come to Port Royall. Moreouer, that the societie was broken, because that contrary to the King his Edict, the Hollanders, conducted by a traiterous Frenchman, called La Ieunesse, had the yeere before taken vp the Beuers and other Furres, of the great Riuer of Canada. Notwithstanding, after that Monsieur de Poutrincourt, had a long while mused hereupon, he said, that although he should haue no bodie to come with him, but onely his family, hee would not forsake the enterprize. It was great griefe vnto vs to aban∣don (without hope of returne) a Land that had produced vnto vs so faire Corne, and so many faire adorned Gardens. All that could be done vntill that time, was to find out a place, fit to make a setled dwelling, and a Land of good fertilitie. And that being done, it was great want of cou∣rage [ 20] to giue ouer the enterprise, for another yeare being passed, the necessitie of maintayning an habitation there, should be taken away, for the Land was sufficient to yeeld things necessarie for life. This was the cause of that griefe which pierced the hearts of them which were desirous to see the Christian Religion established in that Countrey. But on the contrary, Monsieur de Monts, and his associates, reaping no benefit, but losse, and hauing no helpe from the King, it was a thing which they could not doe, but with much diffi••ultie to maintayne an habitation in those parts.

Now this enuie for the Trade of Beauers with the Sauages, found not onely place in the Hol∣landers * 2.367 hearts, but also in French Merchants, in such sort that the priuiledge which had beene gi∣uen to the said Monsieur de Monts for ten yeeres was reuoked. The vnsatiable auarice of men [ 30] is a strange thing, which haue no regard to that which is honest, so that they may rifle and catch by what meanes soeuer. And thereupon I will say moreouer, that there haue beene some of them * 2.368 that came to that Countrey to fetch vs home, that wickedly haue presumed so much as to strip the dead, and steale away the Beauers, which those poore people doe put, for their last benefit, vpon them whom they bury, as we will declare more at large in the Booke following. A thing that maketh the French name to be odious, and worthy disdaine among them, which haue no such sordid qualitie at all.

Fifteene dayes after, the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt sent a Barke to Campseau, with part of our Workmen, for to beginne to pull downe the house. In the beginning of Iune the Sauages, about foure hundred in number, went away from the dwelling that the Sagamos Membertou had * 2.369 [ 40] newly made, in forme of a Towne, compassed about with high pales, for to go to warres against the Armouchiquois, which was at Chouakoet some eightie leagues distant from Port Royall; from whence they returned victorious.

Monsieur de Poutrincourt being not willing to depart thence, vntill hee had seene the issue of his expectation, that is to say, the ripenesse of his Corne, hee deliberated, after that the Sauages were gone to warres, to make Voyages along the Coast. And because Chaualier was desirous to * 2.370 gather some Beuers, he sent him in a small Barke to the Riuer of Saint Iohn, called by the Saua∣ges, Ouigoudi, and to the Ile Saint Croix: And he, the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt, went in a shallop to the Copper Myne. I was of the said Cheualier his Voyage: we crossed the French Bay to goe to the said Riuer, where, as soone as wee arriued, halfe a doozen Salmons newly taken, * 2.371 [ 50] were brought to vs: we soiourned there foure dayes, during which, we went into the Cabins of Sagamos Chkoudun, where we saw some eightie, or a hundred Sauages, all naked except their * 2.372 priuie members, which were a making Tabagy (that is to say, a banquetting) with the meale that the said Cheualier had trucked with them for their old skinnes full of Lice.

The Towne of Ouigoudi (so I call the dwelling of the said Chkoudun) was a great inclosure vp∣on an Hill, compassed about with high and small Trees, tied one against another, and within it many Cabins, great and small, one of which was as great as a Market Hall, wherein many hou∣sholds retired themselues: And as for the same where they made their Tabagie, it was somwhat lesse. A good part of the said Sauages were of Gachepe, which is the beginning of the great Riuer of Canada; and they told vs, that they came from their dwelling thither in sixe dayes, which [ 60] made me much to maruell, seeing the distance that there is by Sea, but they shorten very much their wayes, and make great Voyages by the meanes of Lakes and Riuers, at the end of which being come, in carrying their Canowes three or foure leagues, they get to other Riuers that haue a contrary course. All these Sauages were come thither to goe to the warres with Membertou a∣gainst the Armouchiquois.

When we returned to our Barke, which was at the comming in of the Port, halfe a league off from thence, sheltered by a causie that the Sea hath made there, our men, and specially Captaine Champdore, that conducted vs, were in doubt, lest some mischance should happen vnto vs, and hauing seene the Sauages in armes, thought it had beene to doe vs some mischiefe, which had beene very easie, for we were but two, and therefore they were very glad of our returne. After * 2.373 which, the next day came the Wizard or South-sayer of that quarter, crying as a mad man to∣wards our Barke. Not knowing what he meant, hee was sent for in a Cock-boat, and came to parley with vs, telling vs that the Armouchiquois were within the Woods, which came to assaile them, and that they had killed some of their folkes that were a hunting: And therefore that we should come aland to assist them. Hauing heard this discourse, which according to our iudge∣ment, [ 10] tended to no good, we told him that our iournies were limited, and our victuals also, and that it was behouefull for vs to be gone. Seeing himselfe denied, he said that before two yeeres were come about, they would either kill all the Normans, or that the Normans should kill them. We mocked him and told him that we would bring our Barke before their Fort to ransack them all; but we did it not, for we went away that day: And hauing the wind contrarie, we sheltred our selues vnder a small Iland, where we were two dayes: during which, some went a shooting at Mallard for prouision; others attended on the Cookerie: And Captaine Champdore and my selfe, went along the Rockes with Hammers and Chissels, seeking if there were any Mynes. In doing * 2.374 whereof we found quantitie of Steele among the Rockes, which was since molten by Monsieur de Poutrincourt, who made wedges of it, and it was found very fine Steele, whereof he caused a [ 20] Knife to be made, that did cut as a Razor, which at our returne he shewed to the King.

From thence we went in three dayes to the Ile Saint Croix, being often contraried with the winds. And because we had a bad coniecture of the Sauages, which we did see in great number, at the Riuer of Saint Iohn, and that the troupe that was departed from Port Royall was yet at Menane, (an Ile betweene the said Port Royall and Saint Croix) which we would not trust, we * 2.375 kept good watch in the night time: At which time wee did often heare Seales voyces, which were very like to the voice of Owles: A thing contrarie to the opinion of them that haue said and written that fishes haue no voice.

Being arriued at the Ile Saint Croix, we found there the buildings, left there all whole, sauing * 2.376 that the Store-house was vncouered of one side. Wee found there yet Sacke in the bottome of a [ 30] Pipe, whereof we dranke, and it was not much the worse. As for Gardens, wee found there Coale-worts, Sorrell, Lettuces, which we vsed for the Kitchin. Wee made there also good Pa∣sties of Turtle Doues, which are very plentifull in the Woods, but the grasse is there so high that one could not find them when they were killed and fallen in the ground. The Court was there, full of whole Caskes, which some ill disposed Mariners did burne for their pleasures, which thing when I saw, I did abhorre, and I did iudge, better then before, that the Sauages were (being lesse ciuilized) more humane and honester men, then many that beare the Name of Christians, hauing * 2.377 during three yeeres, spared that place, wherein they had not taken so much as a piece of Wood, nor Salt, which was there in great quantitie, as hard as a Rocke.

Going from thence, we cast Anchor among a great number of confused Iles, where wee heard [ 40] some Sauages, and wee did call to make them come to vs. They answered vs with the like call. Whereunto one of ours replied, Ouen Kirau? that is to say, What are yee? they would not dis∣couer themselues. But the next day Oagimont, the Sagamos of this Riuer, came to vs, and wee knew it was he whom we heard. Hee did prepare to follow Membertou and his troupe to the warres, where he was grieuously wounded, as I haue said in my Verses vpon this matter. This Oagimont hath a Daughter about eleuen yeeres old, who is very comely, which Monsieur de Pou∣trincourt desired to haue, and hath oftentimes demanded her of him to giue her to the Queene, promising him that he should neuer want Corne, nor any thing else, but he would neuer condis∣cend * 2.378 thereto.

Being entred into our Barke he accompanied vs, vntill wee came to the broad Sea, where hee [ 50] put himselfe in his shallop to returne backe; and for vs we bent our course for Port Royall, where we arriued before day, but we were before our Fort, iust at the very point that faire Aurora be∣gan to shew her reddie cheekes vpon the top of our wooddie Hils; euery bodie was yet asleepe, and there was but one that rose vp, by the continuall barking of Dogges; but wee made the rest soone to awake, by Peales of Musket-shots and Trumpets sound. Monsieur de Poutrincourt was but the day before, arriued from his Voyage to the Mynes, whither we haue said that hee was to goe, and the day before that, was the Barke arriued that had carried part of our Workmen to Campseau. So that all being assembled, there rested nothing more then to prepare things neces∣sary for our shipping. And in this businesse our Water-Mill did vs very good seruice, for other∣wise there had beene no meanes to prepare Meale enough for the Voyage, but in the end wee * 2.379 [ 60] had more then wee had need of, which was giuen to the Sauages, to the end to haue vs in re∣membrance.

Vpon the point that we should take our leane of Port Royall, Monsieur de Poutrincourt sent his * 2.380 men, one after another, to find out the ship at Campseau, which is a Port being betweene se••en

or eight Ilands where ships may be sheltered from windes: and there is a Bay of aboue fifteene leagues depth, and sixe or seuen leagues broad. The said place being distant from Port Royall a∣boue one hundred and fiftie leagues. For victuals, wee wanted for no fish, for in halfe an houres fishing we might take Cod enough for to feed vs a fortnight, and of the fairest and fattest that e∣uer * 2.381 I saw, being of the colour of Carpes; which I haue neuer knowne nor noted, but in this part of the said Cap de Sable; which after we had passed, the tide (which is swift in this place) brought vs in short time as farre as to the Port De La Heue, thinking that wee were no further then the * 2.382 Port de Mouton. There we tarried two dayes, and in the very same Port wee saw the Cods bite at the Hooke. We found there store of red Gooseberies, and a Marcassite of Copper Myne: we also made there some trucking with the Sauages for skinnes. [ 10]

From thence forward we had wind at will, and during that time it happened once, that being vpon the hatches, I cried out to our Pilot Monsieur de Champdore, that we were readie to strike, thinking I had seene the bottome of the Sea; but I was deceiued by the Rain-bow which did * 2.383 appeare with all his colours in the water, procured by the shadow, that our Boare-spright sayle did make ouer the same, being opposite to the Sunne, which assembling his beames, within the hollownesse of the same sayle, as it doth within the Cloudes, those beames were forced to make a reuerberation in the water, and to shew forth this wonder. In the end wee arriued within foure leagues of Campseau, at a Port, where a good old man of Saint Iohn de Lus, called Captaine Saualet, receiued vs with all the kindnesse in the World. And for as much as this Port (which is little, but very faire) hath no name, I haue qualified it in my Geographicall Mappe, with the [ 20] name of Saualet. This good honest man told vs that the same Voyage was the two and fortieth Voyage that he had made into those parts, and neuerthelesse the New-found-land-men doe make * 2.384 but one in a yeere. He was maruellously pleased with his fishing; and told vs moreouer that hee tooke euery day fiftie Crownes worth of fish, and that his Voyage would bee worth one thou∣sand pounds. He payed wages to sixteene men, and his vessell was of eightie tuns, which could carrie 100000. dry fishes.

Wee were foure dayes there, by reason of the contrary wind. Then came we to Campseau, where we tarried for the other Barke, which came two dayes after vs. And as for Monsieur de Poutrincourt, as soone as he saw that the Corne might be reaped, he pulled vp some Rie, root and all, for to shew here the beautie, goodnesse and vnmeasurable height of the same. Hee also made [ 30] gleanes of the other sorts of Seeds, as Wheat, Barley, Oates, Hempe, and others for the same pur∣pose. * 2.385 Delighting my selfe in this exercise, God hath blessed my poore labour, and I haue had in my Garden as faire Wheate as any can be in France, whereof the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt gaue vnto mee a gleane, when hee came ••o the said Port de Campseau. Hee was readie to depart from Port Royall, when Membertou and his company arr••ued, victorious ouer the Armouchiquois. At the instant request of the said Membertou he tarried yet one day. But it was pitious to see at his departing, those poore people weepe, who had beene alwayes kept in hope that some of ours * 2.386 should alwayes tarrie with them. In the end promise was made vnto them, that the yeere fol∣lowing housholds and families should bee sent thither, wholly to inhabit their Land, and teach them Trades for to make them liue as wee doe, which promise did somewhat comfort them. [ 40] There was left remayning ten Hogs-heads of Meale, which were giuen to them, with the Corne that we had sowed, and the possession of the Manour if they would vse it, which they haue not done. For they cannot be constant in one place, and liue as they doe.

The eleuenth of August the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt departed, with eight in his compa∣nie, from the said Port Royall, in a shallop to come to Campseau: A thing maruellously dangerous to crosse so many Bayes and Seas in so small a vessell, laden with nine persons, with victuals ne∣cessarie for the Voyage, and reasonable great quantitie of other stuffe. Being arriued at the Port of Captaine Saualet, he receiued them all as kindly as it was possible for him: And from thence they came to vs, to the said Port of Campseau, where we tarried yet eight dayes. The third day of September, we weighed Anchors, and with much adoe came wee from among the Rockes, * 2.387 [ 50] that be about the said Campseau. Which our Mariners did with two shallops that did carrie their Anchors very farre into the Sea, for to vphold our ship, to the end she should not strike against the Rockes. Finally, being at Sea, one of the said shallops was let goe, and the other was taken into the Ionas, which besides our lading, did carrie 100000. of fish, as well drie as greene. Wee had reasonable good wind vntill we came neere to the Lands of Europe: But we were not ouer∣cloyed with good cheere, because that they who came to fetch vs, presuming we were dead did cramme themselues with our refreshing commodities. Our Workemen dranke no more Wine, after we had left Port Royall: And we had but small portion thereof, because that which did o∣uer abound with vs; was drunke merrily in the company of them that brought vs newes from France. The sixe and twentieth of September wee had sight of the Sorlingues, which bee at the [ 60] Lands end of Cornewall in England, and the eight and twentieth thinking to come to Saint * 2.388 Maloes.

Being at Paris, the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt presented to the King with the fruits of the Land from whence he came, and especially the Corne, Wheate, Rie, Barley and Oates, as being

the most precious thing that may be brought from what Countrey soeuer. The said Monsieur de Poutrincourt had bred tenne Outards, taken from the shell, which hee thought to bring all into France, but fiue of them were lost, and the other fiue he gaue to the King, who delighted much in them; and they are at Fountaine Belleau. Vpon the faire shew of the fruites of the said Coun∣trey, * 2.389 the King did confirme to Monsieur de Monts the priuiledge for the Trade of Beuers with the Sauages, to the end to giue him meanes to establish his Colonies in New France. And by this occasion he sent thither in March last, Families, there to beginne Christian and French Common∣wealths, which God vouchsafe to blesse and increase.

The said ships being returned, we haue had report by Monsieur de Champdore, and others, of the state of the Countrie which we had left, and of the wonderfull beautie of the Come that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 said Monsieur de Poutrincourt had sowed before his departure, together of the gr〈…〉〈…〉es that ••ee [ 10] fallen in the Gardens, which haue so increased that it is an incredible thing. Me〈…〉〈…〉 did ••••∣ther six or seuen barrels of the Corne that we had fowed: and had yet one left, which he reserued for the Frenchmen, whom he looked for, who arriuing hee saluted with three Musket shots and Bonfires. When it was laid to his charge that he had eaten our Pidgeons, which wee left there, he fell a weeping, and embracing him that told it him, said, that it was the Macharoa, that is to say, the great Birds which are Eagles, which did eate many of them, while wee were there. Moreouer, all great and small, did inquire how we did, naming euery one by his owne name, which is a witnesse of great loue.

From Port Royall, the said Champdore went as farre as Chouakouet, the beginning of the Ar∣mouchiquois Land, where hee pacified that Nation with the Etechemins, which was not done [ 20] without solemnitie. For as hee had begun to speake of it, the Captaine, who is now insteed of Olmechin, named Astikou, a graue man and of a goodly presence, how sauage soeuer hee be, de∣manded that some one of the said Etechemins should be sent to him, and that he would treat with him, Oagimont, Sagamos of the Riuer Saint Croix, was appointed for that purpose, and he would * 2.390 not trust them, but vnder the assurance of the Frenchmen, he went thither. Some Presents were made to Astikou, who, vpon the speech of peace, began to exhort his people and to shew them the causes that ought to induce them to hearken vnto it. Whereunto they condiscended, making an exclamation at euery Article that he propounded to them. Some fiue yeeres agoe Monsieur de Monts had likewise pacified those Nations, and had declared vnto them, that he would bee e∣nemie [ 30] to the first of them that should begin the Warre, and would pursue him. But after his returne into France, they could not containe themselues in peace. And the Armouchiquois did kill a Souriquois Sauage, called Panoniac, who went to them for to trucke Merchandize, which he tooke at the Store-house of the said Monsieur de Monts. The Warre aboue mentioned happened by reason of this said murther, vnder the conduct of Sagamos Memb••••iou: the said Warre was made in the very same place, where I now make mention, that Monsieur de Champdore did treate * 2.391 the peace this yeere. Monsieur Champlein is in another place, to wit, in the great Riuer of Canada, neere the place where Captaine Iames Quartier did winter, where hee hath fortified him selfe, hauing brought thither housholds, with Cattle and diuers sorts of fruit-trees. There is store of Vines, and excellent Hempe, in the same place where he is, which the earth bringeth forth of it selfe. He is not a man to be idle, and we expect shortly newes of the whole Discouerie of this [ 40] great and vncomparable Riuer, and of the Countries which it washeth on both sides, by the dili∣gence of the said Champlein.

As for Monsieur de Poutrincourt, his desire is immutable, in this resolution to inhabit and a∣dorne * 2.392 his Prouince, to bring thither his family, and all sorts of Trades necessary for the life of man. Which, with Gods helpe hee will continue to effect all this present yeere 1609. And, as long as hee hath vigour and strength, will prosecute the same, to liue there vnder the Kings obeysance.

The Authour hath written another large Booke of the Rites of the Sauages of those parts, which I haue omitted, partly because Champlein in the former Chapiter hath giuen vs large instructi∣ons of the same, and because in our Virginian, and New England, and New-found-land, our [ 50] men will relate the like; and because I seeke to bee short, howsoeuer my Subiect causeth mee to bee voluminous. [ 60]

CHAP. VIII.

Collections out of a French Booke, called Additions to Noua Francia; containing the Accidents there, from the yeere 1607. to 1611.

MOnsieur de Monts hauing his priuiledge prorogued for one yeare, with some associ∣ates, sent vnto his Gouernment three Ships, furnished with men and victuals. * 2.393 And forasmuch as Monsieur de Poutrincourt hath taken his part on the maine Sea, [ 10] and for the desire that Monsieur de Monts hath to pierce through the Land to the Westerne Sea coast, to the end he should not be an hinderance vnto him, and to * 2.394 be able thereby to reach one day, to China, he determined to fortifie himselfe in a place of the Riue•• of Canada, which the Sauages call Kebec, some fortie leagues aboue the Riuer of Saguenay. There it is narrower, being no broader then a Canon will carry: and so, by that * 2.395 reason, the place is commodious to command, through all that great Riuer. Monsieur Cham∣plein, the Kings Geographer, very skilfull in Sea matters, and who delighteth marueilously in * 2.396 these enterprises, tooke vpon him the charge of conducting, and gouerning this first Colonie, sent to Kebec. Where being arriued, it was needefull to make houses for him, and his compa∣ny; wherein there was no toyle wanting, such as we may imagine, as was the labour of Cap∣taide [ 20] Iacques Quartier, at his arriuall in the place of the said Riuer, where he wintered: and so Monsieur de Monts, in the Ile of Saint Croix; whereby did issue vnknowne sicknesses, which tooke away many men: for there was not found any Timber ready to be put in worke, not any buildings to lodge the workemen in: they were driuen to fell downe the wood by the roote, to cleare the ground, and to lay the first foundations of a worke, which (with the helpe of God) shall be the subiect of many wonders.

But as our Frenchmen haue oftentimes bin found mutinous in such actions, so there were some among these, which did conspire against the said Champlein their Captaine, hauing deliberated * 2.397 to put him to death, first by poison, afterwards by a traine of Gunpowder: and after, hauing pilfered all, to come to Tadoussac, where Baskes and Rochell Ships were, to make their returne in them to these parts. But the Apothecary, of whom the poyson was demanded, disclosed the [ 30] matter. Whereupon, Information being made, one of them was hanged, and some others con∣demned to the Gallies, which were brought backe into France, in the Ship, wherein Monsieur du Pont of Honfleur was Commander. * 2.398

The people being lodged, some store of Corne was sowed, and a number of Gardens were made, where the ground did restore plentifully, the seedes receiued. This Land bringeth forth, naturally, Grapes in great quantity: the Walnut-trres are there in abundance, and Chestnut∣trees * 2.399 also, whose fruite is in the forme of an halfe moone; but the Walnuts are with many cor∣ners or edges, which be not diuided. There is also great store of Pumpions, and very excellent Hempe, wherewith the Sauages make fishing lines. The Riuer there doth abound with as much [ 40] fish, as any other Riuer in the world. It is thought, that Beuers, are not here so good, as vpon the coast of the Etechemins and Souriquois; yet notwithstanding, I may say very well, that I haue seene skins from thence of blacke Foxes, which seeme to exceede Sables, or Marterns. * 2.400

The winter being come, many of our Frenchmen, were found greatly afflicted with the sicke∣nesse, which is called the Scuruie, whereof I haue spoken elsewhere, Some of them died there∣of, for want of present remedy. As for the tree called Annedda, so much renowned by Iacques * 2.401 Quartier, it is not now to be found. The said Champlein made diligent search for the same, and could haue no newes thereof: and notwithstanding his dwelling is at Kebec, neighbouring on the place, where the said Quartier did winter. Whereupon, I can thinke nothing else, but that the people of that time, haue bin exterminated by the Iroquois, or other their enemies. [ 50]

The Spring time being come, Champlein hauing had a long time a minde to make new disco∣ueries, was to choose, either to make his way to the Iroquois, or to goe beyond the fall of the great Riuer, to discouer the great Lake, whereof mention hath bin made heretofore. Notwith∣standing, because the Southerly Countries are more pleasant, for their milde temperature; he * 2.402 resolued himselfe, the first yeare, to visite the Iroquois. But the difficulty consisted in the going thither; for we are not able of our selues to make those Voyages, without the assistance of the * 2.403 Sauages. These Countries are not the Plaines of Champaigne, nor of Vatan, nor the ingratefull wood of Limosin. All is there couered with woods, that seeme to threaten the clouds. And at that time his company of men was but weake, as well by reason of the former mortality, as of the infirmities of sicknesses, which were yet continuing. Notwithstanding, being a man, who [ 60] is astonished with nothing, and of a gentle conuersation, knowing wisely how to acquaint, and accommodate himselfe with those people, after hauing promised them, that when the land of the Iroquois, and other Countries should be discouered, the great French Sagamos (meaning

our King) would giue them great rewards: he inuited them to goe to warre against the said Iro∣quois, promising (for himselfe) that he would take part with them. They (in whom the desire of reuenge dieth not, and who delight in nothing more then in warre) passe their word vnto him, and arme themselues about one hundred men, for that effect, with whom the said Champlein ven∣tures himselfe, accompanied with one man, and one of Monsieur de Monts his footemen. So they began their voyage in the Sauages Barkes, and Canoes, alongst the great Riuer, as farre as the * 2.404 entring into the Riuer of the Iroquois: wherein being entred, within certaine dayes, they went vp vnto the Lake of the said Iroquois. But one may demand with what did so many people liue, in a Countrie where no Innes are? I wonder as much at that as others doe; for with them there is not any meanes of liuing, but by hunting; and in that, they doe exercise themselues through the woods in their trauailes. Champlein and his men, were forced to liue after their manner. For [ 10] although they had made prouision of Bread, Wine, and Meate, out of the storehouse, the same * 2.405 could not haue serued them, to make accompt of. Finally, being come into the said Lake, they were many dayes a crossing of it (for it is about sixtie leagues of length) without giuing know∣ledge of their being there, and so the said Champlein had time to view their Tillage, and the faire Ilands, that serue for an ornament to their great extension of water. These people are much like to the Armouchiquois, in their fashion of liuing. They sowe Indian Maiz and Beanes, and haue quantity of faire Grapes, whereof they make no vse: and very good rootes. Euery Family haue their ground round about their dwellings; Forts also, yet no Townes, made with buildings of three or foure stories high, such as they haue in new Mexico (a Countrie situated much farther within the lands.) [ 20]

In the end, our men being discouered, the alarum was giuen among the Iroquois, who assem∣bled * 2.406 themselues. And as the Iroquois did approach, Champlein, who was armed with a Musket, charged with two bullets, would haue set himselfe forward to aime, to make at one of the for∣wardest of the Iroquois, who did braue it, challenging his enemies to the combat. But the Sa∣uages of Kebec told him in their language, no, doe not so, for if they once discouer you, not be∣ing * 2.407 accustomed to see such folkes, they will forthwith runne away, and make no stand; so shall we loose the glory which we expect of this charge; withdraw your selfe therefore behinde our formost ranke, and when we shall be neere, you shall aduance your selfe, and shoote at those two feathered fellowes, whom you see the formost, in the middest of the troope; which was found good, and executed by the said Champlein, who with one shot laid them both to the ground, as [ 30] he hath related vnto vs. He, who assisted him, did also his duetie. But on a sodaine, all was in * 2.408 disorder, astonished at such a noise, and death so vnexpected. Vpon this feare, the men of Ke∣bec loosing no occasion, followed earnestly their enemies, and killed about fiftie of them, whose * 2.409 heads they brought backe, to make therewith merry feasts, and dances, at their returne, accor∣ding to their custome.

These things so passed, Champlein tooke againe his course towards ancient France, where he arriued in October 1609. hauing left the gouernment of New France to a good reuerent old man * 2.410 called Captaine Pierre. And for as much as the accidents of the former sicknesse, were feared to * 2.411 come; the winter following, Captaine du Pont of Honfleure (a man very well worthy to hold [ 40] ranke among the Heroes of the said Prouince, for hauing bin the first that came to the Fals of the great Riuer, after Iacques Quartier, hauing also wintered in Port Royall, and almost euery yeare, made voyages to those parts, for the reliefe of them that were there) gaue aduise, that wood should be ready cut downe, for those that should tarry there all the winter, and thereby to free them from painfull toyles. That helpe hath bin of such force, that besides this, hauing their buildings made, they haue left no infirmitie nor mortality. So he returned, and with him the said * 2.412 Champlein, and those that would returne.

In the meane while, preparations were made for another voyage, against the returne of the * 2.413 said Champlein, to the end to prosecute his discoueries, and consequently, to relieue the said Cap∣taine Pierre. He tooke againe for the second time the Lieutenancy of the said Monsieur de Monts, * 2.414 for the gouernment of Kebec, and setting out in the beginning of March, was forced diuers times [ 50] to turne backe, by reason of contrary windes; which made him to arriue late, as did also Mon∣sieur de Poutrincourt, of his part. And neuerthelesse, in that small time, which hee had in those * 2.415 parts, he exploited a great peece of worke, hauing gone this yeare, as farre as a great Lake, of an hundred leagues in length, which is beyond the Fals of the great Riuer of Canada eigh∣ty leagues.

Hauing then reuiewed the state of all things at Kebec, and learned what occurrences had pas∣sed * 2.416 there, since his departure; he made an agreement with the Captaines of the said place, and with them of Tadoussac, to goe on warfare aboue the Fall of the said Riuer, promising them to procure an hundred Frenchmen, to assist them in the extirping of all their enemies: and that they [ 60] should haue as many of their owne men, of their side, which they liked very well. But the day appointed being come, and the Frenchmen not come, he excused the matter vpon the weather, which had beene boistrous for Sailers: and for want of whom, hee told them, that himselfe would goe with them, and follow their fortunes. They seeing they could doe no better, accepted

of his offer, and went together with some other Frenchmen more, along the same faire Riuer: the Sauages still hunting for prouision for the kitchin. And they trauailed so farre, that after hauing passed the Fals, they crossed some Lakes, and in the space of eighty leagues, came to that other Lake, which we haue said to be of an hundred leagues in length: where (as the said Champlein * 2.417 hath recited vnto me) they were presently set vpon by the Sauages of the Country, and it was behoouefull vnto them, to stand in good order, & well to de••end themselues, after the said Cham∣plein had receiued a blow on the chine bone, whereof he is not yet fully healed. Since, he made a confederacy with other Nations of those parts, farther distant from the mouth of the Lake, who promised him, that the next yeare following (which is this yeare 1611.) they would conduct * 2.418 him with all assurance, as far as the farthest end of the said Lake. He, for his part, promised them [ 10] faire, and shewed them as well as he could, the greatnesse of our King, and of his Kingdome; and for to make them certaine thereof, he tooke with him a yong man, sonne of a Captaine of those parts, called Sauignon, a man of a good shape, strong, vigorous, and of great courage, whom he hath * 2.419 brought into France to make report, vpon his returne, of that which he hath seene. This Coun∣try (by the report of the said Champlein) is one of the fairest Countries of the world, much tilled, abounding with chase Deere, and Fish, Vines, Hempe, good Roots, Walnut-trees, Chestnut-trees, * 2.420 Plumtrees, and others.

There are store of Beuers along this Lake, but the Inhabitants doe burne them, as here wee burne Hogges: and so by that meanes, that haire and wooll, which we goe so farre of, and with so * 2.421 many perils to seeke for, is lost. There are Beasts great and small, differing from ours, and Hor∣ses, [ 20] as the said Sauignon hath shewed vs, by the neighing. But I dare not giue for currant that * 2.422 which Monsieur de Monts hath recited vnto me, that these Nations haue tame Beares, which they teach, to carry them vpon trees for want of ladders. They haue Forts, such as they of Vir∣nia * 2.423 haue, which are great inclosures with trees, ioyned together in forme like a Pale, and with∣in those inclosures are houses made, two or three stories high. The lower and higher parts doe serue for the men when they must defend themselues from the assalts of their enemies. For in the * 2.424 lower parts there are big Bowes, for the bending of which, the strength of six men is required, and they haue Arrowes, that knocke downe men. Aboue, they haue murthering holes, or battle∣ments, from whence to fling or cast stones, and also to shoote with Bowes, when they will hit their enemies a farre off. In the middle roomes are the women, which faile not in doing [ 30] that helpe which their sexe may affoord. And in this middle story, they lay vp their Corne and other prouisions.

Champlein promiseth vs neuer to giue ouer vntill he haue pierced as farre as to the Western Sea, * 2.425 or that of the North, to open the way of China; in vaine by so many thought for. As for the Western Sea, I beleeue that at the farther end of the greatest Lake, which is very far beyond that whereof we spake of in this Chapter, there will be found some great Riuer, which will fall into the same, or issue from it (as doth that of Canada) and neuer into the said Westerne Sea. And as for the Northerne Sea, there is hope to come neere to it by the Riuer of Saguenay, there being but small distance from the head of the said Riuer, to the said Sea.

It is now fit to speake of Monsieur de Poutrincourt, a Gentleman of long time resolute in these [ 40] actions, who hauing made his preparation at Diepe, set saile the 25. of February 1610. with a number of honest men, and Artificers. This Nauigation hath bin very tedious and troublesome; * 2.426 for from the beginning they were driuen within sight of the Azores, and from thence, almost con∣tinually beaten with contrary windes, by the space of two moneths: during which time (as idle people doe commonly occupie their spirits in euill) some, by secret practises, durst conspire against their Captaine, whom notwithstanding, the said Poutrincourt, according to his accustomed cle∣mency, * 2.427 did pardon.

Hauing made a reuiew of that coast, he came into Port Royall, where he brought much con∣solation to the Sauages of that place. As for the buildings, they were found all whole, except the * 2.428 couering, and euery parcell of houshold stuffe, in the same place where they were left. [ 50]

The first care that the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt ha••, was for the tillage of the ground, and to dispose it to receiue the seede of corne, for the yeare following; which being finished, hee would not neglect that which belonged to the spiritualty, and whereunto the chiefest arme of his trauailes did tend, which was, to procure the saluation of those poore sauage and barbabarous people. After necessary instruction giuen, they were baptized vpon Saint Iohn Baptist his day, * 2.429 the foure and twentieth of Iune, 1610. to the number of one and twenty persons; to euery one of which was giuen the name of some great or notable person of these parts.

1. Membertou great Sagamos, being aboue an hundred yeares of age, was baptized by Sir * 2.430 Iesse Fleche Prieste, and named by Monsieur de Poutrincourt, Henry, after the Kings name. 2. Actaudinech, third Sonne of the said Henry Membertou, was by the said Poutrincourt, named [ 60] Paul, a••ter the name of Pope Paul. 3. The wife of the said Henry, was named by the said Pou∣trincourt, after the Q••eenes name, that is to say, Marie. 4. Mombertocoichis, alias Iudas, elder sonne to Membertou, being aboue sixety yeares old, was al••o baptized, and by Monsieur de Bien∣cour, named Lewes, after the name of my Lord the Daulphin, &c.

Membertou, chiefe Sagamos of these Countries, moued with a religious zeale (but without knowledge) saith, that he will denounce open wars against all them that will refuse to become Christians.

Shortly after these spirituall regenerations, Monsieur de Poutrincourt his son was sent backe * 2.431 into France to take a new charge: In doing whereof, he certified the Queene, what had bin done in those Christenings; whereby she receiued a marueilous contentment. But this one things is to be noted, that though the Nauigation were tedious in going, yet in the returne it was very short; for being come to the fishing banke, which is fiftie leagues on this side New-found-land, he was brought in a fortnight into France, in which time they commonly make their returne. Vpon the Banke they heare the newes of our good Kings death, whose soule resteth with God, and whose [ 10] posterity we pray God to blesse.

The Author reports another Voyage 1611. by the Lord of Sant Iust; but I haue haste to the English Plantation, for whose sake these are published: there being no great matter of history of those parts there∣in. As for the Articles of a Societie concluded, and the names of those which entred therein, till we haue greater effect thereof, I shall not trouble you with the recitall thereof.

CHAP. IX.

The first plantation of English Colonies in Virginia [ 20] briefely mentioned.

SIr Walter Raleigh, a man more famous then happy, had obtained of Queene Eliza∣beth, of glorious memory, a Patent for discouering and peopling of vnknowne * 2.432 parts not actually possessed by any Christian Prince, dated March 25. A. Reg. 26. The 27. of Aprill 1584. he set forth two Barkes vnder the command of Master Phillip Amadas, and Master Arthur Barlow, which arriued on that part of A∣merica, which that Virgin Queene stiled Virginia, and thereof in her Maiesties * 2.433 name tooke possession Iuly 13. and hauing taken view and liking of the Countrey, and had con∣ference [ 30] and trade with the Sauages, obseruing aboue foureteene seuerall sweete smelling timber trees, and many other commodities; they returned with two of the Sauages, Wanchese and Man∣teo, and arriued in England in September.

Aprill 9. 1585. Sir Richard Greeneuile was sent by Sir Walter Raleigh with a fleete of seuen saile, which landed in the Ile of Saint Iohn Port Ricco, May 12. and there fortified themselues, * 2.434 and built a Pinnace. The Spaniard promised to furnish them with victuals, but did not, where∣upon they tooke two Frigates. In Hispaniola they had friendly greetings and trade. Iune 26. they anchored at Wocokon, where by the vnskilfulnesse of Fernando the Master, their Admirall strooke on ground and sunke.

In the 25. of Iuly, the Generall returned for England, and tooke a Spanish Ship of three hun∣dred tunne richly Iaden by the way, boording her with a Boate made of the boords of Chests, * 2.435 [ 40] which as soone as hee had boorded her fell in sunder and sunke at the Ships side. In the Coun∣trie was a Colonie, left vnder the gouernment of Master Ralph Lane, viz, Master Phillip Amadas, * 2.436 Master Hariot, Master Acton, Master Edward Stafford, Master Prideox, Captaine Vaughan, and aboue a hundred others. Master Lane writ from his new Fort in Virginia, that if Uirginia had Kine and Horses in reasonable proportion, no Countrie in Christendome were comparable to it. They discouered from Roanoak to the Chesepians, aboue one hundred and thirty miles, to Chawa∣nock North-West as farre. The Sauages conspired against the English, the principall was Pe∣misapan, who lost his head in the quarrell, in the beginning of Iune 1586. and Sir Francis Drake comming thither from the sacke of diuers Spanish Townes, to visite the Colony, on the nine∣teenth, tooke the Colony with him in his victorious Fleete, and brought them into Engla••d. * 2.437

The same yeere had Sir Walter Raleigh prepared a ship of a hundred tun, fraught with prouision * 2.438 [ 50] for the Colonie, which setting forth late, arriued at Hartoraske immediatly after the departure of the Colonie, which hauing sought in vaine, she returned with her prouisions for England. About a fortnight after her departure, Sir Richard Greeneuile, Generall of Virginia, accompanied with * 2.439 three Ships arriued there, and neither hearing of the Ship, nor of the Colonie which he had left there the yeare before; after long and vaine search, he left fifteene men to hold possession of the * 2.440 Countrie, in the Ile of Roanoak, furnished for two yeares, and returned, by the way making spoyle on the Townes of the Azores, and there taking diuers Spaniards. Master Thomas Hariot * 2.441 writ a large History of the Men, Beasts, Fishes, Fowles, Plants, and Commodities of Virginia, [ 60] subscribed also by Master Ralph Lane, extant in Master Hackluit his third Tome.

In the yeare 1587. Sir Walter Raleigh, continuing his purpose of Plantation, sent another Co∣lonie * 2.442 of one hundred and fiftie persons, vnder the gouernment of Master Iohn White; to him he appointed twelue Assistants, vnto whom he gaue a Charter, and incorporated them by the name

of Gouernour and Assistants of the Citie of Raleigh in Virginia. These arriued on Iuly 22. at Hato∣raske, where they went on shore to seeke the fifteene men left there the yeare before, with in∣tent after to plant at the Bay of Chesepiok, according to Sir Walter Raleigh his directions, there to * 2.443 make their feate and Fort. By Manteo they learned how the Sauages had secretly assalted the fifteene English, and slaine some, the other being forced to flee, it was not knowne whither. Manteo was Christened, and by Sir Walter Raleighs direction, made Lord of Roanoak. Mistris Dare the Gouernours daughter was deliuered of a daughter, which was baptised by the name * 2.444 of Uirginia.

The Company were very important with the Gouernour, to returne for England, to supply their defects; to which, with much vnwillingnesse he yeelded, Aug. 27. and Octob. 16. arriued [ 10] in Ireland, and after in England.

Anno 1590. the said Master Iohn White put to Sea with Ships, and two Pinnaces, with purpose for Virginia, where they anchored at Hatorask in 36. 20. Aug. 15. They found some of the goods * 2.445 (such as the Sauages could not make vse of) and tokens as if they were at Croatoan; but the winds violence permitted no further search, and they returned to the Azores, and after to England, ar∣riuing at Plimmouth, Octob. 24.

Master BARTHOLOMEVV GOSNOLDS Letter to his Father, touching his first Voyage to Virginia, 1602. [ 20]

MY duetie remembred, &c. Sir, I was in good hope that my occasions would haue allowed mee so much libertie, as to haue come vnto you before this time; otherwise I would haue written more at large concerning the Countrie from whence we lately came, then I did: but not well remembring what I haue already written (though I am assured that there is nothing set downe disagreeing with the truth) I thought it fittest not to goe about to adde any thing in writing, but rather to leaue the report of the rest till I come my selfe; which now I hope shall be shortly, and so soone as with conueniency I may. In the meane time, notwithstanding whereas you seeme not to be satisfied by that which I haue already written, concerning some especiall matters. I haue here briefely (and as well as I can) added these few lines for your further satisfaction: and first as touching that place where we were most resident, it is in the Lati∣tude [ 30] of 41. degrees, and one third part; which albeit it be so much to the Southward, yet is it more cold then those parts of Europe, which are scituated vnder the same paralell: but one thing is worth the noting, that notwithstanding the place is not so much subiect to cold as England is, yet did we finde the Spring to be later there, then it is with vs here, by almost a moneth: this whether it hapned accidentally this last Spring to be so, or whether it be so of course, I am not very certaine; the latter seemes most like∣ly, whereof also there may be giuen some sufficient reason, which now I omit: as for the Acornes we saw gathered on heapes, they were of the last yeare, but doubtlesse their Summer continues longer then ours. We cannot gather by any thing we could obserue in the people, or by any triall we had thereof our selues; but that it is as healthfull a Climate as any can be. The Inhabitants there, as I wrote before, being of tall [ 40] stature, comely proportion, strong, actiue, and some of good yeares, and as it should seeme very healthfull, are sufficient proofe of the healthfulnesse of the place. First, for our selues (thankes be to God) we had not a man sicke two dayes together in all our Voyage; whereas others that went out with vs, or about that time on other Voyages (especially such as went vpon repr••sall) were most of them infected with sicknesse, whereof they lost some of the••r men, and brought home a many sicke, returning notwithstanding long be∣fore vs. But Verazzano, and others (as I take it, you may reade in the Booke of Discoueries) doe more particularly intreate of the Age of the people in that coast. The Sassafras which we brought we had vpon the Ilands; where though we bad little disturbance, and reasonable plenty: yet for that the greatest part of our people were imployed about the fitting of our house, and such like affaires, and a few (and those but easie labourers) vndertooke this worke, the rather because we were informed before our going forth, that [ 50] a tunne was sufficient to cloy England) and further, for that we had resolued vpon our returne, and taken view of our victuall, we iudged it then needefull to vse expedition; which afterward we had more cer∣taine proofe of; for when we came to an anker before Portsmouth, which was some foure dayes after we made the land, we had not one Cake of Bread, nor any drinke, but a little Vinegar, left: f••r these and other reasons, we returned no otherwise laden then you haue heard. And thus much I hope shall suffice till I can my selfe come to giue you further notice, which though it be not so soone as I could haue wisht, yet I hope it shall be in conuenient time. In the meane time crauing your pardon, for which the vrgent occasions of my stay will pleade, I humbly take my leaue.

7. Septemb. 1602.

Your dutifull Sonne, [ 60] BARTH. GOSNOLD.

CHAP. XI.

The Relation of Captaine GOSNOLS Voyage to the North part of Virginia, begunne the sixe and twentieth of March, Anno 42. ELIZABETHAE Reginae 1602. and deliuered by GABRIEL ARCHER, a Gentleman in the said Voyage.

THe said Captaine did set sayle from Famouth, the day and yeere aboue written ac∣companied with thirtie two persons, whereof eight Mariners and Saylers, [ 10] twelue purposing vpon the Discouery to returne with the ship for England, the rest remayne there for population. The fourteenth of Aprill following, wee had sight of Saint Maries an Iland of the Assoris.

The three and twentieth of the same, beeing two hundred leagues Westwards from the said Iland in the latitude of 37. degrees. The water in the mayne Ocean appeared yel∣low, * 2.446 the space of two leagues North and South, where sounding with thirtie fadome Line, wee found no ground, and taking vp some of the said water in a bucket, it altered not either in co∣lour or taste from the Sea Azure.

The seuenth of May following, we first saw many Birds in bignesse of Cliffe Pidgeons, and after diuers other as Pettrels, Cootes, Hagbuts, Pengwins, Murres, Gannets, Cormorants, Guls, [ 20] with many else in our English Tongue of no name. The eight of the same the water changed to a yellowish greene, where at seuentie fadome we had ground. The ninth, wee had two and twentie fadome in faire sandie ground, hauing vpon our Lead many glittering Stones, some∣what heauie, which might promise some Minerall matter in the bottome, we held our selues by computation, well neere the latitude of 43. degrees.

The tenth wee sonnded in 27. 30. 37. 43. fadome, and then came to 108. some thought it to be the sounding of the Westermost end of Saint Iohns Iland, vpon this banke we saw sculs of fish in great numbers. The twelfth we hoysed out halfe of our shallop, and sounding had then eigh∣tie fadome without any current perceiued by William Strete the Master, one hundred leagues Westward from Saint Maries til we came to the foresaid soundings continually passed fleeting by [ 30] vs Sea-oare, which seemed to haue their moueable course towards the North-east, a matter to set some subtle inuention on worke, for comprehending the true cause thereof. The thirteenth, wee * 2.447 sounded in seuentie fadome, and obserued great beds of weedes, much woode and diuers things else floating by vs, when as we had smelling of the shoare, such as from the Southerne Cape and Andulazia in Spaine. * 2.448

The fourteenth, about six in the morning we descried Land that lay North, &c. the Norther∣ly part we called the North Land, which to another Rocke vpon the same lying twelue leagues West, that wee called Sauage Rocke, because the Sauages first shewed themselues there, fiue leagues towards the said Rocke is an out Point of woodie ground, the Trees thereof very high * 2.449 and straight, from the Rocke East North-east. From the said Rocke, came towards vs a Biscay [ 40] shallop with saile and Oares, hauing eight persons in it, whom we supposed at first to bee Chri∣stians distressed. But approching vs neere, wee perceiued them to bee Sauages. These comming within call hayled vs, and wee answered. Then after signes of peace, and a long speech by one * 2.450 of them made, they came boldly aboord vs being all naked, sauing about their shoulders certaine loose Deere-skinnes, and neere their wastes Seale-skinnes tyed fast like to Irish Dimmie Trou∣ses. One that seeemed to be their Commander wore a Wastecoate of blacke worke, a paire of Breeches, cloth Stockings, Shooes, Hat, and Band, one or two more had also a few things made by some Christians, these with a piece of Chalke described the Coast thereabouts, and could * 2.451 name Placentia of the New-found-land, they spake diuers Christian words, and seemed to vnder∣stand much more then we, for want of Language could comprehend. These people are in colour swart, their haire long vp tyed with a knot in the part of behind the head. They paint their bo∣dies, [ 50] which are strong and well proportioned. These much desired our longer stay, but finding our selues short of our purposed place, we set saile Westwards, leauing them and their Coast. About sixteene leagues South-west from thence, wee perceiued in that course two small Ilands, the one lying Eastward from Sauage Rock, the other to the Southwards of it, the Coast we left was full of goodly Woods, faire Plaines, with little greene round Hils aboue the Cliffes appearing vnto vs, which are indifferently raised, but all Rockie, and of shining stones, which might haue perswaded vs a longer stay there.

The fifteenth day we ••ad againe sight of the Land, which made a head being as wee thought an Iland, by reason of a large sound that appeared Westward betweene it and the Mayne, for [ 60] comming ••o the Well end thereof, we did perceiue a large opening, we called it Shole-hope: Neere this Cape we came to Anchor in fifteene fadome, where wee tooke great store of Cod-fish, for * 2.452 which we alt••red the name, and called it Cape Cod. Here wee saw sculs of Herrings, Mackerels and other small 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in great abundance. This is a low sandie shoare, but without danger, also wee * 2.453

came to Anchor againe in sixteene fadome, faire by the Land in the latitude of 42. degrees. This Cape is well neere a mile broad, and lieth North-east by East. The Captaine went here ashoare and found the ground to be full of Pease, Strawberies, Hurtberies, &c. as then vnripe., the sand also by the shoare somewhat deepe, the fire-wood there by vs taken in was of Cypresse, Birch, Wich-hazell and Beech. A young Indian came here to the Captaine, armed with his Bow and Arrowes, and had certaine plates of Copper hanging at his Eares, hee shewed a willingnesse to helpe vs in our occasions.

The sixteenth, we trended the Coast Southerly, which was all champaine and full of grasse, but the Ilands somewhat wooddie. Twelue leagues from Cape Cod, we descried a point, with some breach a good distance off, and keeping our losse to double it, wee came on the sudden into [ 10] shoale water, yet well quitted our selues thereof. This breach wee called Tuckers Terror, vpon his expressed feare. The Point we named Point Care, hauing passed it wee bore vp againe with * 2.454 the Land, and in the night came with it anchoring in eight fadome, the ground good. The se∣uenteenth, appeared many breaches round about vs, so as wee continued that day without remooue.

The eighteenth, being faire we sent forth the Boat, to sound ouer a Breach, that in our course lay of another Point, by vs called Gilberts Point; who returned vs foure, fiue, sixe and seuen fa∣dome * 2.455 ouer. Also a Discouery of diuers Ilands which after prooued to bee Hils and Hummocks, distinct within the Land. This day there came vnto the ships side diuers Canoas; the Indians ap∣parelled * 2.456 as aforesaid, with Tobacco and Pipes steeled with Copper, Skins, artificiall strings and [ 20] other trifles to barter, one had hanging about his necke a plate of ••••ch Copper in length a foot, in breadth halfe a foot for a brest-plate, the Eares of all the rest had Pendants of Copper. Also one of them had his face ouer painted, and his head stucke with feathers in manner of a Turkey Cocks traine: These are more timerous then those of the Sau••ge Rocke, yet very theeuish.

The nineteenth, we passed ouer the breach of Gilberts Point in foure or fiue fadome, and an∣chored a league or somewhat more beyond it; betweene the last two Points are two leagues, the interim, along shoale water, the latitude here is 41. degrees two third parts.

The twentieth, by the ships side we there killed Pengwins, and saw many sculs of fish. The Coast from Gilberts Point to the supposed Iles lyeth East and by South. Here also we discouered * 2.457 two Inlets which might promise fresh water, inwardly whereof we perceiued much smoake, as [ 30] though some population had there beene: This Coast is very full of people, for that as we tren∣ded the same Sauages still runne along the shoare, as men much admiring at vs.

The one and twentieth, we went coasting from Gilberts Point to the supposed Iles, in tenne, nine, eight, seuen, and sixe fadome close aboord the shoare, and that depth lyeth a league off. A little from the supposed Iles appeared vnto vs an opening, with which we stood iudging it to bee the end of that which Captaine Gosnoll descrieth from Cape Cod, and as hee thought to extend some thirtie or more miles in length, and finding there but three fadome a league off, we omitted to make further discouerie of the same, calling it Shole-hope.

From this opening the Mayne lyeth South-west, which coasting along we saw a disinhabited Iland which so afterwards appeared vnto vs: we bore with it, and named it Marthaes Vineyard, [ 40] from Shole-hope it is eight leagues in circuit, the Iland is fiue miles, and hath 41. degrees and one * 2.458 quarter of latitude: the place most pleasant; for the two and twentieth, we went a shoare, and found it full of Wood, Vines, Gooseberie bushes, Hurtberies, Raspices, Eglentine, &c. Heere we had Cranes, Hearnes, Shoulers Geese, and diuers other Birds which there at that time vpon the Cliffes being sandie with some Rockie stones, did breed and had young. In this place we saw Deere, heere we rode in eight fathome neere the shoare, where wee tooke great store of Cod, as before at Cape Cod, but much better.

The three and twentieth wee weyed, and towards night came to Anchor at the Northwest part of this Iland, where the next morning off••red vnto vs fast running thirteene Sauages appa∣relled as aforesaid, and armed with Bowes and Arrowes without any feare. They brought Io∣bacco, [ 50] Deere skins and some sodden fish. These offered themselues vnto vs in great familiaritie, who seemed to be well conditioned. They came more rich in Copper then any before. This I∣land is sound, and hath no danger about it.

The foure and twentieth, we set saile and doubled the Cape of another Iland next vnto it, which wee called Douer Cliffe, and then came into a faire Sound, where wee roade all night, the next morning wee sent off our Boate to discouer another Cape, that lay betweene vs and the * 2.459 Mayne, from which were a ledge of Rockes a mile into the Sea, but all aboue water, and with∣out danger, we went about them, and came to Anchor in eight fadome, a quarter of a mile from the shoare, in one of the stateliest Sounds that euer I was in. This called wee Gosnolls Hope; the North banke whereof is the Mayne, which stretcheth East and West. This Iland Captaine Gos∣noll * 2.460 [ 60] called Elizabeths Ile, where we determined our abode: the distance betweene euery of these * 2.461 Ilands is, viz. from Marthaes Vineyard to Douer Cliffe, halfe a league ouer the Sound, thence to Elizabeths Ile one league distant. From Elizabeths Ile vnto the Mayne is foure leagues. On the North side neere adioyning vnto the Iland Elizabeth, is an Ilet in compasse halfe a myle full

of Cedars, by me called Hills Hap, to the Northward, of which in the mouth of an opening on * 2.462 the Mayne appeareth another the like, that I called Haps Hill, for that I hope much hap may be expected from it.

The fiue and twentieth, it was that we came from Gosnolls Hope. The six and twentieth, we trimmed and fitted vp our Shallop. The seuen and twentieth, there came vnto vs an Indian and two women; the one we supposed to be his Wife, the other his Daughter, both cleane and straite bodied, with countenance sweet and pleasant. To these the Indian gaue heedfull attendance for that they shewed them in much familiaritie with our men, although they would not admit of a∣ny immodest touch.

The eight and twentieth we entred counsell about our abode and plantation, which was con∣cluded to be in the West part of Elizabeths Iland. The North-east thereof running from out our [ 10] ken. The South and North standeth in an equall Parallel. This Iland in the Wester••de admitteth some Increekes, or sandie Coues, so girded, as the water in some places of each side meeteth, to which the Indians from the Mayne doe oftentimes resort for fishing of Crabs. There is eight fadome very neere the shoare, and the latitude here is 41. degrees 10. minutes, the breadth from Sound to Sound in the Wester part is not passing a mile at most, altogether vnpeopled and dis∣inhabited. * 2.463 It is ouer-growne with Wood and Rubbish, viz. Okes, Ashes, Beech, Wal-nut, Weech-halse, Sassafrage, and Cedars, with diuers other of vnknowne names. The R〈…〉〈…〉sh is wild Peaze, young Sassafrage, Cherie trees, Vines, Eglentine, Goose-berie bushes, Haw••••orne, Honisuckles, with others of like qualitie. The herbs and Roots are Strawberies Raspis, Ground Nuts, Alexander, Surrin, Tansie, &c. without count. Touching the fertilitie of the soyle by our [ 20] owne experience made, we found it to be excellent for sowing some English pulse it sprowted out in one fortnight almost halfe a foot. In this Iland is a stage or Pond of fresh water, in circuit two miles, on the one side not distant from the Sea thirtie yards, in the Centre whereof is a Roc∣kie Islet, contayning neere an Acre of ground full of wood, on which wee beganne our Fort and * 2.464 place of abode, disposing it selfe so fit for the same. These Indians call Gold Wassador, which ar∣gueth there is thereof in the Countrey.

The nine and twentieth, we laboured in getting of Sassafrage, rubbishing our little Fort or Islet, new keeling our shallop; and making a Punt or Flat bottome Boate to passe to and fro our Fort ouer the fresh water, the powder of Sassafrage in twelue houres cured one of our Com∣pany that had taken a great Surfet by eating the bellies of Dog-fish, a very delicious meate. [ 30]

The thirtieth, Captaine Gosnoll with diuers of his company went vpon pleasure in the shal∣lop towards Hills Hap to view it, and the Sandie Coue, and returning brought with him a Canoa that foure Indians had there left being fled away for feare of our English which we brought into England.

The one and thirtieth, Captaine Gosnoll desirous to see the Maine, because of the distance, hee set sayle ouer; where comming to anchor, went ashoare with certaine of his companie, and im∣mediatly there presented vnto him men women and children, who with all curteous kindnesse entertayned him, giuing him certaine skinnes of wilde beasts, which may be rich Furres, Tobac∣co, Turtles, Hempe, artificiall Strings c••••oured, Chaines, and such like things as at the in••••ant * 2.465 [ 40] they had about them. These are a faire conditioned people: On all the Sea coast along we found Mussell shells that in colour did represent Mother-of-pearle, but not hauing meanes to dredge, could not apprehend further knowledge thereof. This Maine is the goodliest Continent that euer we saw, promising more by farre then we any way did expect: for it is replenished with * 2.466 faire fields, and in them fragrant Flowers, also Medowes, and hedged in with stately Groues, be∣ing furnished also with pleasant Brookes, and beautified with two maine Riuers that (as wee iudge) may haply become good Harbours, and conduct vs to the hopes men so greedily doe thirst after. In the mouth of one of these Inlets or Riuers lieth that little Ile before mentioned, called Happes Hill, from which vnto the Westermost end of the Maine, appearing where the other Inlet is, I account some fiue leagues, and the Coast betweene bendeth like a Bow, and lyeth East and by North. Beyond these two Inlets we might perceiue the Mayne to beare vp South-west, [ 50] and more Southerly. Thus with this taste of Discouery, we now contented our selues, and the same day made returne vnto our Fort, time not permitting more sparing delay.

The first of Iune, we employed our selues in getting Sassafrage, and the building of our Fort. The second, third and fourth, we wrought hard to make readie our house for the prouision to bee had ashore to sustaine vs till our ships returne. This day from the Mayne came to our ships side a Canoa, with their Lord or chiefe Commander, for that they made little stay only pointing to the Sunne, as in signe that the next day hee would come and visit vs, which hee did ac∣cordingly.

The fifth, wee continued our labour, when there came vnto vs ashoare from the Mayne fiftie [ 60] Sauages, stout and lustie men with their Bowes and Arrowes, amongst them there seemed to be one of authoritie, because the rest made an inclining respect vnto him. The ship was at their comming a league off, and Captaine Gosnoll aboord, and so likewise Captaine Gilbert, who almost neuer went ashoare, the company with me only eight persons. These Indians in hastie manner

came towards vs, so as we thought fit to make a stand at an angle betweene the Sea and a fresh water, I mooued my selfe towards him seuen or eight steps, and clapt my hands first on the sides of mine head, then on my breast, and after presented my Musket with a threatning countenance, thereby to signifie vnto them, either a choice of Peace or Warre, whereupon hee vsing mee with mine owne signes of Peace, I stept forth and imbraced him, his company then all sate downe in manner like Grey-hounds vpon their heeles, with whom my company fell a bartering. By this time Captaine Gosnoll was come with twelue men more from aboord, and to shew the Sauage Seignior that he was our Captaine, we receiued him in a guard, which he passing thorow, saluted the Seignior with ceremonies of our salutations, whereat he nothing mooued or altered himselfe. Our Captaine gaue him a straw Hat and a paire of Kniues, the Hat awhiles hee wore, but the [ 10] Kniues he beheld with great maruelling, being very bright and sharpe, this our courtesie made them all in loue with vs. * 2.467

The sixt being raine, we spent idlely aboord. The seuenth, the Seignior came againe with all his troupe as before, and continued with vs the most part of the day, we going to dinner about noone, they sate with vs and did eate of our Bacaleure and Mustard, dranke of our Beere, but the Mustard nipping them in their noses they could not indure: it was a sport to behold their faces made being bitten therewith. In time of Dinner the Sauages had stolne a Target where∣with acquainting the Seignior, with feare and great trembling they restored it againe, thinking perhaps we would haue beene reuenged for it, but seeing our familiaritie to continue, they fell a fresh to roasting of Crabs, Red Herrings, which were exceeding great, ground Nuts, &c. as be∣fore. [ 20] Our Dinner ended, the Seignior first tooke leaue and departed, next all the rest sauing foure that stayed and went into the Wood to helpe vs digge Sassafrage, whom we desired to goe aboord vs, which they refused and so departed.

The eighth wee diuided the victuals, viz. the ships store for England, and that of the Planters, which by Captaine Gilbert: allowance could be but sixe weekes for sixe moneths, whereby there fell out a controuersie, the rather, for that some seemed secretly to vnderstand of a purpose Cap∣taine Gilbert had not to returne with supplie of the issue, those goods should make by him to be carried home. Besides, there wanted not ambitious conceits in the mindes of some wrang∣ling * 2.468 and ill disposed persons that ouerthrew the stay there at that time, which vpon consultation thereof had, about fiue dayes after was fully resolued all for England againe. There came in this [ 30] interim aboord vnto vs, that stayed all night, an Indian, whom wee vsed kindly, and the next day sent ashoare hee shewed himselfe the most sober of all the rest, wee held him sent as a Spie. In the morning he filched away our Pot-hookes, thinking he had not done any ill therein; be∣ing ashoare wee bid him strike fire, which with an Emerald stone (such as the Glasiers vse, to cut Glasse) he did. I take it to be the very same that in Latine is called Smiris, for striking there∣with vpon Touch-wood that of purpose hee had, by meane of a mynerall stone vsed therein, sparkles proceeded and forth with kindled with making of flame. The ninth, wee continued working on our Store-house for as yet remayned in vs a desired resolution of making stay. The tenth, Captaine Gosnoll fell downe with the ship to the little Ilet of Cedars, called Hills happe, to take in Cedar wood, leauing mee and nine more in the Fort, onely with three meales meate, [ 40] vpon promise to returne the next day.

The eleuenth, he came not, neither sent, whereupon I commanded foure of my companie to seeke out for Crabbes, Lobsters, Turtles, &c. for sustayning vs till the ships returne, which was gone cleane out of sight, and had the winde chopt vp at South-west, with much difficulty would shee haue beene able in short time to haue made returne. These foure Purveyers, whom I counselled to keepe together for their better safety diuided themselues, two going one wayes and two another, in search as aforesaid. One of these petie companies was assaulted by foure Indians, who with Arrowes did shoot and hurt one of the two in his side, the other a lusty and * 2.469 nimble fellow, leapt in and cut their Bow-strings whereupon they fled. Being late in the eue∣ning, they were driuen to lie all night in the Woods, not knowing the way home thorow the [ 50] thicke rubbish, as also the weather somewhat stormie. The want of these sorrowed vs much, as not able to coniecture any thing of them vnlesse very euill.

The twelfth, those two came vnto vs againe, whereat our ioy was encreased, yet the want of our Captaine, that promised to returne, as aforesaid, strooke vs in a dumpish terrour, for that hee performed not the same in the space of almost three dayes. In the meane wee sustayned our selues with Alexander and Sorrell pottage, Ground-nuts and Tobacco, which gaue nature a rea∣sonable content. Wee heard at last, our Captaine to Iewre vnto vs, which made such musike as sweeter neuer came vnto poore men.

The thirteenth, beganne some of our companie that before vowed to stay, to make reuolt: whereupon the planters diminishing, all was giuen ouer. The fourteenth, fifteenth, and six∣teenth [ 60] wee spent in getting Sasafrage and fire-wood of Cedar, leauing House and little Fort by ten men in nineteene dayes sufficient made to harbour twenty persons at least with their neces∣sary prouision.

The seuenteenth, we set sayle, doubling the Rockes of Elizabeths Iland, and passing by Douer

Cliffe, came to anchor at Marthaes Vineyard being fiue leagues distant from our Fort, where we went ashoare, and had young Cranes, Herneshowes, and Geese, which now were growne to pretie bignesse.

The eighteenth, we set sayle and bore for England, cutting off our Shalop, that was well able * 2.470 to land fiue and twenty men, or more, a Boate very necessary for the like occasions. The winds doe raigne most commonly vpon this coast in the Summer time, Westerly. In our home∣ward course wee obserued the foresaid fleeting weeds to continue till we came within two hun∣dred leagues of Europe.

The three and twentieth of Iuly we came to anchor before Exmouth. [ 10]

CHAP. XI.

Notes of the same Voyage taken out of a Tractate written by IAMES RO∣SIER to Sir WALTER RALEIGH, and of MACES Voyage to Virginia.

ELizabeths Iland is full of high timbred Oakes, their leaues thrice so broad as ours; Ce∣dars, * 2.471 straight and tall; Beech, Elme, Hollie, Wal-nut trees in abundance, the fruit as [ 20] bigge as ours, as appeared by those wee found vnder the trees, which had lien all the yeere vngathered; Hasle-nut trees, Cherrie trees, the leafe, barke and bignesse not differing from ours in England, but the stalke beareth the blossomes or fruit at the end thereof, like a cluster of Grapes, fortie or fiftie in a bunch; Sassafras trees great plen∣tie * 2.472 all the Iland ouer, a tree of high price and profit; also diuers other fruit-trees, some of them with strange barkes, of an Orange colour, in feeling soft and smooth like Veluet: in the thickest parts of these Woods, you may see a furlong or more round about.

On the North-west side of this Iland, neere to the Sea-side, is a standing Lake of fresh water, almost three English miles in compasse, in the miast whereof stands a woody ground, an acre in quantitie, or not * 2.473 aboue: this Lake is full of small Tortoises, and exceedingly frequented with all sorts of fowles before re∣hearsed, [ 30] which breed, some lowe on the bankes, and others on lowe trees about this Lake in great abun∣dance, whose young ones of all sorts wee tooke and eate at our pleasure: but all these fowles are much * 2.474 bigger than ours in England. Also, in euery Iland, and almost euery part of euery Iland, are great store of Ground-nuts fortie together on a string, some of them as bigge as Hennes egges; they growe not two inches vnder ground: the which Nuts wee found to bee as good as Potatoes. Also, diuers sorts of shell-fish, as Scalops, Mussels, Cockles, Lobsters, Crabs, Oisters, and Wilkes, exceeding good and very great. But not to cloy you with particular rehearsall of such things as God and Nature hath bestowed on these places, in comparison whereof, the most fertile part of all England is (of it selfe) but barren; wee went in our Light-horsman from this Iland to the Maine, right against this Iland some two miles off, where comming ashoare, wee stood a while like men ranished at the beautie and delicacy of this sweet * 2.475 [ 40] soyle; for besides diuers cleere Lakes of fresh water (whereof wee saw no end) Medowes very large, and full of greene grasse; euen the most wooddy places (I speake onely of such as I saw) doe growe so distinct and apart, one tree from another, vpon greene grassie ground, somewhat higher than the Plaines, as if Nature would shew her selfe aboue her power, artificiall. Hard by, wee espied seuen Indians, and comming vp to them, at first they expressed some feare; but being emboldned by our courteous vsage, * 2.476 and some trifles which we gaue them, they followed vs to a necke of Land, which wee imagined had beene seuered from the Mayne; but finding it otherwise, wee perceiued abroad Harbour or Riuers mouth, * 2.477 which came vp into the Mayne: and because the day was farre spent, we were forced to returne to the I∣land from whence we came, leauing the Discouery of this Harbour, for a time of better leisure. Of * 2.478 the goadnesse of which Harbour, as also of many others thereabouts, there is small doubt, con∣sidering [ 50] that all the Ilands, as also the Maine (where wee were) is all Rockie Grounds and broken Lands.

Now the next day, wee determined to fortifie our selues in a little plot of ground in the middest of the Lake aboue mentioned, where wee built an house, and couered it with sedge, which grew about this * 2.479 Lake in great abundance; in building whereof, wee spent three weekes and more: but the second day after our comming from the Maine, wee espied eleuen Canoas or Boats, with fifty Indians in them, * 2.480 comming toward vs from this part of the Maine, where wee two dayes before landed: and being loath they should discouer our fortification, wee went out into the Sea side to meete them; and comming some∣what neere them, they all sate downe vpon the stones, calling aloud to vs (as wee rightly ghessed) to doe the like, a little distance from them: hauing sate a while in this order, Captaine Gosnold willed mee [ 60] to goe vnto them; to see what countenance they would make; but as soone as I came vp vnto them, one of them, to whom I had giuen a Knife two dayes before in the Maine, knew mee (whom I also very well remembred) and smiling vpon me, spake somewhat vnto their Lord or Captaine, which sate in the midst * 2.481 of them, who presently rose vp and tooke a large Beuer skinne from one that stood about him, and gaue

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it vnto me, which I requited for that time the best I could: but I, pointing towards captaine Gosnold, made signes vnto him, that hee was our Captaine, and desirous to bee his friend, and enter league with him, which (as I perceiued) he vnderstood, and made signes of ioy: whereupon Captaine Gosnold, with the rest of his companie, being twenty in all, came vp vnto them; and after many signes of gratulations (Captaine Gosnold presenting their Lord with certaine trifles which they wondred at, and highly estee∣med) wee became very great friends, and sent for meat aboord our Shalop, and gaue them such meates as wee had then ready dressed, whereof they misliked nothing but our Mustard, whereat they made many a sowre face. While wee were thus merrie, one of them had conueighed a Target of ours into one of their Canoas, which wee suffered, onely to trie whether they were in subiection to this Lord, to whom we made signes (by shewing him another of the same likenesse, and pointing to the Canoa) what one of his com∣panie [ 10] had done: who suddenly expressed some feare, and speaking angerly to one about him (as wee percei∣ued * 2.482 by his countenance) caused it presently to be brought backe againe. So the rest of the day wee spent in trading with them for Furres, which are Beauers, Luzernes, Marterns, Otters, Wilde-cat skinnes, ve∣ry large and deepe Furre, blacke Foxes, Conie skinnes, of the colour of our Hares, but somewhat lesse, Deere skinnes very large, Seale skinnes, and other beasts skinnes, to vs vnknowne.

They haue also great store of Copper, some very red, and some of a paler colour; none of them but * 2.483 haue Chaines, Eare-rings, or Collars of this metall: they head some of their Arrowes herewith much like our broad Arrow heads, very workmanly made. Their Chaines are many hollow pieces semented * 2.484 together, each piece of the bignesse of one of our reeds, a finger in length, ten or twelue of them toge∣ther on a string, which they weare about their neckes: their Collars they weare about their bodies like * 2.485 [ 20] Bandelieres a handfull broad, all hollow pieces, like the other, but somewhat shorter, foure hundred pieces in a Collar, very fine and euenly set together. Besides these, they haue large drinking Cups made like * 2.486 Sculls, and other thinne plates of Copper, made much like our Boare-speare blades, all which they so little esteeme, as they offered their fairest Collars and Chaines for a Knife, or such like triste, but wee seemed little to regard it; yet I was desirous to vnderstand where they had such store of this mettall, and made signes to one of them (with whom I was very familiar) who taking a piece of copper in his hand, made a hole * 2.487 with his finger in the ground, and withall pointed to the Maine from whence they came. They strike fire in this manner; euery one carrieth about him in a Purse oftewd Leather, a Minerall stone (which I take * 2.488 to be their Copper) and with a flat Emerie stone (wherewith Glasiers cut glasse, and Cutlers glase blades) tied fast to the end of alittle sticke, gently hee striketh vpon the Minerall stone, and within a stroke or * 2.489 [ 30] two, a sparke falleth vpon a piece of Touch-wood (much like our Spunge in England) and with the least sparke he maketh a fire presently. Wee had also of their Flaxe, wherewith they make many strings and * 2.490 cords, but it is not so bright of colour as ours in England: I am perswaded they haue store growing vp∣on the Maine, as also Mines, and many other rich commodities, which we, wanting both time and meanes could not possibly discouer.

Thus they continued with vs three dayes, euery night retiring themselues to the furthermost part of our Iland two or three miles from our Fort: but the fourth day they returned to the Maine, pointing fiue or sixe times to the Sunne, and once to the Maine, which we vnderstood, that within fiue or sixe dayes they would come from the Maine to vs againe: but being in their Canoas a little from the shoare, they made huge cries and shouts of ioy vnto vs; and wee with our Trumpet and Cornet, and casting vp our [ 40] caps into the aire, made them the best farewell wee could: yet sixe or seuen of them remayned with vs behinde, bearing vs companie euery day in the Woods, and helped vs to cut and carrie our Sassafras, and some of them lay aboord our ship. * 2.491

These people as they are exceeding curteous, gentle of disposition, and well conditioned, excelling all others that we haue seene; so for shape of body and louely fauour, I thinke they excell all the people of America; of stature much higher than wee; of complexion or colour, much like a darke Oliue; their eye-browes and haire blacke, which they weare long, tyed vp behinde in knots, whereon they pricke fea∣thers of fowles, in fashion of a Crownet: some of them are blacke thinne bearded; they make beards of the haire of beasts: and one of them offered a beard of their making to one of our Saylers, for his that grew on his face, which because it was of a red colour, they iudged to be none of his owne. They are quicke [ 50] eyed, and stedfast in their lookes, fearelesse of others harmes, as intending none themselues; some of the meaner sort giuen to filching, which the very name of Sauages (not weighing their ignorance in good or * 2.492 euill) may easily excuse: their garments are of Deere skinnes, and some of them weare Furres round and close about their neckes. They pronounce our Language with great facilitie; for one of them one day sitting by mee, vpon occasion I spake smiling to him these words: How now, sirrha, are you so sawcy with my Tobacco? which words (without any further repetition) he suddenly spake so plaine and distinctly, as if hee had beene a long Scholer in the Language. Many other such trials wee had, which are here needlesse to repeat. Their women (such as wee saw) which were but three in all, were * 2.493 but lowe of stature, their eye-browes, haire, apparell, and manner of wearing, like to the men, fat, and very well-fauoured, and much delighted in our companie; the men are very dutifull to∣wards [ 60] them. And truly, the wholsomnesse and temperature of this Climate, doth not onely argue this people to be answerable to this description, but also of a perfect constitution of body, actiue strong, health∣full, and very witty, as the sundry toyes of theirs cunningly wrought, may easily witnesse. * 2.494

For the agreeing of this Climate with vs (I speake of my selfe, and so I may iustly doe for the rest of

our companie) that we found our health and strength all the while we remayned there, so to renew and en∣crease, as notwithstanding our diet and lodging was none of the best, yet not one of our companie (God be thanked) felt the least grudging or inclination to any disease or sicknesse, but were much fatter, and in better health than when we went out of England: but after our Barke had taken in so much Sassafras, Cedar, Furres, Skinnes, and other commodities, as were thought conuenient; some of our companie that had promised Captaine Gosnold to stay, hauing nothing but a sauing voyage in their mindes, made our companie of Inhabitants (which was small enough before) much smaller; so as Cap∣taine Gosnold seeing his whole strength to consist but of twelue men, and they but meanly proui∣ded, determined to returne for England, leauing this Iland (which he called Elizabeths Iland) with * 2.495 as many true sorrowfull eyes, as were before desirous to see it. So the eighteenth of Iune, being Friday, we weighed and with indifferent faire winde and weather came to anchor the three and twentieth [ 10] of Iuly, being also Friday (in all, bare fiue weekes) before Exmouth.

Your Lordships to command. IOHN BRERETON.

A briefe Note of such commodities as we saw in the Countrie, notwithstan∣ding our small time of stay.

TRees. Sassafras trees, the roots whereof at three shillings the pound are three hundred thirty sixe pound the tunne. Cedars tall and straight, in great abundance; Cypres trees, Oakes, [ 20] Wal-nut trees great store, Elmes, Beech, Hollie, Hasle-nut trees, Cherrie trees, Cotton trees, and other fruit-trees to vs vnknowne. The finder of our Sassafras in these parts, was one Master Robert Meriton.

Fowles. Eagles, Hernshawes. Cranes, Bitters, Mallards, Teales, Geese, Pengwins, Ospreis and Hawkes, Crowes, Rauens, Mewes, Doues, Sea-pies, Black-birds with carnation wings.

Beasts. Deere in great store, very great and large; Beares, Luzernes, blacke Foxes, Beauers, Otters, Wilde-cats very large and great, Dogs like Foxes, blacke and sharpe nosed; Conies.

Fruits, Plants, and Herbes. Tabacco, excellent sweet and strong; Vines more plenty than in France, Ground-nuts, good meate and also medicinable; Strawberries, Rasp-berries, Goose∣berries, Hurtleberries, Pease growing naturally, Flaxe, Iris Florentina, whereof Apothecaries [ 30] make sweet balls; Sorrell, and many other herbes where with they made Sallets.

Fishes. Whales, Tortoises, both on Land and Sea; Seales Cods, Mackerell, Breames, Her∣rings, Thornbacke, Hakes, Rock-fish, Dog-fish, Lobsters, Crabbes, Mussels, Wilkes, Cockles, Scallops, Oysters.

Snakes foure foot in length, and sixe inches about, which the Indians eate for dainty meate, the skinnes whereof they vse for girdles.

Colours to die with, red, white, and blacke.

Mettals, and Stones. Copper in great abundance, Emerie stones, for Glasiers and Cutlers, Alabaster very white, Stones glittering and shining like Minerall stones; Stones of a blue met∣talline colour, which we take to bee Steele oare; Stones of all sorts for buildings; Clay, red [ 40] and white, which may proue good Terra Sigillata.

A briefe Note of the sending another Barque this present yeere 1602.

by Sir WALTER RALEIGH, for the searching out of his Colonie in Virginia.

SAmuel Mace of Weimouth, a very sufficient Mariner, an honest sober man, who had beene at Uirginia twice before, was employed thither by Sir Walter Raleigh, to finde those people which were left there in the yeere 1587. To whose succour he hath sent fiue seuerall times at his [ 50] owne charges. The parties by him set forth, performed nothing; some of them following their owne profit elsewhere; others returning with friuolous allegations. At this last time, to a∣uoide all excuse, hee bought a Barke, and hired all the companie for wages by the moneth: who departing from Weimouth in March last, 1602. fell fortie leagues to the South-westward of Hataraske, in 34. degrees or thereabout; and hauing there spent a moneth; when they came along the coast to seeke the people, they did it not, pretending that the extremitie of weather, and losse of some principall ground-tackle, forced and feared them from searching the Port of Hataraske, to which they were sent. From that place where they abode, they brought Sassa∣fras, Radix Chinae, or the China Root, Beniamin, Cassia lignea and a rind of a tree more strong [ 60] than any Spice as yet vnknowne, with diuers other commodities, which hereafter in a larger dis∣course may come to light.

CHAP. XII.

A Voyage set out from the Citie of Bristoll at the charge of the chiefest Merchants and Inhabitants of the said Citie with a small Ship and a Barke for the discouerie of the North part of Virginia, in the yeere 1603. vnder the com∣mand of me MARTIN PRINGE.

VPon many probable and reasonable inducements, vsed vnto sundry of the chiefest [ 10] Merchants of Bristoll, by Master Richard Hakluyt Prebendary of Saint Augu∣stines the Cathedrall Church of the said Citie, after diuers meetings and due con∣sultation they resolued to set forth a Voyage for the farther Discouerie of the North part of Uirginia. And first they sent the said Master Hakluyt accompa∣nied with one Master Iohn Angell, and Master Robert Saltern (which had beene * 2.496 in the said Discouerie the yeere before with Captaine Bar tholomew Gosnold) to obtaine permissi∣on of Sir Walter Raleigh (which had a most ample Patent of all those parts from Queene Eliza∣beth) to entermeddle and deale in that action. Leaue being obtained of him vnder his hand and Seale, they speedily prepared a small ship called the Speed-well in burthen about fiftie tunnes, manning the same with some thirtie men and Boyes, wherein went for Master and chiefe Com∣mander in the Voyage one Martin Pring, a man very sufficient for his place, and Edmund Iones his [ 20] Mate, and Robert Salterne aboue mentioned, as their chiefe Agent, with a Barke called the Dis∣couerer, of six and twentie tunnes or thereabout, wherein went for Master William Browne, and Samuell Kirkland his Mate, both good and skilfull Mariners, being thirteene men and a Boy in all in that Barke. The aforesaid ship and Barke were plentifully victualied for eight monethes, and furnished with slight Merchandizes thought fit to trade with the people of the Countrey, as Hats of diuers colours, greene, blue and yellow, apparell of coarse Kersie and Canuasse readie made, Stockings and Shooes, Sawes, Pick-axes, Spades and Shouels, Axes, Hatchets, Hookes, Kniues, Sizzers, Hammers, Nailes, Chissels, Fish-hookes, Bels, Beades, Bugles, Looking-glasses, Thimbles, Pinnes, Needles, Threed, and such like. They set saile from Kingrode the twentieth [ 30] day of March.

We set saile from Milford Hauen (where the winds had stayed vs a fortnight, in which space * 2.497 we heard of Queene Elizabeths death) the tenth of Aprill 1603. In our course we passed by the Iles of the Açores, had first sight of the Pike, and afterward of the Iland of Cueruo and Flores, and after we had runne some fiue hundred leagues, we fell with a multitude of small Ilands on the North Coast of Virginia, in the latitude of 43. degrees, the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Iune, which Ilands wee found very pleasant to behold, adorned with goodly grasse and sundry sorts of Trees, as Cedars, * 2.498 Spruce, Pines, and Firre-trees. Heere wee found an excellent fishing for Cods, which are better then those of New-found-land, and withall we saw good and Rockie ground fit to drie them vp∣on: also we see no reason to the contrary, but that Salt may bee made in these parts, a matter of [ 40] no small importance. We sayled to the South-west end of these Ilands, and there rode with our ships vnder one of the greatest. One of them we named Foxe Iland, because we found those kind * 2.499 of beasts thereon. So passing through the rest with our Boates to the mayne Land, which lieth for a good space North-east and South-west, we found very safe riding among them, in sixe, se∣uen, eight, ten and twelue fathomes. At length comming to the Mayne in the latitude of 43. degrees and an halfe, we ranged the same to the South-west. In which course we found foure In∣lets, the most Easterly whereof was barred at the mouth, but hauing passed ouer the barre, wee ranne vp into it fiue miles, and for a certaine space found very good depth, and comming out a∣gaine, as we sailed South-westward, wee lighted vpon two other Inlets, which vpon our search we found to pierce not farre into the Land, the fourth and most Westerly was the best, which [ 50] we rowed vp ten or twelue miles.

In all these places we found no people, but signes of fires where they had beene. Howbeit we beheld very goodly Groues and Woods replenished with tall Okes, Beeches, Pine-trees, Firre-trees, Hasels, Wich-hasels and Maples. We saw here also sundry sorts of Beasts, as Stags, Deere, Beares, Wolues, Foxes, Lusernes, and Dogges with sharpe noses. But meeting with no Sassafras, we left these places with all the foresaid Ilands, shaping our course for Sauage Rocke, * 2.500 discouered the yeere before by Captaine Gosnold, where going vpon the Mayne we found people, with whom we had no long conuersation, because here also we could find no Sassfras. Departing hence we bare into that great Gulfe which Captaine Gosnold ouer-shot the yeere before, coasting * 2.501 and finding people on the North side thereof. Not yet satisfied in our expectation, we left them [ 60] and sailed ouer, and came to an Anchor on the South side in the latitude of 41. degrees and odde minutes: where we went on Land in a certaine Bay, which we called Whitson Bay, by the name of the Worshipfull Master Iohn Whitson then Maior of the Citie of Bristoll, and one of the chiefe Aduenturers, and finding a pleasant Hill thereunto adioyning, wee called it Mount Aldworth, * 2.502

for Master Robert Aldworths sake a chiefe furtherer of the Voyage, aswell with his Purse as with his trauell. Here we had sufficient quantitie of Sassafras.

At our going on shore, vpon view of the people and sight of the place, wee thought it conue∣nient to make a small baricado to keepe diligent watch and ward in, for the aduertizement and succour of our men, while they should worke in the Woods. During our abode on shore, the * 2.503 people of the Countrey came to our men sometimes ten, twentie, fortie or threescore, and at one time one hundred and twentie at once. We vsed them kindly, and gaue them diuers sorts of our meanest Merchandize. They did eat Pease and Beanes with our men. Their owne victuals were most of fish.

We had a youth in our company that could play vpon a Gitterne, in whose homely Musicke [ 10] they tooke great delight, and would giue him many things, as Tobacco, Tobacco-pipes, Snakes * 2.504 skinnes of sixe foot long, which they vse for Girdles, Fawnes skinnes, and such like, and dan∣ced twentie in a Ring, and the Gitterne in the middest of them, vsing many Sauage gestures, singing Io, Ia, Io, Ia, Ia, Io: him that first brake the ring, the rest would knocke and cry out vpon. * 2.505 Some few of them had plates of Brasse a foot long, and halfe a foote broad before their breasts. Their weapons are Bowes of fiue or sixe foot long of Wich-hasell, painted blacke and yellow, * 2.506 the strings of three twists of sinewes, bigger then our Bow-strings. Their Arrowes are of a yard and an handfull long not made of Reeds, but of a fine light wood very smooth and round with three long and deepe blacke feathers of some Eagle, Vulture, or Kite, as closely fastened with some binding matter, as any Fletcher of ours can glue them on. Their Quiuers are full a yard [ 20] long, made of long dried Rushes wrought about two handfuls broad aboue, and one handfull be∣neath with prettie workes and compartiments, Diamant wise of red and other colours.

We carried with vs from Bristoll two excellent Mastiues, of whom the Indians were more a∣fraid, * 2.507 then of twentie of our men. One of these Mastiues would carrie a halfe Pike in his mouth. And one Master Thomas Bridges a Gentleman of our company accompanied only with one of these Dogs, and passed sixe miles alone in the Countrey hauing lost his fellowes, and returned safely. And when we would be rid of the Sauages company wee would let loose the Mastiues, and saddenly with out-cryes they would flee away. These people in colour are inclined to a swart, tawnie, or Chestnut colour, not by nature but accidentally, and doe weare their haire brayded in foure parts, and trussed vp about their heads with a small knot behind: in which [ 30] haire of theirs they sticke many feathers and toyes for brauerie and pleasure. They couer their * 2.508 priuities only with a piece of leather drawne betwixt their twists and fastened to their Girdles behind and before: whereunto they hang their bags of Tobacco. They seeme to bee somewhat iealous of their women, for we saw not past two of them, who weare Aprons of Leather skins before them downe to the knees, and a Beares skinne like an Irish Mantle ouer one shoulder. The men are of stature somewhat taller then our ordinary people, strong, swift, well proportioned, and giuen to treacherie, as in the end we perceiued.

Their Boats, whereof we brought one to Bristoll, were in proportion like a Wherrie of the Riuer * 2.509 of Thames, seuenteene foot long and foure foot broad, made of the Barke of a Birch-tree, farre exceeding in bignesse those of England: it was sowed together with strong and tough Oziers or [ 40] twigs, and the seames couered ouer with Rozen or Turpentine little inferiour in sweetnesse to * 2.510 Frankincense, as we made triall by burning a little thereof on the coales at sundry times after our comming home: it was also open like a Wherrie, and sharpe at both ends, sauing that the beake was a little bending roundly vpward. And though it carried nine men standing vpright, yet it weighed not at the most aboue sixtie pounds in weight, a thing almost incredible in re∣gard of the largenesse and capacitie thereof. Their Oares were flat at the end like an Ouen peele, made of Ash or Maple very light and strong, about two yards long, wherewith they row very swiftly: Passing vp a Riuer we saw certaine Cottages together, abandoned by the Sauages, and not farre off we beheld their Gardens and one among the rest of an Acre of ground, and in the same was sowne Tobacco, Pompions, Cowcumbers and such like; and some of the people * 2.511 [ 50] had Maiz or Indian Wheate among them. In the fields we found wild Pease, Strawberries very faire and bigge, Goose-berries, Raspices, Hurts, and other wild fruits.

Hauing spent three Weekes vpon the Coast before we came to this place where we meant to stay & take in our lading, according to our instructions giuen vs in charge before our setting forth, we pared and digged vp the Earth with shouels, and sowed Wheate, Barley, Oates, Pease, and sundry sorts of Garden Seeds, which for the time of our abode there, being about seuen Weeks, although they were late sowne, came vp very well, giuing certaine testimonie of the goodnesse of the Climate and of the Soyle. And it seemeth that Oade, Hempe, Flaxe, Rape-seed and such like which require a rich and fat ground, would prosper excellently in these parts. For in diuers places here we found grasse aboue knee deepe. [ 60]

As for Trees the Country yeeldeth Sassafras a plant of souereigne vertue for the French Poxe, and as some of late haue learnedly written good against the Plague and many other Maladies; Vines, Cedars, Okes, Ashes, Beeches, Birch trees, Cherie trees bearing fruit whereof wee did eate, Hasels, Wich-hasels, the best wood of all other to make Sope-ashes withall, Walnut-trees,

Maples, holy to make Bird-lime with, and a kinde of tree bearing a fruit like a small red Peare∣plum with a crowne or knop on the top (a plant whereof carefully wrapped vp in earth, Master Robert Salterne brought to Bristoll.) We found also low trees bearing faire Cheries. There were likewise a white kind of Plums which were not growne to their perfect ripenesse. With di∣uers other sorts of trees to vs vnknowne.

The Beasts here are Stags, fallow Deere in abundance, Beares, Wolues, Foxes, Lusernes, and (some say) Tygres, Porcupines, and Dogges with sharpe and long noses, with many other sorts of wild beasts, whose Cases and Furres being hereafter purchased by exchange may yeeld no smal gaine to vs. Since as we are certainly informed, the Frenchmen brought from Canada the value of thirtie thousand Crownes in the yeere 1604. almost in Beuers and Otters skinnes only. The [ 10] most vsuall Fowles are Eagles, Vultures, Hawkes, Cranes, Herons, Crowes, Gulls, and great store of other Riuer and Sea-fowles. And as the Land is full of Gods good blessings, so is the Sea re∣plenished with great abundance of excellent fish, as Cods sufficient to lade many ships, which we found vpon the Coast in the moneth of Iune, Seales to make Oile withall, Mullets, Turbuts, Mackerels, Herrings, Crabs, Lobsters, Creuises, and Muscles with ragged Pearles in them.

By the end of Iuly we had laded our small Barke called the Discouerer, with as much Sassa∣fras as we thought sufficient, and sent her home into England before, to giue some speedie con∣tentment to the Aduenturers: who arriued safely in Kingrode aboue a fortnight before vs. After * 2.512 their departure we so bestirred our selues, that our shippe also had gotten in her lading, during which time there fell out this accident. On a day about noone tide while our men which vsed to cut downe Sassafras in the Woods were asleepe, as they vsed to doe for two houres in the heat [ 20] of the day, there came downe about seuen score Sauages armed with their Bowes and Arrowes, * 2.513 and enuironed our House or Barricado, wherein were foure of our men alone with their Mus∣kets to keepe Centinell, whom they sought to haue come downe vnto them, which they vtter∣ly refused, and stood vpon their guard. Our Master likewise being very carefull and circumspect hauing not past two with him in the shippe put the same in the best defence he could, lest they should haue inuaded the same, and caused a piece of great Ordnance to bee shot off, to giue terrour to the Indians, and warning to our men which were fast asleepe in the Woods: at the noyse of which Peece they were a little awaked, and beganne a little to call for Foole and Gallant, their great and fearefull Mastiues, and full quietly laid themselues downe againe, but beeing [ 30] quickned vp eftsoones againe with a second shot they rowsed vp themselues, betooke them to their weapons and with their Mastiues, great Foole with an halfe Pike in his mouth drew downe to their ship: whom when the Indians beheld afarre off, with the Mastiue which they most fea∣red, in dissembling manner they turned all to a iest and sport, and departed away in friendly man∣ner: yet not long after, euen the day before our departure, they set fire on the Woods where wee wrought, which wee did behold to burne for a mile space, and the very same day that wee weighed Anchor, they came downe to the shoare in greater number, to wit, very neere two hundred by our estimation, and some of them came in their Boates to our ship, and would haue had vs come in againe: but we sent them backe, and would none of their entertainment.

About the eighth or ninth of August, wee left this excellent Hauen at the entrance whereof [ 40] we found twentie fathomes water, and rode at our ease in seuen fathomes being Land-locked, the Hauen winding in compasse like the shell of a Snaile, and it is in latitude of one and forty de∣grees and fiue and twentie minutes.

This by the way is not to be forgotten, that our Captaine fell so much to the Northward because he would find high grounds, where commonly the best Hauens are: which also fell out to his expectation. We also obserued that we could find no Sassafras but in sandie ground. In our returne we brought our selues into the latitude of eight and thirtie degrees about the Açores for certaine causes, and within fiue weekes space came from our Port of Uirginia, into the Soun∣dings of England, but there being long encountred with Easterly winds, we came at length into Kingrode, the second of October 1603. The Discouerer was out fiue moneths and an halfe. The [ 50] Speedwell was out sixe moneths vpon the Voyage.

A Relation of the Voyage made to Virginia, in the Elizabeth of London, a Barke of fiftie tunnes by Captaine BARTHOLOMEW GILBERT, in the yeere 1603.

Written by Master THOMAS CANNER a Gentleman of Bernards Inne his companion in the same Voyage. [ 60]

VPon Wednesday in Easter weeke, the seuenteenth of Aprill after, I had taken my leaue of some few of my louing and deere friends in Bernards Inne, I rode toward Southampton, there to be speake Bisket and some other prouision for our Barke, wherein Master Bartholomew Gilbert went as Captaine, which had beene in Virginia the yeere before with Captaine Bartholomew Gos∣nold.

After our businesse was dispatched here, wee came into Plimmouth, from whence wee put forth the tenth of May. And the six and twentieth of the same, we were in the latitude of 32. degrees, hoping to haue had sight of the Ile of Madera, whereof we missed, in which course we met with two or three English men of warre.

The first of Iune, we were in the latitude of 27. degrees, and haled ouer toward the Ilands, of the West Indies, and the fifteenth of this moneth toward night wee saw Land. Master Gil∣bert and the Master Henrie Suite dwelling within the Iron Gate of the Towre of London, tooke it to be the Bermudas: being very neere the shore they sounded many times and had no ground, at the last they found good ground in fourteene or fifteene fathomes. There wee cast Anchor. In the morning we weighed, and sounded still as we trended by the shoare: but after wee were past [ 10] a Cables length from our Road, we had no Land againe in forty or fifty fathomes: we kept still by the shore not yet being certaine what Iland it was. The sixteenth in the morning, wee spied the people comming from the shore, who when they came neere, cried out for barter or trade: when they came close aboord, they made signes and cried out to see our colours, which we pre∣sently put forth in the maine top, and told them we were Ingleses, Amigos, and Hermanos, that is, Englishmen, their friends and brothers. Assoone as they vnderstood we were Englishmen, they were bolder to come neere: we threw them a Rope, and one came aboord vs: wee traded with them for some Tobacco, Pine-apples, Piantanes, Pompions and such things as they had: wee gaue them Bugles, Kniues, Whistles, and such toyes. Here we kept close by the shore. When this Canoa had traded with vs, and vttered all they had and drunke of our Beere, beeing kindly vsed [ 20] they departed: and then presently after diuers Canoas came, we traded and vsed them as the first. One of them told vs that Iland was Santa Lucia. We bestowed all that forenoone shaking in the * 2.514 wind (for we had no ground to Anchor) neere the shore to trade with them. Then wee set our course for Saint Vincent, but finding a current against vs and the wind very scant, we doubted we should not fetch it, and that if we did, peraduenture we might bee put to the leeward of Domi∣nica, and so consequently of Meuis or Nieues; for which Iland we were specially bound for to out Lignum vitae, in the same. Therefore Master Gilbert thought good to let Saint Vincent alone, although in it is the best Tobacco of all the Ilands, yet in the end hee put roomer for Dominica, * 2.515 whereof we had sight the seuenteenth of Iune, and came close to the shore; and presently one Canoa came aboord, as at Santa Lucia, being sent with two men belike to discouer vs, and to see [ 30] what entertainment they should haue, we vsed them kindly and so dismissed them. There came more full of men, with diuers of their commodities.

The nineteenth in the morning being Sunday, we anchored in a good Road at Meuis, and af∣ter * 2.516 went on shore to seeke Lignum vitae, Master Gilbert, with the Master and diuers of the com∣pany sought farre into the Woods, but found none but one little Tree, and here and there where one had bin cut: so we were in doubt to find enough heere to load our ship, a iust plague vnto vs for prophaning the Sabbath in trauelling about our worldly businesse, when there was no neces∣sitie. This day in the Euening some went out with the Boate vnto the shore, and brought on boord a Tortoyse so big that foure men could not get her into the Boate but tied her fast by one * 2.517 legge vnto the Boat, and so towed her to the ship, when they had her by the ship, it was no easie [ 40] matter to get her on boord.

The next day we went on shore againe to search another part of the wood for Lignum vitae: * 2.518 and then God be thanked we found enough. This day at night we opened our Tortoyse, which had in her about 500. Egges, excellent sweet meate, and so is all the whole fish. Vpon Tuesday in the morning we went all on shore sauing the Carpenter and Thomas, and Master Gilberts man to fell wood, and this day we felled good store. All the rest of this moneth and three dayes more we continued here euery day labouring sore, first in sawing downe the great trees, and sawing them againe into logs, portable out of the thicke wood to the Sea-shoare, so in the Boates, and so to the ship: where M. Gilbert his paines profited double as well in example as in worke, for hee was neuer idle, but either searching out more trees, or fetching drinke for the Labourers, or doing [ 50] one thing or other: so that in this iust fortnight that wee stayed here, wee had gotten on boord some twenty tuns. Within a few dayes after the Tortoyse was eaten God sent vs another. One of these fishes were sufficient meat for twentie men for three or foure dayes if it could bee preser∣ued, but in that Climate no salting can preserue it aboue two dayes, hardly so long. Now the wood growing thinne, and hardly to be found on this Iland, he thought it best to stay no longer here, but to goe for Uirginia, to search for better store. And so vpon Sunday the third of Iuly in the afternoone we weighed Anchor, and sailed North-west and by North, and that night passed by Saint Christopher, and another little Iland. Munday the fourth in the morning we had sight of * 2.519 the Iland, we went into the Woods to search for Lignum vitae, but found none but one tree, which he cut and went on boord, we fought also for fresh water, but found none: At Euening went on * 2.520 [ 60] shore into the bottome of the Bay to dray the Net; and there we gat good store of fine fresh fish, and much more, enough to haue laden our Boat we should haue gotten, if at euery draught we had not had in the Net a Tortoyse, which stil brak through and so carried away the fish with them. At one draught among the rest we had two in the Net, a yong one and an old on: the Net held the young one.

Wee weighed and went through betweene the two Ilands into the mayne Ocean, toward our * 2.521 long desired Countrey Uirginia, distant three hundred and fiftie leagues from vs. Wee sayled North North-west.

The seuenth, we ran still North-west and North and by West. The eight, wee kept the same course. The ninth, we kept still the same course. The winde beganne to vere some thing to the Southward, which had beene constant still, from the Ilands of the Canaries, vnto the Ilands of the West Indies. And now began the winde to draw towards the West, and then is it as con∣stant * 2.522 there. The reason I deferre to longer consideration. The current setteth out of the Gulfe of Mexico, and from the mayne shore.

Sunday the tenth, we kept still the same course, and had now but a small gale almost becalmed. [ 10] The eleuenth, we continued the same course with the same small gale we went North. Tuesday the twelfth we kept the same course, if any at all, for, for the most part we were becalmed.

Wednesday the thirteenth, the calme continued, the Sunne being extremely hot in the calme. Thursday the fourteenth, the calme continued as hot as before. These dayes we ayred our New∣land, fish called Poore Iohn. which proued ill done. For after it was ayred, it rotted the sooner, * 2.523 being burnt in the same. On Friday the fifteenth, God sent vs a reasonable gale. The sixteenth and seuenteenth, the calme came againe. Munday, we had a good gale, and went North and by West, and North North-west. The nineteenth, twentieth, and one and twentieth, we had an excellent gale, and ranne North North-west. Then we cast out the Lead and looked out for land, but found no ground nor saw no land, and therefore we much doubted that the current had set vs [ 20] very farre to the leeward of the place which wee were bound for, being the Chesepian Bay; but that could not be knowne till it pleased God to bring vs to land. In the afternoone about sixe of the clocke we cast out the Lead againe, and had ground in thirtie fathomes, whereof we were * 2.524 glad and thanked God, knowing we could not be farre from land.

Saturday the three and twentieth in the morning, about eight of the clocke wee saw land in the height of 40. degrees and odde minutes, very fine low land, appearing farre off to bee full of tall Trees, and a fine sandie shoare, but a great siege: we saw no Harbour, and therefore coasted along to seeke one to the Northward, the wind being at West.

Sunday the foure and twentieth, the wind being about the North-east we beat hard to fetch an Head-land, where we thought we saw an Harbour: but when we came vp with it, wee per∣ceiued * 2.525 it was none, and all our labour lost. And therefore the wind beeing now more full in our [ 30] teeth at the North-east, wee considered it were better to put roome, so that if the winde should stand, then we should fetch the Bay of Chesepian, which Master Gilbert so much thirsted after, to seeke out the people for Sir Walter Raleigh left neere those parts in the yeere 1587. if not, per∣haps we might find some Road or Harbour in the way to take in some fresh water: for now wee had none aboord.

On Munday the fiue and twentieth of Iuly at night wee came neere the mouth of the Bay: * 2.526 but the wind blew so sore, and the Sea was so high, that the Master durst not put in that night into the Sea: and so continued next day.

On Wednesday the seuen and twentieth, at night the winde came faire againe, and wee bare [ 40] againe for it all night, and the wind presently turned againe. Thursday the eight and twentieth, considering our extremitie for water and wood, victuals and beere likewise consuming very fast, we could no longer beate for it, and therefore ran roomer, determining for this time to seeke it * 2.527 no more.

Friday the nine and twentieth, being not farre from the shoare, which appeared vnto vs ex∣ceeding pleasant and full of goodly Trees, and with some shew of the entrance of a Riuer, our Captaine Baxtholomew Gilbert accompanied with Master Thomas Canner a Gentleman of Ber∣nards Inne, Richard Harison the Masters Mate, Henry Kenton our Chirurgion, and one Derricke a Dutchman, went on shore in the Boate from the ship which lay aboue a mile from the land, and with their weapons marched vp into the Countrey, leauing two youths to keepe the Boate: but shortly after the Indians set vpon them, and one or two of them fell downe wounded in sight of * 2.528 [ 50] our yong men that kept the Boat, which had much a doe to saue themselues and it. For some of the Indians roming downe to them, would haue haled it on shore, which notwithstanding they saued, and with heauie hearts gat vnto the ship with the losse of their Captain and foure of their principall men. Thus being but eleuen men and Boyes in all in the ship, though our want of water and wood were great, yet wee durst not aduenture the losse of any more of our small company in this place; Therefore our Master Henry Sute tooke his course home for England by the I••es of the Açores, and fell first with the Pike, and afterward entring into our Chanell, had first sight of Portland, and thence came vp the Riuer of Thames vnto Rateliffe, about the end of September 1603. finding the Citie most grieuously infected with a terrible plague. [ 60]

CHAP. XIII.

Extracts of a Virginian Voyage made An. 1605. by Captaine GEORGE WAYMOVTH, in the Arch-angell. Set forth by the Right Ho∣norable HENRY Earle of South-hampton, and the Lord TMOMAS ARVNDEL, written by IAMES ROSIER.

VPon Easter day, the last of March, the winde comming at North North-east: a∣bout * 2.529 fiue of the clocke after noone, we weighed anchor and put to Sea from the Downes, [in the Name of God] being very well victualled, and furnished with [ 10] Munition and all necessaries; our whole companie being nine and twenty per∣sons, of whom I dare boldly say, few Voyages haue beene manned forth with better Sea-men generally, in respect of our small number.

Munday the thirteenth of May, about eleuen of the clocke in the fore-noone, our Captaine iudging we were not farre from Land, sounded; and we had soft oze in an hundred and sixty fa∣thome: * 2.530 at foure of the clocke after noone wee sounded againe, and had the like oze in an hun∣dred fathome.

From ten a clocke that night till three a clocke in the morning, our Captain tooke in all Sayles and lay at hull, being desirous to fall with the Land in the day time, because it was an vnknown [ 20] Coast, which it pleased God in his mercy to grant vs, otherwise surely we had runne our Shippe vpon the hidden Rockes, and perished all: for when we set sayle, we sounded in an hundred fa∣thom: and by eight a clocke, hauing not made aboue fiue or sixe leagues, our Captaine vpon a sudden change of water, supposing verily he saw the sand: presently sounded, and had but fiue * 2.531 fathome: much maruelling because we saw no Land, he sent one to the top, who descried a whi∣tish sandy Clisse, which bare West North-west about sixe leagues off: but comming neerer with∣in three or foure leagues, we saw many breaches still neerer the Land. At last we espied a great breach ahead vs right along the shoare, into which, before we entred, our Captaine thought best to hoise out his Ship-boat and sound it: which if hee had not done, wee had there ended our Voyage, together with our liues: for he bare vp the Ship as neere as he could after the Boate, [ 30] vntill Master Cam his Mate being in the Boat, weffed and called to him to winde about and stand off, for in this breach he had very shoald water, two fathome vpon Rockes, and sometime they supposed they saw the Rocke within three or foure foot, whereon the Sea made a very high strong breach, which we might discerne (from the top) to runne along as wee sayled by it, sixe or seuen leagues to the Southward: and we saw no end thereof. Wherefore we were con∣strained to put backe againe from the Land; and sounding (the weather being faire) wee found our selues embayed with continuall Shoalds and Rocks, in a most vncertaine ground; as by iudge∣ment * 2.532 of our Captaine and whole companie, they had neuer knowne the like; from fiue and sixe fathome, at the next cast of the Lead wee should haue fifteene and eighteene fathome all hard Rocke ouer many which (by the vnspeakable goodnesse and mercy of God towards vs) wee pas∣sed. [ 40] For if we had bare in with it but the day before (which was exceeding tempestuous) or in the night, we could by no meanes haue escaped the danger. But God so blessed vs, that we had weather and winde as faire as poore men could wish, in this distresse, whereby we both perfect∣ly discerned euery breach, and with the winde were able to turne, where wee saw most hope of safest passage. Thus we parted from the Land, which wee had not so much before desired: and at the first sight reioyced: as now wee all ioyfully praised God, that it had pleased him so miraculously to deliuer vs from so imminent danger of death before our eyes. Our Captaine * 2.533 found himselfe in the latitude of 41. degrees and an halfe. Here we found great store of fish, and saw many Whales, as we had done two or three dayes before.

Wee stood off that night and all the next day, being Wednesday: but the winde still conti∣nuing for many dayes betweene the points of South South-west and West South-west, so as we [ 50] could not by any possible meanes make any way to the Southward in regard of our great want of water and Wood (which was now spent) wee much desired Land, and therefore sought for it, where the winde would best suffer vs to refresh our selues.

Thursday the sixteenth day of May, we stood directly in with the Land: and we much mar∣uelled that we descried it not: wherein wee found our Sea Charts very false laying out Land * 2.534 where none was, for though we bare in directly with it according to them: yet in almost fifty leagues running we found none.

Friday the seuenteenth of May, about sixe a clocke at night, wee descried Land, which bare from vs North North-east: but because it blew a great gale of winde, the Sea very high and [ 60] neere night, not fit to come vpon an vnknowne co••st, our Captaine stood off till two of the clocke in the morning being Saturday and Whitson E••e: then standing with it againe, wee de∣scried * 2.535 it by eight a clocke in morning, bearing North-east from vs. It appeared a meane high Land, as we after found it, being but an Iland of no great compasse: but I hope the most fortunate

that euer men discouered, as shall appeare by the sequell. About twelue a clocke that day, wee came to an anchor on the North side of this Iland in forty fathome water, about a league from shoare. This Iland is woody, growne ouer with Firre, Birch, and Beech, as farre as we saw along the shoare, and so likely to be within. On the Verge growe Gosseberries, Strawberries, wilde * 2.536 Pease, and wilde Rose bushes. The fresh water issued down the rocky Cliffes in many places; and much fowle of sundry kindes breed vpon the shoare and Rockes. While wee were at shoare, our men aboord with a few hookes got aboue thirty great Cod and Haddocke, which gaue vs a taste of the great plenty of fish which we found afterward, wheresoeuer we went vpon the coast. * 2.537

FRom hence we might discerne many Ilands, and the maine Land, from the West South-west to the East North-east; and North North-east from vs a great way as it then seemed (and as we * 2.538 [ 10] after found it) vp into the Maine, we might discerne very high Mountaines, although the Maine seemed but lowe Land, which gaue vs a hope, that it might please God, to direct vs to the Dis∣couery of some good, although wee were driuen by windes farre from that place, whether both by our direction and desire, we euer intended to shape the course of our Voyage.

The next day being Whitsunday, because we rode too much open to the Sea, and windes, wee wayed anchor about twelue a clocke, and came along to the other Ilands more adioyning to the * 2.539 Maine, and in the Road directly with the Mountaines, about three leagues from the first Iland where we anchored. When we came neere vnto them (sounding all along in a good depth) our Captaine manned his Ship-boat, and sent her before with Thomas Cam one of his Mates, whom he knew to be of good experience, to search and sound about and between the Ilands, for a place [ 20] safe for our ship to ride in. In the meane while we kept aloofe at Sea, hauing giuen order to them in the Boat, by a token to weffe in the ship if he found a conuenient Harbour, which it pleased God to send vs, farre beyond our expectation in a most safe birth, defended from all windes in an excellent depth of water for ships of any burthens in six, seuen, eight, nine and ten fathome vpon a clay oze, very tough, where is good moring, euen on the Rocks vpon the Cliffe side.

We all with great admiration praised God, who had from so apparent danger miraculously de∣liuered vs, and directed vs vpon this day (vpon which he sent the chiefe promised Director of all goodnesse vnto his Apostles and Disciples) into such a place, wherof here before we reade none to haue made either description or relation, and then which neither our selues could wish, or Nature affoord more secure. In remembrance whereof, our Captaine named it Pentecost Harbour. * 2.540 [ 30]

Whitsun Munday the twentieth day of May, by three a clocke in the morning, our Captaine caused the Shalop to be carried ashoare: where while some were busied about her, himselfe set others to worke in digging Wels to receiue the water, which we found issuing downe out of the Land in many places, and rising amidst the rocky Cliffes. In digging (amongst other things) * 2.541 we found in some places (and not deepe) clay ground, blue, red and white, to make Bricke or Tile, fit for building. This day our Pinnace was fitted together and lanched; in small time with two * 2.542 or three hookes were fished sufficiently for our whole companie three dayes, with great Cod, Ha∣docke, and some Thornbacke. Towards night we drew with a small Same of 20. fathom iust by * 2.543 the shoare, where we got about 30. very good Lobsters, many Rockfish, some Plaise, and other small fishes very good; and fishes called Lumpes, very pleasant to taste. And this wee generally [ 40] obserued, that all the fish of what kind soeuer we tooke, were well fed, fat, and in tast very sweet.

Wednesday the two and twentieth of May, our Captaine went ashoare with our men, where wee felled and cut wood for our ships vse, cleansed and scoured our Wells. Wee likewise digged a small plot of ground, wherein among some Garden seeds (which most the birds destroyed) we set Pease and Barley, which in sixteene dayes grew eight inches, and so continued euery day growing more than halfe an inch: although this was but the crust of the ground, and farre in∣feriour to the mould we after found in the Maine.

All the next day we labored hard to make vp our wood, because our Captaine intended not to spare, or spend any more time in that of our Voyage. This day our Boat fished againe as before, * 2.544 because wee still were much refreshed with the fresh fish. [ 50]

Friday the foure and twentieth of May, after we had made an end of cutting wood, and car∣rying some water aboord our ship. Our Captaine with fourteene shot and Pike marched about, and thorow part of two of the Ilands, one of which we ghessed to be foure or fiue miles in com∣passe, and a mile broad.

Along the shoare, and some space within where the wood hindereth not, growe plentifully, Rashberries, Gooseberries, Strawberries, Corant trees, Rose bushes, wilde Vines, Angelica a so∣ueraine * 2.545 herbe, many other fruits wee knew not. All within the Ilands, growe wood of sundry sorts, some very great, and generally all tall: Beech, Birch, Ash, Maple, Spruce, Cherrie tree, Ewe, Oake great and firme, with so fine graine and colour, as our Captaine, and men of best ex∣perience, had neuer seene the like. But the Firre trees great and small are most abundant, which * 2.546 [ 60] I name last, as not the least of excellent profit: for from it issueth Turpentine in maruellous plen∣ty, and so sweet as our Chirurgeon and others affirmed they neuer saw so good in England. Wee * 2.547 pulled off much Gumme congealed on the outside of the Barke which gaue an odour like Frank∣incense. This would be a very great benefit for making Tarre and Pitch.

We staied the longer in this place, not onely because of our good Harbour (which is an excel∣lent comfort) but also because euery day we found the Iland, more and more to discouer vnto vs his pleasant fruitfulnesse, insomuch, as many of our company wished themselues settled here.

Also our men found abundance of great Mussels among the Rockes; and in some of them ma∣ny * 2.548 small Pearles. In one Mussell (which we drew vp in our Same) was found foureteene Pearles, whereof one was of pretty bignesse and orient, in another aboue fifty small Pearles; and if one had had a Dragge, no doubt we had found some of great value, seeing these did certainely shew that here they were bred: the shels within all glistering with mother of Pearle.

Thursday the thirtieth of May, the Captaine with thirteene departed in the Shallop, leauing the Ship in a good harbour. [ 10]

Diuers Canoas of Sauages came to vs. The shape of their body is very proportionable, and well countenanced, not very tall, nor bigge, but in stature like to vs; they paint their bodies * 2.549 with blacke, their faces some with red, some with blacke, and some with blew. Their cloa∣thing is Beuer skins, and Deere skins, hanging downe to their knees before and behinde, made * 2.550 fast together vpon the shoulder with a leather string; some of them weare sleeues, some buskins of leather tewed very thin and soft. Some weare the haire of their skins outward, some inward; they haue besides a peece of skin, which they binde about their waste, and betweene their legges to couer their priuities. They suffer no haire to grow vpon their faces, but vpon their head ve∣ry long and very blacke, which behinde they binde vp with a string on a long round knot, some of them haue haire all curled naturally. They seemed all very ciuill and very merry, shewing to∣kens * 2.551 [ 20] of much thankfulnesse for those things we gaue them; which they expresse in their lan∣guage * 2.552 by these words, oh, ho, often repeated. We found them then (as after) a people of very good inuention, quicke vnderstanding, and ready capacity.

Their Canoas are made of the barke of Beech, strengthned within with ribbes and hoopes of wood, in so good fashion and with such excellent ingenious art, as our men that had beene often * 2.553 in the Indies, said they farre exceeded any that euer they had seene. The chiefe of them told me by signes, that they would goe fetch Furres and Skins, and pointed to be with vs againe by that time the Sunne should come somewhat beyond the midst of the firmament.

About ten a clocke this day we descried our Pinnace returning towards vs. Our Captaine had in this small time discouered vp a great Riuer, trending all almost into the Maine. Vntill his re∣turne * 2.554 [ 30] our Captaine left on shoare where they landed, in a path (which seemed to be frequented) a Pipe, a Brooch, and a Knife, thereby to know if the Sauages had recourse that way, because they could at that time see none of them, onely a Beast a farre of, which they thought to be a Deere.

The next day being Saturday, and the first of Iune, wee traded with the Sauages all the fore∣noone * 2.555 vpon the Shoare, where were eight and twenty Sauages, and because our Ship rode nigh, we were but fiue or sixe, where for Kniues and other trifles, to the value of foure or fiue shillings, we had forty good Skins, Beuers, Otter, and other which we knew not what to call them. Our trade being ended, many of them came aboord vs, and eate by our fire, and would be very merry and bold, in regard of our kinde vsage of them. Our Captaine shewed them a strange thing, [ 40] which they wondered; His Sword and mine hauing beene touched with the Loadstone, tooke * 2.556 vp their Knife and held it fast when they plucked it away; and made their Knife turne being laid on a blocke: and giuing their Knife a touch with his Sword, made that take vp a Needle, which they much marueiled at. This we did to cause them to imagine some great power in vs, and for that to loue and feare vs.

When we went a Shoare to trade with them in one of their Canoas, I saw their Bowes and Arrowes, which in their sight I tooke vp and drew an Arrow in one of them, which I found * 2.557 to be of a reasonable strength, able to carry an Arrow fiue or six score strongly; and one of them tooke it and brew as we draw our Bowes, not like the Indians. Their Bowe is made of Beech in fashion of our Bowes, but they want nocks, onely a string of leather put through a hole at one end, and made fast with a knot at the other. Their Arrowes are of a much greater size then our [ 50] and longer, feathered with three feathers tyed on, and nocked very artificially, headed with a long shanke bone of a Deere, made very sharpe, and some Iron heads, with two fangs in manner of a harping Iron. They haue likewise Darts headed with sharpe bone, one of which I darted * 2.558 among the Stones and it brake not. These they vse very cunningly to kill Fish, Fowle, and Beasts.

They gaue vs the best welcome they could, spreading Deere skins for vs to sit on the ground by their fire, and gaue vs of their Tobacco in our Pipes, which was most excellent, and so gene∣rally * 2.559 commended of vs all to be as good as any we euer tooke, being the simple Leafe without any composition, very strong and of a pleasant sweete taste: they gaue vs some to carry toour [ 60] Captaine, whom they called our Bashabe, neither did they require any thing for it; but we would receiue nothing from them without remuneration.

Here we saw their women, who stood behinde them, as desirous to see vs, but not willing to * 2.560 be seene, for before whensoeuer we came a Shoare, they retired into the woods; whether it

were it regard of their owne naturall modesty being naked, or by the commanding ielousie of their husbands, which we rather suspected; for it hath beene an inclination noted alwayes gene∣rally in Sauages, wherefore we would by no meanes seeme to take any speciall notice of them. They were very well fauoured, low of stature, and exceeding fat; they had two little children very fat, and of good countenance, which they loue tenderly, all naked, except their legges, which were couered with thin leather buskins, fastned with straps to a Girdle about their waste, which they gird very streight, and is decked round about with little round peeces of Copper. To these we gaue Chaines, Bracelets, and other trifles, which the Sauages seemed to accept with great kindnesse.

At our comming away, we would haue had those two that supped with vs to goe aboord and [ 10] sleepe, as they had promised our Captaine; but it appeared their company would not suffer them, whereat we might easily perceiue they were much grieued: but not long after our depar∣ture they came with three more to our Ship, signing to vs, if one of our Company would goe lye a Shoare with them, they would stay with vs. Our Captaine would command none: but Grif∣fin, one of them we were to leaue in the Countrey, by their agreement with my Lord the Right Honorable Count Arundell (if it should be thought needefull or conuenient) went with them in * 2.561 their Canoa; and three of them stayed aboord vs. Whom our Captaine and whole Company very kindely vsed, himselfe saw their lodging prouided, and them lodged in an old Saile vpon the Orlop, and because they most feared our Dogs, they were tyed vp whensoeuer any of them came aboord vs. [ 20]

Griffin which lay on Shoare, reported vnto me their manner, and (as I may tearme them) the Ceremonies of their Idolatry, which they performe thus. One among them (the eldest of the * 2.562 company as he iudged) riseth right vp, the rest sitting still, and sodainely cryed, Bowh, waugh; then the women fall downe, and lye vpon the ground, and the men altogether answering the same, fall a stamping round about with both feete as hard as they can, making the ground shake, with sundry loud outcries, and change of voyce and sound; many take the fire stickes and thrust them into the earth, and then rest silent a while, of a sudden beginning as before, they looke round about, as though they expected the comming of something (as hee verily supposed) and continue stamping till the yonger sort fetch from the Shoare Stones, of which euery man take one, and first beate vpon them with the fire sticks, then with the Stones beate the ground with [ 30] all their strength: and in this sort (as ••he reported) they continued aboue two houres. In the time of their Pauose, our watch aboord were singing, and they signed to him to doe so, which he did, looking and lifting vp his hands to heauen: then they pointed to the Moone, as if they im∣agined hee worshipped that, which when he with signes denied, they pointed to the Sunne rising, which hee likewise disliked, lifting vp his hands againe, then they looked about, as though they would see what Starre it might be, laughing one to another. After this ended, they which haue wiues take them a part, and withdraw themselues seuerally into the wood * 2.563 all night.

The next morning, as soone as they saw the Sunne rise, they pointed to him to come with them to our Ship, and hauing receiued their men from vs, they came with all their Canoas and [ 40] company houering about our Ship, to whom (because it was the Sabbath day, I signed they should depart, and at the next Sunne rising wee would goe along with them to their houses, which they vnderstood (as we thought) and departed: three of their Canoas coursing about the Iland, and the others towards the Maine. This day about fiue a clocke afternoone, came three other Canoas from the Maine, of which some had beene with vs before, and they came direct∣ly * 2.564 aboord vs, and brought vs Tobacco, which we tooke with them in their Pipe, which was made of earth very strong, but blacke and short, containing a great quantity. Some Tobacco they gaue to our Captaine, and some to me, in very ciuill kinde manner: we requited them with Bread and Pease. When we came at Shoare, they all most kindely entertained vs, taking vs by the hands, as they had obserued we did to them aboord in token of welcome, and brought vs to [ 50] sit downe by their fire, where sat together thirteene of them. They filled their Tobacco Pipe, which was then the short claw of a Lobster, which will hold ten of our Pipes full, and we dranke * 2.565 of their excellent Tobacco as much as we would with them; but wee saw not any great quan∣tity to trucke for, and it seemed they had not much left of old, for they spend a great quantity yearely by their continuall drinking: they would signe vnto vs that it was growne yet but a little aboue ground, but it would be high, with a leafe as broad as both their hands; and of∣ten would (by pointing to one part of the Maine Eastward) signe vnto vs that the Bashabe (whom wee take to be their King, or some great Commander) had plenty of Furres and much Tobacco.

At our departure they made signe, if any of vs would stay there a shoare, some of them would [ 60] goe lye aboord with vs: at which motion Master Booles, seruant to the Right Honorable Count Arundell, being desirous to see the manner of the foresaid Ceremonies, staied with them, and * 2.566 had Griffin with him: and three of the Sauages lodged with vs, in manner as the night before.

Early the next morning being Munday, the third of Iune, when they had brought our men a

boord, they came about our Shippe, earnestly by signes desiring we would goe with them along to the Maine, for there they had Furres and Tobacco to traffique with vs. Wherefore our Captaine manned the Shallop, with as many men as he could well, which was but fifteene with the Rowers, and we went along with them: two of their Canoas they sent away before, and they which were aboord vs all night kept company with vs to direct vs. This we noted as we * 2.567 went along, they in the Canoa with three Oares, would at their will goe a head of vs and a∣bout vs, when we rowed with eight Oares strong: such was the swiftnesse by reason of the lightnesse, and exquisite composition of their Canoa and Oares.

When we came neere the point, where we saw their fires, where they intended to land, and where they imagined some few of vs should come on Shoare with our merchandise, as wee had [ 10] accustomed before: when they had often numbred our men very diligently, they scoured away to their company, not doubting we would haue followed them. But when wee perceiued this, and knew not either their intents, or number of Sauages on the Shoare, our Captain after consul∣tation stood of and weffed them to vs, determining that I should goe a Shoare first to take a view of them, and what they had to traffique, if he whom at our first sight of them seemed to be of most respect, and being then in the Canoa, would stay as a pawne for me. When they came to vs (notwithstanding all our former courtesies) he vtterly refused, but would leaue a yong Sauage, and for him our Captaine sent Griffin in their Canoa, while we lay hulling a little of. He at his returne reported, they had there assembled together, as he numbred them, two hundred foure∣score and three Sauages, euery one his Bowe and Arrowes, with their Dogges, and Wolues [ 20] which they keepe tame at command: and not any thing to exchange at all, but would haue * 2.568 drawne vs farther vp into a little narrow nooke of a Riuer, for their Furres as they pretended.

We began to alter our opinion of them, and to ioyne them in the ranke of all Sauages, who haue beene by all trauailers and in all discoueries found very treacherous, neuer attempting mis∣chiefe, * 2.569 vntill (by some remisnesse) fit opportunity affordeth them certaine ability to execute the same. Wherefore we humbly gaue God thankes, who had giuen vs vnderstanding to preuent this, and thereby warning to foresee and prepare our selues against the like danger. And after good aduise taken, our Captaine determined, so soone as we could to Ship some of them, least (be∣ing suspicious we had discouered their plots) they should absent themselues from vs, which sure∣ly [ 30] they had done, if we had not laid hold of the next occasion.

Tuesday came to the Ship, there were two Canoas, and in either of them three Sauages, of whom two were below at the fire, the other staied about the Ship for victuall: and because we could by no meanes entice them aboord, we gaue them a Can of Pease and Bread, which they carried to the shoare to eate, but one of them brought backe our Can againe presently, and stai∣ed aboord with the other two, for he being yong of a ready capacitie, and one wee most desired to bring with vs into England, had receiued exceeding kinde vsage at our hands, and therefore * 2.570 was much delighted in our company: we shipped him, and foure others, two Canoas, with all their Bowes and Arrowes, which is the chiefe substance they possesse.

Saturday the eight of Iune, our Captaine being desirous to finish all businesse about this Har∣bour, [ 40] very early in the morning with the Pinnace coasted fiue or sixe leagues about the Ilands ad∣ioyning, * 2.571 and sounded all along wheresoeuer he went: he likewise diligently searched and soun∣ded along before the mouth of the Harbour, about the Rocks which shew themselues at all times, and are an excellent breach of the water, so as no Sea can come in to offend the Harbour. This he did to instruct himselfe, and thereby able to direct others that shall happen to come to this place: for euery where both neere the Rockes and in all sounding about the Ilands, wee neuer found lesse water then foure or fiue fathome, which was very seldome, but seuen, eight, nine, and ten fathome, is the continuall sounding by the shoare, in some places much deeper, vpon clay Oaze or soft Sand.

This day about one a clocke afternoone, came from the Eastward two Canoas aboord vs, [ 50] wherein was he that refused to stay with vs for a Pawne, and with him six other Sauages, whom * 2.572 we had not seene, who had beautified themselues after their manner very gallantly, though their cloathing was not different from the former, yet they had newly painted their faces very deepe, some all blacke, some red, with stripes of blew ouer their vpper lip, nose, and chin. One of them ware a kinde of Coronet about his head, made very cunningly of a substance like stiffe haire, co∣loured * 2.573 red, broad, and more then a handfull in depth, which he so much esteemed, as he would not for any trucke exchange the same: other weare the white feathered skins of some Fowle round about their head, Iewels in their eares, & Bracelets of little white round bone, fastened toge∣ther vpon a leather string. These made not any shew that they had notice of the other before ta∣ken, but we vnderstood them by their speech & signes, that they came sent from the Bashabe, and [ 60] that his desire was, we would bring vp our Ship (which they call a Quiden) to his house, being as they pointed vpon the Maine towards the East, from whence they came, and that hee would exchange with vs for Furres and Tobacco: but because we had no desire to discouer any further that way, and now making what speede we could vp the Riuer; wee let them vnderstand, that

if their Bashabe would come to vs, hee should be very welcome, but wee would not remoue to him.

Tuesday, the eleuenth of Iune, we passed vp into the Riuer with our Ship about six and twen∣ty miles; of which (were it not of necessitie I must report somewhat) I had much rather not to * 2.574 write, then by my relation to detract from the worthinesse thereof, not being sufficient in words to expresse the abundant vtilitie and sweete pleasantnesse it yeeldeth. For the Riuer besides that it is subiect hereafter by Shipping to bring in all traffiques of Merchandise.

The first and chiefest thing required for a Plantation, is a bold Coast, and faire Land to fall with. The next, a safe Harbour for Ships to ride in. * 2.575

The first is a speciall attribute to this Shoare, being most free from Sands or dangerous Rockes, [ 10] in a continuall good depth, with a most excellent Landfall as can be desired; which is the first Iland, named Saint Georges Iland. For the second, by iudgement of our Captaine, who knoweth most of the Coast of England, and most of other Countries (hauing beene experienced by imply∣ments in discoueries and trauailes from his childehood) and by opinion of others of good iudge∣ment in our Ship. Here are more good Harbours for Ships of all burthens, then all England can afoord: And farre more secure from all windes and weathers, then any in England, Scotland, Ire∣land, France, Spaine, or any other part hitherto discouered, whereof we haue receiued any rela∣tion: for (besides without the Riuer in the channell and Sounds about the Ilands adioyning to the Mouth thereof, no better riding can be desired for an infinite number of ships) the Riuer it selfe, as it runneth vp into the Maine very nigh fortie miles towards the great Mountaines, beareth in * 2.576 [ 20] breadth a mile, sometimes three quarters, and halfe a mile is the narrowest, where you shall ne∣uer haue vnder foure or fiue fathom water hard by the Shoare, but six, seuen, eight, nine, and ten fathom at a low water. And on both sides, euery halfe mile, verie gallant Coues, some able to containe almost a hundred Sayle, where the ground is excellent soft oaze with a tough clay vnder * 2.577 for Anker hold; and where Ships may lye without either Anker or Cable onely mored to the Shoare with a Hazur. It floweth, by their iudgement, sixteene or eighteene foote at a high wa∣ter. * 2.578 Here are made by nature most excellent places, as Dockes to graue and Carine Ships of all burthens, secured from all windes, which is such a necessary incomparable benefit, that in few places in England, or in any other parts of Christendome, Art with great charges can make the like. [ 30]

It yeeldeth plentie of Salmons, and other fishes of great bignesse, and assuredly great proba∣bilitie * 2.579 of better things therein to be found, seeing about the Ilands wee had such certaine hope of Pearle and Oare. Besides all these commodities innatiue to this Riuer, the bordering Land is a * 2.580 most rich neighbour trending all along on both sides, in an equall Plaine, neither Mountainous nor Rockie, but verged with a greene bordure of grasse, doth make tender vnto the beholder of her pleasant fertility, if by clensing away the woods, shee were conuerted into Medow. The Wood it beareth is no shrubbish, fit onely for fewell, but good tall Firre, Spruce, Birds, Beech, * 2.581 and Oake, which in many places is not so thicke, but may with small labour be made feeding ground, being plentifull like the outward Ilands with fresh water, which streameth downe in many places. [ 40]

As we passed with a gentle winde vp with our Ship in this Riuer. Any man may conceiue with what admiration wee all consented in ioy; many who had beene trauellers in sundry Countries, and in the most famous Riuers, yet affirmed them not comparable to this they now beheld. Some that were with Sir Walter Raleigh, in his Voyage to Guiana, in the Discouery of * 2.582 the Riuer Orienoque, which eccoed fame to the worlds eares; gaue reasons why it was not to be compared with this, which wanteth the dangers of many Shoalds and broken grounds, where∣with that was encombred. Others preferred it farre before that notable Riuer in the West In∣dias, * 2.583 called Rio Grande: some before the Riuers of Burduna, Orleance, and Brest in France, Naunce, and the Riuer of Rhoane: which although they be great and goodly Riuers, yet it is no detraction from them to be accounted inferiour to this, which not onely yeeldeth all the aforesaid pleasant profits, but also appeared infallibly to vs free from all imagined inconueniences. I will not pre∣ferre * 2.584 [ 50] it before our Riuer of Thames, because it is Natale solum, Englands richest treasure, but wee all did wish those excellent Harbours, good Deepes, in a continuall conuenient breadth, and small tide gates, to be as well therein for our Countrie good, as wee found them here (beyond our hopes) in certaine for those to whom it shall please God to grant this Land for habitation: which if it had with the other inseperable adherent Commodities here to be found; then I would boldly affirme it to be the most rich, beautifull, large, and secure harbouring Riuer that the world affordeth; for if man should wish, or Art inuent, a Riuer subiect to all conueniencies, and free from all dangers, here they may take a view in a Plat-forme framed by Nature, who in her perfection farre exceedeth all Arts inuention. [ 60]

Wednesday the twelfth of Iune, our Captaine manned his Shallop with seuenteene men, and * 2.585 ran vp to the Codde of the Riuer, where we landed, leauing six to keepe the Shallop till our re∣turne. Ten of vs with our Shot, and some armed, with a Boy to carry Powder and Match, march∣ed vp into the Countrie towards the Mountaines, which we descried at our first falling with the

Land, and were continually in our view. Vnto some of them the Riuer brought vs so neere, as we iudged our selues when we landed, to haue beene within a league of them, but we found them not, hauing marched well nigh foure miles vp in the Maine, and passed three great hils; where∣fore because the weather was parching hot, and our men in their Armour not able to trauell farre and returne to our Pinnasse that night, we resolued not to passe any further, being all very wea∣ry of so tedious and laboursome a trauell.

In this march we passed ouer very good ground, pleasant and fertile, fit for pasture, hauing but little wood, and that Oake, like stands left in our Pastures in England, good and great fit * 2.586 timber for any vse; some small Birch, Hazell and Brake, which might in small time be clensed with few men, and made good errable Land; but as it is now will feede Cattell of all kindes with Fodder enough for Summer and Winter. The soyle is good, bearing sundry Hearbes, Grasse, and [ 10] Stawberries, in many places are low thickets, like our Copisses of small Wood: And it doth all resemble a stately Parke, wherein appeare some old trees with high withered tops, and other flourishing with liuing greene boughes: till we came to the Hils vpon which doe grow excee∣ding tall, streight, and excellent great timber of sundry kindes, mast for Ships of foure hundred * 2.587 tunnes, and at the bottome of euery hill, a little run of fresh water; but the furthest and last we came vnto ran with a great streame able a driue a small Mill. Wee might see in some places, where Deere and Hares had beene; and by the rooting of ground we supposed wilde Hogs had * 2.588 ranged there, but we could descry no Beast, because our noise still chased them from vs.

We were no sooner come aboord our Pinnasse, returning towards our Ship, but wee espied a Canoa comming from the further part of the Cod of the Riuer Eastward, which hasted to vs; [ 20] wherein with two others was he whom we accounted chiefe of his Company: and his com∣ming was very earnestly importuning to haue one of our men to goe lye with their Bashabe or Captaine (as they now tearmed him) who was there ashoare (as they signed) and then the next * 2.589 morning he would come to our Ship with Furres and Tobacco. This we perceiued to be onely a meere deuice to get possession of any of our men, to ransome all those we had taken; which their naturall pollicy could not so shaddow, but we did easily discouer and preuent.

These meanes were by this Sauage practised, because we had one of his kinsmen prisoner, as we iudged by his most kinde vsage of him, being aboord vs together.

Thursday, the thirteenth of Iune, by two a clocke in the morning (because our Captain would take the helpe and aduantage of the Tide) in the Pinnace with our Company well prouided and [ 30] furnished with Armour and Shot both to defend and offend: we went from our Ship vp to that * 2.590 part of the Riuer which trended West into the Maine, to search that, and wee carried with vs a Crosse to erect at that point; which, because it was not day-light, we left on shoare vntill our returne backe, when we set it vp in manner as the former. And this we deligently obserued, that in no place either about the Ilands, or vp in the Maine, or along the Riuer, wee could discerne any token or signe that euer any Christian had beene before; which either by cutting wood, dig∣ging for water, or setting vp Crosses (a thing neuer omitted by any Christian trauailours) wee should haue perceiued some mention left.

But to returne to our Riuer, vp into which we then rowed by estimation twenty miles. What [ 40] profit or pleasure is described and truely verified in the former part of the Riuer, is wholly dou∣bled in this; for the breadth and depth is such, that any Ship drawing seuenteene or eighteene foote water might haue passed as farre as we went with our Shallop, and by all our iudgements much further, because we left it in so good depth; which is so much the more to be esteemed of greater worth, by how much it trendeth further vp into the Maine: for from the place of our Ships riding in the Harbour, at the entrance into the Sound, to the furthest point wee were in this Riuer, by our estimation was not much lesse then threescore miles. From each Banke of this Riuer, are diuers branching streames running into the Maine, whereby is afforded an vnspeakea∣ble * 2.591 profit, by the conueniency of easie transportation from place to place, which in some Coun∣tries is both very chargeable, and not so fit, by Carriages on Wane or Horsebacke. Here wee saw store of Fish, some leaping aboue water, which we iudged to be Salmon, for they were great. All * 2.592 [ 50] along is an excellent mould of ground, the wood in most places, especially on the Easterne side, very thin, chiefely Oake and small Birch, bordering low vpon the Riuer, all fit for Meddow and pleasant Pasture ground. And in that space wee went, wee had on both sides the Riuer many plaine places of cleere Meddow, some of three or foure acres, some eight or nine, so as we iudg∣ed in the whole to be betweene thirty and forty acres of good grasse, and where the Armes runne into the Maine, there likewise went a space on both sides of the cleare grasse, how farre we knew not. In many places we might see pathes Beasts had made to come downe to watering. And we all concluded (as I verily thinke we might rightly) that we should neuer see the like Riuer in euery degree equall, vntill it pleased God we beheld the same againe: for the further we went, [ 60] the more pleasing it was to euery man, alluring vs still with expectation of better; so as our men (although they had with great labour rowed long, and eate nothing) for we carried with vs no victuall but a little Cheese and Bread, yet they were so refreshed with the pleasant behol∣ding * 2.593 thereof, and so loath to forsake it, as some of them affirmed, they would haue continued

willingly with that onely fare and labour two dayes; but the Tide not suffering vs to make any longer stay (because we were to come backe with the ebbe) and our Captaine better knowing what was fit, then we; and better what they in labour were able to endure, being very loath to make any desperate hazard, where so little necessitie required, thought it best to make returne, because whether we had discouered, was sufficient to conceiue that the Riuer ranne very farre into the Land: for we passed sixe or seuen miles altogether fresh water (whereof we all dranke) forced vp by the flowing of the Salt, which after a great while ebbe where we left it, by bredth and depth of Channell was likely to runne by estimation of our whole companie an vnknowne way further. And as our Captaine verily thought (although hee then concealed it) might pos∣sibly make a passage into (or very nigh) the South Sea: which hee neither had commission nor [ 10] time now to search, but hath left that till his next returne: if it shall so please God to dispose of him and vs.

Friday the fourteenth of Iune early, by foure a clocke in the morning with the Tide, our two Boats, and a little helpe of the winde, we warped our shippe downe to the Riuers mouth: and there came to an anchor about about eleuen a clocke. Afterward our Captaine in the Pinnace, searched the sounding all about the mouth and comming into the Riuer, for his certaine instru∣ction of a perfect description.

The next day being Saturday, we weighed anchor, and with a briese from the Land, we sayled * 2.594 vp to our watering place, and there stopped, went ashoare, and filled all our empty caske with fresh water. [ 20]

Our Captaine vpon the Rocke in the middest of the Harbour made his certaine obserua∣tion by the Sunne, of the height, latitude, and variation exactly vpon all his Instruments: 1. Astrolabe. 2. Semisphere. 3. Ring-instrument. 4. Crosse staffe. 5. And an excellent Com∣pas, made for the variation. The latitude he found to be 43. degrees 20. minutes, North. The variation, 11. degrees 15. minutes, viz. one point of the Compas Westward. And it is so much * 2.595 in England at Lime-house by London, Eastward. The temperature affoorded to vs no speciall alteration from our disposition in England: somewhat hotter vp into the Maine, because it lieth open to the South, but scarse yeelding a sensible difference to any of vs. The aire so wholsome, as I suppose, not any of vs found our selues at any time more healthfull, more able to labour, nor with better stomachs to such good fare, as we partly brought, and partly found.

Sunday the sixteenth of Iune, the winde being faire, and because wee had set out of England [ 30] vpon a Sunday, descried the Ilands vpon a Sunday, and (as we doubted not) by Gods appoint∣ment, happily fallen into our Harbour vpon a Sunday: so now beseeching him with like pro∣speritie to blesse our returne into England: and from thence (with his good-will and pleasure) to hasten and fortunate our next arriuall here. Wee set sayle and quit the Land vpon a Sunday.

Tuesday the eighteenth day of Iune, being not runne aboue fiue and thirty leagues from Land, and our Captaine for his certaine knowledge how to fall with the Coast, hauing sounded euery watch, and from fifty fathom had come in good deeping to seuenty, and so to an hundred. This day, the weather being faire, after the foure a clocke watch, when he thought not to haue found ground, before sounding in aboue a hundred fathom, we had ground in foure and twenty fathom. [ 40] Wherefore our Sayles being downe, one of our men presently cast out a hooke, and before hee iudged it at ground was fished and haled vp an exceeding great and well fed Cod: then there were cast out three or foure hookes more, the fish was so plentifull and so great, as when our Cap∣taine would haue set sayle, we desired him to suffer them to take fish a while, because wee were so delighted to see them catch fish so great, so fast as the hooke came downe, some playing with the hooke they tooke by the backe. And one of the Mates, with two hookes at a Lead, at fiue draughts together haled vp ten fishes all were generally very great, some were measured. This * 2.596 caused our Captaine not to maruell at the shoalding: for he perceiued it was a fish-banke, which (for our farewell from the Land) it pleased God in the continuance of his blessings to giue vs knowledge of. [ 50]

Sunday the fourteenth of Iuly about six a clocke at night we were come into sounding in our Channell: but for want of sight of the Sunne and Starre, to make a true obseruation: and with contrary windes we were constrained to beate vp and downe till Tuesday the sixteenth of Iuly, when by fiue a clocke in the morning wee made Sylly: from whence hindred with calmes and small windes. Vpon Thursday the eighteenth of Iuly about foure a clocke wee came to anchor saf••ly in Dartmouth, which Hauen haply (with Gods assistance) wee made the last and first Harbour in England, as the Termini of our Voyage.

A briefe Note of what profits we found the Countrie yeeld: in the small time of our stay there. [ 60]

Trees. Oake, of an excellent graine, staight, and great timber; Elme, Beech, Birch, very tall and, great of whose Barque they make their Canoas; Nut-hasle, Hasle, Alder, Cherry tree,

Ash, M••ple, Ewe, Spruce, Asp, Fir in great abundance; many other fruit trees which we know not.

Fowles. Eagles, Hernshawes, Cranes, Duks great; Geese, Swans, Penguins, Shark, Crow, Rauen, Kite, Soga, Mewes, Doues, Turtles, birds of sundry colours; and many other fowles vnknown.

Beasts. Deere red and fallow, Beare, Wolfe, Beauer, Otter, Hare, Conie, Marterns, Sables, Hogs, Porkespines. Polcats, Cats, wilde great, Dogs some like Foxes, some like our other beasts the Sauages signe vnto vs with hornes and broad eares; which we take to be Olkes or Loshes.

Fishes. Whales, Porpoise, Seales, Cod, very great; Haddocke, great; Herring, Plaise, Thorn∣backe, Rock-fish, Lobster, great; Crabbe, Mussels, Cockles, Wilks, Cunner-fish, Lumpe-fish, Whiting: the Sauages signe vnto vs that they haue Tortoise very great.

Plants, Fruits, Herbs. Tobacco, excellent, sweet and strong; Vine, wilde; Strawberries, Rasp∣berries, Gooseberries, Hurtleberries, Corant trees, in abundance; Rose bushes; Pease, which the [ 10] Sauages signe to be very great in the Maine; Ground-nuts; Angelica, a most soueraigne herbe; and an herbe that spreadeth like Camomell, and smelleth like sweet Marjoram, great plenty. Good Dies, which appeare by their painting, which they carrie with them in bladders.

Words which I learned of the Sauages, in their Language.

Sunne or Moone,

Kesus.

Cod-fish,

Biskeiore.

A fish with hornes,

Manedo.

Lobster,

Shoggah.

Rock-fish,

Shagatocke.

Cockle-fish,

Hesucke.

Muskell,

Shoorocke.

Cunner-fish,

Tattaucke.

Crabbe,

Wussorasha.

Porpoise,

Muscopeiuck.

Plaise,

Anego.

Tortoise,

Romcaneeke.

Pease,

Ushcomono.

To∣bacco,

Tomoch.

A leafe,

Mebeere.

A weed,

Cashterush.

A Firre tree,

Seteock.

A stone,

Nabscurr.

A Bowe,

Shoanor.

An Arrow,

Tobood.

Barke of a tree,

Mashquere.

Water,

Shamogoon.

Sand, [ 20]

Cheemuck.

Crowe,

Cagagoose.

Haire,

Messer

or

Meris.

A beard,

Nicowur.

A Beare,

Rogsoo.

Bea∣uer,

Paneah.

Otter,

Nymemano.

Rat,

Sanuke.

Polcat,

Pocamka.

Cat,

Pushuck.

Fallow Deere,

Coribo.

Hogge,

Madoso.

Red Deere,

Moosurr. They tell vs of other beasts, which they call, Ta∣squus, Pisho, Narsim.

Teeth,

Ibider.

A hand and finger,

Breecke.

A Naile of the hand,

Cushe.

A legge,

Codd.

A foot,

Musseete.

Plum-tree,

Epsegan.

Strawberry,

Pishoa.

Gooseberry,

Shewa∣nor.

Cherry tree,

Espegononino.

Corant tree,

Asheemena.

Rashberrie,

Kiskeemy.

A lippe,

Me∣toan.

Fire,

Squida.

The maine Land,

Bemoquiducke.

Sea,

Shoubbe.

Father,

Wado.

Sonne,

Usto.

Wane of the Sea,

Toboogg.

Pitch and Tallow,

Poco.

Wilde Rose,

Minusheck.

Birch,

Pasquar.

Sword,

Edagawancke.

Mountaine,

Machoucke.

Winde,

Puckchawsen.

Bloud,

Pagâgocun.

Red Paint,

Woroman.

Blacke Paint.

Cogosho.

A Dogge,

Rem••ose.

A Ship or Boat,

Quiden.

An Oare, [ 30]

Wuttohogauor.

A Garnepo Fly,

Chussuah.

Bread,

Paune.

Raine,

Soogoran.

A nose,

Peech-ten.

An Axe or Hatchet,

Tomaheegon.

A Knife,

Quodogon.

Oake,

Askabesse.

White Bone, whereof they haue Chaines, Girdles, Bracelets,

Speesone.

The Cheeke,

Canoah.

A Shirt or Coat,

Tenoga∣nuke.

The Chinne,

Queh.

An Eye,

Sheesuck.

Eylid,

Momon.

Forehead,

Scottoquah.

An Eare,

Faw∣wucke.

A fish-hooke,

Makeecon.

A Rainbow,

Shomogon.

The Names of their chiefe Gouernours, whom they call Sagomoh. 1. Bashabez. 2. Abatuck∣quishe. 3. Bdahanedo, one of them we haue. 4. Abokeesussick. 5. Shurokinit. 6. Psaheno. 7. Men∣toelmet. 8. Ageemohuck. 9. Mawermet. 10. Chanacoboin. 11. Amilquin. 12. Muasacoromoneete. These dwell vpon the Maine, and weare an ornament of white bone vpon their head; and Chaines, and Bracelets, and Girdles, and haue their skinne garments laced with them. [ 40]

The Names of our Virginians. Bdahanedo, Brother to the Bashabes. Amocret, his Brother. Satacomoah. Maneduck. Scikaworrowse.

Thus haue I giuen thee the proceedings of Virginia and New Englands Discouerie: for the origi∣nall beginning of the Discouerie, Sir Sebastian Cabot was the first Discouerer both of it and the rest of the Continent of America. The first Plantation was more Southerly by the charges of Sir Walter Raleigh: as before is shewed. The next yeere New Patents were obtained of his Maiestie, for a dou∣ble Plantation in these parts. I trouble not the Reader with the whole Patent, both because it hath su∣stained diuersified alteration, diuision and subdiuision, and because I more minde things there done, than here; for which cause I haue also omitted the Articles and instruction two dayes after dated, signed, and sealed, with the Priuie Seale for the gouernment of the said Plantation, of both which I haue the Co∣pies [ 50] by mee; I onely here giue thee the beginning of the first Patent, Aprill 10. 1606.

CHAP. XIIII.

The description of the Ilands of Açores, or the Flemish Ilands, taken out of Linschoten, with certaine occurrents, and English acts.

THe Iles of Açores, or the Flemish Ilands are seuen, that is, Tercera, Saint Mary, Saint George, Gratiosa, Pico, and Faiael. There are yet two Ilands called Flores * 2.597 and Coruo, which are not contained vnder the name of Açores: but yet at this [ 60] day are vnder the gouernment of the same Ilands, so that they are in all, accoun∣ted nine Ilands. They are called Açores, that is to say, Sparhawkes or Hawkes, because that in their first discouery, they found many Sparhawks, in them, wher∣of they hold the name, although at this day there is not any there to bee found. They are also

called the Flemish Ilands, that is, of the Netherlanders, because the first that inhabited the same, were Netherlanders, whereof till this time there is a great number and off-spring remayning, that in manner and behauiour are altogether like Netherlanders, and there is yet in the same Iland a running water, that issueth out of a Hill, and so runneth into the Sea, whereas yet those issues or off-springs of Netherlanders inhabite, and is called Arib••ra dos Framengos, that is, the Flemish Riuer.

The principall Iland of them all, is that of Tercera, called Insula de Iesus Christus of Terce∣ra. * 2.598 It is betweene fifteene or sixteene miles in compasse, and is altogether a great Cliffe of Land, whereby in it there is little roome: for it is as it were walled round about with Cliffes: but where any strand or sand is, there standeth a Fort. It hath no Hauens nor entrance of waters, [ 10] for the securitie and safety of the shippes, but onely before the chiefe Towne called Angra, * 2.599 where it hath an open Hauen, which in forme is like a Halfe-moone, by the Portugals called Angra, whereof the Towne hath her name. It hath on the one side in manner of an elbow sticking forth, two high Hills, called Bresyl, which stretch into the Sea, so that afarre off they seeme to bee diuided from the Iland. Those Hills are very high, so that being vpon them, a man may see at the least tenne, or twelue, and sometimes fifteene miles into the Sea, being cleare weather. Vpon these Hills there stand two small stone Pillers, where there is a Centi∣nell placed, that continually watcheth to see what shippes are at Sea, and so to aduertise those of the Iland: for that as many shippes as he seeth comming out of the West, that is from the Spanish Indies, or Brasilia, Cabo verde, Guinea, and the Portugall Indies, and all other wayes ly∣ing [ 20] South or West, for euery shippe hee setteth a Flagge vpon the Pillar in the West, and when the shippes which hee descrieth, are more than fiue, then hee setteth vp a great ancient, betoke∣ning a whole Fleete of shippes. The like hee doth vpon the other Pillar, which standeth in the East, for such shippes as come from Portugall, or other places out of the East or North parts, these Pillars may bee easily seene in all places of the Towne, by reason of the highnesse of the Hills, so that there is not one shippe or sayle that is at Sea, or maketh towards the Iland, but it is presently knowne throughout all the Towne, and ouer all the whole Iland: for the watch is not holden onely vpon those two Hills jutting into the Sea, but also vpon all corners, Hills and Cliffes throughout the Iland, and as soone as they perceiue any shippes, the Gouernour and Ru∣lers are presently aduertised thereof, that they may take such order therein as neede requireth. Vpon the furthest corner into the Sea standeth a Fort, right against another Fort that answe∣reth [ 30] it: so that those two Forts doe shut and defend the Mouth or open Hauen of the Towne, where the shippes lie in the Road, and so no shippe can either goe in or come forth, without the licence or permission of those two Forts. This Towne of Angra is not onely the chiefe Towne of Tercera, but also of all other Townes within the Ilands thereabouts. There in is resident, the Bishop, the Gouernour for the King, and the chiefe place of Iudgement, or tribunall Seate of all the Ilands of Açores.

Three miles from this Towne lieth another Towne towards the North, called Villa de Praya, (for Praya is as much to say, as Strand) because it lieth hard by a great strand, and for that cause there is little traffique thither, as not hauing any conuenient place for shippes to come at [ 40] it: yet sometimes there commeth some one, that by reason of contrary winde cannot get be∣fore the Towne of Angra, and so by constraint discharge their goods in that Towne, which * 2.600 from thence are carried by Land to Angra, and yet some part thereof is spent and v∣sed there. It is walled and well housed, but not many people in it, and such as are in it, doe get their liuings most by husbandry: for there are very faire Corne lands. The Iland is likewise very fruitfull and pleasant, it hath much Corne and Wine, but the Wine is not very * 2.601 good to carry into other Countries thereabouts, because it is small and will not long continue, so that it is vsed in the Countrey by the common people: but such as are of wealth, for the most part drinke Wines of Madera, and Canaria. It aboundeth in Flesh, Fish, and all other necessaries * 2.602 and meates for mans bodie, wherewith in time of need they might helpe themselues. Oyle there is none, but it commeth out of Portugall. Also Salt, Pots, Pans, and all kind of earthen [ 50] Vessells, Chalke, and such like are brought thither out of other places, for there they are not to bee found: for fruits they haue (besides Peaches of diuers kindes, and in so great abundance that is is strange) Cherries, Plums, Walnuts, Hasle-nuts, Chesnuts, but those not very good: of Apples, Peares, Oranges and Lemons, with all such like fruits there are sufficient. Of all * 2.603 sorts of Hearbes and Plants, as Coleworts, Radishes, and such like they haue at their certaine times of the yeere. They haue likewise in that Iland a certaine fruit that groweth vnder the earth, like Radishes or other roots, but the Leaues or Plants are Trees like Vines, but different leaues, and groweth longwise vpon the ground: it beareth a fruit called Batatas, that is very * 2.604 good, and is so great that it weigheth a pound, some more, some lesse, but little esteemed: and yet it is a great sustenance and food for the common sort of people. It is of good account in [ 60] Portugall, for thither they vse to bring it for a Present, and those of the Iland by reason of the great abundance doe little esteeme it. There is also another kind of stuffe that is sowed like * 2.605 Corne, and is a fruit: it groweth vpon the root of the grasse or leaues, and is round and as bigge

as a great Pease, but not so round: in eating it tasteth like Earth-nuts, but harder to bite: it is likewise a good meate, and much esteemed in other places: but by reason of the great quan∣titie thereof, it is most vsed to fatten their Hogges, and is called Iunssa. There is also in the I∣land a certaine Plant, which is found in all places thereof in the open fieldes: it groweth as high as a man, and beareth no fruit, onely the roote thereof is a substance, of the thicknesse of * 2.606 a mans two fists, and in shew as if it were naturall golden haire, and in handling like soft Silke, which is vsed there to stuffe and fill their Beddes in stead of Wooll and Feathers: and I doe certainly beleeue, if any man of vnderstanding would take it in hand, it would well be wouen. The principallest traffique of this Iland, is their Woade, such as wee vse for dying (where∣of * 2.607 much is made in that Iland, and is fetched from thence by Englishmen, Scots, and French∣men, in barter for Cloathes and other wares, who continually traffique into that Iland: and [ 10] although by reason of the warres, the Englishmen are forbidden to traffique thither, yet vnder the names of Scots and Frenchmen, they haue continuall trade there. The Iland hath not any wilde beasts or fowles, but very few, sauing onely Canary birds, which are there by thousands, * 2.608 where many Birders take them, and thereof make a daily liuing, by carrying them into diuers places. It hath also wonderfull many Quailes, which they call Codornisen: of tame fowles, as Hennes, and Gynnie Hennes are there likewise great store. Hunting is there little vsed, but onely for Conies, which are very great: Hares, Harts, Partridges, Venison, and such like, are not there to be found, because of the little respect and care the Inhabitants haue to breed any such things. Fish is very plentifull, and of diuers kindes, and very good: in Summer there is great store taken, for in Winter they can hardly brooke the Seas. The chiefe moneths of Winter * 2.609 [ 20] weather for raine and stormes are, Ianuarie, Februarie, March and Aprill, and also the moneth of September is commonly very stormy: all the other moneths it is commonly good weather. The Countrey is very hilly, and in some places wooddy, full of bushes and trees: it is hard to trauell, because their wayes for the most part are stony, so that for a mile, or a mile and a halfe together, men can see no ground, but onely stones, which for sharpnesse and fashion shew like * 2.610 pointed Diamants, whereby one can hardly treade vpon it, lest it should cut through both, shooes and feet: and yet it is all planted with Vines, so full and thicke, that in Summer time you can hardly see through it, for that the rootes thereof doe growe betweene the stones: so that a man would thinke it impossible that any thing should growe therein: and which is more, in some [ 30] places it seemeth impossible for a man to treade vpon it, being so wilde and desart as it sheweth, and nothing but hard stones and Rockes. On good ground their Vines will not growe, but one∣ly in the wilde and stony places: and for that cause they are much esteemed.

The good groundes and plaine fieldes, which in some places are very many, especially by Villa da Praya, are sowed with Corne and Woade, and they haue so much Corne, that they neede not bring any from other places: although that besides their Inhabitants, and naturall borne Ilanders, they haue continually with them fourteene Companies of Spaniards, which are all fedde and nourished by the Corne that groweth in the Countrey, vnlesse there chance to come a hard and vnfruitfull yeere, as oftentimes it doth, for then they are forced to helpe themselues with forraine Corne, and that especially because of the Souldiers that lie in the I∣land: and yet it is strange, that the Corne, and all other things in the Iland continue not aboue [ 40] one yeere, and that which is kept aboue a yeere is naught, and nothing worth. And therefore * 2.611 to keepe their Corne longer than a yeere, they are forced to burie it in the earth for the space of foure or fiue moneths together, to the which end euery Townesman hath his Pit at one end of the Towne in the common high-way, which is appointed for the purpose, and euery man set∣teth his marke vpon his Pit-stone: the Corne is but lightly buried in the earth: the holes * 2.612 within are round, and the toppes thereof so wide that a man may creepe in, whereunto there is a stone purposely made to couer it, which shutteth it vp very close. Some of the Pittes are so great, as that they may hold two or three lastes of Corne, some greater, and some smaller, as euery man hath his prouision: and as soone as the Corne is reaped, and fanned (which is in Iuly) euery man putteth his Corne into those Pittes, laying straw vnder and round about it, and then [ 50] they fill it full, or but halfe full, according as their quantitie is, and so stop it vp with the stone, which they couer with earth, and so let it stand vntill Christmas, when euery man that will fetch home his Corne: some let it lie longer, and fetch it by little and little, as they vse it: but the Corne is as good when they take it out, as it was at the first houre that they put it in: and although that Carts, Horses, and men doe commonly passe ouer it, and also that the raine raineth vpon it, yet there entreth not any drop of raine or moisture into it: and if the Corne were not buried in that manner, it would not continue good aboue foure moneths together, but would be spoiled: and when it hath beene thus for a long time buried in the earth, it will continue the whole yeere through, and then they keepe it in Chists, or make a thing of Mats, like a Coope, [ 60] to preserue it in, not once stirring or moouing it, and so it continueth very good.

The greatest commoditie they haue in the Land, and that serueth their turnes best, is their Oxen: and I beleeue they are the greatest and fairest that are to bee found in all Christendome, * 2.613

with vnmeasurable great and long hornes. Euery Oxe hath his seuerall name like men, and although there bee a thousand of them in a heard, and that one of them bee called by his name, he presently commeth forth vnto his master that calleth him. The Land is very high, and as it * 2.614 seemeth hollow: for that as they passe ouer a Hill of stone, the ground soundeth vnder them as if it were a Seller, so that it seemeth in diuers places to haue holes vnder the earth, whereby it is much subiect to Earthquakes, as also all the other Ilands are: for there it is a common thing, and all those Ilands for the most part haue had Myne of Brimstone, for that in many places of Ter∣cera, * 2.615 and Saint Michael, the smoake and sauour of Brimstone doeth still issue forth of the ground, and the Countrey round about is all sindged and burnt. Also there are places wherein there are * 2.616 Fountaines and Wells, the water whereof is so hot that it will boyle an egge, as well as if it hung ouer a fire. [ 10]

In the Iland of Tercera, about three miles from Angra, there is a Fountaine in a place cal∣led Gualua, which hath a propertie, that all the wood which falleth into it, by length of time * 2.617 conuerteth into stone, as I my selfe by experience haue tried. In the same Fountaine by the roote of a tree, whereof the one halfe runneth vnder that water, and is turned into as hard stone as if it were Steele: and the other part of the roote (which the water toucheth not) is still wood and root, as it should be. The Iland hath great store and excellent kinds of wood, spe∣cially Cedar trees, which growe there in so great numbers, that they make Scutes, Carts, and * 2.618 other grosse workes thereof, and is the commonest wood that they vse to burne in those Coun∣tries, whereby it is the wood that with them is least esteemed, by reason of the great quantity thereof. There is another kinde of wood called Sanguinho, and is very faire of a red colour, and * 2.619 [ 20] another sort that they call white Wood, being of it selfe as white as Chalke: other that is per∣fect yellow, and all naturall without any dying: and therefore there are diuers good worke∣men in Tercera, that are skilfull in Ioyners Occupation, and make many fine pieces of worke, as Deskes, Cupboords, Chists, and other such like things, whereof many are carried into Portu∣gall, and much esteemed there, as well for the beauty of the wood, as for the workmanship. And specially the Spanish Fleet, which ordinarily refresh themselues in that Iland, doe carrie much of it from thence; for it is the best and finest that is made in all Spaine and Portugall, al∣though it bee not comparable to the Deskes, and fine workmanship of Nurembergh, and those Countreves: but for Wood it excelleth all other Countreyes, for that they haue in the Spanish Fleete, besides their owne kindes of woods, at the least a thousand sorts of wood of all co∣lours [ 30] that man can imagine or deuise, and so faire, that more fairer can not bee painted. There is a certaine kinde of wood in the Iland Pico, situate and lying twelue miles from Terce∣ra, called Teixo, a most excellent and princely wood, and therefore it is forbidden to bee * 2.620 cut, but onely for the Kings owne vse, or for his Officers. The wood is as hard as Iron, and hath a colour within, as if it were wrought, like red Chamlet, with the same water, and the older it is, and the more vsed, the fairer it is of colour, so that it is worthie to bee esteemed, as in truth it is.

All those Ilands are inhabited by Portugals: but since the troubles in Portugall, there haue * 2.621 beene diuers Spanish Souldiers sent thither, and a Spanish Gouernour, that keepe all the Forts and Castles in their possessions, although the Portugals are put to no charges, nor yet hardly vsed by [ 40] them, but are rather kept short, so that not one Souldier dareth goe out of the Towne, with * 2.622 out licence: and therefore men may quietly trauell throughout the Iland, both day and night, without any trouble. Likewise they will not suffer any stranger to trauell to see the Coun∣trey: and this order was not brought vp by the Spaniards, but by the Portugals themselues, * 2.623 before their troubles, (for they would neuer permit it:) and which is more, all strangers that came thither were vsually appointed a certaine streete, wherein they should sell their wares, and might not goe out of that streete. Now it is not so straightly looked vnto, but they may goe in all places of the Towne, and within the Iland, but not about it, to view the Coast: which notwithstanding was granted vnto vs, by the Gouernour himselfe, who lent vs his [ 50] Horses to ride about, and gaue vs leaue to see all the Forts, which at this time is not permit∣ted to the naturall borne Ilanders, neither are they so much credited. Wee rode twice about the Iland, which hee granted vs leaue to doe, by meanes of certaine particular friendship wee had with him: neither could the Portugals hinder vs therein, because wee were in the Kings seruice, as Factors for the Kings Pepper, and for that, they accounted vs as naturall borne Por∣tugals: for the Gouernour would willingly haue had mee, to haue drawne a plot of the whole Iland, that hee might haue sent it to the King: wherein I excused my selfe: yet I made him the Towne with the Hauen, comming in, and Forts of Angra, which hee sent vnto the King, the like whereof you may in this Booke behold: for the which the Gouernour was great∣ly affected vnto mee, and shewed mee much friendship. Wee had in our Lodging a French Mer∣chant and a Scot, that willingly would haue gone with vs, to see the Iland, but could not be suf∣fered: [ 60] for the Portugals thinke that they would take the proportion thereof, and so seeke to de∣feate them of their right.

But returning to our matter, the Ilands are very good, and holesome ayre, and the diseases that are most common in those Countries, though not very plentifull, but onely here and there one, are one sicknesse called O Ar, that is, a kinde of bad ayre that taketh them, and maketh them altogether lame, or halfe lame of their limmes, or of some one limme: and another sick∣nesse, * 2.624 that is called O Sange, that is, a certaine bloud, that hastely commeth vpon a man, as a swelling in the eyes, or other places of the face, or of the body, and is as red as bloud, for (as they say) it is nothing else but meere bloud: these are two diseases like the plague, and are common∣nest sicknesses in those Countries, which grow by reason of the great windinesse of the Ilands, that are subiect to all stormes and foule weathers, and are vnreasonable morst, which is one of the principall causes of these diseases: for the windes are there so strong and dangerous, that they * 2.625 [ 10] consume both the Iron and the Steele of their houses, and bring them into powder: for I haue seene Iron grates in the Kings Custome house, as thicke as a mans arme, and the windowes of hard free stone, which were so consumed by the winde, that the Iron in some places was become as thin as a straw, and the stone in like sort: and therefore in those Countries they vse to make their Roofes and Painthou••es of stones, which they digge in the water, out of sands vpon the Sea coast of those Ilands, whereon the winde hath not so great a power to consume it: and yet that Customehouse had not beene made aboue six or seuen yeares before, at the most.

In this Iland besides the two Townes, there are diuers great Villages, as Saint Sebastians, Saint Barboran, Altares, Gualua, Villa noua, with many other Parishes and Hamlets: so that for the most part it is built and inhabited, sauing onely the places that are wilde and full of Woods, [ 20] which can hardly be trauelled, much lesse inhabited. Their most traffique is (as I said before) the wood that groweth in those Countries, I meane for such as deale in Merchandise, and the worke∣men that make it: but the rest waite for the fleetes that come and goe to and from the Spanish and Portugall Indies, from Brasilia, Cabo, Verde and Guinea: all which Countries doe common∣ly come vnto Tercera to refresh themselues, as lying very fitly for that purpose: so that all the inhabitants doe thereby richly maintaine themselues, and sell all their wares, as well handy workes as victuals vnto those Ships: and all the Ilands round about doe as then come vnto Ter∣cera with their wares, to sell it there. For the which cause the Englishmen and other strangers keepe continually about those Ilands, being assured that all Ships for want of refreshing must of force put into those Ilands, although at this time many Ships doe auoide those Ilands, to the great [ 30] discommodity of the Ilands and the Ships.

From Tercera Southeast, about seuen and twenty or eight and twenty miles, lyeth the Iland of Saint Michael, which is about twenty miles long, and is likewise full of Townes and Villages * 2.626 inhabited by Portugals, for ayre and all other things like vnto Tercera. The chiefe Towne is cal∣led Punta del Gada, where there is great traffique of English, Scots, and Frenchmen, onely (as in Tercera) because of the woad, which is more abundant in that Iland, then in all the rest of them: for that euery yeare there is made aboue two hundreth thousand Quintals of Wood. It hath like∣wise great abundance of Corne, so that they helpe to victuall all the Ilands that are round about them. It hath neither Hauens nor Riuers, but onely the broad Sea, and haue lesse safegard and defence then those which are of Tercera: but there they lye not vnder the commandement of [ 40] any Fort: so that many set sayle with all the windes, and put to Sea, which in the road of Ter∣cera they may not doe: and therefore the strangers Ships had rather sayle to Saint Michaels, for there they can not be constrained to doe any thing, but what they will themselues to doe. There is also a company of Spaniards in a Castle that standeth by the Towne of Punta del Gada, which is made by the Spaniards for the defence and maintenance of the same towne.

From the Iland of Saint Michaels Southwards twelue miles, lyeth the Island Santa Maria, * 2.627 which is about ten or twelue miles compasse, & hath no traffique but onely of pot earth, which the other Ilands fetch from thence. It hath no Woad, but is full of all victuals like Tercera, and inhabited by the Portugals. There are no Spaniards in it: because it is a stony Country, like Ter∣cera, and hard to boord: whereby the inhabitants themselues are sufficient and able enough to defend it. While I remained in Tercera, the Earle of Cumberland came thither, to take in fresh [ 50] water, and some other victuals; but the inhabitants would not suffer him to haue it, but woun∣ded both himselfe and diuers of his men, whereby they were forced to depart without hauing any thing there.

From Tercera North Northwest about seuen or eight miles, lyeth a little Iland called Gratio∣sa, and is but fiue or sixe miles in compasse, a very pleasant and fine Iland, full of all fruits and all * 2.628 other victuals, so that it not onely feedeth it selfe, but also Tercera, and the other Ilands about it, and hath no other kinde of Merchandise: it is well built and inhabited by Portugals, and hath no Soldiers in it, because it is not able to beare the charge. The Earle of Cumberland while I lay in Tercera, came vnto that Iland, where himselfe in person, with seuen or eight in his company * 2.629 [ 60] went on land, asking certaine Beasts, Hens, and other Victuals, with Wine and fresh water, which they willingly gaue him, and therewith he departed from thence, without doing them any hurt: for the which the inhabitants thanked him, and commended him for his curtesie, and keeping of his promise.

From Tercera West North-west, eight or nine miles, lyeth the Iland of Saint George. It is a∣bout twelue miles long, but not aboue two or three miles at the furthest in breadth▪ it is wood∣dy * 2.630 and full of hils: it hath no speciall traffique, but onely some Woad, and yet very little of it. The inhabitants liue most by Cattell and tilling of the Land, and bring much victuals to sell in Tercera: it hath likewise many Cedar trees, and other kindes of wood, that from thence are brought vnto Tercera, and sold vnto the Ioyners, which for that occasion dwell onely in Tercera.

From Saint George West South-west seuen miles, lyeth the Iland called Fayael, which is se∣uenteene or eighteene miles in compasse: it is one of the best Ilands next vnto Tercera, and Saint * 2.631 Michaels: it aboundeth in all sorts of victuals, both flesh and fish, so that from this Iland the most part of victuals and necessaries commeth by whole Caruels vnto Tercera: it hath likewise [ 10] much Woad, so that many English Ships doe traffique thither. The principall road and place is the Towne called Uitta dorta: there the Ships likewise doe lye in the open Sea vnder the Land, as they doe before all the other Ilands: by this Towne there lyeth a fortresse, but of small im∣portance: and because the inhabitants of themselues doe offer to defend the Iland against all ene∣mies, the Soldiers discharged from thence, which before that time lay in the Fort, complaining that they were not able to maintaine nor lodge them. The same time that the Earle of Cumber∣land was in the Iland of Gratiosa, he came likewise to Fayael, where at the first time that hee came, they began to resist him, but by reason of some controuersie among them, they let him * 2.632 land where he rased the Castle to the ground, and sunke all their Ordnance in the Sea, taking with him certaine Caruels and Ships that lay in the road, with prouision of all things that hee wanted: and therewith departed againe to Sea. Whereupon the King caused the principall [ 20] actors therein to be punished, and sent a company of Souldiers thither againe, which went out of Tercera, with all kinde of warlike munition, and great shot, making the Fortresse vp againe, the better to defend the Iland, trusting no more in the Portugals. In that Iland are the most part of the Netherlanders off-spring, yet they vse the Portugals language, by reason they haue beene so long conuersant among them, and those that vsed the Dutch tongue are all dead: they are great∣ly affected to the Netherlanders and strangers.

From Fayael Southeast three miles, and from Saint George South-west foure miles, and from Tercera South-west and by West twelue miles, lyeth the Iland called Pico, which is more then fifteene miles in length. It is so named of a high Mountaine that standeth therein called Pico, * 2.633 [ 30] which is so high, that some thinke it is higher then the Pico of Canaria. When it is cleare wea∣ther, * 2.634 it may as perfectly be seene in Tercera, as if it were not halfe a mile from thence, and yet it lyeth aboue twenty fiue miles from it: for it is at the furthest end of the Iland towards Fayael. The top of it is seene cleare and bright, but the nether part is couered with clouds, and with the Horizon, whereby the Iland is much spoken of. It is very fruitfull of all kindes of victuals, like Fayael, and hath great store of wood, as Cedars & all other kindes, and also the costly wood Teixo. There they build many Caruels and small Ships: and from thence, by reason of the abundance of wood, they serue the other Ilands with wood. It is also inhabited as the rest are, their chiefe traf∣fique being Cattle & husbandry. It hath much Wine, & the best in all those Ilands, and it hath the sauorest & pleasantest Oranges that are throughout all Portugall: so that they are brought into * 2.635 [ 40] Tercera for a present, as being there very much esteemed, and in my iudgement they are the best that euer I tasted in any place. Angra, in the Iland of Tercera is the chiefe Towne and Ruler ouer all the Flemish Ilands.

From Tercera Westward to the Iland named Flores are seuenty miles: it is about seuen miles compasse, it is also inhabited by Portugals, & hath no speciall merchandise, but onely some wood, * 2.636 it is full of Cattle, and other necessary prouisions, and lyeth open to all the world, & to whosoe∣uer will come thither, as well Englishmen as others: for that the inhabitants haue not the power to resist them. A mile from thence Northward, lyeth a little Iland of two or three miles in com∣passe called DeCoruo. The inhabitants are of the same people that dwell in Flores. Between those * 2.637 two Ilands and round about them, the Englishmen doe commonly stay, to watch the Ships that [ 50] come out of the West: for those are the first Ilands, that the Ships looke out for and descry, when they saile vnto Tercera, wherby the inhabitants dobut little prosper, because they are at the plea∣sure & commandment of all that will come vnto them, and take their goods from them, as often∣times it hapneth. Yet for all their pouerty, not to loose both lands and goods, they must content themselues, and saile with euery winde.

The Ile of Tercera lyeth vnder thirty nine degrees, in the same height that Lisbone lyeth: and is distant from Lisbone lying right East and West two hundred and fifty Spanish miles.

Of certaine notable and memorable accidents that happened during my continuance in Tercera: in which are related many English fleetes, [ 60] Sea-fights and Prizes.

THe second of October Anno 1589. at the Towne of Villa da•• Praya, in the Iland of Tercera, two men being in a field hard without the towne were killed with lightning. The ninth of * 2.638

the same month there arriued in Tercera 14. Ships, that came from the Spanish Indies, laden with Cochenile, Hides, Gold, Siluer, Pearles, and other rich wares. They were fifty in company, when they departed out of the Iland of Hauana, whereof, in their comming out of the Channell, eleuen sunk in the same Channell by foule weather, the rest by a storme were scattered & seperated one from the other. The next day there came another Ship of the same company, that sailed close vn∣der the Iland, so to get into the Road; where she met with an English Ship, that had not aboue three cast Peeces, & the Spaniard twelue. They sought a long time together, which we being in the I∣land might stand & behold: wherupon the Gouernor of Tercera sent two Boats of Musketiers to helpe the Ship; but before they could come at her, the English Ship had shot her vnder water, and we saw her sinke into the Sea, with all her sailes vp, and not any thing seene of her about the wa∣ter. The Englishmen with their Boate saued the Captaine and about thirty others with him, but [ 10] not one peny worth of the goods, & yet in the Ship there was at the least to the value of 200000. Ducats in Gold, Siluer, and Pearles, the rest of the men were drowned, which might be about 50. persons, among the which were some Friers and women, which the Englishmen would not saue. Those that they had saued they set on land; & then they sailed away. The 27. of the same month, the said 14. Ships hauing refreshed theselues in the Iland, departed from Tercera towards Siuil, and comming vpon the coast of Spaine, they were taken by the English Ships, that lay there to watch for them, two onely excepted which escaped away, & the rest were wholly carried into England.

About the same time the Earle of Cumberland, with one of the Queenes Ships, and fiue or six more, kept about those Ilands and came oftentimes so close vnder the Iland, and to the Road of [ 20] Angra, that the people on land might easily tell all his men that he had aboord, and knew such as walked on the Hatches: they of the Iland not once shooting at them, although they might easily haue done it, for they were within Musket shot both of the Towne and Fort. In these places he continued for the space of two Moneths, and sailed round about the Ilands, and landed in Gratiosa and Fayael, as in the description of those Ilands I haue already declared. Here he tooke diuers Ships and Caruels, which he sent into England: so that those of the Iland durst not once put forth their heads. At the same time about three or foure dayes after the Earle of Cumberland had beene in the Iland of Fayael, and was departed from thence, there arriued in the said Iland * 2.639 of Fayael six Indian Ships, whose Generall was one Iuan Dory••s: and there they discharged in the Iland fortie Millions of Gold and Siluer. And hauing with all speede refreshed their Ships, [ 30] fearing the comming of the Englishmen, they set saile, and arriued safely in Saint Lucas, not mee∣ting with the enemy, to the great good lucke of the Spaniards, and hard fortune of the English∣men; for that within lesse then two daies, after the Gold and Siluer was laden again into the Spa∣nish Ships, the Earle of Cumberland sailed againe by that Iland; so that it appeared that God would not let them haue it, for if they had once had fight thereof, without doubt it had beene theirs, as the Spaniards themselues confessed.

In the moneth of Nouember, there arriued in Tercera two great Ships, which were the Admi∣rall and Viceadmirall of the Fleete laden with Siluer, who with stormy weather were seperated from the Fleete, and had beene in great torment and distresse, and ready to sinke; for they were forced to vse all their Pumps; so that they wished a thousand times to haue met with the Eng∣lishmen [ 40] to whom they would willingly haue giuen their Siluer, and all that euer they brought with them, onely to saue their liues. And although the Earle of Cumberland lay still about those Ilands, yet they met not with him, so that after much paine and labor they got into the Road be∣fore Angra, where with all speed they vnladed, & discharged aboue 5. Millions of Siluer, all in pee∣ces of 8. and 10. pound great: so that the whole Ray lay couered with plates & Chests of Siluer, * 2.640 full of Ryals of eight, most wonderfull to behold: each Million being ten hundred thousand Du∣cats, besides Pearles, Gold, and other stones, which were not registred. The Admiral & chief com∣mander of those Ships and Fleete called Aluuro Flores de Quiniones was sicke of the Neapolitan disease, and was brought to land, whereof not long after he dyed in Syuilia. He brought with him the Kings broad Seale and full authority to be Generall & chiefe commander vpon the Seas, and of all Fleets or Ships, and of all places & Ilands, or Lands wheresoeuer he came: whereupon the Gouernor of Tercera did him great honor, and betweene them it was concluded, perceiuing the [ 50] weaknesse of their Ships, and the danger of the Englishmen, that they would send the Ships empty with Soldiers to conuey them, either to Siuil or Lisbone, where they could first arriue, with aduise vnto his Maiesty of all that had past, and that he would giue order to fetch the Siluer, with good and safe conuoy. Wherepuon the said Aluaro Flores staied there, vnder colour of keeping the Siluer, but specially because of his disease, and for that they were afraid of the Englishmen. This Aluaro Flores had alone for his owne part aboue fifty thousand Ducats in Pearles, which he shewed vnto vs, and sought to sell them, or barter them with vs for Spices, or bils of exchange. The said two Ships set saile with three or foure hundred men, as well Soldiers as others, that came with them [ 60] and not one man saued. Tke Vice-admirall cut downe her Mast, and ranne the Ship on ground out of India, and being at Sea had a storme, wherewith the Admirall burst and sunke in th•• Sea, hard by Sentuual, where it burst in peeces, some of the men sauing themselues by swimming, that brought the newes, but the rest were drowned.

In the same moneth, there came two great ships out of the Spanish Indies, and being within halfe a mile of the Road of Tercera, they met with an English shippe, that after they had fought long together, tooke them both. About seuen or eight moneths before, there had beene an En∣glish ship in Tercera, that vnder the name of a Frenchman came to traffique in the Iland, there to lade wood, and being discouered was both ship and goods confiscated to the Kings vse, and all the men kept prisoners: yet went they vp and downe the streets to get their liuings, by labouring like slaues, being in deed as safe in that Iland, as if they had beene in prison. But in the end vpon a Sunday all the Sailers went downe behind the Hils called Bresill: where they found a Fisher∣boat, whereinto they got, and rowed into the Sea to the Earle of Cumberlands ship, which to their great fortune chanced at that time to come by the Iland, and anchored with his ships about [ 10] halfe a mile from the Road of Angra, hard by two small Ilands, which lye about a Bases shot from the Iland, and are full of Goats, Buckes, and Sheepe, belonging to the Inhabitants of the Iland of Tercera. Those Saylers knew it well, and thereupon they rowed vnto them with their Boats, and lying at Anchor that day, they fetched as many Goats and Sheepe as they had neede of: which those of the Towne and of the Iland well saw and beheld, yet durst not once go forth, so there remayned no more on Land but the Master, and the Merchant, of the said English ship. This Master had a Brother in Law dwelling in England, who hauing newes of his brothers im∣prisonment in Tercera, got licence of the Queene of England, to set forth a ship, therewith to see if he could recouer his losses of the Spaniards, by taking some of them, and so to redeeme his bro∣ther, that lay prisoner in Tercera, and he it was, that tooke the two Spanish shippes before the [ 20] Towne. The Master of the ship aforesaid, standing on the shore by me, and looking vpon them, for he was my great acquaintance, the shipss being taken, that were worth three hundred thou∣sand Duckets, he sent all the men on Land sauing only two of the principall Gentlemen, which he kept aboord, thereby to ransome his brother: and sent the Pilot of one of the Indian ships that were taken, with a Letter to the Gouernour of Tercera: wherein he wrote that hee should deli∣uer him his brother, and he would send the two Gentlemen on Land: if not, he would saile with them into England, as indeed he did, because the Gouernour would not doe it, saying that the Gentleman might make that suite to the King of Spaine him selfe. This Spanish Pilot we bid to supper with vs, and the Englishmen likewise, where hee shewed vs all the manner of their fight, much commending the order and manner of the Englishmens fighting, as also for their courteous [ 30] vsing of him: but in the end the English Pilot likewise stole away in a French ship, without pay∣ing any ransome as yet.

In the moneth of Ianuary 1590, there arriued one ship alone in Tercera, that came from the Spanish Indies, and brought newes, that there was a fleet of a hundred ships which put out from the Firme Land of the Spanish Indies, and by a storme were driuen vpon the Coast called Florida, where they were all cast away, she hauing only escaped, wherein there were great riches, and many men lost, as it may well be thought: so that they made their account that of two hundred and twentie ships, that for certaine were knowne to haue put out of Noua Spaigna, Santo Do∣mingo, Hauana, Capo verde, Brasilia, Guinea, &c. In the yeere 1989. to sayle for Spaine in Portu∣gall, there were not aboue fourteene or fifteene of them arriued there in safetie, all the rest being [ 40] either drowned, burst or taken.

In the same Moneth of Ianuary, there arriued in Tercera fifteen or sixteene ships that came from Siuilia, which were most Flie-boats of the low Countries, and some Brittons that were arrested in Spaine: these came full of Souldiers, and well appointed with munition, to lade the siluer that lay in Tercera, and to fetch Aluares de Flores, by the Kings commandement into Spaine. And be∣cause that time of the yeere there is alwayes stormes about those Ilands, therefore they durst not enter into the Road of Tercera, for that as then it blew so great a storme, that some of their ships that had anchored, were forced to cut downe their Masts, and were in danger to bee lost: and among the rest a ship of Biscay ranne against the Land, and was stricken in pieces, but all the men saued themselues. The other ships were forced to keepe the Sea, and separate themselues one [ 50] from the other, where winde and weather would driue them, vntill the fifteenth of March: for that in all that time they could not haue one day of faire weather to anchor in, whereby they in∣dured much miserie, cursing both the siluer and the Iland. This storme being past, they chanced to meete with small English ship of about fortie tunnes in bignesse, which by reason of the great wind could not beare all her sailes: so they set vpon her, and tooke her, and with the English flagge in their Admirals sterne they came as proudly into the Hauen, as if they had conquered all the Realme of England: but as the Admirall that bare the English flagge vpon her sterne, was entring into the Road, there came by chance two English ships by the Iland, that paid her so well for her paines, that they were forced to cry Misericordia, and without all doubt had taken her, if she had beene but a mile further in the Sea: but because she got vnder the Fortresse, which al∣so [ 60] began to shoot at the Englishmen, they were forced to leaue her, and to put further into the Sea, hauing slaine fiue or sixe of the Spaniards. The Englishmen that were taken in the small ship were put vnder hatches, and coupled in bolts, and after they had beene Prisoners three or foure dayes, there was a Spanish Ensigne-bearer in the ship, that had a brother ••••••ine in the ••••eet that came for

England, who as then, minding to reuenge his death, and withall to shew his man-hood to the English Captiues, that were in the English shippe, which they had taken, as is aforesaid, tooke a Ponyard in his hand, and went downe vnder the Hatches, where finding the poore Englishmen sitting in bolts, with the same Ponyard he stabbed sixe of them to the heart: which two others of them perceiuing, clasped each other about the middle, because they would not bee murthered by him, threw themselues into the Sea, and there were drowned. This act was of all the Spani∣ards much disliked and very ill taken, so that they carried the Spaniard prisoner vnto Lisbone, where being arriued, the King of Spaine willed he should be sent into England, that the Queene of England might vse him as she thought good: which sentence his friends by intreatie got to bee reuersed, notwithstanding he commanded he should without all fauour bee beheaded: but vpon a good Friday, the Cardinall going to Masse, all the Captaines and Commanders made so great [ 10] intreatie for him that in the end they got his pardon. This I thought good to note, that men might vnderstand the bloudie and honest mindes of the Spaniards, when they haue men vnder their subiection.

The same two English ships, which followed the Spanish Admirall, till hee had got vnder the Fort of Tercera, as I said before, put into the Sea, where they met with an other Spanish ship, being of the same fleete, that had likewise beene scattered by the storme and was only missing, for the rest lay in the Road: this small ship the Englishmen tooke, and sent all the men on shore, not hurting any of them: but if they had knowne, what had beene done vnto the foresaid En∣glish Captiues, I beleeue they would soone haue reuenged themselues, as afterward many an in∣nocent [ 20] soule payed for it. This ship thus taken by the Englishmen, was the same that was kept and confiscated in the Iland of Tercera, by the Englishmen that got out of the Iland in a fisher∣boat (as I said before) and was sold vnto the Spaniards, that as then came from the Indies, where∣with they sailed to Saint Lucas, where it was also arrested by the Duke, and appoined to goe in company to fetch the siluer in Tercera, because it was a shippe that sayled well: but among the Spaniards fleete it was the meanest of the Company. By this meanes it was taken from the Spaniards, and carried into England, and the Owners had it againe, when they least thought of it.

The nineteenth of March, the aforesaid ships, being nineteene in number, set saile, hauing la∣den the Kings siluer, and receiued in Aluaro Flores de Quiniones, with his company, and good prouision of necessaries, Munition and Souldiers, that were fully resolued (as they made shew) [ 30] to fight valiantly to the last man, before they would yeeld or lose their riches: and although they set their course for Saint Lucas, the wind draue them vnto Lisbone, which (as it seemed) was willing by his force to helpe them, and to bring them thither in safetie: although Aluaro de Flores, both against the wind and weather would perforce haue sailed to Saint Lucas, but being constrained by the wind, and importunitie of the Sailers, that protested they would require their losses and damages of him, he was content to saile to Lisbone: from whence the siluer was by Land carried into Siuilia. At Cape Saint Vincent, there lay a Fleet of twentie English shippes, to watch for the Armada, so that if they had put into Saint Lucas, they had fallen right into their hands, which if the wind had serued they had done. And therefore they may say that the wind [ 40] had lent them a happie Voyage: for if the Englishmen had met with them, they had surely beene in great danger, and possibly but few of them had escaped, by reason of the feare wherewith they were possessed, because Fortune or rather God was wholly against them. Which is a sufficient cause to make the Spaniards out of heart, to the contrarie to giue the Englishmen more courage, and to make them bolder for that they are victorious, stout and valiant: and seeing all their en∣terprizes doe take so good effect, that thereby they are become Lords and Masters of the Sea, and need care for no man, as it well appeareth by this briefe Discourse.

In the month of March 1590. There was a Blasing Starre with a taile seene in Tercera, that continued foure nights together, stretching the tayle towards the South. * 2.641

In the moneth of May, a Caruell of Fayael arriued at Tercera, in the Hauen or Road of An∣gra, laden with Oxen, Sheepe, Hennes, and all other kinds of victuals, and full of people, which [ 50] by a storme had broken her Ruther, whereby the Sea cast her about and therewith she sunke, and in her were drowned three children, and a Frier Franciscan, the rest of the men saued themselues by swimming, and by helpe from the shore, but all the Cattle and Hennes came drowned to land: the Frier was buried with a great Procession and Solemnitie, esteeming him for a Saint, because he was taken vp dead with his Booke betweene his armes: for the which cause euery man came to looke on him as a Miracle, giuing great Offerings to say Masses for his soule.

The first of August the Gouernor of Tercera, receiued aduise out of Portugall and Spaine, that two yeeres before the date of his Letters, there were sayled out of England twelue great shippes well appointed, with full resolution to take their iournie, seuen of them into the Portugall Indies, [ 60] and the other fiue to Malacca: of the which fiue, two were cast away in passing the Straits of Magellanes, and three sayled to Malacca: but what they had done there, was as then not knowne. The other seuen passed the Cape de bona Speranza, and arriued in India, where they put into the Coast of Malabares, but let them goe againe: and two Turkish Gallies, that came

out of the Straits of Mecca or the Red Sea, to whom likewise they did no hurt. And there they laded their ships wis Spices, and returned backe againe on their way: but where or in what place they had laden, it was not certainely knowne, sauing onely that thus much was written by the Gouernour of India, and sent ouer Land to Uenice, and from thence to Madrill.

The seuenth of August, a Nauie of English ships was seene before Tercera, beeing twentie in * 2.642 number, and fiue of them the Queenes ships: their Generall was one Martin Frobisher, as wee after had intelligence. They came purposely to watch for the fleet of the Spanish Indies, and for the Indian ships, and the shippes of the Countries in the West: which put the Ilanders in great feare, specially those of Fayael, for that the Englishmen sent a Trumpet to the Gouernour to aske certaine wine, flesh, and other victuals for their money, and good friendship. They of Fayael did [ 10] not onely refuse to giue eare vnto them, but with a shot killed their Messenger or Trumpetter: which the Englishmen tooke in euill part, sending them word that they were best to looke to themselues, and stand vpon their guard, for they meant to come and visit them whether they would or no. The Gouernour made them answere, that he was there, in the behalfe of his Ma∣iestie of Spaine and that he would doe his best, to keepe them out, as he was bound: but no thing was done, although they of Fayael were in no little feare, sending to Tercera for aide, from whence they had certaine Barkes with Powder and Munition for warre, with some Bisket and other necessary prouision.

The thirtieth of August, we receiued very certaine newes out of Portugall, that there were eightie ships put out of the Carunho, laden with Victuals, Munition, Money, and Souldiers, to [ 20] goe for Britaine to aide the Catholikes and Leaguers of France, against the King of Nauarre. At the same time, two Netherland Hulkes, comming out of Portugall to Tercera, beeing halfe the Seas ouer, met with foure of the Queenes shippes, their Generall beeing Sir Iohn Hawkins, that stayed them, but let them goe againe, without doing them any harme. The Netherlanders repor∣ted, that each of the Queenes ships had eightie Peeces of Ordnance, and that Captaine Drake lay with fortie ships in the English Channell, watching for the Armie of Carunho: and likewise that there lay at the Cape Saint Vincent tenne other English ships, that if any ships escaped from the Ilands, they might take them. Those tidings put the Ilanders in great feare, lest if they fai∣led of the Spanish fleete, and got nothing by them, that then they would fall vpon the Ilands, be∣cause they would not returne emptie home, whereupon they held straight watch, sending ad∣uise [ 30] vnto the King what newes they heard.

The first of September, there came to the Iland of Saint Michael a Portugall ship, out of the Hauen of Pernanbuco, in Brasilia, which brought newes that the Admirall of the Portugall fleet, that came from India, hauing missed the Iland of Saint Helena, was of necessitie constrained to put in at Pernanbuco, although the King had expresly vnder a great penaltie forbidden him so to doe, because of the Wormes that there doe spoile the ships. The same ship wherein Bernaldine Rybero, was Admirall, the yeere before 1589. sayled out of Lisbone into the Indies, with fiue ships in her company, whereof but foure got into India, the fift was neuer heard of, so that it * 2.643 was thought to be cast away: The other foure returned safe againe into Portugall, though the Ad∣mirall was much spoiled, because he met with two English ships, that fought long with him, and [ 40] slue many of his men, but yet he escaped from them.

The fift of the same moneth, there arriued in Tercera, a Caruell of the Iland of Coruo, and brought with her fiftie men that had beene spoyled by the Englishmen, who had set them on shore in the Iland of Coruo, being taken out of a shippe that came from the Spanish Indies, they brought tydings that the Englishmen had taken foure more of the Indian ships, and a Caruell with the King of Spaines Letters of aduise for the ships comming out of the Portugall Indies, and that with those which they had taken, they were at the least forty English ships together, so that not one Barke escaped them, but fell into their hands, and that therefore the Portugall ships comming out of India, durst not put into the Ilands, but tooke their course vnder fortie and fortie two de∣grees, [ 50] and from thence sailed to Lisbon, shunning likewise the Cape Saint Vincent, otherwise they could not haue had a prosperous iourney of it, for that as then the Sea was full of English ships. Wherupon the King aduised the fleet, lying in Hauana, in the Spanish Indies ready to come for Spaine, that they should stay there all that yeere till the next yeere, because of the great dan∣ger they might fall into by the Englishmen, which was no small charge and hinderance to the fleet, for that the ships that lie there doe consume themselues, and in a manner eate vp one ano∣ther, by reason of the great number of people, together with the scarcitie of all things, so that many ships chose rather, one by one to aduenture themselues alone, to get home, then to stay there: all which fell into the Englishmens hands, whereof diuers of the men were brought into Tercera, for that a whole day we could see nothing else, but spoyled men set on shore, some out * 2.644 of one ship some out of another, that pittie it was to see, all of them cursing the Englishmen, and [ 60] their owne fortunes, with those that had beene the causes to prouoke the Englishmen to fight, and complayning of the small remedie and order taken therein by the King of Spaines Officers.

The nineteenth of the same moneth, there came to Tercera a Caruel of Lisbon, with one of the

Kings Officers, to cause the goods that were saued out of the ship, which came from Malacca, (for the which we stayed there) to be laden, and sent to Lisbon. And at the same time there put out of the Carunha one Don Alonso de Bassan, with fortie great ships of warre to come vnto the I∣lands, there to watch for the fleet of the Spanish and Portugall Indies, and the goods of the Ma∣lacca ship being laden, they were to conuoy them all together into the Riuer of Lisbon: but being certaine dayes at Sea, alwayes hauing a contrary wind they could not get vnto the Ilands: only two of them that were scattered from the fleet, they presently returned backe to seeke them: in the meane time the King changed his minde, and caused the fleet to stay in India, as I said before: and therefore he sent word vnto Don Alonso de Bassan, that hee should returne againe to the Ca∣runha, which he presently did (without doing any thing, nor once approching neere the Ilands, [ 10] sauing only the two foresaid ships, for he well knew that the Englishmen lay by the Iland of Cor∣uo, but he would not visit them: and so he returned to the Hauen of Carunha, whereby our goods that came from Malacca, were yet to ship, and crussed vp againe, forced to stay a more fortunate time, with patience perforce.

The three and twentieth of October, there arriued in Tercera a Caruell, with aduise out of * 2.645 Portingall, that of fiue ships, which in the yeere 1590. were laden in Lisbon for the Indies, foure of them were turned againe to Portingall, after they had beene foure moneths abroad, and that the Admirall, wherein the Vice-roy called Mathias de Alburkerke sailed, had only gotten to India, as afterward newes thereof was brought ouer Land, hauing beene at the least eleuen monethes at Sea, and neuer saw Land, and came in great misery to Malacca. In this ship there died by the * 2.646 [ 20] way two hundred and eightie men, according to a note by himselfe made, and sent to the Car∣dinall at Lisbon, with the names and surnames of euery man, together with a description of his Voyage, and the misery they had indured: which was only done, because he would not lose the gouernment of India: and for that cause he had sworne either to lose his life, or to arriue in In∣dia, as indeed he did afterwards, but to the great danger, losse and hinderance of his company, that were forced to buy it with their liues, and onely for want of prouision, as it may well bee thought: for he knew full well that if he had returned backe againe into Portingall, as the other ships did, hee should haue beene casheered from his Indian Regiment, because the people began alreadie to murmurre at him, for his proude and loftie minde. And among other things that shewed his pride the more, behind aboue the Gallery of his ship, he caused Fortune to be painted, [ 30] and his owne Picture with a staffe standing by her, as it were threatning Fortune, with this Poesie, Quero que vencas, that is, I will haue thee to ouercome: which beeing read by the Cardinall and other Gentlemen (that to honour him aboord his ship) it was thought to be a point of ex∣ceeding folly. But it is no strange matter among the Portingalls, for they aboue all others must of force Let the Foole peepe out of their sleeues, specially when they are in authoritie: for that I knew the said Mathias de Alberkerk in India, being a Souldier and a Captaine, where he was e∣steemed and accounted for one of the best of them, and much honoured, and beloued of all men, as behauing himselfe courteously to euery man: whereby they all desired that he might be Vice-roy. But when he once had receiued his Patent with full power and authoritie from the King to be Vice-roy, hee changed so much from his former behauiour, that by reason of his pride, they all [ 40] began to feare and curse him, and that before he departed out of Lisbon, as it is often seene in ma∣ny men that are aduanced vnto state and dignitie.

The twentieth of Ianuary, Anno 1591. there was newes brought out of Portingall into Ter∣cera, that the Englishmen had taken a ship, that the King had sent into the Portingall Indies, with * 2.647 aduise to the Vice-roy, for the returning againe of the foure ships that should haue gone to India, and because the ships were come backe againe, that ship was stuffed and laded as full of goods as possible it might be, hauing likewise in ready money fiue hundred thousand Duckets in Rials of eight, besides other wares. It departed from Lisbone in the moneth of Nouember 1590. and met with the Englishmen, with whom for a time it fought: but in the end it was taken and carried into England with men and all, yet when they came there the men were set at libertie, and retur∣ned [ 50] into Lishone, where the Captaine was committed Prisoner: but hee excused himselfe, and was released, with whom I spake my selfe, and he made this report vnto me. At the same time also they tooke a ship that came from the Myne laden with Gold, and two ships laden with Pepper, and Spices that were to saile into Italie, the Pepper onely that was in them, being worth 170000. Duckets: all these ships were carried into England, and made good prize.

In the moneth of Iuly, An. 1591. there happened an Earth-quake in the Iland of S. Michaell, which continued from the six and twentieth of Iuly to the twelfth of August: in which time * 2.648 no man durst stay within his house, but fled into the fields, fasting and praying, with great sor∣row for that many of their houses fell downe, and a Towne called Villa Franca, was almost cleane razed to the ground all the Cloysters and houses shaken to the earth, and therein some [ 60] people slaine. The Land in some places rose vp, and the Cliffes remooued from on place to ano∣ther, and some Hils were defaced and made euen with the ground. The Earthquake was so strong, * 2.649 that the ships which lay in the Road, and on the Sea, shaked as if the World would ha••e turned round: there sprang also a Fountaine out of the earth, from whence for the space of foure dayes,

there flowed a most cleare water, and after that it ceased. At the same time they heard such thunder and noise vnder the earth, as if all the Diuels in hell had beene assembled together in that place, wherewith many died for feare. The Iland of Tercera shooke foure times together, so that it seemed to turne about, but there happened no misfortune vnto it. Earthquakes are common in those Ilands, for about twenty yeares past there happened another earthquake, where in a high Hill that lyeth by the same towne of Villa Franca, fell halfe downe, and couered all the towne with earth and killed many men.

The fiue and twentieth of August, the Kings Armada, comming out of Farol arriued in Terce∣ra, being in all thirty Ships, Biskates, Portugals, and Spaniards: and ten Dutch flye-boates, that were arested in Lisbone to serue the King, besides other small Ships Pataxos, that came to serue as messengers from place to place, and to discouer the Seas. This Nauie came to stay for, and con∣uoy [ 10] the S••••ps that should come from the Spanish Indies, and the flye-boates were appointed in their returne home, to take in the goods that were saued in the lost Ship that came from Ma∣lacca, and to conuoy it to Lisbone.

The thirteenth of September the said Armado arriued at the Iland of Coruo, where the Eng∣lishmen with about sixteene Ships, as then lay, staying for the Spanish Fleete: whereof some or the most part were come, and there the English were in good hope to haue taken them. But when they perceiued the Kings Army to be strong, the Admirall being the Lord Thomas How∣ard, commanded his Fleete not to fall vpon them, nor any of them once to seperate their Shippes * 2.650 from him, vnlesse he gaue commission so to doe: notwithstanding the Vice-Admirall, Sir Rich∣ard Greenfield, being in the Ship called the Reuenge, went into the Spanish Fleete, and shot a∣mong [ 20] them, doing them great hurt, and thinking the rest of the company would haue follow∣ed: which they did not, but left him there, and sailed away; the cause why they could not know: which the Spaniards perceiuing, with seuen or eight Ships they boorded her, but she withstood them all, fighting with them at the least twelue houres together, and sunke two of them, one being a new double Flie-boate of twelue thousand tunnes, and Admirall of the Flie-boates, the other a Biscaine: But in the end, by reason of the number that came vpon her, she was taken, but to their great losse; for they had lost in fighting, and by drowning aboue foure hundred men; and of the English were slaine about a hundred, Sir Richard Greenfield himselfe being wounded in his braine, whereof afterwards he died. He was borne into the S••ip called the Saint Paul, wherein [ 30] was the Admirall of the Fleete Don Alonso de Barsan: there his wounds were drest by the Spa∣nish Surgeons, but Don Alonso himselfe would neither see him, nor speake with him: all the rest of the Captaines and Gentlemen went to visite him, and to comfort him in his hard fortune, wondring at his courage and stout heart, for that he shewed not any signe of faintnesse nor chang∣ing of colo••r. But feeling the houre of death to approach, he spake these words in Spanish, and said; Here dye I Richard Greenfield, with a ioyfull and quiet minde, for that I haue ended my life as a true Souldier ought to doe, that hath fought for his Countrey, Queene, Religion, and honour, whereby my Soule most ioyfull departeth out of this body, and shall alwayes leaue behinde it an euerlasting fame of a valiant and true Soldier, that hath done his duetie, as hee was bound to doe. When he had finish∣ed these or such other like words, he gaue vp the Ghost with great and stout courage, and no man [ 40] could perceiue any true signe of heauinesse in him.

This Sir Richard Greenfield was a great and a rich Gentleman in England, and had great yeare∣ly reuenewes of his owne inheritance: but he was a man very vnquiet in his minde, and greatly affected to warre; in so much as of his owne priuate motion he offered his seruice to the Q••eene. He had performed many valiant acts, and was greatly feared in these Ilands, and knowne of euery man; but of nature very seuere, so that his owne people hated him for his fiercenesse, and spake very hardly of him: for when they first entred into the Fleete or Armado, they had their great saile in a readinesse, and might possibly enough haue sailed away; for it was one of the best Ships for saile in England; and the Master perceiuing that the other Ships had left them, and fol∣lowed not after, commanded the great saile to be cut, that they might make away: but Sir Rich∣ard [ 50] Greenfield threatned both him, and all the rest that were in the Ship, that if any man laid hand vpon it, he would cause him to be hanged, and so by that occasion they were compelled to fight, and in the end were taken. He was of so hard a complexion, that as hee continued a∣mong the Spanish Captaines while they were at dinner or supper with him, hee would carouse three or foure Glasses of Wine, and in a brauery take the Glasses betweene his teeth, and crash them in peeces, and swallow them downe, so that often times the bloud ran out of his mouth without any harme at all vnto him: and this was told me by diuers credible persons that many times stood and beheld him. The Englishmen that were left in the Ship, as the Captaine of the

Souldiers, the Master and others were dispersed into diuers of the Spanish Ships that had taken them, where there had almost a new fight arisen betweene the Biscaines and the Portugals; while each of them would haue the honour to haue first boorded her, so that there grew a great noise and quarrell among them, one taking the chiefe Ancient, and the other the Flagge, and the Cap∣taine and euery one held his owne. The ships that had boorded her were altogether out of order and broken, and many of their men hurt, whereby they were compelled to come into the Iland of Tercera, there to repaire themselues: where being arriued, I and my chamber-fellow, to heare some newes went aboord one of the Ships being a great Biscaine, and one of the twelue Apo∣stles, whose Captaine was called Bertandono, that had bin Generall of the Biscaines in the fleete that went for England. He seeing vs, called vs vp into the Gallery, where with great curtesie [ 10] he receiued vs, being as then set at dinner with the English Captaine that sat by him, and had on a sute of blacke Veluet; but he could not tell vs any thing, for that he could speake no other language but English and Latine, which Bartandono also could a little speake. The English Cap∣taine that he might come on land with his weapon by his side, and was in our lodging with the Englishman that was kept prisoner in the Iland, being of that ship whereof the sailers got away, as I said before. The Gouernour of Tercera bad him to dinner, and shewed him great curtesie. The Master likewise with licence of Bartandono came on land, and was in our lodging, and had at the least ten or twelue wounds, as well in his head, as on his body, whereof after that being at Sea, betweene Lisbone and the Ilands he died. The Captaine wrote a Letter, wherein he de∣clared all the manner of the fight, and left it with the English Merchant that lay in our lodging, [ 20] to send it to the Lord Admirall of England. The English Captaine comming to Lisbone, was there well receiued, and not any hurt done vnto him, but with good conuoy sent to Sentuual, and from thence sayled into England, with all the rest of the Englishmen that were taken prysoners.

The Spanish Armie staied at the Iland of Corus till the last of September, to assemble the rest of the Fleete together: which in the end were to the number of one hundred and forty sayle of Ships, partly comming from India, and partly of the Army, and being altogether ready vnto saile to Tercera in good company, there sodainly rose so hard and cruell a storme, that those of the * 2.651 Iland did affirme, that in mans memory there was neuer any such seene or heard of before: for it seemed the Sea would haue swallowed vp the Ilands, the water mounting higher then the [ 30] Cliffes, which are so high that it amaseth a man to behold them: but the Sea reached aboue them, and liuing fishes were throwne vpon the land. This storme continued not onely a day or two with one winde, but seuen or eight dayes continually, the winde turning round about, in all places of the compasse, at the least twice or thrice during that time, and all alike, with a con∣tinuall storme and tempest most terrible to behold, euen to vs that were on shore, much more * 2.652 then to such as were at Sea: so that onely on the Coasts and Clifts of the Iland of Tercera, there were aboue twelue Ships cast away, and not onely vpon the one side, but round about it in euery corner: whereby nothing else was heard but complaining, crying, lamenting, and telling here is a ship broken in peeces against the Cliffes, and there another, and all the men drowned: so that for the space of twenty dayes after the storme, they did nothing else but fish for dead men, that * 2.653 [ 40] continually came driding on the shore. Among the rest was the English ship called the Reuenge, that was cast away vpon a Cliffe neere to the Iland of Tercera, where it brake in a hundred pee∣ces, and sunke to the ground, hauing in her seuenty men Gallegos, Biscaines, and others, with some of the captiue Englishmen, whereof but one was saued that got vp vpon the Cliffes aliue, and had his body and head all wounded, and he being on shore brought vs the newes, desiring to be shriuen, and thereupon presently died. The Reuenge had in her diuers faire Brasse Peeces, that were all sunke in the Sea, which they of the Iland were in good hope to weigh vp againe the next Summer following. Among these Ships that were cast away about Tercera, was likewise a Flie-boate, one of those that had bin arested in Portugall to serue the King, called the White Doue. The Master of her, was one Cornelius Martenson of Schiedam in Holland, and there were in her one hundred Souldies, as in euery one of the rest there was. He being ouer ruled by the [ 50] Captaine, that he could not be Master of his owne, sayling here and there at the mercy of God, as the storme droue him, in the end came within the sight of Tercera: which the Spaniards per∣ceiuing, thought all their safety onely to consist in putting into the Road, compelling the Ma∣ster and the Pilot to make towards the Iland, although the Master refused to doe it, saying, that they were most sure there to be cast away, and vtterly spoiled: but the Captain called him drunk∣ard, & Heretick, and striking him with a staffe, commanded him to do as he would haue him. The Master seeing this, and being compelled to doe it, said: well then my Masters, seeing it is the desire of you all to be cast away, I can but loose one life; and therewith desperately he sailed to∣wards the shoare, and was on that side of the Iland, where there was nothing else but hard stones [ 60] and Rockes, as high as Mountaines, most terrible to behold, where some of the Inhabitants stood with long ropes and corke bound at the end thereof, to throw them downe vnto the men, that they might lay hold vpon them and saue their liues; but few of them got so neere, most of them being cast away, and smitten in peeces before they could get to the wall. The Ship sailed in this

manner (as I said before) towards the Iland, and approaching to the shoare, the Master being an old man, and full of yeares, called his Sonne that was in the ship with him, and hauing imbra∣ced one another, and taken their last farewell, the good old father willed his Sonne not to take care for him, but seeke to saue himselfe: for (said he) sonne, thou art yong, and may haue some hope to saue thy life, but as for me it is no great matter (I am old) what become of me, and there∣with each of these shedding many teares, as euery louing father and kinde childe may well con∣sider; the ship fell vpon the Cliffes and brake in peeces, the Father on the one side, the sonne on the other side falling into the sea, each laying hold vpon that which came next to hand, but to no purpose; for the sea was so high and furious, that they were all drowned, and onely foure∣teene or fifteene saued themselues by swimming, with their legges and armes halfe broken and [ 10] out of ioynt; among the which was the Masters sonne, and foure other Dutch Boyes: the rest of the Spaniards and sailers, with the Captaine and Master were drowned: whose heart would not melt with teares to behold so grieuous a sight, specially considering with himselfe that the grea∣test cause thereof was the beastlinesse and insolency of the Spaniards, as in this onely example may well be seene: whereby may be considered how the other ships sped, as we our selues did in part behold, and by the men that were saued did heare more at large, as also some others of our Countrimen that as then were in the like danger can well witnesse.

On the other Ilands the losse was no lesse then in Tercera; for on the Iland of Saint George there were two Ships cast away: on the Iland of Pico two Ships: on the Iland of Gratiosa three ships, & besides those there came euerywhere round about diuers peeces of broken ships, & other [ 20] things fleeting towards the Ilands, wherewith the Sea was all couered most pittifull to behold. On the Iland of Saint Michael, there were foure Ships cast away, and betweene Tercera and Saint Michaels; three more were sunke, which were seene and heard to crie out, whereof not one man was saued. The rest put into the Sea without Masts, all torne and rent: so that of the whole Fleete and Armado, being one hundred and forty ships in all, there were but thirty two or thir∣ty three ariued in Spaine and Portugall, yea and those few with so great misery, paine and labour, that not two of them arriued there together, but this day one, and to morrow another, next day the third, & so one after the other to the number aforesaid. All the rest were cast away vpon the Ilands, and ouerwhelmed in the sea: whereby may be considered what great losse and hinderance they receiued at that time: for by many mens iudgements it was esteemed to be much more [ 30] then was leftby their Armie that came for England, and it may well be thought, and presumed, that it was no other but a iust plague purposely sent by God vpon the Spaniards, and that it might * 2.654 truely be said, the taking of the Reuenge was iustly reuenged vpon them, and not by the might or force of man, but by the power of God, as some of them openly said in the Isle of Tercera, that they beleeued verily God would consume them, and that he tooke part with Lutherans and He∣retickes: * 2.655 saying further, that so soone as they had throwne the dead body of the Viceadmirall Sir Richard Greenfield ouer-boord, they verily thought that as he had a diuellish Faith and Reli∣on, and therefore the Diuels loued him, so he presently sunke into the bottome of the Sea, and downe into Hell, where he raised vp all the Diuels to the reuenge of his death: and that they brought so great stormes and torments vpon the Spaniards, because they onely maintained the * 2.656 [ 40] Catholike and Romish Religion: such and the like blasphemies against God, they ceased not open∣ly to vtter, without that any man reproued them therein, nor for their false opinions, but the most part of them rather said and affirmed, that of truth it must needes be so.

As one of those Indian Fleetes put out of Noua Spaigna, there were fiue and thirty of them by storme and tempest cast away and drowned in the Sea, being fiftie in all, so that but fifteene esca∣ped. Of the Fleete that came from Santo Domingo, there were foureteene cast away, comming out of the Channell of Hauana, whereof the Admirall and Viceadmirall were two of them: and from Terra Firma in India, there came two ships laden with Gold and Siluer, that were taken * 2.657 by the Englishmen, and before the Spanish Armie came to Coruo, the Englishmen at times had taken at the least twenty ships, that came from Saint Domingo, India, Brasillia, &c. and all sent into [ 50] England. Whereby it plainly appeareth, that in the end God will assuredly plague the Spani∣ards, hauing already blinded them, so that they haue not the sence to perceiue it, but still to re∣maine in their obstinate opinions: but it is lost labour to striue against God, and to trust in man, as being foundations erected vpon the sands, which with the winde are blowne downe and o∣uerthrowne, as we daily see before our eyes, and now not long since in many places haue eui∣dently obserued: and therefore let euery man but looke into his owne actions, and take our Low-Countries for an example, wherein we can but blame our owne sinnes and wickednesses, which doth so blinde vs, that we wholly forget and reiect the benefits of God, continuing the seruants and yoke-slaues of Sathan. God of his mercy open our eyes and hearts, that wee may know our onely health and Sauiour Iesus Christ, who onely can helpe, gouerne, and preserue vs, and giue vs [ 60] a happy end in all our affaires. By this destruction of the Spaniards, and their euill successe, the la∣ding and shipping of the goods that were saued out of the ship that came from Malacca to Ter∣cera, was againe put off; and therefore wee must haue patience till it please God to send a fitter time, and that we receiue further aduise and order from his Maiestie of Spaine.

All this being thus past, the Farmers of Pepper and other Merchants that had their goods in Tercera, which were taken out of the lost ship that came from Malacca, seeing that the hope of any Armada, or any ships in the Kings behalfe to be sent to fetch it, was all in vaine: they made request vnto his Maiesty, that he would grant them licence euery man particularly to ship his goods in what ship he would at his owne aduenture, which in the end, after long suite, was gran∣ted, vpon condition that euery man should put in sureties, to deliuer the goods in the Custome∣house at Lisbone, to the end the King might be paied his custome, as also that the goods that should be deliuered vnto them in Tercera, should all be registred: whereupon the Farmers of Pepper, with other Merchants, agreed with a Flushinger, to fetch all the Cloues, Nutmegs, Mace, and other spices and goods that belonged vnto them, the Pepper onely excepted, which [ 10] as then the King would not grant to lade. The same Ship arriued in Tercera about the last of Nouember, and because it was somewhat dangerous, being the latter end of the yeare, we laded her with all the speede we could, for as then the coast was cleare of Englishmen. To be short, this Flushinger being laden with most part of the goods, sauing the Pepper that was left behinde, we set saile for Lisbone, passing some small stormes, not once meeting with any ship, but onely vpon the coast where we saw ten Hollanders, that sailed with Corne towards Ligorne, and other places in Italie, and so by Gods helpe vpon the second of Ianuary, Anno 1592. * 2.658 we arriued in the Riuer of Lisbone, being nine yeares after my depar∣ture from thence, and there I staied till the month of Iuly, to dispatch, such things as I had to doe, and vpon the [ 20] seuenteenth of the same month, I went to Sentuual, where certaine Hollanders lay, with whom I went for Holland.

The end of the eight Booke. [ 30] [ 40] [ 50]

Notes

• * 1.1

  See sup. l. 7. c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.2

  Ramus. vol 3.
• * 1.3

  The Gouernor of the Fleete.
• * 1.4

  The officers o∣uer the Fleete.
• * 1.5

  The Iland of S. Dominico.
• * 1.6

  The hauen of S. Iames.
• * 1.7

  The Trinitie.
• * 1.8

  An hauen cal∣led the Cape of Saint Cruz.
• * 1.9

  An Huracano or t••••pest, no∣table both at Sea and Land.
• * 1.10

  Presages.
• * 1.11

  Boate placed vpon trees by the tempest.
• * 1.12

  Fifth of No∣uember.
• * 1.13

  The hauen of Sagua, or Xaqua.
• * 1.14

  Sands of Cu∣narreo.
• * 1.15

  Guaniguanico.
• * 1.16

  The Cape of S. Anthony. The Hauana. Martes.
• * 1.17

  Great houses without hous∣keepers. Golden Bell. The first towne taken in Flori∣da, in the Em∣perors name.
• * 1.18

  Samples. The Prouinc•• Apalachn.
• * 1.19

  ••a••ique ••gni∣••eth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lord a∣mong the In∣dians.
• * 1.20

  Strong stream.
• * 1.21

  Dulcancellin a King or Cazique among them.
• * 1.22

  Toublesome Countrey.
• * 1.23

  Trees cleft with thunder∣bolts.
• * 1.24

  Ap••l••chen.
• * 1.25

  Caccoago••••o.
• * 1.26

  Great tem∣pests in those parts.
• * 1.27

  Lakes.
• * 1.28

  Beasts.
• * 1.29

  Beast which carrieth her yong in a bag.
• * 1.30

  Fowles.
• * 1.31

  Indian fight.
• * 1.32

  Strong ar∣chers.
• * 1.33

  Men of tall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ture, good archers.
• * 1.34

  The Riuer Madalena.
• * 1.35

  Hard shift.
• * 1.36

  Ockam of Palmiti.
• * 1.37

  No stones.
• * 1.38

  Strong shot.
• * 1.39

  Crosse shoare.
• * 1.40

  Miserable suc∣cesse of the Spaniards in this Voyage.
• * 1.41

  Spiaggia de Caualli.
• * 1.42

  The Strait of Saint Michael.
• * 1.43

  R. of Palmes.
• * 1.44

  Miserable thust.
• * 1.45

  Rich Furres & sweete Mardole Zibelline.
• * 1.46

  Desription of th••se Indians.
• * 1.47

  Current.
• * 1.48

  Three drow∣ned.
• * 1.49

  Humanitie of Sauages.
• * 1.50

  Panuco.
• * 1.51

  The Christians eate one ano∣ther, for hun∣ger.
• * 1.52

  Indian sick∣nesse and mor∣talitie.
• * 1.53

  Iland Malhado.
• * 1.54

  Pierced paps, with canes for gallantry.
• * 1.55

  The Indians poore life.
• * 1.56

  Mourning for children.
• * 1.57

  Age di••estee∣med.
• * 1.58

  Physicians burned.
• * 1.59

  Filthie and foolish cu∣stomes.
• * 1.60

  They are made Physicians.
• * 1.61

  Learned argu∣ment.
• * 1.62

  Manner of curing.
• * 1.63

  Lamentable salutations.
• * 1.64

  The Indians of Carruco.
• * 1.65

  Queuenes and Dragnanes, In∣dians.
• * 1.66

  Tune, fruits of India.
• * 1.67

  Marianes. Igu••bes.
• * 1.68

  The Spaniards cate one ano∣ther.
• * 1.69

  A cruell cu∣stome of the Indians, who vse to kill their male children while they sleep, and cast their female children (as soone as they are borne) to the dogges to eate them, be∣cause they would not marrie them to their ene∣mies, nor to their kindred.
• * 1.70

  Penutious die.
• * 1.71

  The Indians in this Prouince eate Serpents, Vipers, and o∣ther beastly things, by rea∣son of the fa∣mine which continually is th••re. Women.
• * 1.72

  Theeu••s.
• * 1.73

  Indians which runne a whole day to take a Deere, and ti∣ring him with running, est∣soones take him aliue in the chase. Natures nur••∣lings. Dogs life. Tune-time.
• * 1.74

  Flies trouble∣some.
• * 1.75

  Noisome re∣medie.
• * 1.76

  Decre hau•••• dry places to auoid Hunt∣men.
• * 1.77

  Oxen of that Countrie.
• * 1.78

  Ca••ag••di In∣dians.
• * 1.79

  Pastures.
• * 1.80

  Cam••••i Indians.
• * 1.81

  What became of their fift Boat.
• * 1.82

  A••••uares In-
• * 1.83

  Cures very wonderfull, yet true. Benzo (which trauelled four∣teene yeeres in the Indies with the Spaniards from 1541.) saith that of six hundred of Naruaez his company sears∣ly t••n returned, which at Mexi∣co reported that they had by breathing on them cured the sicke, raised to life three dead men, &c. But, saith hee, Let their holines pardon me, I will easier beleeue that they killed foure liuing men th en th••t they raised halfe one de••d man to life. Ben. l. 2. c. 13. I permit some of these relati∣ons, more for knowledge of the Countrey, then for credit of Spanish cures in the Indies, which you shal find in Cas••s of another na∣ture. These here challenge no Diuine end to conuert the people to God, and therefore are not like to haue any di∣uine begin∣ning, but ••re either falsly told, or falsly done, or falsly intended by the Father of falshood. And why may they not be ascribed to the Deuill, either as lies, if neuer done, or if done, as de∣uillish Arts to maintaine rapine and superstition, which are here mentioned the eff••cts thereof? Acosta tells of a great miracle∣worker in the Indies, a vicious man, and hanged for knaueries. This Cowes-Head the Author is also by Schmidel before, recorded for a bad man in his acts at the Riuer of Plate. I will conclude with S. Aug. de vnit. Ecc. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 16. Remoueantur ista, v•••• figment•• mendac〈…〉〈…〉▪ hominum vel por••enta fallacium spirituum &c.
• * 1.84

  Cacalcuches. Maticones. Coaios. Susolas and Ataios. Indians:
• * 1.85

  A dead man raised. If Ben∣zos opinion be not rather to be emb••aced, that they killed the liuing; as this author also reports of his Country-men in the end of this booke.
• * 1.86

  Children of the Sunne.
• * 1.87

  All become Physitians.
• * 1.88

  An euill thing of spirit of the Indians.
• * 1.89

  Diabolicall appatition.
• * 1.90

  Their compu∣tation of times
• * 1.91

  Maticones.
• * 1.92

  Arbada••••.
• * 1.93

  Hungers per∣ambulation.
• * 1.94

  Appareli.
• * 1.95

  Famines Dis∣coueries.
• * 1.96

  Sine Cerere & liber•• fr••g••t Venus The Indians let their children sucke 〈…〉〈…〉ll the age of tw••lue yeares.
• * 1.97

  No deadly fights.
• * 1.98

  Vse of Horses.
• * 1.99

  Quicke senses.
• * 1.100

  Names of the Nations of those parts. Ma••hada. Cauoques. Ca〈…〉〈…〉uco. Deguenes. M••ndica. Qu••uen••s. Marian••s. G••ai••ones. I••gu••zes. Ataios, and Acubada••s. Qui••oles. Auauares, and Matiacon••s. Culia'culches. Susolus. Comos. Camoles. Fich••.
• * 1.101

  Foolish drink∣rites.
• * 1.102

  A vessell con∣taining diu••rs gallons.
• * 1.103

  Sodomy.
• * 1.104

  Mesquiquez a fruite of India,
• * 1.105

  The Toupin Erasilians vse such Marakas or Raeles, and haue like con∣ceits thereof.
• * 1.106

  Blinde and ••quint-eyed people.
• * 1.107

  Copper Bell ingrauen.
• * 1.108

  Plates of Plate
• * 1.109

  South Sea.
• * 1.110

  Pleasant hu••∣ung.
• * 1.111

  Superstitious sanctifying their meat.
• * 1.112

  Desert Coun∣trey.
• * 1.113

  A riuer.
• * 1.114

  Many gar∣ments.
• * 1.115

  Foolish libera∣litie.
• * 1.116

  Women∣••reaters.
• * 1.117

  No lamenting for the dead.
• * 1.118

  Houses artifi∣cially built.
• * 1.119

  Mays.
• * 1.120

  Other strange behauiour.
• * 1.121

  Goodly peo∣ple.
• * 1.122

  Old fashion of boiling pulse.
• * 1.123

  They come to the South Sea.
• * 1.124

  Barren Coun∣trey.
• * 1.125

  People which liue on the powder of straw.
• * 1.126

  A plentifull Countrey with houses and corne.
• * 1.127

  Corall and Turkesses. Emeralds.
• * 1.128

  Women well vsed.
• * 1.129

  Desire of the Spaniards bles∣sing.
• * 1.130

  Conceit that they came from heauen.
• * 1.131

  Many langua∣ges.
• * 1.132

  〈…〉〈…〉popolo de C••ori.
• * 1.133

  A thousand leagues of a populous Countrey.
• * 1.134

  Great Deere.
• * 1.135

  Poisonous tree
• * 1.136

  Newes of Spaniards.
• * 1.137

  Countries dis∣peopled by Spaniards.
• * 1.138

  Gentlenesse fitter then crueltie.
• * 1.139

  R. Petutan.
• * 1.140

  P〈…〉〈…〉r,
• * 1.141

  Shew••s of Gold.
• * 1.142

  He speakith wihh his coun∣trey-men.
• * 1.143

  Ingratefull crue••tie.
• * 1.144

  〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.145

  Sauage inside∣l••••y o•• Christi∣ans were ••h••n Infidels and Sauages.
• * 1.146

  Manner of Spanish 〈◊〉〈◊〉∣ing to the In∣dians.
• * 1.147

  200. leagues betwixt the coast of the North and South Seas.
• * 1.148

  He could not weare apparell for many daies nor sleepe on the ground. He also descri∣beth his voi∣age to Spaine, which is here omitted.
• * 1.149

  This Preface is contained more at large in the sixe first Chapters of the authors Booke: which being no part of Florida dis∣couery, I haue here reduced to a Preface.
• * 1.150

  None of those men prospered which were guilty of Ata∣balipa or Atu∣halpas death: but by ciuill wars or other∣wise were con∣sumed. And so it happened to this Soto.
• * 1.151

  Cabeza de Vac•• was the Gouer∣nour of the Ri∣uer of Plate.
• * 1.152

  600. men went with Soto into Florida. Ynca in his large sto∣ry of this voi∣age containing six Books, saith he had 1000. men with him.
• * 1.153

  Great Figs.
• * 1.154

  Ananes. Great Pine∣apples.
• * 1.155

  Erua babosa.
• * 1.156

  Mameis, an excellent fruit. Guayabas.
• * 1.157

  Plantanos.
• * 1.158

  Batatas, or Potatos.
• * 1.159

  The Cassani root.
• * 1.160

  Store of good Horses.
• * 1.161

  The length and breadth of Cuba.
• * 1.162

  A wittie stra∣tagem.
• * 1.163

  May 18. 1539. Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega hath written a story of this voyage. He saith Soto had with him 950. souldiers, besides Mari∣ners, which he had entertai∣ned for the conquest of Florida, and came with him in this Fleet from Saint Lu∣cars. This Author hath but 600. The ships came vp to the Towne of Vcita.
• * 1.164

  The Towne of Vcita. Iune.
• * 1.165

  Some Pearles found.
• * 1.166

  Iohn Ortiz li∣ued 12 yeeres, among the Floridians of Vcita and Mo∣coço. Naruaez.
• * 1.167

  Wolues.
• * 1.168

  Mocoço dwel∣leth two dayes iournie from Vcita.
• * 1.169

  Humane Sa∣crifice.
• * 1.170

  A Riuer.
• * 1.171

  Par〈…〉〈…〉ssi 30. leagues from Puerto de Spiri∣to Santo.
• * 1.172

  Paracossi.
• * 1.173

  Cale.
• * 1.174

  Paracossi.
• * 1.175

  Acela. Tocaste. Another Towne. A Lake. A swift Riuer.
• * 1.176

  Cale.
• * 1.177

  Boggie coun∣trey.
• * 1.178

  Trauelling Souldiers shifts for bread.
• * 1.179

  Ytara. Po••ano. Vtinama. The Towne of Euill peace.
• * 1.180

  Greyhound catcheth the fugitiue.
• * 1.181

  Cholupaha. A Riuer. Caliquen.
• * 1.182

  A Riuer.
• * 1.183

  Some small Townes. Napetuca. Two very great L••kes.
• * 1.184

  Indian subtlety.
• * 1.185

  A new Con∣spiracie.
• * 1.186

  Two hundred 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tak••n.
• * 1.187

  A Riuer.
• * 1.188

  H〈…〉〈…〉a a 〈…〉〈…〉at Towne. Vzachil.
• * 1.189

  Abobora••.
• * 1.190

  Axille,
• * 1.191

  A Riuer.
• * 1.192

  Uitachuco.
• * 1.193

  October 25. V〈…〉〈…〉a. A〈…〉〈…〉a Ap••••a∣c••••.
• * 1.194

  Ap〈…〉〈…〉 with∣i〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sea. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. The Sea.
• * 1.195

  The Port de Spiritu Santo ten daies iour∣nie from Apa∣lache.
• * 1.196

  Ochus sixtie leagues West of Apalache.
• * 1.197

  Chap. 11.
• * 1.198

  Abundance of Cold.
• * 1.199

  Death of In∣dian slaues. A great Riuer.
• * 1.200

  Capach〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.201

  Toalli. Their houses for winter and summer.
• * 1.202

  A grasse like flaxe.
• * 1.203

  Excellent co∣lours.
• * 1.204

  A small Riuer.
• * 1.205

  Achese.
• * 1.206

  S••to preteuds to be the Son of the Sunne.
• * 1.207

  A Riuer very well inhabited. Mannerof Spa∣niards praying.
• * 1.208

  Atamac••▪ Ocute.
• * 1.209

  Conies, Partri∣ges, Hens, Dogges.
• * 1.210

  Cofaqui. Patofa.
• * 1.211

  An excellent Countrie for fi••tie leagues.
• * 1.212

  Barren Coun∣trie.
• * 1.213

  Two swift Riuers.
• * 1.214

  Another grea∣ter Riuer.
• * 1.215

  Nine dayes iourney,
• * 1.216

  The great in∣crease of swin••
• * 1.217

  Aymay.
• * 1.218

  An Indian b〈…〉〈…〉∣ned for his falsehood,
• * 1.219

  A great cor∣don of Pea〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.220

  They passe the Riuer.
• * 1.221

  Walnut trees. Mulbery trees for silke. The Sea two dayes iournie off. Mantles of the barkes of trees. Mantles of Feathers. Pearles found in graues.
• * 1.222

  Three hundred nintie two pounds of Pearles found.
• * 1.223

  This Towne was but two daies iournie from the ha∣uen of Santa Helena. In the yeere 1525. It is in 32. deg. and a halfe.
• * 1.224

  Chiaha twelue daies iournie from Santa He∣lena: and Coste seuen daies iournie from Chiaha: at which towne of Coste, they had an Oxe hide. Chap. 16.
• * 1.225

  Baggage of the Campe.
• * 1.226

  Chalaque seuen dayes iournie from Cutifa-chiqui.
• * 1.227

  700. Hens.
• * 1.228

  Xualla fiue dayes off.
• * 1.229

  Rough and high hils.
• * 1.230

  Guaxule fiue dayes off.
• * 1.231

  Canasagua two dayes iourney off. Great store of Mulberie trees to make silke.
• * 1.232

  The fat of Beares. Oyle of Wal∣nuts. Hony of Bees, Chiaha seated in an Iland.
• * 1.233

  The Desert of Ocute, chap. 8.
• * 1.234

  Thirtie dayes rest.
• * 1.235

  Mines of Cop∣per and Gold in Chisca to∣ward the North. Hatchets of Copper hol∣ding Gold. Chisca is direct∣ly North from Cutif••-chiqui, which is with in two daies of Santa Helena. Two Christians sent from Chia∣ha to seeke Chisca. Coste seuen dayes from Chiaha, chap. 14.
• * 1.236

  A wise Stra∣tagem.
• * 1.237

  Those which were sent to seeke Chisca re∣turne. High Moun∣taines. A little poore Towne. An Oxe Hide with haire like wooll. cap. 215. saith so. Tali, one day from Coste. Many Townes of Coça. Coça. Iuly 26. Marterns.
• * 1.238

  Many great Townes. Many Plum-••••ees of diuers sorts.
• * 1.239

  Two sorts of Grapes. Note.
• * 1.240

  20. of August.
• * 1.241

  Tallimuchase, a great Towne. Ytaua. A great Riuer. Vllibahali.
• * 1.242

  Vllibahali w••l∣led about. The fashion of their wals.
• * 1.243

  Great store of good Grapes.
• * 1.244

  Toasi.
• * 1.245

  Hee trauelled o〈…〉〈…〉 a〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 leagues a day. Tallise a great Towne. Septem. 18. A maine riuer▪
• * 1.246

  Casiste a great Towne. Tascaluca.
• * 1.247

  Piache. A great Riuer.
• * 1.248

  The course of Soros trauels, whereby it ap∣peareth that hee iourneved not farre from Uirginia.
• * 1.249

  Mauilla. 18. of October.
• * 1.250

  Mauilla walled
• * 1.251

  Three mantles of Marterns.
• * 1.252

  A gowne of Marterns.
• * 1.253

  All the clothes and Pearles of the Christians were lost.
• * 1.254

  A consultation of the Indians to send away their Cacique.
• * 1.255

  The death of 2500. Indians.
• * 1.256

  The Port of Ochuse 6. dayes iourney from Mauilla.
• * 1.257

  Great and walled Towns. 18 o•• Nouem∣ber.
• * 1.258

  Taliepataua. Cabusto. A great Riuer.
• * 1.259

  Canauarales.
• * 1.260

  Some Towns.
• * 1.261

  A Riuer.
• * 1.262

  December 17. Chicaça.
• * 1.263

  Snowe and much cold.
• * 1.264

  Conies.
• * 1.265

  An Indian stra∣tagem.
• * 1.266

  Saquechuma.
• * 1.267

  A walled Towne.
• * 1.268

  March, 1541.
• * 1.269

  C〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 fi•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Indians.
• * 1.270

  The increase of Hogs.
• * 1.271

  The Towne where the Ca∣cique lay. Ash trees.
• * 1.272

  Aprill 2••. Alimama.
• * 1.273

  Blacke, white, yellow and red colours.
• * 1.274

  A Desert of seuen dayes.
• * 1.275

  A Towne of Quizquiz.
• * 1.276

  An old Pro∣phesie.
• * 1.277

  Another Towne. Ri•• G••••nde, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de Espi••itu Santo.
• * 1.278

  Aquix••, a great Lord on the West side of Rio Grande. 200. Canoes.
• * 1.279

  Loaues made of Prunes.
• * 1.280

  Goodly great Canoes.
• * 1.281

  Foure Barges made.
• * 1.282

  They passe o∣uer Rio Grande.
• * 1.283

  P••caha neer•• vnto Chisc••. Great townes.
• * 1.284

  The first towne of Casqui.
• * 1.285

  Walnut trees with soft she is.
• * 1.286

  Many Mulbe∣rie trees and Plum trees.
• * 1.287

  Many great Townes.
• * 1.288

  The ch••e•••• Towne of th•• Cacique of C••squi.
• * 1.289

  Spanish India•• Preaching.
• * 1.290

  A Towne be∣longing to Casqui. Other townes.
• * 1.291

  Targets of raw Oxe hides. Pacaha, a verie great Towne beset with Towres.
• * 1.292

  Great walled Townes.
• * 1.293

  Nets found.
• * 1.294

  The diuers sorts of excel∣lent fish in Rio Grande.
• * 1.295

  Gold & Cop∣per in Chisca.
• * 1.296

  A poore towne Great store of Oxen toward the North of Pacaha. This is like Quiuera.
• * 1.297

  Quigaute. The greatest Towne seene in Florida.
• * 1.298

  Cloth.
• * 1.299

  Coligoa neere to certaine Mountaines North-west.
• * 1.300

  A new way to take fish.
• * 1.301

  Coligoa. A Riuer.
• * 1.302

  Two oxe hides Store of oxen toward the North.
• * 1.303

  The Prouincs of Palisema.
• * 1.304

  Tatalicoya.
• * 1.305

  Cayas.
• * 1.306

  Tanico.
• * 1.307

  A Lake of hot and somewhat brackish ••••ter Store of Salt made at Cay••••▪
• * 1.308

  Many Oxe hides with wool on them, as so••t as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sheeps wooll, Gomara Histor. Ge••••••. cap. 2••5. Many Oxen toward the North. The great elo∣quence of the Indians.
• * 1.309

  A winter of two or three moneths.
• * 1.310

  Quipana, fiue daye▪ ••ournie from Tulla.
• * 1.311

  Guahate.
• * 1.312

  Anoixi.
• * 1.313

  Catamaya.
• * 1.314

  Autiamque sixe dayes iournie from Quipana.
• * 1.315

  A Riuer.
• * 1.316

  Three months abode in A∣tiamque.
• * 1.317

  Frost and sno••
• * 1.318

  A moneth of snow.
• * 1.319

  Conies of two sorts.
• * 1.320

  March 6. 1542.
• * 1.321

  The death of Iohn Ortiz. and the great misse of him, being their Interpre∣ter. Ayays. A Riuer.
• * 1.322

  Great snow a∣bout the twen∣tieth of March.
• * 1.323

  Tutelpinco. A great Lake.
• * 1.324

  Rafts where∣with they pas∣sed the Lake.
• * 1.325

  Tianto. 3. or 4. great Townes.
• * 1.326

  March 29. Nilco.
• * 1.327

  Very great Townes. The best Countrie of Florida. Marterns skinnes. A cordon of Pearles.
• * 1.328

  A Riuer falling into 〈◊〉〈◊〉 gra••••••.
• * 1.329

  Guachoya.
• * 1.330

  Foure names of Rio grande.
• * 1.331

  The Gouernor falleth sicke of thought.
• * 1.332

  A most wittie and stout an∣swer of the Ca∣cique of Qui∣galta.
• * 1.333

  The death of Don Ferdinando de Soto, the 21. of May, 1542. at G••acoya.
• * 1.334

  A wittie stra∣tagem.
• * 1.335

  This is also the custome of the old Tartars.
• * 1.336

  Their generall resolution to trauell by land Westward.
• * 1.337

  Iune 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.338

  Catalte.
• * 1.339

  Chaguate.
• * 1.340

  Aguacay.
• * 1.341

  Knowledge of the South Sea. Pato. Amaye.
• * 1.342

  Iuly 20.
• * 1.343

  Naguatex. The Riuer growne vnpas∣sable in August at Naguatex. Coniectures of a Sea to the Northward.
• * 1.344

  Nissoone
• * 1.345

  Lacana.
• * 1.346

  Nondacao.
• * 1.347

  Aays.
• * 1.348

  Soacatino.
• * 1.349

  Twenty daies trauell toward the South.
• * 1.350

  Guasco: here they found some Turkie stones, & man∣tles of Cotten wooll.
• * 1.351

  The Riuer of Dayca••: which seemeth to be Rio del oro.
• * 1.352

  No trauelling by land with∣out an Inter. preter.
• * 1.353

  Gold, Siluer and precious stones in Flo∣rida.
• * 1.354

  Turkie stones and Mantles of Cotten wooll found in Guasco. 150. leagues betweene the Riuer of Day∣cao, and Rio grande. The beginning of December. Raine with Northren winde excee∣ding cold.
• * 1.355

  Enequen is an he••rbe like Hempe. Flaxe of the Countrie. The mighty increasing of the Riuer for two moneths space, to wit, all March and Aprill. The grand con∣spiracie of the Indians against the Christians. Note well. Thirty Indians of the Cacique of Guacboya haue their right hands cut off. The Riuer in∣creaseth but once a yeare whē the snows doe melt in March & April. A miraculous accident. They saile downe Rio Grande from Minoya 17. daies before they came to the mouth thereof. This Author ac∣counteth but 300. lost, but Ynca. l. 6. reck∣oneth 700. say∣ing, that he car ried with him from Cuba 1000 Hee addeth, that Iuan Ponce de Leon, the first discouerer of Florida, lost himselfe and 80, men. Lucas Uasques was al∣so slaine there with aboue 220 Pamphila de Naruacz went with 400 Spaniards, of which not a∣boue foure es∣caped, &c. Don∣na Isabella Sotos wife died also with griefe. So fatall hath Flo∣rida beene to Spaine, that (I hope) Uirginia may haue the greater dowry for her English husband. They sailed 17. daies down the Riuer, which is about 252. leagues. Fresh water almost two daies sailing in the Sea. A swarme of grieuous Moskitoes.
• * 1.356

  Ascum of the Sea like Pitch called Copee.
• * 1.357

  Another deep Bay.
• * 1.358

  They arriued in the Riuer of Pa••nuc••, 1543. Septemb. 10. 311 Christians arriued at Pa•• nuco. Port de Spiritu Santo is in 29. degrees and a h••••••e on the West side of Florida. Ocute. Cu••ifachiqui. Xuala. Chiaha, Cozo, and Talise. Tascaluka. Rio Grande.
• * 1.359

  Aquixo. Colig••••.
• * 1.360

  A••tia••que. Aguacay.
• * 1.361

  Ant de Men∣doza writeth to the Emperour, that hee had 14000. Indians and 400. horse∣men. Mechuacan. Croiles ere∣cted.
• * 1.362

  Alle quari, to or at the which.
• * 1.363

  Caconci Lord of Mechuacan burned.
• * 1.364

  Cuinao.
• * 1.365

  Cuinquiro. Wretched hos∣pitality.
• * 1.366

  Couragious Indian.
• * 1.367

  Spanish preach∣ing to conuers Infidels.
• * 1.368

  Indian simpli∣citie.
• * 1.369

  Cuiseo.
• * 1.370

  Sodomite pro∣fessed.
• * 1.371

  Note well this Diuinitie.
• * 1.372

  Preaching by the Sword a worthie, holy, meritorious, satisfactory worke.
• * 1.373

  Guanzebi.
• * 1.374

  Tonola a free State.
• * 1.375

  Cuinaccaro, Coiula, and Coiutla.
• * 1.376

  Valiant Indi∣ans.
• * 1.377

  Zapatula. Aximocuntla.
• * 1.378

  Indian Christia∣nitie but in name and names.
• * 1.379

  Christians for feare. Xalpa. B••oudy Idoll.
• * 1.380

  Bloudy Pro∣cession. Teulinchan.
• * 1.381

  Xaltenango.
• * 1.382

  Mechuacan on the South Sea.
• * 1.383

  Xalisco.
• * 1.384

  Tepique a new Prouince,
• * 1.385

  Amazo〈…〉〈…〉 Dreames.
• * 1.386

  Pet. Aluarado•• Letters to Co•••• tes•• which had sent him on this Discouery and Conquest. Two most ter∣rible Vulcans.
• * 1.387

  L••p▪ G••m••ra. bist. gen c. 212.
• * 1.388

  Topira.
• * 1.389

  Impious pie∣ties.
• * 1.390

  F. Marco de Ni∣••as Voyage to Cebola.
• * 1.391

  An vnknowne kinde of Vni∣corne. Expedition of Don Francisco Vasquez. Ill wayes. Cib••la. Sheepe as big ••s Horses, with huge hornes. Indian embroi∣derie.
• * 1.392

  I haue a Map made in Mexi∣co, 1585. which placeth Ci••ola in 30. and an halfe, and de∣scribe•••• in New Mexico, on Rio del Norte about 50. Townes with Spanish names, stan∣ding neere each other, from 32. to 33. and a little more. But the Prouince of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he ma∣keth to be ano∣ther.
• * 1.393

  Strange Kine.
• * 1.394

  Melangole.
• * 1.395

  Great baile.
• * 1.396

  Quiuira descri∣bed out of Go∣mara. Ships seene.
• * 1.397

  The bunch∣backed Oxen described.
• * 1.398

  Sheepe with hornes of fiftie pounds. Great Dogs, Such the Saua∣ges had in Fr••∣bushers voyage. Ruiz his Voy∣age to Tigua••. Ant. de Esp••io his New Mexi∣co.
• * 1.399

  Neats leather Shooes.
• * 1.400

  Friers slaine.
• * 1.401

  Henues many.
• * 1.402

  Quires. Painted V••∣brelas. Note the neet∣nesse of Virgi∣nia.
• * 1.403

  Aco••a.
• * 1.404

  Mohotze.
• * 1.405

  Pretie policy.
• * 1.406

  Ca••os Letter is in Mast. Hakl.
• * 1.407

  Francis de Ul∣l••as Voyage in the South Sea. California.
• * 1.408

  F. Alarchons Voyage.
• * 1.409

  Letter in Ma∣ster H••kl.
• * 1.410

  Tautec••. Iuly 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1590.
• * 1.411

  Tepes••an a mightie high Mountaine.
• * 1.412

  Cuimechi war∣like Indians.
• * 1.413

  The towne of Saint Philip and Iacob on the second Ri∣uer of Ginol••a. It is but 190. leagues indeed from Mexico.
• * 1.414

  Often writing of new Mexico.
• * 1.415

  Cotten wooll.
• * 1.416

  Their apparel,
• * 1.417

  Their heire,
• * 1.418

  Their great Stature.
• * 1.419

  Their yalour.
• * 1.420

  Their weapō••.
• * 1.421

  Eight Spaniard; liuing in Ci••••∣loa.
• * 1.422

  Readinesse to heare the Gos∣pell.
• * 1.423

  Foure hundred baptized by Franciscans, (slaine there) twelue yeares before. Difference of language.
• * 1.424

  Instruction in the Catechism
• * 1.425

  And why doe you teach Ba∣bylon, or to bab∣ble in a strange tongue here, instead of praying? Sixteene hun∣dred newly Christened. Concubines.
• * 1.426

  Familiarity with the Diuel
• * 1.427

  240. children Christened.
• * 1.428

  Thirteene Churches in three Riuers.
• * 1.429

  Culhuacan.
• * 1.430

  Petatlan in 25. degrees and a halfe. The Christia∣nity there taught.
• * 1.431

  Their houses
• * 1.432

  Their plurality and incests in marriages.
• * 1.433

  The bad edu∣cation of their children. Forme of Mar∣riages.
• * 1.434

  Their forme of making Knights.
• * 1.435

  Adoption.
• * 1.436

  Their quiet∣nesse and kind play.
• * 1.437

  Their burials.
• * 1.438

  Their burials. Don Iuan de Onate his first relation. 5000. ••ent 1599
• * 1.439

  500. leagues trauell.
• * 1.440

  Treacherous peop••e.
• * 1.441

  Their Towne taken. Acoma is in 32. degrees, and two third parts
• * 1.442

  A mighty city.
• * 1.443

  Another grea∣ter Citie. Cibola is in 33. degrees. The Towne of Saint Iohn. Sundry Mynes of gold and siluer newly found. A second Dis∣couerie 1602. The most fa∣mous Riuer of the North dis∣couered. Anto∣nie de Espio vno Rio mas que ocho leguas de ancho. The Lake of Conibas. Auia vnalag∣nuao lago nuy guade. Anten. de Espeio. A faire and goodly Citie.
• * 1.444

  Westerne coast of America dis∣couered neere Cape Califor∣nia, which it seemes at this time was more perfectly dis∣couered to be an Iland, as you see in M. ••rigs his Map.
• * 2.1

  Three Millions perished in Hispaniola, Oui∣edo hath but 1600000.
• * 2.2

  500000 lost in the Lucayos.
• * 2.3

  12. or 15. miles See the end of this discourse.
• * 2.4

  Ambition.
• * 2.5

  Cruelty.
• * 2.6

  Tortures.
• * 2.7

  Dogges.
• * 2.8

  The Realmes which were in this Ile of His∣paniola.
• * 2.9

  Great Riuers in Spaine. 25000. Riuers rich in Gold. Cibao.
• * 2.10

  The greatest peece of Gold which euer was found na∣turall lost.
• * 2.11

  Marien.
• * 2.12

  Maguana.
• * 2.13

  Xaragua.
• * 2.14

  Higney.
• * 2.15

  Gens sine gene∣ratione perit.
• * 2.16

  600000. or a Million in S. Iohn and Ia∣maica.
• * 2.17

  Dances made to Gold.
• * 2.18

  Hathuey bur∣ned.
• * 2.19

  His choise to goe to hell, and why.
• * 2.20

  3000. slaine.
• * 2.21

  Out of the frying-pan in∣to the fire.
• * 2.22

  6000. Infants lost.
• * 2.23

  God and King abused.
• * 2.24

  800000. In∣dians slaine.
• * 2.25

  Cause and ex∣tremitie of fa∣mine.
• * 2.26

  Tribute slaues.
• * 2.27

  500000. Indians transported. 50000. slaine.
• * 2.28

  In the former discourse of Herera, you may find the names of all these first plan∣ters, or as this Author recko∣neth, supplan∣ters; which did rather depopu∣late then peo∣ple whole Pro∣uinces. I could haue added their names, but was loth to doe more then the Author had donethen, whiles m••ny of them liued: yea his most passi••nate and bitter inuec∣tiues I haue ta∣ken out, only minding the Storie, therein also mollify∣ing many things. Foure Milli∣ons slaine. Of New Spain•• in particul〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 2.29

  The Mexican cruelties are before related, and therefore here omitted.
• * 2.30

  Two millions slaine.
• * 2.31

  Pretence of re∣bellion against that Prince to which ••hey ne∣uer had beene subiect.
• * 2.32

  Guatimala de∣stroyed wi••h Earth-quakes.
• * 2.33

  Foure or fiue millions slaine
• * 2.34

  Shambles of mans flesh.
• * 2.35

  800. Indians giuen for a Mare.
• * 2.36

  Xalisco.
• * 2.37

  800. Townes destroyed.
• * 2.38

  Bishop of S. Marthas Let∣ter to Charles the fi••th.
• * 2.39

  Spanish Frier•• killed for o∣thers faults.
• * 2.40

  Two Millions of stolne In∣dians.
• * 2.41

  Manner of v∣sage at Sea.
• * 2.42

  Manner of landing and sharing.
• * 2.43

  Manner of Pearle-fishing.
• * 2.44

  Sharkes.
• * 2.45

  Foure or fiue millions slaine in Venesuela.
• * 2.46

  A million of slaues.
• * 2.47

  Iuan Pon••e de Leon with 80. men were all lost there. Af∣ter him Lucas Vasquez de Ayl∣lon with 220. Pamphilo de Noruaez with 400. And ••••urthly Ferdi∣nando de Soto with 1000. as some say, and they which say least, 600. en∣t••ed Florida, whose stories you haue be∣fore. Of Soto was no newes An. 1542. when this was writ∣ten. See before in Schmidel.
• * 2.48

  Fifteene Milli∣ons paid for Atabalipas ran∣some.
• * 2.49

  Testimony of Frier Marke touching Pi∣zarro and the Spaniards which first entred Pe∣ru.
• * 2.50

  A people of those parts, good warriors, not of the Ca∣••••••y Ilands.
• * 2.51

  Bishop of Mex∣icos testimony.
• * 2.52

  Foure Millions slaine in Peru, &c.
• * 2.53

  King Bugata tentenced, executed.
• * 2.54

  What conuer∣sions & know∣ledge of God are in the In∣dies.
• * 2.55

  Ciuill warres in Peru betwixt the Spaniards.
• * 2.56

  T•••• thousand perish.
• * 2.57

  Cruell famine.
• * 2.58

  Extract out of the second reason.
• * 2.59

  Out of the third reason.
• * 2.60

  Out of the fourth reason.
• * 2.61

  Out of the fifth reason.
• * 2.62

  Out of the sixth reason.
• * 2.63

  Out of the sea∣uenth reason.
• * 2.64

  Out of the eight reason.
• * 2.65

  Out of the tenth reason.
• * 2.66

  Note.
• * 2.67

  Out of the ele∣uenth reason.
• * 2.68

  Out of the 13. reason.
• * 2.69

  Note, the Popes Bull is pretended: which, and our answere to it, see To. 1. l2. c. 1.
• * 2.70

  Twenty Mil∣lions destroied before he saith 12. or 15. Mil∣lions, which is to be vnder∣stood of some greater part, not of all the Indies. Yea, only in New Spaine, Hondu∣ras, Guatimala, Venesuela Peru, and the Coast of Paria, he reckoneth aboue 20. Milions: besides three Millions in Hispaniola, halfe a Million in the Lucayos, 600000 or rather a Million in Iamaica, and Saint Iohns Ilands: 800000 in Terra Firma, in Nicaragua, 550000. that I men∣tion not the innumerable multitudes in Cuba, Panuco, Florida, Xal••sco, Yucatan, Saint Martha, Carthagena, New Granado, Riuer of Plata, &c.
• * 2.71

  As out of Oui∣edo, Benzo, &c. is before ob∣serued.
• * 2.72

  Sir Seb Cabot:
• * 2.73

  Cap. Ribalt.
• * 2.74

  Silke-wormes store in Florida Port Royall in 32. degrees.
• * 2.75

  Mutinie Cap. Albert slaine.
• * 2.76

  The second Golonie.
• * 2.77

  Stone Pillar worshipped.
• * 2.78

  Men nigh 300. yeeres old.
• * 2.79

  The Vassals are petty We∣r••••nces, or Lords of Vil∣lages.
• * 2.80

  Mutinies.
• * 2.81

  The Virginians a〈…〉〈…〉 such a custome.
• * 2.82

  Cruell famine.
• * 2.83

  Sir Iohn Haw∣k••ns his great kindnesse.
• * 2.84

  Th••rd Floridan Voyage by C. Ribalt.
• * 2.85

  Gold Mynes of Apalatci.
• * 2.86

  Spaniards kill the French and plant in Flori∣da.
• * 2.87

  Massacre. Reuenge by Cap. Dom〈…〉〈…〉 Gaurgues.
• * 2.88

  Three Forts Spanish.
• * 2.89

  Why the Saua∣ges haue their goods interred with them.
• * 2.90

  Iust requit all.
• * 2.91

  Iaques Cartier his three Voy∣ages, Iland of Birds in 49. deg〈…〉〈…〉s 40. minutes.
• * 2.92

  Margaulx seeme to be Pengwins.
• * 2.93

  L. of Robewall.
• * 2.94

  Saualets 42. Voyages to Newfoundland.
• * 2.95

  Their Voyage to Tadousac. Chap. 1.
• * 2.96

  A banke of Ice aboue 8. leagus long, in 45. de∣grees and two third parts. The Banke in 44. degr. one third part. These coasts subiect to fogs.
• * 2.97

  The Cape of S. Marie.
• * 2.98

  The Isles of S. Peter. A banke of Ice 6. leagues long Cape de Raie. Cape de S. Lau∣rence.
• * 2.99

  An Iland of Ice aboue eight leagues long. The Ile of As∣sumption. Gachepe. The Riuer Mantanne. The Pike. Tadousac, from Gachepe 100. leg
• * 2.100

  The descripti∣on of the ha∣uen of Tadousac The Riuer of Sagenay falle••h into Camada. That of Sage∣nay is in Lescar∣bots Map ex∣pressed to en∣ter on the North side of Canada, about 51. or 40. from thence to the Sea shoare of Canada is aboue sixtie miles, which entring into the Sea, hath 100. miles, and vp to the fals (which Voyage followeth) continueth a maruellous breadth, so that it may be for greatnesse reputed greater then any other Riuer in our world or in the Northerne parts of the New: full also of Lakes and Ilands for greater magnificence.
• * 2.101

  The great Sa∣gamo their feasts & wars. The Irocois. Cap. 2. Two Sauages brought out of France. Anadabijon. The Oration of one of the sauages which we brought with vs.
• * 2.102

  The Irocois e∣nemies to A∣nadabijon.
• * 2.103

  The Oration of Anadabijon
• * 2.104

  A feast of this Sauages, Orignac a Beast like an Oxe.
• * 2.105

  A victorie got∣ten of the Iro∣cois. Estechemins, Al∣goumequins, and Mountainers. The Riuer of the Irocois. The Irocois are in great num∣ber.
• * 2.106

  Two hundred Canowes.
• * 2.107

  The fashion of their Canowes
• * 2.108

  Their Cabins made like tents and couered with the barke of trees.
• * 2.109

  Cypresse trees
• * 2.110

  The ••••triumphs humors, famin superstitions & rites. Chap. 3.
• * 2.111

  Matachia or cord〈…〉〈…〉s of the haire of the Porke-pike.
• * 2.112

  Their manner of dancing.
• * 2.113

  Besouat the Sa∣gamo of the Al∣goumequins.
• * 2.114

  These Sauages endure great famine.
• * 2.115

  Their had qua∣lities.
• * 2.116

  The beliefe of the Sauages.
• * 2.117

  They beleeue one God, one Son, one Mo∣ther, and the Sunne.
• * 2.118

  Great famine sometimes a∣mong the Sa∣uages.
• * 2.119

  Sauages which speake with the Diuell.
• * 2.120

  They paint themselues with an Oliue colour.
• * 2.121

  Their apparell of skins.
• * 2.122

  A deuice to go on the snow with a Racket.
• * 2.123

  The marriage of the Sauages.
• * 2.124

  Their burials after the Tar∣tars manner.
• * 2.125

  They beleeue the immortali∣ty of the soule.
• * 2.126

  The Riuer of Saguenay, & his originall. Chap 4. A violent fall of water.
• * 2.127

  A Mountai∣nous Country.
• * 2.128

  The report of the beginning of the Riuer of Saguenay.
• * 2.129

  A Lake two daies iournie long. Three other Riuers. Two or three Lakes, where ••n the head of Saguenay be∣ginneth.
• * 2.130

  That is, 120. leagues. People of the North. A salt sea.
• * 2.131

  Iourney to the fall and to cer∣taine Ilands, arriual at Que∣bec. Chap. 5. The Isle of the Hare. The Isle of Filberds.
• * 2.132

  12. leagues.
• * 2.133

  The Ile of Or∣leance.
• * 2.134

  Quebec▪
• * 2.135

  Diamants.
• * 2.136

  29. leagues.
• * 2.137

  Of the point of S. Croix, of the Riuer of Batiscon, of the Riuers, Rocks, Iles, Lands, Trees, Fruits, Vines, & faire Countries, which are from Quebec vnto The 3. Riuers▪ Chap. 6. Saint Croix. 15. leagues. Ground Nuts. The Riuer Ba∣tiscan. Another Riuer
• * 2.138

  A goodly Countrie.
• * 2.139

  An Ile full of Vines.
• * 2.140

  Sixe small Riuers.
• * 2.141

  The Ile S. Eloy.
• * 2.142

  Another small Riuer.
• * 2.143

  A better tem∣pera••ute. 15. leagues.
• * 2.144

  ••n Iland 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be planted.
• * 2.145

  A great Lake. The head of Saguenay 106. leagues off.
• * 2.146

  A great course of water.
• * 2.147

  Great Lake described and Riuer of the Irocois. Chap. 7. The Lake of Argolesme. 15. leagues.
• * 2.148

  A great Riuer. Another small Riuer.
• * 2.149

  Two leagues. 30. ma•• Ilands.
• * 2.150

  Wal nuts of two sorts. Store of Vines. Good Coun∣tries.
• * 2.151

  The Riuer of the Irocois. Their manner of fortification with stakes.
• * 2.152

  Fiue Ilands.
• * 2.153

  This Riuer runneth al∣most South-west. A Lake some fortie or fiftie leagues long in the Countrey of the Irocois. The goodnesse and short win∣ter of the Countrey of the Irocois.
• * 2.154

  Their arriual at the Sault or Fall of the Ri∣uer of Canada, the description thereof. Cha. 8. Fruitfull Trees of many sorts.
• * 2.155

  Orignas are be∣fore said to bee like oxen, per∣haps Buffes. L••s••arbot, that Orignacs are Ellans. Wild beasts. A pleasant Ile. Many Ilands.
• * 2.156

  Iuly 3. Many more Ilands.
• * 2.157

  The entrance of the Sault or Fall. Anlle.
• * 2.158

  A greatt cur∣rent of water.
• * 2.159

  Mon••••eur du Pont ••nd Mon∣sicur du Cham∣plaine search the San••••.
• * 2.160

  Two great Ilands.
• * 2.161

  A kind of Lake some 5. leagues long.
• * 2.162

  3. or 4. Moun∣taines on the South side. Two Riuers.
• * 2.163

  The surie of the fall of water.
• * 2.164

  The Sault a league broad.
• * 2.165

  The swift cur∣rent of the wa∣ter aboue the Fall. Ten Saults m••r••. Temperate aire, and good soyle. The Sault is in 45. degrees and certaine mi∣nutes. A draught of the Sauages. The first re∣port of the Sa∣uages touching the Head of the Riuer. A Riuer run∣ning 60. leags into the Coun∣trie of the Al∣geumequins. A Lake of 15. leagues. Another Lake of 4. leagues. Fiue other Saults. A Lake of 80. leagues long. Brackish water
• * 2.166

  It seemeth hereby to trend so••th∣ward. The last Sault. Another Lake 60. leagues long, very brackish. A Strait of 2. leagues broad. Another migh∣tie Lake.
• * 2.167

  The southerne situation of a great Lake. The water as salt as sea. water.
• * 2.168

  Many Riuers running south and north. Hudsons Riuer may be one of these. An exceediug great Riuer. The south Sea.
• * 2.169

  Of Canada, and of the number of the Fals and Lakes which it passeth by. Chap. 9. Iuly 4. The Riuer of the Irocois. Another re∣port of the Al∣goumequin Sa∣uages.
• * 2.170

  A Riuer or Lake 6. or 7. leagues long.
• * 2.171

  A Lake 150. leagues long. A Riuer on the North side go∣ing toward the Algoumequins. A Riuer on the south side. Another ex∣ceeding great Lake. A Sea, the end whereof the Sauages neuer saw. It seemeth to lie southward.
• * 2.172

  The Ile Coudres
• * 2.173

  The Ile Du Lieure, or Of the Hare. The third re∣port made by a great Trauel∣ler.
• * 2.174

  A Lake 15. leagues long.
• * 2.175

  An exceeding great Lake 300 luagues long. A very great Iland. Br••ckish water. More brackish water. Whole salt water. A great and maine Sea. A Riuer which goeth to the Algoumequins.
• * 2.176

  A Mine of fine Copper.
• * 2.177

  Some 400. leagues from the first Sault to the South∣sea.
• * 2.178

  Their Voyage from Tadousac to the Ile per∣cee: of many Riuers, Lakes and C••u••••ries, wherein are found sundry sorts of Mines. Chap. 10. 100. leagues from Gachepay to ••adousac. Armouchides Saga••o. The descrip∣tion of the Port of Cache∣pay. The Bay of Cods. The Ile Percee. The Ile de Bon∣aduenture.
• * 2.179

  The Bay of Heate.
• * 2.180

  The Riuer of Mautanne. Tr••gate and Mi∣samichy. The Riuer Sou∣r••ua. A Mine of Copper.
• * 2.181

  An Iland. A Strait be∣tweene the Iles of Cape Bre••o•• and the maine Land. Souricois. A great Riuer on the South-west coast, whereby th〈…〉〈…〉e sauages inuade the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.182

  Great Riuers and goo〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉ns on the c••••st•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••••rid•• or Virgini••.
• * 2.183

  A Riuer. A Lake twenty leagues in compasse. A metall like Siluer. A Mine of Copper.
• * 2.184

  Our returne from the Ile Percee to Ta∣dousac, with the description of the Ile Grecks, Ports, Riuers, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, R〈…〉〈…〉, Bayes, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Shoalds which are a••ong the North coast. Chap 11. The North shoare. The Riuer of Sa•••••• ••••••g••ret A sandy coast. Very b〈…〉〈…〉, Countries.
• * 2.185

  A point that sunneth into the sea.
• * 2.186

  A good Creek, where many ships may ride.
• * 2.187

  A Bay.
• * 2.188

  A Creeke.
• * 2.189

  Two little low Ilands. Lesqueuim a very bad Port,
• * 2.190

  The Riuer where the Basks kill the whales. Our arriuall at Tadousac the 3. of August.
• * 2.191

  Of the A••mou∣ch••cois Sauages and of their monstrous shape. The dis∣course of Mon∣steur de Pre••••re of Saint Malo, touching the discoucrie of the South-west Coast. C••. 12. The Ceremo∣nies which they vse before they go to the warres.
• * 2.192

  Their depar∣ture from Ta∣dousac Armo••••hic••i•• deformed Sa∣uages.
• * 2.193

  The Souricois.
• * 2.194

  The Relation of the Copper Myne on the South Coast.
• * 2.195

  Another Mine
• * 2.196

  Blacke pain∣ting. An Ile wherein another kind of Metall is found, which is white being cut.
• * 2.197

  Other Mynes. The descripti∣on of the place where the said Myne is.
• * 2.198

  A good Hauen at the Copper Mynes.
• * 2.199

  Their returne. Chap. 13.
• * 2.200

  C••pe Rase. The Banke. The sounding, Vshant.
• * 2.201

  The rest of thi P••rentis here for bre∣uitie omitted: with the Pro∣uisoes, &c. And let not Englishmen feare want of roome for French Planta∣tions or Sauage habitations; these being very thin, the other scarse worrhy the name of be∣ing, or planta∣tion, hauing so many inter∣ruptions, and more frequen∣ted by the French in way of Trade with Sauages then otherwise. I haue omitted many digres∣sions and dis∣courses of the Authour; only for know∣ledge of those parts, presen∣ting the briefe summe of his most ample Worke. His Map but for cost, I would haue here ad∣ded. I haue diuers by me which I take more exact, I am sure with many many particulers wanting in his. And both his Mappe and Discourse shew that the French discouered not so neere Virginia, as Hudsons Riuer; and that the French Plantations haue beene more Noreherly farte, then our Northerne Virginia, and to the Southerne, not a shadow in com∣pa〈…〉〈…〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and numbers.
• * 2.202

  Lay Baye Fran∣coise.
• * 2.203

  The Riuer of L' Equille. Port Royall.
• * 2.204

  A Copper Myne. In the 28. and 29. Chap. of the second Booke of the whole Volume vntranslated. Things first to be prouided in new plantati∣on.
• * 2.205

  Note. This French Author was a Romish Catholike, which yet speakes thus freely of the Spaniards.
• * 2.206

  Esay 52. vers. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.207

  Hat••••••y. see sup. Cas••s. Diamonds.
• * 2.208

  Turkie stones.
• * 2.209

  S. Iohns Riuer.
• * 2.210

  1608.
• * 2.211

  Vines.
• * 2.212

  Great Crapes among the Ar∣mouchiquois Abundance of fishes. The commo∣ditie of Voya∣ging by the Riuer.
• * 2.213

  The Ile of S. Croix tw••ntie leagues from S. Iohns Riuer.
• * 2.214

  Returne to the Bay of S. Mary, where the lost man was foūd againe. The Long Ile. Cheries.
• * 2.215

  The descripti∣on of the Ile of Saint Croix.
• * 2.216

  The fruitful∣nesse of the soyle.
• * 2.217

  The Iland halfe a league in compasse.
• * 2.218

  Store of Muscles.
• * 2.219

  The returne of Monsieur du Poutrincourt into France, The building at the Ile of S. Croix.
• * 2.220

  Three discom∣modities in wintering at S. Croix.
• * 2.221

  Wickednesse of many Chri∣stians.
• * 2.222

  The Riuer of Roan.
• * 2.223

  Vnknown sick∣nesses, viz. the Scorbute or Scuruie, the greatest plague of Nauigations and new Plan∣tations, Forti∣fications and Garrisons be∣sieged, where want of fresh diet and of bo∣dily labour, or too much la∣bour and wat∣ching, with grosse aires in the Countries ouergrowne with wood, or with marishes, bogs and vn∣whol••ome wa∣ters are chiefe breedersthere∣of. The Author hath made a long discourse of this disease, the chiefe points whereof are here ex∣pressed for the benefit of our English Colo∣nies in America in which I doubt not ma∣ny hundr••ds haue hereby perished. The number of the dead and sicke. Dangerous m••neths. The opening of a dead body. What food causeth the land disea••e. Bad waters.
• * 2.224

  Plin. li. 25. c. 3.
• * 2.225

  Stomaccacè. Scelotyrbè.
• * 2.226

  Britannica, or Scuruy grasse, an herbe.
• * 2.227

  Strabo.
• * 2.228

  Monsieur de Io••nuille.
• * 2.229

  The Gouitres of Sauore. What aire is against health.
• * 2.230

  Windes.
• * 2.231

  Seasons.
• * 2.232

  Bad food and di commodi∣ties of the Sea. Aduice for the sicknesses of New France.
• * 2.233

  Good Wine.
• * 2.234

  Herbes in the Spring time.
• * 2.235

  Stoues. Stoues in Gardens. Such I haue seene at Beddington in Surrie. at Sir Nicolas Carews. The sweatings of the Sauages
• * 2.236

  A merry heart a principall preseruatiue against the Scuruie. Eccles. 3. 12, 22. Meanes of mirth.
• * 2.237

  Necessiti•• of hauing women into the Coun∣trey.
• * 2.238

  Tree of life. Sasafras. Monsieur Cham∣plain is now this present yeere 1609. in Canada.
• * 2.239

  The discoueric of new Lands by Monsieur de Monts: fabu∣lous tales and reports of the Riuer and fai∣ned Towne of Norombega. Kinibeki s••xty leagues from S. Croix.
• * 2.240

  Fabulous ••ales of the Riuer Norombega.
• * 2.241

  Pemptegoet.
• * 2.242

  Obiection. Answer.
• * 2.243

  Kinibeki.
• * 2.244

  The Bay of Marchin. 1607. Ch〈…〉〈…〉koet. The ground manured. Vines.
• * 2.245

  Malebarre.
• * 2.246

  Etechemins.
• * 2.247

  The Armouchi∣quois traitours and theeues. Th•• swiftnesse of the Armou∣chiquois.
• * 2.248

  The arriuall of Monsieur du Point. 1605.
• * 2.249

  Transmigrati∣on from S. Croix to Port Royal.
• * 2.250

  New buildings
• * 2.251

  Trafficke with the Sauages. Beuers Otters, and Stags. Tabaguia is a sauage tearme, signifying ban∣ket.
• * 2.252

  Hand Mils.
• * 2.253

  The number of the dead. Fault in their buildings.
• * 2.254

  The furniture of Monsieur du Pont to goe to the discouery of new lands.
• * 2.255

  The wracke of their Barke.
• * 2.256

  Causes of de∣lay in establish ing the dwel∣ling place of the Frenchmen.
• * 2.257

  The third voy∣age made by Monsieur de Poutrincourt.
• * 2.258

  Rochel.
• * 2.259

  The courage of Monsieur de Monts and his associates.
• * 2.260

  13. of May 1606.
• * 2.261

  Meetings of Ships.
• * 2.262

  Great cold.
• * 2.263

  The reason of this Antiperi∣st••s••, and the cause o•• the I∣ces of New∣sound land.
• * 2.264

  Warnings neerethe great Banke. Birds called by Frenchmen, Godes, Fou∣quets, Hapfoies
• * 2.265

  The fishing of Cod.
• * 2.266

  Hap-foyes, why so called.
• * 2.267

  Sea dogs skins
• * 2.268

  Excellent saw∣siges made with the in∣wards of Cod.
• * 2.269

  The weather in those Se••s contrary then in ours.
• * 2.270

  The causes of Mists on the West Seas.
• * 2.271

  Land makes. The discouery of S. Peters I∣lands. Plaine disco∣uery of the Land.
• * 2.272

  Cap. Breton. The Bay of Campseau. Eight daies.
• * 2.273

  Gods fauour in danger.
• * 2.274

  Calm weather.
• * 2.275

  Morueilous o∣dours com∣ming from the land.
• * 2.276

  The boording of two Shallops
• * 2.277

  The Sauages goodly men.
• * 2.278

  Matachiaz be carkanets, nek∣laces bracelets and wrought girdles. During the mists at Sea, it is faire wether on land.
• * 2.279

  The departing of some of our company, go∣ing al••nd. The Sauages do traueli much way in small time.
• * 2.280

  Mists. Calmes.
• * 2.281

  Port ••u Rossig∣noll. Port au Mou∣ton.
• * 2.282

  ••hat growes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Land at Port ••u Mou∣ton.
• * 2.283

  Le Cap de Sable. Long Iland. The Bay S. Mary. The arriuing to Port Royall.
• * 2.284

  Difficulties in comming in.
• * 2.285

  The beautie of the Port.
• * 2.286

  Sagamos signi∣fieth Captaine
• * 2.287

  Praises of the two Frenchmen le••t alone in Fort of Port Royall.
• * 2.288

  The tilling of the ground.
• * 2.289

  The meeting with Monsieur du Pont.
• * 2.290

  The forme of a Rain-bow vn∣der a Caue.
• * 2.291

  Greatnesse of Canada 400. leagues from the mouth. It springs from a Lake.
• * 2.292

  Which is the first mine.
• * 2.293

  Sowing of Corne.
• * 2.294

  August 20.
• * 2.295

  Cause of the Voyage made into the coun∣try of the Ar∣mouchiquois.
• * 2.296

  Parting from Port Royall.
• * 2.297

  Faire Rie found at S. Croix.
• * 2.298

  Their mea∣ning is to plant beyond Malebarre to the southward. A ditch profi∣tably made. What store of workmen and lab〈…〉〈…〉rers in N〈…〉〈…〉 France. Their exercise and manner of life. Mussels, Lob∣sters, Crabs.
• * 2.299

  Good proui∣sion of wilde fowle.
• * 2.300

  What quanti∣ty of Bread and Wine.
• * 2.301

  A kinde of Stag, or red Deere. The liberall nature of the Sauages. What earth is in the Me∣dowes.
• * 2.302

  Ellans in the Medowes.
• * 2.303

  Poutrincourts discouery. Pemptegoet the true name of the fabulous Norombega. Kinibeki.
• * 2.304

  The Bay of Marchin.
• * 2.305

  Confederacy.
• * 2.306

  Orignac or El∣lan: Champlein saith they are like Oxen. The Riuer of Olmechin. Port De Choua∣koet. An Iland of Vines.
• * 2.307

  The Riuer of Olmechin.
• * 2.308

  The galant∣nesse of the Sauages. Port De la Heue.
• * 2.309

  The S••uages doe paint their faces.
• * 2.310

  The Oration of Messamoet.
• * 2.311

  Messamoets af∣fection to the Frenchmen. The largesse and liberality of Messamoet. The Sauages be liberall.
• * 2.312

  A Corn-coun∣trie, Beanes, Pumpions, and Grapes.
• * 2.313

  Bessabes. Englishmen.
• * 2.314

  Asticou.
• * 2.315

  Canoas. A very good Port.
• * 2.316

  The agilitie of the Arm 〈…〉〈…〉∣quois.
• * 2.317

  Fifes.
• * 2.318

  A Sauage wounded.
• * 2.319

  Their mouthes and mops a∣bout him that was hurt.
• * 2.320

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 2.321

  The Presents of a Sauage woman. Hempe very faire. Beanes. Quantitie of Grapes. The simplicity and ignorance of people.
• * 2.322

  Th•• bad na∣tu••eo the Ar∣mouchiquois. No••e how the Armouchiquois must be dealt withall This the only way to ciuilize Sauages. Trust them and hang them, nay trust them and they will cut your throat, as in the Virginian massacre ap∣pea••••th. Suspicion for the comming of Olmechin.
• * 2.323

  The trouble of garments.
• * 2.324

  Corne sowed, and Vines planted.
• * 2.325

  100. Boats of Sauages.
• * 2.326

  Malebarre. Peril of sholds
• * 2.327

  Note. Great antiqui∣ty of Grapes.
• * 2.328

  Hereupon chap. 7.
• * 2.329

  Two fathames tide onely.
• * 2.330

  Danger.
• * 2.331

  Oigoudi, or S. Iohns Riuer. Sauages of sundry Nation•• vnderstand not one another.
• * 2.332

  A forge and an ouen 〈…〉〈…〉de.
• * 2.333

  A cro••e set vp
• * 2.334

  Abundance of Larkes & fishes
• * 2.335

  Shel-fish.
• * 2.336

  Grapes. Rush-baskets.
• * 2.337

  The triall of Trench wea∣pons before the Sauages.
• * 2.338

  Good instru∣ction.
• * 2.339

  Port Fortune.
• * 2.340

  R••solution for the returne.
• * 2.341

  Their returne. Perill.
• * 2.342

  The arriuall of Monsieur de Poutrincourt.
• * 2.343

  The state of Corne. How they spēt their winter. C••ales. The vse of the Compasse in land voiages.
• * 2.344

  The instituti∣on of the Or∣der Bon temps
• * 2.345

  La Rue aux Ours or Beare street is as Pie-cor∣ner, or such a Cooke place in London.
• * 2.346

  Store of Stur∣gions. Before in chap. 113.
• * 2.347

  The vsage of the Sauages.
• * 2.348

  The Sauages haue care of the Frenchmen.
• * 2.349

  Preseruatiue against Scuruy
• * 2.350

  Bad winde.
• * 2.351

  The state of Win••er wea∣ther. Why Raines and Mists be scarse in winter
• * 2.352

  Snow is profi∣table.
• * 2.353

  Frosts when they are.
• * 2.354

  The state of Ianuary.
• * 2.355

  Conformity of weather in East and West Fra••ce. The great Frost 1607.
• * 2.356

  Wherefore is the season late
• * 2.357

  Dressing of Gardens.
• * 2.358

  Good crop from the ground.
• * 2.359

  Abundance of fishes.
• * 2.360

  The care of Monsieur de Pouirincourt in prouiding for thē that should come after him The building of a water-mil, Abundance of Herrings. Pilchers.
• * 2.361

  Preparation for the return.
• * 2.362

  Great ouer∣sight. Monsieur de Poutrincourt his inuention.
• * 2.363

  Bricke made in New France.
• * 2.364

  Why the Sa••••∣ges call all French men No••mands.
• * 2.365

  Newes out of France, and their returne.
• * 2.366

  The contents of the Letters written to Monsieur de Poutrincourt. The societie of Monsieur de Monts broken, and why. Monsieur de 〈…〉〈…〉rincourt ••is resolution. The English Nation going to Virginia with a zealous intent to plant true religion & so to increase Christs blessed flock, no doubt he will bee their leader.
• * 2.367

  Monsieur de Monts is en∣uied.
• * 2.368

  Robbing from the dead.
• * 2.369

  The Sauages go to the wars.
• * 2.370

  Voyages vpon the Coast of the French Bay.
• * 2.371

  Salmons.
• * 2.372

  Assembly of Sauages a feasting. Filthy trading.
• * 2.373

  The subtiltie of an Autmoi•• or Sauage Southsayer.
• * 2.374

  A Myne of Steele.
• * 2.375

  Menane. Good watch. Seales voices.
• * 2.376

  The arriuall in the Ile of Saint Croix. The state of the same. Turtles.
• * 2.377

  The Sauages of better na∣ture then ma∣ny Christians, A number of Iles.
• * 2.378

  The loue of the Sauages towards their children. Arriuall into Po••t Royall.
• * 2.379

  Vse of a 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 m••ll.
• * 2.380

  The de〈…〉〈…〉 on of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉.
• * 2.381

  Abundance of faire Cod.
• * 2.382

  Port dela Heue
• * 2.383

  The Rain-bow appearing in the water.
• * 2.384

  Port Saualet. 42. Voyages made in New-found-land. Good fishing.
• * 2.385

  Exceeding faire Corne. Faire Wheate.
• * 2.386

  The Sauages returne from the warres. The Sauages teares at the going away of the Frenchmen. Meale left be∣hinde. Monsieur de Poutrincourt his going away.
• * 2.387

  The departing from New France.
• * 2.388

  The sight of the Sorlingues. Ha••uest of New France, shewed to the King.
• * 2.389

  Outards, or wild Geese pres••nted to the King. Priuiledge of Beuers confir∣med to Mon∣sieur de Monts. Three ships sent 1608. Newes from New France since our com∣ming from thence. It is very dan∣gerous to teach the Sa∣uages the vse of Guns. Eagles.
• * 2.390

  The Sauages wisdome.
• * 2.391

  Monsieur Cham∣plein is now in the Riuer of Canada. Cattell. Fruit trees. Vines. Hempe.
• * 2.392

  Monsieur de Poutrincourt his resolution, 1609.
• * 2.393

  Monsi. de Mont his sending of Ships.
• * 2.394

  Note the in∣tention of the French.
• * 2.395

  Kebec 40. leag. aboue Saguenay
• * 2.396

  Champlein.
• * 2.397

  A conspiracy.
• * 2.398

  Exemplary pu∣nishment.
• * 2.399

  The naturall fruite of the land.
• * 2.400

  Blacke Foxes.
• * 2.401

  Scuruie.
• * 2.402

  Lib. 3. cap. 22.
• * 2.403

  Champleins counsell.
• * 2.404

  Their Voiage to the Iroquois.
• * 2.405

  Their arriual at the Lake, which is sixtie leagues long. Faire Ilands in the Lake. The Iroquois, and their exer∣cise. Houses of foure stories.
• * 2.406

  The alarum a∣mong the Iro∣quois.
• * 2.407

  The Prudence of the Sauages.
• * 2.408

  Flight.
• * 2.409

  Fiftie of the Iroquois slaine.
• * 2.410

  1609.
• * 2.411

  Capt. Pierre. Capt. du Pont.
• * 2.412

  None died, no•• were sicke.
• * 2.413

  1610.
• * 2.414

  Champlein his new Voyage.
• * 2.415

  A Lake of an hundred leag. in length dis∣couered.
• * 2.416

  Agreement to goe to war, to∣wards the great Lake.
• * 2.417

  A Battell.
• * 2.418

  1611.
• * 2.419

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 2.420

  A faire Coun∣trey.
• * 2.421

  Beuers burnt.
• * 2.422

  Horses.
• * 2.423

  Merueilous industry. Forts & towns
• * 2.424

  Houses with stories. Strong bowes.
• * 2.425

  Hope for the passage to China. Some great Riuer running Westward into the Westerne Sea. The Northern Sea.
• * 2.426

  1610. A tedious Na∣uigation.
• * 2.427

  A conspiracy.
• * 2.428

  Their arriuall at Port Royall. Buildings and housholdstuffe preserued. Pillage of the ground.
• * 2.429

  The first Chri∣stenings made in New France.
• * 2.430

  Sagamos doth si••nifie a Prince, Ruler, or Captaine. The King was th••n slai••e which they knew not.
• * 2.431

  A returne in∣to France.
• * 2.432

  The first Voy∣age to Virginia and possession taken.
• * 2.433

  Virginia na∣med so by Q. Elizabeth.
• * 2.434

  Second Voy∣age. Sir R. Greenuile.
• * 2.435

  Spanish Prise.
• * 2.436

  First Colony.
• * 2.437

  Sir F. Drake.
• * 2.438

  Third Voyage.
• * 2.439

  Fourth Voy∣age.
• * 2.440

  Second Colo∣nie.
• * 2.441

  Master Thomas Hariot.
• * 2.442

  Fifth Voyage and third Co∣lonie.
• * 2.443

  Bay of Chese∣piok.
• * 2.444

  En••lish borne there.
• * 2.445

  Si〈…〉〈…〉 Voyage.
• * 2.446

  Ocean see∣ming yellow.
• * 2.447

  Sea-oare.
• * 2.448

  Smell of the shoare.
• * 2.449

  Sauage Rocke.
• * 2.450

  Sauages.
• * 2.451

  Their behaui∣our.
• * 2.452

  Shole-hope.
• * 2.453

  Cape Cod.
• * 2.454

  Tucke〈…〉〈…〉 Terror. Poin•• Care.
• * 2.455

  Gilberts Point. Diuers Ilands.
• * 2.456

  Sauages.
• * 2.457

  Pengwins.
• * 2.458

  Marthaes Vine∣yard.
• * 2.459

  Douer-cliffe∣sound.
• * 2.460

  Gosnolls Hope.
• * 2.461

  Elizabeths Ile.
• * 2.462

  Hills Hap. Haps Hill.
• * 2.463

  Elizabeths 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 10. minut••s 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.464

  Fort began.
• * 2.465

  The p••.
• * 2.466

  Goodly Countrey.
• * 2.467

  in
• * 2.468

  Their purpose of stay bro∣ken off.
• * 2.469

  Sauage assault
• * 2.470

  Returne.
• * 2.471

  Oakes. Cedars, Beech. Elme. Hollie. Walnut trees. Cherrie trees.
• * 2.472

  Sassafras trees. Diuers other trees.
• * 2.473

  A Lake three miles about: Smal Tortoises
• * 2.474

  Abundance of fowles, much bigger than ours in Eng∣land. Ground-nuts. Shell fish.
• * 2.475

  The exceeding beauty of the maine Land. Great Lakes. Large Medows
• * 2.476

  Seuen Indians.
• * 2.477

  A broad Riuer.
• * 2.478

  A good Har∣bour.
• * 2.479

  The English House.
• * 2.480

  11. Canoas with ••0. Indians in them.
• * 2.481

  Their Captain.
• * 2.482

  Seuerall sorts & Furres.
• * 2.483

  Red Copper in abundance.
• * 2.484

  Chaines.
• * 2.485

  Collars.
• * 2.486

  Drinking cups of Copper.
• * 2.487

  Mines of Copper.
• * 2.488

  Mineral stones
• * 2.489

  Emerie stones.
• * 2.490

  Flaxe.
• * 2.491

  Indians apt for service. Saffafras. A goodly peo∣ple, and of good condi∣tions.
• * 2.492

  Their apparell.
• * 2.493

  Their women.
• * 2.494

  The goodnesse of the Climat.
• * 2.495

  Their returne.
• * 2.496

  M. Salterne yet liueth neither is his zeale dead to this action. He is now a Minister and hath both by word and writing to mee testified his af∣fection to Vir∣ginia. M. Pring whose Voyage to the East Indies are in the former Tome.
• * 2.497

  April 10. 1603.
• * 2.498

  They discouer many Ilands. Good fishing place.
• * 2.499

  Foxe Iland.
• * 2.500

  Sauage Rocke. People.
• * 2.501

  Great Gulfe.
• * 2.502

  Whitson Bay. M. Aldworth.
• * 2.503

  The people visit them.
• * 2.504

  The Sauages take great de∣light in mus〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 2.505

  Dances.
• * 2.506

  Weapons.
• * 2.507

  The great vse of Mastiues.
• * 2.508

  Ornaments.
• * 2.509

  The fashion of their Boats.
• * 2.510

  Excellent sweet Rozen and Turpentine.
• * 2.511

  Their Garden•• Corne and plants.
• * 2.512

  Barke sent home.
• * 2.513

  Danger of the Sauages.
• * 2.514

  They trade a•• Santa Lucia.
• * 2.515

  Dominica.
• * 2.516

  Meuis.
• * 2.517

  Great Tor∣toyse.
• * 2.518

  Lignum vitae.
• * 2.519

  S. Christopher.
• * 2.520

  Abundance of Tortoyses.
• * 2.521

  They disem. boke.
• * 2.522

  The Westerne winds begin.
• * 2.523

  Poore Iohn.
• * 2.524

  Ground in 30. fathomes.
• * 2.525

  An Headland.
• * 2.526

  The mouth of the Chesepian Bay.
• * 2.527

  They departed Eastward from the mouth of the Chesepioc Bay. A shew of en∣trance of a Ri∣uer.
• * 2.528

  Captaine Gil∣bert and foure more slaine by the Indians.
• * 2.529

  March. Easter day wee put to See.
• * 2.530

  Sounding wee found ground.
• * 2.531

  May 14. Land descried.
• * 2.532

  A dangerous place of rocks and shoalds.
• * 2.533

  Latitude 41. degrees and an hal••e.
• * 2.534

  Sea-charts false.
• * 2.535

  Land descried. Saturday wee made the land.
• * 2.536

  Our Captaine named this S. Georges Iland.
• * 2.537

  Great plenty of fish.
• * 2.538

  Wee descried the M••ine and Mountaines.
• * 2.539

  Vpon Wait∣sunday wee came into an excellent Har∣bour.
• * 2.540

  Pentecost Har∣bour.
• * 2.541

  Clay.
• * 2.542

  Our Pinnace Lanched.
• * 2.543

  Varietie of fishes.
• * 2.544

  Wee fished.
• * 2.545

  The fruits of the Ilands.
• * 2.546

  Trees.
• * 2.547

  Turpentine plentifull, for Tarre and Pitch.
• * 2.548

  Pearle.
• * 2.549

  Their shape of body.
• * 2.550

  Their cloa∣thing.
• * 2.551

  Very thankful.
• * 2.552

  Of good ca∣pacity and vn∣derstanding.
• * 2.553

  Their Canoa•• very artificiall.
• * 2.554

  Trifles left on shoare.
• * 2.555

  Wee traded with the Saua∣ges.
• * 2.556

  They wondred at the effect of the Loadstone
• * 2.557

  Their Bowes and Arrowe••.
• * 2.558

  Darts.
• * 2.559

  Tobacco ex∣cellent the Sa∣uages gaue vs.
• * 2.560

  We saw thei•• Women.
• * 2.561

  We brought them home a∣gaine.
• * 2.562

  Ceremonies of the Sauages Idolatry.
• * 2.563

  They lye with their wiues se∣cretly.
• * 2.564

  Their Tobac∣co Pipe.
• * 2.565

  They gaue vs Tobacco in a Pipe of a Lob∣sters Claw.
• * 2.566

  Master Booles lay a shoare, and Griffin.
• * 2.567

  Their Cànoa out-rowed vs.
• * 2.568

  283. Sauages assembled in a trecherie.
• * 2.569

  Disposition of Sauages in the Virginian Ma∣sacre, & other their dealings found too true.
• * 2.570

  We caught fiue Sauages, two Canoas, and Bowes, Arrows
• * 2.571

  Our Captaine sounded a∣bout the Ilands Rockes and mouth of the Harbour.
• * 2.572

  Two Canoas came aboord vs from the Bashabe.
• * 2.573

  Their Orna∣ments of gal∣lantnesse.
• * 2.574

  We went vp into the Riuer with our Ship.
• * 2.575

  The profits of the Riuer. Saint Georges Iland the Land fall.
• * 2.576

  The breadth of the Riuer for almost 40. miles.
• * 2.577

  The ground is Oaze & Clay.
• * 2.578

  What it flow∣eth. Docks to graue and Carine Ships.
• * 2.579

  Salmons and store of fish.
• * 2.580

  The Land.
• * 2.581

  The Wood.
• * 2.582

  This Riuer preferred be∣fore Orienoque.
• * 2.583

  Before the Ri∣uer Rio Grande.
• * 2.584

  Nescio qua Na∣tale solum, &c.
• * 2.585

  We marched vp into the land aboue three miles.
• * 2.586

  Good Pasture.
• * 2.587

  Timber trees vpon the Hils.
• * 2.588

  Deere. Hares. Hogges.
• * 2.589

  A plot of the Sauages.
• * 2.590

  We searched the Westerne part of the Ri∣uer. We set vp an∣other Crosse. Wee saw no signe that euer Christian had beene here before.
• * 2.591

  Conueniency of transporta∣tion.
• * 2.592

  Salmon and great plenty of fish.
• * 2.593

  We were all loath to forsak this Riuer.
• * 2.594

  The Iland where we wa∣tered is named Insula Sanc〈…〉〈…〉 Crucis, because there wee set our first Crosse
• * 2.595

  Our Capcaine made his per∣fect obserua∣tion on the Rocke. Temperature of climate.
• * 2.596

  A fishy banke.
• * 2.597

  Linscot. c. 97. nine Ilands. W〈…〉〈…〉y called Açores.
• * 2.598

  Tercera.
• * 2.599

  Angra.
• * 2.600

  Angra descried
• * 2.601

  Wines small.
• * 2.602

  Commodities.
• * 2.603

  Fruits.
• * 2.604

  Batatas.
• * 2.605

  ••••••ssas.
• * 2.606

  A roote fit to be wouen.
• * 2.607

  Woad.
• * 2.608

  Canary birds.
• * 2.609

  Winter.
• * 2.610

  Stones.
• * 2.611

  Corne will last but a yeere.
• * 2.612

  Corne buried.
• * 2.613

  G〈…〉〈…〉 O〈…〉〈…〉
• * 2.614

  Called by their names.
• * 2.615

  Brimstone.
• * 2.616

  Hot Springs.
• * 2.617

  Gualua Spring 〈…〉〈…〉ing wood into stone.
• * 2.618

  Cedars com∣mon.
• * 2.619

  Sanguinbo wood. White and yel∣low woods.
• * 2.620

  Teixo a kind of wood as hard as iron.
• * 2.621

  Inhabitants.
• * 2.622

  Souldiers.
• * 2.623

  Strangers.
• * 2.624

  The ayre, a disease.
• * 2.625

  Strong windes.
• * 2.626

  S. Michael.
• * 2.627

  Saint Mary,
• * 2.628

  Gratiosa.
• * 2.629

  Earle of Cum∣berland. S•••• sup. l. 6. c. 1.
• * 2.630

  Saint George.
• * 2.631

  Fayael.
• * 2.632

  Fayael taken taken by Earle Cumberland.
• * 2.633

  Pico.
• * 2.634

  High Hill.
• * 2.635

  Pleasant O∣ranges.
• * 2.636

  C. 98. Flores.
• * 2.637

  Coruo.
• * 2.638

  C. 99.
• * 2.639

  40. Millions, if the number be true.
• * 2.640

  Fiue Millions.
• * 2.641

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.642

  Sir M. Frobisher.
• * 2.643

  1589.
• * 2.644

  Note.
• * 2.645

  1590.
• * 2.646

  280. men die in one ship, in one Voyage, by one mans vanitie.
• * 2.647

  1591.
• * 2.648

  Earthquake most terrible.
• * 2.649

  Prodigies.
• * 2.650

  Sir Richard Greenuile. See Ha••. Tom. 2. This Storie penned by Sir Walter Raleigh. There were but six of these Shippes the Queenes: and Sir Richard Greenuile staid to recouer his men on shore; 93. of his men were sicke. He scorned to flye as the Master counseiled (which had beene better) and thought to made way thorow their squadrons, and made some spring loose till the great∣nesse of the S. Philip of 1500 tuns being in the winde of him, becalmed his sailes; so that the Re∣uenge could not feele her sailes nor helme, and was boorded by the S. Philip and foure o∣thers. These were beaten off, and fifteen seuerall Arma∣das assailed her. All her Powder was spent to the last barrell; nor had first aboue 100. sound men to sustaine to the brunt. Yet she endured fifteene houres fight, fifteene Armadas by turne, 800. shot, many entries, 53. sailes of men of warre, and 10000. men to doe this. After all this, Sir R. Greenfield now wounded, commanded [ 60] to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vp the Ship, but the Captaine intreating to the contrary, the Master was sent, vnknowne to Sir R Greenfield, to treat a com∣position with ••••zan the Generall, who yeelded their liues to be saued, and to be sent for England, the better so••t to pay ransome, but free meane time fromprison and Gallie. Almost 1000. of the enemies were slaine in this sight. Thus haue I giuen you the briefe of Sir Walters report also, to make this storie compleate.
• * 2.651

  Great storme.
• * 2.652

  Great hurts.
• * 2.653

  Reuenge reuen∣ged with the losse of aboue 100. other ships of the Spaniards attending her fates: as great a blow as 88.
• * 2.654

  Note.
• * 2.655

  Caiaphas pro∣phesieth. God taketh part wi••h Lu∣therans.
• * 2.656

  So then the gates of hell preuaileth a∣gainst their faith.
• * 2.657

  Two Ships of treasure taken by the English, and 20. others of the Indian Fleete.
• * 2.658

  1592,