Purchas his pilgrimes. part 4 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

VOYAGES TO AND ABOVT THE SOVTHERNE AMERICA, WITH MANY MARINE OBSERVATIONS AND DISCOVR∣SES [ 10] OF THOSE SEAS AND LANDS, BY ENGLISHMEN AND OTHERS. (Book 7)

THE SEAVENTH BOOKE. (Book 7)

REader, I here present thee the exactest Treatise of Brasil which I haue seene written by any man, [ 20] especially in the Historie of the multiplied and diuersified Nations and customes of men; as also in the naturall Historie of Beasts, Serpents, Fowles, Fishes, Trees, Plants, with diuers other remarkeable rarities of those Regions. It was written (it seemeth) by a Portugall Frier (or Iesuite) which had liued thirtie yeares in those parts, from whom (much against his will) the written Booke was taken by one Fran∣ces Cooke of Dartmouth in a U••yage outward bound, for Brasil, An. 1601. who sold the same to Ma∣ster Hacket for twenty shillings; by whose procurement it was translated out of Portugall into English: which translation I haue compared with the written Originall, and in many places supplied defects, amended errours, illustrated with notes, and thus finished and furnished to the publike view. Great losse had the Author of his worke, and it not a little of his name * 1.1, which I should as willingly haue inserted as worthy much honour for his industrie, by which the great and admirable workes of the Creator are [ 30] made knowne; the visible and various testimonies of his inuisible power, and manifold wisedome. Sic vos non vobis. In this and other written tractates the Spaniards and the Portugals haue taken paines, and (which was denied to Spaine and Portugall) England as here entred into their labours, and hath reaped an English haruest of Spanish and Portugall seede. Another Treatise was taken by the said Frances Cooke, written more fairely, but it seemeth with the same hand, part of which I haue added for better knowledge both of the ciuill-vnciuill dealings of the Portugals with the Indians; and of the vn∣christian christianitie in their owne practise and conuersion of the Indians, and that by Iesuiticall testi∣monie. I may well adde this Iesuite to the English Voyages, as being an English prize and captiue.

CHAP. I. [ 40]

A Treatise of Brasil, written by a Portugall which had long liued there.

§. I.

Of the beginning and originall of the Indians of Brasil, and of their Customes, Religions, and Ceremonies. [ 50]

IT seemeth that this people hath no knowledge of the beginning and creation of the world, but of the deluge it seemeth they * 1.2 haue some notice: but as they haue no writings nor characters such notice is obscure and confused; for they say that the waters drowned all men, and that one onely escaped vpon a Ianipata with a sister of his that was with childe, and that from these two they haue their beginning, and from thence began their multi∣plying and increase. * 1.3 [ 60]

This people hath not any knowledge of their Creator, no•• of any thing of heauen, nor if there be any paine nor glory after this life, therefore they haue no oderation nor ceremonies, nor diuine worship, but they know that they haue soules, and that they dye not; and they say that

the soules are conuerted into diuels, and that after their death they goe to certaine fields where are many figge trees along by a faire Riuer, and all together doe nothing but daunce. This is the cause why they are g••tatly afraid of the Diuell, whom they call Curupira, Taguain, Pigtangna, Mach∣chera, A••hanga: and their feare of him is so great, that onely with the imagination of him they dye as many times already it hath happened: they worship it not, not any other creature, nei∣ther haue they Idols of any sort, onely some old men doe say that in some waies they haue cer∣taine Posts where they offer him some things, for the feare they haue of them, and because they would not die. Sometimes the Diuels appeare vnto them, though very seldome, and among them * 1.4 are few possessed.

Th••y vse some witchcrafts, and there are some Witches, not because they beleeue in them, or [ 10] doe worship them, but onely they giue themselues to the Chupar in their sicknesses, seeming to them that they receiued their health but not because they doe think they haue any diuinity, and they do it rather to receiue health, then for any other respect. There arise sometimes among them some Witches whom they call Caraiba, and most commonly it is some Indian of a bad life; this doth some witchcrafts and strange things to nature, as to show that he raiseth some to life, that * 1.5 makes himselfe dead, and with these and other l••ke things he carrieth all the Countrie after him, deceiuing and saying to them that they shall not cultiuate, nor plant their Pulse and their proui∣sion, neither digge nor labour, &c. for with his comming the time is come that the Mattockes themselues shall digge of their owne accord, and the Beasts goe to the fields and bring the pro∣uision, and with these falshoods he leades them so deluded and inchanted, that not looking to [ 20] their liues, and to get their foode, they die for hunger, and these companies are diminished by lit∣and little, till the Caraiba remaineth alone, or is murthered by them.

They haue no proper name to expresse God, but they say the Tupan is the thunder and light∣ning, * 1.6 and that this is he that gaue them the Mattocks and the foode, and because they haue no other name more naturall and proper, they call God Tupan.

There are mariages among them, but there is a great doubt whether they be true, as well be∣cause * 1.7 they haue many wiues, as for the easie forsaking them for whatsoeuer quarrell, anger, or any other disgrace hapning among them; but either true or not, among them they were made in this sort. No yong man did vse to marrie before he had taken an emenie, and he continued a virgin till he tooke and slew him, holding first his feasts for the space of two or three yeares, the [ 30] woman in like sort did not marrie nor know man, till she had her tearmes, after the which they made her great feasts; at the time of the deliuerie of the woman they made great drinkings. And the feast being ended, the marriage remained perfect giuing a net cleane washt; and after they were said, the father tooke a wedge of stone and did cut vpon a post or stake, then they say hee * 1.8 did cut the tailes from the grandchildren, and therefore they were borne without them, and af∣ter they were married they began to drinke, for vntill then their fathers did not suffer them, teaching them that they should drinke heedefully, and should be considerate and wise in their * 1.9 speaking, that the wine might doe them no hurt, and that they should not speake bad things, and then with a vessell the old ancient men did giue him the first wine, and hold his head with their hands that he might not vomit, for if he doth vomit they hold to themselues that he would [ 40] not be valiant.

This people eateth at all times by night and by day, and euerie houre and moment, and when * 1.10 they haue any meate they keepe it no long time, for they haue no prouidence for the future, but presently they eate all that they haue, and deuide it among their friends, in sort that of one fish that they haue they diuide it to all, and they hold for a great honour and gallantrie to be libe∣rall, and thereby they get great fame and honour: and they hold for the greatest iniurie that * 1.11 they can doe them, to hold them for niggards, or call them so: and when they haue nothing to eate, they are very patient in hunger and thirst. They haue no flesh or fish daies, they eate all manner of flesh, euen of vncleane creatures, as Snakes, Toades, Rats, and such like wormes; they eate also all manner of Fruites, sauing some that are poisonous. This sustenance is ordinari∣ly [ 50] of that which the Countrie yeeldeth without husbandrie, as wilde fowle, flesh and fruites, * 1.12 but they haue a certaine kinde of foode of a good substance, and healthfull, and many other pul∣ses, whereof hereafter shall mention be made. Ordinarily they drinke not while they eate, but after meate they drinke water or wine which they make of many kindes of fruites, and rootes, as hereafter shall be said, of the which they drinke without measure or order, euen till * 1.13 they fall downe.

They haue some particular daies wherein they make great feasts, and all ends in drinking, and they last two or three daies, in the which they eate not but onely drinke, and there be men that * 1.14 emptie a whole great vessell of wine. That these drinkings may be more festiuall, some goe a∣bout singing from house to house, calling and inuiting all they finde for to drinke and be merrie. [ 60] These dancings last with musicke all the time of the drinking, in the which they sleepe not, but passe it all in drinking, and when they are drunke they play many disorders, and they breake * 1.15 one anothers head, and take other mens wiues, &c. They giue no thankes before nor after meate * 1.16 to God, nor wash their hands before meate, and after meate they wipe them at their haire, on

their body, or a poste. They haue no towels nor tables, they eate fitting, or lying in their nets, or cowring on the ground: they eate their meate throwing it with their hand into the mouth; and I omit many other particularities that they haue in their eating and drinking, because these are the principall.

All this people haue for their beds certaine nets made of Cotten wooll, and they sleepe in * 1.17 them hanging in the ayre. These they make some wrought, others of sundry colours and as they remaine in the ayre, and haue no other couering or cloathes al waies in summer and winter, they haue fire vnder them: they rise not very early, and goe to bed by times, and in the mornings there is one chiefe man in their houses, * 1.18 that lying in his net doth preach vnto them for the space of an houre, how they are to goe to labour as their forefathers did, and he appointeth them the time, telling them what they are to doe; and after he is vp continueth his preaching, running [ 10] through the Towne. They tooke this custome from a bird which is like a Hawke, which sing∣eth in the morning, and they call it the King and Lord of the other Birds; and they say that euen as that Bird doth sing in the mornings to be heard of the rest, so the principall should make those preachings and speeches to be heard of theirs.

All of them goe naked as well men as women, and haue no kinde of apparnll, and are nothing * 1.19 ashamed: rather it seemeth that they are in the state of innocencie touching this behalfe by the great honestie and modestie they doe keepe among themselues; and when any man speaketh * 1.20 with a woman, he turneth his backe to her. But to make themselues gallant they vse diuers in∣uentions, painting their bodies with the iuice of a certaine fruite wherewith they remaine black, [ 20] making in their bodies many white stroakes, after the fashion of round hose, and other kinde of * 1.21 garments. They enplume themselues also, making Diadems and Bracelets, and other very fine inuentions, they esteeme very much all manner of fine Feathers: they let no haire grow in the parts of their body, but they pull them out, onely the head excepted, which they cut in many fashions, for some weare them long with a halfe Moone shauen before, and they say they tooke * 1.22 this vse from Saint Thomas, and it seemeth that they had some notice of him, though confused∣ly; others make certaine kinde of crownes and circles that they seeme Friers: the women all doe weare long haire, and ordinarily blacke, and the haire of the one and of the other is smooth: when they are angrie they let their haire grow long: and the women when they mourne, doe * 1.23 cut their haire, and also when their husbands goe a farre iourney, in this they show their loue and loyaltie to them: the vanitie they haue in their poling is so much, that by the head the Na∣tions [ 30] are knowne.

Now alreadie some doe weare apparell as well men as women, but they esteeme it so little * 1.24 that they weare it rather for fashion then for honesties sake, and because they are commanded to weare it; as it is well seene by some, that sometimes come abroad with certaine garments no further then the nauell, without any other thing, and others onely with a cap on their heads; and leaue the other garments at home: the women make great accompt of Laces and Combes.

These Indians doe vse certaine Cottages, or houses of timber, couered with Palme tree leaues, * 1.25 and are in length some of two hundred and three hundred spans, and they haue two or three [ 40] doores, verie little and low. They shew their valour in seeking timber, and verie great posts, and of great continnance, and there be houses that haue fiftie, sixtie or seuentie roomes of twentie or fiue and twentie quarters long, and as manie quarters long, and as many in breadth. In this house dwelleth one principall man or more, whom all the rest doe obey, and ordinarily they are kinf∣men. In euery roome of these dwelleth a houshold with their children and family without any repartition betweene the one and the other, and to enter in one of these houses is to enter into a laberinth, for euery roome hath his fire, and their nets hanging, and their ••stuffe, so that comming in, all that they haue is in sight, and some house hath two hundred persons and more.

The women when they are brought to bed (they are deliuered on the ground) doe not * 1.26 take vp the childe, but the Father taketh it vp, or some other person whom they take for their Gossip, and in friendship they are as the Gossips among the Christians. The Father doth cut the Nauell string with his teeth, or with two stones knocking the one with the other, and then [ 50] they set themselues to fasting vntill the Nauell string falleth off, which is ordinarily to the eight day, and till it doth fall they leaue not their fasting, when it falleth, if it bee a man childe he maketh it a Bow with Arrowes, and tieth it at the end of the Net, and at the other end manie handfuls of hearbes which are the enemies which his sonne shall kill and eate. These ceremonies being ended, they make drinkings where with they all are merrie. The women when they are deliuered, doe presently goe and wash themselues in the Riuers, and they giue the childe sucke ordinarily a yeere and an halfe, not giuing it any other thing to eate. They loue their children extraordinarily, and beare them in certaine pieces of Nets which they call Tupiya, and carrie * 1.27 them to their plowings and to all kind of labours on their backes, through cold and heate, and [ 60] they carrie them like the G••p••ies stradling about their hips; they giue them no manner of corre∣ction, that their children may not crie. They haue manie Southsayings, for they put Cotton∣clothes; vpon their head, birds teathers, and stickes: they lay them one the palmes of their

hands, and rocke them by them that they may grow. They esteeme more to doe good to their children then to themselues, and now they esteeme and loue the Fathers verie much because they * 1.28 bring them vp, they teach them to reade, write, and cipher, and singing, and to play on an Instru∣ment, a thing which they doe much esteeme.

When any guest doth come to the house, the honour and entertainment they make him is to * 1.29 bewaile him; Now the guest being come into the house they set him in the Net, & after he is set without speaking any word to him the wife and the daughters, and the other friends do sit them downe round about him with their haire loose, touching with the hand the partie: they all be∣ginne to weepe with a high voice and great abundance of teares, and there they tell in a versified prose all things that haue happened since they saw one another to that houre, and manie other [ 10] which they inuent, and the troubles that the guest hath suffered in his journie; and all things else that may prouoke pitie and teares. The guest all this time speaketh not one word, but after they haue bewailed him a good while thy wipe the teares, and remaine so quiet, so modest, so pleasant and merrie that it seemeth they neuer wept, and then they salute one another, and giue their Ereiupe, or welcome, and they bring him meate, &c. And after these Ceremonies ended, the guest telleth wherefore he commeth. The men likewise bewaile one another, but it is in some weightie matters, as deaths, misfortunes in wars, &c. They hold it for a great courtesie to entertaine all men and to giue them all things necessarie for their sustenance, and some gifts, as Bowes, Arrowes, Birds, Feathers, and other things according to their pouertie without any kind of reward.

These Gentiles doe accustome to drinke the smoake of Petigma, by another name the holy herbe, * 1.30 [ 20] this they drie and make of a Palme-tree leafe a Coffin like the joint of a Cane, and filled with this herbe, they fire it at the small end putting the biggest in their mouth, and so they sucke or drinke that smoake, and they hold it for a great daintie and fauour, and lying in their Nets they spend part of the daies and of the nights: to some it doth much hurt, and maketh them dizzie and drunke, to others it doth much good, and maketh them voide a great deale of fiegme at the mouth. The women also doe drinke it, but they are such as are old and sickly, for it is verie me∣dicinable vnto them, especially for the cough, the head-ache, and the Disease of the stomacke, and hence come a great manie of the Portugals to drinke it, and haue taken it for a vice or for idlenesse, imitating the Indians to spend daies and nights about it.

This Nation hath no monie where with to satisfie the seruices that are done to them, but they * 1.31 [ 30] liue with bartering one thing for another, and principally in change of wine they doe all that they will, and so when they haue any businesse, they make wines, and aduising the Neigh∣bours, and assembling all the Towne, they desire them to helpe them in their Husbandrie, which they doe with a good will; and labouring till tenne of the clocke they returne home againe to drinke their wines; and if that day their tillage be not ended, they make other wines, and so goe another day till ten of the clocke to make an end of their businesse. And in this sort doe the wise White men or Portugals vse, that know the vse and fashions of the Indians, and how much they do for wine; they make wines for them, and call them to their Husbandries, and to their Sugar∣canes, and with this they pay them. They vse also ordinarily to change some things for white beades, which are made of Wilkes: and in change of some Nosegaies they giue euen their wiues; [ 40] and this is the ransome wherewith they vse ordinarily, that is, the White men, for to buy of them the slaues, as well men as women that they haue for to eate.

These Indians vse ordinarily, chiefly in their Feasts, Collars which they make of Wilkes, Diademes of Feathers, and certaine Brooches, (that is, stones which they put in their lower * 1.32 lip) some greene, white, some blue, and verie fine, and are like Emeralds, or Christall, they are round, and some of them so long that they reach to their breasts, and it is ordinarily among the * 1.33 great and principall men, to haue them of a span, or more in lenght. They vse also white Brace∣lets of the same Wilkes, and they put in their eares certain white stones of a span long and more; and these and other like are the ornaments wherewith they adorne themselues in their Feasts, whether they be of slaughters of the enemies: or of wines; and these are the Riches that they [ 50] esteeme aboue all that they possesse.

These Indians doe vse to intreate their Wiues well, they neuer strike them, neither quarrell * 1.34 with them, except in the time of their drinkings, for then ordinarily they reuenge themselues of them, giuing for an excuse afterward, it was the wine they had drunke, and then they are friends as before, and the hatreds betweene them last not long. They goe alwaies together, and when they goe abroad, the woman commeth behind and the man before, that if any ambush bee laid, the wife may not fall into it, and may haue time to flie while the Husband fighteth with his ad∣uersarie, &c. But at their returning home from their fields, or from any other place the wife commeth before, and the Husband behinde, that if any mischance shall happen, the wife may flie home, and the Husband fight with the enemies, or any other thing. But in a safe Countrie [ 60] and within the Townes the wife alwaies goeth before, and the Husband behind, for they are ve∣rie jealous, and will haue alwaies their wife in sight. * 1.35

Though they be melancholike they haue their Games, especially the children verie diuers and pleasant, in the which they counterfeit manie kinds of Birds, and with so great feast and

order as may be. And the children are joyfull and giuen to play, and they play with such quiet∣nesse and friendship, that among them is no bad name heard, or any scurrilitie, or calling any nickname one to anothers Father or Mother; and seldome doe they disagree when they play, nor disorder themselues for any thing, and verie seldome doe they strike or fight one with ano∣ther. The Fathers doe teach them from their cradles to dance and sing, and their dancings are not sundrie changes, but a continuall stamping with the feet standing still, or going round about, or stirring their bodie or their head, and they doe it all by such compasse, and pleasantnesse as can be desired, at the sound of a Timbrell made after the fashion of those which the children vse in * 1.36 Spaine with manie smal stones within or certaine seeds whereof they make also verie good beads: and so they sing dancing altogether, for they doe not one thing without the other, in such com∣passe [ 10] and order that sometime an 100. men dancing and singing together in a row one behind the other doe end all at one stroke, as if they were altogether in one place. The singers aswell men as women are much esteemed among them, in so much that if they take an enemie a good singer, and an Inuenter of Verses, they therefore spare his life, and doe not eate him nor his children. The women doe dance together with the men, and make many gambolls and gestures with * 1.37 their armes and bodies, especially when they dance alone. They keepe among themselues differencies of voices in their Consort: and ordinarily the women doe sing the Treble, Coun∣ter, and Tenours.

They are verie wicked, especially in weeping for the dead, for when any one dieth, the Kin∣dred * 1.38 doe cast themselues vpon him in the Net, and so suddenly that sometimes they choake him [ 20] before he dieth, seeming to them he is dead. And those that cannot cast themselues with the Coarse in the Net doe cast themselues on the ground with such falls and knockes that it seemeth * 1.39 a Miracle they doe not end their liues with the dead, and of these falls, and mournings they re∣maine so feeble that sometime they die. When they mourne they speak manie pittiful and dolo∣rous words, & if he die at euening all night long they weep with a high voice, that it is a wonder they are not wearie. For these mournings they cal the Neighbours, & kinsmen, and if he be one of the principall, all the Towne doth meete to mourne, and in this they haue also their points of honour, and they curse with plagues those which weepe not, saying, that they shall not bee mourned for. After he is dead they wash him and paint him verie brauely, as they paint their e∣nemies: and after this they couer him with Cotton Yarne that nothing is seene of him, and put [ 30] a couering ouer his face, and sitting they put him in a great tinnage or vessell that they haue vn∣der the Earth for that purpose, and doe couer it in such manner that no Earth may come to him, and the vessel they couer with earth, making him a house where euerie day they carrie him meat. For they say that when he is wearie with dancing he commeth thether to eate, and so they goe for a certaine time to bewaile him euerie day all his Kindred, with him they burie all his Iewels or Brooches, that none may see them and grieue thereat. But if the dead had any Peece, as a Sword, &c. that had beene giuen him, it returneth to him that gaue it, and hee taketh it againe wheresoeuer he findeth it; therefore they say that when one dieth he loseth all the right of that which was giuen him. After the Coarse is buried, the Kinsmen are in continuall weeping night and day, the one beginning as the other endeth, they eate not but by night, they hang their [ 40] Nets neere to the roofes, and the women after twentie daies doe cut their haire, and this lamen∣ting lasteth a whole Moone, the which being ended they make great Wines or Drinkings to put away their mourning. The men doe cut their haire, and the women doe paint themselues with blacke, and these Ceremonies and others being ended, they beginne to communicate the one with the other, aswell the men as the women. After their companions are dead, some neuer doe marrie againe nor enter into the Feast of Wines, neither paint themselues with blacke; but is verie seldome among them, because they are much giuen to women, and cannot liue with∣out them.

Before they had any knowledge of the Portugals they vsed tooles and instruments of stone, * 1.40 bone, wood, Canes, and teeth of Beasts, &c. and with these they hewed downe great Woods, with wedges of stones, helping themselues with fire; and they digged also the ground with cer∣taine [ 50] sharpe stakes, and they made their Brooches, Beades of Wilkes, Bowes, and Arrowes, as well as now hauing Instruments of Iron, but they spent a long time in making of whatsoeuer thing; wherefore they esteeme the Iron verie much, for the facilitie or ease which they finde in making their things with it. And this is the reason wherefore they are glad of Commerce with the Portugals or white men.

The weapons of this people ordinarily are Bowes and Arrowes, and they boast themselues of * 1.41 them, and they make them of verie good wood, and verie faire interlaid with Palme-tree of sun∣drie colours, they die their strings greene, or red, and they make their Arrowes verie faire, see∣king for them the fairest feathers they can find. They make these Arrowes of sundrie Canes, [ 60] and fasten in their points the teeth of beasts, or certaine verie hard Rushes, or sharpe stickes with many snagges, and many times they empoison them with herbes. These Arrowes to ones sight seeme a thing of mockerie, but are verie cruell Weapons, and pierce quilted breast-plates or cu∣rates; and striking in a sticke they cleaue it asunder, and sometimes happen to goe through a man * 1.42

and sticke on the ground. They doe exercise themselues in these Weapons verie young, and are great Archers, and so certaine that no Bird can escape them be it neuer so little, or any vermine * 1.43 of the Woods; and there is no more but if they will shoot an Arrow through the eie of a bird or a man; or hit any other thing be it neuer so small, they doe it with great facilitie and with their owne safetie; and for this they are greatly feared. They are stout also and fierce, and dreadfull to others.

They are as vermine of the Woods, for they goe a hunting into the Countrie naked and bare∣foot, without any feare. They haue a maruellous sight, for at a league off they see any thing, and * 1.44 in the same manner they heare. They guesse verie right ruling themselues by the Sunne, they go to all parts they list, 200. or 300. leagues through thicke Woods, and misse not one ••ot, they tra∣uell * 1.45 [ 10] much, and alwaies runnig a gallop, especially with some charges, no Horse is able to hold out with them. They are great fishers and swimmers, they feare no Sea nor waues, continue a * 1.46 day and a night swimming, and the same they doe rowing, and sometimes without meate. They vse also for Weapons Swords of wood, and interlay the ends of them with Palme-tree of sun∣drie colours, and set Plumes on them of diuers colours, chiefly in their feasts and slaughters. And * 1.47 these Swords are verie cruell, for they make no wound, but bruise and breake a mans head with∣out hauing any remedie of cure.

§. II. [ 20]

Of their manner of killing and eating of humane flesh: and of their creating Gentlemen.

OF all the honours and pleasures of this life, none is so great for this people as to kill and get a name on the heads of their Aduersaries, neither are there a∣mong them any Feasts, comparable to those which they make at the death of those which they kill with great Ceremonies, which they doe in this man∣ner. Those which beeing taken in the Warre are appointed to die, came presently from thence with a token, which is a small coard about his necke; and if hee bee a man that may [ 30] runnne away, he hath one hand tied to his necke vnder his chinne. And before they come to the Townes that are by the way, they paint their eie-lids, eie-browes, and their beards, polling them after fashion, and enpluming them with Yellow feathers so well placed that yee can see no haire; which makes them so gallant as the Spaniards in their rich Apparell, and so they goe sha∣ring their victorie whereby soeuer they passe. When they come to their owne Countrie, the women came out to receiue them, showting altogether and striking themselues on the mouth which is a common entertainment among them; without any other vexation, or imprisonment, except that they weare about the necke a round collar like a coard of a good bignesse, as hard as a sticke. In this collar they beginne to weaue a great manie fathomes of small coard as long as a womans haire, fastened aboue with a certaine knot, and loose vnderneath, and so it goeth from [ 40] eare to eare behind the backe, horrible to looke on. And if it be on the Frontier where hee may runne away, they put him in stead of shackels below the knees a string of threed twisted verie hard, which is too weake for any Knife; but that they haue Keepers that goe not one moment from him, whether he goe about the houses, to the Woods, or by the Fields; for he hath libertie for all this, and commonly the keeper is one that is giuen him for wife, and also for to dresse his meate, with the which if his Masters doe giue him no meate as the custome is, he taketh a Bow * 1.48 and Arrowes and shooteth at the first Henne he seeth, or at a Ducke be it whosesoeuer, and none doth contradict him, and so he waxeth fat, neither breaking therefore his sleepe, his laughter, or his pleasure as the rest, and some are as contented though they are to bee eaten, that in no wise they will consent to be ransomed for to serue; for they say that it is a wretched thing to die, and [ 50] lie stinking, and eaten with Wormes. These women are commonly faithfull in their charge, for they receiue honour thereby, and therefore manie times they are young, and daughters of the chiefe, especially if their brothers are to be the slaiers. For those which haue not this interest manie times, affect them in such manner, that not onely they giue them leaue to runne away, but they also doe goe with them, neither haue the women any other punishment if they bee taken againe, then a few strokes, and sometimes they are eaten of those same to whom they gaue life.

The time when he shall die being determined, the women beginne to make vessels, that is, * 1.49 Bowles, Traies, and Pots for the Wines, so great that euerie one will hold a pipe. This being readie, as well the principall as the rest doe send their Messengers to inuite others from sundrie places against such a Moone about tenne or twelue leagues compasse or more, for the which none [ 60] doth excuse himselfe. The guests doe come in Mogotes or troupes with their wiues and chil∣dren, and all of them doe enter the Towne with Dancers; and all the time the people are a ga∣thering together, there is Wine for the guests, for without it all the other entertainments are nothing worth. The people being assembled, the Feasts beginne some daies before according to

the number, and certaine ceremonies preceding, and euerie one lasteth a day. First, they haue for this certaine coards of Cotton-wooll of a reasonable bignesse, not twisted but wouen of a verie faire worke, it is a thing among them of great esteeme, and none hath them but some principall men, and according to their finenesse and workmanship, and their taking pleasure, it is to be be∣leeued that they are not made in a yeere These are alwaies verie safely kept, and are carried to the place with great feast & great noise in certain traies where a Master of these things doth tie two knots within from that which one of the points do run in such maner that in the midst there re∣maineth a noose. These knots are so fine that few are found that can make them, for some of them haue ten casts about, fiue crossing ouer the other fiue, as if one should crosse the fingers of the right hand ouer the left, & after they die them with thewater of a white clay like lime, & let them drie. [ 10]

On the second day they bring a great number of burdens of wilde Canes or Reeds as long as Lances or more, and at night they set them on fire in a round heape, the points vpward leaning one to another, and so they make a great and faire high bone-fire, round about the which are men and women dancing with sheaues of arrowes at their backe, but they goe very swiftly; for hee that is to die, which seeth them better then hee is seene because of the fire, catcheth hold of all that he can, and catcheth them, and they beeing many hee misseth few times. At the third day they make a dance of men and women, all of them with pipes of Canes, and all of them at once doe stampe on the ground, now with one foot then with the other, all together without missing a stroke; and obseruing the same measure they play on their pipes, and there is no other singing nor speaking; they being many and the Canes some bigger and some smaller, besides the resoun∣ding * 1.50 [ 20] in the Woods, they make a Hel-seeming harmonie, but they abide it as if it were the swee∣test Musicke in the World. And these are their feasts, besides others which they intermingle with many graces and soothsayings.

On the fourth day, they carrie the captiued enemie as soone as the day breakes to wash him at a Riuer, and they while the time that when they doe returne it may be broad day light, comming i〈…〉〈…〉o the Towne, the Prisoner goeth presently with a watchfull eye, for hee knoweth not out of what house or doore a valiant man is to come out to him, that is to catch hold of him behind. For as all their happinesse doth consist in dying valiantly, and the ceremonie that followeth, is now the neerest vnto death, as he which is to lay hold of him, doth shew his forces in ouer-comming him himselfe alone without any other helpe, so he will shew courage and force in resisting him: * 1.51 [ 30] and sometimes he doth it in such sort, that the first standing aside as wearied in wrestling, ano∣ther succeedeth him which holds himselfe for a valianter-man, the which sometimes remaine well bedusted, & more they would remaine if at this time the captiue had not his cord or shakels.

This wrestling being ended, he on foot blowing and puffing with rage and wearinesse, with the other that hold him fast, there commeth forth a troope of Nymphes which doe bring a great new painted bowle, and in it the cords rolled vp, and very white, and this present being set at * 1.52 the feet of the captiue, a cunning old woman in these matters, and Mistris of the troope begin∣neth to tune a Song, whom the other doe helpe, the Dittie is according to the ceremonie. And while they sing, the men take the cords and the nooze being put about his necke, they giue it an∣other knot neere to the other great ones, that it may not lose againe; and hauing made of euery [ 40] end a coyle, they put them on the arme of the woman which alwaies goeth after him with this weight, and if the weight be great because the cords are great and long, they giue her another to carrie one of the coyles, and if he before was terrible with the coller, he is more now with those two knots so bigge behind about his necke, and therefore one of the verses of the Song saith, Wee are those that make the necke of the bird to stretch, although after other ceremonies, they say to him in another foote, If thou hadst beene a Parrot annoying vs, thou wouldest haue fled.

At this time the vessels of wine are set in a rowe, in the middest of a great house, and the house (hauing no partitions though it bee of twentie or thirtie fathome in length) it is full of people; and when they begin to drinke it is a Labyrinth, or a Hell to see and heare them. For those which dance and sing doe continue with great feruentnesse all the daies and nights that the wines doe * 1.53 last. For this being the proper feast of the slaughters, in the drinking of the wines are many particularities, which last long, and they make water at euery stop; and so they continue day and [ 50] night; they sing, dance, drinke, and speake telling in whoopes through all the house of warres, and acts that they did; and as euery one will be heard in his Historie, euery one doth speake stri∣uing to bee lowdest, beside other noises, without any intermission, no not a quarter of an houre. That morning in which they begin to drinke, they paint the captiue by a particular way that they haue for that designe, in this sort, his face being cleane, and all the feathers he hath brought forth, they anoint him with the Milke of a certaine tree that cleaueth very fast, and they cast * 1.54 vpon it the powder of certaine egge-shels of a certaine wild bird, and vpon this they paint him with black very faire pictures, and all his bodie to the sole of his foote, and sticke him all with feathers which they haue alreadie cut for that purpose and died redde, and that maketh him to [ 60] seeme halfe as bigge againe, and touching his face it maketh it seeme as much greater, and the eies so much the smaller, that he remaineth an horrible visage. And in the same manner that they haue painted his face, they adorn the Sword which is of wood, in manner of a Ferula or Palmer,

but that the head is not so round, but almost three square, and the sides doe almost end in an edge, and the shaft of it which may bee of seuen or eight spans is not altogether round. It hath at the * 1.55 head about foure fingers broad, and commeth still narrowing vnto the end where it hath certaine pendants, or little bels of diuers coloured feathers, it is a gallant thing and of great esteeme a∣mong them, they call it Iugapenambin, that is, eares of the Sword. The last day of the wines they make in the midst of the place cabins of Palme-boughs, as many as they are that shall die, and in that they lodge, without entring any more, any house, and all the day and the night hee is well serued with feasts more then with meate, for they gine him no other foode but a fruite that hath the sauour of Nuts, that the next day he may not haue much bloud.

The fifth day in the morning at seuen of the clocke, little more or lesse his woman doth there * 1.56 [ 10] leaue him, and goeth home very sad, and speaking for her farewell some pittifull wordes at the least fainedly. Then they take away his shackels, and passe the cords from his neck to the waste, and standing at the doore of him that must kill him, the slaughterer commeth forth in a dance as white as a Doue, painted with white earth, in a garment which they call a cloke of feathers tied about the breast, vpward like the wings of an Angell, so dancing he goeth round about the place, and commeth making very strange countenances with his eies and bodie, and with his hands he counterfeiteth the Kite that desireth flesh, and with this Deuillishnesse hee commeth to the wretch, which stands with the coard stretched, on both sides hauing one that holdeth him: and the poore wretch if he find wherewith to throw at him, hee doth it with a good will, and many times they giue him wherewith, for many valiant men doe come out to him, so nimble in win∣ding [ 20] their bodie that he cannot hit them. This being ended there commeth an honorable Iudge, or stickler of the new Knight that shall bee, and taking the Sword passeth it many times be∣tweene his legges, putting it now on the one side, now on the other, euen in the same manner that the Pipers dogs doe passe betweene their legges, and after taking it by the midst with both hands he pointeth as with a thrust to the eies of the man which is to die; and this being done he turneth the head of it vpward in the same manner that he is to vse it, and putteth it in the hands of the slaughterer, as apt and fit already with those blessings for to doe his office; they place them∣selues * 1.57 somewhat to the left side, in such sort that he may hit him with the edge of his Sword in the nape of the necke, for he striketh at another place.

And their brutishnesse is so much, that because they feare no other euill but that which is pre∣sent, [ 30] they are as resolute as if it were nothing, as well for to speake, as for to try their courage, for after they take their leaue of life, saying, In a good houre, let me die seeing many are dead, and that besides this his brethren and kinsmen remaine here to reuenge them. And with this the one makes * 1.58 him readie to discharge, and the other to auoid his bodie, which is all the honour of his death. And they are so nimble in this that many times it is high daies before they are able to kill them, for when he sees the weapon in the aire, sometimes hee drawes his head aside, sometime hee de∣clines his bodie; and in this they are so doughtie, that if those that hold the points of the coards doe gird him hard (as they doe when the slaughterer is slow or weake) hee puls so hard that hee brings them to him, and makes them to slacken in despight, hauing one eie on them another on the Sword, without any standing still: and as the killer may not deceiue them with an offer, and [ 40] not strike vnder paine of receiuing a fillip, they doe foresee their stroke in such sort that come it neuer so low in a trise they stoope, and lie so flat that it is a wonder to see; and no lesse is the ta∣king of the Sword, holding the arme in such sort that doing him no hurt, they pul it downe ioint∣ly with themselues, and they put it vnder the arme pulling by the killer; wherein if they did not helpe the other would dispatch him; for they haue in this actson so many sooth-sayings that for to kill a child of fiue yeere old, they goe so prepared as for to kill some Giant. And with these helpes and incouragements so many times hee striketh till hee hitteth and that is enough, for as∣soone as he is downe he giueth him so many blowes till he batters his head (though one man was seene that had it so hard that they could neuer breake it, for as they goe bare-head, they haue * 1.59 them so hard that ours in comparison of theirs are like a Pompion, and when they will injurie [ 50] any White man, they call him soft-head.)

If this which they kill falleth on his backe, and not on his belly they hold it for an euill lucke and prognostication that the killer shall die, and although he falleth vpon his belly, they haue many ceremonies, which if they be not kept they hold that the killer cannot liue, and many of them are so painfull that if any one did suffer their troubles for Gods sake, they would bee ac∣counted meritorious, as hereafter shall be said, The poore wretch beeing dead they carrie him to a bone-fire that they haue readie for the same, and bringing the bodie neere the fire, touching him with the hand, flay off a skinne somewhat thicker then the rinde of an Onion, till he remaineth cleaner and whiter then a scalded Pig. Then it is deliuered to the Butcher which maketh a hole beneath the stomacke according to their vse, whereby the children first do put in their hands, and [ 60] pull by the guts vntill the Butcher cutteth where hee listeth, and that which remaineth in the hand of euerie one is his part, and the rest is diuided among the Commons; except some principal pieces which for great honour are giuen to the guests that are the most principall, which they doe carrie well r〈…〉〈…〉i, so that it may not corrupt, and with them afterward in their countries they make new Feasts and drinkings of wine.

The killer hauing ended his office, taking of the cloke of feather, and leauing the Sword hee * 1.60 goeth home, where at the doore the same iudge or stickler that was before with a shooting bow in his hand, that is, one of the points on the lower threshold, the other at the vpper, and pulling by the string as though he would shoote, the killer passeth betweene him so cunningly that hee toucheth in nothing. Assoone as he is passed the other loseth the string making shew that it grieues him to haue missed him whom he shot at, as though this hath vertue to make him swift afterward in the warre, and the enemies to misse him. When he is within he beginnes to runne through all the houses, and the Sisters and Cousins in the same manner before him, saying my Brother is called N. repeating it through all the Townes, and if the Gentleman hath any good thing he that goeth takes it from him till they leaue him nothing. This being ended they [ 10] cast on the ground certaine legges of a certaine Tree, called Pilan. Vpon the which hee stands all that day with so much silence as if he had some astonishment in him, and carrying to present thither the head of the dead, they pull out one of his eies, and with the strings and si∣newes of it they anoint his pulses, and cutting of his mouth whole, they put it on his arme as a Bracelet, and then he layeth him downe in his Net as a sicke man, and certainly hee is sicke for feare, that if he doe not accomplish the Rites perfectly, the soule of the dead will kill him.

Within a few daies they giue him the habit, not in the breast of the Coat which he hath not, but on his owne skin race him all ouer the bodie with the tooth of a Cutta, that is like a Conies tooth, the which as well for their little skill, as because they haue a hard skinne it seemes, that they teare a piece of Parchment, and if he be valiant, they doe not race him with right strekes * 1.61 [ 20] but a Crosse in sort that there remaine certaine very fine workes, and some doe cry and groane with the paine. This being ended they haue smal Cole finely grownd, and the iuice of Broamerape wherewith they rub the cuts ouerthwart, that the put him to great paine and swelling, which is yet a greater torment, while his wounds doe close, which continue some daies, he lyeth still in his Net without speaking any word, not asking any thing, and that he may not break his silence, he hath neere him water, flowre, and a certaine fruit like Almonds which they call Amendnins, for he tasteth neither fish nor flesh those daies.

After he is whole, many daies or moneths being passed, they make a great drinking of wines that hee may put off his mounrning, and cut his haire which vntill then he did not, then hee an∣oints himselfe with blacke, and from thence forward hee remaines enabled to kill without any [ 30] painfull ceremonie being done to him, and he also sheweth himselfe honoured and contented, and with a certaine disdaine, as one that hath honour alreadie, and gets it not a new. And so he doth no more but giue the other a couple of blowes, although the head remaine whole, and he stirring he goeth home, and presently they come and cut off his head. And the Mothers with their chil∣dren about their necke, come to congratulate him, and hansell him for the warre, staining his armes with that bloud. These bee the exploits, honours and vallour whence this people take their names, whereof they boast very much, and they remaine thence forward Abaetes, Muru∣bixaba, Moçacara, which are the names and titles of Gentlemen. And these are the vnhappie * 1.62 Feasts whereon these wretches doe ground their felicitie and glorie, before they haue any know∣ledge of their Creator. [ 40]

§. III.

Of the diuersitie of Nations and a Luguages, and of the Soyle and Climate.

IN all this Prouince are many and sundrie Nations of diuers Languages, but one is the * 1.63 principall which comprehendeth some ten Nations of Indians. These liue on the Sea Coast, and in a great part of the Land, all of one Speech, though they differ in some words. This is that which the Portugals doe vnderstand, it is easie, eloquent, pleasant, and copious; the difficultie of it is in hauing many comparisons, but of the Portugals almost all [ 50] those that came from the Kingdome; and are seated here, and doe communicate with the Indians do know it in a short time, and the children of the Portugals borne here doe speake it better then the Portugall, as well men as women, chiefly in the Captainship of Saint Vincent, and with these ten Nations of Indians haue the Fathers communication, because they know their Language, and they more tame and well inclined. These were, and are the ancient friends of the Portugals, with whose helpe and armes they conquered this Countrie, fighting against their owne kindred, and diuers other Nations very barbarous, and those of this generation were so many that it seemed an * 1.64 impossible thing to extinguish them, but the Portugals haue made such haste that they are almost dead, and they vse such meanes that they disinhabit the Coast, and flie the Land inward, some three hundred, some foure hundred. [ 60]

The first of this Language are called Pitiguaras Lords of Parayba, thirtie leagues from Per∣nambuco, * 1.65 and haue the best Brasill woode, and are great friends to the Frenchmen, and did contract with them vntill now, marrying their Daughters with them, but now in the yeere 1584. Parayba was taken by Iames Flares his Maiesties Generall, driuing out

the Frenchmen; and he left a Fortresse with 100. Souldiers, besides the Portugals which also haue their Captaine and Gouernour one Fructuoso Barbosa, that with the principall men of Per∣nambuco carried an Armie by Land wherewith he ouercame the enemies, for from the Sea those of the Armada fought not.

Neere vnto these liued a great multitude of people which they call Viatan, of these there are * 1.66 are none alreadie, for they being friends with the Pitaguaras, and Kindred, the Portugals made them enemies among themselues, giuing them to be eaten, that by this meanes they might warre against them and hold them for slaues; and finally, hauing a great dearth, the Portugals in stead of releeuing them, tooke them Captiues, and did send ship-loades to bee sold in other places. There was ioyned with this a Magician Portugall Priest, that with his deceits conueighed them [ 10] all to Pernambucò, and so ended this Nation. The Portugals remained without Neighbours to defend them from the Pitiguaras, which vntill now that they were ouercome, persecuted the Portugals setting on a sudden vpon their Corne, Goods, and Sugar-mils, burning, and killing many of the Portugals, because they are verie warlike, but now by the goodnesse of God they are freed from this incumbrance.

Others there be that they call Tupinaba, these inhabit from the Riuer Royall till ye come neere the Illeos, these were also among themselues contrarie, those of the Bay with them of Camam••, * 1.67 and Intrare. Along the Riuer of Saint Francis dwelt another Nation called Caaete; and among these were also contrarieties with them of Pernambuco. * 1.68

From Illeos, or the little Ilands, and Port Secure, vnto the Holy Ghost inhabited another Nati∣on [ 20] called Tupinaquin; these proceeded from those of Pernambuco, and scattered themselues in * 1.69 a Countrie of the Maine, multiplying exceedingly, but now they are but few. These were al∣waies great enemies of the things of God, hardened in their errours, verie reuengefull, and would reuenge themselues as soone as they see their enemies, and louers of many women: of these alreadie are many Christians, and they are firme in the faith.

There is another Nation a kinne to these, which runneth off the Maine from Saint Vincent to Pernambuco, called Tupiguae, these were without number, they doe diminish, for the Portugals doe goe to seeke them to serue themselues with them, and those which escape doe flee verie farre off that they may not be slaues. There is another Nation Neighbour to this called Apigapigtanga, and Muriapigtanga. There is also another Nation contrarie to the Tupinaquins which are called [ 30] Guaracayo, or Itati.

Another Nation dwelleth in the Holy Ghost, called Timim••uo, they were contrarie to the Tu∣pinaquins, but they are now verie few. Another Nation which is called Tamuya inhabitors of the * 1.70 Riuer of Ianuarie, these the Portugals destroyed when they inhabited the Riuer, and of them there be verie few, and some that are in the Maine are called Ararape, another Nation inhabi∣teth * 1.71 beyond Saint Vincent, about eightie leagues, enemies of the Tupinaquins of Saint Vincent, of these there are infinite multitudes, and doe runne along the Sea Coast and in the Maine, vnto the Paraguai which the Castilians doe inhabite, all these Nations abouesaid, though different, and many of them enemies one to another, they haue the Language, and their conuersion is in hand, and they haue a great respect to the Fathers of the company of Iesus, and in the Maine they sigh [ 40] for them, and call them Abare, and Father, desiring they would come to their Countries and conuert them; and such is their reputation that some Portugals of badde consciences doe faine * 1.72 themselues Fathers, apparelling themselues in Gownes, shauing their crownes, and telling them they are Abares, and that they came to seeke them for the Churches of the Fathers which are theirs aswell as ours. Thus they seduce them, and assoone as they come to the Sea, they diuide them among themselues, sell, and marke them, making first a great slaughter of them in the Countrie, robberies and assaults, taking away their Daughters and their Wiues, &c. And if it were not for these and other like hinderances, all those of this Language had beene conuerted to our holy Faith.

There be other contrarie Nations enemies to these of diuers Languages, which in a generall [ 50] name are called Tapuya, and they are contrarie also among themselues. In the Maine first neigh∣bouring * 1.73 to the Tupinaquins inhabit the Guamures, and they occupie some eightie leagues of Coast and toward the Mayne all that they list. They are Lords of the wild Woods, very great bodied, and by the continuance and custome of going through the Woods, they haue their skinnes very hard, and for this effect, they beate their children being young, with certaine Thistles to accu∣stome them to goe in the wilde Woods.

They haue no Husbandrie, they liue by rapine, and by the point of the Arrow; they eate the * 1.74 Mandioca raw and it doth them no hurt, they runne verie swiftly, and to the White men they come not but on a sudden. They vse verie great Bowes; they carrie certaine stones made a pur∣pose verie bigge that wheresoeuer they hit, they may presently breake the heads in pieces. And [ 60] when they come to fight, they hide themselues vnder shrubs, and from thence they play their part, & they are greatly feared, & there is no power in the world that is able to ouercome them. They are great cowards in the fields and dare not come forth, neither passe they any waters, vse * 1.75 any shipping, nor are giuen to fishing, all their liuing is from the woods. They are cruel as Lions,

when they take any enemies they cut off his flesh with a Reed whereof they make their Ar∣rowes, and flea them that they leaue them no more but the bones and the guts; if they take any child & are followed, that they may not take it away aliue, they strike off his head against a post. They disbowell the women with child to eate their children roasted. These annoy the Port Secure verie much, the little Ilands, and Camamû, and these Countries goes to decay because of them; their speech cannot be vnderstood.

Besides these towards the Maine and the fields of Caatinga, doe liue many Nations of Tapu∣yas, * 1.76 which are called Tucanucu, these liue in the Maine of the great Riuer, opposite to Port Secure, they haue another Language. Others doe liue in the Maine before yee come to Aquitigpe, and are calle Nacij. Others which they call Oquigtâiuba, others which are called Pahi; these weare [ 10] course Cotton-clothes, wouen like a Net, with this they couer themselues as with a sacke, they haue no sleeues, they haue a different speech. In the Ari are others which also liue in the field going toward Aquitigpe. Others which are called Larahio, it is a great people, of a different speech. Others which are called Mandeiu: also of another speech, others called Macutu, others Napara, these haue husbandrie. Others called Cuxare, these liue in the middest of the field of the Maine, others which liue in the same field, that are called Nuhinu, others doe liue toward the Maine of the Bay which is called Guayaua, they haue a speech by themselues, other there about called Taicuiu, these dwell in houses, they haue another speech, others in the same Coun∣trie called Cariu, of a different tongue. These three Nations, and their Neighbours are friends of the Portugals, others which they call Pigru, they dwell in houses, others which are called O∣bacoatiara, [ 20] these liue in Ilands in the Riuer of Saint Francis, they haue Houses like vnto Caues * 1.77 vnder the Earth. These when the enemies come against them flie to the water, and by diuing escape; they continue long vnder water, they haue great Arrowes like halfe Darts, without Bowes, and with them they fight; they are verie valiant, they eate humane flesh, they haue a different tongue.

Others there are that liue farre within the Maine are called Anhelim, they haue another Lan∣guage; * 1.78 others that liue in Houses called Aracuaiati, they haue another Speech; others called Cai∣uari, they liue in Caues. Others called Guaianaguacu, they dwell in Caues and haue another Speech; others farre within the Maine called Camucuiara; these haue paps that reach vnder their * 1.79 waste, and neere to their knees, and when they runne they binde them about their waste; they [ 30] are neuerthelesse great Warriours, eate mens flesh, and haue another Speech: Others which they call Iobiora Apuayara, Lords of sharpe Staues, for they fight with tosted staues and sharpe, they are valiant, and eate humane flesh, they haue another Speech. Others called Anuacuig, they dwell in Houses, they haue another Speech, but they vnderstand themselues with these abouesaid their Neighbours. Others they call Guaiacatu, and Guaiat••ú, these haue another Speech and dwell in Houses. Others called Cumpehe, these eate no humane flesh, when they kill the enemie, they * 1.80 cut off the head and carrie it for a shew, they haue no Houses, and are like Gipsies, Others cal∣led Guayo, dwell in Houses, they fight with venomed Arrowes, they eat humane flesh, they haue another Speech. Others called Cicu, haue the same Speech and customes of them abouesaid. O∣thers called Pahaiu, eate humane flesh, and haue another Speech. Others called Iaicuiu, haue the same Speech that these aboue. Others called Tupijo, dwell in Houses, haue Husbandrie, and a∣nother [ 40] Speech. Others called Maracaguacu, are Neighbours to these aboue, and haue the same Speech. Others called Iacuruiu, vse Husbandrie, dwell in Houses, and haue another Speech. O∣thers called Tapecuiu, are Neighbours of these aboue, and haue the same speech. Others called Anacuiu, haue the same Speech and customes that those aboue, and all of them doe fight with venomed Arrowes. Others called Piracuiu, haue the same Speech that those aboue, and veno∣med Arrowes.

Others called Taraguaig, haue another Speech, they fight with venomed Arrowes. Others called Pahacuiu, can speake the Language of them abouesaid. Others called Tipi, are of the field, and fight with venomed Arrowes. Others called Guacaraiara, haue another Speech, and haue Husbandries, and dwell in Houses. Others Neighbours to these aboue called Camaragoa. [ 50] Others called Curupija, were enemies of the Tupinaquis. Others called Aquirino, haue another Speech. Others called Piraguayg Aquig, liue vnder the Rockes, are enemies to these aboue. O∣thers celled Piuacuiu Others called Parapoto, these can speake the Speech of them of the Coast. Others called Caraemba, haue another Speech. Others called Caracuin, haue another Speech. Others called Mainuma, these joine themselues with the Guaimures enemies to them of the Coast, they vnderstand themselues with the Guaimures, but they haue another Speech. Others called Aturari, enter also in communication with the Guaimures, others called Cuigtaio, doe al∣so communicate and enter with the Guaimures. Others called Cuigpe, these were the Inhabitors of Port Secure. Others called Guigraiube, are friends with them aboue. Others called Augara∣ri, these dwell not farre from the Sea, betweene Port Secure, and the Holy Ghost. Others called [ 60] Amixoc••ri, are friends with the former. Others called Carata, doe liue in the Maine toward Saint Vincent, and went flying from the North thither, they haue another Speech. Others cal∣led Apetupa, liue in the Maine toward Aquitipi. Others called Caraguatijara, haue another

Speech. Others called Aquiguira, these doe conuerse with the former. Another Nation liueth in the Maine, enemies to the Muriapigta••ga, and of the Tarape, it is a Dwarfish people, low of bodie, but bigge legged and backed, the Portugals call these Pigneos, and the Indians call them Taepijguiri, because they are little. Others called Quiriciguig, these doe liue in the Maine of the Bay, verie farre. Others called Guirig, these are great Horsemen, and friends of the former. Others called Guaiere, doe liue in the Maine of Port Secure, verie farre off. Others called Ae∣naguig, these were Inhabitors of the Countries of the Tupinaquins, and because the Tupinaquins remained Lords of the Mountaines, they are called Tupinaquins.

Others called Guaitaca, doe liue in the Sea Coast betweene the Holy Ghost, and the Riuer of Ianuarie, they liue in the fields, and will not liue in the Woods, they goe to eate to their Hus∣bandries, * 1.81 [ 10] and come to the houses to bed, they haue no other treasures. They liue as the cattell that feedeth in the fields, and come not to the Houses but to sleepe, they are so swift in running that by footmanship they catch the game. Others called Igbigra••pan, are enemies to the Tupi∣naquins, * 1.82 they communicate with the Guaimures, when they fight with their enemies, they make great noises striking with certaine stickes vpon others. Others called Quirigma, these were Lords of the Countries of the Bay, and therefore it is called the Bay Cuirimure. The Tupinabas did expell them out of their Countries, and remained Lords of them, and the Tapuyas went to∣ward the South. Others called Maribuco, in habit in the Maine right against the great Riuer. O∣thers called Catagua, doe liue right against Iequeriquare, betweene the Holy Ghost and Port Se∣cure. Others called Tapuxerig, are enemies of the Tapuyas, and eate vp their Corne fields. O∣thers [ 20] that dwell about the Maine that goeth toward Saint Vincent, are called Amocaxo, and were enemies of the Tupinaquins. Others called Nonea, haue verie great faces. Others called Apuy, dwell neere the field of the Maine, they are great singers, and haue another Speech. Others called Panaguiri, differing from the former. Others also differing called Bigrorgya, Others called Piriju, there are a great number of these.

All these seuentie sixe Nations of Tapuyas, which haue the most of them a sundry Language, are a wilde sauage and vntamed people; they are all for the most part enemies of the people that dwell in the Sea Coast neighbouring to the Portugals: onely a certaine kind of Tapuyas, that liue in the Riuer of Saint Francis, and others that dwell nearer are friends of the Portugals, and en∣tertaine them verie well when they passe through their Countries. Of these many are Christians, [ 30] that were brought by the Fathers from the Maine, and learning the Speech of them of the Sea Coast which the Fathers can speake, they baptized them, and many of them doe liue in the Townes of the Fathers married, and serue them for Interpreters, for the remedie of so great a number of people as is lost; and onely with these Tapuyas, may some fruit bee gotten, with the rest of the Tapuyas no conuersion can be wrought because of their mutabilitie, and the hauing ma∣nie and sundrie very hard Languages. Onely there remaineth one remedie, if the Lord God doe not discouer another, and it is; getting some of their children, and making them to learne the Speech of the rest, and seruing for Interpreters may some fruit be gotten, though with great dif∣ficultie, for the Reasons abouesaid, and manie other.

The Climate of Brasill generally is temperate, of good, delicate, and healthfull aire, where * 1.83 [ 40] the men liue Ion euen to 90. 100. and more yeeres, and the Countrie is full of old men. General∣ly it is neither cold nor hot, though from the Riuer of I anuarie, vnto Saint Vincent, there be colds and heates, but not very great. The Heauens are very pure and cleere, especially by night; the Moone is very preiudiciall vnto health, and corrupteth the things very much. The mornings are verie healthfull: it hath verie little twilights, as well in the morning as in the euenings, for as soone as it is day presently the Sun riseth, and as soone as it is set, it is night, Their Winter be∣ginneth in March, and endeth in August, the Summer beginneth in September, and endeth in Februarie, the nights and daies are all the yeere almost equall.

The Countrie is some what melancholicke, ouerflowne with many waters, as wel of maine Ri∣uers, as from the Skie; in it is great store of raine chiefly in Winter, it is ful of great Woods that are [ 50] greene all the yeere. It is a Hilly Countrie, especially toward the Sea Coast, and from Pernam∣buco vnto the Captaineship of the Holy Ghost, is verie scarce of stone; but from thence to Saint Vincent are verie rough and high Mountaines, of great Quarries of Rockie stone, the food and waters are generally healthfull, light, and of easie digestion. There are few Commodities for ap∣parell, because the Countrie yeeldeth nothing but Cotton-wooll, and of the rest the Countrie is plentifull: especially of Cattell and Sugars. [ 60]

§. IIII.

Of the Beasts, Land-serpents, Fowles.

THe Deere in the Brasilian tongue is called Cuacu: there are some very great, like faire Horses, they are well headed, and some haue ten or twelue snags; these are rare, and they are found in the Riuer of Saint Francis, and in the Captainship of Saint Uincent. These are called, Cuacuapara, they are esteemed of the Carijos, who of the shankes and sinowes make the points of their Arrowes, and certaine throwing Balls which they vse for [ 10] to strike downe beasts and men. There bee other smaller, they haue hornes also, but they are onely of one point: besides these there are three or foure kindes, some that feede onely in the Woods, others onely in the plaine fields in heards. They make great account of the skinnes, and of the flesh.

The Tapijrete are the Elkes, of whose skinne the leather Targets are made, they are like Kine, much more like a Mule, the tayle is of a finger length, they haue no hornes, they haue a snout of a quarter long, which he shrinketh vp and putteth forth. They swimme and diue very much, but when they diue they take ground presently vnder water, and going on it they come out in another place, there are great store of them in this Conntrie.

There are great store of wilde Boares, and it is the ordinary food of the Indians of this Coun∣trie, * 1.84 [ 20] they haue the nauell on their backe, and out of it there cometh a sent like the sent of little Foxes, and by that sent the Dogs doe hunt them, and they are easily taken.

There are others called Tayacutirica, that is to say, a Boare that snappeth or grindeth his teeth, these are bigger then the common, and more rare, and with their tushes they goare all the beasts they meete.

Others are talled Tayacupita, that is, a Boare that standeth still and tarieth; these doe assault the Dogs, and the men: and if they catch them they eate them; they are are so fierce, that men are forced to take the trees to escape them, and some doe stay at the foot of the trees some dayes till the man doe come downe; and because they know this tricke of theirs, they goe pre∣sently to the trees with their Bowes and Arrowes, and from thence they kill them. There bee also other kinde of Boares, all good meate. [ 30]

The Acutis are like the Conies of Spaine, chiefely in their teeth: the colour is dunne, and * 1.85 draweth toward yellow: they are domesticall creatures, so that they goe about the house, and goe out and come in againe to it, they take with their fore-feet all that they eate, and so they carrie it to the mouth, and they eate very fast, and hide that which they leaue against they be an hungred. Of these there are many kindes, and all are eaten.

The Pac••t are like Pigs, there are great abundance of them; the flesh is pleasant, but it is * 1.86 heauie. They neuer bring forth but one at once. There bee others very white; these bee rare, they are found in the Riuer of Saint Francis.

There are many Ounces, some blacke, some grey, some speckled, it a very cruell beast, and * 1.87 fierce, they assault men exceedinly, that euen on the trees they cannot escape them, especially [ 40] if they be bigge. When they are flesht there is none that dare abide them, especially by night: they kill many beasts at once, they spoile a whole Hen-house, or a heard of Swine, and to open a man, or whatsoeuer beast, it sufficeth to hit him with one of his clawes. But the Indians are so * 1.88 hardie, that some of them dare close with one of them, and holdeth it fast, and kills it in a field, as they doe their enemies, getting a name, and vsing all the ceremonies they doe to their ene∣mies. They vse the heads for Trumpets, and the Portugall women vse the skinnes for Rugs or Couerlets, especially of the painted ones, and in the Captainship of Saint Uincent.

The Carigue are like the Foxes of Spaine, but they are smaller, as bigge as a Cat, they smell * 1.89 worse then the Foxes of Spaine themselues, and they are grey as they. They haue a bag from the fore to the hinder feet, with sixe or seuen dugs, and there they carrie their young ones hidden till they can get their owne food, and hath ordinarily sixe or seuen in a litter. This vermine de∣stroyeth [ 50] the Hens, for it goeth not by day but by night, and climes the trees and the houses, and no Bird or Hen can escape them.

The Tamandua is of notable admiration, it is of the bignesse of a great Dog, more round then * 1.90 long, and the tayle is twice or thrice as long as the bodie, and so full of haire, that from the heate, raine, cold and winde, hee harboureth himselfe all vnder it, that yee can see nothing of him. The head is small, and hath a thinne snout, no greater mouth then an oyle Cruze, round and not open, the tongue is of three quarters long, and with it he licketh vp the Ants, whereof he onely feeds; hee is diligent in seeking of the Ant-heapes, and with the clawes hee breaketh them, and casting out his tongue the Ants sticke on it, and so he drawes them in, hauing no more [ 60] mouth then to hold his tongue full of them; it is of a great fiercenesse, and doth assault ma∣ny people and beasts. Th O••nces doe feare them, and the Dogs exceedingly, and whatso∣euer they catch, they teare with their clawes; they are not eaten, neither are they good for

any thing but to destroy the Ant-heapes, and they are so many that they will neuer bee de∣stroyed altogether.

The Tatu is of the bignesse of a Pigge, and of a whitish colour, it hath a very long snout, and * 1.91 the body full of thing like plates, wherewith he remayneth armed, and it hath certaine pieces hanging downe as the Badas haue. These plates are so hard, that no Arrow can pierce them, ex∣cept it hits him in the flankes; they digge so fast, that it hath chanced seuen and twentie men with Mattockes not to bee able to digge so much as one of these with their snout. But if they cast water in their holes they are presently taken: it is a creature worth the seeing, and they call it an armed Horse, the flesh is like Hennes flesh, or Pigge, very pleasant, of the skinne they make Purses, and they are very faire, and lasting, they are made tame, and are bred in the house. Of [ 10] these there be many kindes, and there are great abundance of them.

The Canduacu is the Porcupine of Africa, and hath bristles white and blacke, so great, that * 1.92 they are af a spanne and a halfe, and more, and they cast them like as those of Africa. There be other of these, called Candumiri, because they are smaller; and they haue bristles as the other. There be other smaller, of the bignesse of a Cat, with yellow bristles and blacke at the points. All these bristles haue this qualitie, that entring into the flesh, bee it neuer so little, of it selfe it pierceth through the flesh. And for this cause these bristles doe serue the Indians for an instrument to bore the eares, for putting neuer so little in them in one night it pierceth them through. There be other smaller like Vrchins or Hedge-hogs, they haue also bristles, but they cast them not, all these beasts are of a good flesh and taste. [ 20]

The Hirara is like the Ciuet Cat, though some say it is not; they are of many colours, viz. * 1.93 grey, blacke, and white, they eate nothing but hunnie, and in this they are so terrible, that bee the hole of the Bee-hiue neuer so little they make it so bigge that they may goe in, and when they finde the Hunnie they neuer eate it, till they haue called the rest of the young ones, and and then the old one going in, he doth nothing but bring out the Hunnie, and giue it to the yong ones, a thing of great admiration, and an example of great charitie for men, and that this is so the men of the Countrie doe affirme.

The Aquiqui are very great Apes, as bigge as a good Dog, blacke, and very ougly, as well the male as the female; they haue a great beard onely in the lower chap: of these come sometimes * 1.94 a male one so yellow that it draweth toward red, which they say is their King. This hath a [ 30] white face, and the beard from eare to eare, as cut with the Scissers, and it hath one thing much to be noted, namely, that he goeth into a tree, and maketh so great a noise that it is heard very * 1.95 farre off, in the which he continueth a great while without ceasing, and for this, this kind hath a particular instrument: and the instrument is a certaine hollow thing, as it were made of Parch∣ment, very strong, and so smooth, that it serueth to burnish withall, as big as a Duckes Egge, and beginneth from the beginning of the gullet, rill very neere the palate of the mouth between both the cheekes, and it is so light that assoone as it is toucht it moueth as the key of a Virginals. And when this Ape is thus crying he fometh much, and one of the little ones that is to remaine in his place doth cleanse many times the fome from his beard. * 1.96

There are others of many kindes, and in great abundance, they are blacke, grey, and yellow; * 1.97 [ 40] the Country-men say that some of these, when they shoot at them with an Arrow, catch it in their hand, and turne againe, and throwe it at the man; and when they are hurt they seeke a certaine leafe and chaw it, and thrust it into the wound for to heale them, and because they are alwaies on the trees, and are very swift, when the leape is great, and the little ones cannot passe, * 1.98 one of them lieth acrosse like a bridge, and the rest passe ouer him, the tayle serueth him for a hand; and if any be strucken, with his tayle he holdeth fast the bough whereon he is, and so di∣eth hanging, and falleth not.

They haue many other qualities that are seene euery day, as to take a sticke and beate some body that doth them harme; another found a basket of Egges, hung it by the cord about his * 1.99 necke, and going to the top of an house, from thence made many mowes at his master that [ 50] went to seeke him, and breaking them, did eate them all before him, throwing the shells at his master.

The beast Cuati is grey, and like the Badgers of Portugall, it hath the snout and clawes very * 1.100 long, it climeth the trees like the Monkie: no Snake, on Egge, no Bird doth escape it, nor any thing that it can get. They are made tame in the houses, but no man can abide them, for they deuoure all; they will play with little Cats, and whelpes, they are malicious, pleasant, and are apt for many things.

There bee other two or three greater kindes, as great Dogges, and haue ••ushes like the wilde * 1.101 Boares of Portugall; these deuoure beasts and men, and when they finde their prey, they com∣passe it about, some in one place, some in another, till they deuoure it. [ 60]

Of wilde Cats are many kindes, some blacke, some white, some of a Safran colour, and are * 1.102 very faire for any furre. These Cats are very terrible, and swift; they liue by prey and by birds, and they assault also the men; some of them are as big as Dogs.

The Iagoarucu are the Dogs of Brasill, they are of a grey colour mingled with white, very * 1.103

swift, and when they yelpe they are like Dogs; they haue the tayle very hairy, feed on fruits, and vpon prey, and bite terribly.

The Tapati are like the Conies of Portugall, and here they doe barke like Dogs, especially by * 1.104 night, and very often; the Indians hold this barking for an euill signe; they breed three or foure at once; they are very rare, for they haue many aduersaries, as birds of rapine, and other beasts that doe eate them.

The Iaguacini are big as the Foxes of Portugall, and haue the same colour of a Foxe, they feed * 1.105 onely vpon the Sea-crabs, and among the Sugar-canes, and destroy many of them; they are ve∣ry sleepie, for they kill them sleeping, they doe no hurt.

The Biarataca is of the bignesse of a Cat, like a Ferret; it hath a white stroake and a grey * 1.106 along the backe, like a crosse, very well made; it feeds vpon birds and their egges, and vpon o∣ther [ 10] things, especially vpon Ambar, and loueth it so well, that all the night he goeth by the Sea∣side to seeke it, and where there is any, hee is the first. It is greatly feared, not because it hath any teeth, or any other defensiue thing, but it hath a certaine ventositie so strong, and so euill of * 1.107 sent, that it doth penetrate the wood, the stones, and all that it encountreth withall, and it is such, that some Indians haue died with the stench. And the Dog that commeth neere it esca∣peth not: and this smell lasteth fifteene, twentie, or more dayes; and it is such, that if it ligh∣teth neere some Towne, it is presently dis-inhabited. And that they may not bee perceiued, they scrape a hole in the ground, and there within they voide that ventositie, and couer it with earth; and when they are found, that they may not bee taken, their defense is to cast out [ 20] that stench.

The Priguica (which they call) of Brasill, is worth the seeing; it is like a shag-haire Dog, or * 1.108 a Land-spaniell, they are very ougly, and the face is like a womans euill drest, his fore and hin∣der feet are long, hee hath great clawes and cruell, they goe with the breast on the earth, and their young fast to their bellie. Though yee strike it neuer so fast, it goeth so leasurely, that it hath need of a long time to get vp into a tree, and so they are easily taken; their food is cer∣taine fig-tree leaues, and therefore they cannot bee brought to Portugall, for as soone as they * 1.109 want them they die presently.

In these parts are a great multitude of Rats, and of them are some ten or twelue kindes, some * 1.110 blacke, others yellow, others dunne, all are eaten, and are very sauourie, especially some great [ 30] ones that are like Conies, and sometimes they are so many, that lighting vpon a sowne field, they vtterly destroy it.

Of Land-Snakes and Serpents.

THe Gib••ya is a Snake of the greatest that are in this Countrie, and there are some found of * 1.111 twentie foot in length, they are very faire, but more wonderfull they are in swallowing a whole Deere; they haue no poison, neither are their teeth great according to the bodie. To take their prey whereon they feed, they vse this ••leight. It layeth it selfe along by the high∣wayes, and when the prey passeth it leapeth vpon it, and windes it selfe in such order, and cru∣sheth [ 40] it so, that it breaketh all his bones, and afterward licketh it, and his licking hath such ver∣tue, that it bruiseth or suppleth it all, and then it swallowes it vp whole.

There are others, talled G••iraupiaguara, that is, Eaters of birds Egges, it is very blacke, long, * 1.112 and hath a yellow breast: they goe on the tops of trees as it were swimming in the water, and no man can runne so fast on the ground as they on the trees; these destroy the birds, and their egges also.

There are others very bigge and long, called Caninana, they are all greene, and of a notable * 1.113 beautie. These also doe eate egges and birds, and kill little chickens.

There is another, called B••ytiap••••, that is, a Snake that hath a long snout, it is very slender, * 1.114 and long, and feeds onely vpon Frogs. The Indians obserue sooth-saying with this, that when the woman hath no children, they take this Snake and strike her with it on the hips, and say she [ 50] shall presently haue children.

There is another, called Gaitiepia, they are found only in the Rar〈…〉〈…〉, it is of a notable bignesse, * 1.115 he smelleth so much, like a Foxe, wheresoeuer he goeth, that there is none can abide it.

There is another, called Boyuna, that is, a blacke Snake, it is very long and slender, it smelleth * 1.116 also very much like a Foxe.

There is another, called Bom, because that when it goeth, it crieth bom, bom, it is also very great, and doth no hurt

There is another, called Boicupecanga, that is, a Snake that hath prickles in his backs, they are very great, and grosse, the prickles are very venomous, and all men doe auoide and keepe them∣selues [ 60] from them.

Iararaca is a name that comprehendeth foure kindes of very venomous Snakes. The first is * 1.117 greatest, called Iararacucu, that is, great Iararaca, and they are of ten spannes long, they haue great tushes hidden in the mouth along their gummes, and when they bite they stretch them

like a finger of the hand: they haue their poison in their gummes, their teeth crooked, and a stroake vpon them whereby the poison runneth. Others say, they haue it within the tooth, which is hollow within, it hath so vehement a poison, that in foure and twentie houres, and lesse, it killeth a man: the poison is very yellow, like Saffran water, they bring foorth many young ones at once, one hath beene taken with thirteene in her bellie.

There are others, called Iararcoaypitiuga, that is, that hath the point of the tayle more white then grey: these are as venomous as Vipers of Spaine, and haue the same colour and fashion.

There are others, called Iararacpeba, most venomous; it hath a red chaine along the backe, and the breasts, and the rest of the bodie is all grey.

There are other smaller Iararacas, that the greatest is about halfe a yard long, they are of an [ 10] earthie colour, they haue certaine veines in their head like the Vipers, and they make such a noise as they doe.

The Curucucu is a Snake very hideous and fearefull, and some are of fifteene spannes long: * 1.118 when the Indians doe kill them they burie presently the head, because it hath great store of poi∣son: for to catch the prey and the people, it lieth close to a tree, and when it seeth the prey, it casts it selfe vpon it, and so killeth it.

The Boycininga is a Snake, called of the Bell, it is of a great poison, but it maketh such a noise * 1.119 with a Bell it hath in his taile, that it catcheth very few; though it be so swift, that they call it, the flying Snake, his length is twelue or thirteene spannes long. There is another, called Bociningpeba: this also hath a Bell, but smaller, it is blacke, and very venomous. [ 20]

The poison of the Ibiracua Snake is so vehement, that if it biteth any person, presently it * 1.120 makes him to voide bloud through all the passages of his bodie, to wit, the eies, nostrils, mouth, eares, and all open places else of his bodie; it runneth a great while, and if he be not holpen, he empties his bloud and dieth.

The Snake Ibiboboca is very faire, it hath the head red, white and blacke, and so all the bodie * 1.121 is spotted of these three colours; this is the most venomous of all, it goeth slowly, and liueth in the crannies of the earth, and by another name it is called, the Snake of the colours. * 1.122

The great vehemencie that these venomous Snakes aboue said haue, the great paines they cause, and the many persons that euery day doe die of their stinging cannot be exprest: and they are so many in number, that not onely the fields and the woods, but euen the houses are full of [ 30] them, and they are found in the beds, and within the bootes, when they put them on. The Bre∣thren going to their rest doe finde them there wound about the benches feet, and if they be not holpen when they sting, cutting the wound, letting him bloud, drinking Vnicornes horne, or Carima, or the water of the Snakes-wood, or some other effectuall remedie, in foure and twen∣tie houres and lesse he dieth, with great crying and paines, and they are so excessiue, that when * 1.123 any person is bitten presently he demandeth confession, and maketh account to die, and so dis∣poseth of his goods.

There are other Snakes, chiefely these Iararacas, that haue a great smell of Muske, and where∣soeuer * 1.124 they bee, they are descried by the good and fragrant smell they haue.

There are many Scorpions, that euery day are found in their beds, among the bookes, and a∣bout [ 40] the chambers, ordinarily they kill not, but in foure and twentie houres they caufe intole∣rable * 1.125 paines.

It seemeth that this climate doth flowe in poison, as well for the many Snakes there are, as for the multitude of Scorpions, Spiders, and other vncleane creatures, and the Lizards are so many * 1.126 that they couer the walls of the house, and the holes are full of them.

Of the Fowles that are in the Land, and are thereon sustained.

EVen as this climate doth flowe in poison, so it seemeth to create beautifulnesse in the birds, and as all the Countrie is full of Groues and Woods, so it is full of most beautifull birds of all colours. [ 50]

The Parots in this Countrie are infinite, more then Dawes, or Starlings, or Thrushes, or Spar∣rowes * 1.127 of Spaine, and so they make a cackling as the birds aboue-said; they destroy them by thou∣sands, they flie in flockes alwaies, and they are so many, that there be Ilands where there is no∣thing but Parots; they are eaten, and are very good meate; they are ordinarily very faire, and of many and sundrie colours and kindes, and they almost all speake if they be taught.

The Arara Parots are those that by another name are called Macaos; it is a great bird, and * 1.128 are very rare, and by the sea-coast they are not found, it is a faire bird in colours; their breasts are red as scarlet; from the middle of the bodie to the taile some are yellow, others greene, o∣thers blue, and through all the bodie they haue scattering, some greene, some yellow and blue feathers, and ordinarily euery feather hath three or foure colours, and the taile is very long. These [ 60] lay but two egges, they breed in the trunkes of trees, and in the rockes of stone. The Indians esteeme them very much, and of their feathers they make their fine things, and their hangings for their swords, it is a very pleasant bird, they become very tame, and domesticall, and speake very well if they be taught.

The Anapuru Parot is most faire; in it all colours are found with great perfection, to wit, * 1.129 red, greene, yellow, blacke, blue, grey, the colour of the Bulfinch, and of all these colours it hath the bodie bespeckled and spotted. These also doe speake, and they haue another aduantage, that is, they breed in the house, and hatch their young ones, wherefore they are of great esteeme.

The Araruna or Machao is very faire, it is all blacke, and this blacke sprinkled with greene, * 1.130 which giueth it a great beautie, and when the Sunne shineth on him he is so shining that it is ve∣ry pleasant to behold; it hath the feet yellow, and the beake and the eies red; they are of great esteeme for their beautie, for they are very rare, and breed not but very farre within the Land, and of their feathers the Indians make their Diademes and Pictures.

The Parots Aiurucuro are most beautifull, they are all greene, they haue a cap and a collar of * 1.131 [ 10] yellow, very faire, and ouer the beake a few feathers of a very cleare blue, which doe beautifie him very much, it hath p〈…〉〈…〉ions of the wings red, and the taile feathers red and yellow, sprink∣led with greene.

The Tuins are a kinde of Parot very small, of the bignesse of a Sparrow, they are greene, * 1.132 sprinkled with other diuers colours, they are much esteemed, as well for their beautie, as because they prattle much, and well, and are very tame. They are so small, that they skip euery where on a man, on his hands, his breast, his shoulders and his head; and with his bill hee will cleanse ones teeth, and will take the meate out of the mouth of him that brings them vp, and make many gambols; they are alwaies speaking or singing after their owne fashion.

The Parots Guiraiubae, or Yellow birds, neither speake not play, but are sullen and sad; they are * 1.133 [ 20] much esteemed, because they are brought from two hundred and three hundred leagues, and are not found but in great mens houses, and they hold them in such esteeme, that they giue the ran∣some and value of two persons for one of them, and they esteeme them as much as the Iapanas doe the Treuets and the Pots, or any other great man esteemeth any thing of great price, as a Faulcon, Gerfaulcon, &c.

The Yapu is of the bignesse of a Pie-annet, the bodie of a fine blacke, and the taile of a very * 1.134 fine yellow, it hath three tufts on the head that are like little hornes, when hee raiseth them: the eies are blue, the neb very yellow. I•• is a very faire bird, and hath a very strong smell when it is angrie. They are very carefull in seeking their food, there escapeth not a Spider, Beetle, or Cricket, &c. they are very cleanly in a house, and goe about like Pie-annets, they leaue nothing [ 30] vnsought. It is dangerous holding them in the hand, for they runne presently to the eies, and * 1.135 pull them out.

Of the small birds called Guaimimbique, there are sundrie kindes, as Guaracig oba, that is, Fruit * 1.136 of the Sunne; by another name, Guaracig oba, that is, Couering of the Sunne; or Guaracig aba, that is, The haire of the Sunn••; in the Antillas they call it the risen or awaken bird, and they say it sleepeth sixe moneths, and liueth other sixe moneths. It is the finest bird that can bee imagi∣ned; it hath a cap on his head, to which no proper colour can be giuen, for on whatsoeuer side yee looke on it, it sheweth red, greene, blacke, and more colours, all very fine, and shining; and the breast is so faire, that on whatsoeuer side yee take it, it shewth all the colours, especially a yellow more finer then gold. The bodie is grey; it hath a very long bill, and the tongue twice [ 40] the length of the bill; they are very swift in flight, and in their flight they make a noise like the Bee, and they rather seeme Bees in their swiftnesse then birds, for they alwaies feed flying without sitting on a tree, euen as the Bees doe flie sucking the Hunnie from the flowers. They haue two beginnings of their generation, some are hatched of egges like other birds, others of * 1.137 little bubbles, and it is a thing to bee noted, a little bubble to beginne to conuert it selfe into this little bird, for at one instant it is a bubble and a bird, and so it conuerts it selfe into this most faire bird, a wonderfull thing, and vnknowne to the Philosophers, seeing one liuing creature * 1.138 without corruption is conuerted into another.

The bird Guiranhe eng eta is of the bignesse of a Gold-finch; it hath the backe and wings * 1.139 blue, and the breast and bellie of a most fine yellow. It hath a yellow Diademe on his head that [ 50] beautifies him very much. It is a very excellent bird for the Cage, it speaketh many waies re∣sembling many birds, making many changes, and changing his speech a thousand waies. They continue long in their song, and are of esteeme, and of these for the Cage there bee many, and faire, and of diuers and sundrie colours.

The Tangara is of the bignesse of a Sparrow, all blacke, the head is of a verie fine Orange∣tawnie, * 1.140 it singeth not, but it hath a wonderfull thing, for it hath fits like the Falling sicknesse, and for this cause the Indians doe not eate them, for the auoiding of that disease, they haue a kinde of very pleasant dancing, and it is, that one of them makes himselfe as dead, and the other com∣passe him about skipping with a song of a strange crying that is heard verie farre, and when they * 1.141 end this feast, crying, and dancing, he that was as dead riseth, and maketh a great noise and cry∣ing, [ 60] and then all goe away, and end their feast. They are so earnest when they doe it, that al∣though they be seene and shot at, they flie not away. Of these there bee many kindes, and all of them haue accidents.

The bird Quereina, is of the most esteemed of the Land, not for the song, but for the beautie * 1.142

of the feathers; they are a cleare azure in part, and a darke, all the breast is most fine red, the wings almost blacke; they are so esteemed, that the Indians doe flea them, and giue two or three persons for the skinnes of them, and with the feathers they make their Pictures, Diademes, and other fine things.

The Tucana is of the bignesse of a Pie, it is all blacke except the breast, which is all yellow, * 1.143 with a round red circle; the bill is a large spanne long, verie great, yellow, and within is red, so smooth and shining, that it seemeth to bee varnished; they are made tame, and breede in the houses, are good to eate, and the feathers are esteemed because they are faire.

The Guirapanga is white, and not being very big it crieth so loude that it sounds like a Bell, * 1.144 and it is heard halfe a league, and their singing is like the ringing of Bells. [ 10]

The Macucagua is greater then any Henne of Portugall, it resembleth the Feasant, and so the * 1.145 Portugals doe call it; it hath th••ee skinnes one ouer another, and much flesh, and, and verie sa∣uorie, they lay twice a yeere, and at euerie time thirteene or fifteene egges, they goe alwaies on the ground, but when they see any people they flie to the trees, and at night when they goe to roust as Hennes doe. When they sit on the trees, they put not their feet on the boughs, but the shankes of their legs, and most on the fore part. There bee mamy kindes of these, and they are easily shot at.

Among them there is one of the smallest, that hath many properties; when it singeth it fore∣sheweth raine, it crieth so loude, that it is incredible of so small a bird, and the reason is, because the gullet is verie great. It beginneth at the mouth and commeth out at the breast betweene [ 20] the skinne and the flesh, and reacheth to the fundament, and returneth againe and entreth into the crop, and then it proceedeth as other birds, and doubleth like a Trumpet with his turnings. They runne after any bodie pecking him and playing like a little whelpe, if they set it vpon Hennes egges, it si••teth ouer them, and bringeth vp the young chickens, and if it see a Hen with chickens, it so persecutes her, till it takes them from her and broodes them, and brings them vp.

The Hen Mutu is very domesticall, it hath a combe like the Cockes, spotted with white and blacke, the egges are great and very white, like a Goose egge, so hard that knocking the one with * 1.146 the other, they ring like Iron, and of them they make their Maracas, that is, their Bells; any Dog that eateth the bones of it dieth, and vnto men it doeth no hurt at all. * 1.147

In this Countrie there are many kindes of Partridges, which though they are not like in all [ 30] things to those of Spaine, yet are they very like in colour, taste, and in the aboundance. * 1.148

In this Countrie are many kindes of Turtle-doues, Stares, and Black-birds, and Pigeons of many sorts, and all these birds are like to them of Portugall; and the Pigeons and Turtle-doues * 1.149 are in such abundance, that in certaine fields farre within the Land they are so many, that when they rise they hinder the light of the Sanne, and make a noise like a thunder; they lay so many egges, and so white, that a very farre off yee may see the fields white with egges, as if it were snowe; and seruing the Indians for meate as they doe, they cannot be diminished; rather from thence at certaine times it seemeth they runne ouer all the parts of this Prouince.

In this Countrie are many Ostriches, called Andugoacu, but they keep only within the Land. * 1.150

The Anima is a fowle of rapine, great, and crieth that it is heard halfe a league and more, it [ 40] is all blacke, hath faire eies, the beake bigger then a Cocks, vpon this beake it hath a little horne of a spanne in length, the men of the Countrie say that this Horne is very medicinable for those that are taken in their speech, as hath beene proued, hanging it about the necke of a girle that did not speake, which spake presently.

There be many other fowles of rapine, to wit, Eagles, Faulcons, Gos-hawkes, Merlines, and T••rsels, and many other, but they are all ordinarily so wilde, that they will flie at any thing, neither will they come to hand, or stoope to ••ure.

§. V. [ 50]

Of the Brasilian Trees for fruit, medicine, and other vses; and their Herbes of rare operations.

THe Trees Acaiu, are very great and faire, they cast the leafe at their times, and the flower groweth in the snags, which makes certaine points like fingers, and in the said * 1.151 points there groweth a red flower of a good smell, and after it groweth a Chesnut, and from the Chesnut commeth an Apple as big as a great Apple, or a Pippin, it is a very faire fruit, and some are yellow, others red, and it is all iuyce. They are good for hot weather, they coole verie much, and laying the iuyce vpon a white cloth it neuer goeth off till the cloth bee worne. [ 60] The Chesnut is as good or better then those of Portugall, they are eaten rosted, and raw laid in * 1.152 water as blancht Almonds, and of them they make Marchpanes, and sweet meates as of Al∣monds. The timber of this tree is little worth, euen for the fire, it yeeldeth of it selfe a certain gumme good to paint and write, and there is great store. With the barke they dye their yarne,

and the vessels that serues them for Pots. This being stamped and boyled with some Copper, till the third part of the water be consumed, is a soueraigne remedy for old sores, and they heale quickly. There bee so many of these trees as of Chesnuts in Portugall, they growe about these Woods, and they gather many quarters of these Chesnuts, and the fruit in their season satisfie all men. Of these Acaius doe the Indians make Wine.

There is great abundance of the trees Mangaba, especially in the Bay, for in other places they * 1.153 are rare, in making they are like the barke of Anafega, and in the leafe with those of Frexo, they are very pleasant trees, and haue alwaies greene leaues. They yeeld fruit twice a yeere, the first in a knob, for then they doe not flower, but the very knob is the fruit; this season ended, which lasteth two or three moneths, it giueth another bearing, first the flower, which is altoge∣ther [ 10] like the Iesamine, and of as good a smell, but more quicke; the fruit is as big as an Apricock, * 1.154 yellow and spotted with some spots of blacke; within it hath some kernels, but all is eaten, or sucked as the Seruices of Portugall. They are of a very good taste, and healthfull, and so light that eate they neuer so many, it seemes they eate no fruit at all. They ripen not on the tree, but fall to the ground, and from thence they gather them already ripe, or gathering them greene they lay them to ripen. The Indians make Wine of them. The tree and the fruit it selfe being greene, is full of white Milke, and cleaueth to the hands, and is bitter.

The fruit Murucuge groweth on certaine trees, very high and like the wilde Peare-trees of * 1.155 Portugall. It hath a very long stalke, they are gathered greene, and are layd to ripen, and being ripe they are very pleasant and of an easie digestion. When they are to gather them, they cut * 1.156 [ 20] downe the tree, because they are very high, and if this destruction were not, there would bee more abundance, but therefore they are rare, the trunke hath great abundance of white Milke, and it congealeth, it may serue for Sealing-waxe if they will vse it.

Of the Araca trees are great abundance, of many sorts; the fruit is certaine small Peares, * 1.157 yellow, red, or greene; they are pleasant, vnloathsome, toothsome, because they haue little taste of sowre, they yeeld fruit almost all the yeere.

This Ombu is a great tree not very high, but well spread; the fruit is like white Plums, yel∣low * 1.158 and round, and therefore the Portugals doe call it a Plum. It causeth the teeth to fall, and the * 1.159 Indians that doe eate it doe lose them. The rootes of this tree are eaten, and are very pleasant, and more toothsome then the Abalancia, for they are sweeter, and the sweetnesse thereof is like Su∣gar, [ 30] they are cold and healthfull, and they are giuen to the sicke of a Feauer, and it serueth for water to them that goe inward to the Land, for they haue no other.

The Iacapucaya is of the greatest and fairest of this Countrie; it beareth a fruit like a Pot, as * 1.160 big as a great Bowle, as thicke as two fingers, with a couer vpon it, and within it is full of cer∣taine Chesnuts like vnto the Myrabolanes; and it seemes they are the same of India, when they are already in season, that couer doth open and the fruit falleth. If any doe eate much of it green, he casteth all the haire he hath on his body; rosted it is a good fruit. They vse the huskes for * 1.161 Cups, and they are lasting; the timber of this tree is very hard, it doth not rotte, they esteeme it for the Axel-trees of the Sugar-mills.

Araticu, is a tree of the bignesse of an Orange tree and greater, the leafe is like a Citron tree or * 1.162 [ 40] a Lymond tree, it is a faire and pleasant tree, it beareth a fruit as bigge as Pine apples; and they haue a good smell, and a reasonable taste, it is a fruit that loatheth not.

Of these Trees are many kindes, and one of them called Araticu panania. If they eate much of the fruit it proueth a cold poison, and doth much hurt. Of the rootes of these trees they make booyes for the Nets, and they are so light as any Corkes.

There be two sorts of Pequea, one of them beares a fruit as big as a good Orange, and so they * 1.163 haue the rinde thicke like an Orange; within this rinde there is nothing but Hunnie so cleare and sweet as any Sugar, in quantitie of an egge, and mingled with it, it hath the pippens or kernels.

The other Pequea is timber, of the heauiest of this Countrie, in Portugall it is called Setim, it [ 50] hath very fine wanes, it lasteth long and doth not rotte.

On the tree Iabaticaba groweth a fruit of the bignesse of a Lymond of Sytill, the rinde and * 1.164 taste is like a sowrish Grape, from the roote of the tree through all the body vnto the vtmost bough or sprig, is a rare fruit, it is onely found within the Land in the Captainship of S. Vincent. The Indians doe make of this fruit a kinde of Wine, and they boyle it like the wine of Grapes.

In this Brasill are many Coco-nuts, excellent like those of India; these are ordinarily set, and * 1.165 growe not in the Woods, but in Gardens, and in their Farmes. And there are more then twen∣tie * 1.166 kindes of Palme trees, and almost all doe beare fruit, but not so good as the Cocos: with some of these Palme trees they couer their houses.

Besides these Fruit-trees there are many other that yeeld sundry fruits, whereof they make [ 60] profit, and many Nations of the Indians sustaine themselues, together with the Hunnie, whereof there is great abundance, and with their hunting, for they haue no other sustenance.

In the maine of the Captainship of Saint Vincent vnto Paraguay, are many and great Woods * 1.167 of Pine trees, euen like vnto them of Portugall, which beare Apples and kernels; the Apples are

not so long but rounder and greater, the kernels are greater and are not so hot, but of a good tem∣perature and wholsome.

Cabueriba is very great and esteemed for the Balme that it hath; to get this Balme they prick * 1.168 the barke of the tree, and lay a little Corton wooll to the cuts, and from certaine to certaine dayes they goe to gather the Oyle that it hath distilled. The Portugals call it Balme, because it is very l••ke to the true Balme of the Vineyards of Engedi, it serueth for greene wounds, and ta∣keth away all the scarre: it smelleth very well, and of it, and of the barke of the tree they make Beades, and other smelling things. The Woods where they growe doe smell well, and the beasts doe goe and rubbe on this tree, it se••meth to bee to heale them of some diseases. The Timber is of the best of this Countrie, because it is very strong and heauy, and some are of such [ 10] bignesse, that of them they make the Beames, Axel-trees, and Skrues or Vices for their Sugar-Mills, these are very rare, and are found chiefly in the Captainship of the Holy Ghost.

Cupayba is a Fig-tree, commonly very high, straite and big, it hath much oile within; for * 1.169 to get it they cut the tree in the middest, where it hath the vent, and there it hath this oile in so great abundance, that some of them doe yeeld a quarterne of oile and more, it is very cleare, of the colour of oile, it is much set by for wounds, and taketh away all the skarre. It serueth also for lights, and burne well, the beasts knowing the vertue thereof doe come and rubbe them∣selues thereat. There are great store, the wood is good for nothing.

The Ambayba Fig-trees are not very great, and are not found in the true Woods but in Cop∣pices, * 1.170 where some sowing hath beene; the barke of this tree scraping it on the inside, and cru∣shing [ 20] those scrapings in the wound, laying them on it, and binding it with the barke it selfe, healeth in a short time. There is great abundance of them, and are much esteemed for their great vertue, the leaues are rough, and serue to smooth any wood, the timber serueth for nothing.

The Fig-tree which they call of Hell, Ambaigtinga is found in Taperas: it yeelds a certaine * 1.171 Oyle that serueth for lights, it hath great vertue, as Monardes writeth, and the leaues are much esteemed for them that doe vomit, and cannot retayne that which they eate, anointing the sto∣macke with the Oyle, it taketh away the Oppilations, and the Collicke. To get this Oyle, they lay it in the Sunne some dayes, and stampe it, and seethe it, and presently that Oyle commeth on the top, which is gathered for the effect aboue-said.

Of the trees Igbacamuci there are many in Saint Uincent: they beare a certaine fruit as good * 1.172 [ 30] as Quinces, fa••hioned like a Panne or a Pot, they haue within certaine small seeds, they are the onely remedie for the bloudy Fluxe.

The Igcigca yeeldeth the Masticke, smelleth very much for a good while: they notch the tree in some places, and in an instant it stilleth a white liquor that doth congeale; it serueth for * 1.173 Plaisters in cold diseases, and to perfume, it serueth also in stead of incense.

There is another tree of this kinde, called Igtaigcica, that is, Masticke as hard as stone, and so it seemeth rather Gumme-anime then Masticke, and it is so hard and shining that it seemeth * 1.174 Glasse; it serueth to glase the earthen vessell, and for this it is much esteemed among the Indi∣ans, and it serueth also for cold diseases.

There is a Riuer betweene Port Secure and the Ill••ts, that commeth from more then three [ 40] hundred leagues within the Mayne, it bringeth great store of Rozen, which is the Gumme∣anime it selfe, which the Indians doe call Igtaigcica, and the Portugals, White incense; it hath the same effects that the Incense.

Curupicaiba is like to the Peach-trees of Portugall in the leafe: the leaues doe distill a kinde * 1.175 of liquor like the Fig-trees of Spaine, which is the onely remedie for wounds both greene and old, and for the Poxe, and it taketh away all the scarre from the wounds, if they pricke the barke of it, it yeeldeth great store of Bird-lime, wherewith they catch the small birds.

There is great abundance of the trees Caaroba, the leaues of these chewed and layd to the * 1.176 Pock-sore drye and heale it in such manner, that it neuer commeth againe, and it seemeth that the wood hath the same effect that the China wood, and that of the Antilles haue for the same [ 50] disease. Of the flower they make a Conserue for those that are sicke of the Poxe.

The wood Caarobmocorandiba is like that of China, it is taken in the same manner that the o∣ther, * 1.177 and it healeth the loosenesse, the Poxe, and other diseases of cold, it is grey, and hath the pith very hard as the wood of China.

It is long since Iaburandiba was found, and it is, as some Indians doe say, called of the Indians Betele. The Riuers and their borders are full of these trees, the leaues are the onely remedie for the sicknesses of the Liuer, and many in this Brasill haue already beene cured of most grieuous diseases of the Liuer, with the eating of them.

There is another tree called also Betele, it is smaller and of a round leafe, the roots of it are an excellent remedy for the tooth-ake putting it in the hollow place of them, it biteth like Ginger. [ 60]

They say also, that in this Brasill is the tree of the Cassia fistula, it is vnknowne to the Indians, the Spaniards doe vse it, and say it is as good as that of India.

The Anda trees are faire and great, and the wood serueth for all things, of the fruit they make an Oyle, wherewith the Indians doe anoint themselues, and the women their haire; and it ser∣ueth

also for wounds, and drieth vhem vp presently, and they make many gallant things about the legs and body, painting themselues with this Oyle.

The Moxerequigba tree is found within the Maine, in the fields, it is small, beareth a fruit as * 1.178 big as an Orange, and within it hath certaine kernels, and of it altogether they make an Oyle to anoint themselues, the barke serueth to kill fish, and euery beast that drinketh the water where it is cast, dieth.

The Aiuratubira is small, beareth a red fruit, and of it they make a red oile to anoint * 1.179 themselues.

The Aiabutipita is fiue or sixe spannes in length, the fruit is like Almonds and blacke, and so * 1.180 is the Oyle, which they esteeme very much, and anoint themselues with it in their infirmities. [ 10]

The Ianipaba tree is very faire, of a pleasant greene; euery moneth it changeth the leafe, * 1.181 and is like a Wal-nut leafe, the trees are great, and the timber pleasant to worke; the fruit is like great Oranges, and is like Quinces, or russet Peares; the taste is like Quinces: it is a good medi∣cine for the Laske of all sorts. Of this fruit is made a blacke Inke; when it is made it is white, and anointing themselues therewith it stayneth not presently, but within a few houres the par∣tie remayneth as blacke as any Iea••. It is much esteemed of the Indians, with this they make on their bodies round Hose and Doublets all cut, and they giue certaine strokes in the face, eares, nose, chinne, armes, legs, and the same doe the women, and they become very gallant. This is their apparell, as well on the weeke as on the Feast day, adding some feathers to it, wherewith thee adorne themselues, and other Iewels made of bone: this colour lasteth on the body nine [ 20] dayes still blacke, and after remayneth nothing; it maketh the skinne very hard, and to make the painting the fruit is to be gathered greene, for being ripe it will not doe it.

The tree Iequitimguaçu beareth a fruit like the Spanish Scrawberie, and within it hath a beane * 1.182 as hard as a sticke, which is the seed; they are of the best Beades that can be, for they are very equall, and very blacke, and they haue a glosse like Iear, the huske that couereth these Beades, is * 1.183 more bitter then Aloes, it serueth for Sope, and it washeth better then the best Sope in Portugal.

A certaine tree groweth in the fields and the Mayne of the Bay, in dry places where no wa∣ter * 1.184 is, very great and broad; it hath certaine holes in the branches, as long as an arme, that are full of water, that in Winter nor Summer neuer runneth ouer, neither is it knowne whence this water commeth, and drinke many or drinke few of it, it is alwaies at the same stay, and so [ 30] it serueth not onely for a Fountaine, but also for a great maine Riuer: and it happeneth fiue hun∣dred * 1.185 persons to come to the foot of it, and there is harbour for them all, they drinke and wash all that they will, and they neuer want water; it is very sauoury and cleare, and a great remedie for them that trauell into the Mayne, when they can finde no other water.

In this Countrie of Brasill are Groues, wherein are found trees of great bignesse and length, whereof they make very great Canoas, of seuen or eight spannes broad in hollownesse, and of fiftie spannes and more in length, which beare a load like a great Barke, and doe carrier twentie or thirtie Rowers of a side; they make likewise great Beames for the Sugar-mills. There are many sorts of wood incorruptible that putting it in the ground it neuer rotteth, and others set in water are euery day greener and stronger. There is a holy wood of certaine white wanes, [ 40] whereof are made very faire Bed-steads and rich. The Brasill wood whereof the red Inke is made, and other woods of diuers colours, whereof diuers Inkes of great esteeme are made, and all tur∣ned and carued workes. There be smelling woods, as the Iararanda, and other kindes of great price and esteeme, there are found white Sandalos or Dates, in great quantitie. The wood of Aquilla, and in great abundance, that ships are made of it. Cedars; wood of Angolin, and the * 1.186 Nutmeg tree, though these woods are not so fine, and of so great smell as those of India, yet they want but a little, and are of great price and esteeme.

Of the Herbes that yeeld fruit, and are eaten.

THe ordinary food of this Country, that serueth for Bread, is called Mandioca, and they are * 1.187 certaine rootes like Carrots, though they are greater and longer: these shoot out certaine [ 50] stemmes or branches, and growe to the height of fifteene spannes. These branches are very ten∣der, and haue a white pith within, and at euery spanne it hath certaine ioynts, and of this big∣nesse they are broken, and set in the ground as much as is sufficient for to hold them vp and with∣in sixe or nine moneths haue so big rootes that they serue for food. This Mandioca contayneth many kindes in it selfe, and all are eaten, and they are preserued vnder the earth three, foure, or vnto eight yeeres, and needs no seasoning, for they doe no more but take them out and make fresh meate euery day, and the longer they are vnder the earth the bigger they growe, and yeeld the more. [ 60]

It hath some things worth the noting, that is, man except, all creatures desire to eate it raw, * 1.188 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fatteneth them, and nourisheth them exceedingly, but if when it is crushed, they doe drinke that water alone by it selfe, they haue no more life then while it commeth to the sto∣macke. Of these rootes crushed and grated they make a Meale that is eaten, it is also layd in

steepe till it corrupt, and then cleansed and crushed, they make also a Flowre, and certaine Cakes like children very white and delicate. This roote after it is steeped in water, made in balls with the hands, they set it vpon hurdles at the smoake, where it drieth in such manner that it is kept without corrupting, as long as they lift, and after scraped and stamped in cer∣taine great trayes, and sifted, there remayneth a Flowre whiter then of Wheate, of the which being mingled in a certaine quantitie with the raw, they make a certaine Bisquet, which they call Of the warre, and it serueth the Indians and the Portugals by Sea, and when they goe to warre, as Bisket. Another Bisket bread is made of very water of the greene Mandioca, if they let it congeale, and dry it at the Sunne, or at the fire: this is aboue all most white, and so pleasant and delicate, that it is not made for euery one. Of this Mandioca dryed at the smoake they [ 10] make many sorts of broaths, which they call Mingaos, so healthfull and delicate that they giue them to them that are sicke of a Feauer, in stead of Caudles and Restoratiues, and of the same they make Cakes, Simnels, Frutters, little Pyes, Chees-cakes of Sugar, &c. And mingled with the flowre of Millet, or of Rice, they make leauened bread, that it seemeth of Wheat. This same Mandioca dryed at the smoake, is a great remedie against poison, chiefely of Snakes. Of this Mandioca there is one which they call Aypim, which contayneth vnder it selfe many kindes. This killeth not raw, and boyled or rosted is of a good taste, and of it they make * 1.189 Flowre or Cakes, &c. The Indians makes Wines of it, and it is fo fresh and medicinable for the Liuer, that to it is attributed not to haue among them any diseased of the Liuer. A certaine kinde of Tapuyas doe eate the poisonous Mandioca raw, and it doth them no hurt, because they [ 20] are brought vp with it.

The boughs of this herbe or tree, is the seed it selfe, for the stalkes of it are planted, the leaues * 1.190 in time of need boyled doe serue for food.

The herbe Nana is very common, it is like the herbe Aloes, and and hath such leaues, but not so thicke, and all round about full of very sharpe prickles; in the middest of this herbe groweth a fruit like a Pine-apple, all full of flowers of diuers colours, and very faire, and at the foot grow foure or fiue sprigs, which are planted; the fruit is very smelling, pleasant and one of the best of the world, very full of iuyce, and pleasant, it hath the taste of a Mellon, though better and more smelling, it is good for them that are troubled with the Stone, and it is very preiudiciall for Feauers. The Indians doe make Wine of this fruit, very strong, and of a good taste, the huske [ 30] wasteth much the Iron, at the dressing of it, and the iuyce taketh away the spottes from the clothes. There is so great abundance of this fruit, that they fat their Hogs with it, and regard it not for the great abundance, they are also kept preserued, and raw they helpe the Sea-sicke at Sea, and with Wine in the morning they are medicinable.

Pacoba is the Fig-tree which they call Adams, it is neither tree nor herbe, for on the one side * 1.191 it becommeth very bigge, and groweth to twenty quarters long, the stalke is very soft and full of pores; the leaues that it hath are most faire, and some a fathome long and more, all of them raced like the Veluet of Braganca, so smooth that they write on them, and so greene, coole, and fresh, that one sicke of a Feauer lying downe vpon them, the Feauer is mitigated with their coolenesse. They are very fresh for to dresse the houses, and the Churches. This herbe beareth in [ 40] euery foote many impes, and euery one of them beareth a cluster of a certaine fruit like Figs, which hath sometimes about two hundred, and when they are ripe, the foote is cut whereon the cluster hangeth, and the rest doe growe and so they goe multiplying ad infinitum, the fruit is laid to ripen, and becommeth very yellow, of a good taste, and healthfull, especially for the sicke of a Feauer, and for him that spitteth bloud, and rosted they are very pleasant and healthfull. It is an ordinary fruit whereof the Gardens are full, and there is of them all the yeere.

The herbes Murucuia are very faire, especially in their flowers: they runne vpon a wall, and vp the trees like Iuie, the leaues beaten with a little Verdigrease is an onely remedie for old * 1.192 vlcers, and the Poxe, it beareth a round fruit like Oranges, other like Egges, some yellow, some blacke, and of other diuers colours and kindes. Within they haue a certaine substance of ker∣nels [ 50] and iuyce with a certaine filme that couereth them, and altogether is eaten, it is of a good taste, and it is somewhat tart, and it is a fruit of some account.

In this Country are many other kindes of fruits, as Deaw-berries, blacke and red, Potatoes, * 1.193 and other rootes which they call Mangara, another called Cara, that is like to Turneps, and the stones of the earth. Of the Potatoes they make bread, and diuers sweet meats, these Indians haue many other Pulses, vz. Beanes, more healthfull and better then those of Portugall, and in great abundance, many kindes of Pumpions, and some so big, that they vse them for vessels to carie water, and they hold two peckes or more, French Beanes of many kindes, they are tooth∣some, and like to them of Portugall, Millet of many sorts, and of it they make Bread, Wine, and it is eaten tosted, and with it they fatten their Horses, Swine, and Hennes, and there are cer∣taine [ 60] Taiaobas, that are like Cabiges, and they cause to purge. And an herbe called Iambig, the onely remedie for them that are sicke of the Liuer, and the Stone, there are also many sorts of Pepper, that giue a good taste in the eating.

Ietigencu is the Mechoacan of the Antilles, they are certaine rootes, long like Radice, but of * 1.194

a good bignesse, they serue for a purge, this roote is taken beaten in wine or water for the Ague: it is taken preserued in Sugar like Marmalate, it is boiled with a Henne, causeth great thirst, but * 1.195 is profitable and of great operation.

Igpecaya, or Pigaya is profitable for the bloudie Fluxe; the stalke is a quarter long, and the * 1.196 roots of another, or more, it hath onely foure or fiue leaues, it smelleth much wheresoeuer it is, but the smell is strong and terrible, this roote beaten, and put in water all night at the deaw, and in the morning it this water with the same roote beaten and strained be drunke, onely the water, it causeth presently to purge in such sort, that the laske ceaseth altogether.

It is but a little while since the herbe Cayapia was found, it is an only remedie for whatsoeuer * 1.197 poison, especially of Snakes, and so it is called the Snakes herbe, and it is as good a remedie as the [ 10] Vnicorne and Bada, Bezar stone, or Coco of Maldiua; nothing profiteth but the roote, which it slender, and in the middest maketh a knot like a button, this beaten, and put in water and drunke, it killeth the poison of Snakes; It is also a great remedie for the wounds with the Arrowes that are poisoned, when any is hurt he remaineth fearelesse and secure, drinking the water of this roote, it is also a great remedie for the Feauer, continuing it and drinking of it some mornings, this herbe smelleth like the Fig-tree leaues of Spaine.

The herbe Tyroqui or Tareroqui is a principall remedie for the bloudie Fluxe, the roots are all * 1.198 iagged, the branches very slender, the leaues are like Basill; the flowers are red, and draw some∣what to a ruddie colour, and they growe in the very points. Of this there is great abundance, when it is gathered it is yellow, and being dried it turneth white, it is taken in the same manner [ 20] that the former. The Indians perfume themselues with this herbe when they are sicke, that they may not die, and for a certaine sicknesse that is common in the Countrie, and it is called the sicknesse of the worme * 1.199, it is a great remedie; it serueth to kill the worme in the Oxen and Swine, and for Empostumes. This herbe is as withered all night, and as a sleepe, and as soone as the Sunne riseth, it openeth againe, and shutteth againe when it is set.

The herbe Embeguacu serueth much for the Fluxe of bloud, especially in women; the roots are very long, and some of thirtie or fortie fathome, it hath a strong barke, whereof very strong Cordes are made, and Cables for ships, and they are long lasting, for in the water it waxetli greene. This being taken, to wit, the barke of it, and perfuming the partie in the place of the Fluxe, it ceaseth presently. [ 30]

Caa obetinga is a small herbe, hath few leaues, which it putteth forth euen from the ground, * 1.200 white vnderneath, and greene aboue, beares a flower as big as a hasell Nut; the roots and the leaues stamped are an excellent remedie for whatsoeuer wounds, they vse the leafe also vnstam∣ped, which being laid to the wound cleaueth fast, and healeth it.

Cobaura serueth for old sores that haue already no other remedie, it is laid beaten and burnt * 1.201 in the wound, and eateth presently all the Canker, and bringeth a new skinne, it is also laid to, onely the leafe beaten to skinne the place.

The Holy herbe serueth for diuers diseases, as wounds, and coughs, the rheume, &c. and prin∣cipally * 1.202 it serueth for the sicke of the head, the stomacke, and for the shortnesse of breath, or the Chine-cough. In this Countrie they make certaine Coffines of Palme-tree leaues, and being full [ 40] of this herbe dried and setting it on fire at the one end, they put the other in the mouth and drinke the smoake, it is one of the delicates and dainties of this Countrie; and all the Country∣men, and euen the Portugals are euen lost for it, and it is their great vice, to bee all day and all night laid in their Nets, to drinke this smoake, and are drunke with it as if it were with wine.

Guaraquimiya is the Mirtle tree of Portugall, and besides other good properties that it hath, * 1.203 like the Broome-rape, the seed of it is the onely remedie for the Body-wormes, and ordinarily they that eate it doe voide them presently.

Camaracatimbae is like to the Syluas of Portugall, it is boyled in water, and the said water is * 1.204 the onely remedy for scabbes, the poxe, and new wounds, and when the wounds are cured with the leaues of the Fig-tree spoken of in the title of the Trees, they wash it with the water of this herbe, whose flower is most faire, it seemeth a yellow and red Ielly-flower, and smelleth of [ 50] Muske, and of these they make Pot-boughs and Nose-gayes for the Altars.

Aipo is the very Smaledge of Portugall, and hath the vertues, it is found onely about the Sea∣coast, * 1.205 especially in the Riuer of Ianuarie, and for this cause it is sharper, and not so sweet in the taste as that of Portugall, it may be because of the Seas.

There is great store of Meade-mallow in this Country, it hath the same effects, it hath cer∣taine * 1.206 flowers as big as a Tester, of a very faire red, that they seeme Roses of Portugall.

Caraguata is a certaine kinde of thistle, they beare a certaine fruit of a finger long and yellow, * 1.207 raw they make the lips to blister, boiled or rosted they doe no harme, but any woman with child that eateth them doth presently abort her childe ordinarily. There bee other Caraguatas, that * 1.208 [ 60] beare certaine leaues like Flags very long, of two or three fathoms, and beare a certaine Harti∣chocke like the Nana, but they taste not well; these leaues laid in steepe doe yeeld a very fine Flaxe, vnto the threed to sowe withall, and for fishing lines. * 1.209

Timbo are certaine wonderfull herbes, that growe from the earth like a string vnto the high∣est

top of the Mulberie trees, where they are, and some growe close to the tree like Iuie: they are very strong, and serue for bindings, and some are as big as a mans leg, and winde them neuer so hard they neuer breake, the barke of these is very fine poison, and serueth for a baite to kill the fish, and it is so strong, that in the Riuers wherein it is cast it leaueth not a fish aliue as farre as it hath his vertue, and of these there be many sorts, and profitable as well for binders, as for to kill fishes.

Other herbes there be also that serue for medicines, as are Sow-thistles, Purcelane, Beets, En∣diue, Auenca, Basill, and of all there is great abundance, though these herbes haue not the per∣fection of those of Spaine; there want no wilde Mulberies white and blacke, like those of Por∣tugall, and great store of good Parsley, about the strands, whereof a good conserue is made; they [ 10] want no Pot-flowers.

Of smelling herbes in this Countrie there are many, Mintes, or wilde Sage, especially in Pi∣ratiniga, they smell not so well as those of Portugall, they haue also certaine French Mallowes, with certaine faire and pleasant flowers which serue for Nosegaies. Many Lillies there are, not so fine not so red as those of the Kingdome, and some white ones are also found.

There groweth here in the Spring, an herbe that sleepeth, and is like the Mayes of Portugall, * 1.210 and as that doth wither and sleepe after Sun-set, and when it riseth it openeth againe, and shew∣eth her beautie; the smell is somewhat strange. There is also another tree that sleepeth in the same manner, and beareth certaine fine flowers, but they haue no great smell.

The Quicke herbe is of a good height, and hath boughes, and certaine iagged leaues, of a plea∣sant * 1.211 [ 20] greene, it is called Quicke berbe, because it is so quicke and sensible, that as soone as it is tou∣ched with the hand or with any other thing, presently it hangeth the head, and withereth as if they had done it great iniurie, and within a little while it commeth to his perfection, and as ma∣ny times it is touched it withereth, and commeth againe to himselfe as before.

Many other herbes there be like Origanum, and many other sundrie flowers, but it seemeth * 1.212 that this Clymate, either for the many waters, or because of the Sunne, infuseth no smell in the herbes, rather it seemes to take it away.

In this Countrie are many sorts of Canes, and Tacuara is as big as a mans thigh; others which * 1.213 haue ioynts a fathome long, others whereof they make their Arrowes, and are esteemed. Others so long that they haue three or foure Lances in length, these growe among the Woods, and as [ 30] there are many, so there are many and long beds of Canes of many leagues, and as they growe among the trees, they goe to seeke the Sunne, and therefore are so long.

§. VI.

Of the Fishes that swimme in the salt water: also Shel-fishes, Trees and Fowles of the Sea: of Riuers and the Creatures which liue therein; and the Beasts and Plants brought thither out [ 40] of Portugall.

THe Oxe-fish in these parts is a Royall fish, esteemed aboue all other fishes, very health∣full * 1.214 in eating, and of a good taste, either salted or fresh: And it rather seemeth Beefe then Fish, and some doubts there were, because it was eaten on fish dayes; the flesh is all grained like Beefe, and so it is cut in slices, and they dresse it at the smoake like Bacon, or hanged Beefe. In the taste, if it be eaten or sodden with Cabidge, or other herbes, it tasteth like Beefe, and drest in sowce it tasteth like Mutton; and rosted, both in smell, taste, and fatnesse it is like Porke, and hath fat also.

The Fish in his making seemeth a land creature, and chiefly an Oxe, the head is altogether of [ 50] an Oxe, with skinne and haire, eares, eyes, cheekes and tongue; the eyes are exceeding small for the bodie it hath, he shutteth and openeth them when hee listeth, which other fishes doe not; ouer the ventsit hath two skinnes wherewith he closeth them, and by them he breatheth, and it cannot bee long vnder water without breathing, it hath no more nor other finnes but the taile: which is all round and close; the bodie is of a great bignesse, all full of yellow haires, it hath two armes of a cubite long, with two hands like round peeles, and on them he hath fiue fingers all close one to another, and euery finger hath his nayle like a mans nayle. Vnder these armes the female haue two paps, wherewith shee bringeth vp her young; she beareth but one at once: the inward part and the inwards of this fish are like an Oxes, with liuer, and lights, &c. In the head ouer the eyes neere the braines it hath two stones of a good bignesse, white and heauie, [ 60] they are of great esteeme, and are the onely remedie for the Stone: for beaten to powder and dranke in wine or water it causeth to void the stone, as it happened that giuing it to a person to drinke, leauing other many experiences, within one houre hee voided a stone as bigge as an Al∣mond, and remained sound, being before at the point of death. The bones of this fish are all mas∣sie

and white like Iuorie. They make of it great store of * 1.215 Butter, they take two leaues as from a hogge; and the most of the Butter it hath in the taile, which being of a yard or more in length, it melteth all into Butter, it hath a good taste, and for to dresse or frie fish, and for light. It is verie good also for Medicines, as the Hogges Grease, it is white and smelleth well, it hath no smell of fish. This fish is taken with Harping-Irons; it is found in the salt Riuers, neere the fresh water: it feedeth on an herbe that groweth by the borders, and within the Riuers, and where this herbe groweth, and neere the Springs of fresh water, whereof hee onely drinketh. They are verie great, some weigh tenne, others fifteene hundred, and such a fish hath beene taken, that an hundred men could not get it out of the water, but they broke it vp there where it was killed. [ 10]

The fish Beijupira is like the Sturgeon of Portugall, and so it is held and esteemed of heere as * 1.216 a royall fish: it is very healthfull, fat, and of a good taste, they bee infinite, and some of their towes are a span in compasse about: these fishes are taken in the broad Sea, with a hooke and line, it is six or seuen spannes long; the bodie is round, blacke on the backe and the belly white.

The Oxe-eie is like the Tunnyes of Spaine, as well in bignesse as in making, inward as outward; * 1.217 it is verie fat, it hath sometime betweene leafe and leafe courses of ••at as thicke as a Portugall d 1.218 Tester; they are cut in backes and bellies like the Tunn••es, and of them is made great store and verie good e 1.219 Butter, it hath leaues like a Hogge, is a fish esteemed and of a good taste, it deser∣ueth well the name of One fish, as well in his beautie, as his bignesse, the eies are properly like an Oxe, and therefore it hath this name. [ 20]

The fish Camurupi is also a royall fish, and esteemed in these parts, the graine of it all in flakes, * 1.220 enterlarded with fat and grease, and of a good taste, it hath many bones through all the bodie, and is dangerous in eating. It hath a finne on the backe, which it carries alwaies raised vpwards, it is of two or thre•• quarters long, the fish is long of twelue and thirteene quarters in length, and of a good bignesse, and two men haue much adoe to lift vp one of them, they are taken with Harping Irons, there are many of them, and much f 1.221 Oile is made of them.

This wilde fish, which the Indians call Pira••mbu, (that is, a fish that snorteth, the reason is, be∣cause * 1.222 wheresoeuer it is, is heard by his snorting) is of a good bignesse, about eight or nine spannes, it is of a good taste, and esteemed; it hath in the mouth two stones as broad as a hand, exceeding strange, with them they breake the Wilkes whereof they feed, the Indians esteeme the stones [ 30] and weare them about their neckes as a Iewell.

There are many other fishes of sundrie kinds, that are not in Spaine, and commonly of a good taste and healthfull. Of the fishes of Portugall in these parts are also many, to wit, a fish called Tainhas, and a great multitude, and it hath beene tried that the Tainha beeing fresh, and laid to the stinging of a Snake is another Vnicorne. There want no Sea-breames, a fish called Chichar∣ros, it is like a Mackerill, Pargos, or great Sea-breames, S••rg••s, other Sea-breames, Garazes, Da∣rados) the Needle-fish, Cod-fishes, but these are rare, Pilchards like them of Spaine, are found at sometimes in the Riuer of Ianuarie, and the most parts of the South, Scates, and Rayes; these Rayes some haue in their mouth two bones, and breake with them the Wilkes.

All these fishes are so healthfull that in these parts they are eaten after Milke, after flesh, and [ 40] all a whole Lent without Oile or Vineger, and it causeth no scabs nor other diseases as in Eu∣rope, but rather it is giuen to the sicke, though they haue a Feuer, or be very weake.

Because this Coast is full of many Bayes, Nookes, and Creekes, there came great store of * 1.223 Whales to these Concaues chiefly from May to September, when; they spawne and bring vp their young, and also because they come to the great store of fish that at this time there is in this Creekes. They are sometime so many that ye may see fortie or fiftie together, men doe say that they doe cast the Amber that they find in the Sea, and whereof they also feed, and therefore is some of it found in this Coast; others doe say that the Sea it selfe doth cast it on the shoares with * 1.224 great tempests, and commonly it is found after a great storme, and all the beasts doe eate of this Amber, and great diligence is needfull after the tempests that they may not find it eaten. It is very dangerous to saile in small Barkes along this Coast, for besides other dangers, the Whales o∣uerwhelme [ 50] many, if they heare any ringing, they are so scared as Horses when they heare the sound of a Drumme, and are as fierce as Lions, many runne vpon the shoare, and great store of Oile is made of them. They haue the head open, and there they breathe, and cast at once great store of water, and scatter it so in the Aire as if it were a great showre.

There is great store of the Sword-fishes, they are great and fierce, for they haue a snowt like * 1.225 a Sword, all full of teeth round about, verie sharpe, and as bigge as Dogges teeth or bigger; they are a mans hand or more, and the length is according to the greatnesse of the fish. Some of these snowts or Swords are of eight or ten spannes long: with these they make a cruell battell with the Whales, for raising it vpward, and striking so many strokes on her, and so fast that it is a * 1.226 [ 60] wonderfull thing: the Sharkes resort to the bloud, and sucke it in such sort till she dieth, and so many are found dead and cut in pieces. With this snowt also they catch the fishes whereof they feed. The Indians vse these snowts when they are young for to beate their children, and to feare them when they are disobedient vnto them.

In this Coast are many Tortoises; there are many taken, whereof there are coffers, boxes for the hoasts, cups, &c. These Tortoises doe lay their egges in the sands, and they lay 200. or 300. * 1.227 egges at a time, they are as bigge as Hens egges, verie white and round as balles; they hide these egges in the sand, and when the young are hatcht, presently they goe to the water, where they are nourished, the egges also are eaten. They haue this propertie, that though you boile or roast them the white is euer soft, the inwards are like a Hogges, and they haue vents where through they breathe. They haue another particularitie, that when yee turne them on their belly, they turne presently toward the Sea, neither can they liue otherwise. Some of them are so bigge that of their shels they make whole Targets, and one was taken vpon this Coast so bigge, that twen∣tie men could not lift, nor poise it from the ground. [ 10]

Vpon this Coast are many sorts of Sharkes, and in it are found sixe or seuen kinds of them; it is a very fierce and cruell fish, and kils many persons, especially those that swimme. The Riuers * 1.228 are full of them; they are so cruell that it happened one to runne after an Indi••n that went in a Boate, and put him in such a straight, that the young man leaping a shoare, the Sharke leapt after him thinking to haue caught him, and fell on drie land where they killed him. In the broad Sea where also are many, they kill them with Snares, and Harping Irons, and they are so eager, greedie, and loue flesh, and they are so deuouring, that they find in their bellies, skinnes, p••eces of cloth, shirts and breeches that fall from the Sailers, they goe ordinarily accompanied with cer∣taine verie faire fishes of diuers colours called Pelgrimes. They make great store of Oile of them, * 1.229 and the Indians vse the teeth in their Arrowes, because they are verie sharpe, cruell, and vene∣mous, [ 20] and verie seldome, or with great difficultie are they healed that are hurt with them.

The flying fishes are ordinarily of a spanne long or little more, it hath the eies verie faire, of a * 1.230 certaine verie gallant picture, that beautifies it much, and doe seeme precious stones, the head is also very faire, it hath wings like R••ere-mice, but of a siluer hue; they are much per••ecuted of the other fishes, and for to escape they flie in flockes, like Stares, or Sparrowes, but they flie not ve∣rie high, they are also good to eat, and when they flie they glad the Sailers, and many times they fall in the ship, and come in at the Cabbin windowes.

Botos and T••ninas, are two kinds of Porpoises. Of these fishes there are great abundance, as in Europe.

They find also in this Coast Salmonets, but they are rare, and not so esteemed, nor of so good * 1.231 [ 30] a taste as those of Europe. The Soles of these parts are verie rare, they haue this propertie, that when they are to be boiled or fried they beate them, and the more stroakes they giue them, the stiffer they are, and the better to eate, and if they beate them not, they are soft and no∣thing worth.

As in this Countrie of Brasill are many Snakes, and venemous Wormes, whereof wee will * 1.232 speake hereafter, there are likewise many fishes verie venemous.

The Toad fish, in their Language, A••••ayacn, is a small fish, a spanne long, painted, it hath * 1.233 faire eies, taking it out of the water it snorteth verie much, and cutteth the hookes, and out of the water it swelleth much, all the poison lies in the skinne, and flaying they eate it: but ea∣ting it with the skinne it killeth. It chanced a young man to eate one with the skinne, who died [ 40] almost suddenly; the Father said, I will eate the fish that killed my Sonne, and eating of it died also presently, it is a great poison for Rats, for those that eate of it doe die presently.

There is another kind of Toad fish of the same fashion that the other, but it hath many cruell prickles, as a Hedge-hogge; it snorteth, and swelleth out of the water; the skinne also killeth, especially the prickles, because they are verie venemous, fleaing it, it is eaten, and it is good for the bloudie Fluxe. There is another Toad fish, called in their tongue, Itaoça, it is three square, and the bodie such, that all of it is like a Dagger; it is faire, it hath the eies bluish, it is eaten fleade; the poison consisteth in the skinne, liuers, guts, and bones, whatsoeuer creature doth eate it, dieth.

Puraque is like the Scate, it hath such vertue that if any touch it, he remaineth shaking as one [ 50] that hath the Palsie, and touching it with a sticke, or other thing it benummeth presently him * 1.234 that toucheth it, and while he holdeth the sticke ouer him, the arme that holdeth the sticke is benummed, and a sleepe; it is taken with flue-nets, and with casting Nets it maketh all the bodie tremble, and benummes it with the paine, but beeing dead it is eaten, and it hath no poison.

The Caramuru are like the Sea Snakes of Portugall, of ten or fifteene spans long, very fat, and * 1.235 roafted taste like Pigge; these haue strange teeth, and many men are may med by their bytings, and the hand or foot where they were bitten, doe rot away. It hath ouer all the bodie many prickels. The Countrimen say that they engender with the Snakes; for they finde them many times knit with them, and many in the sands tarrying for the Sea Snakes. * 1.236

Amoreaty is like the Toad fish, it is full of prickels, and thrusts himselfe vnder the sand along [ 60] the shoare, and prickes the foot or hand vnderneath that toucheth it, and it hath no other reme∣die but only by fire.

Amayacurub is round and of the bignesse of the k 1.237 Bugallos of Spaine, and are very venemous, it hath the bodie full of Wartes, and therefore it is called Curub, that is to say, a Wart in their Language.

Ierepomonga, is a Snake that liueth in the Sea; her manner of liuing is to lie very still, and whatsoeuer liuing thing that toucheth it, remaineth so fast sticking to it that in no wise it can * 1.238 stirre, and so he feedeth and sustaines himselfe. Sometimes it commeth out of the Sea, and be∣commeth very small, and as soone as it is toucht it sticketh fast, and if they goe with the other hand to lose themselues, they remaine also fast by it, and then it becommeth as bigge as a great Cable, and so carrieth the person to the Sea, and eateth it, and because it cleaueth so fast, it is called Terepomong, that is to say, a thing that cleaneth fast.

Finally, there are many kinds of very venomous fishes in the Sea, that haue so vehement a poison, that ordinarily none escapeth that catech or toucheth them.

The Mermen, or men of the Sea, are called in their language Ypupiapra; the men of the country are * 1.239 [ 10] so afraid of them, that many of them die only with the thought of them, & none that seeth them scapeth. Some that died already, being demanded the cause said, that they had seene this Monster, they properly are like men, of a good stature, but their eies are very hollow. The Female are like women, they haue long haire, and are beautiful;▪ these Monsters are found in the bars of the fresh Riuers; in Iagoaripe, seuen or eight leagues from the Bay haue many bin found, & in the yeere 82. an Indian going to fish, was chased by one, and fleeing in a Canoa told it to his Master. The Master for to animate the Indian, would needs go see the Monster, & being carelesse with one hand out of the Canoa, it catcht hold of him, and carried him away, and hee was neuer seene againe, and in the same yeere died an Indian of Franciscus Lorenço Cacyro. In Port Secure are some seene, which haue killed some Indians alreadie, the manner of their killing is to embrace themselues with the [ 20] person so strongly, kissing, and grasping it hard to it selfe that they crush it in pieces remaining whole, and when they perceiue it dead, they giue some sighings in shew of sorrow, and letting them goe they runne away, and if they carrie any they eate onely the eies, the nose, the points of the fingers and toes, and priuie members, and so ordinarily they are found on the sands with these things missing.

The Seas of these parts are very plentifull of Cutties, this kind of fish hath a hood alwaies full * 1.240 of very blacke Inke: this is their defence from the greater fishes, for when they come to catch them they cast that Inke before their eies, and the water becommeth very blacke, and then hee goes his waies. They take them with shooting at them, but they baite them first, they are also taken with lights by night. For to eate them they beate them, and the more, the softer they are, [ 30] and of better taste.

Apula is a shel-fish like the joint of a Cane: it is rare, it is eaten, and drinking it fasting in * 1.241 Powder, a souereigne remedie for the Milt or Spleene.

In these parts are infinite of the Sea-fomes, and are great, as broad as a hat; they haue many * 1.242 foulds wherewith they catch the fish, and resemble the Barberie Purses, they are not eaten; if they sting any one, they cause great paines, and cause to weepe, and so said an Indian that was stung with one of them, that he had receiued many wounds with Arrowes, but neuer wept till then; they are neuer seene but in neape tides (or slow waters, therefore the Portugals call them Agnas mortas, or Dead waters.)

The Vça is a kind of Crab found in the mire, and they are infinite, and the foode of all this * 1.243 [ 40] Countrie, chiefly for the slaues of Guinea, and the Indians of the Countrie, they haue a good taste, vpon them is good drinking cold water. They haue a particularitie to bee noted, that when they cast their shell they goe into their holes, and there they are two or three moneths, and casting the shell, mouthes and feet, they come so out, and they grow againe as before.

Guainumu is a kind of Crabs so great, that a mans legge will goe into their mouth. They * 1.244 are good to eate; when it doth thunder they come out of their holes, and make so great a noise the one with the other, that men haue gone out with their weapons, thinking they had beene enemies; if they doe eate a certaine herbe, whosoeuer eateth them then dieth, these are of the Land, but keepe in holes neere the Sea side.

The Aratu Crabs keepe in the trunkes of the trees, that grow in the Oowes of the Sea, when * 1.245 [ 50] thay find a Cockle that gapeth, they seeke presently some little stone, and very cunningly put it into the Cockle: the Cockle shutteth presently, and not beeing able because of the little stone it hath within, they with their mouthes doe take out the fish and eate it.

There are ten or twelue kinds of Crabs in this Countrie, and as I haue said, they are so many in * 1.246 number, and so healthfull, that all are eaten, especially of the Indians, &c.

The Oysters are many, and some are very great, and the meate is as broad as the palme of the * 1.247 hand: in these are some Pearles found very rich, in other smaller are also very fine Pearles found. The Indians in old time came to the Sea for Oysters, and got so many that they made great Hils of the shels, and carried the fishes they carried away for to eate all the yeere; vpon these Hils by the continuance of time grew great Groues of Trees and very thicke and high, and the Portugals [ 60] discouered some, and euery day goe discouering others anew, and of these shels they make lime; * 1.248 and of one only heape was part of the Colledge of the Bay made, the Palaces of the Gouernour, and many other buildings, and yet it is not ended, the lime is very white, good for to garnish and

lime withall; if it bee in the raine it becommeth blacke, and for to keepe water in Cisternes it is not so sure, but for the rest as good as the stone in Spaine.

There wan•• no Muscles in this Countrie▪ they serue the Indians and the Portugals for Spoones * 1.249 and Kniues, they haue a ••aire siluer colour▪ in them is found some seed Pearle; there is a small kind of them whereon the Sea-guls doe feed, and because they cannot breake them, they haue such a naturall instinct that taking them vp into the Aire, they let them fall so many times till they breake it, and then they eate them.

The Perewinkles are very▪ tastefull, and good in this Countrie, and some seed Pearle is found * 1.250 in them, and so of the Perewinkles, and of the Muscles there is great store, of many and sun∣drie kinds. [ 10]

The greatest Wilkes which are called G••••tapigg••••••••, that is, a great Wilk••, are much esteemed of the Indians, for of them they make their Trumpets, Furnitures, Beades, Brooches, Eare∣rings, * 1.251 and Gloues for the children, and they are of such esteeme among them, that for one they will giue any one person that they haue captiue: and the Portugals gaue in olde time a Crowne for one: they are as white as Iuorie, and many of them are of two quarters broad, and one in length.

The Piraguaig are also eaten, and of the shelles they make their Beades: and for so many fa∣thome * 1.252 they g••ue a person. Of these the Sea casteth vp sometimes great heapes, a wonderfull thing. Of Wilkes and Skallops there is great quantitie in this Countrie, very faire, and to bee e∣steemed, of sundrie kinds. [ 20]

They find great store of white-stone Corrall vnder water, it groweth like small Trees all in * 1.253 leaues, and Canes as the red Corrall of India; and if this also were so, there would be great riches in this Countrie, for the great abundance there is of it, it is very white, it is gotten with diffi∣cultie, they make lime of it also.

There are great multitudes of Prawnes, because this Coast is almost all enuironed with shelues, * 1.254 and Rockes; there are also many Sea-ruffes, and other Monsters found in the Concauities of the Rockes, great Cra••esses or Crabbes like those of Europe, it seemes there bee none in these parts.

The Mangue Trees are like the Swallowes, or Will••wes of Europe, there is so great quantitie of * 1.255 them in the armes or creeks that the Sea maketh within the Land, that many leagues of the Land [ 30] is of these Trees, that are watered with the tides. We trauelled I say leagues, and whole daies in the Riuers where these Trees are, and they are alwaies greene, faire and pleasant, and of many kinds. The wood is good to burne, and for to build houses, it is very heauie and hard as Iron; of the barke they make Inke, and it serueth to tanne Leather, and they are of many kindes. A cer∣taine kind of them doe cast certaine twigs from the top of their length some times as long as a Launce, till they come to the water, and then they cast many branches and rootes, and these branches remaine fast in the earth, and while they are greene these twigs are tender, and because they are hollow within, they make good Flutes of them. In these Creekes are a certaine kinde of Gnats called Mareguis, as small as Hennes Lice, they bite in such sort, that they leaue such * 1.256 a Wheale, smart and itching that a man cannot helpe himselfe, for euen through the clothes they [ 40] pricke, and it is a good penance, and mortification to suffer them on a Morning, or an Euening; there is no other remedie to defend themselues from them, but to anoint themselues with dirt, or to make a great fire and smoke.

In these Creekes are many Crabs, Oysters, and Water Rats, and there is one kind of these Rats, a monstrous thing, for all the day they sleepe, and wake all night.

In these Creekes the Parrets breeds, which are so many in number, and make such a noise, that it seemeth the noise of Sparrowes, or Dawes.

On the Sands they finde great store of Parsley, as good and better, then that of Portugall whereof also they make Conserues. [ 50]

Birds that doe feed, and are found in the salt water.

THe Bird Guiratinga is white, of the bignesse of the Cranes of Portugall; they are extreame * 1.257 white, and haue verie long feete, the bill verie cruell and sharpe, and verie faire, of a ve∣rie fine yellow, the legges are also verie long, betweene Red and Yellow. On the necke it hath the finest Plume Feathers that can bee found, and they are like the Estridges Feathers of Africa.

Caripira by another name Forked-tayles, are many; they are called Forked-tayles, because their * 1.258 taile is diuided in the middle; the Indians make great account of the Feathers for the feathering of their Arrowes, and say that they last long, at sometimes they are verie fat, the fat is good for [ 60] the loosenesse. These Birds doe vse to bring newes a land of the ships, and they are so certaine in this that very seldome they faile, for when they are seene, ordinarily within twentie or thir∣tie * 1.259 daies the ships doe come.

Guaca is properly the Sea-mew of Portugall, their ordinarie food are Cockles, and because they * 1.260 are hard, and they cannot breake them, they take them in their bill, and letting them fall many times they breake them and eate them; of these Sea-m••••••es there are an infinite number of kinds, that the Trees and the strands are full of them.

Guirateonteon is called in Portugall Sc••ld-p••te, it is called Guir••••e••nt••on, that is, a Bird that hath * 1.261 deadly accidents, and that dieth and liueth againe, as though it had the Falling sicknesse, and these fits are so great that many times the Indians doe find them along the strands, and take them in their hands, and thinking they are dead doe fling them away, and they assoone as they fall doe rise and flie away, they are white and faire, and there are other kinds of these that haue the same accidents. [ 10]

The Calca••••r are as bigge as Tuttle-doues, or Pigeons; the men of the Countrie say, that they * 1.262 lay their Egges in the Sea, and there they hatch, and breed their young; they flie not, but with their wings and feet they swimme very swiftly, they foreshew great calmes and showres, and in calme weather they are so many along the shippes that the Mariners cannot tell what to doe, they are euen the very spite it selfe, and melancholy.

The Ay••y•• are as bigge as a Pye-••n••et, more white th••n red, they haue a faire colour of whi•••• * 1.263 bespotted with red, the bill is long and like a Spoone. For to catch the fish, it hath this ••••ght; it striketh with the foot in the water, and stretching out his neck, carrieth for the fish and catcheth it, and therefore the Indians say it hath humane knowledge.

The C〈…〉〈…〉ra is small and gray, it hath faire eies with a verie faire red circle, it hath a strange * 1.264 note, for the he that heareth it thinketh it is of a verie great bird, it beeing verie small; for it singeth [ 20] with the mouth, and jointly behind it maketh a noise so sounding, loud and strong, though not smelling verie well, that it is a wonder, it maketh this sweet Musicke two houres before day, and at Euening till the Euening twilight be done, and ordinarily when it singeth, foresheweth faire weather.

The Guara is as bigge as a Pye-annet, it hath a long bill with a crooked point, and his feet of a * 1.265 quarter or span long, when it is hatched, it is blacke, and after becommeth gray, when it alrea∣die doth fl••e, it becommeth whiter then any Doue, afterward it turneth to a bright red, yet at length it becommeth redder then Scarlet it selfe, in this colour he continueth till his death, they are many in quantitie, but they haue no other kind. They breed well in Houses, their food is fish, flesh, and other things; their food must be alwaies in water, the Indians esteeme greatly the Fea∣thers [ 30] of these, and of them they make their Diademes, Fringes wherewith they couer the Swords they kill withall, and they make Bracelets to weare on their armes, and fasten them to their haire like Rose buds, and these are their Iewels, and Chaines of Gold wherewith they adorne themselues in their Feasts, and they so much esteeme, yea, they beeing so much giuen to eat humane flesh, they giue many times the enemies they haue for to eat in change for these Fea∣thers. These birds goe in flights, and if the Sunne doth shine on them vpon the Sands, or in the Aire, it is a faire thing to behold. Many other birds there are that do feed on the Sea, as Hearn∣shewes, Corm••rants, and a certaine kinde of Eagles (which are our Asperalles) which would bee tedious to recite. [ 40]

The maine Riuers wherewith this Prouince is watered are innumerable, and some verie great, * 1.266 and haue verie faire barres, not wanting in the Riuers, Brookes and Fountaines, whereof the Countrie is verie plentifull, and the waters ordinarily are verie faire, cleere and healthfull, and plentifull of infinite fishes of sundrie kinds, of the which some are of an exceeding greatnesse, and of great value, and verie healthfull, and are giuen vnto the sicke for Medicines. These fishes doe the Indians catch with Nets, but ordinarily with Hooke and Line. Among these there is a royall fish of a good taste and sauour, that is verie like the Sturgeon of Spaine, this is called Iau, they are of fourteene and fifteene quarters long, and sometimes bigger, and verie fat, and they make Butter (or Grease) of them. And at sometimes the fish is so much, they fat their Hogges with it. In the small Creekes are manie Shrimpes, and some of a quarter and more in length, and of a verie good taste and sauour. [ 50]

Fresh water Snakes (and Creatures of the water.)

THe Snake Cucurijuba is the greatest, or of the greatest that are in Brasill, notable as well for * 1.267 greatnesse as beautie, some are taken of fiue and twentie or thirtie foote long, and a yard in compasse. It hath a Chaine along the backe, of notable Pictures and verie faire, that beginneth at the head and endeth in the Taile; it hath Teeth like a Dogge, and laying hold on a man, Cow, Stagge, or Hogge, winding it with certaine turnes of her Taile, it swalloweth the said thing whole. And after she hath it so in her belly, she lets her selfe rot, and the Rauens and Crowes do [ 60] eate her all, so that there remaineth nothing but the bones, and afterward it breedeth new flesh againe, and reneweth as before it was. The reason whereof is (say the men of the Countrie) be∣cause while it putrifieth it hath the head in the mire, and hauing life in the noddle they liue a∣gaine; and because this is knowne alreadie, when they finde them putrified, they seeke o••t the

head and kill it. The manner of their feeding is to waite for their prey, either beasts or people laide along by the waies, and when it passeth, it winds it selfe about it, and killeth and eateth it. After they are full they sleepe in such sort, that sometimes they cut two or three pieces of their Taile, they not waking, as hath happened that after they had cut two pieces of the Taile of one of these, the next day they found her dead with two wild Bores in her belly; and it was about twelue yards and an halfe long.

The Snake Manima keepeth alwaies in the water, it is yet greater then the other abouesaid; it is much painted: and from his Pictures did the Gentlies of Brasill take the painting of them∣selues. * 1.268 That Indian holds himselfe for blessed, that it doth shew it selfe vnto, saying, they shall liue long, seeing the Manima did shew it selfe vnto him. [ 10]

Many other kinds of Snakes there be in the Riuers of fresh water, which I leaue for breuitie sake, and because there is nothing in particular that can be said of them.

The Iacare Lizards are of a notable greatnesse, and some are as bigge as Dogges, their snowt is like a Dogge, and so haue they their Teeth verie long, they haue ouer all the bodie certaine plates * 1.269 like an armed Horse, and when they arme themselues, there is no Arrow can pierce them, they are painted of diuers colours, they doe no hurt to the people, but rather they take them easily with Snares, some haue beene taken of fifteene quarters (or spans) long, and the Indians esteeme them much, and hold them for estate as the Rimbabas, that is, Dogges, or any other thing of e∣state. They keepe in the water, and on the land, they lay Egges as bigge as Geese, and so hard that striking one against another, they tingle like Iron. Where these doe haunt they are pre∣sently [ 20] perceiued, by the great cries they giue; the flesh of these smelleth very much, especially * 1.270 his Cods of Muske, and they are of esteeme, their dung hath some vertue, especially it is good for the Lelidas.

The Iaguarucu is a beast greater then any Oxe, it hath Teeth of a great quarter long, they keepe in and out of the water, and doe kill men; they are rare; some of them are found in the * 1.271 Riuer of Saint Francis, and in Paraguacu.

The Atacape are Woolues smaller, but much more hurtfull, for they come out of the water to watch for men, and being verie swift they kill some persons and eate them.

The Iaguapopeba are the true Atters of Portugall. There is another small beast of the big∣nesse of it is called Zariguemeiu, these haue rich Skinnes for Furres; and of these [ 30] water beasts, there are many other kinds; some doe no hurt, others are verie fierce.

The Baepapina are a certaine kind of Mermen as bigge as children, for they differ nothing from them, of these there are many and doe no harme. * 1.272

There be many of the water Hogges Capijgoara, and are of the bignesse of land-hogges, but they differ in fashions; in the roofe of the mouth it hath a very great stone that doth serue him * 1.273 for great Teeth. This the Indians hold for a Iewell for their children, sonnes and daughters. It hath no taile, they continue long vnder water, but they lodge on the Land, and in it they bring vp their young; their foode is grasse, and fruites that they find along the Riuers.

In the fresh Riuers of waters are many kinde of Igta Scallops, great and small. Some are so bigge as good Siues, and serue to sift their meale with them; other are smaller, and serue for [ 40] Spoones, all of them are long, and of a siluer colour, in them are some Pearles.

In the Riuers are found many of the Cagados, (a Sea bird so called) and they are so many in number, that the Tapuyas doe feed fat in a certaine time of the yeere with the Egges, and doe seeke for them as for some other daintie food.

There want no Frogges in the Riuers, Fountaines, P••ddles, and Lakes, and they are of many kinds especially these Guararici. The feare that the Indians haue thereof is a wonderfull thing, * 1.274 that of the onely hearing it they die, and tell them neuer so much they haue no other remedie, but let themselues die, so great is the imagination and apprehension that they take of the hea∣ring it sing, and whatsoeuer Indian that heareth it dieth, for they say it doth cast from it selfe a brightnesse like a lightning. [ 50]

All these maine Riuers haue so great and so thicke Woods on the one side and the other, that they saile many leagues by them and see no ground, on either side, in them are many things to be told, which I omit for breuities sake.

Of the Beasts, Trees and Herbes, that came from Portugall, and doe grow and breed in Brasill.

THis Brasill is alreadie another Portugall, and not speaking of China, which is much more temperate and healthfull, without great heates or colds, where the men doe liue long, with few sicknesses, as the Collicke, of the Liuer, the Head, the Breast, Scabs, nor any other Diseases [ 60] of Portugall. Neither speaking of the Sea, which hath great store of fish, and wholsome, nor of the things of the Land, which God hath giuen to this Nation, nor of many other commodities which the men haue to passe their liues withall; though the commoditie of houses is not great,

for the most of them are of mud walls, and thatched, though now they beginne to make buil∣dings of lime and stone, and tile, neither are the commodities for apparell many, because the Countrie yeeldeth no other cloth but Cotton-wooll. In this place the people are in great need, especially from the Riuer of Ianuarie, vnto Saint Uincent, for want of ships to bring Merchan∣dize and Clothes, but in the most Captaineships they are prouided of all kinde of clothings and Silkes, and the men goe well apparelled, and weare many Silkes and Veluets. But it is alreadie Portugall as I said for the many Commodities that from thence doe come vnto it.

In this Prouince is a good breed of the Horses, and there be alreadie great abundance of them * 1.275 and very good Iennets of a great price, that are worth 200. and 300. Duckets and more, and there is alreadie running at the Geese, at the Ring, at Canes, and other Sports and Skirmishes, and from hence they beginne to prouide Angola of Horses whereof they stand in great want. [ 10]

Though this Countrie hath weake pastures, and in Por•• S••cure is an Herbe that killeth the * 1.276 beasts if they doe eate it, notwithstanding there is a great number of them alreadie, and all Bra∣sill is full of great Heards, and some haue 500. some a 1000. heads, especially in the fields of Pi∣ratininga, because it hath good pastures, and are like to them of Portugall, and it is a pleasant thing to see the young breed that is there.

The Swine doe like very well heere, and they beginne to haue great multitudes, and heere it * 1.277 is the best flesh of all, yea, better then Hennes flesh, and it is giuen to the sicke, and hath a very good rellish and taste.

Vnto the Riuer of Ianuarie are many sheepe found alreadie, and Weathers, and they fatten so * 1.278 much that they burst with fatnesse: it is not here so good flesh as in Portugall. [ 20]

The Goates are yet but few, but yet they like well in this Countrie, and doe multiply verie * 1.279 much, and in a short time there will be a great multitude.

The Hennes are infinite, and greater then in the Realme of Portugall, and because the Coun∣trie * 1.280 is temperate they breed well, and the Indians doe esteeme them, and breed them within the Maine, three hundred and foure hundred leagues, the flesh here is not so good as in the Realme.

The Hennes of Peru, like well in this Countrie, and there is great abundance of them, and * 1.281 there is no Banquet where they are not a dish.

The Geese doe like well in this Countrie, and are in great abundance, there is also here ano∣ther * 1.282 kind of the Countrie it selfe, and are farre greater and fairer. [ 30]

The Dogges haue multiplied much in this Countrie, and are of many kindes; they are estee∣med * 1.283 heere aswell of the Portugals which brought them, as of the Indians that esteeme them a∣boue all the things they haue: because they helpe them in their hunting, and are domesticall creatures, and so the women doe carrie them on their backe from one place to another, and nou∣rish them as Children, and giue them sucke at the breast.

Trees with prickles, as Orenges, Pomecitrons, Limons * 1.284 of both kinds, of sundrie sorts do * 1.285 grow well in this Countrie, which almost all the yeere haue fruit, and there are so great Oren∣ges and Pomecitron Groues, that euen among the Woods they grow, and the abundance is so great of those things that they are not set by. They haue a great enemie, the Ants, notwith∣standing [ 40] there is great abundance, without euer being watered, and as there wanteth no Sugar, they make infinite Conserues, to wit, of Citrons, Limons, the flowres, &c.

The Fig-trees grow verie well heere, and there bee many kindes, as long Figges, blacke * 1.286 Figges, Figge-Dates, and many other kinds, to the Riuer of Ianuarie, that are hotter ground, they yeeld two crops in the yeere.

In the Riuer of Ianuarie and Saint Vincent, in the fields of Piratininga, doe grow many Quinces, * 1.287 and yeeld foure crops a yeere, one after another, and there are men that with verie few Quince Trees doe gather, ten, and twelue thousand Quinces, and here they make great store of Marme∣lets and verie shortly will those of the Iland of Madera be spared.

There are many sorts of Grapes, as Feriads, Boaes, Bastard, Greene, and Gallizian Grapes, and * 1.288 many other. To the Riuer of Ianuarie they haue all the yeere Grapes, if they will haue them, [ 50] for if they cut them euerie moneth, they beare euerie moneth Grapes successiuely. In the Riuer of Ianuarie especially in Piratininga, are Vineyards, and are so loaden that they bow to the ground, they yeeld but one crop. They beginne alreadie to make Wine, though with trouble to preserue it, for in wood the Worme doth presently eate thorow, and earthen vessels they haue none, but seeke remedies of their owne, and doe continue it, and in a short space they will haue many Wines.

In the Riuer of Ianuarie and Piratininga, are many Roses; one, Damaske Roses, whereof they * 1.289 distill great store of Rose-water, and Conserue of Roses for to purge, and not to purge, for of the other they haue not, they seethe the Damaske Roses in water, and straining them they make [ 60] Conserue of Roses very good wherewith they doe not purge.

Muske Melons want not in many Captaine ships, and are good and fine, many Gourds where∣of * 1.290 they make Conserues, many Beets whereof they make it also, Cabbages, Cowcumbers, Raddishes, Turnops, Mustard, Mintes, Coriander, Dill, Fennell, Pease, Leekes, Onions,

Garlicke, Borrage, and other Pulses which were brought from Portugall, and grow well in this Countrie.

In the Riuer of Ianuarie, and fields of Piratininga, groweth Wheate, they vse it not because they haue no Horse-mils, nor Water-mils, and they haue also great trouble in the gathering of * 1.291 it, for because of the many waters, and ranknesse of the ground it commeth altogether, and it multiplieth so much, that one Corne beareth sixtie and eightie Eares, and some beeing ripe, o∣thers grow anew, and it multiplieth almost in infinitum. Of lesse then a i 1.292 quarter of Barley that a man sowed, in the field of Piratininga, hee gathered sixtie and odde k 1.293 Alqueires, and if men would giue themselues to this commoditie, the Countrey would be verie rich and plentifull.

There are many sorts of Basill, and Gilliflowres Yellow, and Red, and doe grow well in Pi∣ratininga, [ 10] and other smelling herbes, as the l 1.294 Onion sese, &c.

Aboue all this, Brasill hath one commoditie for men to liue, that in it doe liue disorderly, that there are but few Lice or Fleas, but among the Indians, and Guinne Moores there are some Lice; but there want no Hornets, Dorres, Waspes, Flies, and Gnats of so many kinds, and so cruell and venemous, that stinging any person, the place swelleth for three or foure dayes, especial∣ly in the fresh men, which haue their bloud fresh and tender, with the good Bread, Wine and delicate fare of Portugall.

CHAP. II. [ 20]

Articles touching the dutie of the Kings Maiestie our Lord, and to the common good of all the estate of Brasill. Written (as is thought) by the Au∣thour of the former Treatise.

IT greatly behooueth for the vniuersall good, and preseruation of the estate of Bra∣sill, that the King our Lord doe take all the Captaineships for his, satisfying the * 1.295 Lordships. For as the Tenths are all his Maiesties, and the Lordships haue no more then the tenth, which is verie little, at the least in the Captaineships of the Holy Ghost, Saint Vincent, Port Secure, and the Ilets, the said Captaine∣ships [ 30] are neuer prouided, neither haue Powder, Bullet, or Caleeuer, &c. for to de∣fend themselues from the enemies, and whatsoeuer French or English shippe that goeth thither, doth put them in such danger, that either they must giue them entrance, and traffick with them, or leaue them the Towne and goe to the Woods, as now it was seene in the Captaineships of the Holy Ghost, and Saint Vincent, and being the Kings they be otherwise prouided, making Fortres∣ses in the barres for their defence, at the least in those of the Holy Ghost, and the Riuer of Ianuarie, * 1.296 as it was done in that of Saint Vincent, in the which ships may come in at any houre, and in this manner will haue a delight to dwell, and labour in them the which now doe liue in trouble and complaints, seeing themselues so disfauoured, and in any danger of warre they rather thinke how to flee away, and escape with their Wiues and Children, then how to defend the Coun∣trey, [ 40] whose safetie, preseruation, and augmenting importeth so much, as is notorious to the good of all Peru.

It seemeth necessarie that in Brasill there be a Court Royall, where many causes may be deter∣mined, * 1.297 as there is in Peru, New Spaine, and in all his Maiesties Prouinces.

The first reason that for this is offered, is, that the people whereof at the first this Countrey was inhabited, commonly were banished for facts committed in Portugall. And as at the begin∣ning there was no Iustice Royall in it, at the least in the Captaineships, and Lands of the Lords, as all of them were, but onely Captaines and Iudges, placed by the Lords of them, there was little regard of Iustice, as well in them which ruled, the which had authoritie for to kill, hang, &c. and as they had no Science, nor peraduenture Conscience, ruled rather by humane respects, [ 50] friendships, hatreds, and proper gaines, then by direct reason, as in the subiects, the which as * 1.298 there was no Iustice but of Gossips, (as the speech is) did liue at large as they listed, hauing no bo∣die to contradict them, and though the Kings afterward did take & reserue the Iustice to them∣selues send••ng Gouernours, and generall Iudges, and though there come many men of more qua∣litie to continue the inhabiting of the Countrey, notwithstanding a great part of that first liber∣tie and licence remained still, with the which many euils were and are committed without pu∣nishment. For many of them haue alreadie so much power with their riches (gained God know∣eth how) that I know not whether those that now doe rule dare meddle with them, bee it that they feare their power and might, or because f••r•• omnes dilig••nt m••n••ra: and the Iustices that went, and will not be interessed but beare the Rod vpright, let them prepare themselues to suf∣fer [ 60] troubles in this Countrey.

The second reason is, that many Sutes may here be determined definitiuely, in the which are delayings of many yeeres, without any obtayning of Iustice by Appeales and Grieuances to Portugall. Now if the Gouernour (as many times it hapneth) will put himselfe in the office of

the generall Iudge, and with his power binds his hands, all goes topsieturuie, without any ciuill peace in the Countrey, but rather a continuall confusion, and perturbation, and the matter com∣meth to this point, that the Gouernour apprehendeth the Iudge himselfe (as alreadie it hath hapned) and sendeth him to Portugall, and in the meane while the Iustice of the Countrey remayneth in the hands of him that cannot administer it, and in stead of reason entreth affection, or passion, and then nothing is done but what the Gouernor listeth. The same behoueth, and per∣aduenture more, to that which appertaineth to his Majesties goods, wherein are difficult matters, and haue need of a man of knowledge and conscience, for to decide them.

The third reason is, that there may learned men of conscience bee there for to determine the Iustice of warre, for want of that haue many been made in Brasill, against all Iustice, which was [ 10] a great cause of the destruction of the men of the Countrie, and so all the Coast is almost vnha∣bited. And although the Kings past commended this greatly, and commanded that no warre should be held lawfull, but that which should be made by order of the Gouernour generall, hee taking first counsell with the Bishop, and Fathers of the company, and experienced persons of the Countrey, and of good consciences, and the Iustice of the warre being determined by them, notwithstanding many times it is not done with such examination as the cause requireth: and * 1.299 so either the Fathers of the company are not called thereunto, or if they be called, it is for a com∣plement of Iustice: and they haue more regard to the hope of the profit that is of••••red them, of getting of slaues in the said warre, then vnto the Iustice of it, and to the common good, and danger they put themselues in, for sometimes they fare euill in the broyle, with the death of [ 20] many Christians, both Portugals and Indians. With these warres especially all the Coast of Per∣nambuco, * 1.300 which beginneth from the Riuer of Saint Francis thitherward, which are fiftie leagues, and the greatest part of the Maine is disinhabited, hauing before a most copious number of In∣dians: and so now that Captaineship wanteth Indian friends, to helpe them to defend, and it is, euery day wasted, slaine, and eaten of the Indians Pitiguares of Paraiba, which before were their friends, whom they did also great injustice to.

The third Article is about the Kings Customers Accounts, &c.

His Majestie hath a great obligation to the Indians of Brasill, to aide them with all corporall * 1.301 and spirituall remedie. For almost all those of this Coast are almost consumed with sicknesses, warres and tyrannies of the Portugals, and those which escaped, went into the Maine to their [ 30] kindred, and neither haue these their liues there. For when the ransomes of slaues did end, which were held for lawfull, they inuented Armies for to goe to the Maine to bring them to the Sea for to serue themselues of them perpetually.

These companies are made in this manner, three or foure or more persons doe joyne, and eue∣rie one of them doe put in so much stocke, and aske license of the Gouernour to goe into the Maine to bring free Indians, the Gouernour grants it, with his order, to wit, that they bring them without any force or deceit, but with their owne good will, declaring to them, that they come to serue the Portugals, and to helpe them in their labours, Sugar-mills and other workes. Hauing this License, the Venturers doe ioyne people to send into the Maine, to wit, Interpre∣ters, and other persons, that sometime came to fiftie or sixtie with their pieces and other wea∣pons, [ 40] and with many Indian Archers both free and bond, that doth carrie their burdens of the ransome and the victuals, and with helpe if by deceit they cannot bring the people they goe to seeke, they may bring it by force.

With this License in this manner they depart, and neuer keepe the order set downe, as it is * 1.302 manifest and all doe openly confesse without contradiction, for presently when they are depar∣ted they say, that if that should be declared vnto them there, that certaine it is, that no Indian will come, and therefore they must vse deceits and force, for they haue no other meanes to moue them from their Countries, and with this purpose they goe, without any regard of the order, nei∣ther of them that goe to the Maine, nor of the Iustices when they come from thence, and so they vse these Licenses, without any examining of them. Now when they come to the Townes of the Indians, that are within the Maine, 100. and 200. leagues, they beginne presently their de∣ceits, [ 50] saying that they come for them by commandement of the Gouernour, that they may come to enioy the good things of the Sea, and that they shall bee together in their Villages by them∣selues, and at their will (without making any manner of repartition) and that from thence they shall helpe the Portugals in their warres, and other things. Other whiles they tell them that the Gouernour, and the Fathers of the company doe send for them for to bee in the Churches of their kinsmen, which doe learne the things of God, naming some ancient principal Indians, whom they much esteeme, and hold as Fathers, and that they wil be with them, and for this there hath beene some of these Interpreters, that ordained among themselues one, whom they fained to be a Father of the company, with a shauen crowne, and a long habit to deceiue them more easily. [ 60]

When these deceits, & other such do not preuaile, they vse violence, labouring to kil some, that doe hinder this comming, for the which it hath hapned to put poison in the vessels of their wine, with many other inuentions, wherwith they feare them. As once, that comming alreadie by the way, because one of the principall Indians did shew to come with an euill will, and did impart it

with the rest, it is said that they tooke for a remedie two or three to remaine behind with him alone, and being asleepe they choaked him with a Towell, and gaue out, that hee died sud∣denly, * 1.303 because he would not come. Other whiles they kill some of other Nations, that are by the way, all to the end, that those which they bring doe not goe backe, and in this manner they bring such a number of them, without prouision of necessarie food, that by the way with hun∣ger and euill vsage, a great part of them doe die, and those that doe come are in such a case, and so weake, that it is needfull before they come into the houses, the Fathers of the company to goe * 1.304 about the Woodes christening the children at their Mothers breasts that they may not die vn∣baptized, and others they find halfe dead, and full of flies, that the Mothers haue left, as not able to bring them. [ 10]

Being come to the Sea those that scape aliue, hauing promised them that they will put them in Townes, at their owne will, presently the venturers doe diuide them among themselues, and * 1.305 many times they separate fathers from children, wiues from husbands, brethren from brethren, &c. and euery one carrieth his part to their places, some one hundred, another two hundred, ano∣ther thirtie, &c. euery one according to the stocke he putteth in. Besides this, they giue their share to the men that went to bring them (for this is the money they pay them withall) to one foure, to another ten &c. and as many of these haue no lands for to maintaine them, they sell them presently to others, and so they haue marked and sold a great number to these and other Captaineships, and as the poore men doe see themselues deceiued, and toiled with ouer-much labour, with pure griefe they die, and some runne away and goe euen to their enemies, willing [ 20] rather to be eaten of them, then to abide such vsage among the Portugals, and in this sort of 30. or 40000. soules, that haue beene brought, I know not whether 3000. bee aliue, and with this a great part of the Maine is destroyed. For the same licences doe the Captaines giue in their Cap∣taineships, and the same is vsed.

These vexations and tyrannies, are the cause that the Indians lose the patience, which alwaies they haue had exceeding, and doe kill some Portugals. Now in the Maine of the Bay the Ta∣puyas a people which alwayes had great friendship with the Portugals, and gaue them passage through their Countries, and aide to bring the Indians abouesaid, did rise with the deceits and lies of certaine Portugals, that went thither with title of bringing Saltpeeter, and killed some eigh∣teene * 1.306 or twentie of them. Some of the Maine of the Captaineship of the Holy Ghost, did kill [ 30] certaine Indians that certaine Mestizos did carrie with them, going thither to play their accu∣stomed prankes, for within their owne houses they would haue killed them, and the Mungrels escaped by flight, and with this that people is alreadie an enemie of the Portugals. The Maine of the Riuer of Ianuarie with such other lyes did reuolt, being before our great friends, and killed some Portugals, hauing a little before a Father of the company gone thither at the request of the Inhabitors of the Citie, and had beene sixe moneths with them, confirming them in the friend∣ship of the Portugals, and preaching the faith vnto them and brought from diuers and remote places some 600. soules which now are Christians baptized almost all in their Towne with a Church made within the Riuer of Ianuarie, which are great helpe for the defence of that Citie, * 1.307 and they helpe euery one to doe their worke: and many other remayning moued for to follow [ 40] their Kinsmen, with this reuolting all ceassed, and so there as also in other places, the gates vnto * 1.308 Conuersion are altogether shut vp.

To the Maine of the Bay, twice the Fathers of the company haue gone at their owne cost, (with helpe of the Indians christened, which doe teach,) to bring some people for to furnish the Churches, which beginnes to diminish, and to preach the Law of God vn∣to them. And there they found of this Soule-lesse people, that were in the Townes of the Indians, as in their owne houses, and the Fathers bringing some number of Indians, which came from verie farre to become Christians. These Portugals laboured by all meanes possible to disswade them. Sometimes preaching to the Indians, that the Fathers brought them deceiued, * 1.309 and that heere they would take away their Customes, as the drinking of their Wines, their ma∣ny [ 50] Wiues, and whip their children, &c. the which is an vse and custome among these pratlers for to discredit the Fathers. Not being able to preuaile by this meanes, they tooke another way and did contract with some other Indians, of the principallest of those that remained there, that * 1.310 they should sell them those which the Fathers carried, giuing them great ransomes for them, and with this they pretended to take them away perforce, before their eies, so that it was needfull the Fathers to bid the Indians to defend themselues, and with this remedie they left them. O∣thers * 1.311 came to the high-waies and did steale them that the Fathers brought, as one Mestizo which tooke some twentie and odde, and transported them by another way, taking wife and * 1.312 children, brethren, and all the Family from a principall Indian, and left him alone because he was sore hurt in one foot, and was not able to goe. [ 60]

With these iarrings of these men of this trade, the Indians know not whom to trust, nor whom to beleeue, and by the fame that they heare already of the vsage that is done here to theirs, that come to the Sea. For this cause a great principall Indian of the Mountaine of Rari, that is from hence about two hundred leagues, where now is the greatest force of people, that escaped

from the tyrannies, sent hither a Sonne of his to see how it went, and being true that which the Fathers had said, that he should make heere some prouision for food sowing some grounds, and to returne thither with some Father for him and for all his Family; for to come and receiue the law of God. The Sonne came, and finding the truth, and seeing the vsage that is done to theirs in the Sugar-workes, and other labours of the Portugals, he presently husbanded some grounds in one of the Townes of the Christians, that are in protection, and doctrine of the Fathers, with a deter∣mination to goe and bring his Father as he commanded him. Many other of this Fort did leaue * 1.313 their Fathers, being mooued in that Mountaine, but with feare of these assaults abouesaid they dare not come. Likewise they haue here no grounds fitting for their maintenance, for it is all oc∣cupied by the Portugals. Besides this the Nation of the Tapuyas, which haue diuers Languages, doe not agree well in the Sea Coast, for ordinarily they liue here of the Mountaine, and in their [ 10] owne Countrey they might haue the Euangelicall Law preached vnto them.

All the abouesaid well considered, it seemed necessary that his Maiestie should forbid these ad∣uenturings, sending a commandement, that none might goe thither without expresse warrant of his Maiestie, vnder great penalties, the which with effect might be executed, and that nei∣ther the Gouernours might giue any licence for them, seeing how they which carrie the said Licenses neuer kept, nor will keep the order giuen them, as aforesaid. For all men know and say, * 1.314 that if it be kept, neuer will any Indian come from the Maine, as vntill now none came but deceiued, and this being so publicke, and daily, and not the fault of one or two particular men, but a common vse of all the Countrey, that it passeth before the eies of the Iustices, neuer vntill this houre did the Gouernours forbid them, rather past by it not punishing any of them that so [ 20] brought them, nor redressing the poore Indians. These aduenturings taken away, the Fathers would aduenture themselues to goe among them, to preach the faith of Iesus Christ, and make a Christianitie, and in time, Portugals or Spaniards, might goe thither, but such as were men of a good conscience with order from his Majestie, that might inhabit, and helpe in the conuersion, and in this manner, by the grace of God all that people would bee subject to the yoke of the faith, and obedience of the King our Lord.

The Indians that are brought from the Maine, and are in the power of the Portugals, and all * 1.315 that are by the Coast of Brasill, as wel free as slaues, haue no kind of doctrine by obligation, that is imposed vpon them; for neither Bishops, nor Curates haue any care of it, bearing themselues vpon the Fathers of the company, and in thirty foure yeeres since that the company was sent to these [ 30] parts by the King Don Iohn the third, no Curate in all Brasill did euer say Masse in respect of the Indians, or slaues borne in the Countrey; only they baptize the children with their offerings, and those that are already growne they need no more preparation, then to bring them to be baptized, without giuing them any other knowledge of the faith, & so it hapneth by their ignorance, that * 1.316 not only they receiue not the grace of Baptisme, but also sometimes not the character. It is pittie to see the little regard that is had in this, being the principall dutie of the King our Lord.

The Fathers of the company since they entred in to Brassll, tooke this matter effectually, and in all places where they haue houses, there is alwaies a particular Masse said for the slaues all Sundayes and Feast dayes, catechising them euery day, and sometime Morning and Euening: They labour to learne the Countrey Language, and instruct them in the matters of faith, and law [ 40] of God, they baptize, marrie, and doe shrieue, and administer other Sacraments vnweariedly. But because they cannot accomplish all, and many doe perish in want for the Curates take no care of them as if they were not their sheepe) it is necessary that his Majestie doe prouide in this some more effectuall remedies.

The first remedie offered was, that his Majestie should command to make a Catechisme in tha•• * 1.317 Brasilian Language, which is vniuersall from the Riuer Marauyon, vnto the Riuer of Plate, and should be imprinted at his Majesties cost, and to enjoyne euery Curate to haue it, and to teach by it. For though the most of them haue not the language, they may notwithstanding learne to read it very well, and to teach by the Booke, as at the beginning, and euen now some Fathers of the company doe, that the Indians hearing him reade will vnderstand, &c. [ 50]

It is very necessary that his Majestie doe command to examine the Iustice that these Portugals * 1.318 haue to serue themselues of these free Indians they bring from the Maine in the manner aboue∣said, for although they hold them with a title of free, they haue no libertie but in name, for in truth they are more then Captiues, according to the vsage they haue. For first, as touching the * 1.319 soules, they care not for their doctrine, nor that they bee baptized, married, or liue, like Christians, they haue no other respect but of their seruice, as of any other brute beast, and so let them liue in adulterie, without hearing Masse, or shrieuing, and many die without Baptisme. As touching their bodies, their labours are immoderate and perpetuall by night and by day, con∣trarie to the nature of the Indians, which are sustained with very little labour in their Countries. If they fall sicke they haue then lesse care of them then of their slaues, for of these because they [ 60] cost them their money, they haue more regard, as the Masters themselues doe confesse.

Those that haue them in their power, are serued of them, as of slaues, all their liues, not let••ing them goe to another Master or place, though it be to the Churches of their kinsmen, that are

Christians, where they may be better instructed in matters of the faith, and of their saluation; and if they doe goe to a••y place, though it be to the said Churches, they labour by themselues, and by the Iustices, to bring them againe, as indeede they doe bring, and put them in Irons, as though they were slaues. Whence ariseth a great scandall to the Indians Christian, their kins∣men, some of the which, as yet are tender Plants in the faith, forsake the Churches and flee with their familie about the woods, grieued with the iniuries that are done to theirs, especially in matter of l••bertie, which they so much esteeme, and for feare they will doe the like with them, and so wandering are lost and neuer seene againe; and truth it is, that if it were not for the con∣tinuall care and vigilancie that the Fathers of the companie haue ouer them, and the loue the In∣dians doe beare them, because they are their masters; and seeing that for their defence they are [ 10] hated of the Portugals, and murmured at, they had not continued, no not these three small towns o•• Christians of the Baye, wherein may be about 2500. soules, which onely escaped of eleuen C••urches, that there were, wherein were gathered more then 40000. nor other Townes like∣wise of Christians, that are about the Captaine shippes. Neither had Gouernors nor Captaines sufficed for to haue sustained them (as the experience hath showen) for they would not haue suf∣fered such vexation, though they had died for it, as others did already at the beginning, running away and dying, wherewith the coast was disinhabited.

Not onely doe the Portugals serue themselues of the free Indians aboue said, which they bring * 1.320 from the maine; but they ••••ll them also to others, and they say with title of free, but the price is such, that a lawfull slaue is sold no deerer, and so the goods, that without them was worth. I [ 20] put the case 2000. Duckets, with them they giue it for 4000. and these that doe buy it, doe take already mastership of them, as of slaues, that cost them their money, and so from hand to hand their captiuitie increaseth, and though they say that they are serued of them, as of hired men, the pay for their seruice is nothing; for it they giue a cotten garment to one or two of the princi∣pallest of them, which they weare in their seruice, they doe not neither is it possible to giue it to 100. or 200. that they keepe, as they thems••lues confesse; with the like vsages many of the said Indians either eate earth till they kill themselues, or let themselues dye verie easily with meere griefe and sadnesse. And because iointly with this the punishments they giue them are like the slaues, and these buyings and s••llings are not vsed particularly betweeene one or two * 1.321 persons secretly, but it is an vse and custome in all the Countrie, without any iustice looking in∣to [ 30] it. Finally, they are not onely serued of them all their life, but they giue them also in mari∣ages to Sonnes and Daughters as a dowrie; and at their deaths they remaine in their wils with the name of free, but bound to serue their children perpetually, whom they leaue them vnto as ••aereditario iure, and so the heires goe to law about them, and haue iudgements, as if they were lawfull sl••ues.

As touching the iustice that is vsed with the Indians, the King our Lord is to vnderstand, that * 1.322 although his Maiestie as all the Kings his predecessors doe recommend alwaies this matter of the Indians to the Gouernours aboue all as their principall duetie, with very effectuall words, not∣withstanding the iustice that vntill now hath beene in Brasil toward them was none or verie little, as it is plainely seene by the assaults, robberies, captiuities, and other vexations that al∣waies [ 40] w••re done to them, and euen now are done. Against the Indians was alwaies a rigorous * 1.323 iustice, they haue already beene hanged, hewen in peeces, quartered, their hands cut, nipped with hot p••ncers, and set in the mouth of peeces, and shot away the Indians for killing or hel∣ping to kill some Portugall (which peraduenture had well deserued it at their hands) but hauing persons, not a few in Brasil, as alwaies there were, and yet there are, notoriously infamous for robbing, stealing, branding, selling, and killing many Indians, neuer vntill this time was there any show of punishment, and it is to be feared, seeing it wanteth on earth, that it will come from heauen on all the inhabitants of Brasil.

The eight Article is touching the Indians exceeding seruices without reward.

The ninth Article is to preuent their totall destruction, which cannot but follow the practise [ 50] of Portugals in making slaues of them by sowing quarrels, and interessing themselues on one side, by burning, &c.

All the coast of Brasil doth want and is destitute of Priests that may be Curates for the soules, for in the Bay, except three or foure that doe serue in the high Church, and one that serueth for * 1.324 Curate in one Par••sh, that did learne in the colledge of the Companie: there are no Priests that know how to doe their office, and their customes and liues are much blemished, for many of them came suspended from Portugall for grieuous crimes, and also for incorrigible: and here as they want Priests they are presently enabled and made cures of soules, and although in the three Col∣ledges of the companie that are in this Countrie, Sc. in the Bay, Pernambuco, and the Riuer of Ianuarie, are ordinarie lectures of matters of conscience, there is no Priest that will heare it, and [ 60] as they are most ignorant, they doubt nothing, and so they absolue and dispence more then Popes with great losse of the soules; and such there was, that dispensed with a parishioner of his to com∣municate after he had drunk, whereby may be coniectured what the rest w••ll doe. And with this they doe other follies, and misbehauiors in the celebrating of the masse before the people, that

they seeme altogether fooles. And their life is pittifull, for finally their care is to fill them∣selues with money, meate, and drinke; and to follow the lusts of the flesh, with a great scandall of the secular.

Those are very rare, and may bee told with the finger through all the coast, which doe liue a life worthie the Priestly function, and those which the Bishop banish from hence for their faults or suspensions to the Riuer of Ianuarie, presently they are there receiued by the Ruler, as now he did particularly to one that being a Friar come from Portugall expelled from the Order for in∣corrigible, and afterward hee was enabled here by the Bishop, hee was put in the visitation, be∣cause he was not shriuen in three yeeres, celebrating almost euery day, and this being another time condemned by the Bishop in his Court▪ and brought to the estate that he came in from Por∣tugall, [ 10] expelled his Order, and banished from his Bishopricke, and his life infamous and scanda∣lous to all the Secular, the Ruler enabled him presently in the Riuer of Ianuarie, (not without great scandall of the good) not onely for fellow-helper of the Curate of that Citie, but also for a Preacher. And the Prelates say they doe all this because they haue no other, whom to giue the Parishes vnto, which are many.

CHAP. III.

Extracts out of the Historie of IOHN LERIVS * 1.325 a Frenchman, who [ 20] liued in Brasill with Mons. VILLAGAGNON, Ann. 1557. and 58.

§. I.

Of the Beasts, and other liuing creatures, and Plants, of Brasill.

BEfore I proceed any further, presently in the beginning of this Chapter, I thought [ 30] good briefly to admonish the Reader, that no liuing creatures of the kinde of foure-footed beasts are found in all the Brasilian world, altogether like vnto ours in shape: and that the Tououpinambaultij vse not, but very seldome, to bring them vp tame at home. But, that I may generally describe the wilde beasts, which the Barbarians call Soo, I determined to beginne with them which are applyed to the vse of man. It seemeth, that that is to bee set in the first place, which also is most common: they call Tapiroussou, of a reddish, and long shaggie haire, greatly resembling a Kow in bignesse and shape: yet, seeing it wanteth hornes, and hath a shorter necke, with longer and hanging eares, and more withered and slender legs, with an whole hoofe, very like vnto the [ 40] hoofe of an Asse, a man may rightly say, it participateth the nature of the Kow, and Asse. Not∣withstanding it differeth very much from either, both because it hath a very short taile (here the Reader is by the way to be admonished, that very many beasts are bred in America, which haue no taile at all) and hath much sharper teeth: nor may any danger bee therefore procured vnto men by this beast, seeing it vseth to repose safety rather in flight, then in strength. The Barbarians kill them, as also many others, shooting them through with Arrowes, or vse to catch them in an hollow trench, or with other manner of Traps and Gins ingeniously and cun∣ningly made.

But that wilde beast is greatly esteemed by the Barbarians, by reason of the skinne, which as soone as they haue taken away, cutting the backe of the hide in a round circle, they drie it in the [ 50] Sunne, and fashion it like vnto a Target of the bignesse of the bottome of an indifferent vessell, wherewith they repell the Arrowes, of the enemies, receiued in the warres. And the skinne dried in the Sunne becommeth so hard, that I easily beleeue that it cannot bee pierced through with the stroke of any weapon, although it bee cast with great violence. I carefully desired to bring two such Targets into France, but the famine so oppressed vs returning, that all the pro∣uision of victuall being spent, not excepting Monkeyes and Parots, and other liuing creatures or the same kinde, which we brought with vs out of that Countrie, those two Targets, being laid vpon the coales, were also eaten to expell hunger; vnto the which the rest of the skinnes that were in the ship (as I shall declare in their proper place) were added.

Moreouer, the flesh of the Tapiroussou, commeth almost neere vnto the taste of Beefe: this [ 60] the Barbarians broyle after their manner, and in their Country language call it, Boucanare. But because I haue now vsed that word, and that hereafter it shall bee often repeated, lest the Reader should any longer remaine doubtfull, occasion being offered, I will declare what this thing is.

The Americans fastning foure woodden forks in the ground, of the thicknesse of an arme, three foote asunder, in the figure of a square, and almost of the equall height of three feet, lay stickes acrosse ouer them two fingers distant each from other, and so make a woodden Grate: this, in their language they name Boucan. They haue many such Grates in their houses, whereon they * 1.326 lay flesh cut into gobbets or pieces, and making a soft fire of dry wood, that there may bee no smoake almost at all, they suffer them to bee broyled as long as they please, after this manner, hauing twice turned them in the space of an houre. And because they doe not powder meates with salt, as the manner is here, they vse the onely remedie of broyling, for the preseruing of * 1.327 them. Therefore, although they had taken thirty wilde beasts in one day, (such as we will de∣scribe in this Chapter, they would lay them all cut in pieces, vpon those Grates, as soone as it [ 10] might be done, lest they should be tainted and corrupted: and there, being often turned, they are sometimes broyled and scorched aboue foure and twenty houres together, vntill the inside of the flesh be as well rosted as the outside, and by this meanes they are all preserued from corrup∣tion. Nor is there any other manner of dressing or preseruing fish, which when they haue got∣ten, they dry them in great plenty, to make Meale, especially those which in their Country * 1.328 language they call Piraparati, which are the very true and naturall Mullets, of the which I shall hereafter speake in another place. And these Grates among the Barbarians are rightly to bee accounted the Shambles, and Store-house: and therefore you shall scarce come to their Villages, but you may see them laden with the flesh of wilde beasts, and fishes: and it vsually happeneth also very often, as wee shall hereafter speake, if you come vnto the Barbarians, that you shall * 1.329 [ 20] behold these Grates filled with mans flesh, which, I thinke, they bring as spoyles taken from the conquered enemies, to be slaine, and eaten.

But, that I may prosecute the intended description of wilde beasts, the second degree of bignesse seemeth to be giuen vnto a certaine kinde of Deere, which they name Seouassou, but herein they d••ffer from ours, both that they are much lower, and haue lesser hornes, and also in * 1.330 this, that they haue as long shagged haire, as our Country Goates. But the American Boare, which they call Taiassou, is very like in shape vnto those which are bred with vs, in bulke of bo∣dy, eares, head, and feet, very hurtfull also, through his long and sharpe teeth: yet seeing hee is more leane and slender, and terribly gnasheth and grindeth his teeth together, hee is notorious also through that deformitie. He hath an hole in the backe, by nature, as the Sea-swine haue in [ 30] the head, whereby he draweth in breath, and letteth it out. These three are their greatest beasts. * 1.331

There is also among the Americans, a certaine red wilde beast, which they name Agouti, of the height of a weaned Pig of thirty dayes old, with a clouen foot, a very short tayle, and with the nose and eares almost of an Hare, most delightfull to the taste. There are also others of two or three kindes, which they call Tapitis, not much vnlike our Hares, but somewhar of a red∣dish * 1.332 haire.

They catch great Rats also in the Woods, of the bignesse and haire of Squirrels, which come neere vnto the delicate taste of Conies. * 1.333

Pag, or Pague, (for after what manner they pronounce it, you can scarce, or not at all vnder∣stand) * 1.334 is a wilde beast of the indifferent height of an Hound, with a deformed head, the flesh [ 40] comming neere vnto the taste of Veale, with a very faire skinne, distinguished with white, rus∣set, and blacke spots, so that it would be of great price with vs, if they were to be gotten.

There is another also found, which they call Sarigoy, which the Barbarians eate not, by reason * 1.335 of the noysome stinke thereof: but flaying some of them, and taking away the fat of the kid∣neyes, whence that stinke proceeded, wee eate them without loathing: for, they are both ten∣der, and also excellent flesh.

There is also that which they call Tatou: this is not very well able to runne, yet (as Hedge∣hogs * 1.336 with vs) creeping through the bryars and bushes, shee is armed with very hard scales, so that shee cannot be pierced with a sword, if also you wrap the skinne together being taken off, (wherewith the Barbarians make very many Chists, which they call Caramenos) you would [ 50] say they were warlike Gauntlets. It is of a white flesh, and of an excellent taste.

Moreouer, vnto these beasts, which are most common with the Americans, Crocodiles, called Iacare, are added, of the bignesse of a mans thigh, and proportionable length: but they are so * 1.337 farre from doing any hurt, that the Barbarians houses are full of these Iacare, and the little chil∣dren play with them without any danger. Those Crocodiles which I happened to see, had a very wide mouth, long legs, with a tayle neither round nor sharpe, but very small at the end: and whether, as some haue written, they moue the vpper chap, I freely confesse, that I haue not obserued. Moreouer, the Americans take Lizards, they call them Touous, not greene, but russet, * 1.338 and of a spotted skinne, like our Countrie small Lizards. And although they bee foure or fiue foote long, and proportionable in bignesse, and therefore of a terrible forme, yet notwithstan∣ding [ 60] like Frogs, they abide in the Riuers, and Marishes, hurtfull vnto none. Furthermore, the skinne being plucked off, if they be bowelled, and sodden, they are very delicate meate, so that I * 1.339 haue not tasted any thing more sweet in America. For, they are of as white a flesh as Capons are with vs, delicate, tender and sweet, that nothing excelleth them: yet in the beginning I ab∣horred

the taste thereof, but afterward when I had tasted them better, as touching meates, the Lizards were chiefly commended of mee.

The Tououpinambaultij haue also very great Toads, which they eate being rosted, without * 1.340 bowelling. But seeing both Physicians teach, and it is also commonly knowne, and apparent, that the flesh, and corrupt bloud, and whatsoeuer else belongeth to the Toade, is deadly, any one, although I hold my peace, may easily coniecture, that by reason of the temperatenesse of that Countrie, or some other cause, whereof I am ignorant, it happeneth, that Toades, there, are not venomous, and dangerous at all, as they are with vs.

They eate Serpents also, of the bignesse of a mans arme, fiue foote long almost. Moreouer, * 1.341 I haue obserued, that the Barbarians (as I mentioned concerning Crocodiles) brought home [ 10] a certaine kinde of them, party-coloured, with blacke and red, and cast them downe among their wiues and children, so secure, that they handled them with their hands. These mon∣strous Land-Eeles, they cut into pieces, and dresse: but they are vnsauoury, and of ve∣ry little taste.

Diuers kindes of Serpents also are bred with them, and specially in the Riuers, where they appeare greene like pot-herbes; long and slender, whose stinging is very hurtfull. There are al∣so Lizards in the Woods (besides those which we mentioned before) very dangerous, as it shall manifestly appeare by the discourse which I will here set downe. When therefore I sometimes * 1.342 trauelled to see the Countrie, with two Frenchmen in my companie, and that, as the manner was, wee had not the Barbarians to guide vs in the way, and therefore wandred in the Woods, [ 20] and passed through a deepe Valley, hearing the noise of a certaine beast comming towards vs, supposing it to bee some timerous and harmelesse wilde beast, notwithstanding, proceeding on our intended Iourney, wee were secure and quiet in minde: but presently, thirtie paces distant almost from vs, on the right hand, wee saw a Lizard on an hill; bigger then the body of a man, and fiue or sixe foot long. Hee, being spread all ouer with white and rough scales like Oyster∣shells, holding vp one of his fore-feet, with his head aloft, and shining eyes, began to behold vs. Wherefore being astonished (for none of vs▪ as it then fell out, carried a Hand-gunne, but had onely our Swords at our sides, and Bowes and Arrowes, which weapons could not greatly hurt that Monster armed with such hard scales: Neuerthelesse, fearing left if wee shifted for our selues by flight, being swifter then wee, he would dispatch vs altogether) when the one feare∣fully [ 30] beheld the other, we stood still in the same place. But after that prodigious and fearefull Lizard had beheld vs a quarter of an houre, with an open mouth, and because it was exceeding hot weather (for it was a cleere day, almost at noone) fetching a deepe groane, that wee might easily heare it, vpon a sodaine, he went vnto the top of a Mountaine, with so great noise of the crashing and breaking of twigs and boughs, as a Deere running through a Wood, would scarce haue made. Wee therefore, who then were much affrighted, not being very carefull to pursue him, gaue thankes vnto God who had deliuered vs, and proceeded againe on our intended Iour∣ney. And embracing their opinion who affirme, that the Lizard is delighted with the sight of a man, it seemed to me, that the beholding of vs pleased that Monster as much as we were ••ormen∣ted through his presence. There is also a wilde beast bred with them, that liueth vpon the prey, [ 40] which they call Ian-ouare. This beast hath legs almost as long as an hunting Dog, and matcheth * 1.343 him almost in swiftnesse; but about the chinne hath long shagged haire, with a spotted skinne, and faire, like vnto a Lynx, and also very like in the rest. The Barbarians not without iust cause, greatly feare that wilde beast. For seeing shee is accustomed to the prey, as also, the Lion, if shee catch any of them, she teareth him in pieces, and deuoureth him. But as they are desirous of reuenge, and suffer not any of those things vnreuenged which are troublesome vnto them: if they take any, in hollow trenches which they make for that cause, or with any other kinde of Traps or Gins, they put her to a lingring death, shooting her through with many Arrowes, that shee might the longer languish: and that it may the better appeare, how euilly that wilde beast dealeth with the Barbarians, when sometimes fiue or sixe Frenchmen of the companie pas∣sed by this way, the Americans aduised vs, to beware of the Ian-ouare, because that very selfe∣same [ 50] weeke, shee had cruelly deuoured three men in a certaine Village of theirs.

I thought good to adde to this Edition, that the Americans, before the Voyage of Uilla∣gagno had neuer seene Dogs: and therefore, when they beheld a Dog of the kinde of Hounds, * 1.344 which with certaine whelpes we brought thither, and that he fauned on vs, they were astoni∣shed, and fled away from him, because (as I mentioned before) hee came neere vnto the shape of the Ian-ouare. For that cause also, Gomard in-his Generall Indian Historie, testifieth, that in the * 1.345 yeere 1509. when Christopherus Columbus first arriued at the Iland Beringua, called also by the name of Saint Iohn, the Indians of this Countrie, who made warre with the Spaniards, greatly feared a red Dog, and that he stood them in as good stead almost as two Harquebussers: because [ 60] he did not onely fiercely assaile the Barbarians, but also discerning his companions from the E∣nemies, although being prouoked, he was not offensiue vnto them, but also taking notice of the Caribas (the worst, and most detestable nation of all those Countries) pursued them, fleeing into the middest of the Armie of the Enemies, and being so much prouoked, tooke no rest, vntill

he had torne the Enemie in pieces on whom he seized: fighting so fortunately for the Spaniards, that being accompanied with him, they fought so cheerfully against the Indians, as if they had had three horsemen in their companie. Yet this Dog, while hee swam after I know not what Cariba, being shot with a poisoned Arrow died, and made his Master very sorrowfull, and the Indians ioyfull and glad. So, Uallouas also, the most valiant Captaine of the Spaniards, when he * 1.346 first discouered the South Sea, letting slip the Dogs which hee had, against the Indians, who withstood him, from entring on the Land, the Barbarians were stricken with so great a feare, that they were compelled to prouide for themselues by flight: and the Dogs of Vallouas, pre∣uailed as much as the best Souldiers of them all. Moreouer, many Monkeyes are found on the Brasilian coast, little and blacke, which they call Cay, which I cease to describe, because they are * 1.347 [ 10] very well knowne vnto vs. I will onely declare this one thing, that seeing they continually liue in the tops of trees, bearing fruits in cods like vnto our Beanes, wherewith they are nourished, and meete together there in companies, especially when the smoaking showres fall, it is a plea∣sant thing to heare them crying, and making a noise. But seeing at one birth they onely bring forth one young one, the Monkey, as soone as he commeth into the world is indued with that naturall industrie, that he firmely hangeth about the necke of the Syre, or the Damme: there∣fore * 1.348 if Hunters come suddenly vpon them, the Syre or Dammes leaping through the boughs, he also taketh his flight together with them. For which cause, the Barbarians cannot easily catch Monkeyes of any age whatsoeuer: yet they cast them downe from trees wounded with Ar∣rowes, and afterward hauing healed them, and made them tame a little while at home, they ex∣change [ 20] and barter them for Merchandises. But at the first, they are so fierce, that they wound the fingers of them that handle them, with their teeth, so that being bitten, they are very of∣ten compelled through paine, to kill them with strokes.

There is also another kinde of Monkey among the Americans, which they call Sagouin, of * 1.349 the bignesse of a Squirrell, and of a red haire: but as touching the shape, in the snout, breast, necke, and almost all the other parts, being very like vnto a Lion, and also hardie, it giueth place in beautie to none of the little beasts, which surely I saw there. And if it were as easily brought ouer the Sea as the rest, it would be of farre greater price and estimation. But seeing it is of so weake a little bodie, that it cannot indure the working of the ship; for it is of that haughtinesse of spirit, that if it be offended neuer so little, it would die through discontentment: yet some [ 30] are here to be found. But, that I may freely confesse the matter as it is, although I haue beene curious, I was not so diligent in obseruing all the liuing creatures of America, as I desired, neuer∣thelesse, that I may once make an end, I will yet describe two kindes, which are monstrous in shape, as those that art most.

The one which the Barbarians call Hay, is of the bignesse of a Dog, with an hanging bellie, * 1.350 like a farrowing Sow with pigge, of an ash-colour haire very much washed, with a very long tayle, hairy feet after the manner of a Beare, and long clawes: but as, while it liueth in the Woods, it is very fierce; yet being taken, it is very easily tamed. But the naked Tououpinam∣baultij doe not willingly play with him, because he hath both long, and also sharpe clawes. They say, it liueth onely on aire.

The other, whereof I am also to speake, called by the Barbarians, Coaty, is of the height of * 1.351 [ 40] an Hare, with short and spotted haire, little and sharpe eares, both of a little head, and also with an eminent snout from the eyes, more then a foote long, round like a walking-staffe, suddenly decreasing at the end, so that it is altogether of an equall thicknesse, with so narrow a mouth, that it can scarce receiue the little finger. None may be found more monstrous: afterward, when this wilde beast is taken, gathering her foure feet together, shee bendeth her selfe to the one side or the other, or falleth flat downe: nor can shee euer bee raised, nor compelled to eate, vnlesse Ants be giuen her, on which shee also feedeth in the Woods.

This Chapter also, wherein I will intreate of Birds, I thought good to beginne with those * 1.352 which are fit for the maintainance of mans life, and by a generall name, are called Oura, by the * 1.353 [ 50] Tououpinambaultij: they haue great plentie of those Hennes, vnto the which wee gaue the name from India, and they call them Arginau-oussou: from that time also since the Portugals liued a∣mong the Barbarians, our Countrymen vsed to nourish Hennes, called by them, Arginau-miri. * 1.354 And although (as I haue else-where mentioned) they esteeme the white ones very much, that plucking off the feathers, and dying them red, they might clothe and decke themselues; yet for the most part they abstain from hoth kinds, as touching the eating of them. Moreouer, seeing they perswade themselues, that the Egs, which they call Arginau-ropia, are, as it were, poison, * 1.355 they were not only astonished, if we supped Egs before them, but also reprouing vs, added more∣ouer, that it was not to be suffered; for, while we preuented the hatching of ckickens, we eate an Henne in an egge. Therefore, they are almost as carefull of their Hennes, as of the Birds, [ 60] which liue in the Woods. they suffer them to lay wheresoeuer they are disposed. But the Hens in like manner, bring home their chickens out of the briars and bushes, so that the Americane women may be without trouble.

Together with the Hennes, the Barbarians also nourish Indian Duckes at home, they call

them Upec. But because the Tououpinambaultij are so superstitious, that they thinke, if they * 1.356 should eate so slow a creature, they should get the same slownesse, so that if the Enemies should assaile them, they could not seeke their safetie by flight: no man may easily perswade them to taste the least morsell of them, and for that cause they abstaine from all those creatures which goe slowly, and also from fishes, as Raies or Thornebacke, and others which cannot swimme swiftly. As touching these Birds which liue in the woods, they take them as great as Capons, * 1.357 and those of three sorts, which the Barbarians call Iacoutin, Iacoupen, and Iacou-ouassou. They haue all blacke and ash-colour Feathers, and come neere vnto the Pheasants in taste, and I may truely affirme, that no sweeter or more delicate meate can euer be eaten, then those Iacoas are.

Besides, there are two kindes of most exquisite and choice Birds, which are named Mouton, * 1.358 [ 10] of the bignesse of Peacocks, with the same Feathers which the former had, and they are very sel∣dome found.

Macacoua, and Yuambou-ouassou, are two kindes of Partridges, of the bignesse of our Country * 1.359 Geese, not much vnlike the taste of Mutton. These three following haue one and the same taste almost, Inambour-miri of the height of Partridges: Pegassou Stockedoues, and Paicacu the Tur∣tle Doue.

But that I may briefly finish the discourse of Birds, which are found in great plentie, both in the Woods, Riuers, and also in the shoares, I will come vnto those which are not so fit for foode. Among the rest, there are two kindes of the same bignesse, which come neere to the greatnesse of a Rauen or Crow: which as the rest of the American Birds, haue crooked bils and talons, as [ 20] also Parrats, in which number they might be reckoned. As touching the Feathers, as it is easily iudged, I scarce thought that Birds of such excellent beautie were to be found in the whole world, in the beholding wherof, abundant matter offereth it selfe, not as prophane men, to commend na∣ture, but the creator: and that it may manifestly appeare, the first which the Barbarians call A∣rat, * 1.360 hath the feathers in the traine and wings, of a foote and a halfe long, partly purple like vn∣to red, and partly of a blew colour, greatly shining, to the which also, the other parts of the bo∣dy are correspondent. When this Bird moueth in the Sunne, where she very much abideth, no man can euer be satisfied with her sight.

The other called Canide, with the inferiour Feathers, and those that are round about the necke * 1.361 shining of the colour of gold, and those that couer the backe, wings, and traine of an excellent [ 30] blew colour, seeing they seeme to be vnder-laid with embrodered gold, and ouer-laid with a Veluet Mantle▪ aboue it causeth great admiration to the beholders.

But although these Birds be not domesticall, yet they oftner build their nests in the tops of the trees which are in the middle of the Villages, then in the woods, whereby it commeth to * 1.362 passe, that the Barbarians plucke their Feathers three or foure times in the yeare, of the which Feathers they make Cappes, Garments, and Bracelets, decke the handles of their clubbes, and adorne their bodies. I brought many such Feathers with me into France.

Three or foure sorts of Parrats are taken there: the greatest and fairest whereof the Barbari∣ans * 1.363 call Aiourous. These haue the head intermingled with red, yellow, and violet colours, the ends of the wings scarlet or crimson, the taile, which is very long, yellow, and the rest of the [ 40] body greene; very few such are brought vnto vs.

A Woman in a certaine Village, some foure miles distant from our Iland, had brought vp one of this kinde, which as if she had beene indued with reason, conceiued those things which she was commanded. As often as we went that way, we presently heard the Mistresse of that Bird say, will you giue me a Combe, or a Looking-glasse, and I will presently command my Par∣rat * 1.364 to sing and daunce before you? If happily we granted her request, the Parrat presently hea∣ring certaine words of her Mistresse, did not onely dance on the pearch where she sat, but also pratled, and whistled; and lastly, she wonderfully counterfeited the Barbarians going to the wars. To be short, if her Mistresse thought good to bid her sing, she sung, if to daunce, she danced: contrarily, if not rewarding her, with a little sharper speech she had commanded her their Aug••, [ 50] that is, be stil, then she presently held her peace, nor could we make her with any words to moue either her tongue, or feete neuer so little: wherefore I leaue it to the Readers to be considered whether if the Romans had had such a Parrat they would not highly haue esteemed her, who, as Pliny recordeth, sometimes solemnized the death of a Crow with innumerable rites of funeral, by * 1.365 which, at the place of Common Pleas, they were euery morning by name saluted, and punished him with death, who killed the same. The Barbarian woman called this Parrat Cherimbaué, that is to say, her best beloued. And surely she was so deere vnto her, that demanding at what price we might buy her, she answered in scoffing manner Mocaouassou, that is to say, a great brasse piece, and therefore we could not wrest her from her at any price. I found that they made their [ 60] Nests in the holes of hollow Trees.

Among the rest of the American Birds, the first place shall be giuen to a certaine Bird named * 1.366 Toucan, whereof we made mention of before. It is of the bignesse of a Pigeon, of a blacke colour like a Crow, except the brest, which is of a yellow colour, compassed from the lower part with

a ring of red feathers, which being taken away, the Barbarians vse it for ornament of the cheeks and other parts of the body. And it is highly esteemed with them, because they vse it when they intend to daunce. From thence it hath taken the name Toucan-tabourace▪ that is, a Feather to daunce with. Yet notwithstanding, they haue such store of them, that they refuse not to change them for our Merchandizes. The bill of this Bird exceedeth the rest of the body in length, * 1.367 wherewith a Cranes beake is not to be compared, and therefore it is to be accompted the most monstrous bill of the whole world.

There is another of the bignesse and colour of a Black-bird, except the brest, which is as red as Oxe bloud: this, the Barbarians take away after the same manner that they did the former, and call the Bird Panou. * 1.368 [ 10]

There is also another of the bignesse of an Owzell, with all the Feathers of a scarlet colour, this they call Quampian.

But one very little Bird is not to be omitted, of no lesse admiration then smalnesse, which the Barbarians call Gonambuch, with white and shining Feathers: it exceedeth not a drone Bee, or Beetle in bignesse, yet maketh wonderfull melodie in singing. Sitting vpon that great Milium which the Barbarians call Auati, or other high plants, she singeth so loud, that vnlesse she be seene you would scarse beleeue that so loud, and sweete melodie could proceede from that small body. She is not inferior to our Nightingale.

But because I cannot particularly describe all the American Birds, which differ not a little from ours, not onely in kinde, but also in variety of colour, as rose colour, red, violet, white, ash∣colour, * 1.369 [ 20] purple, &c. I will at length describe one, which the Barbarians so obserue and esteeme, that they will not onely not hurt her, but suffer them not to escape vnreuenged who doe her any wrong. She is of the bignesse of a Pigeon, and ashcolour, the Tououpinamb••••ltij heare her more often in the night then in the day, with a mournefull voyce, and beleeue that she is sent from their friends and kindred, vnto them, and also declareth good lucke, and especially, that she incourageth and admonisheth them to behaue themselues valiantly in the warres against their enemies. Besides, they verily thinke that if they rightly obserue these diuinations, it shall come to passe, that they should vanquish their Enemies, euen in this life, and after death, their soules should flye beyond the Mountaines, to their ancestors, perpetually to daunce there.

I chanced once to lodge in a Village, named Vpec by the French men, there, in the night I heard [ 30] those Birds, not singing, but making a lamentable noise. I saw the Barbarians most attentiue, and being ignorant of the whole matter, reproued their folly. But, when I smiled a little vpon a French man standing by me, a certaine old man seuerely enough restrained me with these words: hold your peace, least you hinder vs, who attentiuely harken to the happy tidings of our aunce∣stours. * 1.370 For, as often as wee heare these Birds, so often also are we cheered, and our strength recei∣ueth increase.

The Americane Bees differing from ours, are like vnto the lesser blacke flyes wherewith we are troubled in the time of Summer, and make their hony combes in the hole of a rotten tree. The Barbarians are skilfull to gather hony and waxe. Being gathered, intermingled, they call it Yra-yetic, for Yra signifieth hony, and Yetic waxe. The hony being seuered, they ea••e it after * 1.371 [ 40] our manner, but keepe the waxe which resembleth the blacknesse of Pitch made into lumps of the bignesse of a mans arme. Yet, not that they make Torches or Candles therewith, for, there is no other vse of a Candle with them, then of a certaine wood which sendeth forth a most cleere and bright flame. But they chiefly vse that Wax to stop those huge canes, wherein they put their Feathers, least they should be eaten, and gnawed with the Butter-flyes, which also we will describe in this place.

They are called Arauers by the Barbarians, of the bignesse of Grashoppers, they also come in * 1.372 great multitudes to ••he fire as Creekets doe, and if they finde anie thing they eate it, but especi∣allie they so gnaw leather doublets and shooes, that they whollie consume the superficies and vp∣per graine thereof. But, if we negligently set vp Hennes, or other meates of that kinde, in the [ 50] morning the bare bones were found without flesh.

The Barbarians being stung with Scorpions applie bruised Scorpions to the wound, if they can get them. Moreouer, as we haue elsewhere said, that they are most desirous of reuenge, nay, I might almost say, that they are made against all hurtfull things, so that if vnawares they stum∣ble at a stone, they bite them after the manner of mad Dogges, and diligently seeke out all * 1.373 liuing creatures hurtfull vnto them, and vtterly roote them out as much as they can.

The Countrie of America hath also land Crabbes, the Tououpinambaultij call them Oussa; they goe in multitudes like Locusts, vnto the Sea shoare, and fennie places, and if any one goe thither he may see them flying hither and thither: they conuey themselues into the bodies and rootes of trees, out of the which they cannot safely be drawne, for they pinch the fingers and hands of [ 60] such as take them, with their clawes. They are farre leaner then the Sea Crabs, but because they smell of the Iuniper rootes, they are nothing pleasing to the taste.

His discourse of America fishes I haue o••••tted, except this which you shall now heare. I will not omit a storie which I heard reported by a Barbarian. When, saith he, on a certaine day, I was

carried in a Boate with certaine others, in a verie calme Sea, a certaine huge fish tooke hold with the hand on the brim of the Boate, and in my iudgement, it would either haue ouer turned it, or * 1.374 gotten vp into it. I seeing that, cut off the hand with a sickle which I had in a readinesse, so that it fell into the Boate, and it had fine fingers verie like vnto ours: besides, for paine which that fish felt, putting the head aboue water, which was like vnto the head of a man, it squeaked a little, and made a certaine noise.

First, because the Brasil tree is the most famous of all that soile (from whence also that Coun∣trie hath taken the name) especially for the colour which our Dyers make therewith, I will des∣cribe it in this place. This Tree therefore is called by the Barbarians, Araboutan, and equalleth our Oake in height and plentie of Boughes. Some of these are found, the thicknesse whereof [ 10] containeth full as much as three men can fathome.

After what manner that Timber vseth to be brought into the Shippes, I thought good in this place to describe. But first you are to vnderstand, that except the Merchants were holpen by the Inhabitants, they could scarce lade a Ship with that Timber within a yeare, both for the hardnesse, and therefore the difficultie in cutting, and also chiefely, because that Countrie wan∣teth all labouring Beasts, and therefore it is to be carried vpon th•• shoulders of men. The Barba∣rians being hired for Garments, Shirts, Cappes, Kniues, and other Merchandizes, doe not onely cut, cleaue, and make round that Timber, but also laying it vpon their bare shoulders, carrie it * 1.375 into the Shippes, and sometime in most cumbersome places, lying three or foure miles distant from the wood to the shoare. But I expressely say, that the Barbarians, since the French men and [ 20] Portugals came vnto them, cut their Brasil trees, for before that time (as farre as I vnderstood from the elder sort) they had no other way of felling them, saue that they ouerthrew them by putting fire vnto them. Moreouer, because I know some thinke that the timber which is brought vnto vs, hath the thicknesse of the trees, I purposely added, that the Barbarians made it round, that they might the more easily carrie the same.

Furthermore, it hath bin obserued by me, for so long time as I liued in America, and vsed a cleare fire through the benefit of this wood, that this kinde of wood was nothing moist, which vsually happeneth to most of the other kindes of wood: nay, that it was dry as it were by na∣ture, and beeing kindled, yeeldeth very little smoake. One of our men desired to wash our shirts, and vnawares, put the ashes of the Brasil wood into the lye, whereby they were so surely [ 30] died with a red colour, that although they were washed, they neuer changed the same, and be∣ing so died with that colour, we were to put them on.

Because our Tououpinambaultij doe not meanely wonder, when they see French men, and o∣ther strangers comming farre off from remote Countries, take so much paines to carrie backe their Shippes laden with their Araboutan, that is to say, the Brasil or red wood: Therefore a certaine elderly man of the Barbarians, sometimes questioned me in this manner, concerning that matter: * 1.376 What meaneth it, that you Mair and Peros (that is French men and Portugals) come so farre to fetch Wood? doth your Countrie yeelde you no wood for the fire? Then said I, it yeeldeth fuell surely, and that in great plentie, but not of that kinde of trees, such a•• yours are; especially Brasil, which our men carrie from hence, not to burne, as you suppose, but for to dye. Here he presently excepting: But haue you, [ 40] said he, neede of so great plentie of that wood? Yea surely, said I, for seeing euen one Merchant with vs possesseth more Scarlet Cloathes, more Kniues and Sissers, and more Looking-glasses (alledging knowne and familiar examples vnto him) then all those which were euer brought hither vnto you: he onely will buy all the Brasil, to the end that many Shippes might returne laden from hence. Ah (saith the Barba∣rian) you tell me strange and wonderfull things. Then presently remembring what he had heard, he proceeded to demand further questions of me. But, saith he, that great rich man, of whom you make report, doth he not die? He dieth, said I, as also other men doe. There, then (as these Barbarians loue to comment, and doe not absurdly finish their intended speech without interruption euen vnto the end) he began to demand of me: Who therefore, saith he, is heire of those goods which this man leaueth when he dieth? His children, said I, if he haue any: if he haue none, his brethren, sisters, or his next kindred. [ 50]

When I had said this, surely (saith that my discr••ete old fellow) hereby I easily perceiue, that you Mair (that is French men) are not able fooles. For, what neede you so greatly to tire and turmoile your selues in sailing ouer the Sea, in passing whereof (as being here arriued you report to vs) you su∣staine * 1.377 so many miseries? Is it, forsooth, that you might get riches for your children, or liuing kinsfolke? Is not the Earth, which hath nourished vs, sufficient also to maintaine them? we surely haue both chil∣dren, and also kinsfolke, and them, as you see, we loue dearely; but seeing we confidently hope, that it shall come to passe, that after our death, the same Earth which nourished vs, shall also relieue and cherish them, therein we repose our selue•• and rest content.

But that I may present the description of the American Trees, foure or fiue kindes of Palme [ 60] trees are found there: among which, that is accounted most common, which they call Gera••, * 1.378 and another also named Yri: notwithstanding, as I saw none of their fruites, so, as I thinke, I eate none. Yri bringeth forth a round fruite like Damsens in the shape of a large cluster of so

great weight, that it may hardly be lifted vp with one hand, but the kernell onely is of the bignesse of a Cherr••e, and may be eaten. Besides, in the top of these Palmes, there is a certaine * 1.379 white yong tendrell or branch, which we cut off, to eate the same: Philippus who was troubled with the haemro••••es, affi••med, that it was a remedy for that disease, the warrantable truth where∣of I leaue to the P••••••itians.

There is also another tree, called by the Barbarians Aijri, which although it be very like the Palme in leaues, with the stocke armed on euery side with thornes and pricks, resembling the * 1.380 points of needles. The Fruite is of an indifferent bign••sse, in the middest whereof there is a ker∣nell of the whitenesse of Snow, which yet is not to be eaten; and this I suppose to be a kinde of Ebeny: for besides that it is of a blacke colour, and of such hardnesse, that the Barbarians partly [ 10] vse it for the making of their clubs and arrowes (which I will more at large describe when I shall treate of their wars) it is also smoothed, and made very bright, and lastly, is so heauie, that being cast into the water, it presently sinketh to the bottome.

They haue diuers coloured woods, and diuers of differing scent: one smelling like a rose; ano∣ther called Aou-ai, of the most stinking smell of Garlicke, which no man is able to indure, while * 1.381 it is hewed or burnt: it hath leaues not much vnlike the leaues of our Apple trees: but the fruite thereof (which commeth neere in shape to the rough shell of a Chesnut) and especially the ker∣nell, is so venemous, that to him that eateth it, it resembleth the effect of the most strong and deadle poison. Notwithstanding our Barbarians highly esteeme that fruite, because they make their Rattles of it. Here also it is to be considered, that Brasilia (as we shall hereafter speake) bea∣ring [ 20] excellent apples of very many kindes, aboundeth also with trees, which surely yeelde ve∣ry * 1.382 goodly fruites, yet vnprofitable to bee eaten. E••pecially on the shoare there are many small shrubbes, the apples whereof being very like vnto our Country Medlers, are dangerously eaten. Therefore, when the Barbarians see the French men, and other strangers comming to ga∣ther those apples, often vsing the word Ypochi, in their Country language, they admonish them to abstaine from them.

The tree called by the Barbarians Choyne, is of an indifferent height, with leaues of the shape and greenenesse of a Bay leafe, with Apples of the bignesse o•• a c••ildes head, comming ••eere vn∣to the shape of the Estridges egges, which surely are no meate. O•• these the Tououpinambaultij, by * 1.383 reason of the hardnesse of the shell, piersing some of them through whole, in leng••h and brea••th [ 30] where with they make their Maraca or Rattles: they also hollow and diuide them into halues, for cups and other small vessels.

Sabaucaie is also numbred among the Brasilian trees, hauing an apple bigger then both a mans fists, and imitating the forme of a cup: in the bottome whereof certaine small kernels are found, * 1.384 like vnto Almonds, and almost they resemble the very taste of Almonds.

Moreouer, there is a tree in those Countries, of the height of our Seruice tree, whose apple the Barbarians name Acaiou, of the bignesse and shape of an Hens egge, which when it is ripe, incli∣ning to the colour of Gold, like vnto a Quince, is not onely profitably eaten, but also yeeldeth somewhat a tart iuice, not vnpleasing to the taste, which most comfortably cooleth those that are inflamed with heate. [ 40]

Paco-aire, is a shrub, of ten or twelue foote high, with a stocke▪ sometimes of the thicknesse of a mans thigh, which notwithstanding is so tender, that it may be cut downe at one stroake * 1.385 with a Sword: the Barbarians call the apple Paco, of the length of a mans hand, not vnlike a Cucumber in shape, and of the same colour also, when it commeth to ripenesse. But these apples * 1.386 grow, for the most part, twentie or fiue and twenty thicke together, on euery bough, which the Americans gathering, carry them into their cottages, of so great a waight as they are able to beare with one hand. And as touching the goodnesse of this apple, when it is ripe, the knop being plucked of after the manner of a fresh gathered Figge, it seemeth clottie and full of clu∣sters: whereby it commeth to passe, that to them that eate it, it resembleth the Figge, where∣upon, we called it a Figge: but in taste it excelleth the most delicate Massiliensian Figges; and * 1.387 [ 50] therefore not vnworthily it may be reckoned among the best fruites of all that coast. The forme of the leaues of Paco-aire, is not vnlike the leaues of water-Sorrell, but they are of so great a big∣nesse, * 1.388 that commonly the length is extended to six feete, and the breadth aboue two: whereby it commeth to passe, that I cannot be perswaded by any meanes to beleeue that in Europe, Asia, and Africa, there are leaues of so great length and breadth. For, although I heard a certaine Apo∣thecary affirming, that he had seene a leafe of Petasitis of the breadth of an Elle and a quarter, that is (for this Plant is round) whose circumference contained in compasse three Elles and three quarters: yet this largenesse came nothing neere to the greatnesse of our Paco-aire. It * 1.389 is true surely that the thicknesse of those leaues answere not the length, nay, they are very slen∣der, yet daily lifted vp, so that the middle ribbe onely beareth the violence of the most vehe∣ment [ 60] winde, wherewith that Country is very often troubled; but the rest is so iagged and cut a sunder, that to him that beholdeth them a farre off, these shrubs are supposed to be ••ecked with E〈…〉〈…〉ges feathers.

As touching the Bombasin Cotton-shrubs, which grow vp to an indifferent heighth, they are * 1.390 found in great number, in Brasill: they yeeld flowres, like the little yellow bels or buddes of Cu∣cumbers: but when the Apple is formed, it commeth not only verie neer vnto the Ma•••• of Beech, but also being ripe, diuide•••• ••t selfe into foure parts, which yeeld Bombasin Cotton in flockes of the bignesse of a ball, which the Barbarians call Ameni-iou. In the midst of those flockes cer∣taine * 1.391 blacke graines are found, close ioined and verie much pressed together, after the forme of a mans▪ Kidnie, the greatnesse of which compacture exceedeth not a B••ane. Moreouer, the Barba∣rian women are not vnskilfull in gathering and spinning that Bomba••in Cotton, ••or of it they make their beds.

Reeds often grow in the Woods, of the bignesse of a mans legge: but as I said before of Pac••∣aire, they are so tender, that while they are yet standing, any one of them may bee cut downe [ 10] with one streake of a Sword, yet being drie, they are of such hardnesse that when they are cleft, * 1.392 and fashioned after the manner of the Surgeons Lances, the Barbarians so head their Arrowes therewith, that they ouerthrow wilde beasts flat to the ground at one shoot.

Masticke also groweth in this our America among 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈…〉〈…〉rs and bushes, which together, al∣most, with infinite other odoriferous herbes and flowres, perfumeth the earth with a most sweet and pleasant scent. The Trees are neuer spoiled of their leaues, being not troubled at all with * 1.393 the cold, they flourish all the whole Yeere, as the Woods vse to doe with vs in the moneth of May.

The plant which bringeth forth the fruit Ananas, is like in forme vnto the Flowre-deluce, with crooked bending leaues, diuided round about, comming neere vnto Aloe, of the same forme [ 20] with the greater Thistle, but the Apple which is of the bignesse of an indifferent Melon, and of the shape of a Pine Apple, bending to no part, groweth after the manner of our Artichoke.

Those Ananas when they are come to full ripenesse, are of a golden colour imitating blue, and * 1.394 yeeldeth the smell of the fruit of the Idean Bramble, so that by the smell they were easily found of vs, wandring in the Woods and other places where they grow: they are of so sweet and plea∣sant a taste, that none of our preserued fruits excell them. Therefore I thinke it to bee the best fruit of all America. I sometimes wrung one of them, out of the which I drew a Cruze of juice, which vnto me, seemed nothing inferiour vnto the Wine which they call Malmesey. * 1.395

Lastly, as I haue said, that among the Americans, no foure-footed beasts, birds, fishes, nor any liuing creatures, in all things resemble ours of Europe: so I now affirme, as much as I could finde [ 30] by experience wandring through the Woods and Fields, that there are no Trees, or Herbes, and lastly no fruits, which are not vnlike to ours, except these three Plants, Purslane, Basill Royall, and Fearne, which grow in certaine places.

§. II.

Of the Warre, Battailes, Fortitude, and Weapons of the Barba∣rians: and of their Religion. [ 40]

ALthough our Tououpinambaultij Tonpinenquin make immortall warre against diuers bor∣dering Nations, after the manner of all the rest of the Barbarians. Notwithstanding, * 1.396 they contend not by warre to inlarge their bounds (for they possesse more ••ands then they need) or thinke of the getting of Riches, by the spoiles, ransomes, and armes of the conquered. For as they all confesse, they are prouoked through no other affection then that they might most seuerely auenge the death of their Parents and Friends long since taken, and deuoured by the enemie. Moreouer, when war is first proclaimed betweene certaine of these people, all of them agreeing in this, that the enemie vnto whom injurie is done, will perpetually thinke on the reuenging of the same, and therefore that it is to be attributed to cowardi••e▪ if be∣ing [ 50] brought into their power, they suffer him to escape vnpunished: their enmities are so inue∣terate, * 1.397 and of such continuance, that they can neuer be reconciled each to other.

But the manner whereby our Tououpinambaultij assemble, being readie to goe to the warres, is this, as much as I could obserue. Although they haue no Kings or Princes among them, but are almost equall in dignitie, yet this is giuen them by nature (which also was most exactly in for∣mer times obserued by the Lacedemonians) that they admire and reuerence the elder sort whom * 1.398 they call Peoreru Picheh, for their experience of things: therefore in euerie Village no contempti∣ble seruice and obedience is performed vnto them. These occasions being offered, either walking or sitting in their Cotton hanging beds, exhort the rest with these, or the like words. [ 60]

What (say they speaking by turne, without interruption of speech) were our Ancestors who not only fought against so many enemies, but also vanquished, slue and deuoured them, an Exam∣ple vnto vs, that wee should perpetually lye lurking heere at home? Shall wee suffer our Nation,

which in former times was so great a terrour to all the rest, that they could not in any sort indure their sight, to be so much reproached to eur great disgrace, that our enemies should assaile vs by Warre euen in our owne houses? Shall we through our cowardize cause, that the Margaites and Peros-ergaipa (that is, th••se wicked Nations) assault vs first? Then that Orator clapping his▪ shoulders and buttocks with his hands, addeth these words with exclamation: Erima, Erima, Tououpinambaults, C••∣nom••ou••ssou Tan, Tan, &c. that is to say, My Countrimen, and most valiant young men, wee are not so to doe: but rather let vs prepare vs for the fight, and bequeathe our selues to death and slaughter, or auenge our people.

With these Orations therefore of the elders, which sometimes are prolonged for six houres, the hearers who most attentiuely hearken, so that they forget not so much as one syllable, being [ 10] increased both in strength and courage, speaking each to other in euerie Village, assemble as speedily as they may, at the prefixed place in great multitudes. But before wee bring our Tououpinambaultij to the Batta••le, wee are to declare with what Weapons they are furnished.

And first surely, they haue Tacapes, that is, Clubs, or Swords made some of redde, and some of blacke wood: they are commonly of the length of fiue or sixe feete, round at the * 1.399 ends, or of an ouall shape, of the breadth of a foote, and of the thicknesse of a Thumbe in the middest, but the edges are verie finely sharpened, for they are made of verie heauie wood, such as Boxe is, and are little inferiour to the edge of a verie sharpe Axe: so that I easi∣ly beleeue, that one Tououpinambaultian armed with such a Clubbe, and inraged with [ 20] furie, would bee able to put two of our Countrie Fencers to much trouble, and driue them to their shifts.

Moreouer, they haue Bowes, which they call Orapats, made of the same kinde of wood, * 1.400 to wit, redde and blacke: and they exceed ours so much in length and thicknesse, that none of our men is able either to bend or vnbend them: insomuch as they are of necessitie to vse all their strength for the bending of the Bowes of Children of tenne yeeres old. They vse the herbe called Tocon, for strings, which although it bee verie slender, yet is it of so great a * 1.401 strength, that it may indure the force of an Horse. Their Arrowes are of the length of an Ell, made with three ioynts: the middle part consisting of a Cane or Reede, and the other two of blacke wood: and those pieces are so aptly bound together with certaine barkes of Trees, [ 30] that they could not bee more firmely glued. They apply two little feathers vnto them, of the length of a foote, which they binde together with a Cotton Thread, because Glue is not in vse with them: they aptly ioyne very sharpe bones on the ends, sometimes a piece of a drie Reed, of the length of a mans hand, cut smooth after the manner of a Surgeons Launce: and somtimes the verie end of the taile of the fish Raye, which as I haue elsewhere said, is verie venemous. But, since the Frenchmen and the Portugals came into those Countreyes, the Barbarians, after their manner haue accustomed to strengthen their Arrowes with Iron heads, or at the least, with verie sharpe Nailes.

We haue alreadie spoken what their dexteritie is, in handling their Clubs: but as touching the Bowes, I hope that all they who haue seene the Barbarians, will confirme that with their [ 40] naked armes, they shoot so speedily, and so certainly, that (bee it spoken by the Englishmens leaue, who are yet accounted the most skilfull Archers) putting their Arrowes in the hand * 1.402 wherewith they hold their Bow, twelue may sooner bee shot by them, then sixe by the Englishmen.

Lastly, they haue Targets of the Hide of Tapiroussou, which I mentioned before, broad, * 1.403 plaine, and round, like to the bottome of a Germane D••umme, with these they couer not themselues in fight, after the manner that our Souldiers vse, but fighting, receiue the Arrowes of the Enemies with them. So these are all the Weapons of the Americans: for they couer not their bodies with other Armour: but contrarily (excepting their Caps of Feathers, Brace∣lets, and other short attire, wherewith as aforesaid, they decke their bodie, if they wore but a [ 50] shirt, being about to goe vnto the batta••le, they would presently put it off, fearing least they might be intangled and incumbred therewith.

If they receiued Iron Swordes from vs, as I gaue one to a certaine Moussacat of mine, * 1.404 they presently cast away the sheathes: they did the like also receiuing Kniues, delighting in the brightnesse of them, and thought them more seruiceable for the cutting of the boughes of Trees, then for fight.

Eight or tenne thousand people being gathered together after the manner which hath beene spoken, with no small number of women, not to fight, but to carrie their bagge and bag∣gage, and prouision of victuall, assembling vnto the Campe, they of the elder sort, who haue slaine and deuoured the greatest number of enemiess, haue the chiefe command and conducting * 1.405 [ 60] of the forces: who being their Leaders, they prepare themselues for the journie. And although they goe without order, yet when they march trooping, the most valiant men keeping the Front of the Armie, it is a wonder how well all that whole multitude conuey them∣selues

without Tribunes, and Quarter-masters, so that at the sound of the Trumpet they verie speedily assemble in battell array. * 1.406

But there are some, who with hornes, which they call Inubia, of the length of an elle and an halfe, and of the thicknesse of our Country Speare, of the bredth of an hand at the lower end like a Trumpet, raise the Souldiers, both going out of their Countrie, and when the Campe remoueth. Some also carrie Whistles made of the bones of their enemies, slaine and deuoured in former time, wherewith they continually pipe by the way, that they might stirre vp the mindes of their companions, and increase their desire to kill the enemies in like manner. But if, which often happeneth, they please to vndertake a Voyage, against the Enemie, by Boat, they passe along the shoares, and commit not themselues vnto the maine Sea. They order themselues in their Boats, which they call Ygat, euery one whereof consisteth of the barke of * 1.407 [ 10] one tree, taken off, and appointed to this vse; yet are they of such largen••sse, that euery one of them may receiue fiftie men. Standing therefore after their manner, they driue the Boat for∣ward with an Oare, plaine on both sides; which they hold in the middle▪ Moreouer, these Boats seing they are plaine, are rowed with very little trouble; yet is there no vse of them in the maine Sea, or it a tempest arise. But, our Barbarians going a warfare, in a great calme, you may see a Fleet consisting of sixtie such Boats. And these passe the Seas with so swift a motion, that they are presently gone out of ••ight. So, these are the Armies of the Toupinenquin, both by Sea, and Land.

Being furnished after this manner, they sometimes goe fiftie miles into the Enemies borders. [ 20] And first they vse this stratagem. All the most valiant, leaue the rest with the women and car∣riages, * 1.408 one or two dayes Iourney behind them: they approach with great silence, and possesse the Woods, lying in waite to entrappe the Enemie, for whom they so diligently watch, that of∣tentimes they lie hid there, for foure and twentie houres. And if they set vpon the Enemie vnawares, as many men, women and children as they meete with, are not onely brought away, but also slaine by the Enemies returning into their Countrey, and put vpon Boucan in pieces, and at length deuoured. And they surprize them so much the more easily, because the Villages (for they haue no Cities) are not compassed with walls, and the Cottages (which yet are foure∣score or an hundred paces long) haue no Doores, but in their stead, they set the boughs of Palmes, or the stalke of the ••erbe Pind•• at their Gates. Yet they haue now learned to fortifie and intrench certaine Villages round about, which border vpon the Enemies, with postes of [ 30] Palmes, of sixe foot long, besides they strengthen the entrances with woodden stakes sharpe at the end: if therefore the Enemies will assaile those Villages by night, which is common with them, then, the Inhabitants of the Village issue safely forth vpon them, whereby it commeth to passe, that whether they fight, or flee, they neuer escape, but some are ouerthrowne through the paine of their wounded feete, who are presently rosted and eaten by the Inhabitants.

But, if they desire to fight in open warre, bringing forth their forces on both sides▪ it is scarce credible, how cruell and horrible the battell is: whereof my selfe was a beholder, and there∣fore can iustly make report thereof. I, with another Frenchman, somewhat more curiously, to our great danger, determined to accompanie our Barbarians going to the warres: for if we had [ 40] beene taken, or hurt by the Margaiates, wee had certainely beene deuoured. These being foure thousand men in number, fought with the Enemie neere vnto the shoare, with such fiercenesse, that they would haue ouercome euen the most furious and outragious.

The Tououpinambanitij, as soone as they saw the Enemie, brake out into so great and loude howling and exclamation, as they who here hunt Wolues, make no out-cries comparable with * 1.409 those: for the clamour so pierced the aire, that thunder then could scarse haue beene heard. But, comming neerer, they doubled their cries, and blew their Hornes, and lastly, whistled with their Pipes, the one threatned the other, and in a brauery shewed the bones of their dead Ene∣mies: and also the teeth, whereof some wore them hanging about their neckes, strung vpon a threed aboue two elles long: and lastly, they terrified the beholders with their gesture. But, when they came to ioyne battell, matters fell out farre worse: for, a multitude of Arrowes was shot on both sides, like swarming Flyes in number. Such as were wounded, who were not ••ew, [ 50] stoutly plucked the Arrowes out of their bodies, which they bit like madde Dogs, and yet ab∣stayned not therefore from the battell. For this Nation is so fierce and cruell, that so long as they * 1.410 haue any little strength, they fight continually, and neuer betake themselues to flight: we with∣drawing our selues a little from the conflict, were contented with that spectacle. In the meane space, I protest, who haue diuers times here seene mightie Armies both of horse and foot orde∣red in battell array, that I was neuer so much delighted in seeing the Legions of footmen in their glittering Armour, as in beholding these Tououpinambaultij, while they were fighting. For be∣sides that they were pleasantly seene whistling, leaping, and very speedily and nimbly gathe∣ring [ 60] themselues round in a ring: a very thicke cloude of Arrowes was moreouer added; the fea∣thers * 1.411 whereof being rose-colour, blue, red, greene, and of other such like colours, gaue a radiant lustre in the Sunne; their garments also, Caps, Bracelets, and other ornaments of feathers, which made a wonderfull glittering showe in the eyes of the beholders.

This battell being ended in the space of three houres, and many slaine and wounded on both sides, our Tououpinambaultij carried away the victorie, and brought about thirtie captiues more or lesse, both men and women, to their people. And wee, who performed no other seruice, but encouraged the Barbarians with our drawne swords, and small shot, somtimes discharging them, as we beheld them fighting (in that it was most acceptable vnto them if strangers went with them to the warres) procured so great an opinion of vs, that from that time the elder sort em∣braced vs with a speciall good-will and loue.

The Captiues therefore being placed in the middest of the Armie, and some of the stronger * 1.412 bound with ropes, we went vnto the Bay of Ganabara, from which we were distant about foure and twenty miles. A few dayes after, certaine Barbarians, who had captiues with them, came vnto our Castle, whom by Interpreters, we intreated that they would sell certaine slaues to Vil∣lagagno. [ 10] So, a great part of the captiues was deliuered from the iawes of the Barbarians: yet * 1.413 hardly, and against the will of the Barbarians; which not long after was plainly declared vnto mee. I bought a certaine woman with her little childe scarce two yeeres old, the price was cer∣taine merchandise, the value whereof amounted to three French pounds. But hee that sold them, complained thus vnto mee: What will be hereafter I know not, but since Paycolas (for so they named Villagagno) arriued here, wee haue scarce eaten the halfe part of our captiues. I greatly desired to keepe that little childe vnto my selfe, but Villagagno, restoring my merchan∣dises, * 1.414 challenged both the mother and the sonne. I sometimes said, vnto the mother, that when I passed ouer Sea, I would transport the little childe hither. But shee (the desire of taking re∣uenge [ 20] is so inherent in the mindes of that Nation) answered that shee had rather that he should be deuoured by the Tououpinambaultij, then to be carried into so remote Countries: for shee ho∣ped, that growing older, he might by some meanes escape, and conuey himselfe vnto his Coun∣trymen, and reuenge the death of his kindred.

ALthough that saying of Cicero, be held for a most certaine Axiome by the common account of all men, that there is no Nation so sauage, nor so fierce, that doth not know that they are to * 1.415 haue a God, although they be ignorant what manner of God they ought to haue: yet, how this may appeare to be true in our Tououpinambaultij, I doe not sufficiently knowe. For, they are ignorant of the true God, and neither acknowledge nor worship any false Gods, either celestiall or ter∣restriall: [ 30] and therefore haue no publike place where they may assemble for the cause of Reli∣gion. They are ignorant also of the creation of the World, distinguish not dayes by names, nor preferre one before another: they obserue not weekes, moneths and yeeres, but measure times by the Moones. They are not onely altogether ignorant of Scripture, whether it be sacred or profane, but also vtterly without Characters, wherewith they might bee able to write the meaning of the minde. When I first came into those Countries, I writ certaine words and sentences, to acquaint my selfe with their Speech, and read them presently before them. They thinking it to be a iuggling tricke, spake one to another in these words: Is it not a wonder, that this man, who yesterday, knew not so much as one word of our Language, (by the meanes and helpe of this Paper which teacheth him to speake our words) should now so skilfully pronounce [ 40] them, that they may be vnderstood of vs?

As often as we talked with them, and happened to make mention of God, we said, that we beleeued in one God, Creator of Heauen and Earth, who as he hath made the World, and what∣soeuer things are therein, so he gouerneth all things at his pleasure. When they heard this, loo∣king * 1.416 one vpon another, and breaking out into this word Teh, which is a familiar token of ad∣miration with them, they stood still, fixed, and astonished: Moreouer, because, as wee shall speake in his proper place, they are vehemently terrified with the noise of Thunder (which they call Toupan) if bearing with their rudenesse, wee tooke occasion thereby to instruct them, and said, that that was the God whereof we spake vnto them, who that he might declare his power, shooke Heauen and Earth after that manner: they answered, that that God by whom they were [ 50] so terrified, was a naughty one. I doe not beleeue that there is any Nation in the whole World, which may be more estranged from all Religion. Yet, that I may also declare how little appa∣rance of light I perceiued, among those thicke mysts of darknesse wherewith they are blinded: I affirme, that they doe not onely beleeue the immortalitie of the soules: but are also certainly * 1.417 perswaded, that after death their soules who haue embraced vertue (but they define vertue af∣ter their manner, to wit, to auenge them of their Enemies, and to eate very many) flying be∣yond the highest Mountaines, are gathered to the soules of their Fathers and Grand-fathers, and there, in most pleasant Gardens, leade a ioyfull life in perpetuall delights, and dansing: (this is that long peregrination of Socrates, and the Poets Elysian fields) but contrarily the soules of the fearefull cowards, who liued ingloriously, without any care of defending their Countrie, are [ 60] violently carried away by Aygnan (for so they call the Deuill) and liue in perpetuall torment with him.

These most miserable Barbarians are wofully euen in this life tormented by the Deuill (whom by another name they call K••ag••rre): For, I haue sometimes seene them, euen while they were

talking with vs, immediatly crying out like frantike men, Hei, hei, helpe vs, for Aygnan bea∣teth vs. Nay, they affirmed, that the wicked spirit was seene of them sometimes in the shape * 1.418 of a cruell Beast, sometimes of a Bird, and sometimes also in some monstrous forme. And because they greatly wondred that wee were not vexed by the Deuill: therefore, wee tel∣ling them that we were deliuered from those torments by that God, whereof wee often spake vnto them, who was farre aboue Aygnan, and hindered him from procuring vs any trouble. It somtimes happened that danger enforcing them, they promised to beleeue in God, but being de∣liuered, * 1.419 they were vnmindfull of the promise. But, that it may euidently appeare, that the tor∣ments wherwith they are vexed, are no pastimes, I my selfe haue somtimes seen them so stricken with a shiuering and quaking feare, remembring that miserie, that sweating through anguish, [ 10] and clapping their thighes with their hands, they complained vnto vs with these words. Mair Atourassap, Acequeiey Aignan Atoupané: that is, My foole, my companion, I feare the Deuill aboue all other euils. But contrariwise, if any of vs spake vnto him in these words, Naceque∣icy Aygnan, I feare not the Deuill: then, bewailing their condition, they said; Ah, how happie were we, if thereby we might be secured from him: whereupon we answered, that therefore they were to beleeue in him who is mightier then Aygnan. But although, as hath beene said, in the present danger they promised that they would doe it, yet they presently returned to their owne disposition of nature.

Therefore, although our Americans confesse not God with the mouth, seeing among them∣selues they are conuinced that there is some diuine power; therby I gather, that they shal neither [ 20] be excusable, nor iustly take occasion to pretend Ignorance. But besides those things which haue beene spoken by mee, concerning the immortalitie of the Soule, which they beleeue; of the Thunder, whereof they are horribly affraid; and Deuils, by whom they are tormented: (which three things are first of all to be noted) I will moreouer adde a fourth principall matter. That they haue Prophets or certaine Priests among them, which they call Caraibes, who going from Village to Village, perswade those miserable men, that they (because they haue familiaritie with Spirits) giue not onely fortitude and courage to whomsoeuer they please, whereby they might ouercome their enemies in warre, but also that through their helpe, all fruits, and those great Roots growe, which we haue said that the American soile produceth. Moreouer, (as farre as I vnderstood by the Neustrian Interpreters, who had liued many yeeres in those Countries) the [ 30] Tououpinambaultians haue this custome, that euery third, or fourth yeere they assemble together. At which assemblie, as shall immediatly be declared, I was present vnawares: concerning which I am to report that which followeth. I, with a certaine Frenchman named Iacobus Ruffus, and also a certaine Neustrian Interpreter, trauelling farre from home, turned in to a certaine Village to lodge; the next day after, wee prepared our selues early in the morning for our Iourney, at which time we saw the Borderers come flocking thither from all places. So, the Inhabitants of that Village ioyned themselues with them that came, and presently wee saw sixe hundred ga∣thered together in a cerraine voide plat of ground. We demand the cause of that meeting, and saw that multitude diuided into three parts. All the men went into a certaine Cottage, the women into another, and the children also went into the third. I, who had seene certaine Ca∣raibes [ 40] intermingled with the men, suspecting that some vnaccustomed and strange thing should be done by them, earnestly entreated my companions, that they would stand still there with me to obserue the whole matter: which I obtayned of them. The Caraibes, before they depar∣ted from the women and children, with great care forbid the women to goe out of their Cot∣tages, but diligently to attend to the singing, and also charged vs to keepe our selues close in that Cottage where the women were: Being earnestly busied about our break-fast, and igno∣rant of those things which they purposed to doe, we heard a certaine lowe and soft muttering noise breaking out of the house into the which the men had seuered themselues (for that Cottage was almost thirtie paces distant from ours) the women which were about two hundred in num∣ber, standing, and giuing eare, gather themselues as it were on an heape. But the men lifting vp their voices by little and little, so that their distinct words were heard of vs exhorting, and like∣wise [ 50] repeating this Interiection, 〈♫〉〈♫〉 He he he he he he he he he he. * 1.420 we heard the women presently, with a trembling voice singing the same Interiection againe, he, he, he, &c. And they lifted vp their voices with so great vehemency of minde, and that for the space of one whole quarter of an houre, that they drew vs who were the beholders into ad∣miration. [ 60] And surely, they did not onely horribly howle, but also leaped forth with great vio∣lence, * 1.421 and shaked their paps, and fomed at the mouth, nay some of them (not vnlike vnto those that are troubled with the Falling-sicknesse) fell downe dead. So that I thinke, that the Deuill entred into their bodies, and they suddenly became possessed with the Deuill. Moreouer, hauing

plainly perceiued those things which Bodinus writeth, in the Booke which he called Daemono∣mania, concerning the extasie of Witches, which hee affirmeth to bee common to all Witches, * 1.422 who haue made an expresse couenant with the Deuill, and who are often violently carried away in spirit, the bodie remayning voide of all sense, although also they are sometimes carried away both in bodie and minde. Adde (saith he) that they neuer meete together in any place, but they danse, among which, as farre as he could gather by the confession of certaine Witches, they all * 1.423 crie cut together, Har, har, (which very well agreeth with He, he, of our Americans) the De∣uill crieth, Danse hither, danse hither: and others answere, Sabbath, Sabbath, that is, A festiuall day, or day of rest; lifting vp their hands, and the crops of herbes or trees which they haue in their hands, that they may shew a most assured token of ioy, and signifie that they serue the De∣uill [ 10] with all their heart: and so, that they imitate the adoration due vnto God. For, in the Law of God, it was prescribed to the Israelites, that they should lift vp their hands vnto the * 1.424 Lord, and shew themselues cheerefull before him. These things, I say, being certainly knowne, I gather, that Satan is Lord of them both: and that they are led by the same spirit, so that the * 1.425 distance of places hindereth not, but that the Father of lyes may worke here and there vpon them who through the iust iudgement of God are deliuered vnto him. Likewise, when I heard the children crying altogether (although I had now liued halfe a yeere with the Barbarians, and was almost acquainted with their manners) yet, not to dissemble, I was then somewhat afraid, especially, seeing I knew not what should be the end of that matter. At length those cries were ended, the men being somewhat silent, the children and women also altogether holding their [ 20] peace, presently the men began to sing so sweetly, and with so great harmonie, that I was won∣derfully desirous to see them. But when I would haue gone out of the Cottage, I was both kept backe by the women, and also admonished by the Interpreter, that he (who had already liued se∣uen yeeres among the Barbarians) durst neuer come to those solemne meetings; and lastly, that if I went vnto them I should not doe wisely. Whereby he caused me to stay a while, for feare of danger; yet, because hee alledged no probable reason thereof, the women and Interpreter somewhat resisting, I went forth: relying vpon the friendship of certaine ancient men, Inha∣bitants of that Village. Going therefore vnto that place where I heard that Musicall harmonie, I made an hole through the roofe of the Cottage, that I might the better perceiue what was done within. For, they are somewhat long, and round, after the manner of our Countrie garden [ 30] Arbours, and couered with grasse from the top to the bottome. Then, making a signe with my * 1.426 finger, I called my companions, and at length wee entred into that Cottage. As soone as wee saw that the Barbarians were not moued through our presence (which thing the Interpreter suspected, would haue been done) and that they kept their order very well, and proceeded with their Verses: we went apart into a certaine corner, and beheld them without feare. These are their gestures in dansing. They were ordered in a round circle, standing close each to other: yet * 1.427 so, they tooke not one another by the hand stooping, with their bodie somwhat bending down∣ward, shaking onely one of their legs, to wit, the right, with their right hand laid vpon their buttockes, and the left hanging downe, and after this fashion they both dansed and sung. All that whole multitude made three such round Circles, in the middle whereof were three or foure [ 40] Caraibes, attired with Caps. Garments, and Bracelets of feathers. Each of them in either hand carried Maraca, that is, that rattle of a fruit exceeding the bignesse of an Estridges egge, where∣of we haue made mention before, for that vse, as they said, that the Spirit might speake out of * 1.428 them: and that they might rightly consecrate them, they continually shooke them.

Moreouer, those Caraibes dansing, sometimes, went forward, and sometimes backward, and did not continually stand still in the same place, as the rest. Further, I obserued that with a very long Cane, wherein they put the herbe Petum set on fire, they often turned themselues hither * 1.429 and thither, and blew out the fume of that herbe vpon them that stood round about them, with these words: Receiue the spirit of fortitude, whereby you may all ouercome your enemies. And this was often done by these Caraibes. The celebrating of these Rites and Ceremonies was [ 50] prolonged for the space of two houres: those men continually dansing and singing. And their tunable singing was so sweet, that to the vnskilfull it is scarce credible, how excellently well that harmonie agreed, especially, seeing the Barbarians are vtterly ignorant of the Art of Mu∣sike. And surely, although in the beginning I was stricken with a certain feare, as I lately mentio∣ned, yet contrarily I was then so much ouer-ioyed, that I was not only rauished out of my selfe: but also now, as often as I remember the tunable agreement of many voices, both my minde reioyc••th, also mine eares seeme continually to ring therewith: but especially the burden of the song yeelded a pleasing sound vnto the eares, which at the end of euery Verse, they sung after this manner.

〈♫〉〈♫〉

Heu heura, heura, heura, heura, heura, heura, heura, oueck. [ 60]

Being about to make an end of that tunable singing, shaking the ground with the right foote more vehemently then before, they all spit also, and all with one voice, and that hoarse, sing this Song often repeated.

〈♫〉〈♫〉

He he hua he hua hua hua.

Then because I did not yet plainly vnderstand their Language, and conceiued not many things which had beene spoken by them, I intreated the Interpreter that hee would declare them vnto [ 10] me. He signifieth, that these men, first lamented their dead Ancestors, who were most valiant, but in the end were hereby comforted, in that they hoped that after death they should at length go vnto them beyond the Mountaines, and dance with them, and celebrate merrie meetings: and that afterward they most grieuously threatned the O〈…〉〈…〉tes, (which are a people not farre re∣mooued from them, with whom they haue perpetuall enmitie, whom also they could neuer o∣uercome) and foretold, that it should shortly come to passe, that they should be taken and deuou∣red, as the Caraibes luckily ghessed. Moreouer, I know not what they intermingled with their Songs concerning a floud, that the waters in times past so ouerflowed, that they couered the whole earth: and that through that inundation all men perished except only their Ancestors, * 1.430 who climbed vp into exceeding high Trees. Which last thing commeth very neere vnto the sa∣cred [ 20] Historie, and I neuer once heard it from them before.

The same day they were sumptuously receiued by the Barbarians, for they liberally entertained both with most exquisite meates, and plentifull drinke Canoin. I also with my companions, who were present at those Feasts of Bacchus vnexpected, were most honourably entertained by * 1.431 our Moussacat, that is the Masters of the house, who giue food to their guests. But beside those things which haue bin spoken by me, those daies being past (wherein these solemne meetings are celebrated euery third or fourth yeere among the Tououpinambaultij) sometimes also before they came thither, those Caraibes goe about from Village to Village, and command three or foure of those Rattles which they call Maraca, to bee decked with the best feathers in euery Family: * 1.432 which being so decked, they sticke the longer part of the staffe, wherewith they are thrust [ 30] through in the ground, and then command meate and drinke to be set before them. Whereby it commeth to passe, that those miserable people, through the perswasion of those Impostors, be∣leeue that those hollow fruits decked after that manner deuoure the meats. Wherefore euery Moussacat carefully setteth before them, not only meale with flesh and fish: but also Caouin. More∣ouer, * 1.433 they serue those Maracas being so stucke in the ground, for fifteene whole daies together with very great diligence. Lastly, those miserable people after that so great bewitching of those Maraca, (which they continually carrie in their hands) conceiue an opinion, attributing holi∣nesse vnto them, that while they are shaken by them, a certaine Spirit speaketh with them from the middest thereof. And they were so bewitched with those delusions, that if we trauelling that * 1.434 way, seeing some more delicate meates, which they had set before their Maraca, tooke them to [ 40] eate (which we oftentimes did) the Barbarians supposing that some great misfortune would thereby happen vnto vs, were offended. Moreouer, if taking occasion thereby to discouer their errours, we signified that they were deceiued by the Caraibes, not only because they taught them that Maraca did eate and drinke, but especially in this, that they most falsly vaunted that through their meanes, the fruits, and great Roots which they eate, increased and grew: which only was to be attributed vnto God, from whom wee were to beleeue that wee had receiued the same: these things, I say, were of so great moment with them, as if any here should speake a∣gainst the Pope, or at Paris, denie that the Image of Genouef would procure raine. For which cause those Impostors the Caraibes did no lesse hate vs, then sometimes the false Prophets of Baal did Elias detecting their delusions. And therefore they shunned our sight. * 1.435

But although our Tououpinambaultij, as hath beene declared by mee in the beginning of this * 1.436 [ 50] Chapter, neither honour their Caraibes, nor Maraca, with any externall rite, no not with knee∣ling vnto them, nor worship any thing created, much lesse adore it, or call vpon it for helpe. I will adde an example of those Relikes of Religion which I obserued among them. When by chance I was sometimes with other Frenchmen in a certaine Towne (which they call Ocarentim) and that we supped abroad in the open Aire, the Barbarians Inhabitants of that Village flocking together to see vs, not to feast with vs (for this is their vsuall custome, that they neuer sit toge∣ther at meate, with those whom they reuerence most) the elder men especially with many to∣kens * 1.437 of friendship stood ••ound about vs as our guard or attendants: and holding in their hands the bone of the beake of a certaine fish, of three or foure foot long, in the forme of a Sawe, they [ 60] droue away the children from vs, with these words: Get you hence Knaues: for you are vn∣worthy to come vnto these men. So they beheld vs attentiuely, and holding their peace, not speaking the least word the meane while: vntill the Banket being ended, a certaine elderly man obseruing vs to beginne meate with Prayers, and also to end Supper with Prayer, comming vn∣to

vs, spoke thus. What meaneth this custom, which you now vsed, when taking of your caps, you all kept silence, saue one, that spoke? to whom appertained that speech which he made? to any of you that are present, or to some that are absent? There fitly taking that occasion offered, that I might speake vnto them concerning the true worship of God, seeing besides the largenesse of that * 1.438 village, & the great resort of people (I also perceiued the Barbariās more attentiue then they were wont) I intreated our Interpreter that he would declare my speech vnto them in their Language, that they might conceiue the same. Then beginning with the question of the old man, I answe∣red that our Prayers were directed vnto God: and that although he could not see him, he had not only plainly heard vs, but also did apparantly know whatsoeuer we had hid in our hearts. From thence comming to the Creation of the World, I first of all laboured to teach them, that among [ 10] the creatures God made man the most noble and excellent, that hee should so much the more en∣deuour to extoll the glorie of his Creator. And that we surely in that we worshipped him, were deliuered by his hand from infinite dangers of a very long Nauigation, in so vast a Sea, and depen∣ding vpon his helpe, were freed from a•••• feare of Aignan, both in this life and in the life to come. Wherefore, if they would reiect the delusions of their Caraibes, and that barbarous cu∣stome of deuouring mans flesh, they should vndoubtedly obtaine the same gifts of God, which they saw we had. Moreouer, we added many things concerning the corruption and fall of Man∣kind, that we might prepare their minds vnto Christ, applying Reasons and Examples to their * 1.439 capacitie, as much as might be. Now when they had harkened vnto vs aboue the space of two ho••res with great attention and admiration: one of them reuerent for his authoritie and yeeres, [ 20] discoursed after this manner: Surely, you haue here told vs wonderfull and excellent things; and such as we haue neuer heard before, and certainly your speech hath brought into my memorie, what wee haue often heard our Grandfathers report: To wit, that euen from ancient time, and so many Moones since, as we cannot now remember, a certaine Mair (that is a Frenchman, or stranger of any other Nation) came into these Countries, attir••d after your manner, and hauing a beard. And that hee, to the ••nd hee might draw them to the obedience of your God, made such a speech vnto them, as you deliuered vnto vs this day. But, as it was reported vnto vs by tradition from our Fathers, they will not giue credit to his words. Therefore, presently another succeeded, who gaue them a Sword, in token of a curse. Hereupon, followed warres amongst vs, and from that time, wee haue not ceassed to exercise crueltie one towards a∣nother, through mutuall slaughters. But now, after we haue accustomed our selues to these outrages by [ 30] continuall vse, if we should now suddenly leaue our ancient custome, wee should become a laughing stocke, and derision, to the neighbouring Nations.

Heere wee testified with great vehemencie and earnest speech, that it was so farre off, that they ought to be mooued with the scoffes of the borderers, that contrarily, if they seriously wor∣shipped that Creator both of Heauen and Earth, they should carrie away the victorie from all those, who for that cause, should willingly be trouble some vnto them. Lastly, the Lord gaue that efficacie to our words, that not only many Barbarians afterwards promised to frame their liues according to that Law which they had learned of vs, and that they would neuer eate the flesh of their slaine enemies any more: but also according to this conference, kneeling on the ground, gaue thankes with vs, vnto God. That Prayer which was made vnto God, by one of [ 40] our men, with a loude voice, in the middest of their assembly, was presently expounded vnto * 1.440 them by our Interpreter: and so they brought vs to sleepe in those hanging beds of Bombasin Cotton. But sleepe had not yet taken vs, when, behold, wee heare these Barbarians singing and crying out together, that they were to take vengeance on their Enemies, and that more should be eaten then before. Behold the inconstancie of this miserable people, and the lamentable ex∣ample of humane nature. Yet surely, I perswade my selfe, if Villagagno had neuer reuolted from the true Religion, and that wee had stayed longer in those Countries, it would haue happened, that at length, some should haue beene wonne vnto Christ.

Another time I being with three Sauages, and singing the 104. Psalme, at the request of one of them I declared the sense and antiquitie thereof, so many thousand Moones. Whereat he cried * 1.441 [ 50] Teh, how happie are you Mair, who know so many secrets, which are hid from vs poore mise∣rable men. Afterward, one of them to gratifie mee, presented mee with a certaine little beast, which he carried, called Agouti, speaking vnto mee in these words. Heere, take you this, be∣cause you haue sung sweetly. I haue willingly added this digression, to the intent I might de∣clare that the Barbarous Americans, although outragious against their enemies, are not yet so rude that they cannot discerne those things which they heare, with iudgement. Nay, I dare af∣firme, that they are more apt in framing speeches, then our Countrie Peasants are, and very many of them also, who esteeme highly of themselues. [ 60]

§. III.

Of their Marriages, Education of Children, Politie, Hospitalitie, Diseases, Physicians, Funerals and La∣mentations.

IN Marriages, these degrees of Consanguinitie only, are obserued: none of them taketh * 1.442 his Mother, Sister, or Daughter to wife: no regard is had of the rest: the Vncle mar∣rieth the Neece, and so consequently. Neuerthelesse, as shall bee hereafter spoken in the American Dialogue, no man may marrie the Daughter or Sister of his Atouras∣sap. [ 10] And he is called Atourassap, whose familiaritie with any one is so great, that both their goods are common. There is no place for Rites or Ceremonies. Hee who desireth a Widdow, or Virgin, being certainly perswaded of the good will of her whom hee loueth, goeth to her Pa∣rents, or if she haue none, to her next Kindred, and asketh them whether they will marrie their Daughter vnto him? If they consent, he presently bringeth her home, without giuing her any assurance of Dowrie and so keepeth her for his lawfull Wife. And if he suffer the repulse, he gi∣ueth ouer his Sute without any perturbation of mind. But it is to bee noted, that Polygamy is * 1.443 vsuall with them, and therefore it is lawfull for a man to marrie as many Wiues, as he shall think good. Nay, the more Wiues that any one hath the more valiant and generous hee is esteemed. [ 20] Among the rest I saw one, who had eight at home, and hee often spoke very much of them in commendation of himselfe. But this is chiefly to be wondred at, that in so great a multitude of Wiues although one be beloued of the Husband aboue the rest, the other meaner take it grieuous∣ly, * 1.444 or become jealous, or openly murmur. Therefore they liue most quietly and with great a∣greement, weauing their Cotton beds, looking to the affaires of the house, making Gardens and planting Roots.

They so hate adulterous women, that it lyeth in the Husbands power either to kill the adul∣tresse, or at the least, to put her away with great ignominie and reproach. This surely is true, that they are not very carefull of preseruing the chastitie of vnmarried women: nay, they easily prostitute them to any man. So that (as I haue alreadie said) I haue seene very many in diuers [ 30] Villages deflowred by the Neustrian Interpreters, who yet were not reprochfully disgraced for the same.

I haue obserued that the younger sort both men and women are not very much giuen to lust: * 1.445 and I would our Countrey people could moderate themselues aswell in this behalfe. But that I may attribute no more vnto them then is meete, I remember, that often in their brawling they vsed to object this reproach Tyuire, that is, Buggerers, one vnto another, whereby we may conje∣cture, that that hainous and abhominable wickednesse raigneth among them. The women great with childe, abstaine only from the greater burthens, and performe the other accustomed duties. And surely the women much exceed the men in labour, for the men (saue that sometimes in the Morning, neuer at noone, they place certaine Trees to make Gardens) spend the time in war∣fare, * 1.446 [ 40] hunting, fishing, making of woodden Clubs, Bowes, Arrowes, and other things of that kinde. As touching the trauell of women; I and another Frenchman lodging in a certaine Vil∣lage, about midnight heard a great out-cry of a woman, and supposing she had beene surprized by the cruell beast Ian-ouare, we arose, and ran vnto her, and found the woman in trauell, to whom the Husband performed the office of a Midwife: he receiuing the Infant in his armes, cut the na∣uell string asunder with his teeth, but pressed downe the N••se (for they esteeme the beautie of children to consist in the flatnesse of the Nose) the new borne Infant is presently washed, and painted by the Father with colours blacke and red: then, not being wrapped in swadling-clouts at all, it is put into a Cotton hanging bedde. But if it bee a Male childe, the Fa••her will giue * 1.447 him a little woodden Sword, a small Bow and little Arrowes, presently after his birth, and lay them in the bedde with the childe, and kissing the little Babe will speake vnto [ 50] him in these words. My Sonne, when thou art come to mans estate, be valiant, to take reuenge of thine enemies. As touching the giuing of names, I remember that hee of whom I now spoke, was named by the Father Orapacen, which word signifieth a Bow and Bow-strings: for the word ••s compounded of Orapat, which is a Bow, and Cen which signifieth a stringe. The same manner also is obserued in others.

Their nourishment, beside the Mothers Milke, is chewed Meale, and euery most tender kinde * 1.448 of meate. The woman lately deliuered lieth downe two daies only, or three daies at the most. Afterward putting the little childe in a Cotton Scarffe, shee either goeth to the Garden, or to dispatch her other busin••sse. [ 60]

This opinion hath preuailed with vs, that little children would haue crooked legges, vnlesse they were carefully wrapped and bound in swadling clouts: But, I ••ffirme, that the Barbarians nothing regard these things (who p••t the new borne Infants naked, and vnswadled in their Cot∣ton beds) whose children notwithstanding, goe most straight and vpright of all the men in the

World. The Mothers who both want linnen, and also vse not the helpe of leaues for these ser∣uices (whereof not withstanding they haue great plentie) so diligently wipe the hinder parts of * 1.449 the Infants with small chips of wood, that they are continually free from all filth. The elder sore also obserue the same manner, whom also (digressing a litle into this filthy matter) I thought good to mention, that they vse to make water in their houses, and yet no euill nor stinking sauour ari∣seth from thence: although they shine bright almost continually with often fires, and are strewed with sand: but as often as they doe their easement, they vse to goe apart farre from the Houses.

Moreouer, proceeding to speake of the Marriage of the Tououpinambaultians, as far as shame and modestie will permit, I affirme (contrarie to that which some haue forged) that the men ob∣seruing * 1.450 naturall shamefastnesse, doe no where openly company with their Wiues. [ 10]

This is especially worth the noting, that for the space of an whole yeere, while we liued in those Countries, we neuer saw any woman hauing the flowres. I thinke that they diuert that Fluxe by some meanes vnknowne to vs. For I saw Maidens of twelue yeeres olde, whose sides were cut by their Mothers, from the arme-hole downe to the knee, with a very sharpe tuske of a certaine beast. And the young Girles gnashing with their Teeth through extre∣mitie of paine, bleed very much: I conjecture that they preuented their monthly Fluxe by this remedie.

As touching the Policie of the Barbarians, it is scarce credible how well they agree among themselues, being guided only by the light of Nature. Nor may this be spoken, but to their great shame who are instructed in diuine and humane Lawes, which yet is to bee vnderstood of them * 1.451 [ 20] who are of the same kindred, or of the Confederates: for how they behaue themselues towards their enemies, it hath beene alreadie by vs declared. Yet if any contention arise betweene cer∣taine persons among them (which very seldome happeneth, for in the whole space of a yeere, while I liued among them, it was my chance twice only to see them brawling) the beholders care not to pacifie the strife: but suffer them to doe their pleasure, although they bee readie to put out one anothers eies. But if the one wound the other, and that hee can bee taken, hee is * 1.452 wounded in the same part of the bodie by the Kinsmen of him that is wounded. Nay, if per∣aduenture death follow the wound, the Murtherer is slaine by the Kinsmen of the dead. Lastly, they recompence eie for eie, tooth for tooth, and life for life. But these things as I said, very sel∣dome happen among them. [ 30]

The things of the ground, with them are Cottages, and fields farre larger then might be requi∣red for maintenance of the Inhabitants. As touching the Cottages, you are first to vnderstand, that euery Village containeth sixe hundred men: wherefore very many are of necessitie to dwell * 1.453 in one and the same Cottage. Notwithstanding euerie Family possessing their place without any distance betweene (for there is nothing that may hinder, but that from one end vnto the other those houses lie open, which for the most part are extended sixtie paces in length) euerie Master of a Family hath his wife and children placed apart. Moreouer, you are to obserue (which sure∣ly is to be wondred at) that the Americans inhabit not one place aboue fiue or sixe moneths. But * 1.454 carrying away the matter and herbe Pindo, whereof their houses consist, they often transport their Villages, which yet alwaies reteine the same names. Wee our selues saw some Villages re∣mooued [ 40] a mile from the accustomed place. No man buildeth a Cottage, which he is not compel∣led to finish, nay, to build and plucke downe, aboue twentie times before his death, if hee haue attained to the full age of a man. Now if it be demanded of them, why they change their habi∣tation so often? The answere is easily made. That the changing of the Aire is verie profitable for the health: besides, that if they should alter the custome of their ancestors, they should pre∣sently * 1.455 perish. As touching the fields, euerie Moussacat hath certaine particular plats of ground, which he chooseth at his pleasure wheresoeuer he thinketh good for the making of Gardens. But that excessiue care of diuiding the grounds, setting limits, and bounding the fields, they leaue to our Countrie couetous persons, and to the Lawyers.

Concerning their houshold stuffe, I haue often spoken in the former Chapters. Yet that wee [ 50] may not omit any of those things which appertaine to the houshold gouernment of the Barba∣rians, I will heere recite the cunning of the American women in spinning of Cotton, whereof there is manifold vse, as well for Ropes, as for the weauing of their hanging beds.

Being drawne out of the flockes, in stead of all picking and carding, they plucke it out some∣what in length with the fingers, and then lay it vpon the ground in a heape (for they know not * 1.456 how to vse Distaffes) in stead of a Spindle they take a little wand of the thicknesse of a finger, and a foot in length, which they thrust through a little wooden round ball, and fasten the Bombasin Cotton to the top of the small wand, then turning that Instrument about vpon their thigh (as our Countriewomen doe their Spindles) they let it slip out of their hands. That little round ball is turned about, through the houses and streets, like a Wherue. And after that manner they [ 60] spinne Threed, not only course and great for the weauing of their Cotton Beds, but also that which is most fine. Of this sort I brought some into France, wherewith I caused a faire stoma∣cher to be made of the white Web, which was of so fine and small a Threed, that some tooke it for the best and choicest Silke.

They call their Cotton beds Inis. The women, to whom this workmanship appertaineth, haue their work-houses for their Loomes somewhat vnlike to those of our Countrie: for they are * 1.457 neither made flat and plaine, nor consist of so many subtile inuentions, but being framed to the height of their stature, they worke after their manner, and also beginne their weauing from the bottome. They make certaine of those beds in the forme of Nets, and others thicker, like the finest Cloth. They are fiue or sixe foot long, and an elle broad: vnto either end Cotton loopes are * 1.458 added, vnto the which they fasten cords: and hang them vp in their houses vpon beames, made fit for this vse. But, liuing in the Campe, or in the woods for hunting, or on the shoares for fishing, they hang them vpon trees. These beds (that wee omit nothing) when they haue gathered filth either through humane sweat, or by the smoake, by reason of the continuall fire, are washed cleane [ 10] after this manner. The women gather a certaine fruit in the woods, not much vnlike in shape vnto a plaine Gourd, but farre larger, so that euery Apple may scarce bee borne with one hand: these fruits they cut into small pieces, and hauing cast them into some very great earthen vessell, they moisten them with water. Then, they vehemently stirre them about with a sticke, and * 1.459 cause a fome to arise from them, through the helpe whereof (in stead of Sope) they make their Beds so cleane, that in whitenesse they may be comparable with the Snowe, or Fullers Clothes. The vse of such Beds is farre more commodious in watches, then that the Souldiers, after the ac∣customed manner, should tumble in Beds of grasse: for they both foule their garments, and get Lice, and that which is more, if they be to arise vnto the fight, the bodie is bruis••d in some sort with the Armes, which Souldiers continually weare: which in the siege of the Citie Sancerra, [ 20] we proued in good earnest: For the Enemie lay a whole yeere at our Ports.

That we may gather the rest of the Americane houshold-stuffe into a short summe, the wo∣men (who haue the charge of domesticall matters) prepare huge Cannes, and make very great Earthen vessels, wherein to put their Cao-uin. They also make Pots of diuers fashions, little and * 1.460 indifferent Basons, Platters, and other things of that sort, vessels which on the outside surely, are nothing smooth, but are so polished within, and beautified with I know not what kinde o•• tincture, which presently waxeth hard, so that those women may easily match the industrie of all our Countrie people. Besides, I know not what kinde of ash-colour painting they steepe in water, and afterwards make diuers formes of things in their vessels, within, and specially in those wherein they lay vp their Meale, and other kindes of meates, to bee preserued. The vse [ 30] therefore of them is most acceptable, nay those vessels farre excell them of wood, which very many vse here with vs. Yet these Women-painters haue this fault, that when they haue pour∣trayed with the Pencill whatsoeuer they please, if they be intreated to paint the same againe, they are not possibly able to doe it: because they haue no example proposed, beside the industrie of their owne fantasie. Hence it commeth to passe, that two of these kinde of pictures may scarce be found alike.

Moreouer, (as I haue elsewhere said) the Barbarians haue Gourds, and other kindes of fruits, which they diuide, and make hollow, and they vse them instead of Cups, (which they call Co∣ui) * 1.461 and other vessels of diuers vses. They haue also Panniers, large and meane, and likewise Baskets, very finely made of bul-rushes, or yellowish grasse, not much differing from Wheaten [ 40] straw. These they call Panacon, and in them they put Meale and other things which they thinke good.

Although the Tououpinambaultians receiue strangers very curteously, yet the Frenchmen, and * 1.462 other Strangers, who are ignorant of their Language, were not a little astonished in the begin∣ning, by reason of their vnaccustomed behauiour. When I first conuersed among them (which happened about twenty dayes after our arriuall at the Castle of Colligne) a certaine Interpreter brought me to certaine Villages, in the Continent: that which I first saw, in their natiue Lan∣guage is called Ybouraci, but in French, Pepin, by the name of a certaine Pilot, who sometime la∣ded * 1.463 a ship at that place; foure miles only distant from our Castle. In the very entrance the Bar∣barians came thicke about me, and spake vnto me in these words, Marapé derere, Marapé derere? that is, By what name are you called? which words, sur••ly, to mee were very barbarous, but one [ 50] of them taking off my Hat, put it vpon his head; another girdeth my Girdle and Sword vnto his naked side: another putteth on my Coat: and they dull me with their cries, and being clo∣thed with my spoiles, runne hither and thither. I then thought that I had lost all, and did not well knowe how safe I might be among them. But, as I found by experience, that feare arose from my ignorance of their customes, for they vse to doe the like to all strangers, especially vn∣to them whom they neuer saw before. Now, when for their recreation, they had walked about a little while in that habite, they precisely restore euery thing againe. Then I was aduertised by the Interpreter, that they greatly desired to vnderstand my name: but in declaring that, I was to forbeare vsuall names with vs, which the Barbarians could neither pronounce (for in [ 60] stead of Iohn, they said Ni••n) nor yet well remember: but was to propound somewhat which * 1.464 might be knowne vnto them. The matter succeeded so happily, that, as the Interpreter signi∣fied vnto mee, who was very skilfull in the Brasilian Language, my name Lerius signified an Oyster: I therefore answered, that I was called L••riy-oussou. They liked it very well, and of∣ten

vsing Teh, their Interiection of admiration, they spake thus vnto me. An excellent name surely, nor haue we euer found any Mair, who had such a name. They haue so good and sure a memorie, that if they haue once heard any mans name, they neuer forget it. * 1.465

The same day, accompanied with the Interpreter, I went further, and turned into the Village Euramiri, so called in their natiue Language, but in French, Goset, after the name of a certaine Interpreter, who dwelt there some little while: wee came thither about Sunne set, and found them dansing, and drinking their Cao-uin, by reason of a Captiue, whom they had slaine that day. I perceiued the pieces of his flesh laid vpon Boucan. I thinke, you need not enquire with how great and horrible feare I was then stricken: yet that was but a small matter, if it be com∣pared with the feare wherewith I was afterward astonished. Wee entred into a Cottage, and [ 10] sate vpon the hanging beds, after the accustomed fashion: the women lament after that manner which we will declare, and the Master of the Familie entertaineth vs with friendly words. Th•• Interpreter who was acquainted with these matters, and who was very much delighted with their drinkings, leaueth me vnsaluted, and ignorant of all things, and went away to them that were dansing, and drinking. But being wearie, after I had refreshed my selfe with Meale, and certaine other meate•• that were set before vs, I lay downe in the bed. Notwithstanding, through the noise of their dansing, drinking, and deuouring of the Captiue, I was presently awaked, and (which was the chiefest matter) by one comming vnto mee, who carried the rosted foot of the Captiue in his hand, and demanding of mee, as I afterwards vnderstood, for then, I conceiued not his words) whether I would eate thereof; I was so astonished through feare, that I was al∣together [ 20] freed from drowsinesse and sleepe. And I verily beleeued, by that gesture, which I tooke in the worst part, that the Barbarian had shewed me, that my flesh should shortly after be deuoured after the same manner. Moreouer, as feare begetteth suspicion, it came presently into my minde, that the Interpreter had betrayed, and deliuered mee into the Barbarians hands. Wherefore, if I had had any way open to flee, I had quickly taken my flight. But they stood round about mee, whose minde I did not sufficiently knowe, for they attempted no euill against mee. Now being confirmed in feare, I vnluckily ghessed, that I should presently haue beene slaine, wherefore I passed the whole night in powring forth prayers vnto God. At the first dawning of the day, the Interpreter (who had passed all the night in pleasure with the Barba∣rians) returned vnto mee, and saw mee pale, and taken with a Feuer, whereupon he demanded [ 30] whether I were ill at ease, & whether I had not quietly rested? Then I began sharply to reproue him, who had left me alone among those Barbarians, whose speach I vnderstood not at all. H•••• openeth the whole matter to them who stood by me all the night, to congratulate my comming: they signifie, that they perceiued the matter in some sort, and yet were sorrie, that I had passed that night in so great feare of them. And at length they breake out into dissolute laughter, which was the solace and comfort of that my feare. From thence I and that Interpreter, went vnto certaine other Villages.

These are the Rites which the Barbarians obserue in entertayning Guests. First of all, as soone as the Guest entreth into the house of that Moussacat, which hee hath chosen to bee his Host, (which is to be done in euery Village, nor are you to turne into another, vnlesse you will incurre [ 40] his displeasure) he must presently sit downe vpon a Cotton hanging Bed, and remaine quietly there a while without speaking any word. By and by, the women come vnto him, compasse the * 1.466 Bed about, and sitting on the ground, put their hands on their eyes, and bewayling the happie comming of the Guest after this manner, they rehearse innumerable things in his commenda∣tion. As for example: Haue you taken so much paines to come vnto vs: you are good, you are valiant. But if the Guest be a Frenchman, they adde, you haue brought very many excellent merchandises vnto vs, which we want here. To conclude, those women, as hath beene said, entertaine Guests wee∣ping, with such like flattering speeches. But the Guest who sitteth on a Cotton bed, if he desire * 1.467 to procure fauour with his Host, settling his countenance, vnlesse hee meane to weepe in good earnest (as I saw some of our men of so weake a courage, that teares were forced from them, [ 50] through the howling lamentation of these women) he must of necessitie counterfeit weeping, answering somewhat at the least, and fetching deepe sighes. This most pleasant salutation be∣ing * 1.468 ended by the women, Moussacat, that is, the Master of the Familie, being busily employed in making of an Arrow, casts not so much as his eyes for a certaine time vpon the Guest, as if h•• marked nothing. At length comming vnto the Guest, hee speaketh vnto him in these words: Ere Ioube? that is, Are you come? then, how doe you? what seeke you? &c. After, hee deman∣deth, whether you be hungrie? if you grant that you are, presently he commandeth meates of di∣uers kindes to be set before you in earthen vessels, to wit, Meale, which with them supplieth the place of bread, Venison, Fowle, Fish, and other things of that kinde: but because there is no vse with them, for Tables, and Benches, all those things are set on the ground. As touching [ 60] Drink, if you desire Cao-uin, & that it be in the house, it shall presently be giuen you. Lastly, after the women haue stoutly solemnized the comming of the Guests with weeping, they come vnto them bringing Fruits, and other trifling Presents, and so, secretly, demand Co••bes, Looking∣glasses, and little Beades of glasse, which they winde about their armes.

Moreouer, if you will lodge all night in that Village, the Moussacat commandeth a very neat and cleane bed to be hanged vp for you, round about which he will cause smal fires to be kindled, and often quickned in the night with Bellows, which they call Tatapecoua, not much vnlike the little round Fannes, wherewith the nicer and more delicate sort of women with vs, defend the scorching of fire from their faces. Not because that Countrie is subiect vnto cold, but by reason of the moisture of the night, and especially, because it is their vsuall manner. Now seeing we haue chanced to mention Fire, which they call Tata, and Smoake Tatatin, I thinke it needfull that I declare the excellent manner of kindling the same. They haue two kindes of wood, whereof the one is very soft, but the other very hard, which they vse after this manner, to kindle fire. They sharpen a twig of a foot long of that hard wood at the one end like a Spindle, and sticke the point thereof in any piece of that soft wood, then laying it on the ground, or vp∣on [ 10] a stocke, they turne that twig swiftly about with the palmes of their hands, as if they would pierce an hole through the piece of wood which lieth vnder. Through that so swift and vio∣lent motion, smoake is not onely raised, but also fire; putting Cotton vnto it, or certaine drie leaues (in stead of our Countrie tinder) fire is very aptly ingendred: whereof I my selfe haue made triall.

After that the Guests haue refreshed themselues with meate, and lodged after the manner * 1.469 which we haue declared, if they be liberall, they vse to giue vnto the men Kniues, Scizzers, and Pinsers fit for the plucking out of the haires of their beards: to the women, Combes, and Loo∣king-glasses: and to the children, Fish-hookes. But, if the Guest want victuals, when he hath agreed of the price, he may carrie them away. Moreouer, because they want all kinde of beasts [ 20] of burden, they are all of necessitie to trauell on foot. If Strangers bee wearie, and giue a Knife to any of the Barbarians, he presently offereth his helpe to carrie him that is wearie. I my selfe * 1.470 when I liued in those Countries, was diuers times carried by those Porters, and that surely two miles iourney together. And if wee admonished them to rest a little, they laughed at vs with these words; What? Thinke you that wee are so effeminate, or of so weake a courage, that wee should faint, and lie downe vnder our burden? I would rather carrie you all the day without any intermission. But we breaking out into laughter, wondered at those two legged Hackneyes, and encouraging * 1.471 them, said: let vs therefore proceed on the way.

They exercise naturall charitie abundantly among themselues, for they daily giue one vnto * 1.472 another, both Fish, Meale, and Fruits, and also other things: nay, they would be very sorrie, if [ 30] they saw their neighbours want those things which they haue. They also vse the like liberalitie towards Strangers: whereof, it shall be sufficient, to bring one example. In the tenth Chapter of this Booke, I made mention of a certaine danger, which my selfe, and two other Frenchmen escaped, to wit, that we were in great perill of death, by reason of an huge Lizard which met vs in the way: at that time, wee wandred two dayes through the middle of the Woods out of the way, and indured no meane hunger, and at length came vnto a certaine Village called Pauo, where wee had lodged before. There wee were most liberally entertained by the Barbarians. For, hauing heard the troubles which wee had suffered, and specially the great danger wherein we were, that we were likely to haue beene deuoured by wilde beasts, but chiefly, that wee were in danger to bee slaine by the Margaiates, our common enemies, neere vnto whose borders wee [ 40] approached vnawares: and, seeing also the hurts and scratches of thornes, wherewith our sk••n was miserably rent, they tooke our harmes so grieuously, that I may here truly affirme, that the faigned flatteries wherewith our Countrie people vse to comfort the distressed, are farre from the sincere humanitie of that Nation, which we call Barbarous. For, they washed our feet with * 1.473 cleare water (which put me in minde of the ancient custome) euery one of vs sitting apart vpon an hanging Bed. Then the Masters of the Families, who had alreadie prouided meates to be prepared for vs, and caused new Meale to be ground, which (as I elsewhere said) is nothing inferiour vnto the crumme of white bread, in goodnesse, presently, after wee had beene a little refreshed, commanded all the best meates, to wit, Venison, Fowle, Fish, and the most exquisite and choicest Fruits, wherewith they continually abound, to bee set before vs. Moreouer, the [ 50] night approching, the Moussacat our Host, remoueth all the children from vs, that wee might the more quietly rest. The next day after, early in the morning, he commeth vnto vs, and de∣mandeth, goe to Atourassap, (that is, dearly beloued Confederates) haue you quietly rested this night? wee answered, very quietly. Then saith he; my sonnes, rest your selues yet a while, for, ye∣sterday, I perceiued that you were very wearie. To be briefe, I am not able to expresse with words, how friendly, and curteously wee were entertained. But wee neuer trauelled farre from home without a Sachell full of Merchandises, which might serue vs in stead of money among those Barbarians. Departing therefore thence, we gaue our Hosts, what wee thought good: to wit, Kniues Sizzers, Pinsers, to the men: Combes, Looking-glasses, Bracelets, and glassen Beades; [ 60] to the women: and Fish-hookes to the children. * 1.474

I one day turned out of the way to lodge in a certaine Village, and was requested by my Moussacat, to shew him what I had in my Sachell, who commanded a great earthen vessell to bee brought, wherein to put my merchandises: I tooke them all out, and set them in order:

whereat he greatly wondring, calleth the rest of the Barbarians vnto him, and saith. See I pray you, my good friends, what manner of man I haue entertained with me: doth it not manifest∣ly appeare that he is very rich, seeing he carrieth so great wealth about him? yet those would scarce haue beene sold at Paris, for two siluer Cardicues. Then, because (as we haue said) they loue liberall men, that I might procure authoritie and fauour among them, I gaue my Monssacat the best of my Kniues before them all, which he esteemed no lesse, then any one with vs would regard a golden chaine, of very great price, bestowed vpon him.

If peraduenture it happen, that any of them fall sicke, when the inward and familiar friend of the sicke person hath declared the grieued part, one sucketh it with his mouth, sometimes al∣so that seruice is performed by certaine impostors, which they call Pages, that is, Physicians, or * 1.475 [ 10] Surgeans. (But they are a kinde of People differing from the Caraibes, whereof I haue spoken before.) And they also say, that they draw out the paine, and prolong the life. They are some∣times sicke of Feuers, and other common diseases: but, not so often, as wee vse to bee. More∣ouer, they are troubled with a certaine incurable disease, which they call Pians. This, for the most part proceedeth of lust: yet, I haue seene the little children infected therewith, not vn∣like the manner of our Countrie Measels. This contagion breaketh out into pustles, broader then a thumbe, which ouer spread the whole bodie, and also the face it selfe. They neuer giue meate * 1.476 to the sicke, vnlesse he desire it, although he be readie to perish through hunger. Moreouer, al∣though it be the most grieuous disease, they that are healthie, neuer cease dansing, singing, and drinking after the accustomed manner, to dull and wearie the miserable sicke person with the [ 20] noise: nor doth he complaine, because he knoweth, that he shall not preuaile at all. But, if hee die, that singing (especially if he be a Master of any familie) is suddenly turned into teares, and so great lamentation is made, that if by chance we turned into a certaine Village, at the time of that mourning, we were of necessitie to goe to some other place, or passe the night without sleepe. First of all, not without admiration, the women are heard, which so crie out and ex∣claime, that you would say they were the howling of Wolues or Dogs, and no humane voices. But they powre forth these complaints with a trembling voice. That most valiant man is dead, who sometimes gaue vs so many Captiues to be deuoured. Then the rest say, O notable Hunter, O most excellent Fisher, O valiant Killer of the Portugals, and Margaiates. To be briefe, those wo∣men prouoking one another to mourning, and embracing armes together, desist not from these [ 30] lamentations, and praises, before the dead bodie be brought forth.

Lastly, these Barbarian women imitate the Bearneansian custome in bewayling their dead men, whom, as I haue heard, they follow with these complaints. La mi amon, la mi amon, cara rident, oeil desplendou, camaleuge, bet dansadou: La me balen, lo m'esburbat: mati depes: fort tard congat. that is, My friend, my friend with a merrie countenance, shining eyes, swift legs, notable danser, strong and valiant, thou diddest arise early, and goe late to bed. The Vascone women also, who adde these things to the former, Yere, yere, o le bet renegadou, o le bet iougadou qu'bere: that is, Alas, alas, how stout and deepe a Swearer was hee, how notable a Gamester? Moreouer, to those complaints whereof we spoke, the Barbarian women often adde this bur∣den of the Song, He is dead, he is dead, whom we now lament. Then the men answere: Alas, he [ 40] is dead, and wee shall see him no more, vntill wee danse with him behind the Mountaines, as our Ca∣raibes teach. Those howling lamentations are prolonged for sixe houres; for, they vse not to keepe their Dead any longer vnburied. Then digging a Trench, not long as we vse, but circular, like a great Drie-fat, they burie the dead bodie bolt vpright. The dead Masters of Families, they burie in the middest of their houses, wrapped in their Cotton bed, with feathers, and other * 1.477 things, wherein they delighted in their life time, laide in the Graue. Since their commerce with the French they haue forborne to put precious things in the Graues: but they retained a strange and very deuillish Superstition. The first night after the Funerall, the Barbarians, who are thus perswaded, that Aygnan, vnlesse he found other meates prepared, would digge vp the * 1.478 dead bodie, and deuoure it, set no small store of vessels, with Meale, Fish, Flesh, and other meats [ 50] carefully prepared, and also great pots full of their drinke Cao-uin, about the Graue. Which Sacrifice they performe so long, vntill they thinke that the dead bodie bee wholly consumed. From the which errour they were the more hardly remoued, because certaine Neustrian Inter∣preters, by example of the Sacrifices of Bell, diuers times before our comming, priuily f••ole a∣way * 1.479 those meates. Through which fact they so confirmed the Barbarians in errour, that al∣though we shewed them, that those meates set downe in the euening, remained in the morning, yet with great labour and difficultie we disswaded very few from that errour.

As often as the Barbarians transport their Villages vnto another place, after the manner which wee haue declared, they put certaine couerings of the herbe Pindo vpon the Graues of the Dead. Whereby it commeth to passe, that Trauellers may take notice of a certaine forme [ 60] of a place of buriall. At which places, if at any time wandring in the Woods, they remember the dead men, they make so great lamentation, that they may be heard farre off.

Worse then their howlings here, worse then their former man-eatings, is the tragicall famine which attended Lerius and his fellowes in their returne, besides dangers of shipwracke, resolution of some to

kill their fellowes for food; Thether by Sea in 500. fathome depth seeming like a Marish, the horbes yel∣lowish, with Berries like those of Iuniper, the leaues like Rue, with threads like grownd Inie floting on the Saa, but not safely handled; in some places redde filth like concombes swimming, the touching of which caused the hand presently to swell) as also his Brasilian Dictionarie, &c. for brenitie I haue omit∣ted. Villagagnons Apostasie from the Religion was the cause of their departure; whose malice pursued them homewards to pronounce them to bee burned for Heresie vpon his accusation at home: as they were faine to line from him in Brasill. Wee will leaue this Religions Frenchman, and acquaint you with a Germane.

CHAP. IIII. [ 10]

The trauels of HVLDERIEE SCHNIRDEL in twentie yeeres space from 1534. to 1554. abbreuiated.

§. I.

His Voyage vp the Riuer of Plate, foundation of Townes, their expedition [ 20] vp the Riuer of Parana and Parabol; the people of these parts.

ANno 1534. I went from Antwerpe to Cadiz, and there found fourteene ships fur∣nished for the Riuer of Plate. There were 2500. Spaniards, 150. high and low Dutch, vnto which I ioyned my selfe. They set forth in September the same yeere, and (hauing had some trouble at Palma, one of the Canaries, about stealing of a Ci∣tizens Daughter by G••••rge Mendoza, a Kinsman of the Commander Don Pedro de Mendoza) arriued at the riuer Ienero. They call these Indians, To••pin. Here we abode * 1.480 [ 30] fourteene daies, and Petro Mendoza our Generall then gaue commandement to Iohn Osorius his sworne Brother, to take charge of vs in his steed, because hee being weake, and consumed in his members, was much troubled almost with continuall sicknesse and diseases. But when a little af∣ter the gouernment receiued, Iohn Osorius had beene falsly accused, and by forgerie, to Mendoza his sworne brother, as though he had gone about seditiously to stirre the company against him, the said Mendoza commanded other foure Captaines (to wit) Iohn Eyoldas Iohn Saleisen, George Luchsam, and Lazarus Saluascho, that hauing stabbed him with a Dagger, they should expose * 1.481 him as a Traitor in the middle of the Plaine, to the view of all beholders. And straightly com∣manded it publikely to be giuen in charge, that no man vpon paine of death disquiet or trouble himselfe in the behalfe of Osorius, for if he did, he should be no more respected, whosoeuer, or of [ 40] what condition soeuer he were. But hee was altogether iniuried. For hee was an honest man, and a stout and couragious Warriour, and courteous, liberall, and verie beneficiall to his fellow Souldiers.

6. Departing hence with our ships and going to the Riuer of Plate, we came into a pleasant * 1.482 Riuer, which they call Parana Urassa. It is farre from the mouth of the Riuer where the Sea leaues it, and is fortie two leagues broad. And from the Riuer Ianero to this Riuer are two hun∣dred and fifteene leagues. Heere wee came to a Hauen called Saint Gabriel, and all our fourteene ships anchored in the Riuer Parana. But because we were to abide in the greater shippes on the water, a Musket shot from the Land, our Generall Petro Mendoza gaue commandement to set the people and Souldiers aland in the lesser Skiffes or Boats, which they call Potten, then prepa∣red [ 50] for that purpose. So by the grace and blessing of God, in the yeere of Christ 1535. wee happily arriued at the Riuer of Plate, and there we found a row of houses, or an Indian Village, * 1.483 wherein there were about 2000. men, whom they call Zechuruas, who eate no other thing, saue fish and flesh. And goe all naked, but that the women couer their secrets, with a thinne piece of Cotton-cloth, which reacheth from the Nauell to the knees. They therefore at our comming, leauing the Towne, fled away with their wiues and children. Then our Generall Mendoza com∣manded the people to be shipped againe, and conueied ouer to the other side of the Riuer Para∣na, where the bredth of the Riuer extendeth it selfe no more then eight leagues.

7. In this place wee built a Citie, which for the wholsomenesse of the Aire wee called Bonos * 1.484 Aeres. We brought with vs also out of Spaine seuentie two Horses and Mares, in our fourteene [ 60] ships. We found also another Village in this Countrie, which the Indians inhabit, whom they call Carendies, of whom there were about 3000. men, together with their wiues and children. These also as the Zechuruas are couered from the Nauell only vnto the knees, who brought * 1.485 vs fish and flesh to eate. These Carendies haue no Proper and setled dwellings, but wander in the

Gountrie hither and thither, almost as our Cingari, and Zigeunori. When they take their iour∣ney in the Summer, they often times trauell thirtie leagues and more by Land, and finde not a * 1.486 drop of water to drinke. If they light vpon a Stagge or other wilde beast, when they haue killed it, they drinke the bloud thereof: some times they find a Roote, which they call Cardes, and chewing that, they quench thirst. But that they drinke bloud, this only is the cause, for that they want other drinke, and peraduenture without this, they should die for thirst. These Caren∣dies for fourteene daies imparted liberally of their pouertie, and daily brought fish and flesh vnto our Campe, one day only excepted, wherein they came not to vs at all. Therefore our Generall Don Petro Mendoza sent our Corrigidor Ian. Baban and two Souldiers vnto them (for these Ca∣rendies abode foure leagues distant from our Campe) but they so intreated them when they came [ 10] vnto them, that they sent them home all three soundly cut and mangled with stripes. But when our Generall Petro Mendoza vnderstood these things by report of the Iudge: who for this cause raised a tumult in our Campe, he sent his owne naturall Brother Don Diego Mendoza a∣gainst them with three hundred Souldiers, and thirtie readie light Horsemen, among the which I also was one, straightly charging him to kill, and take all the said Indian Carendies, and possesse their Towne. But when we came vnto them, there were now some 4000. men gathered toge∣ther; for they had sent for all their familiars, and friends to helpe them.

8. When we set vpon them, they so resisted vs, that they put vs to trouble enough that day: * 1.487 for they slue our Captaine Don Diego Mendoza, and sixe Gentlemen with him, and of the horse and foote about some twentie. But on their part there fell about 1000. men. Therefore they fought couragiously and stoutly against vs, which wee felt by experience. The weapons [ 20] of these Carendies are Bowes, and a kinde of Dart like the staffe of a Speare of a middle length, whose point they arme with a flint called a Marchasate, with an edge in forme of the three ed∣ged T underbolt. They haue also bowles of stone hanging at a long coard, somewhat like our plummets of Lead. These bowles they so cast about the feet of Horses, or Stagges, that they are constrained to fall. After this manner they slue our Captaine, and the Gentlemen with these bowles, which I my selfe beheld, but they slue the Footmen with their Darts: yet by the grace of God (to whom be praise) we ouercame them in battaile, and possessed their Towne. But we could take none of these Indians; their wiues and children also, before we assailed them by warre had fled into another Village. We found nothing in this Towne of theirs, but Otter skins, plen∣tie [ 30] of flesh and flowre, and the trane of fish. Abiding therefore three daies we remained in that place, and after returned to our Campe, leauing 100. men there, who in the meane time should fish with the Indians Nets, to maintaine our Souldiers more plentifully: for the waters there are maruellous full of fish: for three ounces only of flowre made of fine Wheate were distributed to euerie one for one daies victuall, and euerie three daies one fish. This fishing lasted two moneths, and if any would eate fish otherwise, he must seeke them on foot foure leagues off.

9. When we returned to our Campe, they that were fit for labour among the people, were * 1.488 separated from them that were fit for warre, that euery one might be put to seruice agreeable vn∣to him. The Citie therefore began to be built there, and a wall of earth to be raised about it, to to the heigth of a Speare or Iauelin, and in the Citie a firme and strong house for our Generall. [ 40] The wall of the Citie was three foot broad. But that which was built to day, the next day fell downe againe. For the people wanting food, liued in great scarcitie, so that many died of fa∣mine, nor could the Horses satisfie them. There was not plentie enough of Dormice, or other-Mice, or Serpents, or other wild beasts, to asswage this lamentable famine and vnspeakable po∣uertie. Not so much as shooes and other Leather could auoid this rage of deuouring. It fell out * 1.489 also at that time, that three Spaniards hauing stolne a Horse, did priuily eate him. Which as soone as it was discouered, they were grieuously tormented, and questioned touching the fact, and when they confessed it, they were condemned to the Gallowes. When they were hanged, three other Spaniards consorted themselues together, who the same night going to the Gallowes, cut off the legges of them that were hanged, and cut out pieces of flesh from their bodies, that [ 50] in their Cottages they might asswage vntollerable hunger by eating thereof. A certaine Spani∣ard (through exceeding hunger) eate his owne brother, who died in the Citie of Buenas Aeres.

10. When therefore our Generall Don Petro Mendoza saw, that the people could no longer be * 1.490 sustained and preserued in this place, he presently commandeth foure small Barkes which they call Brigantines, or small men of warre, and are carried with Oares to bee made readie, whereof euerie one will hold fortie men: there were also three other lesse called Potten. These seuen little Vessels therefore being made readie and dispatched, our Generall commanded the company to be mustered, and George Luchsam with 350. readie and able men, to saile vp the Riuer, and seek out the Indians, that we might get prouision of victuals and food. But the Indians vnderstanding before of our presence, burnt their prouision of victuall, and whatsoeuer was good to eat, together [ 60] with their Villages, and runne away. But wee in the meane season got no food, and for euerie daies allowance vnto euerie man, one ounce and an halfe of bread was distributed, whereby it came to passe, that in this journie the halfe part of our Souldiers perished through famine. Wee therefore of necessitie returned to the said Towne where our Generall was, who greatly won∣dred,

that so small a number of people should returne, seeing we were no more then fiue moneths absent, and he demanded of our Captaine George Luchsam to declare vnto him what hee had done in this journie, who signified, that they who were wanting, died of famine, because the Indians had consumed all the food with fire, and after run away themselues.

11. All these things falling out thus as I haue said, yet we continued together in the Towne * 1.491 of Buenas Aeres, a whole moneth in great want, expecting while the furniture of our shippes should be finished. In the meane wh••le, in the yeere 1535. the Indians inuade vs and our Citie of Buenas Aeres, with the strength of twentie three thousand men, and in their Armie there were foure distinct Nations (to wit) Cariendes, Bartennis, Lechuruas, and Tiembus. The purpose and principall intension of all these was, to kill vs all. But praise and glorie bee to God, who saued the greatest part of vs safe from destruction. For together with the Captaines, and Ancients, and [ 10] other Souldiers, there were not aboue thirtie men of ours slaine.

When therefore they first came to our Citie of Buenas Aeres, some of them ranne furiously to assault it, others cast fierie Darts vpon our houses all which (except our Generals house which only was couered with Tile) were only thatched: and by that meanes all our Citie, together with * 1.492 all the houses was consumed with the flames, euen from the foundation. The Weapons or Darts of these Indians are made of Reed, which when they are cast or shot out, take fire in the point. They haue a kind of wood also whereof they make their Darts, which if they bee fired before they be cast, are not quenched, but set houses (couered with Thatch) on fire, and so those that touch or joyne together burne together. [ 20]

In this fight these Indians burnt vs also foure great shippes, which were halfe a league distant * 1.493 from vs on the water. But the Souldiers who were in these ships, when they saw that mightie tumult of the Indians, betooke themselues to flight from these foure shippes, into three others, which rode not farre from these, and were furnished with Ordnance. They therefore when they saw the foure ships burne, began to defend themselues, and eagerly to assault the Indians, and let flee the bullets which caused them to leaue the assault and depart, giuing rest vnto the Chri∣stians. All this was done on the Feast of Saint Iohn the Euangelist. In the yeere 1535.

12. All these things being past and done, all the people went into the ships, and our Generall * 1.494 Don Petro Mendoza made Iohn Eyollus his Deputie, creating him Lieutenant Generall, deliue∣ring ouer vnto him the whole gouernment of all, as also of the people. He taking a view of the company, of two thousand fiue hundred men, which came from Spaine together in ships, hee [ 30] found only fiue hundred and sixtie aliue: all the rest were dead, whom for the most part the in∣tollerable famine had consumed.

After this, our Lieutenant Iohn Eyollus, commandeth eight little Barkes, which they call Brigantines and Pott, speedily to be built. And of fiue hundred and sixtie which remained aliue, hee tooke vnto him foure hundred men: leauing the other one hundred, and sixtie to take charge of the foure great ships; ouer whom hee set Iohn Romero the chiefe commander, leauing prouision for a whole yeere, so that foure ounces of bread were distributed to euery man for his daily al∣lowance.

13. After this our Lieutenant Iohn Eyollus with his foure hundred Souldiers, which hee had with him, among whom also Petro Mendoza our Generall was, saileth vp the Riuer of Parana, [ 40] in the Brigantines and Potts, furnished for this purpose, vntill wee came vnto the Indians, which * 1.495 was pe••formed in the space of two moneths, from our comming forth of the Citie of Buenas A∣eres, so that wee were now eightie foure leagues distant from our said burnt Citie. When therefore we were not aboue foure leagues from these people (which they call Tiembus, but wee * 1.496 called them Bona speransa) and they vnderstood of our comming before, about foure hundred men of them came peaceably vnto vs in their Boats, which they call Canoas, in euery one of the which Canoas sixteene person sate. When therefore we met together in the Riuer, our Ge∣nerall gaue the Captaine of these Indians of Tiembus, (whom they call Zchara Wassu) a shirt, a red Cap, a Hatchet, and certaine other things. Which presents beeing receiued, the said Zchara Wassu brought vs into their Towne, setting before vs fish and flesh plentifully, and sufficient food, so that we were exceeding well contented. For if this Voyage of ours had continued yet [ 50] but ten daies longer, we should all haue died with famine, as euen now in this Voyage of foure hundred men, who came together in the ships, fiftie were dead.

These people of Tiembus, weare on either nostrill a blue starre artificially made of a white and blue stone; they are large men, and of a tall stature, but the women aswell young as old, are very deformed with torne faces, and alwaies bloudie: from the Nauell to the knees they are couered with Cotton-cloth, the rest is naked. This people hath no other meate saue fish and flesh, nor euer liued with any other thing. The strength of this Nation is thought to be fif••eene thousand men or more. The Skiffes or Boates which they vse are made of a Tree eightie foote long, and * 1.497 three broad, which (as the Fishermens Boats of Germanie) are rowed with Oares, saue that their [ 60] Oares are not bound with Iron.

14. We abode foure whole yeeres in the foresaid Village or Towne, but our Generall or Ad∣mirall Petro Mendoza, by reason of his extreame and continuall sicknesse, in that hee was able

neither to stirre hand nor foote, and had spent in this iourney of his owne about fortie thousand Ducates of ready money, would no longer stay with vs in this Towne, but returneth in two Brigantines to Buenos Aeres, to the foure greater Shippes, and there taking two of them, and fiftie Souldiers, he intended to returne into Spaine, but scarce halfe the iourney performed, the hand of almightie God so smote him, that he miserably died. But before his departure he cer∣tainly promised vs, that he would doe his best, as soone as he, or the Ships returned into Spaine, that two other Shippes should be sent backe to the Riuer of Plate (which by his will he had so ordained, and was faithfully also performed) furnished with Souldiers, prouision of victuals, Mer∣chandise, and other things necessary for such a voyage.

15. The name of the Commander of these two Shippes was Alfonso Gabrero, who also brought [ 10] with him two hundred Spaniards, and prouision for two yeares. He arriued at the Towne of Bue∣nas * 1.498 Aeres, in the yeare 1539. where we left the other two Shippes (when wee departed) toge∣ther with one hundred and sixtie men. They presently sent away a Shippe into Spaine, prouided for this purpose (for so the Counsell of the Emperours Maiestie commanded) and deliuered or∣derly and at large to the said Counsell the state and condition of these Countries, and people, and other circumstances. After this, our Generall Iohn Eyollas consulting with Alfonso Gabrero, Martino Don Eyollas, and the rest of the Captaines, iudgeth it to be most conuenient to muster the Souldiers; which being done, together with ours, and those who came first from Spaine, fiue hundred and fiftie men were found of these; they choose vnto them foure hundred men, leauing one hundred and fiftie in Tiembus. [ 20]

16. By this order of the Captains, we saile vp the riuer Parana, with these foure hundred men, shipped in eight Brigantines, seeking another Riuer, whereof we were told, called Parabol, at * 1.499 the which the Carios dwell, for these were reported to abound with Turkish graine, and roots, of the which they make wine, and also fish, and flesh, and Sheepe as bigge as Mules, and Harts, Hogges, Estridges, Hennes, and Geese. Departing therefore from the Hauen of Bona Speranza, with our eight Brigantines, sailing foure leagues the first day, we came to a Nation called Curen∣da, which liue with flesh and fish. This Iland is 12000. strong of men fit for warre, and hath great store of Canoes. This Nation is like the former Tiembus, with little stones hanging dang∣ling in their noses. The men also are of a tall stature, but the women, as well yong as old, defor∣med, * 1.500 with rugged and bloudy faces: And are no otherwise apparelled then they of Tiembus, to [ 30] wit, couered with a Cotten cloath from the nauell to the knees, as is before said. These Indians haue great plenty of other skinnes. These men did liberally communicate vnto vs of their po∣uerty, or of that little they had, Fish, Flesh, Skinnes, to whom contrariwise wee gaue Glasses, Beades, Looking-glasses, Combes, Kniues, and Fish-hookes, and abode with them two dayes. They gaue vs also two men of Carios, who were their captiues, to be our Guides and In∣terpreters.

17. Sailing further hence, we came to another Nation called Gulgaisi, which is able to bring * 1.501 40000. men for warre, into the field. This Nation also hath two stones at their nose; it was thirty leagues distant from the Island Curenda, and they and the inhabitants of Tiembus haue the same language. They dwell vpon a Lake sixe leagues long, and foure broa••, situate on the left [ 40] side of the Riuer Parana. We staied here foure daies, and these men imparted to vs of their pouer∣tie, and we did the like to them: proceeding further thence, for the whole space of eighteene daies we light on no men, but afterward we came to a Riuer, flowing into the Countrie it selfe. In that Country we found a great number of men come together, which they call Macuerendas. * 1.502 These haue nothing to eate, saue fish, and a little flesh, and are 18000. strong of warlike men, and haue a great number of Boates. These men after their manner intertained vs courteously enough: they dwell on the other side of the Riuer Parana, towards the right hand, haue a differing tongue from the former, and are tall men, and of a good proportion, but their women also are very de∣formed. They are distant from those whom they call Gulgaisi sixtie foure leagues. While we re∣mained idell among these people foure daies, we found an huge monstrous Serpent fiue and twen∣ty * 1.503 [ 50] foote long, lying on the land not farre from the shoare, which was as bigge as a man, of a blacke colour, spotted with a deepe yellow. This Serpent we killed with a Gunne, which when the In∣dians saw, they wondered thereat with great astonishment, for they themselues had neuer seene any so great before.

This Serpent, as the Indians themselues said, had done much hurt vnto them; for when they washed themselues in the water, the Serpents finding men there, wound their tailes about them, and hauing drawne them vnder water, deuoured them, so that the Indians knew not oftentimes what became of many of them. Idiligently measured the length and thicknesse of this Serpent, which the Indians cutting in peeces, euery one carried part home vnto their houses, and being sod and roasted did after eate thereof. [ 60]

18. From hence sailing further vp the Riuer of Parana, in foure daies iourney we came to a * 1.504 Nation, called Zemais Saluaisco. The men of this Countrie are of a short stature, and of a grosse body. They liue with nothing else saue fish, flesh, and hony. Both men and women goe naked, as they came into the world when they were first borne, so that they couer not their body so much

as with a thred, no not their priuie parts. They make warre with the Macuerendas; the flesh they eate is the flesh of Stagges, Boares, Estridges, Conies, which excepting the taile, are not much vnlike a Dor-mouse or Rere-mouse. They a••e sixteene leagues distant from the Macueren∣das, which distance we sailed in foure daies, and abode one onely day with them.

Departing hence, we came vnto another Nation called Mepenes, who are 10000. strong. * 1.505 These people dwell scattered here and there, euery where in that Countrie, extendi••g it selfe fortie leagues in length and breadth, yet within two daies both by water and land they may all come together. The multitude of the Boates they haue, exceedeth the number of themselues, as we saw when we were with them: and in such a Boate or Canoa about twentie persons are carried. This people receiued vs in hostile and warlike manner with fiue hundred Canoas vp∣on [ 10] the Riuer, but with little profit for themselues, for we slew many of them with our shot, for they had neuer before seene either Gunnes or Christians. But comming to their houses, wee could preuaile nothing against them, seeing they were a whole league distant from the Riuer of Parana, where our Ships lay. The waters also about their Towne were very deepe, which ran out of a Lake, so that we could performe nothing against them, that was of any worth, saue that we burned and destroyed two hundred and fiftie Canoas which we had taken. Nei∣ther did we thinke it good also for vs, to depart so farre from our Shippes, seeing it was to be feared least they would affaile vs from the other side: We returned therefore to our Shippes. This people of Mepenes fight onely vpon the water, and is distant from the former Countrie of Zemais Saluaisco, from whence we departed ninetie fiue leagues. [ 20]

19. Sailing vp higher from thence, and in eight daies space arriuing at a certaine Riuer, we light * 1.506 on a Nation that was very populous, called Cueremagbas, which also liueth onely with fish and flesh. They haue Cherrie trees, of the which they make wine. This people bestowed their best affections vpon vs, and curteously imparted those things vnto vs whereof we stood in neede. The people are of a huge and tall stature, both men and women. The men haue a little hole in their nose, into the which, for ornament, they put a Parrats feather. The women paint their faces with long blew streakes, which all the time of their life are neuer put out. They couer their priuities with Cotten cloath, from the nauell to the knees: from the foresaid people of Mepenes, to these Cueremagbas are fortie leagues: so we staied in this place three daies.

Departing thence, we came to another Nation, called Aygais, which also liueth with fish * 1.507 [ 30] and flesh. The men and women are of a tall stature: the women like the former paint their fa∣ces, and couer their priuities after the same manner. When therefore we arriued on their coast, taking armes, in hostile manner they resisted vs, and would haue stopped our passage. We orde∣red our battaile both by land and water, and fighting with them slew many of them, fifteene al∣so of our men were slaine. These Aygais are stout warriers on the water, but not so by land. Be∣ing ready to fight against vs, they had conueighed away their wiues and children to another place before, and had hidden, whatsoeuer prouision of meate or other like things they had, so that we could get nothing from them. Their Village is scituate neere the Riner called Iepidus, hauing the Riuer called Paraboll on the other side, descending from the Montainous Countries of Peru, neere the Citie Fuech Kamin. These Aygais are distant from the foresaid Cueremagbas [ 40] thirtie fiue leagues.

20. Departing from these people, we came to a Nation called Carios, fiftie leagues distant * 1.508 from the Aygais, with whom (by Gods grace) we found (as was told vs) plentie of Mais, Potatoes and Mandiochpobier, hauing the taste of a Chestnut, of which they make wine. They haue also fish, flesh, wilde Bore, Estridges, Indian Sheepe, as big as our Mules, also Conies, Hens, Goates, and such like: sufficient plenty of Honie, whereof, by boiling it, they make a kinde of Coine. This Country also aboundeth with Çotten.

These people of Carios inhabit a large Countrie, extending it selfe three hundred leagues in * 1.509 length, and breadth: they are men of a short stature, and thicke, and more able to indure worke and labour then the rest. The men haue a little hole in their lippes, and yellow Christall therein (which in their language they call Parabol) of two spannes long, and of the thicknesse [ 50] of a quill or reede. The men and women both in this Countrie, goe all naked, as they were crea∣ted of God. Amongst these Indians the Father sels the Daughter, the Husband the wife. Some∣times also the Brother doth either sell or change the Sister. They value a Woman at a Shirt, a Knife, a Hatchet, or some other thing of this kinde. These Carios also eate mans flesh, if they can get it. For when they take any in the warres, whether they be men or women, yong or old, they fatten them, no otherwise then wee doe Hogges. But they keepe a woman some yeeres, if she be yong, and of a commendable beautie, but if in the meane time, she apply not her selfe to all their desires, they kill, and eate her, making a solemne banquet, as marriages are wont to be celebrated with vs. But they keepe an old woman, till she dye of her owne accord. These [ 60] Carios vndertake longer iournies then any of these Nations vpon the Riuer of Plate. They are couragious and fierce in battaile, and their Villages and Townes are situate vpon the Riuer Para∣na, on an high and mounting land.

21. The Citie of these people (which the Inhabitants call Lampere) was compassed with a

double bulwarke cunningly made of timber, as with a hedge or inclosure, euery trench being of the bredth and thicknesse of a man, and one bulwarke or trench was twelue paces distant from * 1.510 the other. The trenches being digged a fathome deepe into the earth, were so high aboue the ground, as a man might reach with the length of a Sword. They had also Pits and Caues fif∣teene paces distant from the walls cast vp the height of three men, in the middest whereof pikes were stucke, yet not appearing aboue ground, as sharpe pointed as a Pinne. They made these Pits so couered with straw, putting twigs and branches therein, with a little earth strowed be∣tweene, that we Christians pursuing them, or being readie to assault their Towne, might fall in∣to them. But they cast these pits for them selues, and at length they fell into them: for when our Generall Iohn Eyollas, gathering all his Souldiers together, who were not aboue three hun∣dred [ 10] (for they left sixtie to guard the Brigantines) ordering and ranging the companies, went against their Citie Lampere, they vnderstanding before of our comming, making a stand a Mus∣ket shot of with their armie of foure thousand men, furnished with Bowe and Arrowes after their manner, commanded that we should be told, that they would prouide vs victuall, and o∣ther necessaries, desiring vs to goe backe and returne vnto our Ships, that so departing as soone as we could, we might peaceably returne to our companions. But it was neither good for our Ge∣nerall, nor our selues, that we should consent to their request: for this Nation and Countrie, by reason of the plenty of victuall, was also most fit, and commodious for vs, especially when in foure whole yeares past, we had not seene a morsell of bread, liuing onely with fish and flesh, and * 1.511 oftentimes also in great penurie. [ 20]

These Carios therefore taking their Bowe and Arrowes, entertained and saluted vs there∣with. But as yet, wee had no minde to hurt them, but commanded to signifie vnto them, that they should be quiet, and we would become their friends. But they would not be so contented, for they had not yet tried our Gunnes and Swords. When therefore we came somewhat neerer vnto them, wee discharged our brasse Peeces against them. Which when they heard, and saw that so many men fell downe dead, and when neither Bullets, nor Arrowes appeared, but holes onely were seene in their bodies, they wondred with astonishment, and horribly terrified, tooke their flight in troopes, ouerthrowing one anoth••r like Dogs: and while with great celeritie they hasten to shelter themselues in their Towne, more then three hundred men, in that amased feare, fell into the foresaid pits, which them selues had digged. [ 30]

Afterward comming to their Citie, we assaulted it, they couragiously defending themselues, till the third day. But when they could defend themselues no longer, and were much afraid of their wiues and children, which they had with them in the Towne, they earnestly entreated our fauour and mercie, promising, that they would doe any thing for vs, and for our sakes, at our pleasure, so that wee would spare their liues. In this stirre sixteene of our men were slaine. They brought also to our Generall Eyolas, sixe women, among which the eldest was but eigh∣teene yeeres old, they presented also sixe Stags, and another wilde beast, entreating vs to stay with them. They gaue two women to the Souldiers, to serue them for Laundresses and other seruices. They also prouided vs victuals, and other necessaries for foode. And so peace was con∣cluded betweene them and vs. [ 40]

22. These things being so done, the Corios were compelled to build vs a great House, of * 1.512 stone, timber, and earth, that the Christians might haue a place of refuge, if hereafter they mo∣ued any sedition against them wherein they might be safe, and might defend themselues against iniurie. Wee tooke this Village or Citie of theirs by assault the yeere of Christ 1539. in the feast of the Assumption and gaue it that name. And here wee abode two moneths. These Ca∣rios are fiftie leagues distant from the Aygais, and from the Iland of Bonasperanza, which the Tiembus inhabite about three hundred thir••ie and foure leagues.

Making therefore a league with these Carios, they promised, that they would aide vs, when we went to the warres, and if we were to vndertake any seruice against the Aygais, they would send eighteene thousand men with vs. When our Generall had thus determined, taking three [ 50] hundred Spaniards, with these Carios, going downe the Riuer of Parabol, with the streame, wee marched thirtie leagues by land, till we came to the place, where the said Aygais dwelt: we slue them both old and young, in the old place where wee left them, vnawares in their houses, while they yet slept, early in the morning betweene three and foure of the clocke (for the Carios had diligently searched out all) oppressing them euen to the death; for the Carios haue this custome that being conquerers in warre, they kill all without any commiseration or pitie. * 1.513

After this, taking away fiue hundred Canoas or Boats, we burnt all the Villages to the which we came, doing much hurt besides. After one moneth past, some of the people of Aygais came vnto vs, who being absent farre from home, were not present at this fight, and crauing pardon, yeelded themselues into our hands. [ 60]

23. Continuing therefore in this Citie of the Assumption of Marie sixe moneths, we quietly refreshed our selues. In the meane space our Generall Don Eyollas enquired amongst these Carios, of the Nation called Piembos, from whom hee receiued answere, that it was almost an hundred * 1.514 leagues distant from the Citie of Assumption, and that they dwelt vp the Riuer Parabol. Being

further demanded, whether they had plentie of food, and how and with what they liued, what their behauiour and conditions were? They answere againe, that these Paiembos haue no other meate and prouision, but Flesh, and Fish, and also Ceratia, which they call Algorobo, whereof they make Meale, which they eate with their Fish. Moreouer also they make Wine thereof, which may be compared to our sweet Wine, for the pleastntnesse thereof.

The Generall musters the Souldiers, and out of foure hundred men, chooseth three hundred, whom he saw better furnished with Armes and other things then the rest, leauing the other hun∣dred with the said Carios, in the Citie of Assumption. Wee therefore sayle vp the Riuer, and al∣waies in fiue leagues distance we arriued at some Village situate vpon the Riuer of Parabol, whose * 1.515 Inhabitants came to meete vs withall necessarie prouision. [ 10]

24 Departing thence wee came to a Mountaine called Fernando, like vnto that which they * 1.516 call Bogenberg. There we light on the said Paiembos, twelue leagues distant from Weibingo. These people entertained vs friendly and peaceable, but with a treacherous and deceitfull minde, as you shall vnderstand hereafter. They therefore brought vs into their houses, and gaue vs Fish, Flesh, and Cerat••••, or bread to eate, and so we abode nine whole daies with them. In the meane time our Generall command••d to enquire of them, whether the Nation called Carcariso were known vnto them? They answered him, that concerning them, they knew nothing, but what they * 1.517 had heard by report, to wit, that they dwelt farre hence, in a Countrie abounding with Gold and Siluer, but that they had neuer seene any of them. They added also moreouer, that these Ca∣r••carisos were wise men as we Christians are, and that they abound with Victuals, to wit, Maiz, [ 20] Mandeoch, Manduis, Pot••des, Mandeoch Nach ke k••s, Mandeoch Purpy, Mandeoch Ade, Mande∣parea, * 1.518 and other rootes; and with flesh also of Indian Sheepe, called Amte, which are a kinde of beast like Asses, hauing feete like Kine, of a thicke and grosse skinne; and that they had plentie also of Conies, Harts, Geese, and Hens: but that none of the Paiembos had euer seene them, as they remember, but that they had it onely by report of others: but we found afterwards assu∣redly how all things went.

Hauing learned this, our Generall required to haue some of the Payembos to goe with vs into that Countrie, whereupon they readily offered themselues, and their chiefe Commander pre∣sently appointed three hundred Paiembos to goe with vs, to carry our victuals, and other neces∣saries for vs. The Generall commanded to prepare, and of fiue Shippes he caused three to be de∣stroyed. [ 30] To the other two he appointed fiftie men of vs Christians, whom he commanded that in his absence they should stay there foure moneths, expecting his returne, and that if within the time appointed he returned not vnto vs, they should goe backe with these two Boates to the Citie of the Assumption. But if so fell out, that we staied whole sixe moneths with these Paie••∣bos, and neuer heard any thing in the meane while of our Generall Iohn Eyollas; and prouision of victuall failed vs, and therefore of necessitie, with Dominicke Eyollas, who in the meane time was left to command vs, we were to returne with our Shippes to the foresaid Citie of the As∣sumption.

25. The Generall departing from the said Paiembos, he came to a Nation called Naperus, ioy∣ned * 1.519 in league and friendship with the Paiembos, who had nothing but flesh and fish. And it is a [ 40] populous Nation of these Naperus; our Generall tooke certaine vnto him, to shew him the way, for they were to goe through diuers Countries with great labour and in great penurie of all things; for they had tried the violence of many who resisted them in hostile manner, the halfe part of the Christians almost being dead; being brought therefore to a certaine Nation called Peisennos; he could goe no further, but was compelled to goe backe againe with all his peo∣ple, * 1.520 except three Spaniards, which by reason of their weake estate of body, he left with the Peisennos.

Our Generall therefore Iohn Eyollas being in reasonable good health himselfe, went backe a∣gaine with all his people and Souldiers, and quietly refreshed himselfe with all his fellowes for three daies with these Nap••rus, for the people were faint, being ouer tired with the iourney; and munition and weapons failed vs, which the Naperus and Paiembos vnderstanding, conspir•• [ 50] among themselues, to kill the Generall Iohn Eyollas, with all his followers, which also they per∣formed: for when our Generall marched with his Christians from Naperus, toward the Pai∣embos, and had almost now gone halfe the way, these two said Nations, set vpon them vna∣wares in a thicket or Forrest (which they chose for their ambush) through which the Chri∣stians were to goe. There the Generall, together with his sicke and faint Souldiers, was slaughte∣red by them, as of so many mad Dogges, so that not one escaped. [ 60]

§. II.

MARTIN EYOLLAS made Generall. GABREROS comming: SC••E••VES Voyage. NVNNER his insolence. Di••ers people and accidents described.

IN the meane space, while wee fiftie men returning to the Assumption, expect our Ge∣nerall, we vnderstand what happened, by report of a certaine Indian slaue of Iohn Eyoll•••• who was now dead, giuen him of the Peisennos, who being skilfull in the Lan∣guage [ 10] escaped the hands of the enemies, he declared all the whole matter. This was further confirmed by two of the Paiembos taken Prisoner, and it seemed good to vs Christians, that we should create Martine Eyollas often named to vs, our chiefe Commander and Generall, vntill we receiued other commandement from the Emperours Maiestie.

Our Generall therefore gaue commandement, that foure Brigantines should be prepared, and taking 150. men of the company, leauing the rest in the City of the Assumption of Mary, hee made shew that he would gather together the 150. men left with the Tiembus (as wee said be∣fore) and also these 160. Spaniards who abode with the ships in the Citie of Buenas Aeres, into the said City of the Assumption. With these foure Brigantines therefore hee went downe the Riuers of Paroboll, and Parana with the streame, and came to Tiembus (which first place we cal∣led [ 20] Bona speranza, but the Castle wherein our Garrison Souldiers were, wee named Corpus Christi.

But before we came from the Assumption to Tiembus, a certaine man of the Christians, to wit, Captaine Franco Ruis, a Priest called Iohn Baban, and a certaine Secretarie Iohn Erua••dus, as it were subordinate Gouernours of the Christians, tooke treacherous and wicked counsell together, to kill the Captaine of the Indians of Tiembus, and certaine other Indians with him: which wic∣ked * 1.521 attempt they performed also in deed, so that, not without great impietie before our Gene∣rall Martin Don Eyollas his comming, and ours, they had slaine those Indians, from whom a long time they had receiued no small benefits. Our Generall therefore commanded Ant••••••••io Men∣doza (whom he left as Commander in the Castle of Corpus Christi, with a Garrison of 120. of [ 30] our men, giuing him also prouision of victuall) if his life and safetie were deere vnto him, that in any case he should beware of the Indians, and should diligently keep watch and ward, by day and night. And if the Indians making shew of friendship should come vnto them, that they should deale courteously with them, performing all friendly offices vnto them, yet in the meane time they should carefully look vnto themselues, & be very warie in all things, left any damage should be done to themselues, or other Chri••tians. These things being thus ordered and disposed, hee prepareth himselfe to continue his intended journey, taking with him ••hose three persons, who were Authors of the murder. When they were now about to take their journey, one of th•• Nobles of Tiembus Zuche Lye••i by name, although he were a great friend of the Christians, yet by reason of his wife and children, and other Kinsmen of his, and familiars, compelled to consent [ 40] to their counsels and practises: he admonished our General Eyollas, to cause all the Christians to be conueyed downe the Riuer with him, for now all the Countrey had made readie all their forces, that either they might wholly cut them all off, or driue them all out of the Countrey. To whom our Generall Martin Don Eyollas answered, that hee would shortly returne: and that his people had strength enough to sustaine the assault or force of the Indians, and added moreouer, that hee desired, that Zuche Lyemi with his Wife and children, and all his familiar friends, and all his people would come ouer to the Christians, and ioyne himselfe with them, which also he promised, After this, our Generall is carried downe the Riuer, and leaueth vs at Corpus Christi.

28. Eight daies after or thereabouts, the aforesaid Indian Zuche Lyemi, sendeth one of his brethren Suelupa by name, but deceitfully and treacheously, and requested our Captaine Men∣doza [ 50] to grant him sixe Christians furnished with shot and other weapons, for he would bring ouer all his substance, with his whole Family vnto vs, and from henceforth dwell amongst vs. Our Captaine being perswaded by these promises, giues him not sixe but fiftie Spaniards, exceeding well prouided and furnished with armour and shot, the Tiembus came vnto them, and intertained them with Iudas kisse, bringing flesh and fish, that they might eate: now when the Christians began to fall to their meate, their friends and consorts, and other Tiembus gathered together a∣mongst them, with those also who hide themselues, in the field and houses, fall vpon these fiftie men, and so consecate the Banquet with them, that no man escaped aliue, except one Boy only * 1.522 called Caldero, who got out of their hands. Afterwards they set vpon vs with 10000. strong and besieged the Village (which we held) continually for fourteene daies, intending wholly this that being brought vnder, they might vtterly destroy vs: but God in mercie defeated their pur∣poses, [ 60] and ouerthrew their enterprizes.

They had made themselues long Speares or Iauelings, of the Swords which they had gotten from the slaine Christians, wherewith they fought against 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈…〉〈…〉th with the edge and point, 〈…〉〈…〉∣ting * 1.523

our Village day and night. Our Captaine Anthony Mendoza armed with a two hand Sword, * 1.524 went out of the Port, neere which some Indians lay in ambush, so that they could not bee seene. Being gone therefore out of the Port, the Indians thrust him through with their Iauelings, so that hee presently fell downe dead vpon the ground. But because the Indians wanted victuals, they could sustaine themselues no longer heere, but were compelled to leaue the siege and bee gone.

After this two Brigantines laden with prouision of victuall and other necessaries arriued at our Port, which our Generall sent vnto vs from the Towne of Buenas Aeres, to maintaine our selues therewith till his comming. As therefore wee were cheered at the comming of them, so they who arriued with the Brigantines, incredibly sorrowed and lamented for the slaughter of the [ 10] Christians. Wee therefore determined by a common Councell (which thing also seemed to bee best for vs) to stay no longer in this Village of Corpus Christi, abiding with these Tiembus, but that being carried downe the Riuer, gathering all our forces together, we returne to Buenas Ac∣res, to our Generall Martin Dominicke Eyollas. Who beeing frighted at our comming, was ve∣hemently grieued (for the slaughter of the people, doubtfull how to consult what he should first doe, seeing also victuall and other necessarie things failed vs.

29. While therefore we continued fiue dayes at Buenas Aeres, a Carauell came to vs out of Spaine, and brought vs newes, that a ship was arriued at Saint Katharine, whose Captaine Allun∣zo Gabrero, brought with him 200. Souldiers out of Spaine, which when our Captaine certainly knew, he commanded one of the lesser ships, which they call a Galley, to bee made readie, that * 1.525 [ 20] he might send her as soone as possibly he could to Saint Katharines into Brasill, which was 300. leagues distant from Buenas Aeres: making Gonzallo Mendoza Captaine thereof to gouerne the ship: giuing him charge also, that if arriuing at Saint Katharines, he found the ship there, they should lade one of the ships with Rice, Mandeoch, and other victuals, as seemed good vnto him. Gonzallus Mendoza therefore receiuing this commandement, requested the Generall Mar∣tin D. Eyollas to giue him seuen of the Souldiers whom hee might trust, for this Voyage which hee promised. Hee therefore chose mee, and sixe Spaniards to himselfe, with twentie other Souldiers.

Setting saile from Buenas Aeres, in the space of a moneth we arriued at Saint Katharines, and * 1.526 finding the ship there; which came out of Spaine, together with Captaine Allunzo Gabrero, [ 30] and all the Souldiers, wee greatly reioyced. Abiding with them two moneths, wee laded our ship with Rice, Mandeoch, and Turkish Corne, as full as it could hold, so that no more could bee put in both the ships to carrie with vs. And the day before All Saints, wee arriued at the Riuer Parana, twentie leagues yet distant from Buenas Aeres. Both the ships met together that night, whose Pilots asked one another, whether wee were now in the Riuer of Parana: when our Pi∣lot affirmed we were, the other said the contrarie, that we were yet almost twentie leagues of. For when twentie or more ships saile together, in the Euening at the going downe of the Sunne * 1.527 they meete together, and one of the Masters asketh the other, what way he had made that day, and with what wind hee would saile by night, lest they should bee diuided one from the other. The Riuer of Parana Vuassu, at the Bay or mouth thereof is thirtie leagues broad, which breadth * 1.528 [ 40] continueth for fiftie whole leagues together, vnto the Port of Saint Gabriell, where the Riuer Parana is eighteene leagues broad. After this our Pilot asketh the Master of the other ship, whe∣ther hee would saile after, to him the other made answere, that night was now at hand, and therefore he would continue still at Sea, till the rising of the Sunne, and that he would not make to the Land in the vnseasonable night. And this Pilot in guiding his ship was more circumspect then ours was, as the euent afterward declared. Therefore our Master held on his intended course, leauing the other.

30. Sayling by night, a mighty storme troubled the Sea, so that about twelue or one of the clocke before Sunne rising, before we had cast our Anchors in the Sea, we descried Land, and our ship was much bruised when wee were yet a league or more from the Land. Wee could finde no [ 50] other remedie for this mischiefe, then making our Prayers vnto God, to intreate him to be mer∣cifull vnto vs. The same houre our ship being split was broken in more then a thousand pieces, and fifteene of our men, and sixe of the Indians perished being drowned in the waters. Some ta∣king hold of great pieces of Timber swamme out. I with fiue of my companions escaped by the helpe of a Mast. But of fifteene persons, we found not so much as one carkasse. Afterward we were to trauell fiftie leagues on foot, when we had lost all our clothes, with all the victuals in the ship, so that we were constrained to sustaine our selues, only with Rootes and other Fruites, which we could find heere and there in the fields, while wee came to the Port of Saint Gabriell, where we found the foresaid ship with her Captaine, who arriued there thirtie dayes before vs.

But our Generall Martin D. Eyollas had heard before by intelligence, of this our mishap, and [ 60] thinking that we were all dead, commanded some Masses to be read for our soules health. When * 1.529 we were brought to Buenas Acres, our Generall commandeth the Captaine of our ship, and the Master thereof to be cited, an•• stand to their triall, who without doubt had hanged the Pilot, if so great and earnest intreaties had not beene vsed, yet hee was condemned for foure yeeres to the Gally.

Gathering together all our companies to Buenas Aeres, our Generall commandeth the Bri∣gantines to be made ready, and all the Souldiers to bee shipped therein, and commandeth the rest of the shippes to be burned, yet preseruing the Iron Vessels and Instruments. Wee there∣fore once more saile vp the Riuer of Parana againe, and arriuing at our foresaid Citie of the Assumption of Marie, staying there two yeeres, we expected further commandement from the Emperours Majesty.

31. In the meane time while these things are thus done, a certaine Captaine Aluarez Nun∣nez Cabeça de Uacha commeth out of Spaine, whom Caesars Majestie had created Generall, * 1.530 and with foure hundred men, and thirtie Horses diuided into foure ships, of the which two were greater, and the other two Carauels. [ 10]

The foure ships arriued in Brasill at the Hauen of Wiesaij, or Saint Katharine, to seeke proui∣sion * 1.531 of victuall. And when the Captaine had sent the two Carauels eight leagues from the Ha∣uen to seeke victuals, so great a storme tooke them, that they perished, being broken all to pie∣ces in the Sea, the men notwithstanding which were in them being saued. When Aluarez the chiefe Commander knew this for a certainty, hee durst not put to Sea any more in the greater greater ships; he therefore commanded vtterly to destroy them, and trauelling by land towards the Riuer of Plate, at length came vnto vs, to the Assumption of foure hundred men bringing three hundred with him, the rest dying either of famine, or of cruell diseases.

From hence the Captaine was eight whole moneths in his journey, and from the Citie of the Assumption, to S. Katherines are reckoned three hundred leagues. This is to be vnderstood of the [ 20] next and most direct way, for from the Assumption, downe the Riuer to the Sea, there are three hundred thirtie foure leagues, and to Saint Katharine three hundred. Aluarez Nunnez also brought the title of his gouernment out of Spaine, granted vnto him from Caesars Majestie, and therefore required, that our Generall Martin Don Eyollas, should yeeld vp the whole gouern∣ment vnto him, which thing also Don Eyollas, and all the company with all their heart were readie to performe, yet vpon this condition, that hee should make good proofe also, that this power and authoritie was granted vnto him from the Emperours Maiestie. But the whole as∣sembly could not wrest this from him, only the Priests, & one or two of the Captains affirmed it.

32. The said Aluarez Nunnez therefore taking a view of the Souldiers, found the number of the whole Army to be eight thousand men. Making friendship also with Martin Don Eyollas, [ 30] each sware to other brotherly fidelity and friendship, so that Eyollas should haue no lesse power to command the people, then he had before. The Gouernour commandeth nine Brigantines to be made ready, that he might saile vp the Riuer as farre as it was possible. But before the ships were made readie, he sendeth three Brigantines with one hundred and fifteene Souldiers before com∣manding, that they should go as far as they could, and seeke out the Indians that had Maiz.

Hee ioyned also two Captaines vnto them, Antonio Gaberro, and Diego Tabellinus. These * 1.532 therefore in the beginning come to a Nation, called Surucusis, hauing Maiz, Mandeoch, and o∣ther Roots of that kind, and Mandues also (which are like our Filbirds) and fish and flesh. The men carrie in their lips a blue stone like the bone of a Die.

With this Nation we left our ships, and with them certaine of our companions, to whom we [ 40] committed the custodie thereof: but hauing gone foure dayes iourney into the Countrey, wee came to a Village pertayning to the Carios, being three hundred strong, inquiring therefore dili∣gently * 1.533 there, of the state of that Countrey, wee receiued honest and peaceable answeres from them. Returning thence vnto our ships, and going downe the Riuer of Parabol, we came to the Nation Achkeres. There we found Letters sent from Aluaro the Gouernour, whereby hee com∣manded * 1.534 to hang vp the chiefe Captaine of these Indians, Achkeres by name. Which commande∣ment our Captaine obeyed without delay, and we returned home.

33. The whole Countrey of Dabero and Carios, were vp in Armes, ioyning their forces to∣gether to inuade the Christians. For the King of Dabero was the brother of that Achkeres, whom the Chrictians hanged, whose death hee would most seuerely auenge vpon the Christians. Our [ 50] Gouernour armeth himselfe in the meane time against his Enemies, to vndertake some seruice a∣gainst them. He therefore determined with the consent of his sworne brother Martin Don Eyollas, that this Eyollas should goe against the said Dabero, and Carios with foure hundred Chri∣stians and two thousand Indians, and either driue them out of the whole Countrey, or vtterly roote them out. The said Eyollas faithfully executing this commandement, leadeth his Armie out of the City of the Assumption, and meeting with the enemy, by the commandement of Caesars Maiestie first perswadeth Dabero to peace and quietnesse, but he little regarding this, would ad∣mit * 1.535 no treatie of peace, for he had gathered a mightie Army, fenced his Villages with Bulwarks or Rampires of wood fastened in the ground, and had compassed them about with a triple fence of stakes or piles, hauing also cast vp deepe and mightie pits, whereof we spoke before in the 21. [ 60] Chapter, all which wee found out before by diligent search. Wee stood still quietly with our Armie till the fourth day, before wee proclaimed war against them, but the fourth day in the morning, three hou••es before the rising of the Sunne, making an assault, wee violently rushed * 1.536 〈…〉〈…〉o the City, and whomsoeuer we found there, we slue, yet taking many women, and preseruing

them from slaughter, which afterward turned to our great benefit. In this assault twenty sixe of the Christians were slaine, many of the people being wounded and hurt. And many also of the In∣dians on our part perished▪ but of the Caniballs 3000. slaine. Not long after Dabero, came vnto vs * 1.537 with his people, and craued fauour and pardon. In the next Expedition Dabero sent to Nunnez 2000. Indians to aide vs. From the Carios also he commandeth nine Brigantines to bee furnished, all which being done, 800. Christians he taketh 500. leauing 300. at the Assumption, ouer whom he made Iohn Satensser Captaine. With this Army of 500. Christians, and 2000. Indians, we saile vp the Riuer of Parabol: and the Carios had with them 83. boats, wee Christians had nine Bri∣gantines, in euery one of the which there were two horses. But the horses were conueyed ouer Land 100. leagues, and we were carried vpon the Riuer vnto the Mountaine of Saint Ferdinand. [ 10] At that place taking our horses againe into the ships, from thence afterward we were carried for∣ward, vntill we came to our Enemies the Paiembos, but they not looking for our comming, con∣ueyed * 1.538 away themselues by flight with their wiues and children, hauing first set their houses on fire. After this we trauelled 100. leagues together, and light not on any people, at length wee came to a Nation, whose people are called Baschurepos, who liue by fish and flesh. It is a populous * 1.539 Nation, and they inhabit a large Countrey of 100. leagues broad. They haue so great a number of boats, that it is incredible to be written. Their women couer their Secrets. These people re∣fusing to talke with vs, fled from vs. Departing from them, wee came to another Nation called Surucusis, 90. leagues distant from the Bascherepos, the people out of this Countrey louingly * 1.540 and friendly entertained vs. Euery Housholder of these Surucusis dwelleth in a peculiar and pro∣per [ 20] house of his owne with his wife and children. The men haue a round piece of wood hang∣ing at their eares like a Calecut Die. The women haue Christall of a Skie colour, of a finger thicke hanging at their lips, they are wel-fauoured to behold, and goe altogether naked. These people abound with Turkish Corne, Mandeoch, Manduis, Padades, fish and flesh. And it is a ve∣ry populous Countrey.

Our Captaine commanded to inquire of them concerning a Nation called Carchacaris, and also of the Carios. They could tell vs nothing of the Carchacaris; but concerning the Carios * 1.541 they said, that they were with them at their houses. But it was not true, hauing learned this, out Generall commanded to prepare our selues for the journey, for hee determined to goe further into the Countrey. He appointed an hundred and fiftie Souldiers to stay with the ships, [ 30] to whom he gaue prouision of victuall for two yeeres. Taking the other three hundred and fiftie together with the eighteene horses, and twenty thousand Indians or Carios, who came from the Assumption with vs, he went further into the Countrey, but with little benefit to vs. For our Generall was not a man fit for so great an attempt; besides all the Captaines and Souldiers hated * 1.542 him, for his peruerse and rigorous carriage towards the Souldiers. Hauing trauelled therefore eigh∣teene dayes journey they neuer set eye neither vpon the Carios, nor any other people, and food al∣so failed them, so that our Generall was of necessitie to returne againe vnto the shippes. But yet * 1.543 our Generall chargeth a certaine Spaniard Franciscus Rieffere, with tenne other Spaniards to goe forward, commanding them that if after ten dayes iourney they found no people, they should returne vnto the ships, where they would stay for them. It happened therefore that they light [ 40] vpon a populous Nation, which had plentie of Turkish Corne, Mandeoch, and other Roots. But the Spaniards durst not come in their sight, and returning to vs, signified this vnto our Generall, who was very desirous to haue gone into this Countrey againe, but he was hindered by the wa∣ters, that he could not proceed.

He therefore commandeth a ship to be furnished againe, wherein he put eighty Souldiers, and * 1.544 making Ernandus Rieffiere, Captaine inioyneth him to goe vp the Riuer of Parabol, to discouer the Nation called Scherues, and therein two dayes iourney, and no more to enter into the heart of the Countrey, and after that to make report vnto him of the Countrey, and the Inhabitants thereof. Departing by ship from our Generall, the first day we came to a certaine Nation called Guebuecusis, on the other side of the Countrey, whose people inhabit a certaine Iland, contay∣ning thirty leagues in length, which the Riuer Parabol compasseth. They feed vpon Mandeoch, [ 50] Maiz, Manduis, Padades, Mandepore, Porpe Bachkeku, and other Roots, and also vpon flesh and fish. The men and women are like the former Surucusis in Phisnomy and fauour. Wee sta••ed this day with them, When we were to depart the next day, they accompanied vs with ten Canoas or Boats: twice in the day time they fished, and caught Venison, which they gaue vs.

Spending nine dayes in this iourney wee arriued after at the Nation called Achkeres, where a * 1.545 great multitude of people were gathered together. The men and women, are of a great and tall stature, the like whereof I saw not in all the Countrey of the Riuer of Plate, and these Achke∣res are thirty leagues distant from the foresaid Surucusis; they liue by no other thing saue fish and flesh: the women couer their secrets. We staied one day with these Achkeres, and from hence the [ 60] said Surucusis returned with their ten Boats or Canoas to their Village. Afterward our Captaine Ernandus Rieffere, requested the Achkeres, to shew him what way they might goe to the Scher∣ues, whereto they were very readie, and sent eight Canoas or Boats from their Village with vs, and twice euery day they caught fish and flesh, that so we might haue sufficient plenty of food.

36. The ninth day after our departure from them, we came to the Scherues, vnto whom from the said Achkeres, are thirtie sixe leagues. This Nation is very populous, yet they are not true * 1.546 and naturall, among whom the King himselfe hath an house. But these Scherues maintaine a Priest exp••rt in the Mysteries of Religion, and haue a ring of wood hanging at their eares. These men also weare a blue Christall in their lips, of the shape and bignesse of Dice, they are painted with a blue colour from the paps to the priuities, with that excellency that I thinke a Painter is * 1.547 not to be found in all Germany which could performe the like so finely and artifici••lly. They goe naked, and are beautifull after their manner.

We stayed therefore oneday with these Scherues, and after going fourteene leagues forward in three dayes journey, at length wee came to the place where their King dwelleth, from the [ 10] which the Inhabitants are called Scherues. His Country containeth only foure leagues in length. Yet hath he a Village situate vpon the Riuer of Parabol. Therefore leauing our ships heere, we committed the custodie thereof to twelue Spaniards, that returning wee might vse them for our defence. Wee also intreated the Scherues dwelling there, that in the meane space they would friendly conuerse with the Christians, and intreate them courteously, which also they did. with necessari••s for our journey, passing ouer the Riuer Parabol, wee arriued at that place, * 1.548 where the seate and house of the King was. Who, when we were almost yet a league from him, commeth forth to meete vs guarded with more then 12000. men in a Champion plaine, yet friendly and peaceably. The path wherein they marched, was eight paces broad, strewed with flowres and grasse on euery side, and made so cleane, that not so much as any little stone, stick, [ 20] or straw appeared. The King had also with him his Musicians, whose Instruments were like our crooked Trumpets, which wee call Schalmes. Hee gaue commandement also, that they should hunt Stags and other wilde beast on both sides of the way which hee went, so that they tooke about thirtie S••ags and twentie Estridges or Iandu, which spectacle was very pleasant to be∣hold. * 1.549 When we were entred into the Village, he alwaies appointed one lodging for two Chri∣stians. But our Captaine together with his Seruants or followers was brought into the Kings Palace.

He is wont to haue Musicke at the Table, and at his meate, whensoeuer he pleaseth. For then they play vpon the Flutes or Pipes, men leading the dances and skipping with most beautifull * 1.550 women, which dances and skippings seemed so strange vnto vs, that looking vpon them, wee [ 30] had almost forgot our selues. In the rest the Scherues are like those p••ople of whom wee spoke before. The women make them gownes or vpper garments of thinne Cotton, almost like our clothes which are some part silke, which we call Arras or Burschet. They weaue in these diuers * 1.551 shapes of Stags, Estridges and Indian sheepe, according as euery of them is more skilfull in the art of weauing.

In these garments they sleepe, if the Aire happen to be somewhat cold, or putting them vnder them they sit vpon them, or vse them at their pleasure for other seruices. These women are very faire and venerous.

When we had stayed there foure dayes, this pettie King demanded of our Captaine what our pu••pose was, and whether we would goe? to whom he made this answere, that he sought Gold [ 40] and Siluer. Therefore he gaue him a Crowne of Siluer weighing a pound and an halfe. He gaue him also a plate of Gold of a spanne and an halfe long, and halfe a spanbroad, and certaine other things made cunningly wrought of Siluer, and told our Captaine that he had no more Siluer nor * 1.552 Gold: And that these thing•• wherewith he presented him, were the spoiles which in time past he had gotten in war against the Amazones.

That he made mention of the Amazones and of their riches, was very pleasing to vs to heare. Our Captaine therefore presently demandeth of the King, whether we might come to them by Sea, or by the Riuer, and how much further we had to goe, when wee were to take our journey towards them; whereunto he answered, that we could not goe to them by water but by land, and that in two whole moneths journey. [ 50]

37. These women the Amazones, haue only one of their pappes, their Husbands come vnto * 1.553 them three or foure times in the yeere. And if the woman beeing with child by her Husband, bring forth a Male child, she sendeth him home again to his Father, but if it be a Female, she kee∣peth it with her: and seareth the right pap of it, that it may grow no more, which she doth for this purpose, that they may be more fit to handle their Weapons and Bowes. For they are war∣like women, making continuall war with their Enemies. These women inhabit an Iland that is very large, on euery side compassed with water, to whom there is no accesse but by Canoas or Boats. The Amazones haue neither Gold not Siluer in this Iland, but they are reported to haue great Treasures in the firme land, which the men inhabit. It is a very populous Nation, and is * 1.554 said to haue a King called Iegues, and the King of Scherues told vs the name of the place. There∣fore [ 60] the Captaine Ernandus Ri••ffiere desired the King of Scherues, to ioyne certaine of his men with vs, to carry our bagge and baggage for vs, and then we would enter the heart of the Coun∣try to seeke those Amazones. He willingly assenteth thereunto, yet in the meane time admo∣nishing vs, that the whole Countrie was now ouerflowed with waters, and therefore we should

haue a very difficult and vneasiy Iourney vnto them, and that wee could not easily at this time come vnto them. But we would not giue credite to his words, but were instant to haue the In∣dians ioyned with vs. He therefore gaue twentie men to our Captaine, for his owne person, to carrie his prouision and necessaries: and to euery one of vs, he gaue fiue Indians to serue vs, and carrie that little which we had. For wee were to goe eight dayes Iourney, wherein wee should not see any Indian.

But afterward we came to a certaine Nation called Siberis, who in their language and other * 1.555 things were like the Scherues. Wee were to goe for these eight whole dayes, day and night in the water vp to the knees, and sometimes reaching as high as the waste: nor could we by any * 1.556 meanes get out of them. And if we would make fire, we were of necessitie to put it vpon a pile or stacke made of great blockes or pieces of wood: and it fell out often, that when wee were * 1.557 [ 10] about to boile our meate, both the pot and the fire fell into the water, so that after that, wee were faine to be without our meate. And Gnats also troubled and vexed vs day and night, so * 1.558 that we could not doe our necessarie worke or businesse.

Wee therefore demanded of those Siberis, whether wee should yet haue any more waters? who answered, that wee were yet foure dayes to walke in the waters; and afterward were to trauell fiue dayes by Land, and at length wee should come to a Nation called Orethuis••n. They signified also vnto vs, that wee were too few in number, and therefore that wee should returne. But the Scherues would not doe this: for wee thought rather to send them backe vnto their Towne, who had hitherto accompanied vs, but they refused to doe it, saying, they were enioy∣ned by their King not to leaue vs, but should continue with vs, vntill wee came out of the [ 20] Countrie againe. These Siberis ioyned ten men with vs, who together with the Scher∣ues should shew vs the way to the fore-said Orethuisen. Wee were yet seuen dayes more to * 1.559 trauell in the waters which were so hot, as if they had beene heat vpon the fire, which wa∣ter also, hauing no other, wee were compelled to drinke. But some might peraduen∣ture thinke, that it was Riuer water, but at that time, showres of raine were so com∣mon and vsuall, that they filled the whole Countrie with water, which is altogether very plaine and euen.

The ninth day we came vnto a certaine Village of the Nation Orethuisen, betweene ten and * 1.560 eleuen of the clocke. And at twelue of the clocke, being come into the middest of the Towne, we came vnto the Princes house. At that time a cruell and mightie Plague was very hot, [ 30] whereof Famine was the cause: for, two yeeres together, the Gras-hoppers had so eaten and * 1.561 corrupted all manner of Corne, and the fruits of trees, that almost nothing was left them, which they might eate.

But our Captaine asked the Petie-King of this Nation, how many dayes Iourney we yet had to the Amazones? from whence he receiueth answere; That wee must yet trauell one whole * 1.562 moneth, besides that all the Countrie was full of water.

The King of these Orethuisen, gaue our Captaine foure Plates of gold, and foure siluer Rings, which they put about their armes: but the Indians weare the Plates of gold on their foreheads for ornament, as our Nobles doe their Chaines, or C••llars of Esses hanged about their neckes. For these things our Captaine gaue the King of the Indians an Hatchet, Kniues, and Beades, or [ 40] Pater-nosters, Barbers Scizzars, and such l••ke. Wee would willingly ha••e craued more of them, but wee durst not attempt it, because wee were but few in number, so that wee were forced to stand in feare of them. For the multitude of these Indians was very great, and the Towne huge, in so much as I haue not seene any greater or more populous throughout all India. For the Towne was very long, and broad.

38 Going backe therefore, we returned to the foresaid Siberis, and we Christians were ill fur∣nished with prouision of victuall, and other things, nor had we any meate, but the fruits of trees, which they call Patmides, and Cardes, and other wilde roots growing vnder ground. And when we should returne vnto the Scherues, the halfe part of our people was deadly sicke, and that by reason of the water, through which wee were to wade for thirtie dayes together, so that wee * 1.563 [ 50] could neuer turne afide, or get out of the same; and also by reason of the great scarsitie and fa∣mine, which we must indure in this Iourney: which calamitie was not a little encreased, in that we were compelled to drinke that filthie and impure water. Abiding therefore foure dayes with * 1.564 these Scherues, with whom the King him selfe dwelleth, we were very louingly and bountifully entertained, and prouided for. For the King gaue commandement to his Subiects, to giue vs all things necessarie. Euery man also had gotten for himselfe almost two hundred Du••ats onely by Cotton Gowns and Siluer, which we had gotten of them by secret exchange of Kniues, Beades, Scizzers, and Glasses.

After all this, being carried downe the Riuer, wee returned to our Generall. But when wee [ 60] came to the ships, the Generall commanded vpon paine of death, that no man should goe out of the ship, and he also in proper person comming to our Captaine, laying hold of him, comman∣ded him to be cast in Prison, and by violence tooke away from vs Souldiers, whatsoeuer we had gathered in this Iourney. And not contented with this, would haue hanged our Captaine vpon

a tree. When we abiding yet in the Brigandines vnderstood this, taking counsell with certaine of our friends, which were ashoare, we raised a tumult and a sedition against our said Generall, and in his presence face to face we said vnto him, that forthwith he should set Captaine Ernan∣dus Rieffere free before vs, and restore all vnto vs, which he had violently taken from vs, other∣wise we would prouide according to the state and the time.

When Aluarus saw this our tumult and indignation, with a willing minde, he presently freed the Captaine from captiuitie, and restored also vnto vs whatsoeuer he had taken from vs, endea∣uouring with faire speaches, that we might be pacified.

39. In this Countrie Surucusis I found no Indian, who had attained to fortie or fiftie yeeres, * 1.565 and in all the time of my life I neuer found a Countrie lesse healthfull. It is situate vnder the [ 10] Tropike of Capricorne.

Our Generall falling sicke, in this his sicknesse commanded an hundred and fiftie Christians * 1.566 to arme themselues, and taking two thousand Carios with them, to make foure Brigandines al∣so readie. These he enioyned, to goe about some foure leagues to the Iland of Surucusis by ship, and after kill and take all this people, and should principally destroy those persons, who were fortie or fiftie yeeres old. But how the said Surucusis entertained vs before, is alreadie declared. But what reward we gaue them againe, and how welcome we were vnto them, you shall short∣ly vnderstand. And God knoweth we did them great iniurie. When therefore wee arriued at their Towne vnawares, they came out of their houses with their Armes, Bowes and Arrowes, yet peaceably to meet vs, but forthwith a tumult arising betweene the Carios and the Surucusis, [ 20] we Christians discharged our brasse Peeces against them, killing very many: and hauing taken also two thousand of their men, women, boyes and girles, wee tooke away all their houshold∣stuffe, and whatsoeuer might bee taken from them, as in such violent assaults is vsually done. Then we returned to our G••nerall, who was well pleased with that we had done. But because our So••ldiers were for the most part feeble and sicke, and most of them also were ill affected to our Generall, and hated him, we could doe no more with them, but being altogether conueyed downe the Riuer Parabol, we returned to our Citie the Assumption; where wee left the rest of the Christians. There our Generall fell sicke againe of a Feauer, and kept within doores four∣teene wh••le dayes together, more of wicked dissimulation and pride, then hindered by rea∣son of sicknesse. [ 30]

40. All the companie hereupon, as well Noble as Ignoble, determined and decreed with one consent and purpose, that they would send this their Commander prisoner vnto Caesars Maiestie, the Treasurer or Iudge, the Clarke, or Master of the Toll or Custome, and the Secretarie, ordai∣ned by Caesars Maiestie (whose names were Almunzus Gabrerus, Francus Mendoza, and Grat••s Hamieg••s) taking to them two hundred Souldiers, tooke our Generall, who feared nothing lesse then this, and this was done vpon Saint Markes Day, in the moneth of Aprill. And they kept him prisoner an whole yeere, till they might send him with two other Officers into Spaine in a Carauell, Martin Don Eyollas was chosen Generall, who also gouerned this Countrie before, especially seeing the Souldiers also loued him: which election the better part allowed. At this time, I lay grieuously sicke of the Dropsie, which disease I had gotten in our Iourney to the Ore∣thuisen, * 1.567 [ 40] when we waded so long in the waters, and besides suffered want, and almost intolerable hunger: By occasion of that Iourney, eightie of our men beganne to bee sicke, whereof onely thirtie recouered health.

41. Aluarus Nunnez therefore being sent away into Spaine, the Christians began to disagree among themselues in hostile manner. These fightings and contentions continued with vs a whole yeere almost, the sending away of Aluarus giuing occasion to this mischiefe. When the Carios and Aygais, (who hitherto were our friends) perceiued this, to wit, that we Christians, bare such treacherous hearts one to another, and vsed and exercised such fighting and skirmishing a∣mongst our selues, it fell out very acceptably to them all, and by taking Armes against vs, for∣ced vs to peace amongst our selues. [ 50]

42. Departing from the Assumption, together with our Generall, and three hundred and fif∣tie Christians, to whom one thousand Indians ioyned themselues, which our Generall so diuided, that three Indians alwaies should serue vnder one Christian; we went so farre forward, that we were onely three leagues distant from that place where our Enemies the Carios encamped, who being fifteene thousand men strong, had now ranged their battell. But although we were now but halfe a league from them, yet we would not set vpon them that day, because we were wea∣rie by reason of the Iourney, and many and great showres of raine troubled vs: therefore wee hid our selues in a Wood, where we lay close the night before.

Going forth the next morning at sixe of the clocke, and comming into their sight about se∣uen, we ioyned battell, prolonging the fight till ten of the clocke. But at length they being put * 1.568 [ 60] to flight, made haste to a certaine Towne called Fraemidiere, foure leagues distant, which they had fortified with strong Bulwarkes. The Chiefe Commander of the Carios was called Mach∣karias, and in this conflict, there fell two thousand men of the Enemies, whose heads the Iepe∣rus tooke with them. Of ours, besides those that were wounded and hurt, whom we sent backe

to the Assumption, ten Christians were slaine. But wee pursued the Enemie with all our Armie, euen to their Towne Fraemidiere, whether the Commander of the Carios conueyed himselfe by * 1.569 flight. They haue compassed this Towne with a triple rowe of Trenches, as with a wall. The Trenches were as thicke as a man in the middle, which being digged a mans depth into the ground, rose three fathom high aboue ground. They had also cast vp pits, or deepe holes, where∣of also we haue spoken before, in euery one whereof they had pitched fiue or sixe stakes, sharpe pointed like Pinnes or Needles. This Towne therefore by fortification, and Garrisons of valiant * 1.570 and couragious men, was exceedingly well fenced, so that three dayes we besieged them in vain, yet at length, by Gods helpe, we conquered it. Wee made also great and round Targets of In∣dian Sheepes skinnes, which they call Amaten, or Amidas. This beast is of a reasonable bignesse, [ 10] like an ordinarie Mule, of a grey colour, with clouen feete like a Kow, in the rest like an Asse, yeelding pleasant meate. There is great store of these beasts in this Countrie, they haue a skin halfe a finger thicke. Wee therefore gaue these round Targets to the Indians Ieperus, giuing some of them also an Hatchet: and betweene two Indians we placed an Harquebusse shot. De∣stroying their triple inclosure, we entred the Towne of Fraemidiere; we neither spared men nor women, boyes nor girles. But the greatest part of them hauing escaped by flight, betooke them∣selues to a certaine other Towne of theirs called Carieba, twentie leagues distant from Fraemidi∣ere, * 1.571 which Towne also they fortified as strongly as they could. The Carios also in great numbers came together againe, incamping themselues neere an huge Wood, that if peraduenture this Towne also should be wonne by the Christians, they might vse the helpe of the Wood for their [ 20] defense.

Wee came to the said Towne, and pitching our Tents, besieged it round in three places. We had also hid some of our men in a Wood, to keepe diligent watch there. Supplies also of two hundred Christians, and fiue hundred of the Ieperus, and the Bathici came to aide vs, from the City of Assumption. For many of our men, both Christians, and Indians, were much wounded. So that we were of necessitie compelled to send for a fresh supplie of Souldiers for our aide. Now there∣fore all our forces were foure hundred and fiftie Christians, and the Ieperus and the Bathacis were thirteene hundred in number.

But our Enemies the Carieba, had much more strongly fortified this Towne with Trenches, and Motes, then euer they had done any before. They had also made and framed certaine En∣gines, * 1.572 [ 30] and instruments like Traps, wherewith Mise are taken, which if according to their purpose and meaning, they had fallen, euery one of them at one fall had slaine twentie or thirtie men. They had disposed many of these Engines here and there about this Towne.

Wee abode therefore neere this Towne foure whole dayes, and could effect nothing of any worth, vntill Treason (which getteth the masterie euery where throughout the world) came betweene them and home. For a certaine Indian of the Carios our Enemies, who was their Captaine, to whom this towne properly belonged, came by night vnto our Generall, earnestly intreating, that we would not waste and destroy this his Towne by fire, which if wee would promise him, he would ioyne men with vs; and would shew vs the way and meanes how to take it. Which when our Generall had promised, adding also this caution, that he should re∣ceiue [ 40] no hurt nor damage, he shewed vs in the Wood two wayes to come to the Towne, and said, that he would raise a flaming fire therein, during which we should violently breake into it.

When these things proceeded iust according to the purpose and agreement made betweene vs, by this meanes entring we got the Towne, and great slaughter of the people was made by vs Christians: And they that thought they had escaped by fleeing, fell into the hands of the Ie∣perus, by whom the greatest part of them were slaine. But they had not their wiues, and chil∣dren then with them, but had hid them in a great Wood foure leagues distant from thence. The people which escaped out of this conflict, fled to a certaine other Petie-King of the Indians, cal∣led Dabero: and the Village which entertained them, was called Iuberic Sabaie, and was fortie leagues distant from Carieba. But wee could not pursue them thither, for this reason, because [ 50] what way soeuer they passed, they had wasted all farre and neere, with fire, and spoyling, and had taken away all the store of prouision and victuall. Abiding foure dayes in the Towne Carie∣ba, we cured the wounded, and also refreshed our selues.

43. After this we returne to our Citie, the Assumption, that after we might sayle vp the Ri∣uer, and seeke out the Towne of Iuberic Sabaie, where the King Dabero had an house, with nine Brigandines, and two hundred Canoas or Boats, wherein fifteene hundred Indians of Ieperus were carried, we went vp the Riuer Parabol, to seeke our Enemies Iuberic Sabaie. * 1.573

In this Voyage also that captaine of the Carios, who betrayed the Towne Carieba to vs, ioy∣ned himselfe with vs, bringing with him one thousand Carios, to aide vs against Dabero.

We goe forward therefore with all our forces gathered together on the Land and Riuer, and [ 60] come so neere vnto our Enemies Iuberic Sabaie, that we are but two leagues distant from them. When we had arriued there, our Generall Eyollas, sent two Indians of the Carios to the Enemie into their Towne, who should perswade them in the Christians behalfe, that returning into their Countrie, with their wiues and children, and all their houshold-stuffe, they should serue the

Christians with due subiection, as they did before, which if they refused to doe, they would driue them all out of the Countrie. To this Dabero the King of the Cartos, for answer, comman∣deth to tell our Generall, That he neither acknowledged him, nor the Christians, but if they came, they would kill them by casting bones at them. They also send away the two Indian messengers well bumbasted with cudgels, with this straight charge, that they should speedily withdraw themselues from the Campe, otherwise it should come to passe, that they should be slaine.

We came to a Riuer, called Stuesia in the Indian language, almost as broad as Danubuis, halfe the height of a man deepe in some places also deeper. This Riuer doth sometimes so increase by * 1.574 inundation, that it doth much hurt to the Countrie, and by reason of such inundation or ouer∣flowing, they cannot trauaile by land. We were to passe ouer this Riuer, and because the ene∣mie [ 10] had pitched their tents on the other side of the Riuer, they did vs much hurt in the passing ouer. When they saw that we had now passed ouer the Riuer, speedily taking their flight, con∣uaied themselues into their towne, halfe a league distant from the Riuer; we so pursued them, that we came to their towne of Iuberic Sabaie, at the verie same moment that they themselues entred, which also presently we so besieged round, that none of them might either goe out or in: we also forthwith armed our selues with targets made of the skinnes of the Amydas, as aforesaid. We wan their towne.

Our Generall commanded, before we should inuade them by force of armes, that we should neither kill the women, nor their children, but onely leade them away captiues; whose com∣mandement also we obayed, but all the men that we could light vpon, must dye, yet many es∣caping [ 20] by flight, preserued themselues, and our confederates the Ieperus got one thousand of the enemies heads. All these things thus performed, those Carios, who escaped by flight, came, to∣gether with their King, and crauing pardon of our Generall, intreated that their wines and chil∣dren might be restored vnto them, and then they would performe all obedience of subiection vn∣to vs, as before, and serue vs faithfully. Our Generall therefore receiued them to fauour, who afterward also continued constantly in our friendship and amitie, so long surely as I abode in those Countries. And this warre continued a yeare and an halfe, and fell out in the yeare 1546.

§. III. [ 30]

A long and troublesome March from Assumption into Peru. The Authors returne.

REturning therefore with our Shippes to our Citie the Assumption, wee staied there two whole yeares. But when in the meane time, neither the Ships came out of Spaine, nor * 1.575 any thing was signified by messengers, our Generall going forth with three hundred and fiftie Spaniards, and two thousand Carios, in the yeare 1548. saileth vp the Riuer Parabol, with [ 40] seuen Brigantines, and two hundred Canoas, or Boates. But those of the people, whom the Shippes could not hold, trauaile by land with one hundred and thirty horses. Hee made Don. Franck Mendoza Captaine; giuing also prouision for two yeares.

These things therefore being thus setled. The Generall hauing sent backe fiftie to Assumpti∣on with three hundred Christian Souldiers, one hundred and thirty Horses, and two thousand Carios, hauing gone forward eight dayes iourney, found no Nation; but the ninth day wee light vpon a Nation called Naperus, the people thereof liue onely by fish and flesh. They are of a strong * 1.576 and tall stature. Their women, which are not beautifull, couer their secrets. This Country is sixe and thirtie leagues distant from the Mountaine Saint Ferdinand: here we lay all night. The day following, continuing on our iourney, we came the fourth day after, to another Nation cal∣led * 1.577 [ 50] Mapais, which is very populous; the Subiects are compelled to serue their Noblemen, with fishing, and labours, and other worke, no otherwise then our Boores with vs, doe their Nobles. But this Nation aboundeth with Mais, Mandeoch, Ade, Mande pore, Mandeoch porpie, Padades, Mandues, Bachkeku, and other rootes, and things to eate. It hath also Stagges, Indian Sheepe. Estridges Ducks, Geese, and many other kindes of Foule. Their Woods abound in great plen∣tie with Hony, of the which also they make Wine, and put it to other necessary vses.

The Sheepe (which they call Amidas) are of two kindes, some of them domesticall and some * 1.578 wilde, which they vse for carriages, and to ride vpon, and for other seruices, almost as we doe our Horses, as I also rid, being carried on such a Sheepe in this very iourney, more then forty leagues, when my legge was lame. They vse the same Beasts also in Peru for carriage of Merchandile, as [ 60] our people doe packe Horses.

These Mapais are men of a tall stature, and warlike, conuerting all their labour and study to warlike affaires. Their women are faire, and couer their secrets. They doe no worke and labour in the fields, but the whole care of maintaining the Family, lyeth vpon the man; neither doe

they any thing else at home, saue spinne, and weaue Cotten, or dresse meate for their husbands.

We were not aboue halfe a league from this Nation when they comming forth of the towne, they met vs neere a certaine little Village, where they perswaded vs quietly to refresh our selues that night, for they would giue vs whatsoeuer we had neede of, but this they did deceitfully and treacherously: that also we might be more secure, they gaue our Generall foure siluer Crownes, such as are vsually worne vpon the head, and foure Plates of siluer, whereof euery one of them was a spanne and an halfe long, and halfe a spanne broad. These Plates they binde to their fore∣heads for ornament, as we haue said before. They presented our Captaine also with three yong women. [ 10]

When we had turned into this Village, supper being ended, and the watch set, that the peo∣ple might be safe from the treacherie of the enemie, wee gaue our selues to rest. About midnight our Generall had lost his yong wenches.

45. After this, two thousand of the foresaid Mapais came vnto vs, that ouercharging vs vnawares they might vtterly ouerthrow and kill vs, but they got no great matter at our hands, and in this conflict and bickering more then one thousand men were slaine. They betake them∣selues to flight, whom we pursued with great haste, euen to their Towne, but found no man there, no not so much as their wiues and children: our Generall therefore dispatching one hun∣dred and fiftie harquebusse shot, and two thousand fiue hundred Indian Caries, pursueth these Mapais three dayes, and two nights with great speede, so that we did but dine, and rested by night refreshing our selues foure or fiue houres with sleepe. [ 20]

The third day we suddenly came vpon them gathered together in a certaine wood with their wiues and children, but they were not those we sought, but were their friends; who were no∣thing afraid of vs, nor did they suppose that we would euer haue come vnto them. Notwith∣standing the innocent were forced to pay for the fault of the guilty; for when we light vpon them, we slew many of them, and tooke of the men, women, and children, about three thou∣sand persons, and if it had bin day, as it was night, none of them had scaped our hands; for an huge number of this people had gathered themselues together in a certaine Mountaine inclosed round with woods. I had gotten for my part of the spoile about nineteene men and women, not very old, together with certaine other things.

These things performed, returning to our Campe, we quietly reposed our selues for eight [ 30] daies; for we found there, sufficient plenty of victuall, and other necessary things; from this Na∣tion Mapais, vnto Saint Ferdinandes Mount, where our Shippes rode, were fiftie leagues, and from the Nation Naperus thirtie six.

Marching on againe from thence, we came to a Nation called Zemie, subiect to the foresaid * 1.579 Mapais. They liue almost as the Boores doe with vs, vnder the power of their Lords. In this iourney we light vpon fields tilled, and set with Mais, and other rootes, and these fruites and * 1.580 meates, are all the yeare long found in the fields; for before one reape and gather the one into the barne, another is ready for the haruest. And this also being reaped and gathered, it is time to so we another. Turning aside thence, we came into another Towne, whose inhabitants when they saw vs at hand, fled all away. This towne is foure leagues distant from the foresaid Ma∣pais. [ 40] Departing hence, and trauailing six leagues in two dayes iourney, we light on another Na∣tion called Tobanna, but we found no men here, but great plenty of foode. The men of this Coun∣trie * 1.581 also are subiect to the Mapais.

Going from hence we met with no Nation in our iourney in foure dayes space. But the se∣uenth day we came to a Nation called Peionas, foureteene leagues distant from the former To∣banna. * 1.582 In this Countrie a great number of people came together; and their Captaine came forth to meete vs, guarded with a great multitude of men, yet peaceably, and earnestly besought our Generall not to enter into their Towne, but that we should stay without, in the place where he came to meete vs; and our Generall would not consent, but directly marched forward, will he, nill he, entred into the Towne.

We staied with these Peionas three dayes, and our Generall demanded many things of them [ 50] concerning the nature and condition of this Countrey. When we were to depart, these Peionas gaue vs an Interpreter and a guide, that we might finde water to drinke, for there is great scar∣city of water in this Country, hauing trauailed foure leagues, we came to a Nation called Maye∣gory, * 1.583 and staying one onely day there, taking an Interpreter againe, and a guide, we marched forward. And these people were gentle and curteous.

Departing also from these people, when we had marched eight leagues, we came to a Nation, whose people, which were many in number, were called Marronos. They also gently and cur∣teously * 1.584 entertained vs: we abode here two dayes, and receiuing a relation of the nature, and condition of the place, taking also a guide with vs, we went further forward. Departing foure [ 60] leagues from these, we came to another Nation, yet not so populous, called Paronios. This Coun∣trie * 1.585 aboundeth not with victuall and foode, yet notwithstanding it is 3000. strong of men able for warre. In this Countrie we rested one day onely.

Hauing trauailed twelue leagues from this place, we came to a Nation, whose people are cal∣led Symamios, where a great multitude of men came together. Their towne is situate vpon an * 1.586 high hill, and compassed round about with Bryar bushes, as with a wall.

46. We trauailed sixteene leagues further in foure daies iourney, and at length were brought vnto a certaine Nation, called Barconos: the men thereof, seeing our comming chanced to them beyond their expectation and opinion, presently betooke themselues to flight, as soone as wee came neere their towne; yet they could not escape out of our power. But when we onely craued foode of them, being very ready, they willingly gaue vs Hens, Geese, Sheepe, Estridges, Stags, and other foode abundance.

Departing thence, the third day after we came to a Nation, whose people were called Ley∣hannos. [ 10] They dwell twelue leagues remoued from the former. These people had but little foode, * 1.587 for the Grashoppers had corrupted almost all their fruites. Therefore resting one onely night with them, after hauing trauailed sixteene leagues in foure dayes iourney, we came to another Nation called Carchconos. The Grashoppers also had done them great displeasure, but had not so * 1.588 much hurt them as they had done the former: abiding with them one day, we vnderstood ths of the condition and quality of the Countrie, that we should finde no water in foure and twen∣ty or thirty leagues space: we approached to these Suboris in six dayes space: But many of our * 1.589 men died of thirst, although with these Carchconos we had furnished our selues with indifferent store of water for this iourney. But in this iourney we found a roote aboue ground, hauing great and broad leaues where in water remaineth as it were in some vessels, nor is it powred out thence, [ 20] nor also so easily consumed, and one of these rootes containeth about halfe a measure of water. * 1.590 These Suboris had great scarcitie of water also, neither had they any other thing besides to drink, and it had not now rained for three whole moneths: yet of the roote called Mandepore, they make drinke after this manner. They gather together the said roote into a Morter, and out of * 1.591 them being stamped they wring forth a iuice like milke: if water may be had, wine also may be made of these rootes. In this Village there was one Well onely, which was to be kept by a watchman. So that we were not much troubled with the desire either of Siluer or Gold, but the common complaint of all men, would be for want of water. In this Countrie farre and wide also noriuer waters are to be found beside these, but they vse onely that water which they ga∣ther in the cisternes. These Suboris make warre with the bordering Indians, onely for water. The [ 30] Suboris, who should haue shewed vs the way, by night priuily stole away. We were therefore now to seeke out the way our selues, and at length we light vpon those people called Peisennos; they refusing our friendship withstood vs by armes, but got little at our hands. We tooke some of * 1.592 these Peisennos, who told vs that there had bin three Spaniards in their towne, whereof one cal∣led ••ki••ronimus was a trumpeter, whom Iohn Eyollas (who was sent by Don Petro Mendoza, to discouer these Countries) left sicke there, as we haue at large before rehearsed. They said there∣fore that the Peisennos had slaine these three Spaniards, foure daies before our comming thither, being aduertised thereof by the Suboris: but they should deerely pay for this fact of theirs. Abi∣ding foureteene daies in their towne, we sought them round about vs euerie where, till at last ta∣king them vnawares in a wood, but not al, we partly slew them, & partly led them away captiues. [ 40]

47. Taking our iourney, at length we came to the Maigenes, but the people thereof resisting vs with strong hand, wou••d not entertaine vs as friends. Their Towne being situate vpon an * 1.593 hill, was compassed round on euerie side with a thicke and broad quickset hedge, as high as a man might reach with his Sword. Wee Christians therefore with our Carios, began to assault this * 1.594 Towne in two diuers places. But in this assault twelue Christians, together with some few of the Carios were slaine, and they put vs to a great deale of trouble, before we could take and win this towne.

Eight daies after the Towne taken fiue hundred of our Carios, taking their Bowes and Ar∣rowes, departing secretly and without our priuitie, about two or three leagues from our Campe, seeke out the Maigenos, who were fled. On whom when they lighted, these two Nations [ 50] fought with so great and constant resolution, that more then three hundred men of the Carios, * 1.595 but of the enemies, almost innumerable, were slaine; for there was so great a multitude of them, that they spread almost a whole league in length. But the Carios sending a messenger to the towne where we were, earnestly entreated our Generall, that they would come with some sup∣ply of Souldiers to helpe them; for the Maigenos had so beset them round in a wood, that they could neither goe forward nor returne backe againe.

Which when our Generall vnderstood, he presently commandeth the Horses to be made rea∣dy, and to send away and dispatch one hundred and fiftie Christians, but of the Carios assembled a thousand men, leauing the rest of the Souldiers in the tents to guard them, that wee being ab∣sent, the Maigenos our enemies might inuade them. We went forth therefore with this force (to [ 60] wit) the said horse, one hundred and fiftie Christians, and one thousand Carios, to helpe the Ca∣rios our friends. But so soone as the Maigenos perceiued our comming, remouing their tents, they committed themselues to flight, and albeit we pursued them with as much speede as wee could, yet could we neuer ouer take them.

Returning therefore to our tents, we abode there three daies; for we had found in this towne of the Maiegenos, great plentie of foode, and other things. Hauing trauailed a continuall iour∣ney of thirteene daies, that is to say (in our iudgement and theirs who are skilfull in the celestiall motions) two and fiftie leagues, we came to a Nation, whose people are called Carcokies: and * 1.596 hauing trauailed further the space of nine daies, we came into a▪ certaine little Countrie, sixe leagues long and broad, which was all so thicke ouerspread with excellent Salt, as if it had ••owed * 1.597 Salt in great abundance, and this Salt is not corrupted winter nor summer.

We rested two daies in this Salt Countrie, going forward, at length, after foure daies iour∣ney, we came to the foresaid Nation Carcokies: But when we were yet foure leagues from their towne, our Generall sent fiftie Christians, fiftie Carios to prouide vs lodgings. Hauing entred the towne, we found such an innumerable multitude of men gathered together, as in all this [ 10] iourney we had not seene the like: wherefore being very pensiue and carefull aboue measure, sen∣ding a messenger presently backe vnto our Generall: who taking his iourney the very same eue∣ning, came vnto vs betweene three and foure of the clocke in the morning. But the Carcokies supposing there had bin no more men there then we, whom they had seene before, had now pro∣mised themselues the victorie. But when they vnderstood that our Generall followed vs with a greater force, they were very sad and sorrowfull, and performed all friendly offices and kinde∣nesse vnto vs; for they could doe none other, seeing they were afraid of their wiues, children, and their towne. They brought vs therefore flesh of Deere, Geese, Hens, Sheepe, Estridges, Conies, and whatsoeuer else of this kinde of Venison, and also of Birds, they had also Turkish * 1.598 [ 20] Come, Wheate, Rise, and certaine Rootes, of all which things there was great plentie in this Countrie.

The men of this Countrie weare a blew stone in their lippes, as broad as a Dye. Their wea∣pons are Darts, the staues of Speares, and round Targets made ef the skins of the Indian Sheepe called Amidas. Their women haue a little hole in their lips, in the which they put Christall either of a greene or blew colour: they haue garments of Cotten, like to a shirt, but without sleeues: they are beautifull enough: they doe nothing else but spinne, and order things apper∣taining to the houshold; for tillage of the ground, and other things necessarie for the maintenance of the familie, are looked vnto by the men.

48. When we had gone three daies iourney from this towne, we came to a certaine Riuer cal∣led * 1.599 Machcasies, a league and a halfe broad: and when we saw not how we might passe safely o∣uer [ 30] without danger, at length we found out this meanes, that for euery two persons wee should make a Boate of twigs and timber, whereon being carried downe the Riuer, they might come to the other side of the banke; but in this passage foure of our men were drowned. This Ri∣uer hath most sauourie Fish, Many Tygars also are found about these places, and this Riuer is but foure leagues onely distant from the towne Machcasies.

The Inhabitants comming forth to meete vs, entertained vs curteously, speaking to vs in the Spanish tongue, whereat being astonished and sore afraid at the first, wee demanded of them to * 1.600 what Lord they were subiect, and who was their supreame Gouernour? They therefore an∣swered vs, and our Captaine, that they were subiect to a certaine Noble man in Spaine, whose name was Petro Ausuetes. [ 40]

Entring into this Towne, we found certaine men and women, and little Infants also swar∣ming with very little vermin, like our fleas. These little vermin, if they lay hold of the toes of the feete, or any other part of the body, they gnaw and enter alwaies more and more deepely * 1.601 in, and at length become wormes, such as are found in our filberds; yet if it be done in time, this mischiefe may be preuented, that it shall not hurt, but if deferring the cure it be neglected, at length by eating and gnawing, it consumeth and corrupteth whole toes.

From the often named Citie of the Assumption of Mary, to this Towne, are numbered (accor∣ding to the account of the Astronomers) three hundred seuentie two leagues. And when we had staied there about twentie daies, a Letter was brought vs from a Citie of the Kingdome of Peru, * 1.602 called Lima, where the Viceroy or Lieutenant of Caesars Maiestie, who at that time was Liecu∣tiatus Lagasca, had an house. The Letter contained, that our Generall Martin Don Fiottas should [ 50] goe no further forward, vpon paine of death, but abiding in the Towne Machcasies, should ex∣pect his further commandement.

But after this our Generall sent away foure persons to the Gonernor to Peru. These foure per∣sons iournying sixe weekes in Peru, came first to that Nation called Potasi, next to another called Rueskem. The third Nation to which they came, was called Plata, and the fourth, which was the Metropolis or the chiefe Citie, was called Lima. * 1.603

49. This also is worthie of obseruation. That the Countrie of Machcasies is so fruitfull, that we neither found, not saw any like it in fruitfulnesse, in all this our Iourney. For if an Indian * 1.604 going forth into the Wood, make an hole or a cleft in the first tree that commeth to hand, smi∣ting [ 60] an Hatchet into it, fiue or sixe measures of so pure Honie flowe out, as if it were sweete Wine, or Muskadell. The Bees that make this Honie are without stings, and are very small. This Honie being eaten with Bread, or mingled with other food, yeeldeth pleasant meate. They

make also Drinke thereof, or Wine, of the same taste that Muskadell hath, but sweeter. Our Generall Eyollas so wrought with the people, that wee could stay no longer here, by reason of the want of prouision. For we had scarce victuall for one moneth.

In performing this Iourney we spent a yeere and an halfe, doing nothing else, but making continuall warre. And in this Iourney we had brought into our subiection about twelue thou∣sand men, women, and children, who were compelled to serue vs as bond-slaues: as I for mine owne person did possesse about fiftie men, women, and children.

50. Wee, with our Generall Martin Don Eyollas, came vnto the Citie Assumption, but Abrie∣go * 1.605 a Captaine which had rebelled against Captaine Mendoza, and slaine him would neither o∣pen the Citie to our Generall, nor yeeld it vp vnto him, nor acknowledge him for Generall, and [ 10] his Gouernour.

But the said Diego Abriego, being forced to forsake the Citie with fiftie Christians, who ioy∣ned themselues with him, fled thirtie leagues from vs, so that we could atchieue nothing against him. This warre continued two whole yeeres space betweene vs, the two Captaines so oppo∣sing themselues one against the other, that neither was safe from danger of other.

51. In the meane season, while these things were thus done, I receiued Letters out of Spaine, and shewed to Martin Don Eyollas, I presently desired a friendly and curteous dismission from him, I tooke my Iourney in the name of God, vpon Saint Stephens Day, which was the sixe and twentieth of December, in the yeere 1552. and departing from the Assumption of Marie, car∣ried vpon the Riuer of Plate, with my twentie Indians in two Canoas or Boats, when wee had [ 20] now gone sixe and fortie leagues, we first arriued at a certaine Towne called Iuberic Sabaie. In that Towne foure others also, together with two Portugals ioyned themselues with vs, hauing gone fifteene leagues, we came to a Towne called Gaberetho. After this hauing gone sixteene * 1.606 leagues further in foure dayes, we came to a certaine Village called Barotij. Whence departing * 1.607 againe, hauing gone foure and fiftie leagues in nine dayes, wee came to a Towne called Barede, where staying two dayes, we sought prouision and Boats to carrie vs, for wee were to goe one hundred leagues vp the Riuer Parana by Boat. At length being brought to a certaine Towne called Gingie, wee abode there foure dayes. And thus farre the Countrie and Empire of Caesars * 1.608 Maiestie extendeth it selfe, all which places in former time were subiect to the People Carios.

52. After this therefore, all the Nation Toupin, beginneth the Countrie and Iurisdiction of [ 30] the Portugall, and we were compelled, leauing Parana, and our Boats, to trauell by land vnto these Toupin, which continued sixe whole moneths; in which Iourney we were to goe ouer De∣sarts, Mountaines and Valleyes, and for the feare waxed of wilde and rauening beasts, we durst not safely take our sleepe, &c.

Wee wandred eight whole dayes through Woods and Thickets, so that although hauing tra∣uelled farre and wide, yet in all my life time I had neuer gone so rough, troublesome, and tedi∣ous a way: nor had we any thing which we might eate, so that wee were compelled to sustaine our selues with Honie, and Roots, wheresoeuer we could get them: and for the danger also, to wit, that we feared lest our enemies would pursue vs, we had not so much time as to take any venison.

After this wee came to a Nation called Biesaie, where staying foure dayes, wee prouided our * 1.609 [ 40] selues againe of victuall, but durst not come neere their Towne, because we were so few.

In this Countrie there is a Riuer called Vrquam, wherein we saw Water-snakes, and Serpents * 1.610 called Tuesca, in the Spanish Tongue Scheue Eyba, which were sixteene paces long, and foure fa∣thome thicke. These Serpents doe much hurt: for if a man wash himselfe in that Riuer, or any beast swim ouer, forthwith such a Serpent swimming to them, windeth his tayle about the man, or beast, and drawing them vnder water, deuoureth them.

Proceeding further hence we trauelled about one hundred leagues, in a continued Iourney of a whole moneths space, and at length came into a large Towne called Scheuetveba, and rested * 1.611 there three dayes.

Going againe further, we came into a certaine Towne of Christians, whose Captaine was Iohn [ 50] Reinueill.

53. Moreouer, proceeding further thence, we came to the Towne of Saint Uincent. From the Citie of the Assumption of Marie, to the Towne of Saint Uincent in Brasill, are reckoned three hundred and seuentie leagues.

Setting sayle from the Towne of Saint Uincent, on Saint Iohn Baptists Day, which was the foure and twentieth of Iune, in the yeere of our Lord 1553. wee arriued at Lisbon, the third of * 1.612 September, in the yeere 1553. and while wee abode fourteene dayes there, two of my Indians died, which I brought with me out of those Countries.

I had thought here to haue added the Voyages of Iohannes Stadius, (another German, which serued the Portugals in Brasill about Schmidels later time) published in Theodore de Bry; and had the [ 60] same by me translated. But contayning little light for the Countrie, and People; and relating in man∣ner onely his owne Tragedies, in his taking by the Sauages, and often perils of being eaten by them, as some of his friends were before his face, with other like Sauage arguments wherewith wee haue glutted you alreadie: I being alreadie too voluminous, haue omitted the same, and hasten to other Relations.

CHAP. V.

The Obseruations of Sir RICHARD HAWKINS, Knight, in his Voyage into the South Sea. An. Dom. 1593. once before published, now reuiewed and corrected by a written Copie, illustrated with notes, and in diuers places abbreuiated.

§. I. [ 10]

What happened in this Voyage before they came neere the Aequinoctiall Line, with diuers accidentall Discourses vsefull for Nauigators.

WIth the Counsels consent; and helpe of my Father, Sir Iohn Hawkins, Knight, I resolued a Voyage to be made for the Ilands of Iapan, of the Philippinas, and Mo∣luccas, the Kingdome of China, and East Indies, by the way of the. Straites of Magelan, and the South Sea. * 1.613

For this purpose in the end of the yeere 1588. returning from the Iourney a∣gainst the Spanish Armado, I caused a Ship to bee builded in the Riuer of Thames, betwixt three and foure hundred tunnes, which was finished in that perfection as could be required. For shee was pleasing to the eye, profitable for stowage, good of sayle, and well conditioned. On the day of her lanching, shee was named, The Repentance.

The Repentance being put in perfection, and riding at Detford, the Queenes Maiestie passing by her, to her Palace of Gre••nwich, commanded her Barge-men to rowe round about her, and viewing her from Post to Stemme, disliked nothing but her Name, and said, that shee would Christen her a new, and that thenceforth shee should bee called the Daintie; which name shee brooked as well for her proportion and grace, as for the many happie Voyages shee made in her [ 30] Maiesties seruices: Hauing taken (for her Maiestie) a great Bysten, of fiue hundred tunnes, lo∣den with Iron, and other Commodities, vnder the conduct of Sir Martin Furbusher; A Carack bound for the East Indies, vnder my Fathers charge, and the principall cause of taking the great Carack, brought to Dartmouth by Sir Iohn Borrow, and the Earle of Cumberlands ships, Anno 1592. with others of moment in her other Voyages. To vs, shee neuer brought but cost, trouble, and care. * 1.614

Hauing made an estimate of the charge of Victuals, Munition, Imprests, Sea-store; and ne∣cessaries for the said ship; consorting another of an hundred tunnes, which I waited for daily from the Straites of Giberalter, with a Pinnace of sixtie tunnes, all mine owne: And for a com∣petent [ 40] number of men for them; as also of all sorts of merchandises for trade and traff••cke in all places where we should come; I began to wage men, to buy all manner of victuals & prouisions, and to lade her with them, and with all sorts of commodities (which I could call to minde) fit∣ting; and dispatched order to my seruant in Pilmouth, to put in a readinesse my Pinnace; as * 1.615 [ 20] also to take vp certaine prouisions, which are better cheape in those parts then in London, as Beefe, Porke, Bisket, and Sider. The eight of Aprill, 1593. I caused the Pilot to set sayle from Black-wall, and to vaile downe to Graues-end, whither that night I purposed to come. And for that shee was very deepe loden, and her Ports open, the water beganne to enter in at them; which no bodie hauing regard vnto, thinking themselues, safe in the Riuer, it augmented in such manner, as the weight of the water began to presse downe the side, more then the winde: At length when it was seene and the sheete flowne, she could hardly be brought vpright. But God [ 50] was pleased, that with the diligence and trauell of the Companie, shee was freed of that dan∣ger: whi••h may be a gentle warning to all such as take charge of shipping, euen before they set sayle, either in Riuer or Harbour, or other part, to haue an eye to their Ports, and to see those shut and calked, which may cause danger; for auoiding the many mishaps, which daily chance for the neglect thereof, and haue beene most lamentable spectacles and examples vnto vs: Ex∣periments in the Great Harrie, Admirall of England, which was ouer-set and sunke at Ports∣mouth with her Captaine. Carew, and the most part of his companie drowned in a goodly Sum∣mers day, with a little flaw of winde; for that her Ports were all open, and making a small hele, by them entred their destruction; where if they had beene shut, no winde could ••aue hurt [ 60] her, especially in that place. In the Riuer of Thames, Master Thomas Candish had a small ship ouer-set through the same negligence. And one of the Fleet of Sir Francis Drake, in Santo Do∣mingo Harbour, turned her keele vpward likewise, vpon the same occasion; with many others, which we neuer haue knowledge of,

Comming neere the South fore-land, the winde began to vere to the South-east and by South, so as we could not double the point of the Land, and being close aboord the shoare, and putting our ship to stay, what with the chapping Sea, and what with the Tide vpon the Bowe, she mist staying, and put vs in some danger, before we could flat about; therefore for doubling the Point of any Land better is euer a short boord, then to put all in perill.

Being cleere of the race of Portland, the winde began to suffle with fogge and misling raine, and forced vs to a short sayle, which continued with vs three dayes; the winde neuer vering one point, nor the fogge suffering vs to see the Coast. The third day in the fogge, we met with a Barke of Dartmouth, which came from Rochell, and demanding of them, if they had made any land, answered, that they had onely seene the Ediestone that morning, which lieth thwart of [ 10] the Sound of Plimouth, and that Dartmouth (as they thought) bare off vs North North-east: which seemed strange vnto vs; for we made account that wee were thwart of Exmouth: with∣in two houres after, the weather beganne to cleere vp, and wee found our selues thwart of the Berry, and might see the small Barque bearing into Torbay, hauing ouer-shot her Port: which errour often happeneth to those that make the land in foggie weather, and vse not good dili∣gence by sound, by lying off the land, and other circumstances, to search the truth; and is cause of the losse of many a ship, and the sweete liues of multitudes of men. That euening, wee an∣chored in the range of Dartmouth, till the floud was spent; and the ebbe come, wee set sayle againe. And the next morning early, being the sixe and twentieth of Aprill, we harboured our selues in Plimouth. [ 20]

And in this occasion, I found by experience, that one of the principall parts required in * 1.616 a Mariner, that frequenteth our coastes of England, is to cast his Tides, and to knowe how they set from point to point, with the difference of those in the Channell from those of the shoare.

After the hurts by a cruell storme (in which the Pinnace was sunke, and the Daiaties Mast * 1.617 cut ouer-boord) repaired, I beganne to gather my companie aboord, which occupied my good friends, and the Iustices of the Towne two dayes, and forced vs to search all lodgings, Tauerns, and Ale-houses. (For some would euer bee taking their leaue and neuer depart:) some drinke themselues so drunke, that except they were carried aboord, they of themselues were not able to goe one steppe: others knowing the necessitie of the time, faigned themselues sicke; others [ 30] to bee indebted to their Hosts, and forced mee to ransome them; one his Chest; another, his Sword; another, his Shirts; another, his Carde and Instruments for Sea: And others, to benefit themselues of the Imprest giuen them, absented themselues; making a lewd liuing in deceiuing all, whose money they could lay hold of: which is a scandall too rife amongst our Sea-men; by it they committing three great offences. First, Robberie of the goods of another person: Se∣condly, Breach of their faith and promise: Thirdly, Hinderance (with losse of time) vnto the Voyage; all being a common iniurie to the owners, victuallers, and companie; which many times hath beene an vtter ouerthrow, and vndoing to all in generall. An abuse in our Common∣wealth necessarily to be reformed.

Master Thomas Candish in his last Voyage, in the Sound of Plimouth, being readie to set * 1.618 [ 40] sayle, complained vnto mee, that persons which had absented themselues in Imprests, had cost him aboue a thousand and fiue hundred pounds: These Varlets within a few dayes after his de∣parture, I saw walking the streetes of Plimouth, whom the Iustice had before sought for with great diligence, and without punishment. And therefore it is no wonder that others presume to doe the like. Impunitas peccandi illecebra. The like complaint made Master George Rey∣mond; and in what sort they dealt with mee, is notorious, and was such, that if I had not beene * 1.619 prouident, to haue had a third part more of men, then I had need of, I had beene forced to goe to the Sea vnmanned; or to giue ouer my Voyage. And many of my companie, at Sea vaunted how they had cousened the Earle of Cumberland, Master Candish, Master Reymond, and others, * 1.620 some of fiue poundes, some of tenne, some of more, and some of lesse. And truely, I thinke, [ 50] my Voyage prospered the worse, for theirs and other lewd persons companie, which were in my ship: which, I thinke, might be redressed by some extraordinarie, seuere, and present Iu∣stice to bee executed on the offenders by the Iustice in that place, where they should bee found. * 1.621

The greater part of my companie gathered aboord, I set sayle the twelfth of Iune, 1593. I cannot but aduise all such, as shall haue charge committed vnto them, euer before they depart out of the Port, to giue vnto their whole Fleet not directions for ciuill gouernment, but also where, when, and how to meete, if they should chance to lose companie, and the signes how to knowe one another afarre off, with other points and circumstances, as the occasions shall minister mat∣ter different, at the discretion of the wise Commander, by publication of that which is good and necessarie for the guide of his Fleet and people; but all secret instructions, to giue them sealed, [ 60] and not to be opened, but comming to a place appointed.

Lanching out into the channell, the winde being at East and by South, and east South-east, which blowing hard, and a floud in hand, caused a chapping Sea, and my Vice-admirall bearing a good sayle made some water, and shooting off a Peece of Ordnance, I edged towards her, to

knowe the cause; who answered me, that they had sprung a great leake, and that of force they must returne into the Sound, which seeing to be necessarie, I cast about, where anchoring, and going aboord, presently found, that betwixt winde and water, the Calkers had left a seame vn∣calked, * 1.622 which being filled vp with Pitch onely, the Sea labouring that out, had beene sufficient to haue sunke her in short space, if it had not beene discouered in time.

And for more securitie, I hold it for a good custome vsed in some parts, in making an end of * 1.623 calking and pitching the ship, the next tide to fill her with water, which will vndoubtedly dis∣couer the defect, for no pitcht place without calking, can suffer the force and peaze of the wa∣ter. In neglect whereof, I haue seene great damage and danger to ensue. The Arke Royall of his * 1.624 Maiesties, may serue for an example: which put all in danger at her first going to the Sea, by a [ 10] trivuell. hole left open in the post, and couered onely with Pitch. In this point no man can be too circumspect, for it is the securitie of ship, men, and goods.

This being remedied, I set sayle in the morning, and ranne South-west, till wee were cleare of Vsshent; and then South South-west, till wee were some hundred leagues off, where wee met with a great Hulke, of some fiue or sixe hundred tunnes, well appointed, the which my compa∣nie, (as is natural to all Mariners) presently would make a prize, and loden with Spaniards goods, * 1.625 and without speaking to her, wished that the Gunner might shoot at her, to cause her to amain. Which is a bad custome receiued and vsed of many ignorant persons, presen••ly to gunne at all whatsoeuer they discouer, before they speake with them; being contrarie to all discipline, and many times is the cause of dissention betwixt friends, and the breach of Amitie betwixt Princes; * 1.626 [ 20] the death of many, and sometimes losse of ships and all, making many obstinate, if not desperate.

Comming within the hayling of the Hulke, we demanded whence she was? whither she was bound? and what her loding? Shee answered, that she was of Denmarke comming from Spaine, loden with Salt: we willed her to strike her Top-sayles, which shee did, and shewed vs her Char∣ter-parties, and Bils of loding, and then saluted vs, as is the manner of the Sea, and so departed.

Wee directed our course to the Maderas. The Madera Ilands are two: the great, called La * 1.627 Madera, and the other Porto Santo; of great fertilitie, and rich in Sugar, Conserues, Wine, and sweet Wood, whereof they take their name. Other commodities they yeeld, but these are the principall. The chiefe Towne and Port is on the Souther side of the Madera, well fortified; they are subiect to the Kingdome of Portugall; the Inhabitants and Garrison all Portugals. [ 30]

The third of Iulie, wee past along the Ilands of Canaria, which haue the name of a King∣dome, * 1.628 and containe these seuen Ilands, Grand Canaria, Tenerifa, Palma, Gomera, Lancerota For∣tenentura, and Fierro. These Ilands haue abundance of Wine, Sugar, Conserues, Orcall Pitch, Iron, and other commodities, and store of Cattell and Corne, but that a certaine Worme, cal∣led Gorgosho, breedeth in it, which eateth out the substance, leauing the huske in manner whole. * 1.629 The head Iland, where the Iustice, which they call Audiencia, is resident; and whither all suits haue their appellation, and finall sentence, is the Grand Canaria, although the Tenerifa is held for the better and richer Iland, and to haue the best Sugar: and the Wine of the Palma is repu∣ted for the best. The Pitch of these Ilands melteth not with the Sunne, and therefore is proper for the higher workes of shipping. Betwixt Fortenentura and Lancerota is a goodly Sound, fit for a meeting place for any Fleet. Where is good anchoring, and abundance of many sorts of [ 40] Fish. There is water to be had in most of these Ilands, but with great vigilance. For the naturals of them are venturous and hardie, and many times clime vp and downe the steepe Rockes and broken Hills, which seeme impossible, which I would hardly haue beleeued, had I not seene it, and that with the greatest arte and agilitie that may bee: Their Armes for the most part, are Lances of nine or ten foot, with a head of a foot and halfe long, like vnto Boare-speares, saue * 1.630 that the head is somewhat more broad.

Two things are famous in these Ilands, the Pike of Tenerifa, which is the highest Land in my iudgement that I haue seene, and men of credite haue told they haue seene it more them fortie leagues off. It is like vnto a Sugar loafe, and continually couered with Snowe, and placed in the middest of a goodly Valley, most fertile, and temperate round about it. Out of which, going vp the pike, the cold is so great, that it is vnsufferable, and going downe to the Townes of the [ 50] Iland, the heat seemeth most extreme, till they approch neere the coast. The other is a tree in the Iland Fierro, which some write & affirme, with the dropping of his leaues, to giue water for the

sustenance of the whole Iland, which I haue not seene, although I haue beene on shoare on the Iland: but those which haue seene it, haue recounted this mysterie differently to that which is written, in this manner; That this Tree is placed in the bottome of a Valley euer flourishing with broad leaues, and that round about it are a multitude of goodly high Pines, which ouer-top it, and as it seemeth, were planted by the Diuine prouidence, to preserue it from Sunne and winde. Out of this Valley ordinarily rise euery day, great vapours and exhalations, which by reason that the Sunne is hindered to worke his operation, with the height of the Mountaine to∣wards the South-east, conuert themselues into moisture, and so bedew all the trees of the Val∣ley, and from those which ouer-top this Tree, drops downe the dew vpon his leaues, and so from his leaues into a round Well of stone, which the Naturals of the Land haue made to receiue the [ 10] water; of which the people and cattell haue great reliefe: but sometimes it raineth and then the Inhabitants doe reserue water for many dayes to come in their Cisternes and Tynaxes, which is that they drinke of, and wherewith they principally sustaine themselues.

The Citie of the Grand Canaria, and chiefe Port is on the West side of the Iland; the head Towne and Port of Tenerifa, is towards the South part, and the Port and Towne of the Palma and Gomera, on the East side. In Gomera, some three leagues Southward from the Towne, is a great Riuer of water, but all these Ilands are perilous to land in, for the siege caused by the O∣cean Sea, which alwaies is forcible, and requireth great circumspection; whosoeuer hath not vr∣gent cause, is either to goe to the Eastwards, or to the Westwards of all these Ilands, as well to auoide the calmes, which hinder some times eight or ten dayes sayling, as the contagion which [ 20] their distemperature is wont to cause, and with it to breede Calenturas, which wee call burning Feuers. These Ilands are said to be first discouered by a Frenchman, called Iohn de Betancourt, about * 1.631 the yeere 1405. They are now a Kingdome subiect to Spaine.

Being cleare of the Ilands, and seeing my selfe past hope of returning backe, without some extraordinarie accident, I began to set order in my Companie and victuals. And for that, to the Southwards of the Canaries, is for the most part an idle Nauigation, I deuised to keepe my people occupied, as well to continue them in health (for that too much ease in hot Countries is neither profitable nor healthful) as also to diuert them from remembrance of their home; & from play, which breedeth many inconueniences, and other bad thoughts and workes which idlenesse is cause of; and so shifting my companie, as the custome is, into Starboord and Larboord men, the [ 30] halfe to watch and worke whilest the others slept, and take rest; I limited the three dayes of the weeke, which appertained to each, to be employed in this manner: the one for the vse and cleansing of their Armes, the other for roomaging, making of Sayles, Nettings, Decking, and defenses of our Ships; and the third, for cleansing their bodies, mending and making their ap∣parell, and necessaries, which though it came to be practised but once in seuen dayes, for that the Sabboth is euer to be reserued for God alone, with the ordinarie obligation which each person had besides, was many times of force to be omitted; and thus wee directed our course betwixt the Ilands of Cape de Verde and the Maine. These Ilands are held to bee scituate in one of the * 1.632 most vnhealthiest Climates of the world, and therefore it is wisedome to shunne the sight of them, how much more to make abode in them? [ 40]

In two times that I haue beene in them, either cost vs the one halfe of our people, with Fe∣uers * 1.633 and Fluxes of sundrie kindes; some shaking, some burning, some partaking of both; some possest with frensie, others with slouth, and in one of them it cost mee sixe moneths sicknesse, with no small hazard of life: which I attribute to the distemperature of the aire, for being within fourteene degrees of the Equinoctiall Line, the Sunne hath great force all the yeere, and the more for that often they passe, two, three, and foure yeeres without raine; and many times the earth burneth in that manner as a man well shod, cannot indure to goe where the Sunne shi∣neth. * 1.634 With which extreme heate the bodie fatigated, greedily desireth refreshing, and longeth for the comming of the Breze, which is the North-east winde, that seldome fayleth in the af∣ternoone at foure of the clocke, or sooner: which comming cold and fresh, and finding the pores [ 50] of the bodie open, and (for the most part) naked, penetrateth the very bones, and so causeth sudden distemperature, and sundrie manners of sicknesse, as the Subiects are diuers, whereupon they worke. Departing out of the Calmes of the Ilands, and comming into the fresh Breze, it causeth the like, and I haue seene within two dayes, after that wee haue partaked of the fresh aire, of two thousand men aboue an hundred and fiftie haue beene crazed in their health. The Inhabitants of these Ilands vse a remedie for this, which at my first being a∣mongst them, seemed vnto mee ridiculous, but since, time and experience hath taught to bee grounded vpon reason. And is, that vpon their heads they weare a Night-cap, vpon it a Mou∣tero, and a Hat ouer that, and on their bodies a sute of thicke Cloth, and vpon it a Gowne, furr'd or lined with Cotton, or Bayes, to defend them from the heate in that manner, as the In∣habitants [ 60] of cold Countries, to guard themselues from the extremitie of the cold. Which doubt∣lesse, is the best diligence that any man can vse, and whosoeuer proueth it, shall finde himselfe lesse annoyed with the heate, then if he were thinly cloathed, for that where the cold aire com∣meth, it pierceth not so subtilly.

The Moone also in this climate, as in the coast of Guynne, and in all hot Countries, hath forci∣ble * 1.635 operation in the body of man; and therefore, as the Plannet, most preiudiciall to his health, is to he shunned; as also not to sleepe in the open Ayre, or with any Scuttle or Window open, whereby the one or the other may enter to hurt. For a person of credit told me, that one night in a Riuer of Guynne, leauing his window open in the side of his Cabin, the Moone shining vpon his shoulder, left him with such an extraordinary paine, and furious burning in it, as in aboue twenty houres, he was like to run mad; but in fine, with force of Medicines and cures, after long torment he was eased.

Of these Ilands are two pyles: the one of them lyeth out of the way of Trade, more Wester∣ly, and so little frequented: the other lyeth some fourescore leagues from the Maine, and con∣taineth [ 10] sixe in number, to wit, Saint Iago, Fuego, Mayo, Bonavisto, Sal, and Brano. They are be∣longing to the Kingdome of Portugall, and inhabited by people of that Nation, and are of great trade, by reason of the neighbourhood they haue with Guynne and Bynne: but the principall is, the buying and selling of Negros. They haue store of Sugar, Salt, Rice, Cotten-wooll, and Cotton∣cloth, Ambergreece, Cyuit, Olyphants teeth, Brimstone, Pummy stone, Spunge, and some Gold, but little, and that from the mayne.

Saint Iago is the head Iland, and hath one Citie and two townes, with their Ports. The Citie * 1.636 called Saint Iago, whereof the Iland hath his name, hath a Garrison and two Forts, scituated in the bottome of a pleasant Valley, with a running streame of water passing through the middest of it, whether the rest of the Ilands come for Iustice, being the seate of the Audiencia, with his [ 20] Bishop. The other Townes are Playa, some three leagues to the Eastwards of Saint Iago, placed on high, with a goodly Bay, whereof it hath his name: and Saint Domingo, a small Towne with∣in the Land. They are on the Souther part of the Iland, and haue beene sacked sundry times in Anno 1582. by Manuel Serades, a Portugall, with a Fleete of French-men: in Anno 1585. they * 1.637 were both burnt to the ground by the English, Sir Francis Drake being Generall: and in Anno 1596. Saint Iago was taken, and sacked by the English, Sir Anthony Sherley being Generall. The second Iland is Fuego, so called, for that day and night there burneth in it a Uulcan, whose flames in the night are seene twentie leagues off in the Sea. It is by nature fortified in that sort, as but by one way is any accesse or entrance into it, and there cannot goe vp aboue two men a brest. The Bread which they spend in these Ilands, is brought from Portugall and Spaine, sauing that [ 30] which they make of Rice or of Mayes, which we call Guynne wheate. The best watering is in the Ile of Brano, on the west part of the Iland, where is a great Riuer, but foule Anchoring, as is * 1.638 in all these Ilands, for the most part. The fruits are few, but substantiall, as Palmitos, Plantanos, Potatos, and Coco Nuts.

The Palmito is like to the Date tree, and as I thinke a kinde of it, but wilde. In all parts of * 1.639 Afrique and America they are found, and in some parts of Europe, and in diuers parts different. In Afrique, and in the West Indies they are small, that a man may cut them with a knife, and the lesser the better. But in Brasil they are so great, that with difficulty a man can fell them with an Axe, and the greater the better: one foote within the top is profitable, the rest is of no value, and that which is to be eaten is the pith, which in some is better, in some worse. [ 40]

The Plantane is a tree found in most parts of Afrique and America, of which two leaues are * 1.640 sufficient to couer a man from top to toe: It beareth fruite but once, and then drieth away, and out of his root sprouteth vp others new. In the top of the tree is his fruit, which groweth in a great bunch, in the forme and fashion of puddings, in some more, in some lesse. I haue seene in one bunch aboue foure hundred Plantans, which haue weighed aboue fourescore pound waight. They are of diuers proportions, some great, some lesser, some round, some square, some triangle, most ordinarily of a span long, with a thicke skinne that peeleth easily from the meate; which is either white or yellow, and very tender like Butter; but no conserue is better, nor of a more pleasing taste. For I neuer haue seene any man, to whom they haue bred mislike, or done hurt with eating much of them, as of other fruites. The best are those which ripen naturally on the tree, [ 50] but in most parts they cut them off in branches, and hang them vp in their houses, and eate them as they ripe. For the Birds and Vermine presently in rip••ing on the tree, are feeding on them. The best that I haue seene are in Brasil, in an Iland called Placentia, which are small and round, * 1.641 and greene when they are ripe: whereas the others in ripening become yellow. Those of the West Indies and Guynne are great, and one of them sufficient to satisfie a man: the onely fault they haue is, that they are windie. In some places they eate them instead of bread, as in Pana∣ma, and other parts of Tierra firme. They grow and prosper best when their rootes are euer coue∣red with water; they are excellent in Conserue, and good sodden in different manners, and dried on the tree, not inferior to Suckets.

The Coco nut is a fruit of the fashion of a Hasell-nut, but that it is as bigge as an ordinary * 1.642 [ 60] Bowle, and some are greater. It hath two shels, the vttermost framed (as it were) of a multi∣tude of threds, one laid vpon another, with a greene skin ouer-lapping them, which is soft and thicke: the innermost is like to the shell of a Hasell-nut in all porportion, sauing that it is grea∣ter and thicker, and some more blacker. In the top of it is the forme of a Munkies face, with

two eyes, his nose and a mouth. It containeth in it both meate and drinke, the meate white as milke, and like to that of the kernell of a Nut, and as good as Almonds blancht, and of great quantity: The water is cleare, as of the Fountaine, and pleasing in taste, and somewhat answe∣reth that of the water distilled of Milke. Some say it hath a singular property in nature, for con∣seruing the smoothnesse of the skin; and therefore in Spaine and Portugall, the curious Dames doe ordinarily wash their faces and necks with it. If the holes of the shell be kept close, they keepe foure or six moneths good and more; but if it be opened, and the water kept in the shell, in few daies it turneth to Vinegar. They grow vpon high Trees, which haue no boughes, onely in the top they haue a great cap of leaues, and vnder them groweth the fruite vpon certaine twigges; and some affirme that they beare not fruite before they be aboue forty yeares old. They are in all [ 10] things like to the Palme trees, and grow in many parts of Asia, Afrique and America. The shels of these nuts are much esteemed for drinking cups, and much cost and labour is bestowed vpon them in caruing, grauing and garnishing them, with Siluer, Gold, and precious stones.

In the Kingdome of Chile and in Brasil, is another kinde of these, which they call Coquillos, as we may interpret (little Cocos) and are as bigge as Wal-nuts, but round and smooth, and grow * 1.643 in great clusters: the trees in forme are all one, and the meate in the nut better, but they haue no water.

Another kinde of great Cocos groweth in the Andes of Peru, which haue not the delicate meate nor drinke, which the others haue, but within are full of Almonds, which are placed as * 1.644 the graines in the Pomegrannet, being three times bigger then those of Europe, and are much like [ 20] them in taste.

In these Ilands are Cyuet-Cats, which are also found in parts of Asia, and Afrique; esteemed for the Ciuet they yeelde, and carry about them in a cod in their hinder parts, which is taken * 1.645 from them by force. In them also are store of Monkies, and the best proportioned that I haue seene; and Parrots, but of colour different to those of the West Indies; for they are of a russet or * 1.646 gray colour and great speakers.

§. II. [ 30]

Considerations of Currents: the Scorbute: fire in Ships; Fishes which attend them: Sea-hawking and hunting: their comming to Brasil and obseruations thereof.

WIth a faire and large winde we continued our course, till we came within fiue degrees of the Equinoctiall line, where the winde tooke vs contrary by the South-west, a∣bout the twentieth of Iuly, but a faire gale of winde and a smooth Sea, so that wee might beare all a * 1.647 tawt: and to aduantage our selues what we might, we stood to the Eastwards, being able to lye South-east and by South. The next day about nine of the clock, [ 40] my company being gathered together to serue God, which we accustomed to doe euery morning and euening, it seemed vnto me that the colour of the Sea was different to that of the daies past, and which is ordinarily where is deepe water; and so called the Captaine and Master of my Ship, I told them that to my seeming the water was become very whitish, and that it made shew of Sholde water. Whereunto they made answere, that all the lines in our Ships could not * 1.648 fetch ground: for we could not be lesse then threescore and ten leagues off the Coast, which all that kept reckoning in the Ship agreed vpon, and my selfe was of the same opinion. And so we applied our selues to serue God, but all the time that the seruice endured, my heart could not be at rest, and still me thought the water began to waxe whiter and whiter. Our prayers ended, I commanded a leade and a line to be brought, and hauing the lead in foureteene fathoms wee had [ 50] ground, which put vs all into a maze, and sending men into the top, presently discouered the land of Guynne, some fiue leagues from vs, very low Land. I commanded a Peece to be shot, and lay by the lee, till my other Ships came vp. Which hailing vs, we demanded of them how farre * 1.649 they found themselues off the land; who answered, some threescore and ten, or fourescore leagues: when we told them we had sounded, and found but foureteene fathoms, and that we were in sight of Land, they began to wonder; But hauing consulted what was best to be done, I caused my Shallop to be manned, which I towed at the Sterne of my Shippe continually, and sent her and my Pinnace a head to sound, and followed them with an easie sayle, till we came in seuen and six fathome water, and some two leagues from the shore anchored, in hope by the Sea, or by the Land to finde some refreshing. The Sea wee found to be barren of fish, and my Boates [ 60] could not discouer any landing place, though a whole day they had rowed alongst the coast, with great desire to set foote on shore, for that the sedge was exceeding great and dangerous. Which experienced, we set saile, notwithstanding the contrariety of the winde, sometimes standing to the West-wards, sometimes to the East-wards, according to the shifting of the winde.

Here is to be noted, that the errour which we fell into in our accompts, was such as all men fall into * 1.650 where are currants that set East or West, and are not known, for that there is no certain rule yet practised for triall of the longitude, as there is of the latitude, though some curious and experimented of our Nation, with whom I haue had conference about this point, haue shewed me two or three manner of wayes how to know it. This, some yeares before was the losse of the Edward Cotton, bound for the coast of Brasil, * 1.651 which taken with the winde contrarie neere the line, standing to the East-wards, and making accompt to be fiftie or sixtie leagues off the coast, with all her sailes standing, came suddenly a ground vpon the sholes of Madrebomba; and so was cast away.

This currant from the line Equinoctiall, to twentie degrees Northerly, hath great force, and setteth * 1.652 next of any thing East, directly vpon the shore, which we found by this meanes: Standing to the West∣wards, the winde Southerly, when we lay with our Ships head West and by South, we gained in our height [ 10] more then if we had made our way good West South-west, for that the currant tooke vs vnder the bow: but lying west or West & by North, we lost more in twelue houres then the other way we could get in foure and twentie. By which plainly we saw, that the currant did set East next of any thing. Whether this cur∣rant runneth euer one way, or doth alter, and how, we could by no meanes vnderstand, but tract of time and obseruation will discouer this, as it hath done of many others in sundry Seas.

The currant that setteth betwixt New-fonnd-land and Spaine, runneth also East and West, and * 1.653 long time deceiued many, and made some to count the way longer, and others shorter, according as the pas∣sage was speedie or slow, not knowing that the furtherance or hinderance of the currant was cause of the speeding or slowing of the way. And in Sea Cards I haue seene difference of aboue thirtie leagues betwixt [ 20] the Iland Tercera and the Maine. And others haue recounted vnto me, that comming from the Indies, and looking out for the Ilands of Azores, they haue had sight of Spaine. And some haue looked out for Spaine, and haue discouered the Ilands. The selfe same currant is in the Leuant Sea, but runneth trade * 1.654 betwixt the Maines, and changeable sometimes to the Eastwards, sometimes to the West-wards. In Bra∣sil and the South Sea, the currant likewise is changeable, but it runneth euer alongst the Coast, accom∣panying the winde: and it is an infallible rule, that twelue or twentie foure houres (before the winde al∣ters) the currant begins to change.

In the West Indies onely the currant runneth continually one way, and setteth alongst the coast from the Equinoctiall line towards the North. No man hath yet found that these currants keepe any certaine * 1.655 time or runne so many dayes or moneths, one way as another, as doth the course of ebbing and flowing, well knowne in all Seas: onely neere the shoare they haue small force; partly, because of the reflux which the [ 30] coast causeth, and partly for the ebbing and flowing, which more or lesse is generall in most Seas.

When the currant runneth North or South, it is easily discouered by augmenting or diminishing the height, but how to know the setting of the currant from East to West in the maine Seas, is difficult, and as yet I haue not knowne any man, or read any Author, that hath prescribed any certaine meane or way to discouer it. But experience teacheth, that in the maine Sea, for the most part it is variable; and therefore best and safest rule to preuent the danger (which the vncertaintie and ignorance hereof may cause) is carefull and continuall watch by day and night, and vpon the East and West course euer to be before the Ship, and to vse the meanes possible to know the errour, by the rules which new Authors may teach: beating off and on, sometimes to the Westwards, sometimes to the Eastwards, with a fairegale of winde. [ 40]

Being betwixt three and foure degrees of the Equinoctiall line, my Company within a few daies began to fall sicke, of a disease which Sea-men are wont to call the Scuruie: and seemeth to * 1.656 be a kinde of dropsie, and raigneth most in this climate of any that I haue heard or read of in the world; though in all Seas it is wont to helpe and increase the miserie of man; it possesseth all those of which it taketh hold, with a loathsome sloathfulnesse, that euen to eate they would be content to change with sleepe and rest, which is the most pernicious enemie in this sicknesse that is knowne. It bringeth with it a great desire to drinke, and causeth a generall swelling of all parts of the body, especially of the legges and gummes, and many times the teeth fall out of the iawes without paine. The signes to know this disease in the beginning are diuers, by the * 1.657 swelling of the gummes, by denting of the flesh of the legges with a mans finger, the pit remai∣ning without filling vp in a good space: others show it with their lasinesse, others complaine of [ 50] the cricke of the backe, &c. all which, are for the most part, certaine tokens of infection. The cause is thought to be the stomacks feeblenesse, by change of aire in vntemperate climates, of diet in salt meates, boiled also in Salt water and corrupted sometimes; the want of exercise also ei∣ther in persons or elements, as in calmes. And were it not for the mouing of the Sea by the force of windes, tydes, and currants, it would corrupt all the world. The experience I saw in Anno 1590. lying * 1.658 with a Fleete of her Maiesties Ships about the Ilands of the Azores almost six moneths, the greatest part of the time we were becalmed: with which all the Sea became so replenished with seuerall sorts of gellyes, and formes of Serpents, Adders, and Snakes, as seemed wonderfull: some greene, some blacke, some yel∣low, some white, some of diuers colours and many of them had life, and some there were a yard and halfe, [ 60] and two yards long; which had I not seene, I could hardly haue beleeued. And hereof are witnesses all the Companies of the Shippes which were then present: so that hardly a man could draw a Bucket of water cleere of some corruption. In which Voyage, towards the end thereof many of euery Ship (sauing of the Nonpereli, which was vnder my charge, and had onely one man sicke in all the Voyage) fell sicke

of this disease, and began to die apace, but that the speedie passage into our Countrie was remedy to the crazed, and a preseruatiue for those that were not touched. * 1.659

The best preuention for this disease (in my iudgement) is to keepe cleane the Shippe, to besprinkle her ordinarily with Uinegar, or to burne Tarre, and some sweet sauours, to feede vpon as few salt Meats in the hot Country as may be, and especially to shun all kindes of salt Fish, and to reserue them for the cold Climates, and not to dresse any meate with salt water, nor to suffer the companie to wash their Shirts nor * 1.660 Cloathes in it, nor to sleepe in their Cloathes when they are wet. For this cause it is necessarily required, that prouision be made of apparell for the Company, that they may haue wherewith to shift themselues. * 1.661 Being a common calamitie amongst the ordinary sort of Mariners, to spend their thrift on the shore, and to bring to Sea no more Cloathes then they haue backes; for the body of man is not refreshed with any [ 10] thing more, then with shifting cleane Cloathes: a great preseruatine of health in hot Countries. The se∣cond Antidote is, to keepe the company occupied in some bodily exercise of worke, of agilitie, of pas∣times, of dancing, of vse of Armes; these helpe much to banish this infirmitie. Thirdly, In the mor∣ning * 1.662 at discharge of the watch, to giue euery man a bit of bread, and a draught of drinke, either Beere, * 1.663 or Wine mingled with water (at the least, the one halfe) or a quantitie mingled with Beere, that the poores of the bodie may be full, when the vapours of the Sea ascend vp. The morning draught should bee euer of the best, and choisest of that in the ship. Pure wine I hold to be more hurtfull, then the other is pro∣fitable. In this, others will be of a contrary opinion, but I thinke partiall. If not, then leaue I the reme∣dies thereof to those Phisicions and Surgeons who haue experience. And I wish that some learned man would write of it, for it is the plague of the Sea, and the spoyle of Mariners; doubtlesse, it would bee [ 20] a Worke worthy of a worthy man, and most beneficiall for our Countrie, for in twentie yeeres (since I haue vsed the Sea) I dare take vpon me, to giue account of ten thousand men consumed with this disease.

That which I haue seene most fruitfull for this sicknesse, is sowre Oranges and Lemmons, and a water * 1.664 which amongst others (for my particular prouision) I carried to the Sea, called Doctor Steuens water, of which, for that his vertue was not then well knowne vnto me, I carried but little, and it took end quick∣ly, but gaue health to those that vsed it. The Oyle of Vitry is beneficiall for this disease; taking two drops of it, and mingled in a draught of water, with a little Sugar. It taketh away the thirst, and helpeth to clense and comfort the stomacke: But the principall of all is the Ayre of the Land; for the Sea is natu∣rall for Fishes, and the Land for men. And the oftner a man can haue his people to Land, (not hinde∣ring his Voyage) the better it is, and the profitablest course that he can take to refresh them. [ 30]

Hauing stood to the Westwards some hundred leagues and more, the winde continuing with vs contrary, and the sicknesse so feruent, that euery day there died more or lesse: my company in generall began to be dismayed, and to desire to returne homewards, which I hindered by good reasons and perswasions: As, that to the West Indies, we had not aboue eight hundred leagues, to the Ilands of Azores little lesse, and before wee come to the Ilands of Cape de Verde, that wee should meete with the Breze; for euery night we might see the reach goe contrary to the winde which we sayled by; verifying the old Prouerbe amongst Mariners; That hee hath need of a long Mast, that will sayle by the Reach; and that the neerest Land and speediest refreshing wee could looke for, was the Coast of Brasill, &c. * 1.665

As wee approached neerer and neerer the Coast of Brasill, the winde beganne to vere [ 40] to the Eastwardes, and about the middle of October, to bee large and good for vs; and about the eighteenth of October, wee were thwart of Cape Saint Augustine, which lieth * 1.666 in sixe degrees to the Southwards of the Line: and the one and twentieth in the height of Far∣nambuca, but some fourescore leagues from the Coast; the twentie foure, in the height of Bayea de Todos Santos; neere the end of October, betwixt seuenteene and eighteene degrees, wee were in sixteene fathomes, sounding of the great Scoles, which lye alongst the Coast, betwixt the Bay of Todos Santos, and the Port of Santos alias nuestra s••nora de Vitoria; which are very perillous.

But the diuine Prouidence hath ordained great flockes of small Birds (like Snites) to liue vpon * 1.667 the Rockes, and broken lands of these Sholes, which are met with ordinarily twentie leagues before a man come in danger of them. [ 50]

It shall not be amisse here to recount the Accidents which befell vs during this contrary wind, and the curiosities to be obserued in all this time. Day and night we had continually a faire gale of wind, and a smooth Sea, without any alteration; one day the Carpenters hauing Calked the * 1.668 Decke of our ship, which the Sunne with his extreame heate had opened, craued license to heate a little Pitch in the Cooke roome: which I would not consent vnto by any meanes; for that my Cooke roomes were vnder the Decke, knowing the danger; vntill the Master vndertooke, that no danger should come thereof, But hee recommended the charge to another, who had a better name, then experience. He suffered the Pitch to rise, and to runne into the fire, which caused so furious a flame as amazed him, and forced all to flee his heate; one of my company, with a dou∣ble paire of Gloues tooke off the Pitch-pot, but the fire forced him to let flip his hold-fast, before [ 60] he could set it on the Hearth, and so ouerturned it, and as the Pitch began to runne, so the fire to enlarge it selfe, that in a moment a great part of the ship was on a light fire. I being in my Cab∣bin, presently imagined what the matter was, and for all the haste I could make, before I came, the fire was aboue the Decke: for remedie whereof, I commanded all my company to cast their

Rugge Gownes into the Sea, with Ropes fastened vnto them. These I had prouided for my peo∣ple to watch in, for in many hot Countreyes the nights are fresh and cold; and deuided one * 1.669 Gowne to two men, a Starboord and a Larboord man; so that hee which watched had euer the Gowne: for they which watched not, were either in their Cabbins, or vnder the Decke, and so needed them not. The Gownes being well soaked, euery man that could took one, and assaulted the fire; and although some were sindged, others scalded, and many burned, God was pleased that the fire was quenched, which I thought impossible; and doubtlesse, I neuer saw my selfe in greater perill in all the dayes of my life. Let all men take example by vs, not to suffer (in any case) Pitch to be heate in the ship, except it be with a shot heate in the fire, which cannot breed danger: nor to permit fire to be kindled, but vpon meere necessitie; for the inconuenience thereof (is for the * 1.670 [ 10] most part) remedilesse.

Great care is to be had also in cleaning of Wood, in Hooping or Scutling of Caske, and in any busi∣nesse where violence is to be vsed with Instruments of Iron, Steele, or Stone; and especially in opening of Powder, these are not to be vsed, but Mallets of Wood; for many mischances happen beyond all expecta∣tion. I haue beene credibly enformed by diuers persons, that comming out of the Indies, with Scutling a But of water, the water hath taken fire, and flamed vp, and put all in hazard: And a Seruant of mine Thomas Gray told me, that in the ship wherein he came out of the Indies, Anno 1600. there happened the like; and that if with Mantles they had not smoothered the fire, they had beene all burned with a Pipe of Water, which in Scutling tooke fire. Master Iohn Hazlelocke reported, that in the Arsenall of Venice happened the like, he being present. For mine owne part, I am of opinion, that some waters haue * 1.671 [ 20] this propertie, and especially such as haue their passage by Mines of Brimstone, or other Minerals, which (as all men know) giue extraordinary properties vnto the waters which runne by them: Or it may be that the water being in Wine Caske, and kept close, may retaine an extraordinary propertie of the Wine. Yea, I haue drunke Fountaine and Riuer waters many times, which haue had a fauour as that of B〈…〉〈…〉stone. Three leagues from Bayon in France, I haue prooued of a Fountaine that hath this sauour, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 medi∣cinable for many Diseases. In the South Sea, in a Riuer some fiue leagues from Cape 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Francisco, in one degree and an halfe to the Northwards of the Line, in the Bay of Atacames, is a Riuer of fresh water, which hath the like sauour.

We had no small cause to giue God thankes, and tooke an occasion hereby, to banish swearing * 1.672 out of our ships, which amongst the common sort of Mariners and Sea-faring men, is too ordina∣rily [ 30] abused. So with a generall consent of all our company, it was ordained that in euery shippe there should be a Palmer or Ferula, which should be in the keeping of him, who was taken with * 1.673 an Oath, and that hee who had the Palmer should giue to euery other that hee tooke swearing in the Palme of the hand a Palmada with it, and the Ferula. And whosoeuer at the time of Eue∣ning, or Morning Prayer, was found to haue the Palmer, should haue three blowes giuen him by the Captaine, or Master, and that he should be still bound to free himselfe by taking another, or * 1.674 else to runne in danger of continuing the penaltie; which executed, few dayes reformed the Vice; so that in three dayes together, was not one Oath heard to be sworne. This brought both Ferulaes and swearing out of vse.

Ordinarily such ships as Nauigate betweene the Tropickes, are accompanied with three sorts * 1.675 [ 40] of fish The Dolphin, which the Spaniards call Dozado: the Bonito, or Spanish Make••ill: and the Sharke, alias Tiberune. The Dolphin I hold to be one of the swiftest fishes in the Sea: He is like vnto a Breame, but that he is longer and thinner, and his scales very small. Hee is of the colour of the Rain-bow, and his head different to other fishes; for, from his mouth halfe a span it goeth straite vpright, as the head of a Wherry, or the Cut-water of a ship. He is very good meate if he be in season, but the best part of him, is his head, which is great. They are some bigger, some lesser; the greatest that I haue seene, might be some foure foot long. I hold it not without some ground, that the ancient Philosophers write, that they bee enamoured of a man: for in meeting with shipping, they accompany them till they approach to cold Climates; this I haue noted di∣ners times. For disembarking out of the West Indies, Anno 1583. within three or foure dayes after, we met a Scole of them, which left vs not till wee came to the Ilands of Azores, neere a [ 50] thousand leagues. At other times I haue noted the like. But some may say, that in the Sea are many Scoles of this kind of fish, and how can a man know if they were the same?

Who may be thus satisfied, that euery day in the morning, which is the time that they ap∣proach neerest the ship, we should see foure, fiue, and more, which had (as it were) our eare-mark. one hurt vpon the backe; another neere the taile; another about the finnes, which is sufficient proof that they were the same. For if those which had receiued so bad entertainment of vs would not forsake vs, much lesse those which wee had not hurt; yet that which makes them most in loue with ships and men, are the scraps and refreshing they gather from them.

The Bonito, or Spanish Mackerell, is altogether like vnto a Mackerell, but that it is somewhat * 1.676 [ 60] more growne; he is reasonable food, but drier then a Mackerell. Of them there are two sorts; the one is this which I haue described; the other so great, as hardly one man can lift him; At such times as we haue taken of these, one sufficed for a meale for all my company. These from the sinne of the taile forwards haue vpon the chyne seuen small yellow hillockes, close one to ano∣ther.

The Dolphins and Bonitos are taken with certaine Instruments of Iron, which we call Vys∣geis, in forme of an Eele-speare, but that the blades are round, and the points like vnto the head of a broad Arrow; these are fastned to long staues of ten or twelue foote long, with Lines tied vnto them, and so shot to the fish, from the Beake-head, the Poope, or other parts of the ship, as occasion is ministred. They are also caught with Hookes and Lines, the Hooke beeing bayted with a red Cloth or with a white Cloth, made into the forme of a fish, and sowed vpon the Hooke.

The Sharke or Tiberune, is a fish like vnto to those which wee call Dog-fishes, but that hee is * 1.677 far greater. I haue seene of them eight or nine foot long; his head is flat and broad, and his mouth in the middle vdderneath, as that of the Scate; and he cannot bite of the baite before him, but by * 1.678 [ 10] making a halfe turne; and then he helpeth himselfe with his taile, which serueth him in stead of a Rudder. His skinne is rough (like to the fish which we call a rough Hound) and Russet, with reddish spots, sauing that vnder the belly hee is all white: hee is much hated or Sea-faring men, * 1.679 who haue a certaine foolish Superstition with them, and say that the ship hath seldome good suc∣cesse, that is much accompanied with them. It is the most rauenous fish knowne in the Sea; for he swalloweth all that hee findeth. In the Puch of them hath beene found Hats, Caps, Shooes, Shirts, legges and armes of men, ends of R••pes, and many other things; whatsoeuer is hanged * 1.680 by the ships side, he sheereth it, as though it were with a Razor; for he hath three rowes of teeth on either side, as sharpe as nailes; some say, they are good for Pick-tooths. They spawne not, as * 1.681 the greatest part of fishes doe, but Whelpe, as the Dogge or Wolfe; and for many [ 20] dayes after that she hath whelped euery night, and towardes any storme, or any danger which may threaten them hurt, the Damme receiueth her Whelpes in her mouth, and preser∣ueth them, till they be able to shift for themselues. I haue seene them go in and out, being more then a foot and halfe long; and after taking the Dam, we haue found her young ones in her belly. My company tooke many. At the taile of one, they tied a great logge of wood, at another, an emptie Batizia well stopped, one they yoked like a Hogge; from another, they plucked out his eyes, and so threw them into the Sea. In catching two together, they bound them taile to taile, and so set them a swimming▪ another, with his belly sl••••, and his bowels hanging out which his fellowes would haue euery one a snatch at; with other infinite Inuentions to entertaine the time, and to auenge themselues; for that they depriued them of swimming, and fed on their flesh [ 30] being dead: they are taking with Harping Ir••ns, and with great hookes made of purpose, with Swyuels and Chaines; for no Line, nor small Rope can hold them, which they share not asuuder.

There doth accompany this fish, diuers little fishes, which are called Pilats fishes, and are euer vpon his sinnes, his head, or his backe, and feede of the scraps and superfluities of his preyes. * 1.682 They are informe of a Trowte, and streaked like a Mackerell, but that the streakes are white and blacke, and the blacke greater then the white.

The manner of Hunting and Hawking representeth that which we reasonable creatures vse, sauing onely in the disposing of the game. For by our industry and abilitie the Hound and Hawke * 1.683 is brought to that obedience, that whatsoeuer they seize, is for their Master; but here it is other∣wise. For the game is for him that seizeth it. The Dolphins and 〈…〉〈…〉nitoes are the Hounds, and the * 1.684 [ 40] Alcatraces the Hawkes, and the flying fishes the game: whose wonderfull making magnifieth the Creator, who for their safetie, and helpe, hath giuen them extraordinary manner of finnes, which serue instead of wings, like those of the Bat or Rere-mouse; of such a delicate skinne, in∣terlaced with bones so curiously, as may well cause admiration in the beholders. They are like vn∣to Pilchards in colour, and making; sauing that they are somewhat rounder, and (for the most part) bigger. They flee best with a side winde, but longer then their wings bee weate, they cannot sustaine the weight of their bodies; and so the greatest flight that I haue seene them make, hath not beene aboue a quarter of a mile. They commonly goe in Scoles, and serue for food for the greater fishes, or for the Foules. The Dolphins and Bonitoes doe continually hunt after them, and the Alcatraces lie soaring in the Aire, to see when they spring, or take their [ 50] flight; and ordinarily, hee that escapeth the mouth of the Dolphin, or Bonito, helping himselfe by his wings, falleth prisoner into the hands of the Alcatrace, and helpeth to fill his gorge.

The Alcatrace is a Sea-fowle, different to all that I haue seene, either on the Land, or in the Sea. His head like vnto the head of a Gull, but his bill like vnto a Suites bill, somewhat shorter, * 1.685 and in all places alike. He is almost like to a Heronshaw, his legs a good spanne long, his wings very long, and sharpe towards the points, with a long taile like to a P••easant, but with three or foure feathers onely, and these narrower. He is all blacke, of the colour of a Crow, and of little flesh; for hee is almost all skinne and bones. Hee soareth the highest of any Fowle that I haue seene, and I haue not heard of any, that haue seene them rest in the Sea.

Now of the fight betwixt the Whale and his contraries; which are the Sword-fish and the [ 60] Thresher, The Sword-fish is not great, but strongly made, and in the top of his chine (as a man * 1.686 may say) betwixt the necke and shoulders, he hath a manner of Sword in substance, like vnto a bone of foure or fiue inches broad, and aboue three foote long, full of prickles of either side, it is but thinne, for the greatest that I haue seene, hath not beene aboue a finger thicke. The Thresher

is a greater fish, whose taile is very broad and thicke, and very weighty. They fight in this man∣ner; the Sword-fish placeth himselfe vnder the belly of the Whale, and the Thresher vpon the Ryme of the water, and with his tayle thresheth vpon the head of the Whale, till he force him to giue way, which the Sword-fish perceiuing, receiueth him vpon his sword, and wounding him in the belly forceth him to mount vp againe: (besides that, he cannot abide long vnder water, * 1.687 but must of force rise vp to breath) and when in such manner they torment him, that the fight is sometimes heard aboue three leagues distance, and I dare affirme, that I haue heard the blowes of the Thresher two leagues off, as the report of a peece of Ordnance, the Whales roaring being heard much farther. It also happeneth sundry times, that a great part of the water of the Sea round about them, with the bloud of the Whale changeth his colour. The best remedy the [ 10] Whale hath in this extremitie to helpe himselfe, is to get him to land, which hee procureth as soone as he discouereth his aduersaries, and getting the shore, there can fight but one with him, and for either of them hand to hand he is too good.

Amber-greece is thought by some to breede in the Whales belly by eating of a certaine hearb, * 1.688 but that which carrieth likliest probabilitie is, that it is a liquor which issueth out of certaine Fountaines, in sundry Seas, and being of a light and thicke substance, participating of the Ayre, suddenly becommeth hard, as the yellow Amber, of which they make Beades, which is also a liquor of a Fountaine in the Germaine Sea: in the bottome it is soft and white, and partaking of * 1.689 the Ayre becommeth hard and stonie: Also the Corrall in the Sea is soft, but commeth into the Ayre, becommeth a stone. Those who are of this former opinion, thinke the reason (why the * 1.690 [ 20] Amber-greece is sometimes found in the Whale) to be for that hee swalloweth it, as other things, which he findeth swimming vpon the water, and not able to digest it, it remaineth with him till his death.

From the Tropicke of Cancer to three or foure degrees of the Equinoctiall, the breze which is the North-east winde, doth raigne in our Ocean Sea the most part of the yeere, except it be * 1.691 neere the shore, and then the winde is variable. In three or foure degrees of either side the line, the winde hangeth Southerly, in the moneths of Iuly, August, September, and October: all the rest of the yeere from the Cape bona esperança to the Ilands of Azores, the breze raigneth conti∣nually; and some yeares in the other moneths also or calmes, but he that purposeth to crosse the line from the Northwards to the Southwards, the best and surest passage is, in the moneths of Ia∣nuary, [ 30] February, and March. In the moneths of September, October and Nouember is also good passage, but not so sure as in the former.

Betwixt nineteene and twenty degrees to the Southwards of the line, the winde tooke vs contrary, which together with the sicknesse of my people made me to seeke the shore, and about the end of October, we had sight of the land, which presently by our height and the making of * 1.692 it, discouered it selfe to be the Port of Santos, alias nostra Senora de Victoria, and is easie to be knowne, for it hath a great high hill ouer the Port, which (howsoeuer a man commeth with the land) riseth like a bell, and comming neere the shore presently is discouered a white Tower or Fort, which standeth vpon the top of a hill ouer the Harbour, and vpon the Sea-most-land: It is the first land a man must compasse before he enter into the Port: comming within two leagues [ 40] of the shore we anchored, and the Captaines and Masters of my other Ships, being come aboord, it was thought conuenient (the weakenesse of our men considered, for wee had not in our three Ships twenty foure men sound) and the winde vncertaine when it might change, wee thought with policie to procure that which we could not by force, and so to offer traffique to the people of the shore.

Entring the Port, within a quarter of a mile is a small Village, and three leagues higher vp, is the chiefe towne: where they haue two Forts, one on either side of the Harbour, and within them ride the Ships whih come thither to discharge or loade. In the small Village is euer a Gar∣rison of a hundreth Souldiers, whereof part assist there continually, and in the white Tower vp∣on the top of the hill, which commandeth it. [ 50]

Here my Captaine, whom I sent with a Letter, had good entertainment, and those of the shore receiued his message and Letter, dispatching it presently to the Gouernor, who was some three leagues off in another place; at least, they beare vs so in hand. In the time that they expected the Post, my Captaine with one other entertained himselfe with the Souldiers ashore, who af∣ter the common custome of their profession (except when they be besonios) sought to please him, and finding that he craued but Oranges, Lemmons, and matters of small moment for refreshing for his Generall, they suffered the women and children to bring him what he would, which he gratified with double Pistolets, that I had giuen him for that purpose. So got he vs two or three hundreth Oranges and Lemmons, and some few Hens.

The answere of the Gouernor was, that he was sorry that he could not accomplish our desire, [ 60] being so reasonable & good: for that in consideration of the war betweene Spaine and England, he had expresse order from his King, not to suffer any English to trade within his iurisdiction, no, nor to land, or to take any refreshing vpon the shore. And therefore craued pardon, and that we should take this for a resolute answere: And further, required vs to depart the Port within three daies,

which he said he gaue vs, for our courteous manner of proceeding: If any of my people from that time forwards, should approach to the shore, that hee would doe his best to hinder and annoy them. With this answere we resolued to depart; and before it came, with the first faire winde, we determined to be packing: but the winde suffered vs not all that night, nor the next day. In which time I liued in a great perplexitie, for that I knew our owne weakenesse, and what they might doe vnto vs, if that they had knowne so much. For any man that putteth himselfe into the enemies Port, had neede of Argus eyes, and the winde in a bagge, especially, where the ene∣my is strong, and the tydes of any force. For, with either ebbe or flood, those who are on the shore, may thrust vpon him inuentions of fire, and with swimming or other deuises may cut his cables. A common practise in all hot Countries. The like may be effected with Raffes, Canoas, [ 10] Boates or Pinnaces, to annoy and assault him; and if this had beene practised against vs, or taken effect, our Ships must of force haue yeelded themselues; for they had no other people in them but sick men; many times opinion & feare preserueth the Ships, and not the people in them. Wherefore it is the part of a prouident Gouernor, to consider well the dangers that may befall him, before he put himself * 1.693 into such places: so shall he euer be prouided for preuention. In Saint Iohn de Vlua, in the New-Spain, when the Spaniards dishonoured their Nation with that foule act of periury, and breach of faith, giuen to my Father, Sir Iohn Hawkins (notorious to the whole world) the Sp••niards fired two great Ships, with intention to burne my Fathers Admirall, which he preuented by towing them with his Boates ano∣ther * 1.694 way. The great Armado of Spaine, sent to conquer England, Anno 1588. was with that selfe∣same industry ouerthrowne: for the setting on fire six or seuen Ships (whereof two were mine) and letting [ 20] them driue with the floud, forced them to cut their Cables, and to put to Sea, to seeke a new way to Spain. * 1.695 In which the greatest part of their best Ships and men were lost and perished.

The next night, the winde comming off the shore, we set saile, and with our Boates and Barkes sounded as we went. It flowed vpon the Barre not aboue foure foote water, and once in foure and twenty houres (as in some parts of the West Indies) at full Sea there is not vpon the barre aboue seuenteene or eighteene foote water. The harbour runneth to the South-westwards. * 1.696 he that will come into it, is to open the harbours mouth a good quarter of a league before he beare with it, and be bolder of the Wester-side, for of the Easterland lyeth a great ledge of Rockes, for the most part vnder water, which sometimes breake not, but with small shipping, a man may goe betwixt them and the point. [ 30]

Comming aboord of our Ships, there was great ioy amongst my company, and many with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 * 1.697 sight of the Oranges and Lemmons seemed to recouer heart: This is a wonderfull secret of the power and wisedome of God, that hath hidden so great and vnknowne vertue in this fruit, to be a certaine remedy for this infirmity; I presently caused them all to be reparted amongst our sicke men, which were so many, that there came not aboue three or foure to a share: but God was pleased to send vs a prosperous winde the next day, so much to our comfort, that not any one di∣ed before we came to the Ilands, where we pretended to refresh our selues: And although our fresh water had failed vs many dayes (before we saw the shore) by reason of our long Nauigati∣on, without touching any land, and the excessiue drinking of the sicke and diseased (which could * 1.698 not be excused) yet with an inuention I had in my Ship, I easily drew out of the water of the [ 40] Sea sufficient quantitie of fresh water to sustaine my people, with little expence of fewell, for with foure billets I stilled a hogshead of water, and therewith dressed the meate for the sicke and whole. The water so distilled, we found to be wholesome and nourishing.

The coast from Santos to Cape Frio lyeth West and by South Southerly. So wee directed our course West South-west. The night comming on, and directions giuen to our other Ships, wee set the wa••ch, hauing a faire fresh gale of winde and large. My selfe, with the Master of our Ship, hauing watched the night past, thought now to g••ue nature that which she had beene de∣priued of, and so commended the care of Steeridge to one of his Mates; who with the like trauell past being drowsie, or with the confidence which he had of him at the Helme, had not that * 1.699 watchfull care which was required; he at the Helme steered West and West by South, & brought [ 50] vs in a little time close vpon the shore: doubtlesse he had cast vs all away, had not God extraor∣dinarily deliuered vs: for the Master being in his dead sleepe, was suddenly awaked, and with such a fright, that he could not be in quiet: whereupon, waking his youth, which ordinarily 〈…〉〈…〉pt in his Cabin by him, asked him how the watch went on; who answered, that it could not * 1.700 be an houre since he laid himselfe to rest. He replyed, that his heart was so vnquiet, that he could not by any meanes sleepe, and so taking his Gowne, came forth vpon the Decke, and presently discouered the land hard by vs. And for that it was sandie and low, those who had their eyes continually fixed on it, were dazeled with the reflection of the Starres, being a faire night, and so was hindered from the true discouery thereof. But he comming out of the drake, had his sight more forcible, to discerne the difference of the Sea, and the shoare. So that forthwith hee com∣manded [ 60] him at the Helme, to put it close a starbourd, and taking our Ship, we edged off; and sounding, found scant three fathome water, whereby we saw euidently, the miraculous mercy of God, that if hee watched ouer vs, as he doth continually ouer his, doubtlesse wee had pe∣rished without remedie: to whom be all glory and praise euerlasting world without end.

In this point of Steeridge, the Spaniards & Portugals doe exceede all that I haue seene, I meane for their care, which is chiefest in Nauigation. And I wish in this, and in all their workes of * 1.701 Discipline and reformation, we should follow their examples, as also those of any other Nation. In euery Shippe of moment, vpon the halfe decke, or quarter decke, they haue a chaire or feate; * 1.702 out of which whilst they Nauigate, the Pilot, or his Adiutants (which are the same officers which in our Ships wee terme, the Master and his Mates) neuer depart, day nor night, from the sight of the Compasse, and haue another before them, whereby they see what they doe, and are euer witnesses of the good or bad Steeridge of all men that take the Helme.

The next day about ten of the clocke, we were thwart of Cape Blanco, which is low sandie * 1.703 land and perilous, for foure leagues into the Sea (thwart it) lye bankes of sand, which haue little [ 10] water on them; on a sudden we found our selues amongst them, in lesse then three fathome wa∣ter, but with our Boate and Shallop we went sounding, and so got cleare of them. The next day following, we discouered the Ilands, where we purposed to refresh our selues: they are two, and * 1.704 some call them Saint Iames his Ilands, and others, Saint Annes. They lye in two and twentie de∣grees and a halfe to the Southwards of the line; and towards the euening (being the fift of No∣uember) we anchored betwixt them and the maine, in six fathome water, where we found our other Ships.

All which being well Moored, we presently began to set vp Tents & Booths for our sick men, to carry them ashore, and to vse our best diligence to cure them. For which intent our three Surge∣ans, with their seruants, and adherents, had two Boates to waite continually vpon them, to fetch [ 20] whatsoeuer was needefull from the Ships, to procure refreshing, and to Fish either with Nets or Hooks, and Lines. Of these implements we had in abundance, and it yeelded vs some refreshing. For the first daies the most of those which had health, occupied themselues in romeging our Ship, in bringing ashore of emptie Caske, in filling of them, and in felling and cutting of wood: which being many workes; and few hands; went slowly forwards.

Neere these Ilands are two great Rocks or small Ilands adioyning. In them wee found great * 1.705 store of yong Gannets in their nests, which we reserued for the sick, and being boyled with pick∣led Porke well watered, and mingled with Oatmeale, made reasonable Pottage, & was good re∣freshing and sustenance for them. This prouision failed vs not, till our departure from them. Vpon one of these Rocks also, we found great store of the hearbe Purslane, which boyled and made in∣to * 1.706 [ 30] Sallets, with oyle and vineger, refreshed the sicke stomackes, and gaue appetite.

With the ayre of the shore, and good cherishing, many recouered speedily: some died away quickly, and others continued at a stand. We found here some store of Fruits, a kinde of Cherry, * 1.707 that groweth vpon a tree like a Plum-tree, red of colour, with a stone in it, but different in ma∣king to ours, fot it is not altogether round, and dented about: they haue a pleasing taste. In one of the Ilands we found Palmito trees, great and high, and in the top a certaine fruite like Cocos, but * 1.708 no bigger then a Wal-nut. We found also a fruit growing vpon trees in cods, like Beanes, both in the cod and the fruite. Some of my Company proued of them, and they caused vomits and purg∣ing. * 1.709 One other fruit we found, very pleasant in taste, in fashion of an Artechoque, but lesse; on the * 1.710 outside of colour red; within white, and compassed about with prickles: our people called them [ 40] Prick-peares: no Conserue is better, They grow vpon the leaues of a certaine roote, that is like vnto that which we call semper viua; and many are wont to hang them vp in their houses: but their leaues are longer and narrower, and full of prickes on either side. The Fruite groweth vpon the side of the leafe, and is one of the best fruites that I haue eaten in the Indies. In ripe∣ning, * 1.711 presently the Birds or Vermine are feeding on them; a generall rule to know what fruite is wholesome and good in the Indies, and other parts. Finding them to be eaten of the Beasts or Fowles, a man may boldly eate of them.

The water of these Ilands is not good; the one for being a standing water, and full of vene∣mous wormes and Serpents, which is neere a Butt-shot from the Sea-shore, where wee found a great Tree fallen, and in the roote of it the names of sundry Portugals, French-men, and others, and [ 50] amongst them Abraham Cockes, with the time of their being in this Island. The other, though a running water, yet passing by the rootes of certaine trees, which haue a smell as that of Garlique, * 1.712 taketh a certaine contagious sent of them. Here two of our men died with swelling of their bel∣lies: the accident we could not attribute to any other cause, then to this suspicious water. It is little, and falleth into the sand, and soketh through it into the Sea; and therefore we made a well of a Pipe, and placed it vnder the rocke from which it falleth, and out of it filled our Caske: but we could not fill aboue two tuns in a night and a day.

After our people began to gather their strength, we manned our Boates, and went ouer to the Maine, where presently we found a great Riuer of fresh and sweete water, and a mightie Marish Country, which in the winter seemeth to be continually ouer-flowne with this Riuer, and others, [ 60] which fall from the mountainous Country adiacent. We rowed some leagues vp the Riuer, and found that the further vp we went, the deeper was the Riuer, but no fruit, more then the sweate of our bodies for the labour of our hands. At our returne we loaded our Boate with water, and af∣terwards from hence we made our Store.

The sicknesse hauing wasted more then the one halfe of my people, we determined to take out the victuals of the Hawke, and to burne her; which we put in execution. And being occupied in * 1.713 this worke, we saw a Ship turning to windwards, to succour her selfe of the Ilands; but hauing descried vs, put off to Sea-wards. Two daies after, the winde changing, we saw her againe run∣ning alongst the coast, and the Daintie not being in case to goe after her, for many reasons, wee manned the Fancie, and sent her after her; who about setting of the Sunne fetched her vp, and spake with her; when finding her to be a great Fly-boate, of (at least) three or foure hundreth tuns, with eighteene Peeces of Artillery, would haue returned, but the winde freshing in, put her to Leewards; and standing in to succour her selfe of the land, had sight of another small Bark, which after a short chase she tooke, but had nothing of moment in her, for that she had bin vpon [ 10] the great Sholes of Abreoios in 18. degrees, and there throwne all they had by the boord, to saue * 1.714 their liues. This and the other chase were the cause that the Fancie could not beate it vp in ma∣ny dayes: but before wee had put all in a readinesse, the winde changing, shee came vn∣to vs, and made Relation of that which had past; and how they had giuen the small Barke to the Portugals, and brought with them onely her Pilot, and a Merchant called Pedro de esca∣lante of Potosi.

In this Coast the Portugals, by industry of the Indians, haue wrought many feates. At Cape Frio they tooke a great French Shippe in the night, the most of her company being on the shore * 1.715 with Canoas, which they haue in this Coast so great, that they carrie seuentie and eightie men, in one of them. And in Isla Grand, I saw one that was aboue threescore foote long, of one tree as [ 20] are all I haue seene in Brasil, with prouisions in them for twenty or thirty daies. At the Iland of San-sebastian, neere Saint Vincent, the Indians killed about eightie of Master Candish his men, and * 1.716 tooke his Boate, which was the ouerthrow of his Voyage.

There commeth not any Ship vpon this Coast, whereof these Canoas giue not notice present∣ly to euery place. And we were certified in Isla Grand, that they had sent an Indian from the Ri∣uer of Ienero, through all the Mountaines & Marishes, to take a view of vs, and accordingly made a Relation of our Ships, Boates, and the number of men, which wee might haue. But to preuent the like danger that might come vpon vs being carelesse and negligent, I determined one night, in the darkest and quietest of it, to see what watch our Company kept on the shore; manned our Light-horsman, and Boat, armed them with Bowes and Targets, and got ashore some good di∣stance * 1.717 [ 30] from the places where were our Boothes, and sought to come vpon them vndiscouered: we vsed all our best endeuours to take them at vnawares, yet comming within fortie paces we were discouered; the whole and the sicke came forth to oppose them selues against vs. Which we seeing, gaue them the Hubbub, after the manner of the Indians, and assaulted them, and they vs; but being a close darke night, they could not discerne vs presently vpon the Hubbub. From our Ship the Gunner shot a peece of Ordnance ouer our heads, according to the order giuen him, and thereof we tooke occasion to retire vnto our Boates, and within a little space came to the Boothes and landing places, as though we came from our Ships to aide them. They began to re∣count vnto vs, how that at the Wester point of the Iland, out of certaine Canoas, had lan∣ded a multitude of Indians, which with a great out-cry came vpon them, & assaulted them fierce∣ly, * 1.718 [ 40] but finding better resistance then they looked for, and seeing them selues discouered by the Ships, tooke them selues to their heeles, and returned to their Canoas, in which they imbarked themselues, and departed. One affirmed, he saw the Canoas; another, their long haire; a third, their Bowes; a fourth, that it could not be, but that some of them had their paiments: And it was worth the sight, to behold those which had not moued out of their beds in many moneths (vn∣lesse by the helpe of others) had gotten, some a bow-shot off into the woods, others into the top of trees, and those which had any strength, ioyned together to fight for their liues. In fine, the Booths and Tents were left desolate.

To colour our businesse the better, after we had spent some houre in seeking out, and ioyning the Company together, in comforting, and commending them; I left them an extraordina∣ry [ 50] Guard for that night, and so departed to our Shippes, with such an opinion of the as∣sault, giuen by the Indians, that many so possessed (through all the Voyage) would not be per∣swaded to the contrary. Which impression wrought such effect in most of my Company, that in all places where the Indians might annoy vs, they were after most carefull and vigilant, as was conuenient.

In these Ilands it heigheth and falleth some fiue or sixe foote water, and but once in two and twentie houres; as in all this Coast, and in many parts of the West Indies; as also in the coast of * 1.719 Peru and Chely (sauing where are great Bayes or indraughts) and there the tydes keep their ordi∣nary course of twice in foure and twenty houres. In the lesser of these Ilands, is a Coue for a small Ship to ride in, Land-lockt, and she may moore her selfe to the trees of either side: this we called [ 60] Palmito Iland, for the abundance it hath of the greater sort of Palmito trees, the other hath none at * 1.720 all. A man may goe betwixt the Ilands with his Ship, but the better course is out at one end. In these Ilands are many Scorpions, Snakes, and Adders, with other venemous Vermine. They haue * 1.721 Parots, and a certaine kinde of fowle like vnto Phesants, somewhat bigger, and seeme to be of

their nature, Here we spent aboue a moneth in curing of our sicke men, supplying our wants of wood and water, and in other necessary workes. And the tenth of December (all things put in or∣der) we set saile for Cape Frio, hauing onely sixe men sicke, with purpose there to set ashore our * 1.722 two Prisoners before named: and anchoring vnder the Cape, we set our Boate ashoare, but they could not finde any conuenient place to land them in, and so returned: the winde being Southerly, and not good to goe on our voyage, we succoured our selues within Isla Grand, which lyeth some dozen or foureteene leagues from the Cape, betwixt the West, and by South and West South∣west: the rather to set our Prisoners on shore.

In the mid way betwixt the Cape and this Iland, lyeth the Riuer Ienero, a very good Har∣bour, fortified with a Garrison, and a place well peopled. The Isla Grand is some eight or tenne leagues * 1.723 long, and causeth a goodly harbour for shipping: it is full of great sandie Bayes, and in [ 10] the most of them is store of good water: within this Iland are many other smaller Ilands, which cause diuers sounds and creekes; and amongst these little Ilands, one, for the pleasant scituation * 1.724 and fertilitie thereof, called Placentia. This is peopled, all the rest desert: on this Iland our Pri∣soners desired to be put ashore, and promised to send vs some refreshing. Whereto wee condescen∣ded, and sent them ashore with two Boates well manned and armed, who found few Inhabi∣tants in the Iland; for our people saw not aboue foure or fiue houses, notwithstanding our Boates returned loaden with Plantines, Pinias, Potatoes, Sugar-canes, and some Hens. Amongst which they brought a kinde of little Plantine, greene, and round, which were the best of any that I haue seene. With our people came a Portugall, who said, that the Iland was his; hee seemed to be a [ 20] Mistecho (who are those that are of a Spanish and an Indian brood) poorely apparelled and mise∣rable; we feasted him, and gaue him some trifles, and hee according to his abilitie answered our courtesie with such as he had.

The winde continuing contrary, we emptied all the water we could come by, which we had filled in Saint Iames his Iland, and filled our Caske with the water of this Isla Grand, It is a wil∣dernesse * 1.725 couered with Trees and Shrubs so thicke, as it hath no passage through, except a man make it by force. And it was strange to heare the howling and cries of wilde Beasts in these Woods day and night, which we could not come at to see by any meanes; some like Lyons, others like Beares, others like Hogs, and of such and so many diuersities, as was admirable. Here our Nets * 1.726 profited vs much, for in the sandy Bayes they tooke vs store of fish. Vpon the shore at full Sea∣marke, [ 30] we found in many places certain shels, like those of mother of Pearles, which are brought out of the East Indies, to make standing cups, called Caracoles; of so great curiositie as might moue all the beholders to magnifie the maker of them: and were it not for the brittlenesse of them, by reason of their exceeding thinnesse, doubtlesse they were to be esteemed farre aboue the others, for more excellent workmanship I haue not seene in shels.

The eighteenth of December we set saile, the winde at North-east, and directed our course for the Straits of Magalianes. The twenty two of this moneth, at the going too of the Sun, we des∣cried a Portugall ship, and gaue her chase, and comming within hailing of her, she rendred her selfe without any resistance, she was of an hundred tuns bound for Angola to load Negroes, to be carried and sold in the Riuer of Plate: It is a trade of great profit, and much vsed, for that the Negroes [ 40] are carried from the head of the Riuer of Plate, to Potosi, to labour in the Mines. It is a bad Negro, who is not worth there fiue or six hundreth peeces, euery peece of ten Ryals, which they receiue * 1.727 in Ryals of Plate, for there it no other Merchandize in those parts. The loading of this Ship was meale of Cassaui, which the Portugals call Farina de Paw, made of a certaine roote which the In∣dians * 1.728 call Yuca, much like vnto Potatoes. Of it are two kindes, the one sweete and good to be ea∣ten (either rosted or sodden) as Potatoes; and the other of which they make their bread, called Cassaui, deadly poison, if the liquor or iuyce be not throughly pressed out. This Farina, in ma∣king Pancakes, and frying them with butter or oyle, and sometimes with Manteca de Puerco; when strewing a little Sugar vpon them, it was meate that our company desired aboue any that was in the Ship.

The Indians also accustome to make their drinke of this meale, and in three seuerall manners. * 1.729 [ 50] First, is chewing it in their mouthes, and after mingling it with water, after a loathsome man∣ner, yet the commonnest drinke that they haue; and that held best which is chewed by an old woman. The second manner of their drinke, is baking it till it be halfe burned, then they beate it into Powder; and when they will drinke, they mingle a small quantity of it with water, which giueth a reasonable good taste. The third, and best, is baking it (as aforesaid) and when it is bea∣ten into Powder, to seeth it in water; after that it is well boyled, they let it stand some three or foure daies, and then drinke it. So it is much like the Ale which is vsed in England, and of that colour and taste.

The Indians are very curious in planting and manuring of this Yuca: It is a little shrub, & carri∣eth * 1.730 [ 60] branches like hazell wands; being grown as big as a mans finger, they breake them off in the middest, and so pricke them into the ground; it needeth no other art or husbandry, for out of each branch grow two, three or foure roots, some bigger, some lesser: but first they burne and ma∣nure the ground, the which labour, and whatsoeuer else is requisite, the men doe not so much

as helpe with a finger, but all lyeth vpon their poore women, who are worse then slaues: for they labour the ground, they plant, they digge and delue, they bake, they brew, and dresse their * 1.731 meate, fetch their water, and doe all drudgerie whatsoeuer; yea, though they nurse a childe, they are not exempted from any labour: their childe they carrie in a Wallet about their necke, ordi∣narily vnder one arme, because it may sucke when it will.

The men haue care for nothing but for their Canoas, to passe from place to place, and of their Bowes and Arrowes to hunt, and their Armes for the warre, which is a sword of heauie blacke wood, some foure fingers broad, an inch thicke, and an Elle long, somewhat broader towards the top then at the handle. They call it Macana, and it is carued and wrought with inlaid works very curiously, but his edges are blunt. If any kill any game in hunting, he bringeth it not with [ 10] him, but from the next tree to the game, hee bringeth a bough (for the trees in the Indies haue leaues for the most part all the yeare) and all the way as he goeth streweth little peeces of it, here and there, and comming home giueth a peece to his woman, and so sends her for it. If they goe to the Warre, or in any iourney, where it is necessary to carry prouision or Merchandize, the women serue too carrie all, and the men neuer succour nor ease them, wherein they shew grea∣ter Barbarisme then in any thing (in my opinion) that I haue noted amongst them, except in ea∣ting one another.

We tooke out of this Prize, for our prouision, some good quantitie of this meale, and the Sugar she had, being not aboue three or foure Chests: after three dayes we gaue the Ship to the Poriu∣gals, and to them libertie. In her was a Portugall Knight, which went for Gouernour of Angola, [ 20] of the habit of Christ, with fiftie Souldiers, and Armes for a hundreth and fiftie, with his wife and daughter. He was old, and complained, that after many yeeres seruice for his King, with sun∣dry mishaps, he was brought to that poore estate, as for the reliefe of his wife, his daughter and himselfe, he had no other substance, but that he had in his Ship. It moued compassion, so as no∣thing of his was diminished, which though to vs was of no great moment, in Angola it was worth good Crownes. Onely we disarmed them all, and let them depart, saying, that they would re∣turne to Saint Vincents. We continued our course for the Straits, my people much animated with this vnlookt for refreshing, and praised God for his bountie, prouidence, and grace extended towards vs. Here it will not be out of the way to speake a word of the particularities of the Countrie. [ 30]

Brasil is accounted to be that part of America, which lyeth towards our North Sea, betwixt * 1.732 the Riuer of the Amazons, neere the line to the Northwards, vntill a man come to the Riuer of Plate in 36. degrees to the Southwards of the line. This coast generally lyeth next of any thing South and by West. It is a temperate Countrie, though in some parts it exceedeth in heate; it is full of good succours for shipping, and plentifull for Riuers and fresh waters. The principall ha∣bitations, are Fernambuca, the Bay De todos los Santos, Nostra Senora de victoria, alias Santos, the * 1.733 Riuer Ienero, Saint Vincents, and Placentia: euery of them prouided of a good Port. The windes are variable, but for the most part trade alongst the Coast.

A worme there is in this Countrie, which killed many of the first Inhabitants, before God was pleased to discouer a remedie for it, vnto a religious person. It is like a Magot, but more slen∣der * 1.734 [ 40] and longer, and of a greene colour, with a red head. This worme creepeth in at the hinder parts, where is the euacuation of our superfluities, and there (as it were) gleweth himselfe to the gut, there feedeth of the bloud and humors, and becommeth so great, that stopping the naturall passage, he forceth the principall wheele of the clocke of our body to stand still, and with it the accompt of the houre of life to take end, with most cruell torment and paine, which is such, that he who hath beene throughly punished with the Collique can quickly decipher or demonstrate. The Antidote for this pernicious worme is Garlique: and this was discouered by a Phisitian to a Religious person.

§. III. [ 50]

THARLTONS treacherie: Discouerie of Land vnknowne: Entrance of the Straits, accidents therein, and description thereof: diuers occasio∣nall discourses for the furtherance of Marine and Naturall knowledge.

IN our Nauigation towards the Straits, by our obseruation we found, that our Compasse varied a point and better to the Eastwards. [ 60]

In the height of the Riuer of Plate, we being some fiftie leagues off the coast, a storme tooke vs Southerly, which endured fortie eight houres: In the first day about the go∣ing downe of the Sunne, Robert Tharlton, Master of the Francie, bare vp before the winde, with∣out giuing vs any token or signe, that she was in distresse. We seeing her to continue her course,

bare vp after her, and the night comming on, we carried our light, but she neuer answered vs, for they kept their course directly for England, which was the ouerthrow of the Voyage, as well for that we had no Pinnace to goe before vs, to discouer any danger, to seeke out roades and an∣choring, to helpe our watering and refreshing; as also for the victuals, necessaries, and men which * 1.735 they carried away with them: which though they were not many, yet with their helpe in our fight, we had taken the Vice-admirall, the first time shee bourded with vs, as shall be hereafter manifested. For once we cleered her Decke, and had wee beene able to haue spared but a dozen men, doubtlesse, we had done with her what we would, for she had no close fights. Moreouer, if she had beene with me, I had not beene discouered vpon the coast of Pe••ew. But I was wor∣thy to be deceiued, that trusted my Ship in the hands of on hypocrite, and a man which had left [ 10] his Generall before in the like occasion, and in the selfe same place: for being with Master Tho∣mas Candish, Master of a small Shippe in the Voyage wherein hee died, this Captaine being a∣boord the Admirall, in the night time forsocke his Fleete, his Generall and Captaine, and re∣turned home. Pitie it is that such perfidious persons are not more seuerely punished.

These absentings and escapes are made most times onely to p••l••er and steale, as well by taking * 1.736 of some prize when they are alone, and without command, to hinder or order their bad procee∣dings, as to appropriate that which is in their intrusted shippe; casting the fault, if they bee called to account, vpon some poore and vnknowne Marinērs, whom they suffer with a little pillage, to absent themselues, the cunninglier to colour their greatest disorders, and Robberies. [ 20]

The storme ceasing, and being out of all hope, wee set saile and went on our course. During * 1.737 this storme, certaine great Fowles as bigge as Swannes, soared about vs, and the winde calming, setled themselues in the Sea, and fed vpon the sweepings of our ship; which I perceiuing, and de∣sirous to see of them, because they seemed farre greater then in truth they were; I caused a Hook and Line to be brought me; and with a piece of a Pilehard I ba••ted the Hooke, and a foot from it, tied a piece of Corke, that it might not sinke deepe, and threw it into the S••a, which, our ship driuing with the Sea in a little time was a good space from vs, and one of the Fowles beeing hungry, presently seized vpon it, and the Hooke in his vpper beake. It is like to a Faulcons bill, but that the point is moore crooked, in that manner, as by no meanes hee could cleere himselfe, except that the Line brake, or the Hooke righted: Plucking him towards the ship, with the [ 30] wauing of his wings he eased the weight of his body and being brought to the sterne of our ship, two of our company went downe by the ladder of the Poope, and seized on his neck and wings; but such were the blowes he gaue them with his Pinnions, as both left their hand fast, beeing beaten blacke and blue; we cast a snare about his necke, and so triced him into the ship. By the * 1.738 same manner of fishing, we caught so many of them, as refreshed and recreated all my people for that day. Their bodies were great, but of little flesh and tender, in taste answerable to the food whereon they feed. They were of two colours, some white, some grey; they had three ioynts in each wing; and from the point of one wing to the point of the other, both stretched out, was aboue two fathomes.

The wind continued good with vs, till we came to 49. degrees and 30. minutes where it took [ 40] vs Westerly, being (as we made our account) some fifty leagues from the shoare. Betwix•• 49. and 48. degrees is Port Saint Iulian, a good Harbour, and in which a man may graue his shippe, though she draw fifteene or sixteene foot water: But care is to bee had of the people called Pata∣gones. * 1.739 They are treacherous, and of great stature, most giue them the name of G••ants.

The second of February, about nine of the clocke in the morning, wee descried land, which bare South-west of vs, which we looked not for so timely; and comming neerer and neerer vnto it, by the lying, wee could not coniecture what Land it should be, for wee were next of any thing in 48. degrees, and no Plat, nor Sea-card which we had, made mention of any Land, which * 1.740 lay in that manner, neere about that height; In fine, wee brought our Lar-boord tacke aboord, and stood to the North-east-wards all that day and night, and the winde continuing Westerly and a faire gale, we continued our course alongst the Coast the day and night following. In which [ 50] time we made account we discouered well neere threescore leagues off the Coast. It is bold, and made small shew of dangers. The land is a goodly Champion Countrey, and peopled; wee saw many fires, but could not come to speake with the people; for the time of the yeere was farre * 1.741 spent to shoote the Straits, and the want of our Pinnasse disabled vs for finding a Port or Road; not being discretion with a ship of charge, and in an vnknowne Coast, to come neere the shoare before it was founded; which were causes, together with the change of the winde (good for vs to passe the Strait) that hindered the further Discouery of this Land, with its secrets: This I haue sorrowed for many times since for that it had likelihood to bee an excellent Countrey. It hath great Riuers of fresh waters; for the out-shoot of them colours the Sea in many places, as we [ 60] ranne alongst it. It is not Mo••ntaynous, but much of the disposition of England, and as tem∣perate. The things we noted principally on the Coast, are these following: the Westermost point of the Land, with which wee first fell, is the end of the Land to the Westwards, as wee found afterwards. If a man bring this point South-west it riseth in three Mounts or round Hillockes:

bringing it more Westerly, they shoot themselues all into one; and bringing it Easterly, it riseth in two Hillockes. This we called Point Tremountaine. Some twelue or fourteene leagues from * 1.742 this point to the Eastwards, faire by the shoare, lyeth a low flat Iland of some two leagues long; we named it Faire Iland; for it was all ouer as greene and smooth, as any Meddow in the Sping of the yeare.

Some three or foure leagues Easterly from this Iland, is a goodly opening, as of a great Riuer, or an arme of the Sea, with a goodly low Countrey adjacent. And eight or tenne leagues from this opening, some three leagues from the shoare, lyeth a bigge Rocke, which at the first we had thought to be a ship vnder all her sayles; but after, as we came neere, it discouered it selfe to bee a Rocke, which we called Conduit-head; for that howsoeuer a man commeth with it, it is like * 1.743 [ 10] to the Conduit-heads about the Citie of London. All this Coast so farre as we discouered, lyeth next of any thing East and by North, and West and by South. The Land, for that it was disco∣uered in the Reigne of Q••eene Elizabeth, my Souereigne Lady and Mistris, and a Mayden Queene, and at my cost and aduenture, in a perpetuall memory of her chastitie, and remembrance of my endeuours, I gaue it the name of Hawkins Maiden-land. Before a man fall with this Land, * 1.744 some twen••y or thirty leagues, he shall meet with beds of Oreweed, driuing to and fro in that Sea, with white flowres growing vpon them, and sometimes farther off; which is a good shew and signe the Land is neere, whereof the Westermost part lyeth some threescore leagues from the neerest Land of America.

With our faire and large wind, wee shaped our course for the Straits, and the tenth of Febru∣ary [ 20] wee had sight of Land, and it was the head-land of the Straits to the Northwards, which * 1.745 agreed with our height, wherein wee found our selues to bee, which was in 52. degrees and 40. minutes. Within a few houres we had the mouth of the Straits open, which lieth in 52. degrees and 50. minutes. It riseth like the North foreland in Kent, and is much like the Land of Mar∣gates. It is not good to borrow neere the shoare, but to giue it a faire birth; within a few houres we entred the mouth of the Straits, which is some sixe leagues broad, and lieth in 52. degrees, * 1.746 and 50. minutes; doubling the Point on the starbood, which is also flat of a good birth, we ope∣ned a faire Bay, in which we might descry the Hull of a ship beaten vpon the Beach. It was of the Spanish Fleet, that went to inhabit there, in Anno 1582. vnder the charge of Pedro Sarmien∣to, who at his returne was taken Prisoner, and brought into England. In this Bay the Spaniards [ 30] made their principall habitation, and called it the Citie of Saint Philip, and left it peopled; But * 1.747 the cold barrennesse of the Countrey, and the malice of the Indians, with whom they badly a∣greed, made speedy end of them, as also of those, whom they left in the middle of the Straits, three leagues from Cape Forward to the Eastwards, in another habitation.

We continued our course alongst this Rea••h (for all the Straits is as a Riuer altering his course, sometimes vpon one point, sometimes vpon another) which is some eight leagues long, and lieth West North-west. From this we entred into a goodly Bay, which runneth vp into the Land Northerly many leagues; and at first entrance, a man may see no other thing, but as it were, a maine Sea. From the end of this first Reach, you must direct your course West South-west, and some fourteene or fifteene leagues lyeth one of the narrowest places of all the Straits; This lea∣deth [ 40] vnto another Reach, that lyeth West and by North some six leagues. Here in the middle of the Reach, the wind tooke vs by the North-west, and so we were forced to anchor some two or three dayes. In which time we went ashoare with our Boats, and found neere the middle of this Reach, on the starboord side, a reasonable good place to ground and trimme a small ship; where it higheth some nine or ten foot water. Here we saw certaine Hogs, but they were so farre from * 1.748 vs, that we could not discerne whether they were of those of the Countrey, or brought by the Spaniards; these were all the beasts which we saw in all the time we were in the Straits.

In two tides we turned through this reach, and so recouered the Ilands of Pengwins; they lye * 1.749 from this reach foure leagues South-west and by West. Till you come to this place, care is to be taken of not comming too neere to any point of the land; for being (for the most part) sandy, they [ 50] haue sholding off them, and are somewhat dangerous. These Ilands haue beene set forth by some to be three, we could discouer but two; And they are no more except that part of the Mayne, which lyeth ouer against them, be an Iland; which carrieth little likelihood, and I cannot de∣termine it. A man may saile betwixt the two Ilands, or betwixt them and the Land on the * 1.750 Larboord side; from which Land to the bigger Iland is as it were a bridge or ledge, on which is foure or fiue fathom water; and to him that commeth neere it, not knowing thereof, may justly cause feare: for it sheweth to be shold water with his ripling, like vnto a Race. Betwixt the for∣mer Reach, and these Ilands, runneth vp a goodly Bay into the Countrey to the North-wards. It causeth a great Indraughty, and aboue these Ilands runneth a great tide from the mouth of the Straits to these Ilands, the Land on the Larboord-side is low Land and sandy (for the most part, [ 60] and without doubt, Ilands) for it hath many openings into the Sea, and forcible Indraughts by them, and that on the Starboord side, is all high Mountaynous Land, from end to end; but no wood on either side. Before we passed these Ilands, vnder the Lee of the bigger Iland we ancho∣red, the winde beeing at North-east, with intent to refresh our selues with the Fowles of these

Ilands they are of diuers sorts, and in great plentie, as Pengwins, wild Ducks, Guls and Gannets; of the principall we purposed to make prouision, and those were the Pengwins. * 1.751

The Pengwin is in all proportion like a Goose, and hath no feathers, but a certaine downe vpon all parts of his bodie: and therefore canot flee, but auayleth himselfe in all occasions with his feet, running as fast as most men. He liueth in the Sea, and on the Land feedeth on fish in the Sea, and as a Goose on the shore vpon grasse. They harbour themselues vnder the ground in Bur∣rowes, as the Conies; and in them hatch their young. All parts of the Iland where they haunted were vndermined, saue onely one Valley which) it seemeth) they reserued for their food; for it was as greene as any Medow in the moneth of Aprill, with a most fine short grasse. The flesh of these Pengwins is much of the sauour of a certaine Fowle taken in the Ilands of Lundey and Silley; [ 10] which we call Puffins, by the taste it is easily discerned that they feed on fish. They are very fat, and in dressing must be flead as the Byter; they are reasonable meate rosted, baked, or sodden; but best rosted. We salted some doozen or sixteene Hogsheads, which serued vs (whilest they la∣sted) insteed of powdred Beefe. The hunting of them (as wee may well terme it) was a great * 1.752 recreation to my company and worth the sight, for in determining to catch them, necessarily was required good store of people, euery one with a cudgell in his hand, to compasse them round a∣bout, to bring them, as it were, into a Ring; if they chanced to breake out, then was the sport, for the ground beeing vndermined, at vnawares it failed, and as they ranne after them, one fell here, another there, another offering to strike at one, lifting vp his hand, sunke vp to the arme∣pits in the earth, another leaping to auoid one hole, fell into another. And after the first slaugh∣ter, [ 20] in seeing vs on the shoare, they shunned vs, and procured to recouer the Sea: yea many times seeing themselues persecuted they would tumble downe from such high Rocks and Mountaines, as it seemed impossible to escape with life. Yet as soone as they came to the Beach, presently we should see them runne into the Sea, as though they had no hurt. Where one goeth, the other fol∣loweth, like sheepe after the Bel-weather: but in getting them once within the Ring close to∣gether, few escaped, saue such as by chance hid themselues in the borrowes, and ordinarily there was no Droue which yeelded vs not a thousand, and more: the manner of killing them which the Hunters vsed, beeing in a cluster together, was with their cudgels to knocke them on the head, for though a man gaue them many blowes on the body they dyed not: Besides the flesh bruized is not good to keepe. The massacre ended, presently they cut of their heads, that they might bleed well: such as we determined to keepe for store, we saued in this manner. First, wee * 1.753 [ 30] split them, and then washed them well in Sea-water, then salted them, hauing laine some sixe houres in Salt, we put them in presse eight houres, and the bloud being soaked out, wee salted them againe in our other caske, as is the custome to salt Beefe, after this manner they continued good some two moneths, and serued vs in steed of Beefe.

The Guls and Gannets, were not in so great quantitie, yet we wanted not young Guls to eate * 1.754 all the time of our stay about these Ilands. It was one of the delicatest foods, that I haue eaten in all my life.

The Duckes are different to ours, and nothing so good meate; yet they may serue for necessi∣tie: * 1.755 They were many, and had a part of the Iland to themselues seuerall, which was the highest Hill and more then a Musket shot ouer. In all the dayes of my life, I haue not seene greater arte [ 40] and curiositie in creatures voide of reason, then in the placing and making of their Nests; all the Hill being so full of them, that the greatest Mathematician of the World, could not deuise how * 1.756 to place one more then there was vpon the Hill, leauing onely one path-way for a Fowle to passe betwixt. The Hill was all leuell, as if it had beene smoothed by arte; the Nests made onely of earth, and seeming to be of the selfe-same mould; for the Nests and the soile is all one, which, with water that they bring in their Beakes, they make into Clay, or a certaine dawbe, and after fashion them round, as with a compasse. In the bottome they containe the measure of a foot; in the height about eight inches; and in the top, the same quantitie ouer; there they are hollowed in, somwhat deep, wherein they lay their Egges, without other preuention. And I am of opinion, that the Sun helpeth them to hatch their young: their Nests are for many yeares, and of one proportion, not one exceeding another in bignesse, in height, nor circumference; and in propor∣tionable [ 50] distance one from another. In all this Hill, nor in any of their Nests. was to be found a blade of grasse, a straw, a sticke, a feather, a moat, no, nor the filing of any Fowle, but all the Nests * 1.757 and passages betwixt them, were so smooth and cleane, as if they had bin newly swept & washed.

One day hauing ended our hunting of Pengwins, one of our Mariners walking about the Iland, * 1.758 discouered a great company of Seales, or Sea-wolues (so called for that they are in the Sea, as the Wolues on the Land) aduising vs, that he left them sleeping, with their bellies toasting against the Sunne: we prouided our selues with staues and other weapons, and sought to steale vpon them at vnawares, to surprize some of them, and comming downe the side of a Hill, we were not discouered, till wee were close vpon them, notwithstanding, their Sentinell (before wee [ 60] could approach) with a great howle waked them: we got betwixt the Sea and some of them, but they shunned vs not; for they came directly vpon vs; and though we dealt heere and there a blow, yet not a man that withstood them, escaped the ouerthrow. They reckon not

of a Musket shot, a sword pierceth not theirskinne, and to giue a blowe with a staffe, is as to smite vpon a stone: only in giuing the blowe vpon his snout, presently he falleth downe dead. After they had recouered the water, they did as it were, scorne vs, defie vs, and daunced before vs, vntill we had shot some Musket shot through them, and so they appeared no more.

This fish is like vnto a Calfe, with foure legs, but not aboue a spanne long: his skinne is hairy * 1.759 like a Calte: but these were different to all that euer I haue seene, yet I haue seēne of them in many parts; for these wee greater, and in their former parts like vnto Lions, with shagge haire, and mostaches. They liue in the Sea, and come to sheepe on the Land, and they euer * 1.760 haue one that watcheth, who aduiseth them of any accident. They are beneficiall to man in their skinnes for many purposes: In their mostaches for Pick-tooths, and in their fatte to [ 10] make Traine-oyle.

Wee embarqued our selues, and set sayle with the winde at NOrth-west, which could serue vs but to an end of that reach, some dozen leagues long, and some three or foure leagues broad. It lieth next of any thing, till you come to Cape Agreda, South-west; from this Cape to Cape Froward, the coast lieth West South-west. Some foure leagues betwixt them, was the second peopling of the Spaniards: and this Cape lieth in 55. degrees and better. Thwart Cape Fro∣ward, * 1.761 the winde larged with vs, and we continued our course towards the Iland of Elizabeth; which lieth from Cape Forward some foureteene leages West and by South. This reach is foure or fiue leagues broad, and in it are many channels or openings into the Sea; for all the land on the Souther part of the Straites are Ilands and broken land; and from the beginning of this reach to the end of the Straits, high mountainous Land on both sides, in most parts couered with [ 20] Snowe all the yeere long. Betwixt the Iland Elizabeth, and the Maine, is the narrowest passage of all the Sraites; it may be some two Musket shor from side to side. From this Straite to Eli∣zabeth Bay, is some-foure leagues, and the course lieth North-west and by West. This Bay is * 1.762 all sandie, and cleane ground on the Easterne p••rt; but before youcome at it, there lieth a point of the shoare a good birth off, which is dangerous. And in this reach, as in many parts of the Straites, runneth a quicke and forcible tide. In the Bay it higheth eight or nine foot water. The Northerne part of the Bay hath foule ground, and Rockes vnder water: and therefore it is not wholsome borrowing of the Maine. One of Master Thomas Candish his Pinasses (as I haue been enformed) came aground vpon one of them, and he was in hazard to haue left her there. [ 30]

From Elizabeth Bay ot the Riuer of Ieronim••, is some fiue leagues. The course lieth West and * 1.763 by North, and West. Here the winde scanted, and forced vs to seeke a place to anchor in. Our Boats going alongst the shoare, found a reasonable Harbour, which is right against that which they call, Riuer Ier••••im••: but it is another channell, by which a man may dissemb••que the Straite, as by the other which is accustomed; for with a storme, which tooke vs one night, sud∣denly * 1.764 wee were forced into that opening vn wittingly; but to the morning, seing our errour, and the winde larging, with two or three boords we turned into the old channell, nor daring for want of our Pinasse to attempt any new Discouerie. This Harbour wee called Blanches Bay; * 1.765 for that it was found by William Blanch, one of our Masters Mates. Here hauing moored our ship, we beganne to make our prouision of wood and water, whereof was plentie in this Bay, [ 40] and in all other places from Pengwin Ilands, till within a dozen leagues of the mouth of the Straites.

NOw finding our Deckēs open, with the long lying vnder the Line, and on the coast of Bra∣sill, the Sunne hauing beene in our Zenith many times, we calked our ship, within boord and without, aboue the Deckes. And such was the diligence wee vsed, that at foure dayes end, wee had aboue threescore Pipes of water, and twentie Boats of wood stowed in our ship: no man was idle, nor otherwise busied but in necessarie workes: some in felling and cleaning of wood; some in carrying of water; some in romaging; somein washing, others in baking; one in hei∣ting of Pitch, another in gathering of Mussels: no man was exempted, but knew at euening, whereunto he was to betake himselfe the morning following. [ 50]

Some man might aske mee, how wee came to haue so many emptie Caske in lesse then two moneths; for it seemeth much, that so few men in such short time, and in so long a Voyage * 1.766 should waste so much? Whereto I answere, that it came not of excessieu expense; for in health we neuer exceeded our ordinarie; but of a mischance which befell vs vnknowne in the Iland of Saint Iames, or Saint Anne, in the coast of Brasill; where; where wee refreshed our selues, and recording to the custome, laid our Caske ashoare, to trimme it, and afters to fill it, the place being commodious forvs. But with the waer a certaine worme, called Broma by the Spannard, and ••yvs Aters. entred also, which eate it so fuli of holes, that all the waer spaked out, and made much of our Caske of small vse. This we remedied the best wee could, and discouered it long before we came to this place. [ 60]

Hereof let others take warning in no place to haue Caske on the shoare, where it may be anoyded; * 1.767 for it is one of the promisions which are with greatest care to be preserued in long Voyages, and bardest to be supplied. These Arters, or B oma, in all hot Countries enter into the plankes of ships, and effeci∣ast where are Ruers of fresh water (the common opinion is, that they are bred in fresh water, and with

the current of the Riners are brought into the Sea) but experience teacheth, that they breede in the great Seas, in all hot chimates, especially neere the Equinoctiall Line: for lying so long vnder, and neere the Line, and towing a Shalop at our sterne, comming to cleanse her in Brasill, wee found her all vnder wa∣ter couered with these Wormes, as bigge as the little singer of a man, on the outside of the planke, not fully couered, but halfe the thicknesse of their bodie, like to a gellie wrought into the planke as with a Gowdge. In little time, if the ship be not sheathed, they put all in hazard; for they enter in no bigger then a small spanish Needle, and by little and little their holes become ordinarily greater then a mans finger. The thicker the planke is, the greater he groweth; yea, I haue seene many ships so eaten, that the most of their plankes vnder water haue beene like Honie-combes, and especially those betwixt winde and water. If they had not beene sheathed, it had beene impossible that they could haue swomme. The [ 10] entring of them is hardly to be discerned, the most of them being small as the head of a Pinne. Which, all such as purpose long Voyages, are to prenent byu sheathing their ships.

And for that I haue seene diuers manners of sheathing, for the ignorant I will set them downe which * 1.768 by experience I haue found best. In Spaine, and Portugall, some sheath their ships with Lead; which, besides the cost and weight, although they vse the thinnest sheet-lead that I haue seene in any place, yet it is nothing durable, but subiect to many casualities. Another manner is vsed with double plankes, as thicke without as within, after the manner of surring; which is little better then that with Lead: for besides his weight, it dureth little, because the Worme in small time passeth through the one and the o∣ther. A third manner of sheathing had beene vsed amongst some with fine Canuas; which is of small * 1.769 continuance. and so not to be regarded. The fourth preuention, which now is most accounted of is to * 1.770 [ 20] burne the vpper planke till it come to be in euery place like a Cole, and after to pitch it: this isnot bad. in China, (as I haue beene enformed) they vse a certaine Betane or Varnish, in manner of an artificiall Pitch, wherewith they trimme the outside of their ships. It is said to bee durable, and of that vertue, as neither worme, nor water pierceth it; neither hath the Sunne power against it. Some haue deuised a certaine Pitch, mingled with Glasse, and other ingredients, beaten into powder, with which if the ship be pitched, it is said, the worme that toucheth it, dieth: but I haue not heard, that it hath been vsefull. But the most approued of all is the manner of sheathing vsed now adayes in Eng∣land, * 1.771 with thinne boords, halfe inch thicke, the thinner the better, and Elme better then Oake; for it riueth not, it indureth better vnder water, and yeeldeth better to the ships side.

The inuention of the materials incorporated betwixt the planke and the sheathing, is that indeed [ 30] which anayleth; for without it many plankes were not sufficient to hinder the entrance of this worme: this manner is thus: Before the sheathing boord is nayled on, vpon the innner side of it, they smere it ouer * 1.772 with Tarre, halfe a finger thicke, and vpon the Tarre, another halfe thicke of haire, such as the white∣lymers vse, and so nayle it on, the nayles not aboue a spanne distance one from another: the thicker they are driuen, the better. some hold opinion, that the Tarre killeth the worme; others, that the worme passing the sheathing, and seeking a way through, the haire and the Tarre so innolue, that bee is choaked therewith; which mee thinkes is most probable: this manner of sheathing was innented by my Father; and experience hath taught it to be the best, and of least cost.

Such was the diligence we vsed for our dispatch to shoot the Straits, that at foure dayes end, we had our water and wood stowed in our ship, all our Copper-worke finished, and our ship cal∣ked [ 40] from Post to Stemme: the first day in the morning (the winde being faire) we brought our selues into the channell, and sayled towards the mouth of the Straites, praising God: and be∣ginning our course with little winde, wee described a fire vpon the shoare, made by the Indians * 1.773 for a signe to call vs; which seene, I caused a Boat to bee man'd, and wee rowed ashoare, to see what their meaning was, and approaching neere the shoare, we saw a Canoa made fast vnder a Rocke with a Wyth, most artificially made with the rindes of trees, and sewed together with the finnes of Whales; at both ends sharpe and turning vp, with a greene bough in either end, and ribbes for strengthening it. After a little while we might discerne on the fall of the Moun∣taine (which was full of trees and shrubs) two or three Indians naked, which came out of cer∣taine Caues or Cotes. They spake vnto vs, and made diuers signes; now pointing to the Har∣bour, [ 50] out of which we were come; and then to the mouth of the Straites: but we vnderstood nothing of their meaning. Yet left they vs with many imaginations, suspecting it might bee to aduise vs of our Pinnace, or some other thing of moment: but for that they were vnder couert, and might worke vs some treacherie (for all the people of the Straits, and the Land neere them, vse all the villanie they can towards white people, taking them for Spaniards, in reuenge of the deceit that Nation hath vsed towards them vpon sundry occasions:) as also for that by our stay wee could reape nothing but hinderance of our Nauigation, wee hasted to our ship, and sayled on our course.

From Blanches Bay to long Reach, which is some foure leagues, the course lieth West South-west * 1.774 entring into the long Reach, which is the last of the Straits, and longest. For it is some [ 60] thirtie two leagues, and the course lieth next of any thing North-west. Before the setting of * 1.775 the Sunne, wee had the mouth of the Straites open, and were in great hope the next day to be in the South Sea: but about seuen of the clocke that night, we saw a great cloude arise out of the North-east, which began to cast forth great flashes of lightnings, and suddenly sayling with

a fresh gale of winde at North-east, another more forcible tooke vs astayes, which put vs in danger: for, all our sayles being a taut, it had like to haue ouerset our ship, before we could take in our sayles. And therefore in all such semblances it is great wisedome to carrie a short sayle, or to take in all sayles. Here we found what the Indians fore-warned vs of: for they haue great * 1.776 insight in the change of weather, and besides haue secret dealing with the Prince of Darknesse, who many times declareth vnto them things to come: By this meanes and other witch-crafts, which he teacheth them, he possesseth them, and causeth them to doe what pleaseth him. With∣in halfe an houre it began to thunder and raine, with so much winde as wee were forced to lie * 1.777 a hull, and so darke, that we saw nothing, but when the lightning came. This being one of the narrowest Reaches of all the Straites, we were forced, euery glasse, to open a little of our fore∣sayle, [ 10] to cast about our ships head: any man may conceiue if the night seemed long vnto vs, what desire we had to see the day. In fine, Phabus with his beautifull face lightned our Hemi∣sphere, and reioyced our hearts (hauing driuen aboue twentie foure leagues in twelue houres ly∣ing a hull: whereby is to be imagined the force of the winde and current.)

Wee set our fore-sayle, and returned to our former Harbour: from whence, within three or foure dayes, we set sayle againe with a faire winde, which continued with vs till we came with∣in a league of the mouth of the Strait, here the winde tooke vs againe contrarie, and forced vs to returne againe to our former Port: where being ready to anchor, the winde scanted with vs in such manner, as we were forced to make aboord. In which time, the winde and tide put vs so farre to lee-wards, that we could by no meanes seize it: So wee determined to goe to Eliza∣beth [ 20] Bay, but before we came at it, the night ouertooke vs: and this Reach being dangerous and narrow, we durst neither hull, nor trie, or turne to and againe with a short sayle, and therefore bare alongst in the middest of the channell, till we were come into the broad Reach, then lay a hull till the morning.

When we set sayle and ran alongst the coast, seeking with our Boate some place to anchor in; some foure leagues to the West wards of Cape Forward, we found a goodly Bay; which we na∣med English Bay: where anchored, wee presently went ashoare, and found a goodly Riuer of * 1.778 fresh water, and an old Canoa broken to pieces, and some two or three of the houses of the In∣dians, with pieces of Seale stinking ripe. These houses are made in fashion of an Ouen seuen or eight foot broad, with boughs of trees, and couered with other boughes, as our Summer houses; * 1.779 [ 30] and doubtlesse doe serue them but for the Summer time, when they come to fish, and profite themselues of the Sea. For they retire themselues in the Winter into the Countrie, where it is more temperate, and yeeldeth better sustenance: for on the Mayne of tht Straites, we neither saw beast nor fowle, Sea-fowle excepted, and a kinde of Black-bird, and two Hogs towards the beginning of the Straits. Here our ship being well moored, we began to supplie our wood and water, that we had spent. Which being a dayes worke, and the winde during many dayes contrary, I endeauored to keep my people occupied, to diuert them from the imagination which some had conceiued; that it behoued we should returne to Brasill, and winter there, and so shoot * 1.780 the Straits in the Spring of the yeere. One day wee rowed vp the Riuer, with our Boate and Light-horseman, to discouer it, and the Inland: where hauing spent a good part of the day, [ 40] and finding shoald water, and many Trees fallen thwart it, and little fruit of our labour, nor any thing worth the noting, wee returned. Another day, wee trained our people ashoare, being a goodly sandy Bay: another, wee had a hurling of Batchelors against married men; this day we were busied in wrestling, the other in shooting; so we were neuer idle, neither thought we the time long.

After wee had past here some seuen or eight dayes, one euening with a flaw from the shoare, our ship droue off into the channell, and before wee could get vp our Anchor, and set our Sayles, we were driuen so farre to lee-wards, that wee could not recouer into the Bay; and night com∣ming on, with a short sayle, we beate off and on till the morning. At the breake of the day con∣ferring with the Captaine and Master of my ship, what was best to bee done, wee resolued to [ 50] seeke out Tobias Coue, which lieth ouer against Cape Fryo, on the Southerne part of the Straits. * 1.781 because in all the Reaches of the Straits (for the most part) the winde bloweth trade, and there∣fore little profit to be made by turning to winde-wards. And from the Ilands of the Pengwins to the end of the Straites towards the South-sea, there is no anchoring in the channell: and if we should be put to lee-wards of this Coue, we had no succour till we came to the Ilands of Pen∣gwins; and some of our companie which had been with M. Th. Candish in the Voyage in which he died, and in the same Coue many weekes, vndertooke to be our Pilots thither. Whereupon wee bare vp, being some two leagues thither, hauing so much winde as we could scarce lie by it with our course and bonnet of each; but bearing vp before the winde, we put out our Topsayles and Spritsayle, and within a little while the winde began to fayle vs, and immediatly our ship gaue * 1.782 [ 60] a mightie blowe vpon a Rocke, and stucke fast vpon it. And had wee had but the fourth part of the winde, which we had in all the night past, but a moment before wee strucke the Rocke, our ship, doubtlesse, with the blowe had broken her selfe all to pieces.

All our labour was fruitlesse till God was pleased that the floud came, and then wee had her

off with great ioy and comfort, when finding the current fauourable with vs, wee stood ouer to English Bay, and fetching it, we anchored there, hauing beene some three houres vpon the Rock, and with the blowe, as after we saw, when our ship was brought a ground in Perico (which is the Port of Panama) a great part of her sheathing was beaten off on both sides of her Bulges, and some foure foot long, and a foot square of her false stemme, ioyning to the Keele, wrested acrosse, like vnto a Hogs yoake, which hindered her sayling very much.

They founded a Coue some sixteene leagues from the mouth of the Straite, which after wee * 1.783 called Crabby Coue. It brooked his name well for two causes; the one, for that all the water was full of a small kinde of red Crabbes; the other, for the crabbed Mountaines which ouer-topped it: a third wee might adde, for the crabbed entertainment it gaue vs. In this Coue wee ancho∣red, [ 10] but the winde freshing in, and three or foure Hills ouer-topping (like Sugar-loaues) altered and straightned the passage of the wind in such manner, as forced it downe with such violence in flawes and furious blu••trings, as was like to ouerset our ship at Anchor, and caused her to driue, and vs to weigh; but before we could weigh it, she was so neere the Rocks and the puffes and gusts of wind so sudden and vncertain, sometimes scant, somtimes large, that it forced vs to cut our Cable, and yet dangerous if our ship did not cast the right way. Here necessitie, not being subiect to any law, forced vs to put our selues into the hands of him that was able to deliuer vs. Wee cut our * 1.784 Cable and Sayle all in one instant: And God to shew his power and gracious bountie towards vs, was pleased that our ship cast the contrarie way towards the shoare, seeming that hee with his owne hand did wend her about: for in lesse then her length, she flatted, and in all the Voyage [ 20] but at that instant, shee flatted with difficultie, for that shee was long; the worst propertie shee had. On either side we might see the Rockes vnder vs, and were not halfe a ships length from the shoare, and if shee had once touched, it had beene impossible to haue escaped.

From hence wee returned to Blanches Bay, and there anchored, expecting Gods good will and pleasure. Here beganne the bitternesse of the time to encrease with blustering and sharpe windes, accompanied with raine and fleeting snowe, and my people to bee dismayed againe, in manifesting a desire to returne to Brasill, which I would neuer consent vnto, no, not so much as to heare of.

And all men are to take care, that they goe not one foote backe, more then is of meere force: for I * 1.785 haue not seene, that any who haue yeelded thereunto, but presently they haue returned home. As in the [ 30] Voyuge of Master Edward Fenton; in that which the Earle of Cumberland set forth, to his great charge; as also in that of Master Thomas Candish, in which he died. All which pretended to shoote the Straites of Magelan, and by perswasion of some ignorant persons, being in good possibilitie, were brought to consent to returne to Brasill, to winter, and after in the Spring to attempt the passing of the Straite againe. None of them made any abode in Brasill: for presently as soone as they looked home∣ward, one, with a little blustering winde taketh occasion to lose companie; another complaineth, that he wanteth victuals; another, that his ship is leake; another, that his masts, sayles, cordidge fayleth him. So the willing neuer want probable reasons to further their pretences. As I saw once (being but young, and more bold then experimented) in the yeere 1582. in a Voyage, vnder the clarge of my Uncle William Hawkins of Plimouth, Esquire, in the Indies, at the Wester end of the Iland of San Iuan * 1.786 [ 40] de Portorico; One of the ships (called the Barke bonner) being somewhat leake, the Captaine com∣playned that shee was not able to endure to England: whereupon a Counsell was called, and his reasons heard, and allowed. So it was concluded, that the Victuall, Munition, and what was seruiceable, should be taken out of her, and her men diuided amongst our other ships; the Hull remayning to be sunke, or burned. To which I neuer spake word till I saw it resolued; being my part rather to learne, then to ad∣uise. But seeing the fatall sentence giuen, and suspecting that the Captaine made it worse then it was, rather vpon policie to come into another ship, which was better of sayle, then for any danger they might runne into: with as much reason as my capacitie could reach vnto, I disswaded my Uncle priuately; And vrged, that seeing wee had profited the Aduenturers nothing, we should endeauour to preserue our principall; especially, hauing men and victuals. But seeing I preuayled not, I went further, and offered to finde out in the same ship, and others, so many men, as with me would be content to carrie her home, [ 50] giuing vs the third part of the value of the ship, as ••hes should be valued at, at her returne, by foure in∣different persons; and to leaue the Vice-admirall, which I had vnder my charge, and to make her Vice∣admirall. Whereupon it was condescended, that wee should all goe aboord the ship, and that there it should be determined. The Captaine thought himselfe somewhat touched in Reputation, and so would not that further triall should be made of the matter, saying, that if another man was able to carrie the ship into England, he would in no case leaue her, neither would he forsake her till shee sunke vnder him. The Generall commended him for his resolution, and thanked me for my offer, tending to the generall good; my intention being to force those who for gaine could vndertake to carrie her home, should also doe it gra∣tis, according to their Obligation. Thus, this leake-ship went well into England; where, after she made [ 60] many a good Voyage in nine yeeres.

As the weather gaue leaue, wee entertained our selues the first dayes in necessarie affaires and workes, and after in making of Coale, with intent (the winde continuing long very contrarie) to see if wee could remedie any of our broken Anchours; a Forge I had

in my ship, and of fiue Anchors which we brought out of England, there remained but one that was seruiceable.

In the Ilands of Pengwins we lost one, in Crabbis Coue another: a third, vpon another occasion, we broke an arme, and the fourth, on the Rocke had the eye of his Ring broken. This (one day deuising with my selfe) I made to serue, without working him a new. Which when I tooke first in hand, all men thought it ridiculous: but in fine, we made it in that manner so seruiceable, as till our ship came to Callaw, which is the Port of Lyma, shee scarce vsed any other Anchor, and when I came from Lyma to Panama, which was three yeeres after, I saw it serue the Admirall in which I came (a ship of aboue 500. tuns) without other arte or addition, then what my owne in∣uention contriued. [ 10]

And for that in the like necessitie, or occasion, others may profit themselues of the industrie, I * 1.787 will recount the manner of the forging our eye without fire, or Iron. It was in this sort. From the eye of the shanke, about the head of the crosse, we gaue two tunnes with a new strong Hal∣ser, betwixt three and foure inches, giuing a reasonable allowance for that, which should be the eye, and serued in stead of the Ring, then we fastned the two ends of the Halser, so as in that part it was as strong as in any other, and with our Capsten stretched the two bightes, that euery part might beare proportionably, then armed we all the Halser round about with sixe yarne Synnets, and likewise the shanke of the Anchor, and the head with a smooth Mat made of the same Synnet: this done, with an inch Rope, we woolled the two bightes to the shanke, from the crosse to the eye, and that also which was to serue for the Ring, and fitted the stocke accor∣dingly. [ 20] This done, those who before derided the inuention, were of opinion, that it would serue for need; onely they put one difficultie, that with the fall or pitch of the Anchor in hard ground, with his waight he would cut the Halser in sunder on the head; for preuention whereof, we pla∣ced a panch (as the Mariners terme it) vpon the head of the Anchor, with whose softnesse this danger was preuented, and the Anchor past for seruiceable.

Some of our idle time we spent in gathering the barke and fruit of a certaine Tree, which we * 1.788 found in all places of the Straits, where we found Trees. This Tree carrieth his fruit in clusters like a Hawthorne, but that it is greene, each berry of the bignesse of a Pepper-corne, and euery of them contayning within foure or fiue granes, twice as bigge as a Musterd-seed, which broken, are white within, as the good Pepper, and ••ite much like it, but hotter. The barke of this [ 30] Tree, hath the sauour of all kinde of Spices together, most comfortable to the stomack, and held to bee better then any Spice whatsoer. And for that a learned Countriman of ours Doctor Tur∣ner, * 1.789 hath written of it, by the name of Winters Barke, what I haue said may suffice. The leafe of this Tree is of a whitish greene, and is not vnlike to the Aspen leafe.

Otherwhiles we entertained our selues in gathering of Pearles out of Muscles, whereof there are abundance in all places, from Cape Froward, to the end of the Straits. The Pearles are but of a bad colour, and small, but it may be that in the great Muscles in deeper water, the Pearles * 1.790 are bigger, and of greater value, of the small seed Pearle, there was great quantitie, and the Mus∣cles were a great refreshing vnto vs: for they were exceeding good, and in great plentie. And here let mee craue pardon if I erre, seeing I disclaime from beeing a Naturalist, by deliuering my [ 40] opinion touching the breeding of these Pearles, which I thinke to be of a farre different nature and qualitie to those found in the East and West Indies, which are found in Oysters, growing in the shell, vnder the ruffe of the Oyster, some say of the dew, which I hold to be some old Philo∣sophers conceit, for that it cannot be made probable, how the dew should come into the Oyster: and if this were true, then, questionlesse, we should haue them in our Oysters, as in those of the * 1.791 East and West Indies: but those Oysters were by the Creator, made to bring forth this rare fruit, all their shels being (to looke to) Pearle it selfe. And the other Pearles found in our Oy∣sters and Muscles, in diuers parts are ingendred out of the fatnesse of the fish, in the very sub∣stance of the fish, so that in some Muscles haue bin found twentie and thirtie, in seuerall parts of the fish, and these not perfect in colour, nor cleernesse, as those found in the Pearle-oysters, [ 50] which are euer perfect in colour and cleernesse, like the Sunne in his rising, and therefore called Orientall, and not (as is supposed) because out of the East, for they are as well found in the West, and no way inferiour to those of the East Indies. Other fish, besides Seales and Crabbes, like Shrimpes, and one Whale with two or three Porpusses, we saw not in all the Seraits.

Heere wee made also a suruay of our victuals, and opening certaine Barrels of Oatten meale, wee found a great part of some of them, as also of our Pipes and Fats of bread, eaten and con∣sumed by the Rats; doubtlesse, a fift part my company did not eate so much, as these de∣uoured, as we found daily in comming to spend any of our prouisions. When I came to the Sea, * 1.792 it was not suspected, that I had a Rat in my ship; but with the bread in Caske, which wee trans∣ported out of the Hawke, and the going to and againe of our Boats vnto our prize, (though wee [ 60] had diuers Cats and vsed other preuentions) in a small time they multiplyed in such a manner, is incredible; It is one of the generall calamities of all long Voyages, and would bee carefully pre∣uented, as much as may be. For besides that which they consume of the best victuals, they eate the sayles; and neither packe, nor chest, is free from their surprizes. I haue knowne them to

make a hole in a Pipe of water, and seying the Pumpe, haue put all in feare, doubting lest some * 1.793 leak had bin sprung vpon the ship. Moreouer, I haue heard credible persons report, that ships haue beene put in danger by them to be sunke, by a hole made in the bulge. All which is easily reme∣died at the first, but if once they be somewhat increased, with difficultie they are to be destroied. And although I propounded a reward for euery Rat which was taken, and sought meanes by poi∣son, and other inuentions to consume them, yet their increase being so ordinary and many; wee were not able to cleare our selues from them.

At the end of fourteene dayes, one euening being calme, and a goodly cleare in the Easter∣boord, * 1.794 I willed our Anchor to be weyed, and determined to goe into the Channell, being gotten into the Channell, within an houre, the wind came good, and we failed merrily on our Voyage; [ 10] and by the breake of the day, we had the mouth of the Straits open, and about foure of the clock in the afternoone, we were thwart of Cape Desire; which is the Westermost part of the Land * 1.795 on the Souther side of the Straits.

§. IIII.

Entrance into the South Sea; discouery of the South parts of the Straits to bee but Ilands by Sir FRANCIS DRAKE (which the Hollanders ascribe to MAIRE and SCHOVTEN.) Of [ 20] the Iland Mocha, and the parts adioyning.

FRom Cape Desire, some foure leagues, Northwest, lie foure Ilands, which are very small, and the middlemost of them is of the fashion of a Sugar-loafe. Wee were no * 1.796 sooner cleere of Cape Desire, and his ledge of Rockes (which lie a great way off in∣to the Sea) but the wind tooke vs contrary by the North-west; and so wee stood off into the Sea two dayes and two nights to the Westwards. In all the Straits it ebbeth and flow∣eth more or lesse, and in many places it hieth very little water, but in some Bayes, where are great Indraughts, it higheth eight or ten foot, and doubtlesse, further in, more. [ 30]

If a man be furnished with wood and water, and the winde good, hee may keepe the Mayne Sea, and goe round about the Straits to the Southwards, and it is the shorter way; for besides the experience which we made, that all the South part of the Straits is but Ilands, many times ha∣uing the Sea open, I remember, that Sir Francis D••••ke told mee, that hauing shot the Straits, a storme tooke him first at North-west, and ••••••er vered about to the South-west, which continued with him many dayes, with that ••xtremitie, that he could not open any sayle, and that at the end of the storme, he found himselfe in fiftie degrees, which was sufficient testimony and proofe, that he was beaten round about the Straits, for the least height of the Straits is in fiftie two de∣grees and fiftie minutes; in which stand the two entrances or mouthes. And moreouer, hee said, that standing about, when the winde changed, hee was not well able to double the Southermost [ 40] Iland, and so anchored vnder the lee of it; and going ashoare, carried a Compasse with him, and seeking out the Southermost part of the Iland, cast himselfe downe vpon the vttermost point groueling, and so reached out his bodie ouer it. Presently he imbarked, and then recounted vnto his people, that he had beene vpon the Southermost knowne Land in the World, and more fur∣ther to the Southwards vpon it, then any of them, yea, or any man as yet knowne. These testi∣monies may suffice for this truth vnto all, but such as are incredulous, and will beleeue nothing but what they see; for my part, I am of opinion, that the Straite is nauigable all the yeere long, although the best time bee in Nouember, December, and Ianuary, and then the windes more fa∣uourable, which other times are variable, as in all narrow Seas.

Being some fiftie leagues a Sea-boord the Straits, the winde vering to the West-wards, wee cast about to the Northwards; and lying the Coast along, shaped our course for the Iland Mocha. [ 50] About the fifteenth of Aprill, we were thwart of Baldiuia, which was then in the hands of the Spaniards, but since the Indians, in Anno 1599. dispossessed them of it, and the Conception; which are two of the most principall places they had in that Kingdome, and both Ports. Baldiuia had its name of a Spanish Captaine so called, whom afterwards the Indians tooke Prisoner, and it is said, they required of him the reason why hee came to molest them, and to take their Countrey from them, hauing no title nor right thereunto; he answered, to get Gold; which the barbarous vnderstanding, caused Gold to bee molten, and powred downe his throate; saying, Gold was thy thy desire, glut thee with it. It standeth in forty degrees, hath a pleasant Riuer and Nauigable; for a Ship of good burthen may goe as high vp as the Citie, and is a goodly Wood Countrey. [ 60]

Heere our Beefe began to take end, and was then as good, as the day wee departed from Eng∣land; it was preserued in Pickell, which, though it bee more chargeable, yet the profit payeth

the charge, in that it is made durable, contrary to the opinion of many, which hold it impossible, that Beefe should be kept good passing the Equinoctiall Line. And of our Porke I eate in the house of Don Beltran de Castro in Lyma, neere foure yeeres olde, very good, preserued after the same manner, notwithstanding, it had lost his Pickle long before.

Some degrees before a man come to Baldiuia to the Southwards, as Spaniards haue told mee, lyeth the Iland Chule, not easily to be discerned from the Mayne; for he that passeth by it, can∣not but thinke it to bee the Mayne. It is said to bee inhabited by the Spaniards, but badly, yet * 1.797 rich of Gold.

The nineteenth of Aprill, being Easter-euen, we anchored vnder the Iland Mocha. It lyeth in thirty nine degrees, it may bee some foure leagues ouer, and is a high mountaynous Hill, but * 1.798 [ 10] round about the foot thereof, some halfe league from the Sea-shore, it is Champaine ground, wel inhabited and manured. From the Straits to this Iland, we found, that either the Coast is set out more Wester••y then it is, or that we had a great current, which put vs to the Westwards; for wee had not sight of Land in three dayes after our reckoning was to see it; but for that wee * 1.799 coasted not the Land, I cannot determine, whether it was caused by the current, or lying of the Land. But Spaniards which haue sayled alongst it, haue told me, that it is a bold and safe Coast, and reasonable sounding of it.

In this Iland of Mocha we had communication and contractation with the Inhabitants, but with great vigilancie and care; for they and all the people of Chily, are mortall enemies to the Spaniards, and held vs to bee of them; and so esteemed Sir Francis Drake, when hee was in this I∣land, [ 20] wh••ch was the first Land also that hee touched on this Coast. They vsed him with so fine a treachery, that they possessed themselues of all the Oares in his Boat, sauing two, and in striuing to get them also, they slue, and hurt all his men; himselfe who had fewest wounds, had three, and two of them in the head. Two of his company which liued long after, had, the one seuen∣teene; his name was Iohn Bruer, who afterward was Pilot with Master Candish; and the other aboue twentie, a Negro Seruant to Sir Francis Drake. And with me they vsed a policie, which * 1.800 amongst barbarous people was not to be imagined, although I wrought sure; for I suffered none to treate with me, nor with my people with Armes. Wee were armed, and met vpon a Rocke compassed with water, whether they came to parley and negotiate. Beeing in communication with the Casiques, and others, many of the Indians came to the heads of our Boates, and some [ 30] went into them. Certaine of my people standing to defend the Boats with their Oares, for that there went a bad sege, were forced to lay downe their Muskets, which the Indians perceiuing, endeauoured to fill the barrels with water, taking it out of the Sea in the hollow of their hands. By chance casting mine eye aside, I discouered their flynesse, and with a Truncheon, which I had in mine hand, gaue the Indians three or foure good Lambeskinnes.

The sheepe of this Iland are great, good, and fat; I haue not tasted better Mutton any where. They were as ours, and doubtlesse of the breed of those, which the Spaniards brought into the * 1.801 Countrey. Of the sheepe of the Countrey, wee could by no meanes procure any one, although we saw of them, and vsed meanes to haue had of them.

This Iland is situate in the Prouince of Arawea, and is held to bee peopled with the most va∣liant [ 40] Nation in all Chily, though generally the Inhabitants of that Kingdome are very coura∣gious. They are clothed after the manner of antiquitie, all of woollen; their Cassockes made like a Sacke, square, with two holes for the two armes, and one for the head; all open below, * 1.802 without lining or other art: but of them, some are most curiously wouen, and in colours, and on both sides alike. Their houses are made round, in fashion like vnto our Pidgeon houses, with a lo∣uer * 1.803 in the top, to euacuate the smoake when they make fire. They brought vs a strange kinde of Tobacco, made into little cakes, like Pitch, of a bad smell, with holes through the middle, and * 1.804 so laced many vpon a string. The people of this Iland, as of all Chily, are of good stature, and well made, and of better countenance then those Indians which I haue seene in many parts. They are of good vnderstanding, and agilitie, and of great strength; Their weapons are Bowes, and Ar∣rowes * 1.805 [ 50] and Macanas, their Bowes short and strong, and their Arrowes of a small Reed, or Cane, three quarters of a yard long, with two Feathers, and headed with a flint-stone, which is loose, and hurting, the head remaineth in the wound, some are headed with bone, and some with hard wood, halfe burnt in the fire. We came betwixt the Iland and the Mayne; On the South-west part of the Iland lieth a great ledge of Rockes, which are dangerous; and it is good to be carefull how to come too neere the Iland on all parts.

Immediatly when they discouered vs, both vpon the Iland and the Mayne, wee might see * 1.806 them make sundry great fires, which were to giue aduice to the rest of the people to bee in a rea∣dinesse: for they haue continuall and mortall warre with the Spaniards, and the shippes they see, they beleeue to be their Enemies. The Citie Imperiall lyeth ouer against this Iland, but eight or * 1.807 [ 60] ten leagues into the Countrey: for all the Sea-coast from Baldiuia, till thirtie sixe Degrees, the Indians haue now (in a manner) in their hands free from any Spaniards.

Hauing refreshed our selues well in this Iland, for that little time we stayed, which was some three dayes we set sayle with great ioy, and with a faire winde sayled alongst the Coast, and

some eight leagues to the North-wards, wee anchored againe in a goodly Bay, and sent our Boats ashoare, with desire to speake with some of the Indians of Arawca, and to see if they would be content to entertaine amitie, or to chop and change with vs. But all that night and the next morning appeared not one person, and so we set saile againe; and towards the Euening the wind began to change, and to blow contrary, and that so much, and the Sea to rise so suddenly, that wee could not take in our Boats, without spoyling of them. This storme * 1.808 continued with vs tenne dayes beyond expectation, for that wee thought our selues out of the Climate of fowle weather, but truely it was one of the sharpest stormes that euer I felt to en∣dure so long.

The storme tooke end, and we shaped our course for the Iland of Saint Maries, which lyeth in [ 10] thirtie seuen degrees and fortie minutes, and before you come vnto the Iland some two leagues, in the Trade way lieth a Rocke, which afarre off, seemeth to be a ship vnder sayle. This Iland is little and low, but fertill and well peopled with Indians and some few Spaniards in it. Some ten leagues to the Northwards of this Iland, lieth the Citie Conception, with a good Port; from * 1.809 this wee coasted alongst till wee came in thirtie three degrees and forty minutes. In which height lay the Ilands of Iuan Fernandes, betwixt threescore and fourescore leagues from the shoare, plentifull of fi••h, and good for refreshing. I purposed for many reasons not to discouer my selfe vpon this Coast, till we were past Lyma, (otherwise called Ciuidad de los Reyes, for that * 1.810 it was entred by the Spaniard the day of the three Kings;) but my company vrged me so farre, that except I should seeme in all things to ouer-beare them, in not condiscending to that which in the [ 20] opinion of all (but my selfe) seemed profitable and best, I could not but yeeld vnto, though it carried a false colour, as the end prooued, for it was our perdition. This all my company know∣eth to be true, whereof some are yet liuing, and can giue testimonie.

But the Mariner is ordinarily so carried away with the desire of Pillage, as sometimes for * 1.811 very appearances of small moment, he looseth his Voyage, and many times himselfe. And so the greedinesse of spoile, onely hoped for in ships of Trade, which goe too and fro in this Coast, blinded them from forecasting the perill, whereinto wee exposed our Voyage, in discouering our selues before we past the Coast of Callao, which is the Port of Lyma; To bee short, wee haled the Coast aboord, and that Euening wee discouered the Port of Valparizo, which serueth the Citie of Saint Iago, standing some twentie le••••ues into the Countrey; [ 30] when presently wee descried foure shippes at an Anchor: whereupon wee manned, and armed our Boate, which rowed towards the shippes: they seeing vs turning in, and fea∣ring * 1.812 that which was, ranne ashoare with that little they could saue; and left vs the rest: whereof, wee were Masters in a moment, and had the rifling of all the Store-houses on the shoare.

This night, I set a good guard in all the shippes, longing to see the light of the next mor∣ning, to put all things in order; which appearing, I beganne to suruay them, and found nothing of moment, saue fiue hundred Botozios of Wine, two or three thousand of Hennes, and some refreshing of Bread, Bacon, dryed Beefe, Waxe, Candles, and other necessaries. The rest of their lading was plankes, Sparres, and Timber, for Lyma, and the Valleyes, which [ 40] is a rich Trade; for it hath no Timber, but that which is brought to it from other places. They had also many packs of Indian Mantles (but of no value vnto vs) with much Tallow, and Man∣teca de Puerco, and abundance of great new Chests, in which we had thought to bee some great masse of wealth, but opening them, found nothing but Apples therein; all which was good Merchandize in Lyma, but to vs of smal account. The Merchandize on shore, in their store-houses * 1.813 was the like, and therefore in the same predicament. The Owners of the ships gaue vs to vn∣derstand, that at a reasonable price they would redeeme their ships and loading, which I harke∣ned vnto; and so admitted certaine persons which might treate of the matter, and concluded with them for a small price, rather then to burne them, sauing for the greatest, which I carried with me, more to giue satisfaction to my people, then for any other respect; because they would not be perswaded, but that there was much Gold hidden in her; otherwise she would haue yeel∣ded [ 50] vs more then the other three.

Being in this Treaty, one morning, at the breake of day, came another ship towring into the harbor, and standing into the shoare, but was becalmed. Against her we manned a couple of Boats, and tooke her before many houres. In this ship we had some good quantitie of Gold, which shee had gathered in Baldiuia, and the Conception, from whence shee came. Of this ship was Pilot, and part owner, Alonso Perezbueno, whom we kept for our Pilot on this Coast; till moued with compassion (for that he was a man charged with wife and children) we set him ashoare betwixt * 1.814 Santa and Truxillo. Out of this ship we had also store of good Bacon, and some prouision of Bread, Hens, and other victuall. We gaue them the ship, and the greatest part of her loading freely. [ 60]

Here wee supplied our want of Anchors, though not according to that which was requisite, in regard of the burden of our ship; for in the South Sea, the greatest Anchor for a ship of sixe or eight hundred tunnes, is not a thousand waight; partly, because it is little subiect to stormes, and partly, because those they had till our comming, were all brought out of the North

Sea by Land; for they make no Anchors in those Countreyes. And the first Artillerie they had, was also brought ouer Land; which was small, the carriage and passage from Nombre de Dios, or Porto * 1.815 Bello to Panama, being most difficult and steepe, vp hill and downe hill, they are all carried vpon Negroes backes. But some yeeres before my imprisonment, they fell to making of Artillery, and since they forge Anchors also. We furnished our ship also with a shift of sailes of Cotton∣cloth, whi••h are farre better in that Sea, then any of our double sayles, for that in all the Naui∣gation of that Sea, they haue little raine and few stormes, but where raine and stormes are ordi∣nary, * 1.816 they are not good; for with the wet they grow so stiffe, that they cannot be handled.

In treating of the ransomes, and transporting and lading the prouisions wee made choice of, wee spent some sixe or eight dayes, at the end whereof, with reputation amongst our enemies, [ 10] and a good portion towards our charges and our ship as well stored and victualled, as the day we departed from England, we set sayle.

The time we were in this Port, I took small rest, and so did the Master of our ship, Hugh Cor∣nish, * 1.817 a most carefull, orderly, and sufficient man, because wee knew our owne weaknesse; for en∣tring into the Harbour, wee had but seuentie fiue men and boyes, fiue ships to guard, and euery one moored by himselfe, which (no doubt) if our enemies had knowne, they would haue * 1.818 wrought some stratagem vpon vs; for the Gouernour of Chily was there on shoare in view of vs, an ancient Flanders Souldier, and of experience, wisdome, and valour, called Don Alonso de Sot•• Mayor, of the habit of Saint Iago, who was after Captaine Generall in Terra firme, and wrought * 1.819 all the inuentions vpon the Riuer of Chagree, and on the shoare, when Sir Francis Drake purpo∣sed [ 20] to goe to Panama, in the Voyage wherein he died. As also at my comming into Spaine, hee was President in Panama, and there, and in Lyma, vsed mee with great courtesie, like a Noble Souldier, and liberall Gentleman; hee confessed to mee after, that hee lay in ambush, with three * 1.820 hundred horse and foot, to see if at any time we had landed, or neglected our watch, with Balsas, which is a certaine Raffe made of Masts or Trees fastened together, to haue attempted something against vs. Bu•• the enemy I feared not so much as the Wine; which, notwithstanding all the diligence and preuention I could vse day and night, ouerthrew many of my people. A foule fault, because too common amongst Sea-men, and deserueth some rigorous punishment with seueritie to be executed.

A league or better before a man discouer this Bay to the South-wards, lieth a great Rocke, or [ 30] small Iland, neere the shoare, vnder which, for a need, a man may ride with his ship. It is a good * 1.821 marke, and sure signe of the Port, and discouering the Bay a man must giue a good birth to the Harbour; for it hath perillous Rockes lying a good distance off. It neither ebbeth nor floweth in * 1.822 this Port, nor from this, till a man come to Guayaquill, which is three degrees from the Equino∣ctiall Line to the South-wards; let this be considered. It is a good Harbour for all winds, that partake not of the North; for it runneth vp South and by West, and South South-west, but it hath much foule ground.

In one of these ships we found a new deuice for the stopping of a sudden leake in a ship vnder water, without board, when a man cannot come to it within boord; which was, taking a round * 1.823 wi••ker Basket, and to fill it with pieces of a Iunke or Rope chopped very small, and of an inch [ 40] long, and after tozed all as Oacombe; then the Basket is to bee couered with a Net, the Meshes of it being at the least two inches square, and after to be tied to a long Pike or Pole, which is to goe a crosse the Baskets mouth, and putting it vnder water, care is to be had to keepe the Baskets mouth towards the ships side: if the leake bee any thing great, the Oacombe may bee somewhat longer, and it carrieth likelihood to doe good, and seemeth to bee better then the stitching of a Bonnet; or any other diligence, which as yet I haue seene. Another thing I noted of these ships, * 1.824 which would be also vsed by vs; that euery ship carrieth with her a spare Rudder, and they haue them to hang and vnhang with great facilitie: and besides, in some part of the ship, they haue the length, breadth, and proportion of the Rudder marked out, for any mischance that may befall them; which is a very good preuention. [ 50]

Ten leagues to the Northwards of this Harbour, is the Bay of Quintera, where is good ancho∣ring, but an open Bay; where Master Thomas Candish (for the good hee had done to a Spaniard▪ * 1.825 in bringing him out of the Straits of Magellan, where, otherwise, hee had perished with his company) was by him betrayed, and a doozen of his men taken and slaine: But the iudgement of God left not his ingratiude vnpunished; for, in the fight with vs, in the Vice-admirall, he was * 1.826 wounded and maymed in that manner, as three yeeres after, I saw him begge with crutches, and in that miserable estate, as he had beene better dead, then aliue.

From Balparizo, wee sayled directly to Coquinbo, which is in thirtie degrees, and comming thwart the place, we were becalmed, and had sight of a ship: but for that she was farre off, and * 1.827 night at hand, she got from vs, and we hauing winde entred the Port, thinking to haue had some [ 60] shipping in it; but we lost our labour: and for that the Towne was halfe a league vp in the Coun∣trey, and we not manned for any matter of attempt, worthy prosecution, we made no abode on the thoare; but presently set sayle for the Peru. This is the best Harbour that I haue seene in the * 1.828 South Sea, it is land-locked for all winds, and capeable of many shippes; but the ordinary place

where the ships lade, and vnlade, and accommodate themselues, is betwixt a Rocke, and the Mayne on the Wester side, some halfe a league vp within the entrance of the Port, which lieth South, and South and by East, and North and by West. In the in-countrie, directly ouer the Port, is a round piked hill, like a Sugar loafe, and before the entrance on the Southerne point of the Port comming in, out of the Sea, is a great Rocke, a good birth from the shoare; and these are the markes of the Port, as I remember.

Being cleate of this Port, we shaped, our course for Arica, and left the Kingdomes of Chily, * 1.829 one of the best Countries that the Sun shineth on: for it is of a temperate climate, and abounding in all things necessarie for the use of man, with infinite rich Mynes of Gold, Copper, and sundry other mettals. The poorest houses in it, by report of their Inhabitants, haue of their owne store, [ 10] Bread, Wine, Flesh, and Fruit; which is so plentifull, that of their superfluitie they supplie o∣ther parts: sundrie kindes of cattell; as Horses, Goates, and Oxen brought thither by the Spa∣niards, * 1.830 are found in heards of thousands, wilde, and without owner; besides those of the Coun∣trie, which are common to most parts of America: in some of which are found the Bezar stones, and those very good and great.

Amongst others they haue little beasts, like vnto a Squirrell, but that hee is grey, his skinne * 1.831 is the most delicate soft, and curious Furre that I haue ••eene of much estimation, (as is reason) in the Peru; few of them come into Spaine, because difficult to be come by, for that the Princes and Nobles lay waite for them, they call this beast Chinchilla, and of them they haue great a∣bundance. All fruits of Spaine, they haue in great plentie, sauing stone fruit, and Almonds: for [ 20] in no part of the Indies, haue I knowne, that Plummes, Cherries, or Almonds haue borne fruit: but they haue certaine little round Cocos, as those of Brasill, of the bignesse of a Wall-nut, * 1.832 which is as good as an Almond: besides, it hath most of the fruits naturall to America. The Gold they gather, is in two manners; the one is washing the earth in great Trayes of wood in * 1.833 many waters; as the earth wasteth away, the Gold in the bottome remaineth. The other is, by force of Art, to draw it out of the Mynes, in which they finde it. In most parts of the Coun∣trie, the earth is mingled with Gold; for the B〈…〉〈…〉izias (in which the Wine was) which wee found in Balpharizo, had many sparkes of Gold shining in them. Of it the Gold-smiths I car∣ried with me (for like purposes) made experience.

When Baldi〈…〉〈…〉a and Arawca were peaceable, they yeelded greatest plentie, and the best: [ 30] but now, their greatest Mynes are in Coquinbo; as also the Mynes of Copper, which they car∣rie to the Peru, and sell it better cheape, then it is ordinarily sold in Spaine. The Indians know∣ing * 1.834 the end of the Spaniards molestation, to be principally the desire of their riches, haue ena∣cted, that no man, vpon paine of death, doe gather any Gold. In Coquinbo it raineth seldome, but euery showre of raine, is a showre of Gold vnto them; forwith the violence of the water falling from the Mountaines, it bringeth from them the Gold: and besides, giues them water to wash it out, as also for their ingenious to worke; so that ordinarily euery weeke they haue Processions for raine.

In this Kingdome they make much linnen and woollen Cloth, and great store of Indian Man∣tles, * 1.835 with which they furnish other parts, but all is coarse stuffe. It hath no Silke, nor Iron, ex∣cept [ 40] in Mynes, and those as yet not discouered. Pow••er is well esteemed, and so are fine linnen, woollen cloth, Haberdashers wares, edge-tooles, and Armes, or M••nition. It hath his Gouer∣nour, and Audiencia, with two Bishops: the one of Saint Iago, the other of the Imperiall; all vnder the Vice-roy, Audiencia, and Primate of Lyma. Saint Iago is the Metropolitan and Head of the Kingdome, and the seate of Iustice, which hath his appellation of Lyma.

The people are industrious and ingenious, of great strength, and inuincible courage; as in the * 1.836 warres, which they haue sustained aboue fortie yeeres continually against the Spaniards, hath beene experienced. For confirmation whereof, I will alledge onely two proofes of many; the one was of an Indian Captaine, taken prisoner by the Spaniards; and for that, hee was of name and knowne to haue done his deuoire against them, they cut off his hands, thereby intending to [ 50] disenable him to fight any more against them: but he returning home, desirous to reuenge this iniurie, to maintain his liberty, with the reputation of his nation, and to helpe to banish the Span. with his tongue intreated & incited them to perseuere in their accustomed valor and reputation abasing the enemie, and aduancing his Nation; condemning their contraries towardlinesse, and confirming it by the cruelty vsed with him, and others his companions in their mishaps, shewing them his armes without hands, & naming his brethren, whose halfe feet they had cut off, because they might be vnable to sit on horsebacke with force, arguing, 〈…〉〈…〉t if they feared them not, they would not haue vsed so great inhumanitie; for feare produceth crueltie, the companion of cow∣ardise. Thus encouraged he them to fight for their liues, limbes, and libertie, choosing rather to die an honourable death fighting, then to liue in seruitude, as fruitlesse, members in their Com∣mon-wealth. [ 60] Thus, vsing the office of a Sergeant Maior, and hauing loden his two stumpes with bundles of Arrowes, succoured those, who in the succeeding battell had their store wasted, and changing himselfe from place to place, animated and encouraged his Countri-men, with such comfortable perswasions, as it is reported, and credibly beleeued, that hee did much more good

with his words, and presence, without striking a stroke, then a great part of the Armie did with fighting to the vtmost.

The other proofe is, that such of them as fight on horsebacke, are but slightly armed, for that their Armour is a Beasts hide, fitted to their body, greene, and after worne till it be drie and hard. He that is best armed, hath him double: yet any one of them with these Armes, and with his Launce, will fight hand to hand with any Spaniard armed from head to foot. And it is credibly reported, that an Indian being wounded through the bodie by a Spaniards Launce, with his own hands hath crept on vpon the Launce, and come to grapple with his Aduersarie, and both fallen to the ground together. By which is seene their resolution and inuincible courage, and the de∣sire they haue to maintayne their reputation and libertie. [ 10]

This let me manifest, that there haue beene and are certaine persons, who before they goe to Sea, ei∣ther * 1.837 robbe part of the prouisions, or in the buying, make penurious, vnwholsome, and a••ar••ious penic∣worths; and the last I hold to be the least; for they robbe onely the Victuallers and owners, but the o∣thers steale from owners, victuallers, and companie, and are many times the onely ouer thro••ers of the Voyage, for the companie thinking themselues to be stored with foure or sixe moneths Uictuals, vpon suruay, they finde their Bread, Beefe or Drinke short; yea, perhaps all, and so are forced to seeke home in time of best hopes and employment. This mischiefe is most ordinarie in great actions. Lastly, some are so cunning, that they not onely make their Voyage by robbing before they goe to Sea, but of that also which commeth home. Such Gamesters, a wise man of our Nation resembled to the Mill on the Riuer of Thames, for grinding both with flo••d and ebbe: So, these at their going out, and comming home, [ 20] will be sure to robbe all others of their shares.

But the greatest and most principall robberie of all, in my opinion, is the defranding or the detayning of * 1.838 the Companies thirds or wages, accursed by the iust God, who forbiddeth the hire of the labourer to sleep with vs. To such I speake, as either abuse themselues in detayning it; or else to such as force the poore man to sell it at vile and lowe prices: And lastly, to such as vpon fained ca••ils and suits, doe deterre the simple and ignorant sort from their due prosecutions: which being too much in vse amongst vs, hath bred in those that follow the Sea a iealousie in all employments, and many times causeth mutinies and in∣finit•• inconueniences. To preuent this, a Chist with three lockes was appointed: I kept one, the Master another, the third one chosen by the Companie.

No losse worthie reformation are the generall abuses of Mariners and Souldiers, who robbe all they * 1.839 [ 30] can, vnder the colour of Pillage; and after make Ordnance, Cables, Sayles, Anchors, and all aboue Deckes to belong vnto them of right; whether they goe by thirds or wages: this proceedeth from those pilfering warres, wherein euery Gall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that can arme out a Ship, taketh vpon him the name and office of a Captaine, not knowing what to command, or what to execute. Such Commanders for the most part consort and ioyne vnto themselues disorderly persons, Pirates, and Ruffians, vnder the title of men of valour and experience: they meeting with any Prize, make all vpon the Deckes their▪ of dutie, &c.

In the time of warre in our Countrie, as•• also in others, by the lawes of Oleron (which to our anci∣ent * 1.840 Sea-men were fundamentall) nothing is allowed for Pillage but Apparell, Armes, Instruments, and other necessaries belonging to the persons, in that ship which is taken: and these to, when the ship is gai∣ned [ 40] by dint of sword; with a prouiso, that if any particular Pillage, exceed the value of sixe crownes, it may be redeemed for that value, by the generall stocke, and sold for the common benefit. If the prize render it selfe without forcible entrie, all in generall ought to be preserued and sold in masse, and so equal∣ly diuided; yea, though the ship be wonne by force and entrie, yet whatsoeuer belongeth to her of takling, Sayles, or Ordnance, is to be preserued for the generalitie: saying a Peece of Artillerrie for the Cap∣taine; another for the Gunner, and a Cable and Anchor for the Master, which are the rights due vnto them; and these to be deliuered, when the ship is in safety, and in harbour, either vnloden or sold: which Law or Custome well considered, will rise to be more beneficiall for the Owners, Uictuallers, and Companie, then the disorders newly ••rept in and before remembred. For the Sayles, Cables, Anchors, and Hull, being sold (euery one apart) yeeld not the one halfe which they would doe if they were sold all [ 50] together, besides the excusing of charges, and robberies in the vnloding and parting.

In the warres of France, in the time of Queene Marie, and in other warres (as I haue heard of many ancient Captaines) the Companie had but the fourth part, and euery man bound to bring with him the Armes, with which he would fight•• which in our time, I haue knowne also vsed in France: and if the Companie victualed themselues, they had then the one halfe, and the Owners the other halfe for the ship, powder, shot, and munition. If any Prize were taken, it was sold by the tunne, ship and goods, so as the loading permitted it; that the Merchant hauing bought the goods, hee might presently transport them whither soeuer he would: By this manner of proceeding, all rested contented, all being truly payd; for this was iust dealing, if any deserued reward, he was recompenced out of the generall stocke. If any one had filched or stolne, or committed offence, he had likewise his desert: and who once was knowne to be a disor∣dered [ 60] person, or a thiefe, no man would receiue him into his ship: whereas now a dayes many va••••t them∣selues of their thefts and disorders; yea, I haue seene the common sort of Mariners, vnder the name of pillage, maintaine and iustifie their robberies most i••solently, before the Queens Maiesties Commissioners, with arrogant and vnseemly termes. Opinion hath hold such for tall fellowes, when in truth, they neuer

proue the best men in difficult occasions. For their mindes are all set on spoyle, and can be well contented to suffer their associates to beare the brunt, whilest they are prolling after pillage, the better to gaine and * 1.841 maintaine the aforesaid attributes, in Tauernes, and disorderly places. For the orderly and quiet men, I haue euer found in all occasions to be of best vse, most valiant, and of greatest sufficiency. Yet I co••demne none: but those who will be reputed valiant, and are not, examine the accusation. All whatsoeuer is found vpon the Decke, going for Merchandise, is exempted out of the censure of pillage; Silkes, Linnen, or Woollen cloth in whole pieces, Apparell, that goeth to be sold, or other goods whatsoeuer (though they be in remnants) manifestly knowne to bee carried for that end; or being comprehended in the Register, or Bills of lading, are not to be contayned vnder the name of Pillage.

But as I haue said of the consort, so can I not but complaine of many Captaines and Gouernours, who [ 10] ouercome with like greedy desire of gaine, condiscend to the smothering and suppressing of this ancient * 1.842 discipline, the cleanlier to smother their owne disloyalties, in suffering these breake-bulkes to escape, and absent themselues, till the heate be past, and partition made. Some of these cause the Bills of lading to be cast into the Sea, or so to be hidden, that they neuer appeare. Others send away their prisoners, who sometimes are more worth then the ship and her lading, because they should not discouer their secret stolne treasure: for many times, that which is left out of the Register or Bills of lading (with purpose to de∣fraud the Prince of his Customes (in their conceits, held to be excessiue) is of much more value, then * 1.843 that which the ship and lading is worth. Yea, I haue knowne ships worth two hundred thousand pounds, and better, cleane swept of their principall riches, nothing but the bare bulke being left vnsacked. The like may be spoken, of that which the disorderly Mariner, and the Souldier termeth Pillage. [ 20]

My Father, Sir Iohn Hawkins, in his instructions, in actions vnder his charge, had this particular * 1.844 Article: That whosoeuer rendred, or tooke any ship, should be bound to exhibite the Bills of lading; to keepe the Captaine, Master, Merchants, and persons of account, and to bring them to him to be examined, or into England: If they should bee by any accident separated from him, whatsoeuer was found wanting (the prisoners being examined) was to be made good by the Captaine and Companie, which tooke the ship, and this vpon great punishments.

Running alongst the coast, till wee came within few leagues of Arica, nothing happened vn∣to vs of extraordinarie noueltie or moment, for wee had the Breze fauourable, which seldome happeneth in this climate, finding our selues in 19. degrees, wee haled the shoare close aboord, purposing to see, if there were any shippi••g in the Road of Arica. It standeth in a great large Bay, * 1.845 [ 30] in 18. degrees: and before you come to it, a league to the Southwards of the Road and Towne, is a great round Hill, higher then the rest of the land of the Bay, neere about the Towne: which we hauing discouered, had ••ight presently of a small Barque, close aboord the shoare becalmed; manning our Boat, wee toke her, being loden with fish from Moormereno; which is a goodly * 1.846 head-land, very high, and lieth betwixt 24. and 25. degrees, and whether ordinarily some Ba••ques vse to goe a fishing euery yeere.

In her was a Spaniard and sixe Indians; The Spaniard, for that he was neere the shoare, swam vnto the Rockes, and though we offered to returne him his barke, and fish (as was our meaning) yet he refused to accept it, and made vs answere, that he durst not, for feare lest the Iustice should punish him. In so great subiection are the poore vnto those who haue the administration of * 1.847 [ 40] Iustice in those parts, and in most parts of the Kingdomes and Countries subiect to Spaine. Inso∣much, that to heare the Iustice to enter in at their doores, is to them destruction and desolation: for this cause wee carried her alongst with vs. In this meane while, wee had sight of another tall ship, comming out of the Sea, which wee gaue chase vnto, but could not fetch vp, be∣ing too good of sayle for vs. Our small Prize and Boate standing off vnto vs, descried ano∣ther shippe, which they chased and tooke also, loden with fish, comming from the Ilands of Iuan Fernandes.

After we opened the Bay and Port of Arica, but seeing it cleane without shipping, wee ha∣led the coast alongst, and going aboord to visite the bigger Prize, my Companie saluted mee with a vollie of small shot. Amongst them one Musket brake, and carried away the hand of him that shot it, through his owne default, which for that I haue seene to happen many times, I thinke [ 50] it necessary to note in this place, that others may take warning by his harme. The cause of the * 1.848 Muskets breaking, was the charging with two bullets, the powder being ordayned to carrie but the weight of one, and the Musket not to suffer two charges, of powder or shot. By this ouer∣sight, the fire is restrained with the ouerplus of the weight of shot, and not being able to force both of them out, breaketh all to pieces, so to finde a way to its owne Centre.

And I am of opinion, that it is a great errour, to proue great Ordnance, or small shot, with double charges of powder, or shot; my reason is, for that ordinarily the mettall is proportioned to the waight of the shot, which the Peece is to beare, and the powder correspondent to the waight of the bullet: and this being granted, I see no reason why any man should require to proue [ 60] his peece with more, then is belonging to it of right: for I haue seene many goodly peeces bro∣ken with such trials, being cleane without hony combes, cracke, flawe, or other perceauable ble∣mish, which no doubt, wi••h their ordinary allowance would haue serued many yeares. If I should make choice for my selfe, I would not willingly, that any peece should come into Fort,

or ship (vnder my charge) which had borne at any time more then his ordinary allowance, mis∣doubting, least through the violence of the double charge, the Peece may be crased within, or so forced, as at another occasion, with his ordinary allowance he might breake in peeces: how ma∣ny men so many mindes: for to others, this may seeme harsh, for that the contrary custome hath so long time beene receiued, and therefore I submit to better experience, and contradict not but that in a demy culuering, a man may put two Saker or Minion shots, or many of smaller waight: and so in a Musket, two Calieuer shot, or many smaller, so they exceede not the ordinary waight, prescribed by proportion, art, and experience.

Hauing visited our prizes, and finding in them nothing but fish, we tooke a small portion for our victualling, and gaue the bigger Ship to the Spaniards againe, and the lesser wee kept with [ 10] purpose to make her our Pinnace. The Indians (which we tooke in her) would by no meanes de∣part * 1.849 from vs, but desired to goe with vs for England, saying that the Indian and English were bro∣thers; and in all places where wee came, they shewed them selues much affectionated vnto vs. These were Natiues of Moremoreno, and the most brutish of all that euer I had seene: and ex∣cept it were in forme of men and speech, they seemed altogether voide of that which appertai∣ned to reasonable men. They were expert swimmers, but after the manner of Spaniels, they diue, and abide vnder water a long time, and swallow the water of the Sea, as if it were of a fresh * 1.850 Riuer, except a man see them, he would hardly beleeue how they continue in the Sea, as if they were Mermaides, and the water their naturall Element. Their Countrie is most barren, and poore of foode: if they take a fish aliue out of the Sea, or meete with a peece of salted fish, they will de∣uoure [ 20] it without any dressing, as sauourly as if it had beene most curiously sodden or dressed, all which makes me beleeue, that they sustaine themselues of that which they catch in the Sea. The Spaniards profit themselues of their labour and trauell, and recompence them badly, they are in worse condition then their slaues, for to those they giue sustenance, house-roome, and clothing, and teach them the knowledge of God; but the other they vse as beasts, to doe their labour with∣out wages, or care of their bodies or soules.

§. V. [ 30]

The Viceroy sends an Armado against the English; which vieweth them and retur∣neth: is againe set forth: their fight; the English yeelde vpon composition: Diuers martiall discourses.

BY generall accord we eased our selues of a leake prise, and continued our course alongst the coast, till we came thwart of the Bay of Pisco, which lyeth within 15. degrees and 15. minutes. Presently after we were cleare of Cape Sangalean, and his Ilands, we * 1.851 ranged this Bay with our Boate and Pinnace. It hath two small Ilands in it, but with∣out fruite, and being becalmed, we anchored two dayes thwart of Chilca. * 1.852 [ 40]

By Sea and by Land, those of Clyly had giuen aduise to Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoca, Mar∣quis * 1.853 of Cauete, Vice-roy of Peru, resident in Lima, of our being on the Coast. He presently with all possible diligence, put out six Ships in warlike order, with well neere two thousand men, and dispatched them to seeke vs, and to fight with vs, vnder the conduct of Don Be••••rian de Castro Ydelaluca, his wiues brother; who departing out of the Port of Callao, turned to wind-ward, in sight ouer the shore, from whence they had daily intelligence, where wee had beene discouered. And the next day after our departure out of Chilca, about the middle of May, at breake of day, we had sight each of other, thwart of Cauete, we being to wind-wards of the Spanish Armado, some two leagues, and all with little or no winde. Our Pinnace or prize being furnished with Oares came vnto vs, out of which we thought to haue taken our men, and so to leaue her; but [ 50] being able to come vnto vs at all times, it was held for better, to keepe her till necessitie forced vs to leaue her: and so it was determined, that if we came to likelihood of boording, she should lay our Boate aboord, and enter all her men, and from thence to enter our Ship, and ••o to forsake her: Although by the euent in that occasion, this proued good, notwithstanding I hold it to be reproued, where the enemy is farre superiour in multitude and force, and able to come and boord, if he list: and that the surest course, is to fortifie the principall, and the best that may be, and to cut off all impediments, where a man is forced to defence; for that no man is assured to haue time answerable to his purpose and will, and vpon doubt whether the others in hope to saue them∣selues, will not leaue him in greatest extremitie.

We presently put our selues in the best order we could, to fight, and to defend our selues: our [ 60] prayers we made vnto the Lord God of battels, for his helpe and our deliuerance, putting our selues wholly into his hands. About nine of the clocke, the Brese began to blow, and wee to stand off into the Sea, the Spaniards cheeke by iole with vs, euer getting to the wind-wards vp∣on vs; for that the shipping of the South Sea, is euer moulded sharpe vnder water, and long;

all their voyages depending vpon turning to wind-wards, and the Brese blowing euer Sou∣therly.

As the Sunne began to mount aloft, the winde began to fresh: which together with the rowling Sea, that euer beateth vpon this coast, comming out of the westerne-bourd, caused a chapping Sea, wherewith the Admirall of the Spaniards snapt his maine Mast asunder, and so began to lagge a sterne, and with him, other two Ships. The Vice-admirall split her maine∣saile, being come within shot of vs vpon our broad side, but to lee-wards: the Reare-admirall cracked her maine-yard asunder in the middest, being a head of vs: one of the Armado, which had gotten vpon the broad side of vs, to wind-wards, durst not assault vs.

With these disgraces vpon them, and the hand of God helping and deliuering vs, night com∣ming, we began to consult what course was best to be taken, to free our selues; wherein were di∣uers [ 10] opinions: some said it was best to stand off to the Sea close by, all the night: others to lye it a hull: others to cast about to the shoare-wards two glasses, and after all the night to stand off to Sea close by. The Admirall of the Spaniards with the other two were a sterne of vs, some foure leagues: the Vice-admirall a mile right to lee-wards of vs: the Reare-admirall in a manner right a head, some culuering shot; and one vpon our loofe, within shot also, the Moone was to rise within two houres. After much debating, it was concluded, that we should beare vp before the winde, and seeke to escape betwixt the Admirall and the Vice-admirall, which we put in execution, not knowing of any other disgrace befallen them, but that of the Reare-admirall: till after our surrender, when they recounted vnto vs all that had past. In the morning at breake [ 20] of day, we were cleare of all our Enemies, and so shaped our course alongst the Coast, for the Bay of Atacames, where we purposed to trim our Pinnace, and to renew our wood and water, and so to depart vpon our Voyage with all possible speede.

The Spanish Armado, returned presently to Callao, which is the Port of Lyma, or of the Citie * 1.854 of the Kings. It was first named Lyma, and retaineth also that name of the Riuer, which passeth by the Citie called Lyma, the Spanish Armado being entred the Port, the people began to goe a∣shore, where they were so mocked and scorned by the women, as scarce any one by day would * 1.855 shew his face, they reuiled them with the name of cowards and golnias, and craued licence of the Vice-roy to be admitted into their roomes, and to vndertake the surrendry of the English Shippe. I haue beene certified for truth, that some of them affronted their Souldiers with Dag∣gers [ 30] and Pistols by their sides. This wrought such effects in the hearts of the disgraced, as they vowed either to recouer their reputation lost, or to follow vs into England, and so with expedi∣tion, the Vice-roy commanded two Shippes and a Pinnace to be put in order, and in them placed the chiefe Souldiers and Marriners of the rest, and furnished them with victuals and munition.

The foresaid Generall is once againe dispatched to seeke vs; who ranged the Coasts and * 1.856 Ports, enforming himselfe what he could: Some fiftie leagues to the North-wards of Lyma, in sight of Mongon, we tooke a Ship halfe loaden with Wheate, Sugar, Miell de Canas, and Cordo∣uan skins: which for that she was leake, and sailed badly, and tackled in such manner (as the Mar∣riners would not willingly put themselues into her) we tooke what was necessary for our pro∣uision, [ 40] and fired her. Thwart of Truxillo, wee set the company of her ashoare, with the Pilot which we had taken in Balparizo, reseruing the Pilot of the burnt Shippe, and a Greeke, who chose rather to continue with vs, then to hazard their liues in going ashore; for that they had de∣parted out of the Port of Santa (which is in eight degrees) being required by the Iustice not to weigh anchor before the Coast was knowne to be cleare.

It is a thing worthy to be noted, and almost incredible, with how few men they vse to saile * 1.857 a Shippe in the South Sea, for in this prise, which was aboue an hundred tunnes, were but eight persons: and in a Ship of three hundreth tuns, they vse not to put aboue foureteene or fifteene persons: yea I haue beene credibly enformed, that with foureteene persons, a Ship of fiue hun∣dred tuns hath beene carried from Guayaquil to Lyma, deepe loaden: which is aboue two hun∣dred leagues. They are forced euer to gaine their Voyage by turning to wind-wards, which is [ 50] the greatest toyle and labour that the Marriners haue; and slow sometimes in this Voyage foure or fiue moneths, which is generall in all the Nauigations of this coast: but the security from stormes, and certainty of the Brese (with the desire to make their gaine the greater) is the cause that euery man forceth himselfe to the vttermost, to doe the labour of two men.

In the height of the Port of Santa, some seuen hundred and fiftie leagues to the West-wards, * 1.858 lye the Ilands of Salomon, of late yeares discouered. At my being in Lyma, a Fleete of foure saile was sent from thence to people them; which through the emulation and discord that arose a∣mongst them, being landed and setled in the Countrey, was vtterly ouerthrowne, onely one Shippe, with some few of the people, after much misery, got to the Philippines. This I came to [ 60] the knowledge of, by a large relation written from a person of credit, and sent from the Philip∣pines to Panama: I saw it at my being there, in my voyage towards Spaine. Hauing edged neere the coast, to put the Spaniards on shore, a thicke fogge tooke vs, so that we could not see the land; but recouering our Pinnace and Boate, we sailed on our course, till wee came thwart of the Port * 1.859 called Malabrigo. It lieth in seuen degrees,

In all this Coast the currant runneth with great force, but neuer keepeth any certaine course, sauing that it runneth alongst the coast, sometimes to the South-wards, sometimes to the North-wards, * 1.860 which now runneth to the North-wards, forced vs so farre into the Bay (which a point of the land causeth, that they call Punta de Augussa) as thinking to cleare our selues by rouing * 1.861 North-west, we could not double this point, making our way North North-west. Therefore speciall care is euer to be had of the current: and doubtlesse, if the prouidence of Almighty God had not Freede vs, we had runne ashore vpon the Land, without seeing or suspecting any such danger; his name be euer exalted and magnified, for deliuering vs from the vnknowne danger, by calming the winde all night: the Suns rising manifested vnto vs our errour and perill, by disco∣uering vnto vs the land within two leagues right a head. The current had carried vs without any [ 10] winde, at the least foure leagues: which seene, and the winde beginning to blow, we brought our tackes aboord, and in short time cleared our selues.

Thwart of this point of Angussa, lye two desert Ilands; they call them Illas de Lobos, for the multitude of Seales, which accustome to haunt the shore. In the bigger is very good harbour, * 1.862 and secure: they lye in six degrees and thirty minutes. The next day after we lost sight of those Ilands, being thwart of Payta, which lyeth in fiue degrees, and hauing manned our Pinnace and Boate to search the Port, we had sight of a tall Ship, which hauing knowledge of our being on the coast, and thinking her selfe to be more safe at Sea, then in the harbour, put her selfe then vnder saile: to her we gaue chase all that night, and the next day; but in fine, being better of saile then we, she freed her selfe. Thus being to lee-ward of the Harbour, and discouered, we conti∣nued [ 20] our course alongst the shore. That euening, wee were thwart of the Riuer of Guyayaquill, which hath in the mouth of it two Ilands: the Souther-most and biggest, called Puma, in three degrees; and the other to the North-wards, Santa clara.

Puma is inhabited, and is the place where they build their principall shipping: from this Ri∣uer, Lima and all the valleyes are furnished with Timber, for they haue none but that which is * 1.863 brought from hence, or from the Kingdome of Chile. By this Riuer passeth the principall trade of the Kingdome of Quito; it is Nauigable some leagues into the Land, and hath great abundance of Timber.

Those of the Peru, vse to ground and trim their Shippes in Puma, or in Panama, and in all o∣ther parts they are forced to carene their Shippes. In Puma it higheth and falleth, fifteene or six∣teene [ 30] foote water, and from this Iland, till a man come to Panama, in all the coast it ebbeth and floweth more or lesse; keeping the ordinary course, which the Tides doe in all Seas. The water of this Riuer, by experience, is medicinable, for all aches of the bones, for the stone and stran∣gurie: the reason which is giuen, is, because all the bankes and low land adioyning to this Riuer, * 1.864 are replenished with Salsaperillia: which lying for the most part soaking in the water, it parti∣cipateth of this vertue, and giueth it this force. In this Riuer, and all the Riuers of this coast, are great abundance of Alagartoes; and it is said that this exceedeth the rest, for persons of cre∣dit haue certified me, that as small fishes in other Riuers abound in scoales, so the Alagartoes in this; they doe much hurt to the Indians and Spaniards, and are dreadfull to all whom they catch * 1.865 within their clutches. [ 40]

Some fiue or six leagues to the North-wards of Puma, is la Punta de Santa Elena; vnder which is good anchoring, cleane ground, and reasonable succour. Being thwart of this point, wee had * 1.866 sight of a Shippe, which wee chased, but being of better saile then wee, and the night com∣ming on, we lost sight of her; and so anchored vnder the Isla de Plata; to recouer our Pinnace and Boate, which had gone about the other point of the Iland, which lyeth in two degrees, and fortie minutes. The next day we past in sight of Puerto Vicjo, in two degrees ten minutes; which * 1.867 lying without shipping, we directed our course for Cape Passaos. It lyeth directly vnder the E∣quinoctiall line; some fourescore leagues to the West-wards of this Cape, lyeth a heape of Ilands, the Spaniards call Illas de los Galapagos; they are desert and beare no fruite: from Cape Passaos, we directed our course to Cape Saint Francisco, which lyeth in one degree to the North-wards [ 50] of the line: and being thwart of it, we descried a small Shippe, which we chased all that day and night, and the next morning our Pinnace came to bourd her; but being a Ship of aduise, and full of passengers, and our Ship not able to fetch her vp, they entreated our people badly, and freed themselues, though the feare they conceiued, caused them to cast all the dispatches of the King, as also of particulars into the Sea, with a great part of their loading, to be lighter and better of saile, for the Ships of the South Sea loade themselues like lighters or sand barges, presuming vpon the securitie from stormes.

Being out of hope to fetch vp this Shippe, we stood in with the Cape, where the Land begin∣neth to trend about to the East-wards. The Cape is high land, and all couered ouer with trees, and so is the land ouer the Cape, and all the coast (from this Cape to Panama) is full of wood, [ 60] from the Straits of Magelan, to this Cape of San Francisco. In all the coast from head-land to head-land, the courses lye betwixt the North and North and by West, and sometimes more We∣sterly, and that but seldome: It is a bold coast, and subiect to little foule weather, or alteration of windes, for the Brese, which is the Southerly winde, bloweth continually from Balparizo to

Cape San Francisco, except it be a great chance. Trending about the Cape, wee haled in East North-east, to fetch the Bay of Atacames, which lyeth some seuen leagues from the Cape. In * 1.868 the mid way (some three leagues from the shore) lyeth a banke of sand, whereof a man must haue a care; for in some parts of it there is but little water.

The tenth of Iune we came to an anchor in the Bay of Atacames, which on the Wester part hath a round hammock. It seemeth an Iland, & in high Springs, I iudge, that the Sea goeth round about it. To the Eastwards it hath a high sandie Cliffe, and in the middest of the Bay, a faire birth, from the shoare lieth a bigge blacke Rocke aboue water: from this Rocke to the sandy Cliffe, is a drowned Marsh ground, caused by his lownesse; And a great Riuer, which is broad but of no depth. [ 10]

Manning our Boate, and running to the shoare, wee found presently in the Westerne bight of the Bay, a deepe Riuer, whose Indraught was so great, that we could not benefit our selues of it, being brackish, except at a low water; which hindred our dispatch, yet in fiue dayes, wee filled all our emptie Caske, supplied ou•• want of wood, and grounded and put in order our Pin∣nasse. Here, for that our Indians serued vs to no other vse, but to consume our victuals, we eased * 1.869 our selues of them; gaue them Hookes and Lines which they craued, and some bread for a few dayes, and replanted them in a rarre better Countrey, then their owne, which fell out luckily for the Spaniards of the Shippe which wee chased thwart of Cape San Francisco; for victuals growing short with her, hauing many mouthes, shee was forced to put ashoare fifty of her pas∣sengers, neere the Cape; whereof more then the one halfe died with famine, and continuall * 1.870 [ 20] wading through Riuers and waters: the rest (by chance) meeting with the Indians, which we had put ashore, with their fishing, guide, and industry were refreshed, sustained, and brought to habi∣tation.

Our necessary businesse being ended, we purposed the fifteenth day of May, in the morning, * 1.871 to setsaile, but the foureteenth in the eu••ning, we had sight of a Shippe, some three leagues to Sea-wards; and through the importunitie of my Captaine and Companie. I condiscended that our Pinnace should giue her chase, which I should not haue done, for it was our destruction; I gaue them precise order, that if they stood not in againe at night, they should seeke me at Cape San Francisco, for the next morning I purposed to set sayle without delay, and so seeing that our Pinnace slowed her comming, at nine of the clocke in the morning, we waied our Anchors, and [ 30] stood for the Cape; where we beate off and on two dayes: and our Pinnace not appearing, wee stood againe into the Bay, where we descried he••, turning in without a maine Mast, which stan∣ding off to the Sea, close by, with much winde and a ch〈…〉〈…〉ng Se•• bearing a taut-sayle, where a * 1.872 little was too much (being to small purpose) sodainely t••ey bare it by the bourd; and standing in with the shore, the winde, or rather God blinding th••m for our punishment, they knew not the land; and making themselues to be to wind-wards of the Bay, bare vp and were put into the Bay of San Mathew: It is a goodly harbour, and hath a great fresh Riuer, which higheth fifteene or sixteene foote water, and is a good Countrey, and w••ll peopled with Indians; they haue store of Gold and Emeralds. Here the Spaniards from Guay aquill made an habitation, whilst I was pri∣soner in Lyma, by the Indians consent; but after not able to suffer the insolencies of their guests, [ 40] and being a people of stomacke and presumption, they suffered themselues to bee perswa∣ded and led by a Molato. This leader many yeares before had fled vnto them from the * 1.873 Spaniards, him they had long time held in reputation of their Captaine Generall, and was admitted also vnto a chiefe Office by the Spaniards, to gaine him vnto them. But now the Indians vniting themselues together, presuming that by the helpe of this Molato they should force the Spaniards out of the Countrey; put their resolution in execution, droue their enemies into the woods, and slew as many as they could lay hands on few escaped with life; and those who had that good hap, suffered extreame misery before they came to Quito; the place of neerest ha∣bitation of Spaniards.

To this Bay, as soone as our people in the Pinnace saw their errour, they brought their tackes [ 50] aboord, and turned and tyded it vp, as they could. Assoone as we came to Anchor, I procured to remedy that was amisse; in two dayes we dispatched all we had to doe, and the next morn••ng we resolued to set sayle and to leaue the coast of Peru and Quito. The day appearing, we began to weigh our Anchors, and being a Pike ready to cut sayle, one out of the top descried the Spa∣nish Armado, comming about the Cape: which by the course it kept, presently gaue vs to vn∣derstand, * 1.874 who they were: though my company (as is the custome of Sea men) made them to be the Fleete bound for Panama, loaden with treasure, and importuned that in all haste wee should cut sayle and stand with them, which I contradicted, for that I was assured that no Shipping would stirre vpon the coast, till they had securitie of our departure (except some Armado that might be sent to seeke vs) and that it was not the time of the yeare to carry the treasure to Pa∣nama. [ 60] And besides, in riding still at an Anchor, they euer came neerer vnto vs, for they stood directly with vs, and we kept the weather gage; where if wee had put our selues vnder sayle (the ebbe in hand) we should haue giuen them the aduantage, which we had in our power, by rea∣son of the point of the Bay. And being the Armado (as it was) we gained time to fit our selues,

the better to fight. And truly (as before, to a stiffe-necked Horse) so now againe, I cannot but resemble the condition of the Mariner to any thing better, then to the current of a furious Riuer, repressed by force or Arte, which neuerthelesse ceasseth not to seeke a way to ouerthrowe both * 1.875 fence and banke: Euen so the common sort of Sea-men, apprehending a conceit in their imagi∣nations, neither experiment, knowledge, examples, reasons nor authoritie, can alter or remoue them from their conceited opinions. In this extremitie, with reason I laboured to conuince them, and to contradict their pretences: but they altogether without reason, or against reason, breake out, some into vaunting and bragging, some into reproaches of want of courage, others in∣to wishings, that they had neuer come out of their Countrie, if wee should refuse to fight with two ships whatsoeuer. And to mend the matter, the Gunner (for his part) assured me that with * 1.876 [ 10] the first tire of shot, he would lay the one of them in the sods: And our Pinnace, that she would take the other to taske. One promised, that he would cut downe the Maine-yard, another that hee would take their Flagge; and all in generall shewed a great desire to come to triall with the Enem••. To some I turned the deafe eare, with others I dissembled, and armed my selfe with patience (hauing no other defence nor remedie for that occasion) soothing and animating them to the execution of what they promised, and perswaded them to haue a little sufferance, seeing they gained time and aduantage by it. And to giue them better satisfaction I condiscended, that our Captaine with a competent number of men, should with our Pinnace goe to discouer them; with order, that they should not engage themselues in that manner, as they might not bee able to come vnto vs, or we to succour them. In all these diuisions and opinions, our Master, Hugh [ 20] Dormish (who was a most sufficient man for gouernment and valour, and well saw the errours of the multitude) vsed his office, as became him; and so did all those of best vnderstanding.

In short space, our Pinnace discouered what they were, and casting about to returne vnto vs, the Vice-admirall (being next her) began with her chafe to salute her with three or foure Peeces of Artilerie, and so continued chasing her, and gunning at her. My Companie seeing this, now began to change humour: And I then, to encourage and perswade them to performe the execu∣tion of their promises and vaunts of valour, which they had but euen now protested, and giuen assurance of, by their profers and forwardnesse,. And that we might haue Sea-roome to fight, we presently weighed Anchor, and stood off to Sea with all our sayles, in hope to get the wea∣ther gage of our contraries. But the winde scanting with vs, and larging with them, we were [ 30] forced to lee-ward. And the Admirall weathering vs, came roome vpon vs: which being with∣in * 1.877 Musket shot, wee hailed first with our noise of Trumpets, then with our Waytes, and after with our Artilerie: which they answer••d with Artilerie, two for one. For they had double the * 1.878 Ordnance we had, and almost ••en men for one. Immediatly they came shoaring aboord of vs, vpon our lee quarter contrarie to our expectation, and the custome of men of Warre. And doubt∣lesse, had our Gunner beene the man hee was reputed to be, and as the world sold him to me, shee had receiued great hurt by that manner of boording: But contrarie to all expectation, our stearne Peeces were vnprimed, and so were all those, which we had to lee-ward (saue halfe one in the quarter) which discharged wrought that effect in our contraries as that they had fiue or sixe foot water in hold, before they suspected it. [ 40]

Hereby all men are to take warning by me, not to trust any man in such extremities, when * 1.879 he himselfe may see it done: and comming to fight, let the Chieftaine himselfe bee sure to haue all his Artilerie in a readinesse, vpon all occasions. This was my ouersight, this my ouerthrow. For I, and all my Companie, had that satisfaction of the sufficiency and care of our Gunner, as not any one of vs euer imagined there would be any defect found in him. For my part, I with the rest of our Officers, occupied ourselues in clearing our Deckes, lacing our Nettings, making of Bulwarkes, arming our Toppes, fitting our Wast-clothes, tallowing our Pikes, slinging our Yards, doubling our Sheetes and Tackes, placing and ordering our People, and procuring that they should be well fitted and prouided of all things; leauing the Artilerie, and other Instru∣ments of fire, to the Gunners dispose and order, with the rest of his Mates and Adherents: which [ 50] (as I said) was part of our perdition. For bearing me euer in hand, that he had fiue hundred Car∣tredges in a readinesse, within one houres fight, wee were forced to occupie three persons, onely in making and filling Cartredges, and of fiue hundred elles of Canuas and other Cloth giuen him for that purpose, at sundry times, not one yard was to be found. For this we haue no excuse, and therefore could not auoide the danger, to charge and discharge with the Ladle, especially in so hot a fight. And comming now to put in execution the sinking of the ship, as he promised, hee seemed a man without life or soule. So the Admirall comming close vnto vs, I my selfe, and the Master of our ship, were forced to play the Gunners.

Those Instruments of fire, wherein he made me to spend excessiuely (before our going to Sea) * 1.880 now appeared not; Neither the brasse Bals of Artificiall fire to be shot with Slurbowes (where∣of [ 60] I had sixe Bowes, and two hundreth Bals, which are of great account and seruice, either by Sea or Land) he had stowed them in such manner (though in double Barrels) as the salt water had spoyled them all; so that comming to vse them, not one was seruiceable. Some of our Com∣panie had him in suspicion, to be more friend to the Spaniards, then to vs; for that hee had ser∣ued

some yeares in the Tercea, as Gunner, and that he did all this of purpose. Few of our Pee∣ces were cleere, when we came to vse them, and some had the shot first put in, and after the powder. Besides, after our surrendry; it was laid to his charge, that he should say; he had a Bro∣ther that serued the King in Peru, and that he thought he was in the Armado; and how he would not for all the world, he should be slaine. Whether this were true or no, I know not, but I am sure all in generall gaue him an ill report, and that hee, in whose hands the chiefe execution of the whole fight confisted, executed nothing as was promised and expected.

It is requisite that all Captaines and Commanders were such, and so experimented in all offices, that * 1.881 they might be able as well to controule as to examine all manner of errors in officers. For the Gouernment at Sea hardly suffereth a head without exquisite experience. The deficiencie whereof hath occasioned [ 10] some ancient Sea-men to straighten the attribute of Marriner in such sort, as that it ought not to be giuen but to the man who is able to build his Ship, to fit and prouide her of all things necessarie, and after to carry her about the world: residue, to be but saylers. Hereby giuing vs to vnderstand, that hee should * 1.882 know the parts and peeces of the Ship, the value of the timber, planke and Iron-worke, so to be able as∣well to build in proportion, as to procure all materials at a iust price. And againe, to know how to cut his sayles, what length is competent to euery Roape, and to be of sufficiencie to reprehend and reforme those who erre, and doe amisse. In prouiding his Ship for victuals, munition and necessaries, of force it must * 1.883 be expected that he be able to make his estimate, and (that once prouided and perfected) in season, and with expedition to see it loden and stowed commodiously, with care and proportion. After that, Hee is to order the spending thereof, that in nothing he be defrauded at home, and at Sea, euer to know how much [ 20] is spent, and what remaineth to be spent. In the Art of Nauigation, he is bound also to know, so much * 1.884 as to be able to giue directions to the Pilot & Master, and consequently to all the rèst of inferior officers.

In matter of guide and disposing of the Saylers, with the tackling of the Ship, and the workes which be∣long * 1.885 thereunto, within bourd and without, all is to be committed to the Masters charge. The Pilot is to looke carefully to the Sterridge of the Ship, to be watchfull in taking the heights of Sunne and Starre; * 1.886 to note the way of his Ship, with the augmenting and lessening of the winde, &c. The Boateswaine is to see his Ship kept cleane; his Mastes, yards and tacklings well coated, matted and armed; his shrouds and staies well set; his sailes repaired, and sufficiently preuented with martnets, blayles, and caskets; his boate fitted with Sayle, Oares, thoughts, tholes danyd, windles and rother: His Anchors well boyed, sufe∣ly stopped and secured, with the rest to him appertaining. The Steward is to see the preseruation of Vi∣ctuals * 1.887 [ 30] and necessaries, committed vnto his charge; and by measure and weight, to deliuer the portions ap∣pointed, and with discretion and good tearmes, to giue sat••••faction to all. The Carpenter is to view the * 1.888 mastes and yards, the sides of the Ship, her deckes and cabines; her pumpes and boate; and moreouer to occupie himselfe in the most forcible workes, except he be otherwise c〈…〉〈…〉ded. The Gunner is to care * 1.889 for the britching and tackling of his Artillery; the fitting of his shot, T••••pkins, coynes, crones and lin∣stokes, &c. To be prouident in working his fire workes, in making and filling his Cartreges; in accommo∣dating his ladles, sponges and other necessaries; in sifting and drying his powder; in cleansing the armes, munition, and such like workes, intrusted vnto him.

In this manner euery officer in his office, ought to be an absolute Commander, yet ready in obedience and loue, to sacrifice his will to his superiors command: This cannot but cause vnitie; and vnitie cannot [ 40] but purchase a happie issue to dutifull trauels. Lastly, except it be in vrgent and precise cases, the Head * 1.890 should neuer direct his command to any, but the officers, and these secretly, except the occasion require publication; or that it touch all in generall. Such orders would be (for the most part) in writing, that all might know what in generall is commanded and required.

The reason why the Admirall came to leewards (asafter I vnderstood) was for that her Artil∣lery being very long, and the winde fresh, bearing a taut sayle, to fetch vs vp, and to keepe vs * 1.891 company, they could not vse their Ordnance to the weather of vs, but lay shaking in the winde: And doubtlesse it is most proper for shippes to haue short Ordnance, except in the sterne or chase. The reasons are many: viz. easier charging, ease of the Shippes side, better tra∣uersing and mounting, yea, greater securitie of the Artillery, and consequently of the Shippe. For * 1.892 [ 50] the longer the Peece is, the greater is the retention of the fire, and so the torment and danger of the Peece the greater. But here will be contradiction by many, that dare auouch that longer Peeces are to be preferred; for that they burne their powder better, and carry the shot further, and so necessarily of better execution: whereas the short Artillery many times spends much of their powder without bur∣ning, and workes thereby the slenderer effect. To which I answere, that for Land seruice, Forts, or Castles, the long Peeces are to be preferred; but for shipping, the shorter are much more seruiceable. And the pow∣der in them, being such as it ought, will be all fired long before the shot come forth; and to reach farre in fights at Sea, is to little effect: For he that purposeth to annoy his Enemie, must not shoote at randon, nor at point blanke, if he purpose to accomplish with his deuoire, neither must he spend his shot, nor powder, but where a pot-gun may reach his contrary; how much the neerer, so much the better: and this duely ex∣ecuted, [ 60] the short Artillery will worke his effect, as well as the long; otherwise, neither short nor long are of much importance: but here, my meaning is not, to approue the ouershort Peeces, deuised by some per∣sons, which at euery shot they make, daunce out of their cariages, but those of indifferent length, and which keepe the meane, betwixt seauen and eight foote.

The entertainment we gaue vnto our contraries, being otherwise then was expected, they fell off, and ranged a head, hauing broken in peeces all our gallerie: and presently they cast a∣bout * 1.893 vpon vs, and being able to keepe vs company, with their fighting sailes lay a weather of vs, ordinarily within Musket shot; playing continually with them and their great Artillerie; which we endured, and answered as we could. Our Pinnace engaged her selfe so farre, as that before she could come vnto vs, the Vice-admirall had like to cut her off, and comming to lay vs aboord, and to enter her men, the Vice-admirall boorded with her; so that some of our company entred our Ship ouer her bow-sprit, as they themselues reported. Wee were not a little comfor∣ted with the sight of our people in safetie, within our Ship, for in all, wee were but threescore and fifteene men and boyes, when we began to fight, and our enemies thirteene hundred men and * 1.894 [ 10] boyes, little more or lesse, and those of the choise of Peru.

Here it shall not be out of the way, to discourse a little of the Spanish Discipline, and manner of their gouernment in generall; which is in many things different to ours. In this expedition came two Generals, * 1.895 the one Don Beltran de Castro, who had the absolute authoritie and command: The other Michael Angell Pilipon, a man well in yeares, and came to this preferment by his long and painefull seruice, who though he had the title of Generall by Sea, I thinke it was rather of courtesie then by Pattent; and for that he had beene many yeares Generall of the South Seas, for the carriage and swaftage of the Siluer from Lyma to Panama; Hee seemed to be an assistant, to supply that with his counsell, aduice, and experi∣ence, whereof Don Beltran had neuer made triall (for he commanded not absolutely, but with the con∣firmation of Don Beltran) for the Spaniards neuer giue absolute authoritie to more then one. A custome [ 20] that hath beene, and is approued in all Empires, Kingdomes, Common-wealths, and Armies, rightly disci∣plined: the mixture hath beene seldome seene to prosper, as will manifestly appeare, if we consider the issue of all actions and iourneys committed to the gouernment of two or more generally.

The Spaniards in their Armadoes by Sea, imitate the discipline, order and officers, which are in an Army by Land, and diuide themselues into three bodies, to wit, Souldiers, Marriners and Gunners. Their Souldiers ward and watch, and their officers in euery Ship round, as if they were on the shoare; this is the onely taske they vndergoe, except cleaning their Armes, wherein they are not ouer curious. The Gunners * 1.896 are exempted from all labour and care, except about the Artillerie. And these are either Almaynes, Flemmings, or strangers; for the Spaniards are but indifferently practised in this Art. The Marriners * 1.897 are but as slaues to the rest, to moyle and to toyle day and night, and those but few and bad, and not suffe∣red * 1.898 to sleepe or harbour themselues vnder the deckes. For in faire or foule weather, in stormes, sunne or [ 30] raine, they must passe voide of couert or succour.

There is ordinarily in euery Ship of Warre, a Captaine, whose charge is, as that of our Masters with vs, and also a Captaine of the Souldiers, who commandeth the Captaine of the Ship, the Souldiers, Gun∣ners, * 1.899 and Marriners in her; yea, though there be diuers Captaines, with their companies in one Shippe (which is vsuall amongst them) yet one hath the supreame authoritie, and the residue are at his ordering and disposing. They haue their Mastros de Campo, Sergeant, Master, Generall (or Captaine) of the Ar∣tillery, with their Alfere Maior, and all other officers, as in a Campe. If they come to fight with another Armado, they order themselues as in a battell by land: In a Vanguard, rereward, maine battell, and wings, &c. In euery particular Ship the Souldiers are set all vpon the deckes; their forecastle they account [ 40] their head Front, or Vangard of their company; that abast the Mast, the rereward; and the waste, the maine battell; wherein they place their principall force, and on which they principally relye, which they call their placa de armas or place of Armes; which taken, their hope is lost. The Gunners fight not, but with their great Artillerie: the Marriners attend onely on the tackling of the Ship, and handling of the sailes, and are vnarmed, and subiect to all misfortunes; not permitted to shelter themselues, but to be still aloft, * 1.900 whether it be necessary or needelesse. So ordinarily, those which first faile are the Marriners and Sailers, of which they haue greatest neede. They vse few close fights or fireworks, & all this proceedeth (as I iudge) of errour in placing land Captaines for Gouernors and Commanders by Sea, where they seldome vnder∣stand what is to be done or commanded.

Some that haue beene our prisoners, haue perfited themselues of that, they haue seene amongst vs: and [ 50] others disguised, vnder colour of treaties, for ransoming of prisoners, for bringing of presents, & other Im∣bassages, * 1.901 haue noted our forme of shipping, our manner of defences and discipline: Sit hence which espiall in such actions as they haue beene imployed in, they seeke to imitate our gouernment, and reformed discipline at Sea: which doubtlesse is the best, and most proper that is at this day knowne, or practised in the whole * 1.902 world, if the execution be answerable to that which is known and receiued for true and good amongst vs.

In the Captaine (for so the Spaniards call their Admirall) was an English Gunner, who to gaine grace with those vnder whom he serued, preferring himselfe, and offered to sinke our Ship with * 1.903 the first shot he made; who, by the Spaniards relation, being trauersing a peece in the bowe, to make his shot, had his head carried away with the first or second shot, made out of our Ship. It slew also two or three of those which stood next him, A good warning for those which fight a∣gainst [ 60] their Countrie.

The fight continued so hot on both sides, that the Artillery and Muskets neuer ceased play∣ing. Our contraries, towards the euening, determined the third time to lay vs abourd, with resolution to take vs, or to hazard all. The order they set downe for the execution

hereof, was, that the Captaine (or Admirall) should bring himselfe vpon our weather bow, and so fall aboord of vs, vpon our broad side: And that the Vice-admirall, should lay his Admirall aboord vpon his weather quarter, and so enter his men into her; that from her, they might en∣ter vs, or doe as occasion should minister.

The Captaine of the Vice-admirall, being more hardie then considerate, and presuming with his ship and company to get the prize, and chiefe honour; waited not the time to put in executi∣on the direction giuen, but presently came aboord to wind-wards vpon our broad side. Which * 1.904 doubtlesse was the great and especiall Prouidence of Almightie God, for the discouraging of our e∣nemies, and animating of vs. For although she was as long, or rather longer then our ship, being rarely built, and vtterly without fights or defence; what with our Muskets, and what with our fire-works we clered her decks in a moment; so that scarce any person appeared. And doubtlesse if [ 10] we had entred but a doozen men, we might haue enforced them to haue rendred vnto vs, or ta∣ken her, but our company being few, and the principall of them slaine, or hurt, wee durst not, neither was it wisdome, to aduenture the separation of those which remayned: and so held that for the best and soundest resolution, to keepe our forces together in defence of our owne.

The Vice-admirall seeing himselfe in great distresse, called to his Admirall for succour: who presently laid him aboord, and entred a hundred of his men, and so cleered themselues of vs. In this boording the Vice-admirall had at the least thirtie and six men hurt, and slaine; and amongst them his Pilot shot through the bodie, so as he died presently. And the Admirall also receiued some losse; which wrought in them a new resolution; only with their Artillery to batter vs; * 1.905 [ 20] and so with time to force vs to surrender, or to sink vs, which they put in execution; and placing themselues within a Musket shot of our weather quarter, and sometimes on our broad side, lay continually beating vpon vs without intermission, which was doubtlesse the best and securest determination they could take, for they being rare ships, and without any manner of close fights, in boording with vs, their men were all open vnto vs, and we vnder couert and shelter. For on all parts our ship was Musket free, and the great Artillery of force must cease on either side (the ships being once grapled together) except we resolued to sacrifice our selues together in fire. For it is impossible, if the great Ordnance play (the ships being boorded) but that they must set fire * 1.906 on the ship they shoot at; and then no suretie can bee had to free himselfe, as experience daily confirmeth. A Peece is as a Thunder-clap. As was seene in the Spanish Admirall after my impri∣sonment, [ 30] crossing from Panama to Cape San Francisco, a Rayao, (for so the Spaniards call a Thun∣derclap) brake ouer our ship, killed one in the fore-top, astonished either two or three in the shroudes, and split the Mast in strange manner; where it entred, it could hardly be discerned, but * 1.907 where it came forth, it draue out a great splinter before it; and the man slaine, was cleane in a manner without signe or token of hurt, although all his bones turned to powder, and those who liued and recouered, had all their bodies blacke, as burnt with fire. In like manner the Peece of Ordnance hurteth not those which stand aside, nor those which stand aslope from his mouth, but those alone which stand directly against the true point of his leuell: though sometimes the wind of the shot ouerthroweth one, and the splinters (beeing accidents) mayne and hurt others. But principally where the Peece doth resemble the Thunderclap, as when the ships are boorded. For [ 40] then, although the Artillerie be discharged without shot, the fury of the fire, and his piercing na∣ture is such, as it entreth by the seames, and all parts of the ships sides, and meeting with so fit matter as Pitch, Tarre, Oaombe, and sometimes with powder, presently conuerteth all into flames. For auoyding whereof, as also the danger and damage which may come by Pikes and o∣ther inuentions of fire, and if any ship be oppressed with many ships at once, and subject by them to be boorded; I hold it a good course to strike his fire and mayne yards close to his decke, and to fight with sprit-saile, and myson, and top-sailes loose: so shall hee bee able to hinder them from oppressing him. Some haue thought it a good policie to launce out some ends of masts or yards by * 1.908 the Ports or other parts: but this is to be vsed in the greater ships, for in the lesser, though they be neuer so strong, the waight of the bigger will beate out the opposite sides, and doe hurt, and [ 50] make great spoile in the lesser. And in boording, ordinarily the lesser ship hath al the harme, which the one ship can doe vnto the other.

Here is offered to speake of a point much canuassed amongst Carpenters, and Sea Captaines, diuersly maintained, but yet vndetermined: that is, whether the race or loftie built ship, be best for the Merchant, and those which imploy themselues in trading: I am of opinion, that the race ship is most conuenient; yet so, * 1.909 as that euery perfect ship ought to haue two decks, for the better strengthening of her; the better succouring of her people; the better preseruing of her Merchandize and victuall, and for her greater safetie from Sea and stormes. But for the Princes ships, and such as are imployed continually in the Warres, to bee * 1.910 built loftie I hold very necessarie for many Reasons. First, for Maiestie and terrour of the Enemie; Secondly, for harbouring of many men; Thirdly, for accomodating more men to fight: Fourthly, [ 60] for placing and vsing more Artillerie; Fiftly, for better strengthning and securing of the ship; Sixt∣ly, for ouer topping and subiecting the Enemie; Seuenthly, for greater safegard and defence of the shippe and company. For it is plaine, that the shippe with three deckes, or with two and an halfe, shewes more pompe then another of her burthen with a decke and halfe, or two deckes, and

breedeth great terror to the enemy, discouering her selfe to be a more powerfulship as she is, then the other, which being indeed a ship of force, seemeth to be but a Barke, and with her low building hideth her bur∣then. And who doubteth that a decke and a halfe cannot harbour that proportion of men, that two deckes, and two deckes and a halfe can accommodate to fight, nor carrie the Artillerie so plentifully, nor so com∣modiously. Neither can the ship be so strong with a decke and a halfe, as with two deckes, nor with two as with three, nor carrie her Masts so taut, nor spread so great a clue, nor contriue so many fights to answere one another for defence & offence. And the aduantage the one hath of the other, experience daily teacheth.

That which hath beene spoken of the danger of the Artillerie in boording is not to be wrested, nor inter∣preted * 1.911 to cut off vtterly the vse of all Artillerie after boording, but rather I hold nothing more conueni∣ent in ships of Warre, then Fowlers and great Bases in the cage workes, and Murderers in the Cobridge [ 10] heads, for that their execution and speedie charging and discharging is of great moment. Many I know haue left the vse of them, and of sundry other preuentions, as of sherehookes, stones in their tops, and ar∣ming * 1.912 them, Pikebolts in their males and diuers other engines of Antiquitie. But vpon what inducement I cannot relate, vnlesse it be because they neuer knew their effects and benefit, and may no doubt be vsed without the inconueniences before mentioned in great Ordnance. As also such may bee the occasion, that without danger some of the great Artillery may be vsed, and that with great effect, which is in the discre∣tion of the Commanders and their Gunners, as hath beene formerly seene and daily is experimented. In the Reuenge of her Maiesties, good experience was made, who sunke two of the Spanish Armado lying aboord her.

In these boordings and skirmishes diuers of our men were slaine, and many hurt, and my selfe [ 20] amongst them receiued six wounds; one of them in the necke very perillous; another through * 1.913 the arme perishing the bone, and cutting the sinewes close by the Arme-pit; the rest not so dan∣gerous. The Master of our ship had one of his eyes, his nose, and halfe his face shot away. Master Henry Courton was slaine; on these two I principally relied for the prosecution of our voyage, if God by sicknes, or otherwise should take me away. The Spaniards with their great Ordnance lay * 1.914 continually playing vpon vs, and now and then parled and inuited vs to surrender our selues a Buena Querra. The Captaine of our ship, in whose direction and guide, our liues, our honour, and welfare now remained; seeing many of our people wounded and slaine, and that few were left to sustaine and maintaine the fight, or to resist the entry of the enemy (if hee should againe boord vs) and that our contraries offered vs good pertido: came vnto me accompanied with some [ 30] others, and began to relate the state of our ship, and how that many were hurt and slain, and scarce any men appeared to trauerse the Artillery, or to oppose themselues for defence if the enemy should boord with vs againe. And how that the Admirall offered vs life and liberty, and to receiue vs a Buena querra, and to send vs into our owne Countrey. Saying, that if I thought it so meet, hee and the rest were of opinion that wee should put out a flag of truce, and make some good composition. The great losse of blood had weakned me much. The torment of my wounds new∣ly receiued made me faint, and I laboured for life, within short space expecting I should giue vp the ghost.

But this parly pierced through my heart, and wounded my soule; words failed mee wherewith to expresse it, and none can conceiue it, but hee which findeth himselfe in the like [ 40] agonie: yet griefe and rage ministred force, and caused me to breake forth into this reprehension and execution following.

Great is the Crosse, which almightie God hath suffered to come vpon mee; that assaulted by our pro∣fessed enemies, and by them wounded (as you see) in body, lying gasping for breath) those whom I reputed for my friends to fight with me, those which I relied on as my brethren to defend me in all occasions. Those whom I haue nourished, cherished, fostered and loued as my children to succour me, helpe me, and to sustaine my reputation in all extremities, are they who first draw their swords against me, are they which wound my heart, in giuing me vp into mine enemies hands, whence proceedeth this ingratitude? whence this fa••••t∣nesse of heart? whence this madnesse? is the cause you fight for, vniust? is the honor and loue of your Prince and Countrey buried in the dust? your sweet liues, are they become loathsome vnto you? will you exchange [ 50] your liberty for thraldome, will you consent to see that, which you haue sweat for, and procured with so great labour and aduenture at the dispose of your enemies? can you content your selues to suffer my bloud spilt before your eyes? and my life bereft me in your presence? with the bloud and liues of your deere bre∣thren to be vnreuenged? is not an honourable death to be preferred, before a miserable and slauish life? The one sustaining the honor of our Nation, of our predecessors, and of our societie, the other ignominious to our selues, and reproachfull to our Nation. Can you be perswaded that the enemy will performe his promise with you, that neuer leaueth to breake it with others when he thinketh it aduantagious? and know you not, that with him all is conuenient that is profitable? Hold they not this for a maxime; that, nulla fides est * 1.915 ••••ruanda cum hereticis. In which number they account vs to be. Haue you forgotten their faith violated with my father, in S. Iohn de Vlua, the conditions & capitulations being firmed by the Viceroy, & twelue [ 60] Hostages, all principall personages giuen for the more securitie of either partie to other? Haue you forgotten their promise broken with Iohn Vibao, & his company in Florida, hauing conditioned to giue them shipping and victuals to carry them into their country? immediately after they had deliuered their weapons & arms, had they not their throats cut? haue you forgotten how they dealt with Iohn Oxenham, & his Company,

in this Sea, yeelding vpon composition? and how after a long imprisonment, and many miseries (being car∣ried from Panama to Lyma) and there hanged with all his Company, as Pyrates, by the Iustice? And can you forget how daily they abuse our noble natures, which being void of malice, measure all by sinceritie, but to our losse? for that when we come to demand performance, they stop our mouthes: Either with lay∣ing the inquision vpon vs, or with deliuering vs into the hands of the ordinary Iustice, or of the Kings Ministers. And then vrged with their promises, they shrinke vp to the shoulders, and say, That they haue now no further power ouer vs. They sorrow in their hearts, to see their promise is not accomplished; but now they cannot doe vs any good office, but to pray to God for vs, and to intreat the Ministers in our be∣halfe. * 1.916 Came wee into the South-sea to put out flags of truce? And left we our pleasant England, with all her contentments, with intention or purpose to auaile our selues of white rags? [ 10]

The Captaine and Company were perswaded to resolution; and in accomplishment of this promise and determination, they perseuered in sustaining the fight all this night, with the day and night following, and the third day after. In which time the Enemy neuer left vs day nor night, beating continually vpon vs with his great and small shot. Sauing that euery morning, an houre before breake of day, hee edged a little from vs to breath, and to remedie such defects as * 1.917 were amisse; as also to consult what they should doe the day and night following. This time of interdiction we imployed in repairing our Sayles and Tacklings, in stopping our Leakes, in fishing and woolling our Masts and Yards, in mending our Pumpes, and in fitting and prouiding our selues for the day to come: though this was but little space for so many workes, yet gaue it * 1.918 great reliefe and comfort vnto vs, and made vs better able to endure the defence: for otherwise [ 20] our ship must of force haue suncke before our surrendrie, hauing many shot vnder water, and our Pumpes shot to pieces euery day. In all this space, not any man of either part tooke rest or sleepe, and little sustenance, besides Bread and Wine.

In the second dayes fight, the Vice-admirall comming vpon our quarter, William Blanch, one of our Masters mates, with a luckie hand, made a shot vnto her with one of our sterne Peeces; it car∣ried * 1.919 away his maine Mast close by the deck: wherewith the Admirall beare vp to her to see what harme shee had receiued, and to giue her such succour, as shee was able to spare: which we seeing, were in good hope that they would haue now left to molest vs any longer, hauing wherewithall to entertaine themselues in redressing their owne harmes. And so we stood away from them close * 1.920 by as wee could: which wee should not haue done, but prosecuted the occasion, and brought our [ 30] selues close vpon her weathergage, and with our great and small shot hindered them from repai∣ring their harmes: if we had thus done, they had beene forced to cut all by the boord, and it may be (lying a hull, or to le-wards of vs) with a few shot we might haue sunke her. At the least, it would haue declared to our enemies that we had them in little estimation, when able to go from them, we would not: and perhaps beene a cause to haue made them to leaue vs.

But this occasion was let slip, as also, that other to fight with them, sayling quarter winds, or before the wind: for hauing stood off to Sea a day and a night, we had scope to fight at our plea∣sure, and no man hauing sea roome is bound to fight as his enemy will with disaduantage, being able otherwise to deale with equalitie: contrariwise, euery man ought to seeke the meanes hee can, for his defence and greatest aduantage to the anoyance of his contrary. [ 40]

Now we might with our fore-saile low set haue borne vp before the winde, and the enemy of force must haue done the like, if he would fight with vs, or keep vs company; and then should we * 1.921 haue had the aduantage of them. For although their Artillery were longer, waightier, and ma∣ny more then ours, and in truth did pierce with greater violence; yet ours being of greater bore, and carrying a waightier and greater shot, was of more importance and of better effect for sink∣ing and spoyling: for the smaller shot passeth through, and maketh but his hole, and harmeth * 1.922 that which lyeth in his way; but the greater shaketh and shiuereth all it meeteth, and with the splinters, or that which it encountreth, many times doth more hurt, then with his proper cir∣cumference: as is plainely seene in the battery by land, when the Saker, and Demy-coluerin, the Coluerin, and Demi-canon (being peeces that reach much further point blanke then the Canon) [ 50] are nothing of like importance for making the breach, as is the Canon; for that this shot being ponderous pierceth with difficultie, yea worketh better effects, tormenting, shaking and ouer∣throwing all; whereas the others, with their violence, pierce better, and make onely their hole, and so hide themselues in the Wooll or Rampire.

Besides (our ship being yare and good of steeridge) no doubt but we should haue plaied better with our Ordnance, and with more effect then did our enemies; which was a greater terrour be∣ing able to fight with lesse disaduantage, and yet to fight with the most that could be imagined, which I knew not of, neither was able to direct though I had knowne it; being in a manner senslesse, what with my wounds, and what with the agony of the surrendry propounded, for that * 1.923 had seldome knowne it spoken of, but that it came afterwards to be put in execution. [ 60]

The General not being able to succour his Vice-admiral, except he should vtterly leaue vs, gaue them order to shift as well as they could for the present, and to beare with the next Port, and there to repaire their harmes. Himselfe presently followed the Chase, and in short space fetched vs vp, and began a fresh to batter vs with his great and small shot. The Vice-admirall (hauing

saued what they could) cut the rest by the boord, and with Fore-sayle and Myson came after vs also, and before the setting of the Sun, were come vpon our broad side, we bearing all our Sayles, and after kept vs company, lying vpon our weather quarter, and anoying vs what shee could.

Here I hold it necessary, to make mention of two things, which were most preiudiciall vnto vs, and the principall causes of our perdition, the errours and faults of late dayes, crept in amongst those who fol∣low the Sea, and learned from the Flemings and Easterlings. I wish that by our misfortunes others * 1.924 would take warning, and procure to redresse them as occasions shall be offered. The one, is to fight v••••••∣med, where they may fight armed. The other, is in comming to fight, to drinke themselues drunke. Yea, some are so mad, that they mingle Powder with Wine to giue it the greater force, imagining that it gi∣ueth spirit, strength and courage, and taketh away all feare and doubt. The latter is, for the most part [ 10] true, but the former is false and beastly, and altogether against reason. For though the nature of wine with moderation, is to comfort and re〈…〉〈…〉e the heart, and to fortifie and strengthen the spirit; yet the im∣moderate vse thereof worketh quite contrary effects.

In fights, all receits which adde courage and spirit, are of great regard to be allowed and vsed; and so is a draught of wine to be giuen to euery man before he come to action, but more then enough is pernicious; for, exceeding the meanes, it offendeth, and infeebleth the sences, conuerting the strength (which should re∣sist the force of the enemy) into weakenesse: it dulleth and blindeth the vnderstanding, and consequently de∣praueth any man of true valour. For that hee is disenabled to iudge and apprehend the occasion, which may bee offered to assault and retire in time conuenient, the raynes of reason being put into the hands of passion and disorder. For after I was wounded, this nimium bred great disorder and inconuenience in our [ 20] ship, the pot continually walking, infused desperate and foolish hardinesse in many, who blinded with the fume of the liquor, considered not of any danger, but thus, and thus would stand at hazard; some in vaine * 1.925 glory vaunting themselues; some other rayling vpon the Spaniards; another inuiting his companion to come and stand by him; and not to budge a foote from him: which indiscreetly they put in execution, and cost the liues of many a good man, slaine by our enemies Muskettiers, who suffered not a man to shew himselfe, but they presently ouerthrew him with speed and watchfulnesse. For preuention of the second er∣rour, although I had great preparation of Armour, as well of proofe, as of light Corselets, yet not a man would vse them, but esteemed a pot of wine, a better defence, then an armour of proofe: which truly was great madnesse, and a lamentable fault, worthy to be banished from amongst all reasonable people, and well to be weighed by all Commanders. For if the Spaniard surpasseth vs in any thing, it is in his temperance * 1.926 [ 30] and suffering: and, where he hath had the better hand of vs, it hath beene (for the most part) through our owne folly, for that wee will fight vnarmed with him being armed. And although I haue heard many men maintaine, that in shipping, armour is of little profit; all men of good vnderstanding, will condemne such desperate ignorance. For besides, that the sleightest armour secureth the parts of a mans bodie (which it couereth) from pike, sword, and all hand weapons: it likewise giueth boldnesse and courage; a man ar∣med, giueth a greater and a weightier blow, then a man vnarmed, he standeth faster, and with greater dif∣ficultie is to be ouerthrowne.

And I neuer read, but that the glistering of the armour hath beene by Authors obserued, for that (as I imagine) his show breedeth terrour in his contraries, and despaire to himselfe if he be vnarmed. And * 1.927 therefore in time of warre, such as deuote themselues to follow the profession of Armes (by Sea or by [ 40] Land) ought to couet nothing more then to bee well armed, for as much as it is the second meanes, next Gods protection, for preseruing and prolonging many mens lines. Wherin the Spanish nation deserueth com∣mendation aboue others, euery one from the highest to the lowest, putting their greatest care in prouiding faire and good Armes. Hee which cannot come to the price of a Corslet, will haue a coate of Mayle, a Iacket, at least, a Buffe-ierkin, or a priuie Coate; And hardly will they bee found without it, albeit they liue, and serue (for the most part) in extreame hot Countries.

Whereas I haue knowne many bred in cold Countries, in a moment complaine of the waight of their Armes, that they smoother them and then cast them off, chusing rather to be shot through with a bullet, or lanched through with a pike, or thrust through with a sword, then to endure a little trauaile and suffering. But let mee giue these lazie ones this lesson, that hee that will goe a warfare, must resolue himselfe to fight, [ 50] and he that putteth on this resolution, must be contented to endure both heate and weight, first, for the safeguard of his life, and next for subduing of his enemy; both which are hazarded and put into great danger, if hee fight vnarmed with an enemy armed. Now for mine owne opinion, I am resolued that ar∣mour * 1.928 is more necessary by Sea, then by Land, yea, rather to be excused on the shoare, then in the ship. My reason is, for that on the shoare the bullet onely hurteth, but in the ship, I haue seene the splinters kill and hurt many at once, and yet the shot to haue passed without touching any person. As in the Galeon, in which I came out of the Indies, in Anno 1597. in the rode of Tarcera, when the Queenes Maiesties ships, vnder the charge of the Earle of Essex, chased vs into the roade, with the splinters of one shot, were slaine, maymed, and sore hurt, at the least a dozen persons, the most part whereof had beene excused if they had beene armed. [ 60]

And doubtlesse, if these errours had beene forescene, and remedied by vs, many of those who were slaine and hurt, had beene on foot, and wee enabled to haue sustained and maintained the fight much better and longer; and perhaps at last had freed our selues. For if our enemy had come to boord with vs, our close fights were such as wee were secure, and they open vnto vs. And what with our Cubridge heads,

one answering the other, our hatches vpon bolts, our brackes in our Deckes and Gunner roome, it was im∣possible to take vs as long as any competent number of men had remained, twentie persons would haue suf∣ficed for defence, and for this such ships are called Impregnable, and are not to be taken, but by surren∣der, nor to be ouercome, but with boording or sinking, as in vs by experience was verified; and not in vs alone, but in the Reuenge of the Queenes Maiestie, which being compassed round about with all the Ar∣mado * 1.929 of Spaine, and boorded sundry times by many at once, is said to haue sunke three of the Armado by her side.

A third and last cause of the losse of sundry of our men, most worthy of note for all Captaines, owners, * 1.930 and Carpenters: was the race building of our ship; the onely fault shee had, and now adayes held for a principall grace in any ship: but by the experience which I haue had, it seemeth for sundry reasons verie preiudiciall for ships of Warre. For in such, those which tackle the sayles, of force must bee vpon the [ 10] deckes, and are open without shelter or any defence: yet here it will bee obiected, That for this inconueni∣ence, waste clothes are prouided, and for want of them it is vsuall to lace a bonnet, or some such shadow for the men: worthily may it bee called a shadow, and one of the most pernitious customes that can bee vsed * 1.931 for this shadow or defence, being but of linnen or woollen cloth emboldneth many, who without it would retire to better securitie, whereas now thinking themselues vnseene, they become more bold then otherwise they would, and thereby shot through, when they least thinke of it. Some Captaines obseruing this errour, haue sought to remedie it in some of his Maiesties ships, not by altering the building, but by deuising a certaine defence made of foure or fiue inch planks, of fiue foot high, and sixe foote broad, run∣ning vpon wheeles, and placed in such parts of the ship, as are most open. These they name Blenders, and made of Elme, for the most part, for that it shiuers not with a shot, as Oake and other Timber will doe, [ 20] which are now in vse and seruice, but best it is when the whole side hath one blender, and one armour of proofe for defence of those, which of force must labour and be aloft.

This race building, first came in by ouermuch homing in of our ships, and receiued for good, vnder co∣lour of making our ships thereby the better sea-ships, and of better aduantage to hull and try: but in my iudgement it breedeth many inconueniences, and is farre from working the effect they pretend, by disina∣bling them for bearing their cage worke correspondent, to the proportion and mould of the ship, making them tender sided, and vnable to carry sayle in any fresh gaile of winde, and diminishing the play of their Artillery, and the place for accommodating their people to fight, labour, or rest. And I am none of those who hold opinion, that the ouer-much homing in, the more the better, is commodious and easier for the ship, and this is out of the experience that I haue learned, which with forcible reasons I could proue, [ 30] to be much rather discommodious and worthy to be reformed. But withall I hold it not necessarie to dis∣course here of that particularitie, but leaue the consequence to men of vnderstanding, and so surcease.

All this second day, and the third day and night, our Captaine and company sustained the ••ight, notwithstanding the disaduantage where they fought: The enemy being euer to wind∣wards, * 1.932 and wee to lee-ward, their shot much damnifying vs, and ours little annoying them, for whensoeuer a man encountereth with his enemie at Sea, in gayning the weather gage, hee is in possibilitie to sinke his contrarie, but his enemy cannot sinke him; and therefore he which is for∣ced to fight with this disaduantage, is to procure by all meanes possible to shoote downe his con∣traries Masts or Yards, and to teare or spoyle his tackling and sayles: for which purpose, Billets [ 40] of some heauie wood fitted to the great Ordnance, are of great importance. And so are Arrowes * 1.933 of fire to be shot out of Slur-bowes, and Cases of small shot ioyned two and two together, with pieces of Wyer of fiue or sixe inches long, which also shot out of Muskets are of good effect for tearing the sayles, or cutting the tackling. Some are of opinion, that Crosse-barres and Chaine∣shot, * 1.934 are of moment for the spoyling of Masts and Yards, but experience daily teacheth them not to bee of great importance, though neere at hand, I confesse, they worke great execution: but the round shot, is the onely principall and powerfull meane to breake Mast or Yard. And in this our fight, the Admirall of the Spaniards had his Fore-mast shot through, with two round * 1.935 shot, some three yards beneath the head; had either of them entred but foure inches further into the heart of the Mast, without all doubt it had freed vs, and perhaps put them into our hands. [ 50]

The third day, in the after-noone, which was the two and twentieth of Iune, 1594. accor∣ding to our computation, and which I follow in this my discourse, our sayles being torne, our Mastes all perished, our Pumpes rent and shot to pieces, and our ship with fourteene shot vnder water, and seuen or eight foot of water in hold; many of our men being slaine, and the most part of them (which remained) sore hurt, and in a manner altogether fruitlesse, and the enemy offe∣ring still to receiue vs a buena querra, and to giue vs life and libertie, and imbarkation for our Countrey. Our Captaine, and those which remained of our Companie, were all of opinion that our best course was to surrender our selues before our ship sunke. And so by common consent a∣greed the second time, to send a seruant of mine Thomas Sanders, to signifie vnto mee the estate [ 60] of our ship and company: and that it was impossible by any other way to expect for hope of de∣liuerance * 1.936 or life, but by the miraculous hand of God in vsing his Almightie power, or by an ho∣nourable surrender, which in euerie mans opinion was thought most conuenient. So was I desi∣red by him to giue also my consent, that the Captaine might capitulate with the Spanish Gene∣rall,

and to compound the best partido he could by surrendring our selues into his hands, vpon condition of life and libertie. This hee declared vnto mee, being in a manner void of sence, and out of hope to liue or recouer: which considered, and the circumstances of his relation, I answe∣red as I could, that he might iudge of my state, ready euery moment to giue vp the Ghost, and vnable to discerne in this cause what was conuenient, except I might see the present state of the Ship. And that the honour or dishonour, the wel-fare or misery, was for them, which should be partakers of life: At last, for that I had satisfaction of his valour and true dealing, in all the time, he had serued me, and in correspondence of it, had giuen him (as was notorious) charge and cre∣dit in many occasions, I bound him, by the loue and regard he ought me, and by the faith and duetie to Almighty God, to tell me truely, if all were as he had declared. Whereunto he made [ 10] answere, that he had manifested vnto me the plaine and naked truth, and that he tooke God to witnesse of the same truth: with which receiuing satisfaction, I forced my selfe what I could, to perswade him to animate his companions, and in my name to intreate the Captaine and the rest to perseuere in defence of their libertie, liues, and reputation, remitting all to his discretion: not doubting, but he would be tender of his duetie, and zealous of my reputation, in preferring his libertie, and the liber∣tie of the Company aboue all respects what soeuer. As for the welfare hoped by a surrender, I was altoge∣ther vnlikely to be partaker thereof, Death threatning to depriue me of the benefit, which the enemie offe∣red; but if God would be pleased to free vs, the ioy and comfort I should receiue, might perhaps giue mee force and strength to recouer health.

Which answere being deliuered to the Captaine, he presently caused a flagge of truce to be [ 20] put in place of our Ensigne, and began to parley of our surrendry with a Spaniard, which Don Beltran appointed for that purpose, from the poope of the Admirall, to offer in his name, the conditions before specified; with his faithfull promise and oath, as the Kings Generall, to take vs a buena querra, and to send vs all into our owne Countrey. The promise he accepted, and said, that vnder the same he yeelded, and surrendred himselfe, Ship and Company. Immediately, there came vnto me another seruant of mine, and told me, that our Captaine had surrendred himselfe and our Ship; which vnderstood, I called vnto one Iuan Gomes de Pineda, a Spanish Pilot, which was our Prisoner, and in all the fight we had kept close in hold, and willed him to goe to the Ge∣nerall Don Beltran de Castro from me, to tell him, that if he would giue vs his word and oath, as the Generall of the King, and some pledge for confirmation, to receiue vs a buena querra, and to [ 30] giue vs our liues and liberty, and present passage into our owne Countrey, that wee would surren∣der our selues, and Ship into his hands: Otherwise, that he should neuer enioy of vs, nor ours any thing, but a resolution euery man to dye fighting.

With this Message I dispatched him, and called vnto me all my Company, and encouraged them to sacrifice their liues fighting and killing the enemy, if hee gaue but a fillip to any of our companions. The Spaniards willed vs to hoise out our boate, which was shot all to peeces; and so was theirs. Seeing that he called to vs to amaine our sailes, which wee could not well doe, for that they were slung, and we had not men enough to hand them. In this parley, the Vice-admi∣rall comming vpon our quarter, & not knowing of what had past, discharged her two chase pee∣ces at vs, and hurt our Captaine very sore in the thigh, and maimed one of our Masters Mates, cal∣led [ 40] Hugh Maires, in one of his Armes, but after knowing vs to be rendred, he secured vs: And we * 1.937 satisfied them that we could not hoise out our boate, nor strike our sayles, the Admirall laid vs a∣bourd, but before any man entred, Iohn Gomes went vnto the Generall, who receiued him with great curtesie, and asked him what we required; whereunto hee made answere that my demand was that in the Kings name, he should giue vs his faith and promise, to giue vs our liues, to keepe the Lawes of faire warres and quarter, and to send vs presently into our Countrey; and in con∣firmation hereof, that I required some pledge, whereunto the Generall made answere; that in the Kings Maiesties name his Master, he receiued vs a buena querra, and swore by God Almighty, and by the habit of Alcautara (whereof he had receiued Knight hood, and in token whereof, he wore in his breast a greene crosse, which is the ensigne of that Order) that hee would giue vs our liues [ 50] with good entreatie, and send vs as speedily as he could into our owne Countrey. In confirmati∣on * 1.938 whereof, he tooke off his gloue, and sent it to me as a pledge.

With this message Iohn Gomes returned, and the Spaniards entred and tooke possession of our Ship, euery one crying buena querra, buena querra, ••y por immaniana por ti: with which our Com∣pany began to secure themselues.

The Generall was a principall Gentleman of the ancient Nobilitie of Spaine, and brother to the Conde de Lemos, whose intention no doubt was according to his promise; and therefore con∣sidering that some bad intreaty and insolency might be offered vnto me in my Ship, by the com∣mon Souldiers, who seldome haue respect to any person in such occasions, especially in the case I was, whereof he had enformed himselfe; for preuention, he sent a principall Captain, brought * 1.939 [ 60] vp long time in Flanders, called Pedro Alueres de Pulgar, to take care of me, and whilest the Ship were one abourd the other, to bring me into his Ship: which he accomplished with great humanity and courtesie; despising the barres of Gold which were shared before his face, which hee might alone haue enioyed, if he would: And truely he was, as after I found by triall, a

true Captaine; a man worthy of any charge, and of the noblest condition that I haue knowne any Spaniard.

The Generall receiued me with great courtesie and compassion, euen with teares in his eyes, * 1.940 and words of great consolation and commanded mee to bee accommodated in his owne Cabbine, where hee sought to cure and comfort mee the best hee could; the like hee vsed with all our hurt men, sixe and thirtie at least. And doubtlesse as true courage, valour, and resoluti∣on, it requisite in a Generall in the time of battell. So humanitie, mildnesse, and courtesie after victorie.

Whilest the ships were together, the Maine-mast of the Daintie fell by the boord, and the peo∣ple being occupied in ransacking and seeking for spoile and pillage neglected the principall; [ 10] whereof ensued, that within a short space the Daintie grew so deepe with water, which increa∣sed for want of preuention, that all who were in her desired to forsake her, and weaued and cried for succour to be saued, being out of hope of her recouerie. Whereupon, the Generall calling to∣gether * 1.941 the best experimented men hee had, and consulting with them what was best to bee done: it was resolued, that Generall Michael Angel should goe aboord the Daintie, and with him threescore Mariners, as many Souldiers; and with them the English men, who were able to labour to free her from water, and to put her in order if it were possible: and then to recouer Pe∣rico the Port of Panama for that of those to wind-wards it was impossible to turne vp to any of them, and neerer then to ••eward was not any that could supply our necessities and wants, which lay from vs East, North-east, aboue two hundred leagues. [ 20]

Michael Angel, being a man of experience and care accomplished that hee tooke in hand, al∣though * 1.942 in cleering and bayling the water, in placing a pumpe, and in fitting and mending her Fore-saile he spent aboue six and thirtie houres. During which time the Ships lay all a hull; but this worke ended, they set saile and directed their course for the Iles of Pearles: And for that the Daintie sailed badly, what for want of her Maine-saile, and with the aduantage which all the South Sea ships haue of all those built in our North Sea. The Admirall gaue her a taw, which notwithstanding (the wind calming with vs as wee approached neerer to the Land) twelue daies were spent before wee could fetch sight of the Ilands, which lie alongst the Coast beginning some eight leagues West South-west from Panama, and run * 1.943 to the Southwards neere thirtie leagues. They are many and most inhabited, and those which [ 30] haue people haue some Negros, slaues vnto the Spaniards, which occupie themselues in labour of the Land, or in fishing for Pearles.

In times past many enriched themselues with that trade, but now it is growne to decay. The * 1.944 manner of fishing for Pearles is, with certaine long Pinnasses or small Barkes, in which there goe foure, fiue, six, or eight Negros, expert swimmers and great dieuers, whom the Spaniards call Busos, with tract of time, vse, and continuall practise, hauing learned to hold their breath long vnder water for the better atchieuing their worke. These throwing themselues into the Sea, with certaine instruments of their Art, goe to the bottome and seeke the Bankes of the Oysters in which the Pearles are ingendred, and with their force and Art remoue from their foundation, in which they spend more or lesse time, according to the resistance the firmnesse of the ground affor∣deth. [ 40] Once losed, they put them into a bag vnder their armes, and after bring them vp into their Boats, hauing loaden it they goe to the shoare, there they open them and take out the Pearles: they lie vnder the vttermost part of the circuit of the Oyster in rankes and proportions, vnder a certaine part which is of many pleights and folds, called the Ruffe, for the similitude it hath vnto 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ruffe. The Pearles increase in bignesse, as they bee neerer the end or ioynt of the Oyster. The meate of those which haue these Pearles is milkie, and not verie wholsome to be eaten. In An∣no 1583. in the Iland of Margarita, I was at the dregging of Pearle Oysters, after the manner we dreg Oysters in England, and with mine owne hands I opened many, and tooke out the Pearles of them; some greater, some lesse, and in good quantitie.

They are found in diuers parts of the world, as in the West Indies, in the South Sea, in the East * 1.945 [ 50] Indian Sea, in the Straits of Magellane, and in the Scottish Sea. Those found neere the Poles are not perfect, but are of a thicke colour, whereas such as are found neere the line are most orient and transparent: the curious call it their water, and the best is a cleere white shining, with fierie flames. And those of the East India haue the best reputation, though as good are found in the West India: the choice ones are of great valew and estimation, but the greatest that I haue heard of, was found in these Ilands of Pearles; the which King Philip the second of Spaine, gaue to his daughter Elizabeth, wife to Albertus, Arch-Duke of Austria, and Gouernour of the States of * 1.946 Flanders, in whose possession it remaineth, and is called, la Peregrina, for the rarenesse of it, being as big as the pomell of a Poniard.

In this Nauigation, after our surrender, the Generall tooke speciall care for the good intreatie * 1.947 [ 60] of vs, and especially of those who were hurt. And God so blessed the hands of our Surgions (be∣sides that they were expert in their Art) that of all our wounded men not one died, that was aliue the day after our surrendry, and many of them with eight, ten, or twelue wounds, and some with more. The thing that ought to moue vs to giue God Almightie especiall thankes and praises

was, that they were cured in a manner without Instruments or Salues: For the Chests were all broken to pieces; and many of their Simples and Compounds throwne into the Sea; those which remayned, were such, as were throwne about the ship in broken pots and bagges, and such as by the Diuine Prouidence were reserued, at the end of three dayes, by order from the Generall, were commanded to be sought and gathered together. These with some Instruments of small moment, bought and procured from those, who had reserued them to a different end, did not onely serue for our cures, but also for the curing of the Spaniards, beeing many more, then those of our Company. For the Spanish Surgeons were altogether ignorant in their profession, and * 1.948 had little or nothing wherewith to cure. And I haue noted, that the Spaniards in generall are nothing so curious, in accommodating themselues, with good and carefull Surgeons, nor to fit [ 10] them with that which belongeth to their profession, as other Nations are, though they haue greater need then any, that I doe know.

At the time of our surrender, I had not the Spanish Tongue, and so was forced to vse an Inter∣preter, or the Latine, or French; which holpe mee much for the vnderstanding of those, which spake vnto me in Spanish; together with a little smattering I had of the Portugall.

Through the Noble proceeding of Don Beltran with vs, and his particular care towards mee, in curing and comforting me, I began to gather heart, and hope of life, and health; my seruants which were on foot, aduised me ordinarily of that which past. But some of our enemies, badly inclined, repined at the proceedings of the Generall; and said, he did ••ll to vse vs so well; That we were Lutherans; and for that cause, the faith which was giuen vs, was not to be kept nor performed: [ 20] Others, that we had fought as good Souldiers, and therefore deserued good quarter. Others, nicknamed vs with the name of Corsarios, or Pirats; not discerning thereby that they included themselues within the same imputation. Some were of opinion, that from Panama, the Generall would send vs into Spaine; Others said, that he durst not dispose of vs, but by order from the Vice-roy of Peru, who had giuen him his authoritie. This hit the naile on the had.

To all I gaue the hearing, and laid vp in the store-house of my memory, that which I thought to be of substance, and in the store-house of my consideration, endeauoured to frame a proportio∣nable resolution to all occurrents, conformable to Gods most holy Will. Withall I profited my selfe of the meanes, which should bee offered, and beare greatest probabilitie to worke our com∣fort, helpe, and remedie. And so, as time ministred oportunitie, I began, and endeauoured to sa∣tisfie [ 30] the Generall, and the better sort in the po〈…〉〈…〉ts I durst intermeddle. And especially to per∣swade (by the best reasons I could) that wee might bee sent presently from Panama: Alleaging the promise giuen vs, the cost and charges ensuing, which doub••lesse would bee such as deserued consideration and excuse: besides that, now whilest hee was in place, and power, and authoritie in his hands, to performe with vs, that he would looke into his honour, and profit himselfe of the occasion, and not put vs into the hands of a third person; who perhaps being more powerfull then himselfe, he might be forced to pray and intreate the performance of his promise; whereun∣to he gaue vs the hearing, and bare vs in hand, that he would doe, what he could.

The Generall, and all in generall, not only in the Peru, but in all Spaine, and the Kingdomes thereof * 1.949 (before our surrendry) held all Englishmen of Warre, to bee Corsarios, or Pirats; which I laboured to [ 40] reforme, both in the Peru, and also in the Counsels of Spaine, and amongst the Chieftaines, Souldiers, and better sort, with whom I came to haue conuersation; Alledging that a Pirate, or Corsario, is he, which in time of peace, or truce spoyleth, or robbeth those, which haue peace or truce with them: but the * 1.950 English haue neither peace nor truce with Spaine, but warre; and therefore not to bee accounted Pirats. Besides, Spaine broke the peace with England, and not England with Spaine; and that by Ymbargo, which of all kinds of defiances, is most reprooued, and of least reputation; The ransoming of prisoners, and that by the Canon, being more honorable, but aboue all, the most honorable is with Trumpet and Herald, to proclaime and denounce the warre by publike defiance. And so if they should condemne the English for * 1.951 Pirats, of force, they must first condemne themselues. Moreouer, Pirats are those, who range the Seas without licence of their Prince; who when they are met with, are punished more seuerely by their owne [ 50] Lords, then when they fall into the hands of strangers: which is notorious to bee ••ore seuerely prosecuted in England (in time of peace) then in any the Kingdomes of Christendome. But the English haue all license, either immediately from their Prince, or from other thereunto authorized, and so cannot in any sense be comprehended vnder the name of Pirats, for any hostilitie vndertaken against Spaine, or the dependancies thereof.

And so the state standing as now it doth; if in Spaine a particular man should arme a ship, and goe in warfare with it against the English, and happened to be taken by them: I make no question, but the com∣pany * 1.952 should be intreated according to that manner, which they haue euer vsed since the beginning of the warre: without making further inquisition. Then if he were rich or poore, to see if hee were able to giue a ransome, in this also they are not very curious. But if this Spanish ship should fall a thwart his Kings [ 60] Armado, or Gallies, I make no doubt but they would hang the Captaine and his company for Pirats. My reason is, for that by a speciall Law it is enacted: that no man in the Kingdomes of Spaine, may arme any ship, ••and goe in warfare, without the Kings speciall licence and commission; vpon paine to be reputed * 1.953 a Pirate, and to be chastized with the punishment due to Corsarios. In England the case is different,

for the warre once proclamed, euery man may arme that will, and hath wherewith; which maketh for our greater exemption, from being comprehended within the number of Pirats.

With these, and or like Arguments to this purpose (to auoid tediousnesse) I omit; I conuinced all those whom I heard to ha••pe vpon this string; which was of no small importance for our good entreatie, and motiues for many, to further and fauour the accomplishment of the promise late∣ly made vnto vs.

One day after dinner (as was the ordinary custome) the Generall, his Captaines, and the bet∣ter sort of his followers, being assembled in the Cabbin of the Poope in conference, an eager con∣tention arose amongst them, touching the capitulation of Buena Querra and the purport there∣of. Some said, that onely life and good entreatie of the prisoners, was to be comprehended there∣in; * 1.954 [ 10] others enlarged, and restrained it, according to their humours and experience. In fine my o∣pinion was required, and what I had seene, and knowne touching that point: wherein I pawsed a little, and suspecting the Worst, feared that it might be a baite laid to catch me withall, and so excused my selfe; saying that where so many experimented Souldiers were ioyned together, my young iudgement was little to be respected; whereunto the Generall replied: That knowledge was not alwaies incident to yeeres, (though reason requireth, that the aged should be the wisest) but an Art acquired by action, and management of affaires. And therefore they would bee but certified, what I had seene, and what my iudgement was in this point, vnto which, seeing I could not well excuse my selfe, I condescended; and calling my wits together, holding it better, to shoot out my bolt, by yeelding vnto reason, (although I might erre) then to stand obstinate, my [ 20] will being at warre with my consent, and fearing my deniall might bee taken for discourtesie, which peraduenture might also purchase mee mislike with those, who seemed to wish mee com∣fort and restitution. I submitted to better iudgement, the reformation of the present assembly; * 1.955 saying, Sir, vnder the capitulation of Buena Querra, (or faire warres) I haue euer vnderstood, and so it hath beene obserued in these, as also in former times, that preseruation of life, and good entreatie of the prisoner, haue beene comprehended: and further by no meanes to bee vrged to any thing contrary to his conscience, as touching his Religion; nor to be seduced, or menaced from the allegeance due to his Prince and Countrey: but rather to ransome him for his moneths pay. And this is that which I haue knowne practised in our times, in generall amongst all Ciuill and Noble Nations. But the English, haue enlar∣ged it one point more towards the Spaniards rendred a Buena Querra, in these warres; haue euer deliue∣red * 1.956 [ 30] them, which haue beene taken vpon such compositions without ransome: but the couetousnesse of our age hath brought in many abuses, and excluded the principall Officers from partaking of the benefit of this priuiledge, in leauing them to the discretion of the Victor, being many times poorer, then the common Souldiers, their qualities considered, whereby they are commonly put to more, then the ordinary ransome, and not being able of themselues to accomplish it, are forgotten of their Princes, and sometimes suffer long imprisonment, which they should not.

With this, Don Beltran said, This ambiguitie you haue well resolued; And like a worthy Gen∣tleman * 1.957 (with great courtesie and liberalitie) added; Let not the last point trouble you: but be of good comfort, for I heere giue you my word anew, that your ransome (if any shall be thought due) shall be but a couple of Grey-hounds for me; and other two for my Brother, the Conde de Lemes, And this I sweare [ 40] to you by the habit of Alcantera. Prouided alwayes, that the King my Master leaue you to my dis∣pose, as of right you belong vnto me.

For amongst the Spaniards in their Armadoes, if there bee an absolute Generall, the tenth of all is due to him, and he is to take choise of the best: where in other Countries, it is by lot, that the Generals tenth is giuen; And if they be but two ships, hee doth the like, and being but one, she is of right the Generals. This I hardly belieued, vntill I saw a Letter, in which the King willed his Vice-roy, to giue Don Beltran thankes for our ship and Artillery, which hee had giuen to his Maiestie. I yeelded to the Generall, most heartie thankes for his great fauour, where with he bound me euer to seeke how to serue him, and deserue it.

In this discourse Generall Michaell Angell demanded, for what purpose serued the little short * 1.958 [ 50] Arrowes, which we had in our ship, and those in so great quantitie: I satisfied them, that they were for our Muskets. They are not as yet in vse amongst the Spaniards, yet of singular effect and execution as our enemies confessed: for the vpper worke of their ships being Muskets proofe, in all places they passed through both sides with facilicie, and wrought extraordinary disasters, which caused admiration, to see themselues wounded with small shot, where they thought themselues secure; and by no meanes could find where they entred, nor come to the sight of a∣ny of the shot.

Hereof they proued to profit themselues after, but for that they wanted the Tampkings, which are first to bee driuen home, before the Arrow bee put in, and as then vnderstood not the secret, * 1.959 they reiected them, as vncertaine, and therefore not to bee vsed, but of all the shot vsed now a [ 60] dayes; for the annoying of an Enemie in fight by Sea, few are of greater moment for many re∣spects: which I hold not conuenient to treate of in publike.

A little to the Southwards of the Iland of Pearle, betwixt seuen and eight degrees, is the great Riuer of Saint Buena Ventura. It falleth into the South Sea with three mouthes, the head of

which, is but a little distant from the North Sea. In the yeere 1575. or 1576. one Iohn Oxnam of Plimouth, going into the West Indies, ioyned with the Symarons. These are fugitiue Negroes, * 1.960 and for the bad intreatie which their Masters had giuen them, were then retired into the Moun∣taines, and liued vpon the spoyle of such Spaniards, as they could master, and could neuer bee brought into obedience, till by composition they had a place limited them for their freedome, where they should liue quietly by themselues. At this day they haue a great habitation neere Panama, called Saint Iago de los Negros, well peopled, with all their Officers and Commanders * 1.961 of their owne, saue onely a Spanish Gouernour.

By the assistance of these Symarons, hee brought to the head of this Riuer, by piecemeale, and in many Iourneyes a small Pinnace, hee fitted it by time in warlike manner, and with the * 1.962 [ 10] choice of his Companie, put himselfe into the South Sea, where his good happe, was to meete with a couple of shippes of trade, and in the one of them a great quantitie of Gold. And a∣mongst other things two pieces of speciall estimation, the one a Table of massy Gold, with Emralds, sent for a present to the King; the other a Lady of singular beautie, married, and a mother of children. The latter grew to bee his perdition: for hee had capitulated with these * 1.963 Symarons, that their part of the bootie, should be onely the prisoners, to the end to execute their malice vpon them, such was the rancour they had conceiued against them, for that they had beene the Tyrants of their libertie.) But the Spaniards not contented to haue them their slaues; who lately had beene their Lords, added to their seruitude, cruell intreaties. And they againe to feede their insatiable reuenges, accustomed to roast and eate the hearts of all those Spaniards, whom [ 20] at any time they could lay hand vpon.

Iohn Oxnam (I say) was taken with the loue of this Lady, and to winne her good will, what through her teares and perswasions, and what through feare and detestation of their barbarous * 1.964 inclinations; breaking promise with the Symarons, yeelded to her request, which was, to giue the prisoners libertie with their shippes; for that they were not vsefull for him: notwithstan∣ding Oxnam kept the Lady, who had in one of the restored shippes, either a Sonne, or a Ne∣phew. This Nephew with the rest of the Spaniards, made all the haste they could to Pamana, * 1.965 and they vsed such diligence, as within few houres, some were dispatched to seeke those, who little thought so quickly to bee ouertaken. The pursuers approaching the Riuer, were doubtfull * 1.966 by which of the afore-remembred three mouthes, they should take their way. In this wauering [ 30] one of the Souldiers espied certaine feathers, &c.

Comming in sight of the Ilands of Pearles, the winde beganne to fresh in with vs, and wee profited our selues of it: but comming thwart of a small Iland, which they call La Pacheta, that lieth within the Pearle Ilands, close aboord the Mayne, and some eight or tenne leagues South and by West from Panama, the winde calmed againe.

This Iland belongeth to a priuate man, it is a round humocke, contayning not a league of * 1.967 ground, but most fertile. Insomuch that by the owners industrie, and the labour of some few slaues, who occupie themselues in ma••uring it; and two Barkes, which he employeth in brin∣ging the fruit it giueth, to Panama; it is said to be worth him euery weeke, one with another a barre of siluer; valued betwixt two hundreth and fiftie, or three hundreth Pezos: which in [ 40] English money, may amount to fiftie or threescore pound: and for that, which I saw at my be∣ing in Panama, touching this, I hold to be true.

In our course to fetch the Port of Panama, we put our selues betwixt the Ilands and the Main: which is a goodly Channell, of three, foure, and fiue leagues broad, and without danger; except a man come too neere the shoare on any side; and that is thought the better course, then to goe a Sea-boord of the Ilands, because of the swift running of the tides, and the aduantage to stop the ebbe: As also for succour, if a man should happen to be becalmed at any time beyond expe∣ctation; which happeneth sometimes.

The seuenth of Iuly wee had sight of Perico; they are two little Ilands, which cause the Port of Panama, where all the shippes vse to ride; It is some two Leagues West North-west of the [ 50] Citie, which hath also a Pere in it selfe for small Barkes, at full Sea, it may haue some sixe or seuen foot water, but at lowe water, it is drie.

The ninth of Iuly wee anchored vnder Perico, and the Generall presently aduised the Au∣dienoia, * 1.968 of that which had succeeded in his Iourney: which vnderstood by them, caused Bon∣fires to be made, and euery man to put Luminaries in their houses; the fashion is much vsed a∣mongst the Spaniards in their feasts of ioy, or for glad tidings; placing many lights in their Churches, in their windowes, and Galleries, and corners of their houses: which being in the beginning of the night, and the Citie close by the Sea shoare, shewed to vs (being farre off) as though the Citie had beene on a light fire.

About eight of the clocke all the Artilerie of the Citie was shot off, which wee might [ 60] discerne by the flash of fire, but could not heare the report: yet the Armado being aduised thereof, and in a readinesse, answered them likewise with all their Artilerie: which ta∣king end (as all the vanities of this earth doe) The Generall setled himselfe to dispatch ad∣uice for the King, for the Vice-roy of Peru, and the Vice-roy of Noua Spana, for hee also

had beene certified of our being in that Sea, and had fitted an Armado to seeke vs, and to guard his coast.

But now for a farewell, (and note it) Let mee relate vnto you this Secret; How Don Bel∣tran * 1.969 shewed mee a Letter from the King his Master, directed to the Vice-roy, wherein hee gaue him particular relation of my pretended Voyage; of the shippes; their burden; their munition; their number of men, which I had in them, as perfectly as if hee had seene all with his owne eyes; Saying vnto mee: Hereby you may discerne, whether the King my Master haue friends in England, and good and speedy aduice of all that passeth. Whereunto I replyed; It was no wonder, for that hee had plenty of Gold and Siluer, which worketh this and more strange effects: for my Iourney was publique and notorious to all the Kingdome, whereunto he replyed, [ 10] that if I thought it so conuenient, leaue should be giuen me to write into England to the Queens Maiestie my Mistresse, to my Father, and to other personages, as I thought good; and leauing the Letters open; that hee would send some of them, in the Kings Packet, others to his Vncle Don Rodrigo de Castro, Cardinall and Archbishop of Seuill, and to other friends of his: Not ma∣king any doubt but that they would bee speedily in England. For which I thanked him, and ac∣cepted his courtesie, and although I was my selfe vnable to write, yet by the hands of a seruant * 1.970 of mine, I wrote three or foure copies of one Letter to my Father, Sir Iohn Hawkins. In which I briefly made relation of all that had succeeded in our Voyage.

The dispatches of Spaine and New Spaine, went by ordinarie course in ships of aduice; but that for the Peru was sent by a kinsman of the Generals, called Don Francisco de la Cuena. Which [ 20] being dispatched, Don Beltran hasted all that euer he could, to put his ships in order, to returne to Lyma. Hee caused the Daintie to be grounded and trimmed, for in those Ilands it higheth and falleth some fifteene or sixteene foot water.

And the Generall with his Captaines, and some Religious men being aboord her, and new naming her, named her the Uisitation; for that shee was rendred on the day, on which they ce∣lebrate the Visitation of the Virgin Marie. In that place the ground being plaine, and without vantage (whereby to helpe the tender sided and sharpe Ships) they are forced to shoare them on either side. In the middest of their solemnitie, her props and shores of one side fayled and so shee fell ouer vpon that side suddenly, intreating many of them (which were in her) very bad∣ly, and doubtlesse had shee beene like the ships of the South Sea, shee had broken out her bulge: [ 30] but being without Masts and emptie (for in the South Sea, when they bring aground a shippe, they leaue neither Mast, Balast, nor any other thing aboord, besides the bare Hull) her strength was such, as it made no great showe to haue receiued any d••mage, but the feare shee put them all into was not little, and caused them to runne out of her faster then a pace.

In these Ilands is no succour, nor refreshing; onely in the one of them is one house of straw, and a little spring of small moment. For the water which the Shippes vse for their prouision, they fetch from another Iland, two leagues West North-west of these; which they call Tabaga, hauing in it some fruit and refreshing, and some few Indians to inhabite it.

What succeeded to mee, and to the rest during our Imprisonment, with the rarities and parti∣cularities of the Peru, and Tierra firme, my Voyage to Spaine, and the successe, with the time I [ 40] spent in prison in the Peru, in the Tercera, in Seuill, and in Madrid, with the accidents which befell mee in them; I leaue for a second part of this discourse, if God giue life, and conuenient place and rest, necessarie for so tedious and troublesome a worke: desiring God that is Almigh∣tie, to giue his blessing to this and the rest of my intentions: that it and they may be fruitfull, to his glorie, and to the good of all: then shall my desires bee accomplished, and I account my selfe most happie. To whom be all glory, and thankes from all eternitie.

CHAP. VI.

A briefe Note written by Master IOHN ELLIS, one of the Captaines with Sir [ 50] RICHARD HAWKINS, in his Voyage through the Strait of MACE∣LAN, begunne the ninth of Aprill, 1593. concerning the said Straite, and certaine places, on the coast and Inland of Peru.

THe second of Februarie, 1593. wee fell with the Land of Terra Australis, in 50▪ degrees fiftie fiue leagues off the Straite of Magelan, which Land lay East and by North, or East North-east from the Straite, which is a part of Terra Australis: from which Land wee entred the Straite vpon the West South-west course: [ 60] then we ran ten leagues West North-west, other ten leagues West South-west, then eight leagues South-west, and came to an anchor on the starboord side, in a hooke where you may moore any ship in twelue fathomes water. From thence wee ranne South-west and by

South seuen leagues, where we came to an Iland called, Penguin Iland, and tooke in fiue or sixe tunnes of Penguins, and flayed them, and salted them. Thence twelue leagues South South-west, * 1.971 and found good riding in twelue fathoms, fine sand: from thence to Port Famine, the new Towne of Pedro Sarmiento, fiue leagues South-west. Then West North-west sixteene * 1.972 leagues, where we anchored in good riding. Then North-west and by West, till wee came to the Riuer of Geneuera, on the starboord side eight leagues. Then fiue leagues North-west. * 1.973 Then North-west and by West thirtie leagues, till wee came out of the Straite, which is in length one hundred and eleuen leagues. The mouth or entrance of the Straite is in thirtie two degrees and an halfe, and the Out-let is in the same heigth. The middle is in fiftie foure degrees and a terce. [ 10]

After wee were come out of the Straite wee went away North-west and by North fortie leagues into the Sea: then North, vntill wee came to the Iland of Mocha, which is in thirtie * 1.974 eight degrees and thirtie minutes, where we had good trade with the People. This Ile is three leagues long, where great reliefe, of Mutton, Mais, and other things may bee had from the In∣dians. This Ile is twelue leagues from the mayne Land. From thence wee went North, and past by the Ile of Saint Marie: from thence vnto Valparaiso, which standeth in thirtie three * 1.975 degrees, into which Hauen I went with our Boate, and tooke foure shippes, in which wee had Wines, and other good prouition: and there wee remayned the space of twelue dayes. And in this time I went on shoare, and tooke fiue houses, which were full of Wine, and other good things: And in this time there came a shippe by the Harbour, which the Generall went to [ 20] take, but hee did not: yet I with twelue men did take her, and within one houre the Generall came to vs. The shippe had clothes of Cotton for men to weare, of the Indian making, and some Gold. * 1.976

Valparaiso is a Port and a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the bottome of the Bay, where they make excel∣lent Wine. From thence eighteene leagues into the Land is Saint Iago, a great Towne of Spaniards. From thence wee passed to Arica, which is in twentie degrees, as I take it. All * 1.977 this Coast lieth North and South. From thence wee passed to Pisco and Chincha, where the Generall, and the Master Hugh Cornish, went to goe on shoare, but they did not. Heere wee met with sixe of the Kings shippes, which came to seeke vs: but at that time wee escaped * 1.978 them. These places are in fourteene degrees and an halfe. From thence wee passed by the Ci∣tie [ 30] of Lima, which is in twelue degrees and an halfe. From thence by Paita, which is an Ha∣uen, * 1.979 and a Towne, and standeth in fiue degrees. From thence wee passed by the Equinoctiall Line, and went to Atacame, where wee were taken, the two and twentieth of Iune, 1594. This place is in one degree to the Northward of the Line. There is from thence some eight leagues, a Bay called, The Bay of Saint Matthew. From thence wee were carried vnto Pana∣ma, * 1.980 which is in nine degrees to the Northward of the Line: where wee were held Priso∣ners. From Panama wee were returned to Payta, and so to Lima. Lima is neere as bigge as * 1.981 London within the walls: the houses are of Lome baked, for want of Stone. There are neere twentie thousand Negros in Lima. There are in it of Horsemen an hundred Launces, and an hundred Carbiners, at a thousand Ducats a man by the yeere. From Lima I went to Gnamanga, [ 40] which is a good Citie sixtie leagues from Lima, to the South-east. Twelue leagues from Lima * 1.982 Eastward it raineth, but neuer at Lima. Twentie leagues more Southerly, towards Gnaman∣ga, at Paricacco, which is a Mountaine, it is as cold as in England in our Winter: But none will dwell there, because of the cold. Then is the Valley of Choosa hauing Hills on both sides, and a Riuer in the middest. The Valley is eighteene leagues long, and well peopled, and hath diuers Townes: it is fortie leagues from Lima, and so through that I trauelled to Gnamanga.

From Gnamanga wee passed towards Cusco on hard wayes cut out of the Rockes by Gnama∣capo, * 1.983 with great difficultie by the wayes there are Tamboes or houses to lodge people, and some Villages. Then wee came to Cusco, which is a Citie about the bignesse of Bristow, without a [ 50] wall, hauing a Castle halfe a mile off on the side of an Hill, builded with stones of twentie tuns weight strangely ioyned without morter. From Lima they trade to Cusco all that comes out of Spaine. They of Quito trade to Cusco, with wollen Cloth and Cottons: for Quito hath abun∣dance of sheepe about it, and is a great Citie. They driue sheepe to Lima twentie thousand in a Flocke, and be halfe a yeere in the Passage.

Betweene Cusco and Potosi there is continuall trade, and the Lords or Caciquoes of the Na∣turals * 1.984 will entertaine you in the way, feed you in Siluer vessell, and giue you very good lodging, and if they like you, they will guide you with three or foure hundred Indians.

In Potosi there are at worke neere an hundred thousand Indians, which the Caciquoes bring in for so many dayes to worke the Mynes; and then other Caciquoes bring in as many more. [ 60]

I haue also two Letters written by Thomas Sanders seruant to Sir Richard Hawkins, written to * 1.985 Sir Io••n Hawkins out of the prison of Saint Lucar; in one of which hee maketh a large relation of their Voyage and taking (which is here needlesse to reiterate) with mention of one Master Lucas, con∣demned by the Holy House to the Gallies, and sent to Nombre de Dios, in which Voyage hee died: out

of the other I haue hither added this transcript touching the vsage and respect which Sir Richard Haw∣kins found in Peru.

I wrote in like sort of my Masters health, and of his entertaynment in his taking, and in * 1.986 the Citie of Lima by the Vice-king of the Countrey, and how hee was beloued for his valour, by all braue men in those parts, the which I learned by many which came from thence, as well rich as poore, and many Negroes, seruants to Merchants, which came from thence, and were there when hee came. Hee was receiued by all the best in the Countrie, carried by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Princely house all richly hanged, the which hee had to himselfe, with a great allowance from the King, besides many presents from the Queene: but within sixe or seuen dayes hee was car∣ried by the Fathers to the Holy House, not as a man to be executed, but to rest there vn••••ll they heard from the King what should be done with them. &c. [ 10]

Hauing occasion here to mention Sir Iohn Hawkins, I thought good, in memorie of his name, to expresse a Pardon from the Spanish King Philip the second, to him, and to the Master George Fitz∣williams, and the rest of their companie, both for the forme thereof, (being here printed from the Ori∣ginall, superscribed and subscribed with the Kings owne hand) and to shew the strict prohibition of Trade in the Indies.

EL REY.

POr quanto por parte de Iuan Aquins y Iorge Fitzwilliams Ingleses por si yen nōbre de todos los demas [ 20] Ingleses que han ydo y estado ensu compania, enlo que de yuso sedira, nos hasido hecha relaceon que noenbar gante lo que por nos esta prohibido yordenado paraque ningun estrangero yque no sea natural de∣stos nostros Reynos, naueque, tr••te, ni contrate enla carrera de las Indias, ni enlos puertos y lugares del∣las, Los susudicbos han entrado y nauegado, tratado y contratado enla dicha carrera y puertos y lugares della, y porque su intencion no ha sido deruirnos ni offender ni damnificar, a nostros Vasallos, y por que como sabiamos su dess••o yuo luntad auia sido de nos seruir end tiempo que est unimos enel Reyne de Ingla∣terra, nos ha•• pedido y supplicado que vsando de clemencia y de benignidad conellos hiziesemos merced de perdonalles la culpa y penas en que auian incurrido, y nos por iust as causas y confirationes que aello nos mueuen y por les bazer merced lo auemos tenido por bien. Y por la presente les pardonamos y remitimos [ 30] todos y qualesquier penas en que por razon de auer entrado y nauegado enla dicha carrera de las Indias y tractado y cōtractado enlos puertos y lugares dellas hasta agora aya•• incurrido, y queremos que en la dicha razon no puedanser acusados ni molestados, ni por esta razon ni causa puedan contra ellos proceder los del nuestro conceso de las Indias, ni los iuezes de la casa dela contratation, ni otros algunos. Porque no∣stra merced y voluntad es de les remitir como les remitimos todas las dichas penas, y de les librar, como les libramos y damos por libres y quitos dellas, bien assi com•• fienellas no hu••ieran caydo ni incurrido, no em∣bargantes qualesquiera leyes, ordenanças, prouisiones y cedulas que en razon delo suso dicho ayamos he∣cho y dado, con quales quiere clausulas que enellas aya, o, hauer pueda, las quales todas paraen quanto alo suso dicho las abrogamos y derogamos, auiendolas aque por expressadas & insertas de Verbo ad verbum,quedando en sufuerça y vigor quanto alodemas. El qual dicho perdon, gracia y remission qui∣remos [ 40] que se entienda y estienda no solo alos dhos Iuan Aquins y lorge Fitzwilliams, pero a todos los de∣mas ••ngleses queens〈…〉〈…〉 compania sauydo conque esto sea y se entienda ser enrespecto delo passado, pero que por esto no seauisto permitirles ni darseles licencia paraque de aqui adelante puedan sin nuestra expressa y particular licencia, nauegar tratar y contratar enla dicha carrera, y que si lo hesieren, demas de incurrir en las penas contenidas en nuestras leyes ordenanças, cartas y prouisiones, este pardon y gracia sea y aya∣deser ninguno y de ningun valor y effecto, y mandamos alos del nostro conseio delas Indias y alos nostros Iuezes y Officiales de la cas•• dela contratacion y a otras quales quier Iuezes y Iusticias que assilo guar∣den y cumplan,

fecha enel monastero de Sanct Lorenço el real

a diez dias del mes de Agusto, anno del Sennor de mill y quinien tos y setenta y vn annos. [ 50]

YEL REY.

Por mandado de su Mag.

S. Antonio Gracian.

V. Md. perdone a Iuano Aquins Ingles y a sus companneros le pena enque incurrienzo porauer naue∣gado, y contratado enlas Indeas contra las ordenes de V. Md.

[ 60]

CHAP. VII.

A briefe Relation of an * 2.1 Englishman which had beene thirteene yeeres Captiue to the Spaniards in Peru, &c.

THe eleuenth of October, 1602. we departed from the Citie of Lyma, and that day wee set sayle from the Calloa, in the Contadora, Captaine Andrea Brocho. The fifteenth of October wee came into Payta, and there watered, and tooke in fresh victuals: and set sayle from thence the foure and twentieth of the same, for [ 10] Mexico, 1602.

The fourteenth of December we came to an anchor in Acapulca, we were be∣calmed in 17. degrees and an halfe, foure and twentie dayes, and were set with the current into * 2.2 23. degrees to the Northward, we came all the coast alongst from Colyma and Nauydad to Aca∣pulca. The twentieth of December we came from Acapulca, with sixe Mules: and on Christmas Day in the morning we came to Zumpanga, a Towne of Indians, where wee remayned all that * 2.3 day being betweene this Towne and Acapulca thirtie leagues, no Towne betwixt. The last of December wee came to Querna vaca a Towne in the Marquesado of Hernan Cortes, thirteene leagues from Mexico.

The first of Ianuarie we came into the great Citie of Mexico, where we remayned vntill the * 2.4 [ 20] seuenteenth, at which time we came from Mexico, in the euening, and came two leagues that night. The next day we came to Irazing, which is seuen leagues from Mexico, where wee re∣mayned two dayes. The fiue and twentieth of Ianuarie wee came to Pueblo de los Angelos, pas∣sing in our way the Vulcan being from Mexico twentie leagues, and thorow Chullula. The thir∣tieth of Ianuarie I went to Atrizco, where we were sixe dayes, being fiue leagues from Mexico. * 2.5

The sixteenth of Februarie we came from the Pueblo de los Angelos, with fourteene Carts, fiue or sixe temes of Oxen in a Cart, for to come to the Citie of Vera cruz. * 2.6

The seuenth of March, 1603. wee came into the Vera cruz, the new Towne, where wee re∣mayned * 2.7 vntill the eight of Aprill, staying for a ship of aduise.

Tuesday the eight of Aprill, we set sayle from Saint Iuo de Ullua, in a Barque of aduise called [ 30] the Saint Lazaro, the Captaines name was Diego Garces, being of the burden of thirtie tunnes, * 2.8 the Pilot named Diego Vyedall, we were eight and twentie persons. 1603. The nine and twen∣tieth of Aprill we had sight of the Martyrs, and were in two fathomes water, off them we saw no more nor no other, while we fell with Alla Rocha in Barbarie, which was the 14. of Iune.

The sixteenth of Iune wee had sight of Chiprone, and Cales, that night we came into S. Lucar. The seuenteenth of Iune in the morning, the Kings Officers came aboord of vs for the Kings Let∣ters, and the Letters of the Mexico Fleet: where I heard newes of our good Queene Elizabeths death, and our King Iames his comming to the Crowne in peace. Heere I was discharged, and had my libertie giuen me, so I went to Syuill the nineteenth day, where I remayned vntill the one and twentieth of September: at which time I came to Wellua in the Condado. [ 40]

The fift of Nouember I came from Wellua in the George of London. Master Iuano Whary, the ship was Master Hangers. I arriued at the Reculluers the seuenth of December, 1603. being since my departure from England thirteene yeeres and nine moneths of captiuitie for the which the Lord be praised, and make me thankfull all the dayes of my life.

Amen.

CHAP. VIII.

The Relation of ALEXANDRO VRSINO concerning the coast of Terra [ 50] Firma, and the secrets of Peru, and Chili, where he had liued foure and thirtie yeeres.

THe first Towne inhabited of the Spaniards is Saint Iohn in the Ile of Porto ricco, it is a very poore Towne. They haue no Bread, but in stead thereof they vse a certaine Roote called Cazaue. There is in the Towne about sixtie Spaniards, and a Fort. In Saint Domingo there is a very strong Fort with aboue eightie great * 2.9 Peeces of Ordnance. It is one of the fairest Cities in all the Indies: there are aboue seuen hundred Spaniards in it. It is a Bishoprike. There is next the Towne of Monte Christo, wherein there are about eightie Spaniards. There is a small Fort. Then Ocoa, which is a very good Port, where the Fleete both comming and going, doe put in for fresh water and [ 60] wood, and other necessaries. Then Porto de Plata, a small Towne, with a little Fort, about se∣uentie or eightie Spaniards. Porto Reale, a dishabited Towne, but a very good Port. There is nothing else in the Ile of Spagnola, of any importance. There are aboue 22000. Negros, men and women, slaues.

From Saint Domingo to Iamaica, an hundred leagues in this Ile there is but one Towne, which * 2.10 standeth three leagues within the Land. There are in it about fiftie Spaniards. In all these places they make Sugar in great abundance, but especially at Saint Domingo there are aboue eightie In∣genios, or Sugar-houses. They haue neither Siluer, nor Gold. They eate of the foresaid Roote for * 2.11 Bread in euery place. The Ile of Spaniola is inhabited onely by the Spaniards, there is not one Naturall of the Countrey.

From Iamaica to Cartagena one hundred leagues. This Cartagena is a faire Citie, a very strong * 2.12 Fort in the Hauen mouth and Artilerie in three parts of the Towne. A Bishoprike. They haue neither Siluer nor Gold: there are about 150. Spaniards. Next to this is Tulu inhabited of the Spaniards about fortie or fiftie: it is eighteene leagues from Cartagena alongst the coast. [ 10]

Then Santa Martha, a Citie with a small Fort, about 100. Spaniards: there they gather great * 2.13 quantity of Gold very fine: they are a fierce people. Santa Martha is fiftie leagues from Carta∣gena longst the same coast. Vpon the same coast is Nombre de dios about seuentie leagues from * 2.14 Cartagena, they haue no Fort but vpon the hauen side: there lyeth foure peeces of Artillary: there are in it about sixtie Spaniards. It is vnder the gouernment of Panama. Then Veragna, about se∣uentie or eightie Spaniards: they gather great store of Gold aboue a million and a halfe yearely. * 2.15 Vpon the same coast about one hundred leagues from Veragua, lieth a towne called Costa ricca, * 2.16 inhabited onely of the na••urals: they gather great store of Gold.

Ouer against Nombre de Dios on the other Sea of Sur lyeth the Citie of Panama, eighteene * 2.17 leagues distant from thence: there is an Audience, and a President, and an Archbishop▪ there are [ 20] about foure hundred Spaniards; it is a very rich towne, full of treasure: all the Gold and Siluer that commeth out of those parts into Spaine, commeth by that towne: they haue no Fort but foure peeces of Ordnance that lye vpon the Hauen; but to returne to the coast of the ocean Sea. From Cartagena Eastwards there is a Riuer called Rio de Lahache, vpon this Riuer a prettie towne, with two hundred Spaniards, where is gathered great abundance of Pearle, about one million euery yeare: there is a little Fort.

A little beyond that you come to Baxemete, which is in the gouernment of Valenzuola, and * 2.18 Barbaruta, three leagues within land. Then Tocuo fiue leagues within land. Then Margarita with a strong Fort, in all these places is gathered most fine Gold. Nombre de Dios, Cartagena, San∣ta Martha, Tulu, Rio de Lahache, Veragua, Barbaruta, these haue bin spoiled two or three times [ 30] by the Frenchmen.

Margarita is the vtmost Towne of the Spaniards vpon that coast, from whence passing into the Countrie, about foure dayes iourney we came to Granada, a towne in the gouernment of Va∣lenzuola, * 2.19 from thence to Trugillo, which is the vtmost towne of that Prouince. So to Villetta, where beginneth the Nueno Regno de Granada, Vele Pa••pelona, Ocagna, Tunza, a proper Citie with foure hundred Spaniards. Santa Fe del Nueuo Regno di Granada, the principall Citie of the Kingdome, fiue hundred Spaniards: an Archbishop, a President, and an Audientia; Tocayma, Ayuage, Cariago, Arma, Caramanta, Santa Fe di Antiochia, Anzerma, Cali, Buga, Popaya, a gouern∣ment. Aymage, Mocoa, Scanze, Timana, La Plata, Neua, Pasto. The end of the new Kingdome of Granada. In all these Cities is gathered great abundance of Gold. [ 40]

Quito the first Citie of the Kingdome of Peru. There is a President, an Audience, and a Bishop. * 2.20 Riobamba, the Gouernment of the Squisos, Auila, Baeza, Acedonia, T••nibamba, Guaiaquill a Port towne in Mar del Sur, la Punta di Santa Helena, Porto, vi••io in Spanish, Manta in Indian, Pa〈…〉〈…〉a, Port Townes. Cosibamba. The gouernment of Iohn di Salma, Sarigra, Saint Iaco••o de la•• Valles, Santa Maria de las ne••es, Vallad••lid, Combinama, Zaem, in these six townes is gathered the grea∣test quantitie of Gold and the finest of all the Country of Peru. Chachapoia, Moiobamba, Guani∣co vpon the Sea, Malabrigo, the port of Tr••gillo. Trugillo is two leagues within the port of Reque, Santa, Casma, Guagnara, Chancai, Lima, Cagnette, Ica, Camana, (Aerquipa, Quilca and Chuli, ports of Arequipa) Arica, all these are vpon the Sea coast of Peru, Guamanga and Guancauallica, where they gather all the Quick-siluer aboue fiue millions euery yeare: the Citie of Cusco, the chiefe Citie of the Kingdome of Peru, Choguiago, Choquisaca, Potossi, and Porco, where all the Siluer is [ 50] gathered in the Kingdome of Peru. And this is the end of the Kingdome of Peru. In the Pro∣uince of Tuquema, subiect to Peru, Tuquema the principall Citie of the Prouince. Saint Ia∣como * 2.21 de las Torres, Arrian, Calchaqui. In the Prouince of Chiriguana, subiect to Peru. San∣ta cruze de la Sera. In the Prouince of Chili alongst the coast; Tarapaqua, Ilo, Copiape, Co∣quimba, * 2.22 la Serena, S. Iacomo, La conception, Cuyo, la Imperiala, Paraiso, Valdiuia, Ozorne. From Margarita or Barburata to Sancta Fe del nueno regno di granada is 300. leagues by land, the ordinary way. From Santa Fe to Quito 250. leagues. From Quito to Lima 300. leagues. From Lima to Chognisaca, or Potossi, or Porco 300. leagues. From Potossi to Copiapo chie••e Citie of Chili 500. leagues. And these are ordinary trauailed waies. [ 60]

There are in Potossi and Porco 300. mines of the Spaniards, and 5000. of the Indians. The Siluer * 2.23 that is for the King (which is supposed to be two millions) and all the rest that is sent into Spaine is brought vpon Sheepes backes vnto Arica or Port of Peru from thence by Sea into Lima. A Sheepe will carry 100. li. three leagues in one day.

The Gold that is gathered in Chili, the Kings part which is about a million, and of others a million and a halfe is brought by Sea vnto Lima. All the Gold and Siluer that comes to Lima is about twelue millions, from thence it comes to Panama, from Panama by land to Nom∣bre de Dios, from thence by Sea to Cartagena. The Gold that comes out of the new Kingdome of * 2.24 Granada and the Prouince of Iohn di Salina is brought by a Riuer to Cartagena. So that at Cartagena there is laden out of those parts for Spaine euery yeare of the Kings about fiue milli∣ons, and as much of other Merchants.

In all the Country of Chili there are not aboue 1300. Spaniards. In Arica 100. Spaniards. A∣requipa is 17. leagues distant from Chuli or Quilca the ports: it hath about 200. Spaniards. In Li∣ma 1000. Spaniards. In Seutu 100. Spaniards. In Trugillo 200. it is a very wealthy towne (the [ 10] Port of it Malabrigo two leagues from Trugillo. The Citie of Cusco is bigger then Rome: there is a Bishop and about 1000. Spaniards. They haue the Inquisition in Lima. In Payta which is the * 2.25 harborough for all the Fleete for fresh prouision: there are 100. men. Porto Vicio, is also another harborough where the Fleete taketh in fresh victuals. There are not three Spaniards in the towne, but about fiue leagues off there is a small towne called Mantu, where there are but 50. Spaniards. In Panama 400. In February the Siluer comes from Potossi and Porco to Lima: about the same time the Ships returne from Chili to Lima with Gold.

In Aprill they set forth from Lima foure Ships, and in fifteene dayes they arriue at Panama. From the point Saint Helen to Copiapo it neuer raineth: this dry tract extendeth from the Sea coast into the Country in some places 40. miles, in some places 50. and in sundry parts of the [ 20] Country it is so hot that no man can endure it, and within sixe miles of that place so cold a∣gaine, that it is inough to kill any man. This strange tract extends 1200. leagues. In the Citie of Lima and Trugillo there grow Oranges, Pomgranets, Citrons and Melons, bigger farre then those of these parts.

La Loma de Camana is a very fertile soile, yeelding abundance of grasse, which beginneth at Camana and passeth by Quilca towards Chuli eighteene leagues from Camana. The same Loma, is in some part within a mile of the Sea and in some other places a league off from the Sea. The same Loma is in breadth in some places halfe a league, and in other places a league, which is the greatest breadth that it beareth.

Betweene this Loma de Camana and the Sea, is nothing growing but barren sands and stones. [ 30] And within the said Loma, is also barren for the space of eight or ten leagues. And in all the said circuit both of the Loma, and from it to the Sea, and also in towards the land the said distance of eight or ten leagues in neuer raineth. But farder into the Land where the hils and mountaines are, there it raineth and sometimes snoweth.

A di 24. Luglio 1581.

Alessandro Orsino Romano antico dico che son de tempo de cinquanta vno agnos. Io son stado Trenta quatro agnos nel regno del Peru, e ho caminado todo el regno.

CHAP. IX. [ 40]

Notes of the West Indies, gathered out of PEDRO ORDONNES de Ceuallos a Spanish Priest, his larger obseruations.

SAnta Fe de Bogota, is the Mother Citie of the New Kingdome of Granada, an Archbishops See, and of the Chamber. Muso is subiect to it, where is store of the best Emeralds taken out of a rocke, which a long time cannot waste. The fifth thereof is of inestimable value to the King. An Indian found there a stone * 2.26 which was sent to King Phillip, and his daughter Clara Eugenia, the price where∣of [ 50] was aboue all price, nor could the Goldsmiths value it. In Saint Iuan de los lla∣nos are men with white faces. In all the Kingdome the townes are very frequent. There are a∣boue 14000. Negros which worke in the Mines there.

In Quito two things are deere, Wine, which is worth eight Rials a quart, if brought from Li∣ma, * 2.27 and twelue from Spaine: and Asses, of which one hath beene worth 1500. Pesos, and that for the store of Mares in those parts. It is a prouerbe, What is dearest in Quito? An Asse. In Li∣ma * 2.28 no houses are couered with roofes, bee they neuer so large, because they neuer haue raine. No Citie in India is richer then it.

Out of Potosi are yeerely gathered great treasures. Ouer the top of this Mountaine alway hangs a cloud, euen in the cleerest dayes, as it were marking and pointing out the riches there∣of. * 2.29 [ 60] It riseth in forme of a Pyramis, three leagues high, enuironed with cold ayre. At the foot is the Citie Potosi, inhabited by twentie thousand Spanish men, and ten thousand women, as ma∣ny Negroes, and foure thousand Indians. Within six leagues about is no pasture of grasse, so that * 2.30 to it, Wood, and Corne are brought from other places. The entrance and Myne-workes are so

dangerous, what they which goe in, vse to take the Sacrament of the Altar, as if they went to their death, because few returne. The Earle of Villar made a proclamation, that all the In∣dians should haue leaue and libertie to labour in this Myne, and to haue foure Rialls a day for each mans worke, which they were before forced to doe for nothing; since which the King hath receiued greater profit. The King receiueth thence yeerely eight or ten millions of Siluer. The metalls lie two hundred Stades * 2.31 (or mans heights) beneath the earth. Raine is very needfull for the Myne-workes, which vsually falls about Christmasse. Then the President of Charcas comes thither (as also to haue care of the Quick-siluer) that in Februarie and March they may be readie for Lima. Chile hath two Bishoprickes, of Chile and Saint Iago. It brings forth the fruits of Castile, greater then Spaine it s••lfe. There are many Gold Mynes, if the Auracan Indi∣ans [ 10] could be compelled to the workes, which doe our men great harmes. I went into Chile from Peru, and thence returned to Quito.

Mexico is as great as Siuill. There dwell in it three thousand Spaniards, many more women, * 2.32 two hundred thousand Indians, twentie thousand Negros. The Natiues are capable of Arts and Discipline. They very much honour Priests, Monkes, and Regulars, and when the Bell rings * 2.33 to Sermon, the Indian Boyes run vp and downe the streets crossing their fore-heads. When they goe out of the Church, they cry, Blessed be our Lord Iesus Christ, and blessed bee his Mother Saint Marie; the Priest answeres, For euer, and they, Amen. They are liberall Almes-giuers; to mee * 2.34 saying Masse, I remember they gaue an hundred Duckets. D. Martin Cortez Marquesse of the Vallie, was author of this reuerence to Priests by his owne example, which would stand still bare [ 20] headed, till a Priest were past, and sometimes would goe forth to meet him and kisse his hand. * 2.35 In New Spaine is such store of cattell, that one man often kills one thousand Beeues, and as ma∣ny Goates, and sends their hides into Spaine. The Magurie tree or Cabuya yeelds Wine, Vineger, * 2.36 Hony, Beds, Threads, Needles (out of the prickles of the leaues) Tables and hafts of Kniues be∣sides many medicinable vses. From Mexico to Acapulpo the Hauen on the South Sea, are ninetie leagues, and well inhabited.

The Vice-roy is President at the Court at Lima, and Gouernor and Captaine Generall of that * 2.37 Territory, and of Charcas and Quito. He hath fortie thousand Duckets salary, and the charges of Warre are paid by the King. The Territory of Lima containeth in circuit three hundred leagues. Callao is the Port, two leagues from Lima, the chiefe in all the South Sea, where the Vice-roy v∣seth [ 30] to abide much for furnishing the Fleets which carry the treasure.

The Mynes of Oruto are giuen ouer for want of Q••ick-siluer, or as some say, lest the Inhabi∣tants of Potosi should remoue thither. Guacouelica hath rich Siluer Mynes, which yeerely yeeld * 2.38 eight thousand Quintals. But some Mountaines falling haue stopped the mynings. Saint Francis of Quito is vnder the line very temperate, three hundred leagues from Lima. There is a Chancery, Bishop, Deane, and Vniuersitie. The Territory of this Court extends two hundred and sixtie leagues. Neere the Citie are many burning Hills.

There is a twofold gouernment in the Indies, one of Spaniards, which is the same with that of * 2.39 Spaine; the other of Indians. The Spaniards in these parts neither plow the ground, nor worke in the Mynes, especiall there where they are accounted gentlemen. Scarcesly shal you find any Spa∣nish [ 40] youth, which will betake himselfe to the seruice of any man, except the Vice-roy. They * 2.40 trade with Merchandise, are set ouer the Kings Rents, Garrisons, and Myners.

The Indians are base minded. They solemnize the Feasts of the Sacrament, Easter, and Midso∣merday, with Dances, Musicke, Processions, and in the Temples religiously. On Mandy Thurs∣day * 2.41 they are all chastised. In guilds they are obseruant. On a certaine day they are compelled to render account of all their goods and possessions. They procure Masses at Funeralls. They are generally wittie, liers, and strong drinkers. They will drinke two or three dayes together closly, and sometimes a whole weeke. Their Feasts are like the Negros with songs and dances. With these Rites they say they pray for the dead. They neuer make an end, till they haue spent all, and then they returne to their labours. They are very expert in the Arts which they learne, al∣though [ 50] it be writing or reading, which yet is not granted them to learne. They pay yeerely to their Gouernours a certaine tribute of Siluer and other things, after they are eighteene yeeres old, till fiftie. The Commendator receiueth these things, conditionally to maintaine a Priest and a Corrigidor, and to pay the tenths to the Church. This and other places are there giuen for two liues, the sonne or eldest daughter succeeding. The Corrigidors amongst the Indians are prohibited merchandise. A Visitor is appointed in euery Court to goe to the places of that Precinct to en∣quire * 2.42 of affaires, and to decide controuersies.

The number of Mesticos is great, which wander vp and downe poore and beggarly, nor giue * 2.43 their minds to learne any handicrafts. It were good they were forced to labour.

A Councell celebrated at Lima, 1583. in the third Session, Chap. 22. approued of the Pope and * 2.44 [ 60] our King, decreed that wheresoeuer one thousand Indians are found together, a Teacher and Priest should be set ouer them. The Indians Priests vse at the Kings charges to carrie with them many religious men: and the Iesuites by the supreme Councell of India, with aduise of the BB. are commanded to send many thither for the Bishops assistance.

The Rents and Tenths of Bishoprickes are deuided into foure parts, one of which goeth to the Bishop, a second to the Deane and Chapiter, so as the Deanes proportion is 150. the dignities * 2.45 130. the Canons 100. The third and fourth part are diuided into nine shares called Ninths, of which two returne to the King, and are bestowed on the buildings of Cathedrall Churches; ano∣ther ninth and halfe on the Fabrickes, another ninth and halfe on the Hospitall buildings, the fourth remayning are paid to the Vicars, Singers, Organists and other Church Officers. What remayneth is spent on the Fabrickes. All are laid out by the Bishops order. In my iudgement it were very good if euery Bishoprick had Seminaries and Colledges wherein the children of their * 2.46 Caciques and chiefe men might be educated, to be maintayned by the Caciques.

The Bishopricke of Cusco is 200. leagues long and 70. broad: that of Lima is greater by the [ 10] one halfe, as is that also of Quito. Whereupon the Bishops of the New World writ to the King that it were better to make them more Bishoprickes, each of which shall yet retaine 20000. Pezos. Euery seuenth yeere ordinarily is a Prouinciall Synod in Peru, to which the Bishoppes come, some by Sea, some by Land 400. or 600. leagues, the wayes not admitting Coaches. Some haue sought for Vniuersities in some places to bee erected (as those of Quito) at least for Diuini∣tie, and the liberall Arts and Indian Tongue: the Professors to haue foure or 5000. Duckets a piece yeerely. There is no question but of the Indians many learned men may adorne the Schooles and Pulpits.

The Kings Reuenue out of the West Indies is twelue Millions yeerely growing out of the fifth * 2.47 of Gold and Siluer, great Meltings, Customes of Ports, Indian Tributes, sale of Offices, the Cru∣zada, [ 20] Tribute of Rents, Quicksiluer, Fines of Courts, and the ninth part of Ecclesiasticall Rents. Popes Buls and Collations of Benefices Ecclesiasticall and Secular are subiect to the King, and ordered by his supreame Councell of the Indies

CHAP. X.

Relation of the new Discouerie in the South Sea made by PEDRO FERNANDEZ GIROS Portugez 1609. with his Petitions to the King, one [ 30] Englished, another in Spanish.

THis man being a famous Pilot was sent with two ships from Peru to discouer the I∣lands of Salomon. After hee had taken his course in the height of the Straits of Magellanu••, little more or lesse, he did discouer a mayne Land, and sayled eight hundred leagues vpon the Coast, vntill he came to the height of fifteene degrees to the Southward of the Equinoctiall Line where hee found a very fruitfull and pleasant Countrey and well peopled, abounding with Pearles, Gold and Siluer, great store of Limons; Orenges and other Fruites excellent good, and in great quantitie: great store of Goats, Hogges, Geese, Partridges, Conies and Fowle, Pepper and Spices. The Coun∣trey is very temperate and healthfull, great store of fish of many different sorts; full of wood and [ 40] goodly high Trees for shipping; very good pasture, ground for Corne and Cattell.

The men of the Countrey are some tawnie, and some white of good disposition, more ciuill and politike then the Indians of Peru and Noua Hispania.

There is in the Coast a Bay of some twentie leagues into which there fals two great Riuers out of the Countrey, which is the place where they purpose to settle their first Plantations.

There are many Ilands in the same Coast both great and little, plentifull they are all and well inhabited.

This Captaine Giroz shall be presently sent vnto Peru, with order and Commission to take vp twelue hundred men and shipping with other necessaries for the Voyage to inhabit, and as ma∣ny more shall be sent the yeere following from Noua Hispania, and for the whole businesse he [ 50] is to receiue fiue hundred thousand Duckets.

Walsingham Gresley.

The Copie of a Petition presented to the King of Spaine, by Captaine PETER FERDINAND de Quir, touching the Discouerie of the fourth part of the World, called Terra Australis incognita: and of the great riches and fertilite of the same: Printed with li∣cense [ 60] in Siuill, An. 1610.

SIR,

I Captaine Fernandez de Quiros, shew vnto you, that this is the eighth * 2.48 Petition, which by mee hath beene presented to your Maiesties view, to perswade the conduction of some Colo∣nies,

vnto the Land which your Maiestie hath commanded to bee discouered in the parts of Australia incognita. And yet to this houre no resolution is taken, neither haue I receiued any answere or hope, whereby I might rest assured to obtaine my dispatch, although I haue at∣tended fourteene moneths in your Court, and haue imployed fourteene yeeres in this Discouery without any profit or other respect but the benefit thereof; with which, notwithstanding infi∣nite contradictions, I haue gone 20000. leagues by Land and by Sea, and haue diminished and sunke my estate, I haue trauelled with many afflictions in my person, and suffered such strange and extraordinary crosses that they seeme almost incredible to my selfe; and all, that so Religi∣ous an vndertake should not vnworthily be abandoned. In regard whereof, I do most humbly be∣seech your Maiestie in the bowels of the diuine charitie, that you would be pleased to take order, [ 10] that I be not depriued of the fruits of this Designe, which with such instance I doe desire, and which with so much iustice are due vnto my continuall paines and trauell: nor that I bee debar∣red from the effects of so considerable and well grounded a request, whose principall scope is the glory of God, and of your Maiestie, and from whence infinite benefits are likely to issue forth, which will liue as long as the fabrick of the World shall subsist, and after the dissolution thereof will remaine to all Eternitie.

1. Touching the extent of these Regions newly discouered, grounding my iudgement on that which I haue seene with mine owne eyes, and vpon that which Captaine Lewes Paez de Torres Admirall of my Fleet hath represented vnto your Maiestie, the length thereof is as great as all Europe and Asia the lesse, vnto the Sea of Bachu, Persia, and all the Iles, aswell of the Ocean, as [ 20] of the Mediterranean Sea, taking England and Island into this account. This vnknowne Coun∣trey is the fourth part of the Terrestriall Globe, and extendeth it selfe to such length, that in * 2.49 probabilitie it is twice greater in Kingdomes and Seignories, then all that which at this day doth acknowledge subiection and obedience vnto your Maiestie: and that without neighbourhood ei∣ther of Turkes or Moores, or of any other Nation which attempteth warre vpon confining Coun∣treyes. The Land which we haue discouered, is all seated within the Torrid Zone, and a great tract thereof reacheth vnto the Equinoctiall Circle; the breath may be of 90. degrees, and in some places a little lesse. And if the successe proue answerable vnto the hopes, they will be found An∣tipodes vnto the better part of Africke, vnto all Europe, and to the greater portion of Asia. But you must obserue, that as the Contreyes which we haue discouered in 15. degrees of latitude, are [ 30] better then Spaine, so the other which are opposed to their eleuation, must by proportion and analogie prooue some terrestriall Paradise.

2. All those quarters swarme with an incredible multitude of Inhabitants, whereof some are white, others blacke and in colour like Mulatos, or halfe Moores, and others of a mingled com∣plexion. Some weare their haire long, blacke, and scattered, others haue their haire cripsed and thicke, and others very yellow and bright. Which diuersitie is an apparant argmument that there is an apparant argument, that there is commerce and communication amongst them. And this consideration together with the bountie which Nature hath bestowed on the soile, their inex∣perience of Artillery and Guns, and their vnskilfulnesse in labouring in Mynes, with other sem∣blable circumstances, doth induce mee to inferre, that all the Countrey is well peopled. They [ 40] know little what belongeth to artificiall Trades; for they haue neither fortifications nor walles, and liue without the awe of Kings or Lawes. They are a simple people cantoned into partialities, and exercise much disagreement amongst themselues. The Armes which they vse are Bowes and Arrowes, which are not poisoned or steeped in the iuice of venemous herbes, as the custome is of many other Countreyes; They doe also carrie Clubs, Truncheons, Pikes, Dartes to hurle with the arme, all which are framed only of wood. They doe couer themselues from the waste or girdling place down to the halfe of their thighs, they are very studious of cleanlinesse, tractable, cheerefull, and wonderously addicted to bee gratefull vnto those that doe them a courtesie, as I haue experienced many times. The which doth build in me a beliefe, that with the assistance of God, if they may be gently and amiably intreated, they will bee found very docible and easie of [ 50] mannage, and that we shall without much worke accommodate our selues vnto them. And it is most necessary to obserue this way of sweetnesse, especially in the beginning, that the Inhabi∣tants may be drawne along to this so holy and sauing an end, whereof we ought to take a parti∣cular care and zeale, aswell in small things, as in matters of more importance. Their houses are built of wood, couered with Palme-tree leaues; they haue Pitchers and Vessels made of earth, they are not without the mysterie of weauing, and other curiosities of that kind. They worke on Marble, they haue Flutes, Drummes, and wooden Spoones, they set apart certaine places for Oratories and Prayers, and for buriall places. Their Gardens are artificially seuered into beds, bordered and paled; Mother of Pearle and the shels which containe Pearle, they haue in much vse and estimation, of which they make Wedges, Rasors, Sawes, Culters, and such like Instru∣ments: [ 60] They also doe make thereof Pearles and great Beads to weare about their neckes. They that doe dwell in the Ilands, haue Boats very artificially made, and exceedingly commodious for * 2.50 sayling, which is a certaine argument that they confine vpon other Nations that are of a more polished and elegant behauiour. And this also they haue of our husbandry, that they cut Cocks and geld Boares.

3. Their bread is vsually made of three sorts of Roots, which grow there in great abundance. Neither doe they imploy much labour in making this bread, for they do onely rost the Roots vn∣till they are soft and tender. They are very pleasant to the taste, wholsome and nourishing, they are of a good leng••h, there being of them of an Ell long, and the halfe of that in bignesse. There is great store of excellent fruits in these Countreyes. There are sixe kinds of Plane Trees, Almond Trees of foure sorts, and other Trees called Obi, resembling almost in fruit and greatnesse the Melacatones; store of Nuts, Orenges and Limonds. They haue moreouer Sugar-canes, large in size and in great plentie, they haue knowledge of our ordinarie Apples; they haue Palme-trees without number; out of which there may easily bee drawne a iuyce, which will make a liquor alluding much to Wine, as also Whey, Vineger, and Honey, the kernels thereof are exceeding [ 10] sweet. And they haue fruits which the Indians call Cocos, which being greene doe make a kinde * 2.51 of twine, and the pith is almost like in taste vnto the Creame of Milke: When they are ripe they serue for meate and drinke both by Land and Sea: And when they wither and fall from the Tree, there sweateth out an Oyle from them, which is very good to burne in Lampes, and is medicinable for wounds, and not vnpleasant to be eaten. Of their rindes or barks there are made Bottles, and other like Vessels, and the inner skin doth serue for calking of ships. Men doe make Cables and other Cordage of them, which are of sufficient strength to draw a Canon, and are fit for other domesticke vses. But that which is more speciall, they do there vse the leaues of Palme∣trees, which they a masse together, to make sayles of them for Vessels of small bulke and bur∣then. They make likewise fine thinne Mats of them, and they do serue to couer the house with∣out, [ 20] and for hangings within. And of them they doe likewise make Pikes, and other sorts of weapons, as also Oares to row with, and Vtensils for the house. You are to note, that these Palme-trees are their Vines, from whence they gather their Wine all the yeere long, which they make without much cost or labour. Amongst their herbage and Garden fruites; Wee haue seene Melons, Peares great and little, and sundry sorts of pot-herbes. And they haue also Beanes. For flesh, they are stored with a great number of Hogs which are as tame as ours: they haue Hennes, Capons, Partriges, Duckes Turtles, Pigeons, Stock-doues, and Goats, as one of my Captaines did see. And the Indians themselues haue giuen vs notice of Cowes and Oxen. There are also sun∣dry sorts of fish, Harghi, Persereyes, Lize, Soles, Trowts, Shads, Macabises, Casanes, Pampani, Pilchard, Thorn-backes or Skate-fish, Cuculi, Congers, Porposes, Rochets, Muscles, Lobsters, [ 30] and many other, the names whereof I cannot now remember. But it is probable that there are diuers other kindes, since those which I haue recounted were taken hard by our ships. And vpon ripe and serious consideration of that, which I haue represented vnto you, a man may easily collect, that such plentifull and different varieties of all things, may yeeld great and singular de∣lights. There is stuffe for Marchpane•• and sweet Confections of all sorts, without borrowing any Spice for the composition of them else where. And for my Mates the Mariners, besides those par∣ticulars which I haue before set downe, there will bee no want of Gammons, Sawsages, and o∣ther salt meates which Hogges doe yeeld; neither of Vineger, Spiceries, and other Sawces that serue for delicacie, and to awake the appetite. And you must oberue, that many of these things, are the same with those which we haue in our parts, and possibly they are there in greater abun∣dance; [ 40] by all which it is easily to be coniectured, that this Countrey is fit for the production of all that which groweth in Europe.

4. The Riches which I haue seene in those parts, are Siluer and Pearle; another Captaine in his Relation, doth report that he hath seene Gold, which are the three most precious Darlings that he and are cherished in the bosome of Nature: wee haue also both seene much Nutmegs, Mace, Ginger, and Pepper. There is also notice of Cinamon; and it is likely that Cloues may be found in those parts, since so many other sorts of Spiceries and Aromaticall drugges doe prosper there; and that the rather, because these Countryes lye very neere the parallell of the Iles of Ter∣renatte, Bachian, and the Moluccos. There are likewise materials for all sorts of Silke, and wee haue seene A••ise-seed, and excellent good Ebonie, as also other kindes of wood proper for the [ 50] building of as many ships as one will desire, and stuffe to make sayles for the same. Three sorts of materials there are wherewithall to make Cordage, and one of them is very like vnto our Hemp. Moreouer out of the Oyle of Cocos, whereof I haue already made mention, there is a kind of bi∣tuminous stuffe extracted, called Galagala, which may be well vsed for Pitch. They make also a kind of Rosen with which the Indians pitch their Boats, which they call Piraguas. And since there are Goats and Kowes in those parts, without question we shall haue Goat-skins, Leather, Tallow, and flesh in full abundance. The Bees which we haue seene there doe make proofe, that there will be no scarcitie of Honey and Waxe. And there is good appearance to discouer many other things which are not yet knowne, to say nothing touching the forme and scite of the Countrey. Vnto all which if that bee adioyned, which the industry of man may contribute to [ 60] those parts, since there is such abundance of commodities which the Countrey it selfe doth yeeld, and such hope to transport thither those things which grow with vs (the best and choisest which Peru and New Spaine bring forth, I haue resolued to transferre thither) it is to bee hoped, that this will so enrich that Countrey, that it will be able to nourish and furnish not only the Inhabi∣tants

of the same, and those of America, but giue an accession vnto Spaine it selfe both of Ri∣ches and extent of command: and this may bee accomplished after the manner which I haue proiected, and will vnfold vnto those which shall lend an assisting hand for the guiding and consummation of this worke. Now by that Land which we haue alreadie discouered outward∣ly and along the shoares, without entrance into the inward parts, we doe conceiue a certaine Ar∣gument, that as much Riches, Commodities, and greatnesse may bee hoped from thence, as wee haue already in these Countreyes. And you may bee pleased to vnderstand, that my principall ayme was to take a view only of these ample Regions which we haue discouered: for by reason of many sicknesses which haue weakened me, and some other chances whereof I will at this time make no mention, I was not able to suruay all which I desired, neither could I in a full moneth [ 10] haue seene all that, which I was of my selfe inclinable to view. You are not to make your iudge∣ment of the Indians that inhabit these Countreyes, according to the honour of the people here, or conceiue them to bee affected with the same desires, pleasures, necesities, or estimation of things that we are: But you are to make account that they are a people whose care is studiously placed vpon this, that they may liue easily in this World, and passe their dayes with the least paine and perturbation they can. And this is indeed their practise, for they do not bestow them∣selues on those things, which with such vexation and torment we here labour to obtaine.

5. There are found in this Countrey as many commodities, both for the support and delecta∣tion of the life of man, as may bee expected from a soyle that is Manurable, pleasant and verie temperate. It is a fat and fertile Land, wherein many places clay is found, which will prooue of [ 20] excellent vse to build houses, and to make Tiles and Brickes, and will serue for whatsoeuer is v∣sually made of earth. There is Marble and other good stones, wherewith if there bee occasion there may bee built structures of greater State and Magnificence. The Countrey aboundeth in wood, fit for all workes and vses, whereunto the same is commonly put. There are spacious and goodly plaines, and fields that are diuided and interlated with Brookes, Trenches, and Riuers. There are great and high Rockes, sundry Torrents, Riuers great and little, on which water-mils for Corne may with much commodiousnesse be built and placed, as also Engins to make Sugar, Tucking-mils, Forges, and all other Instruments which in their vse doe require water. We haue found Salt-pits there, and which is a note of the fertilitie of the soile, there are in many places Canes whereof some are fiue or sixe handfuls thick, with fruit answerable to that proportion. The [ 30] top of that Fruit is verie small and hard, and the skinne thereof is exceeding sweet. There are also flints for fire, equall in goodnesse with those of Madrid. The Bay of Saint Iames and Saint Philip, hath twentie leagues of banke, and is without mudde; into which there is a sure and safe entrance both by day and night. It is sheltered and couered with many houses, whi••h in the day time we haue seene afarre off to send forth smoke, and in the night store of fire. The Hauen cal∣led The true Crosse, is of that spacious capacitie, that it is able to containe a thousand ships. The * 2.52 bottome as I haue said is without mud, and hath a blackish coloured sand where withall it is co∣uered. There are no gulfes or deepe pits, but an assured and easie anchorage in what part soeuer you will, from forty to halfe a fathome; and it is betweene the mouthes of two Riuers, the one whereof is as great as that of Guadalquiuir, and hath mud of a fathome deepe, ouer which our [ 40] shallops and boats did passe. For the other Riuer, when our Skiffe went to water there, they * 2.53 found the entrance safe & easie. And a man may from the very mouth of the riuer take in as much fresh water as he will. The place where ships may bee vnloaded hath three leagues of grauell, mingled with little flints blackish and very heauy, which will serue for ballast for ships. The bank is straight and vnited, on which much green grasse doth grow and prosper, and that makes me to conceiue that the Sea doth not beate or rage thereupon; I obserue that the Trees are straight, and the branches not dismembred, which is a token that there are no tempests there. Touching the Port, besides the commodities which I haue alreadie discoursed of, there is one of maruellous pleasure and contentation. And that is, that at the dawning of the day you shall heare from a Wood which is neere at hand, a sweet and various harmonie of a thousand Birds of all sorts, a∣mong [ 50] which we could distinguish the Nightingales, Black-birds, Quailes, Gold-finches, Swal∣lowes almost without number Parrochitos, and one Parret wee marked there, and cr••atures of sundry other kinds, euen downe to Grashoppers, and Field-crickets. Euery Morning and Eue∣ning we receiued a most odoriferous sweet smell, sent vnto our nostrels from the infinite diuersi∣tie of Flowres and Herbes which grow there, amongst which wee obserued the blossomes of O∣range and Basill. All which (with a number of other varieties) doth make vs thinke that the Aire is cleere and healthy, and that the nature of the place is of a good temperature. The Hauen and the Bay are therefore of the greater estimation, because they haue the Neighbourhood of so * 2.54 many goodly Ilands that are there, and especially of those seuen, which are said to haue two hun∣dred leagues of extent: and surely one of them (which is some twelue leagues distant from the [ 60] Hauen) is fiftie leagues in circuit. In briefe Sir, I doe aff••rme vnto your Maiestie, that you may giue command to haue a goodly and great Citie built in this Port and Bay which are 15. degrees * 2.55 and fortie minutes of the Southerne El••uation, and those that shall inhabit there, shall haue plen∣tie of riches, and all other conueniencies which they can desire. Time will shew and discouer

all these commodities, and in this place there may be made the discharge and vnloading of all the wares and merchandizes of the Countries of Chilly, Peru, Panama, Nicaragua, Guatimala, New-Spaine, Terre-natto; and the Philippines, all which Countries are vnder the command of your Ma∣iestie. And if you shall acquire vnto your selfe the Dominion of these Seigniories which I doe now present, I doe make so great an esteeme of them, that besides their being the Key of all the rest, they will (in my opinion) proue another China or Iapan, and equallize the other rich Ilands which are on this side of Asia, in trafique of curious and precious merchandizes, to speake no∣thing of the augmentation and extent of your power, and the establishment which you may make vnto your selfe of your Dominions, by the accession of so great a Countrie. That which I haue giuen vnto your view in my discourse, is of much slendernesse, in regard of that which I [ 10] doe probably conceiue of this land, the which I am ready to make appeare in the presence of Ma∣thematicians. Neither will I vexe this paper to demonstrate vnto you, that these Countries will be able to nourish two hundred thousand Spaniards. In summe, this is Sir, the world whereof Spaine is the Center, and that which I haue related, is the nayle by which you may iudge of the whole body, which I pray you to take into your obseruation.

6. You may iudge by that which I haue already represented, what the goodnesse and tempe∣rature of the ayre is: whereunto this may be added for a further testimonie, that although all our Companie were strangers, yet neuer a one of them was sicke, albeit they were in continuall trauell and labour, and did sometimes sweate, and sometimes take wet. They dranke water fa∣sting, and fed many times on that which the earth did there bring forth. Neither had they any [ 20] regard to keepe themselues from the * 2.56 Serenes, nor from the Moone or Sunne, which indeede in those parts is not ouer-vehement. Onely about midnight, they couered themselues with Wooll, and did lye and repose themselues thereupon. And for the Inhabitants, they are commonly heal∣thie, and many of them very aged, although they haue nothing but the bare earth for their pal∣let; which is an argument of the wholesomnesse and purenesse of the soyle. For if it were a wet and weeping ground, or had any viciousnesse in the mould, they would raise their lodgings higher from the earth, as they doe that liue in the Philippines, and other Countries which I haue viewed. And this is further confirmed by their Flesh and Fish, which although it be vnsalted, yet will it keepe sweete and without corruption two dayes and more. And the Fruits which are brought from thence are exceeding good, as we had proofe by two that I tooke care to bring [ 30] along with mee, although they had not their full maturitie and growth when I gathered them from the Tree. We haue not seene any barren and sandie ground, nor any Thistles or trees that are thornie, or whose rootes doe shew themselues, no Marishes or Fennes, no Snow vpon the Mountaines, no Snakes or Serpents, no Crocodiles in the Riuers, no Wormes that vse with vs to hurt and consume our Graine, and to worke vs so much displeasure in our houses, no Fleas, Ca∣terpillers, or Gnats. This is a Prerogatiue that hath the aduantage of all the priuiledges that nature hath bestowed on other places, and is worthy to be compared, or rather preferred before any delicacie of the Countries of India, some of which are abandoned and vnhabited, meerely by reason of these incommodities, and of sundry others that are distastfull vnto the Inhabitants, as my selfe haue oftentimes beene witnesse. [ 40]

7. These (Sir) are the greatnesse and goodnesse of the Countries which I haue discouered, of which I haue already taken the possession in the name of your Maiestie, and vnder your Royall Banner, as appeareth by the Acts which I keepe safely in my power, whereunto I proceeded af∣ter this ensuing manner. First (Sir) we erected a Crosse, and built a Church in honour of our La∣die of Loretto. Then we caused twentie Masses to be celebrated there, and our troopes made haste thither to gaine some Indulgences, granted on Whitsunday. We also made a solemne Pro∣cession, * 2.57 and obserued the Feast of the blessed Sacrament, the which was carried in Procession, your Banner being euer displayed, and marching before it, through a great circuit of Countries, which were honoured with the presence of the same. In three seuerall places we set vp your Ti∣tle, in euery one of which we prepared and erected two Columnes, with the Armes of your Ma∣iestie [ 50] tricked and garnished thereupon: so that I may with good right affirme, that since this will challenge to be one of the Parts of the world, the Impresse of Plus vltra is accomplished, and be∣cause it stretcheth vnto the continent, whether it be forward or behinde it skils not, the bounds * 2.58 of your Dominions are with much spaciousnesse enlarged. Now all this which I haue perfor∣med, receiueth its roote from this the faithfull zeale which I beare vnto your Maiestie, that to all the Titles which you already doe possesse, you may adioyne this which I represent, and that the name de la Austrialia del spiritu santa, may bee blazoned and spread ouer the face of the whole world to the glory of God, who hath reuealed this Countrie, and hath giuen mee the grace to guide my course thither, and to returne to the presence of your Maiestie, before whom I doe present and prostrate my selfe with the same affection and zeale [ 60] vnto this worke which I had before, and which hath growne vp with mee as it were from my cradle, and for the noblenesse and worth thereof, I doe still tender and cherish the same with the greatest loue that can be.

8. I doe confidently beleeue, that your Maiestie doth vse so much prudence in your Councels,

and are so magnanimous and full of Christian pietie, that you will (with your best care) embrace all the conducements which may further the habitation of these new-discouered Countries. And the principall reason to put a tye and obligation vpon vs not to leaue them abandoned, is in regard that this is the sole ordinary way to establish the knowledge of God, and fai••h amongst them, and to bring to passe that his name may be adored and called vpon, where the Diuell vsur∣peth so much reuerence and inuocation. And this ought to be embraced with the more readi∣nesse, because it is the channell to conuey and disperse all abundance of commodities amongst your subiects. And hereby you shall be eased of many disturbances and vexations, which will as∣suredly be put vpon you, in case the Enemies of the Church of Rome should enter and nestle there, and should vent their erronious doctrines amongst them, whereby they would conuert all the blessings which I haue hitherto recounted vnto you, into assured incommodities and mischiefes, [ 10] and would arrogate vnto themselues the names of the Lords of the Indias, to the vtter ruine and desolation of those Countries. I make no question but your Maiestie well weigheth, of what im∣portance this danger, of which I speake, may proue, and what euill consequence some other ha∣zards may carrie with them, which are either at this time imminent, or may succeede hereafter. And if this should happen, it would cost you innumerable thousands of gold and men, before you shall be able to giue a remedy vnto the same. Acquire therefore Sir, whiles that occasion is of∣fered you (that one day you may purchase heauen vnto your selfe) acquire (I say) with a little money which you misplace vpon Peru, a neuer-dying reputation, and this New-world with all the benefits which it reacheth out vnto you. And since there is none that craueth a reward for [ 20] these good tidings, that is brought you concerning so great & singular a blessing, which God hath bin pleased to locke vp vntill your happie time, I am he Sir, that doe demand it, and my humble request vnto you is onely this, that you would be of that graciousnesse vnto mee, as to dispatch and giue me mine answer: for the Gallions are readie to hoise saile, and I haue much way to goe, and many things must be fitted and disposed for the voyage. There is no houre passeth, which carrieth not with it an assured losse both in regard of spirituall and temporall blessings, the dam∣age whereof can neuer be made vp or repaired.

If vpon a bare suspition Christopherus Columbus did pursue his designe with so much obsti∣nacie, you are not to account it strange in me, if the things which I haue beheld with mine eyes, and touched with mine hands, doe put some kinde of constraint vpon mee to be im∣portunate. [ 30]

Let it therefore please your Maiestie, amongst so many expedients which you haue at hand, to seuer and put apart some one for the accomplishment of this worke, that after all these languishments, I may at length meete with the successe of my desires. I doe assure you that you will finde my propositions most iust, and that I shall be of sufficiencie to giue you satisfaction in all things. This, Sir, is a great worke, amongst which the Diuell doth ban∣die himselfe with all the puissance hee may: And it is not consonant to reason, to abandon these Countries to his tyrannie and power, whereof, know your Maiestie is Defender.

Here followeth another Petition or Declaration in Spanish, which I haue not translated, that the Originall may be of more authoritie; and haue added for further explanation and notice of particu∣lars. I had thought also to haue giuen the other in Spanish, and had accordingly prepared it, [ 40] but for the English Readers sake, haue corrected the once printed Copie by it, and not troubled you with both.

EL Capitan Pedro Fernandez de Quiros: Xa he dicho a V. M. que de la parte del Sur, esta oculta la quarta parte del Glouo, y que el descubrimiento que en ella hize, lo es de vente y tres is las, cuy os nombres son. La encarnacion. San Iuan Bantista. Santelmo. Las quatro Coronadas. San Miguel Arch∣angel. La conuersion de san Paulo. La Dez••na. La Sagitaria. La Fugitiua, La del Peregrino. Nuestra Sennora del Socorro. Monterrey. Tucopia. San Marcos. El Uergel. Las Lagrimasde san Pedro. Los portales de Belen. El Pilar de Zaragoça. San Raymundo. Yla is la de la Uirgen Maria. Y iuntamente [ 50] de aquel las tres partes de tierra llamada la Austrialia del Espiritu santo: en laqual tierra se ba••••o la Ba h ya de san Felipe, y Santiago, y puerto de la Veracruz, adonde estuuimos surtos con los tres nauios * 2.59 treinta y seis dias. Entiendiose ser todas tres vna gran tierra, y sus altas y dobladas Serranias, y aquel rio Iordan por su grandeza pare ce que osseguran la de la tierra, como de todo mas largo consta por vna informacion quehize en Mexico, con diez testigos delos que fueron comigo, a la qual me re∣mito. Mande V. M. que sea vista, y que se haga vna iunta de Matematicos, y Pilotos, y personas pla∣ticas, pues al presente las ay muy insignes en esta Corte, y la causa lo merece, y a V. M. le importa mu∣chisimo. Aduierto que esta i••to macion la hiziera, con todas quantas personas vinie ron de la ior∣nada, si fuera bien admitida la ofrenda que para esto hize, o sue ra ayudado, o yo pudiera, que no me ob∣ligue [ 60] a impossibles, y me veo obligado a ellos.

Digo pues sennor que en vna ista que se llama Taumaco, que al parecer dista de Mexico mil y do∣zientas * 2.60 y cincuenta leguas, estuuimos surtos diez dias, y que el sennor de aquella islaas, cuyo nombre es Tamay, hombre de razon, buen cuerpo, talle, y color algo moreno, los oios hermosos, la nariz afilada, las

baruas, y los cabellos crecidos, y crespos, y a su modo graue, nos ayudo con su gente, y embarcaciones, a ha∣zer a guada, y lenna, de que en aquella sazon estauamos muy necessitados. Este tal vino a verme a la Na••, y dentro en ella le ex••mine, en la manera siguiente. Lo primiero le mostre su isla, y la mar, y nuestras naos, y gente, y apunte a todas partes del Orizonte, y hize otras ciertas sennas, y con ellas le pregunte, si auia vi∣sto nauios, y hombres como los nuestros, y a esto dixo que no, Preguntele si sabia de otras tierras lexas, ò cer∣ca, pobladas, ò despobladas, y luego que me entendio nombrò a mas de sesenta Islas, y a vna grande tierra que se llama Manicolo: yo sennor las fui escriuiendo a todas teniendo presente la guia de nauegar, para * 2.61 saber hazia el rumbo que cada vna demoraua, que viene a ser de aquella su isla a la parte del Sneste, Sur Sudeste, ò Este, y Nordeste; y para que yo entendiesse quales oran las pequennas, hazia pequennos circu∣los, y mostraua el mar con el dedo, y con el daua a entender cercana la tierra, y por las que eran mayores, [ 10] hazia mayores circulos, y las mismas demostraciones: y por aquella gran tierra abrio ambos los braços, sinboluerlos a iuntar, mostrandoque prosegnia. Y para dar a entender quales eran las lexanas, ò estauan de all. mas cerca, mostrana el Sol de Leuante a Poniente, recostana la cabeça sobre vna mano, cerra∣ua los oios, y contaua por los dedos las noches que en el camino se dormia, y por semeiancas de∣zia, quales gentes eran blancas, Negros, Indios, y mulatos, y quales estauan mezelados, y quales ran sus amigos, y enemigos, y que en alguuas islas se comia carne humana; y para esto hizoque mor∣dia su braço, mostrando claro querer mal à estagente, y deste, y de otros modos al parecer, se en∣tendio quanto dixo, y se lo repeti tantas ve zes, que mostro cansarse dello. Y dando con la ma∣no hazia el Sur Sudeste, y otras partes, dio bien a entender quantas mas tierras auia. Mostro desseo de boluer a su casa, dile cosas que lleuasse, y se despidio de mi, aandome paz en el carrillo, y con [ 20] otras muestras de amor.

El siguiente dia fui a su pueblo, y para mas bien enterarme delo que Tumay declarò, lleue comigo mu∣chos Indios a la playa, y teniendo en la mano el papel, y presente la aguia de marear: a todas fui pregun∣tando muchas vezes porlas tierras a que Tumay puso nombre, y en todo conformaron todos, y dieron no∣ticia de otras pobladas, todas de gentes de los referidos colores, y iuntamente de aquella grande tierra, en la qual con proprias sennas dixeron que auia Bacas, ò Bufalos: y para dar a enterder que auia perros la∣drauan, y por gallos y gallinas, cantauan, y por puerc••s grunnian. Y assi desta manera dezian lo que que∣rian, y respondian a quanto se les preguntaua: y por que les mostraron perlas en el boton de vn rosario, dieron a entender las auia. Todas estas preguntas y diligencias, hizieron otros de mi compannia, este dia, y otras vezes a estos, y a otros Indios, y siempre dixeron lo mismo, y por esto s•• entendio ser gente que tra∣ta [ 30] verdad.

Quando sali desta isla de Taumaco, hize ••oger quatro muy gallardos Indios, los tres se becharon a na∣do, y el que quedo, y despnes se 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pedro, declarò en el puerto de Acapidco, y por el camino, y enla ciu∣dad de Mexico adonde murio 〈…〉〈…〉endola visto el Marques de Montes claros lo siguiente, sin nunca va∣riar, annque se le pre gunto en diuersos tiempos, y por muchas personas, y de muchos modos, y se le nega∣uan, y contradezian sus dichos.

Lo primero dixo Pedro, ser natural de vna isla que se llama Chicayana, mayor que la de Taumaco a∣donde de hallamos, y que de la vna ala otra ay quatro dias de camino, de sus embarcaciones, y que Chi∣cayana es tierra rasa y muy abundante de los frutos y a referidos, y que la gente della es de su bue na color * 2.62 de Indio, cabello suelto y largo, y que se labran como el lo estaua, poco enel rostr••, ombros, y pechos, y que [ 40] tambien ay hombres blancos que tienen los cabellos rubios, y muy largos, y que ay mulatos, cuyo cabello no es frisado, ni de todo suelto, y que el era texedor, y soldado flechero, y que en su lengua se llamaua Luca, su muger Layna, y su ••lio Ley.

Dixo mas, que en aquella su isla ay muchas Ostras, como de las que visus conchas, y traxe algunas, que aqui tengo de tres tamarinos. El primero, es el comun de la Margarita; el segundo mayor al doble; y el tercero de palmo, ma•• y menos de diam••tro, y que a todas estas Ostras llaman Totofe, y que en ellas se hallan perlas, a las quales llaman Futiquilquil: y por esto le mostre las conchas, y el las tomò en las ma∣nos, y en ellas fue mostrando las partes a do se crian. Y preguntado quantas eran, y de que tamanno, dixo, que en vnas se hallan mas, y en otras menos; y para dar a entender el grandor dezia que las ay como are∣na, y como sal, y como pedrezitas, y como cuentas de rosarios, y como botones como tenia en vn coleto, y [ 50] otras mayores, y que se pescan en menos de medio estado de fondo, de piedras y arena, y que son muy gran des los trechos de mar, que alli tienen poco fondo, y que el mismo sin çabullir se las sacaua con la mano, y las ponia en su Canoa, y que solo las quieren para comer su carne, a la qual llaman Canofe, y que las conchas les sir••en para hazer anzuelos, cucharas, y otras cosas, y que las perlas no les siruende nada.

Dixo mas, que ay en osta misma isla de chicayana o••ra suerte de ostras, a la qual llaman Taquila: y para dar a entender su tamanno, sennalò el grandor de vna buena rodela: y por hazerseme increyble la mucha camidad que dixo de todas perlas, y la grandeza destas Taquilas, le pregunte si nacian dentro en los cocos, o en los arboles, o en las pennas, o en la tierra, o por fuera de las conchas: dixo que no se hallan sino en le suelo del mar, y dentro en ellas las perlas, y que las ostras las vnas estan recostadas a todos lados, y otras enh••estas y abiertas hazia arriba, y que si en algunas destas ostras entran la mano que se ci••rra, y luego [ 60] go dixo no ay mano, y que a esta causa las sacan con palos, y con lazadas de cuerdas, y que tienen grande y muy buena carne que ellos comen, y no hazen caso de las perlas, y que las vezes que las queria el mismo las pescana, y las llenaua a su casa. Y como el Orro Viage yo mismo vi * 2.63 a las Indios de la isla de Santacruz, traer del cuello colgadas muchas patenas mayores y menores,

todas de conchas de nacar, entendi ser loque Pedro de zia, lo mismo de las patenas, y a esta causa no ha∣zia mucha cuenta deste dicho: mas viendo que vnas vezes se enoiaua, y otras con muy grande ahinco trabaiaua por darse a entender, por esto le mostre vn guijarro negro y redon do, del tamanno de vna cir∣uela temprana, y le pregunte si en su tierra auia per las assi como aquella, dixo que no, porque aquel guijar∣ro era negro, y las perlas blancas como papel, y que quando las miraua al Sol, que la vislumhre dellas le da∣na en los oios, y assi hazia con ellos como si las tnuiera presentes. Y preguntado si las auia tan grandes co∣mo el referido guijarro, dix•• que otras auia chiquitas como el guijarro. Y luego tuntò la cabeça del dedo pulgar con la del indice en forma de circulo, y alli con vn dedo de la otra mano, fue senna lando may ores y menores perlas, y que en cada hostia no ay mas de vna sola: y con todo temiendo ser lo que dezia las pate∣nas de mi sospecha, le pregun te si eran chatas, o redondas, o de otras formas. Nome entendio por este len [ 10] guage. Luego hize como que queria poner el guij arro en el suelo a son de correr: y assi como lo vio, dixo con gran demostracion, que quando las echa nan en el suelo ynan rodando por manera que a mi entender dio claramen ta ser perlas redondas, y de los tamannos referidos, y que su hijo trahia al cuello vna dellas, y que el mismo la horadò con piedra blanca, y delgada, y que el fondo de adonde las sacana, es de dos esta∣dos mas y menos, y que en sus conchas dan de comer a los puertos. Preguntele si las grandes conchas tie∣nen el mismo lustre que tienen las ordinarias que le mostre dixo que si, todas estas y otras preguntas le hize muy trocadas, y como en su tierra se llaman los arcabuzes, y otras de nuestras cosas, dixo que no las ay, por manera que siempre respondio sin sospechas, y solo dio nombre con mucha resolucion a las cosas que ellos tie∣nen, yo afirmo por verdad que no entendi escriuir la grandeza, ni el mucho numero que dixo auer de toda suerte de perlas, por parecerme noticia nunca oyda: mas considerando que naturaleza es po de∣rosa [ 20] para criar como ya se han visto grandes perlas, y de las comunes tan gran suma en el rio de la Hacha, Margarita, y Cubagua: y yo porfie tanto en inquirir esta su declaracion, pareciome deuer dezir lo que este Indio me dixo tantas vezes, y a otras muchas personas, que no con me∣nos cuy dado le examinaron, y en suma yo hago las diligencias, y escriuo como hombre que tengo de morir, y no se quando.

Dixo mas, que de la isla de Taumaco a tres dirs de camino, y de Chicayana ad os; ay otra isla mayor que * 2.64 las dos dichas, que se llama Guaytopo, poblada de gente tan blanca, como loes en comun la nuestra, y que hasta los hombres tienen rubios los ••abellos mas y menos, y tambien negros, y que se labran las bar∣rigas, y a su nibel todo en rueda, y que todas tres islas son gente amiga, y de vna lengua, y que vsan darse la p•••• en los carrillos, y que tienen por sennal de enemigos quando huyen los rostros, y que en esta isla ay [ 30] muchos ostrales de los tres generos menores, en grandes trechos de mar, de fondo assi coma el de Chica yana, y que tienen much as perlas. Y preguntado si el auia estado en ella, dixo que no. Luego le bolui a pre∣guntar como sa bia lo dicho, y lo coniò desta manera que de aquella isla salio vn nauio gran de los suyos, con mas de cincuenta personas, a buscar conchas de Carey, de que vsan hazer çarçillos, y otros iuguetes que cuelgan de las oreias, a otra isla poblada que llaman Mecaraylay, que estando a vist a della, ••es dio * 2.65 vn viento contrario que les obligò a buscar su isla, de la qual estendo cerca, boluio el viento a ser con∣trario, y que andando en estas bueltas se les acabò el bastimento, a cuya falta murieron quarenta perso∣nas de hambre y sed, y que el estaua en la Isla de Taumaco, quando este nauio aportò alli con solos siete hombres muy blancos, excepto eluno que era moreno, y con tres mugeres blancas, y hermosas como E∣spannolas, que tenian los cabellos rubios, y muy largos, y que todas tres venian cubiertas de cabe ça••hasta [ 40] los pies con vuos como mantos azules, o Negros, y muy delgados, a que llaman foafoa, y que de todas estas diez personas, solo quedô viuo el Indio Olan, al qual los uuestros quando alli lo viero en Taumaco, tan blanco y tan bermeio. le llama ron el Flamenco, como q••eda referido, y que este Indio Olan y otros le con∣taron quanto ha dicho, de aquella isla de Guay tupo, y g••e el mismo vio ve nir a su isla de Chicayana, otro nauio de aquellos de dos vasos cargado de gente blanca y hermosa, y con muchas y muy lindas mu∣chachas, y dio a entender contando por los dedos de diez en diez, ser por todos ciento y diez per∣sonas.

Dixo mas, que de otra isla que se llama Tucopio, que es a donde los dos Indios se echaron a nado, como queda referido, a cinco dias de su nauegar, ay aquella gran tierra Manicolo, poblada de mucha gente lo∣ra * 2.66 y mulata en grandes pueblos, y para dar a entender su tamanno, sennalò el de Acapulco, y otros may∣ores, y por esto le pregunte si auia pueblos tan grandes como Mexico, dixo que no, mas que muchas gen∣tes, [ 50] y que son sus amigos, y no comen carne humana, ni se entienden las lenguas, y que es tierra de muy altas serra nias, y grandes rios, y que algunos dellos no se pueden vadear, sino passarse en canoas: y pue para ir de la isla Tucopia a aquella tierra, quando sale el Sol les queda a la mano izquierda, que viene a ser del Sur para el Sudeste. Digo pues, que si esto es assi como lo dixo, que viene bien con la cordillera de sierras que se vieron ir corriendo a la buelta del Poniente, como esta dicho en su lugar, quando fuimos desgarrando. Mucho encarecio Pedro la grandeza po placion y fertilidad, y otras cosas desta tierra, y que el y otros Indios fueron a ella en vna de sus embarcaciones, a buscar vn tron••o de vn grande arbol, de los muchos que ay en ella, para hazer vna piragua, y que vio alli vn puer to, y dio a entender ser mayor, y de boca mas cerrada que lo es el de la Bahia de san Felipe, y Santiago, y que el mirô su fondo ser de arena, [ 60] y su play a Del astre como el otro ya dicho, y que tiene dentro quatro rios y mucha gente, y que por la costa de aquella tierra anduuieron hazia el Poniente mas camino que ay de Acapulco a Mexico sin verle fin, y se buluieron a su isla. Aduierto que como yo auia visto aquella isla de Tucopia, dixe adrede que sabia auer en ella muchas ostras y perlas, y que dixo que no ay sino mucho fondo, y que es assi verdad porque lo hize sondar.

Dixo mas, que de Taumaco atres dias de camino, y con viento fresco a dos, ay otra isla que se llama Fonoso no, partida en muchas islas pequennas y rasas, y por esto a cautela le dixe, que auia en ellas gran∣des rios: pues grandes rios en islas pequennas, y rasas, no los puede auer, dixo que no sino poços, y que * 2.67 son todas muy fertiles, y muy pobladas de gentes loras, Indios y mulatos, muy altos en demasia, y tanto, que con ser algo mas alto que yo, sennalo en vna pared todo quanto pudo alcançar con los dedos, estendi∣dos braço y ma no, y dixo ser aquella su altura, y que son sus amigos mas no de su lengua, y que en estas islas ay grandes trechos de mar, de poco y de mucho fondo, commanchas de muchas hostras, y que el mis∣mo las saco para comer las, y que te nian perlas de los tamannos que, tiene dicho, excepto las Taquilas, y que ay alli vn muy buen puerto: y tambien dixo que cerca destas islas ay otra que se dize Pilen, y otra Nupan, y que tienen lo mismo de comidas, gentes y perlas y de oydas y no de vista, dio nombre a otras mu∣chas * 2.68 [ 10] islas, y de todas dixo lo dicho. Aduiertese, que en todas las Indias en solo la Margarita, y en el ri•• de la hacbo, se ha sacado y va sacando la multitud de las perlas que se sabe, de xo las pocas v no tan buenas de Panama, y digo que si es assi como est a dicho, que much os numeros se pueden esperar de adonde dio la noticia, assi por ser much as estas pàrtes, como por la grandeza de los mares que dixo tienen poco fondo, y mas se aduierte que solo dixo de las ostras que alcançan a ver los oios, y solo con las manos cogen sin zabu〈…〉〈…〉rse, quedando siempre reseruadas las dos, quatro, ocho, y mas braças como oy se pescan en sa Margarita.

En Mexico lleue a Pedro por dos vezes a casa de vn h••r adador de perlas, y a mi ruego le mostro de todos los generos comunes: assi como los vio se alegro mucho, y dixo con gran demostration y encarccimi∣ento, que en su tierra ay muchas perlas y mas blanchas que aquellas. Mostrole mas vnos barruecos, o as∣sientos [ 20] grandes y abromados, hizo mal gesto, y dixoque aquello no era buono, y que en su tierra auia me∣ior. Mas diligencia hizo el Alcalde mayor del puerto de Acapulco, don Pedro Flores, pues le mostro vna cadena de muchas sartas de perlas, y le preguntò si en su tierra auia de aquellas cadenas, dixo que no. Lu∣ego saco de alli ciertas perlas, y se las mostrò en la mano, y le preguntò si auia assi como aquello, dixo que si, mas que no estauan hor adadas, y se puede presumir que a falta de brocas, y de taladros, no se aproue∣chan de las perlas y de las conchas si por ser mayores, y del mismo lustre, y faciles de horadar.

Dixo mas, que en Taumaco ay vn Indio grau piloto, y que sabe los nombres de muchas tierras, en las quales ha estado muchas vezes, y que de vna Grantierra que se llama Pouro muy poblada, cu y a gente * 2.69 lora, e Indios, algunos son amigos su yos, y otros muy belieosos y guerrer os entresi, traxo a su isla de Taumaco vn pagagayo de pecho y cuello colorado, y ciertas flechas con puntas a forma de cuchillo, y que [ 30] el mismo las vto, y las tentò, y dio a entender que les querian para con ellas matar mas facilmente, por esto le mostre vn cuchillo, y dixo ser negro al respeto de las puntas. Mostrele vn vaso de plata, y dixo ser las puntas tan blancas como ella, muchas vezes le contradixe este dicho, y siempre mas se afirmò.

Admierto, que en la Bahiya de san Felipe y Santiago, se hallaron en vna casa muchas piedras negras y pesadas, y que a caso me traaeron dos partes tan grandes, cada vna dellas como vna nuez, y que en la ciudad de Mexico vn don Francisco Pachoco duenno de minas, y vn Diego Gomez de Molina las vie∣ron en mi mi posada, y el vno dellos me mostraron lleno de oios de plata, por esto lo lleuamos luego a casa de vn ensayador que lo puso en vn crisol, y ella por sus razones le dio tanto fuego que el crisol se desfondo, y assino se vio na da toda via, yo me auia quedado con la otra parte que el ensayador requemò y en esta se vio vna puntilla que estendida al martillo se tocô luego en tres piedras, y dixeron seis plateros [ 40] ser toques de plata: y para mas certificarse tocaron plomo y estanno, y otra plata concscida iunto a ella, mas huuo alli quien dixo que aquel ensaye se auia de hazer por azogue, y otros que con salitron y ciertas cosas, y el ensayador afirmò ser bueno el metal, y aqui se tocò la puntilla, y dixeron dos plateros que es plata.

Estas piedras auia mostrado a Pedro, y assi como las vio, dixo que en los cerros de Taumaco a y mu∣chas dellas, y que se llama Treaque, y que tanbien las ay en aquillo gran tierra Manicolo, y que todos los Indios las quieren, los vnos para labrarse, y otros para inuiexarse con ellas, ylo mismo dixo Paulo de su tierra, que es la Bahia de san Felipe y Santiago de adonde se traxeron, y dizen mineros que adonde ay inuixes ay metales, y que por los inuixes se descubreron las minas de plata y oro de S. Luis de la nueua Espanna, y las de azogue de Guancauelica del Piru. Y aduierto, que dezir Pedro que vio flechas con puntas de plata, parece que por razon de la poca que se hallò en aquel poco metal que tan a caso setra••ò y [ 50] por la dispusicion de la tierra, y el sitio ser paralelo delP••ru, obligan a creer que puede ser assi como lo dixo.

Aduierta se mas que Pedron despues que supo darse a entender en uuestra lengua, confor〈…〉〈…〉 con todolo que dixeron los Indios de Taumaco, y esto assi en la tierra grande, como en las muchas islas y muchas gen∣tes, y algunas cor pulentas labradas y por labrar, varios coleres, largos cabellos rubios, negros, srisa dos, crespos, de que estan pobladas: y iuntamente en la mucha abundancia de comidas de vnos mismos gene∣ros que todos tienem. Y tambien se aduierta, que to do lo referido lo auemos visto desta vez, y que lanti, erra donde estuuimos surtos, parece ser la misma que va prosiguiendo, y de la grandeza que ellos dizen a suma digo, fundado en razones fuertes, que aquellas gentes estan alli por vezindad y continuacionen otras tierras mas al Sur, Leste, y Oeste, y que si no ay milagro que en aquella oculta quarta de globo, estey muy grandes y muy estendidas prouincias, llenastodas de muchas y muy varia•• gentes, y que en todos gene∣ros [ 60] aura ventaia, quanto mas fueren subiendo de quinze grados arriba y por venderse tan caro, se deu esperar meior a en todo lo apuntado. * 2.70

Aduiertase que la primera vez que el Adelantado Aluaro de Mendasia, fue y d••scubrio las 〈◊〉〈◊〉 que llamo, de Salomon, hallo en ellas, y se traxeron cantidad de perlas t••stadas al fuego, porque los 〈◊〉〈◊〉

solo comen la carne assando las ostras, y que el segundo viage que hizo el mismo Adelantado, descu∣brio * 2.71 de nueuo la isla de Santacruz, donde murio, y que en ella yo mismo vi muchas conchas, y aquellas muchas patenas de nacar referidas, y que de vna cierta isla alli cerca, se traxo vn muchacho que se llamo Miguelillo, y que este despues que supo nuestra lengua, dio noticia de auer en su tierra muchas perlas, congrandes muestras de ser assi. Tambien se aduierta, que desta ida auemos visto en tres islas las conchas de nacar, de los tres tamannos, y en la vna dellas Ostiones secos, adonde se hallaron algunas perlas menu∣das: pormanera, que iuntando lo que dixo Pedro, a lo que se ha visto, son quinze las islas de que ay noti∣cia que tienen perlas, y por la vista de sus conchas, se pueden, y deuen esperar. y tambien por ser Aquella poca altura, tan propriaparacriarse, y quanto Aquellas grandes Taquillas, lo dexo al tiempo; y solo adui∣erto, que pues Pedro dixo, que ay grandes perlas, que tambien dixo auer grandes conchas, capazes dellas. Y en suma digo, que Dios nuestro Sennor, no da de vna vez todo quanto puedo, y que primero haze la [ 10] prueua del costoso, y sufrido amor que le tienen las personas, a quien encamina vna tan gran cosa como a U. M. en esta.

Dixo mas Pedro que al diablo llaman Terua, y que habla con los Indios de vn palo, sin ser visto, y que a el mismo, y a todos ellos de noche, y muchas vezes, les palpaua los rostros, y los pechos con cosa muy fria, y que quertendo saber lo que era no hallauan nada: y esto dezia mostrando cierto recato y temor dan do bien a entender se cosa mala y para ellos bien aborrecible; y tanbien dixo a otros que no a mi, que antes que a su tierra fueramos, ya el diablo les auia dic ho que los auiamos de ir a matar. Mostraua muchos desseos de boluer a su tierra, para dezir al sennor de Taumaco, todo el bien que le auiamos hecho, y que los otros Indios sus companneros, ellos mismos se hecharon de las naos a nado, que nosotros no les hizimos ningun mal. Y tambien mas, para dezir a todos sus naturales quan buena cosa es ser Christiano, y que a [ 20] el despues que lo era, el diablo no le hablo, ni le o y o, ni de noche le palpo, y para traer su hijo, y venirse a viuir con nosotros. Y tamcien dixo, que ensu isla de Chicayana, ay perros grandes como los nuestros, y que los llaman Ticuri, y que ay muchas auas como las de Europa, mas que no las sabien comer: y vna fruta quiso dezir mançanas porque las vio, y mucho gengibre, y que en su tiempo haze buen frio, con ser en tan poca altura. Y mas dixo, que a los que matan honbres los ahorean, y que nuestros cauallos son buenos para andar en ellos, mas no para ser seruido de los honbres. Era Pedro al parecer de edad de venticinco annos, y en aquella sazon que declaro sabia poco de la lengua Castellana, y a esta causa costo mucho tra∣baio esta su declaracion, porque se le ha negado y repeti do muchas ve••es, y parece que si viuiera dier a mas razon que ha dado: mas yo creo que es mas paracreer lo que esta dicho, que no lo fuera si llegara a ser se ladino, con que yo y todos quanto le trataro le teniamos por hombre de verdad, y de verguença. Vn [ 30] dia entro en la y glesia de San Francisco de Mexico, y por ver en ella muchos Crucifixos dixo, que como auia alli tantos Dioses, si le dezian que no auia mas que vn solo Dios Fuele respondido ser todos retratos del verdadeao Christo. Y con esto, y con lo demas que se le dixo parecio satisfacerse y los frayles que le oy∣eron se alegraron por ser pregunta de hombre que sabia discurrir; y finalmente Domingo de Ramos mu∣rio: yo fio de la misericordia de Dios, que pues por vn en estranno modo le traxo al bautismo, y a morir confessado, y olea, le y en tan sennalado di••, y con muestas de buen Christiano, que ha sido para darle su santa gloria. Y este fue su dichoso fin, del qual deuo estar muy consolado, y parece que su diuina Mage∣stad va ordenando, que casi no ay a medios humanos para, acabar Aquella su tan grande obra, ò alme∣nos que falten Aquellos en que mas estriuo, ò puedo estriuar. [ 40]

El otro Indio se llamaua Paulo, era muchacho de hasta ocho annos, de color loro, cabello frisado, tenia muy hermosos oios, muy buen talle y meior condicion, y tanto que todos quantos le trataron le querian mu∣cho, por se tan docil, y agradable: sabia como Pedro las quatro oraciones, y se per signaua con mucha ale∣gria, y bautizado y buen Christiano le lleuo Dios el dia dela Ascension: daua razon del Demonio, y que s•• llamaua Hadanua, y de como habla con los Indios sin ser visto, y tanbien la daua de perros mayores y me∣nores, y de vn animal como gato, y de vn granderio hazia la parte de supueblo que en Aquella su tierra ay mucha gente guerrera, enemiga vnade otra, y queno se come carne humana: y esto se deue creer porla mucha que tienen de puercos, y gallinas, y tantas otras comidas, pues el comer se carne humana entre otras gentes, par••ce proceder de la ester elidad de las tierras, ò de la vestialidad desus moradores: y porque era ninno y estaua enforma, no se pudo saber del quanto se quiso. Vn pe quenno vocabulario tengo, que es lo que pude iuntar de las lenguas de Pedro y Paulo, lo que dezir, que es muy pronunciable. [ 50]

Por todo lo dicho se vee claramente, que solo ha auidodos grandes partes de tierras a partadas desta Europa, y de la Africa, y Asia: la primera es la America, que descubrio, Christoual Colon, y la se∣gunda y postrer a del mundo, es la que vi, y pretendo poblar, y acabar de descubrir para U. M. Esta grandeza deue de ser abraçada, assi por tener tanto de Dios, como por ser dar principio a vna tan grande obra, y de tantos, y tan grandes bienes, que ninguna otra de su genero puede ser mas, ni tanto al presente, ni adelante, como lo podre mostrar si soy oydo, y preguntado.

Si••ndo pues este caso tan admirable quanto sueua, y viendo, tan empennada mi conciencia, y serme fu∣erças, tan grandes y tan pessadas, cargas, que por abreuiar, prometo a U. M. de pudiere llegar con ellas, y tuniere de licencia, y aora, para mas obligar a V. M. a lo que tan obligado le tierie el titulo de Rey Cato∣lico, [ 60] y defensor de la Fé, re••uerdo, quan Real, y sennalada merced de 'Dios es esta, negada a todos los Reyes dei mundo, y solo a V. M. concedida, cuyo sonido, ò retin, es fuerça causar grandes inuidias, y a su pessar de todas ellas V. M. ha de conseguir el mas principal intento que es solo hazer la guerra al in∣fierno, que tanto estrago haze en vn numero tan copi••so de almas, redimidas por la persona de Christo,

con la esperanea que queda de quantas se han de saluar andando tiempos, siendo la saluacion de vna sola de tanto precio, quae si necessario fuera el mismo Christo viniera, a dar la vida por ella. Y con esto queda Sennor bien entendido de quanto valor es este hecho, y quantos premios dara Dios, por auerlo (contanto amor y feruor) intentado; y quantos mas grados de gloria tendra. V. M. si da fin a esta obra de tanta piedad y misericordia, y tan digna de recebir en la memoria de las gentes: aduirtiendo que no sera con tan∣to gasto de d••neros, ni de hombres, ni con Aquellos estragos, ruynas, y escandalos, que suele auer para a∣uerigar el derecho de muy pequennos estados, sino poner debaxo de la proteccion Real con medios todos muy suaues, y iustificados, quanto los puedo mostrar vna tan gran parte de toda la tierra poblada, para en ella sembrar bienes, y costellos frutos que yo espero en Dios han de ser muchos, muy dulces, muy ricos, y muy duraderos: y solo quiero por paga de tanto quanto tanto vale, que V. M. crea la mportancia del caso, [ 10] y quanto conuiene loque pido, y que en todo trato verdad, y que es animo de vender todo lo passado, pre∣sente, y venidero por vn precio, y este es Sennor de valde.

A note of Australia del Espiritu Santo. Written by Master HAKLVYT.

SImon Fernandez, a Pilot of Lisbone, told me Richard Hakluyt, before other Portugals in Lon∣don, the eighteenth of March 1604. That he hauing beene in the Citie of Lima in Peru, did per∣fectly vnderstand, that foure ships and barkes departed from the said Citie of Lima, about the yeere 1600. [ 20] in the moneth of February toward the Philippinas. Their Generall was a Mestizo, that is to say, the Sonne of a Spani••r••, and an Indian woman. And that seeking to make way toward the Philippinas, they were driuen with strong Northerne winds to the South of the Equinoctiall Line, and fell with diuers rich Cou••treyes and Ilands, as it s••emeth, not farre from the Iles of Salomon. One chiefe place they cal∣led Monte de Plata, for the great abundance of siluer that is like to be there. For they found two crownes worth of siluer, as he reported, in two handfuls of dust. And the people gaue them for Iron as much, and more in quantitie of siluer. They report that this place is two moneths sayling from Lima, and as much backe againe.

Concerning this Voyage also; the Licentiate Luis de Tribaldo, a Gentleman of qualitie in the Conde de villa Mediana, the Spanish Ambassadours house, told me Richard Hakluyt, that two yeeres past he [ 30] saw at Madrid, a Captaine of quality su••ng for license to conquer this place, & that he obtained the same. And that diuers religious men and Fathers were to goe to conuert them to Christianitie. They arriued at their returne from this Voyage at Peru, in the moneth of August.

CHAP. XI.

The Historie of LOPEZ VAZ a Portugall (taken by Captaine WI∣THRINGTON at the Riuer of Plate, Anno 1586. with [ 40] this Discourse about him) touching American pla∣ces, discoueries and occurents; abridged.

NOua Hispania was called so by the Spaniards, when they made Discouery of it, for that it was like the Country of Spaine, though the people of the Country termed * 2.72 the Land after their owne Countrey Language (some one part after one, some after another) the most part of the people called it Eucata. This Countrey hath sundry great Prouinces in it, so fruitfull of all kinde of necessaries in it for man, that there is neither Africa, Asia, nor Europe, that is better; for that of suste∣nance [ 50] for mans bodie there lacketh no store, as Wheat and all other Graines, all beasts necessary for man to eate or to vse, with great store of Silkes, Mynes of Gold, Siluer, Stones, and Pearle. The Countrey is very well inhabited, so that it is thought there is no part of the World better. The King of Spaine because hee hath many other Countries vnder him, hee doth little esteeme of this Countrey, but doth take out of it all things that are for his profit, hauing vsed those people with great crueltie, and taking of them much Tribute; this Land hath many Ports in the North Sea, and much more in the South Sea, the principall Ports in the North side is Saint Iuan de Lua. At this place doth he discharge the Armadas that come from Spaine, and from this place they carrie their Merchandize to the great Citie of Mexico: which Citie is sixtie leagues within the Land, and knowne by the Parishes in the same, to haue a hundred and fiftie thousand faire hou∣ses [ 60] of Indians, and six thousand faire houses the Spaniards haue in it.

The feare and reuerence that they vse towards the Spaniards is such; that one Spaniard may goe among a thousand of them, and strike the chiefest of them and vse his pleasure, without any word giuen by the Indians to the contrarie, such is the feare that these silly people haue of the

Spaniards. But now, thankes be to Almightie God, the Indians of that Country and Kingdome are become Christians: yet notwithstanding now and then the old men, hauing not forgotten their former Law, doe vse their Idolatry, which being knowne are very cruelly corrected by the Friers for the same offence. The people of this Kingdome are of a sharpe wit, and good vnder∣standing, for whatsoeuer it be, Sciences or other Arts, these people are very apt to learne it with small instructing, the Indians of this Countrie doe make great store of Woollen Cloth and Silkes, * 2.73 so that they now beginne to carrie of these Silkes for Spaine. And haue all other things necessarie that any other Kingdome of the Christians haue, onely Wine and Oyle, which the King of * 2.74 Spaine denieth to haue made there, but such as commeth from Spaine, because of his customes, notwithstanding the King doth allow them to plant Vineyards for to eate of the Grapes. This [ 10] Land is greatly commended not for that aboue mentioned, nor yet for the Gold and Siluer Mynes that it hath, but for the great number of Ports for shipping it hath in the South Sea, where they make many great ships, with the which ships they haue traffique with them of Peru, and Paraw∣na, and then they haue a Trade to the Philippinas, and to the Ilands of Moluccas and China, so that the commodities which the Portugall carrieth for Portugall out of the East Indies, are like∣wise brought to the Citie of Mexico, by reason of their shipping, although not in so great quan∣titie, as they carry for Lisbone, not for that they of Mexico either want shipping or abilitie, but because the Spaniards would conquer it with the Sword as he hath done other Lands, and not by the way of Traffique, as the Portugall doth, the principall Port from whence this Merchandize doth come, is called Aguatorke, in the Coast of China on the North side. * 2.75

After the Conquest of this Kingdome of Mexico, the order how the Spaniard did diuide this Land, was this. The principall Cities they refined to the King of Spaine, and to the Generall of this Conquest, who was renowmed Ferdinando Curtis, they assigned vnto him a great Valley, or * 2.76 [ 20] as we call it a low Land betweene two Mountaines, which was called Cornouake, by which, Val∣ley he had the name of Marquesse of the Ualley, where there were great Townes, in which some affirme to be about 400000. fire houses; whereby the rent was to him better worth then three hundred thousand Duckets by the yeere. These Rents were confirmed to him and his for euer.

The other part of the Land that remayned, was parted among the rest of the Captaines and Souldiers which were at this Conquest, some had a hundred thousand Duckets by yeare, and other fortie thousand Duckets, and some fiftie thousand Duckets, and hee that had least had ten [ 30] thousand Duckets by the yeare, so that now there are very few which haue this Rent, for that they are most of them dead, so that great part of the said Rents are fallen into the Kings hand, wherefore there are many insurrections against the King, which cost many a mans life.

And now to proceed farther along the Coast, which is a Land full of great Mountains, and ve∣ry hot with much raine, for which cause it is a very vnholsome Countrey, where breedeth all noisome wormes and beasts, therefore there are very few Indians dwelling there, and no Spaniards, so that the Countrey is almost desolate. The first Land that is inhabited by the Spaniards along the Coast, is called Veragua, this is the most richest Land of Gold then all the rest of the Indies: * 2.77 therefore it is inhabited with Spaniards. In this place the people are alwayes sicke, and it raineth continually, and the Land yeeldeth no fruit, so that all their sustenance commeth from other [ 40] places, all which necessities the Spaniards suffer with great patience for the couetousnesse of the Gold, the which Gold they get out of the Riuers with the helpe of a number of Negroes. I doe verily beleeue that if this Land were now the ancient Romanes, or else the Egyp∣tians, they would surely make a channell from the end of this Riuer de Carinas (which * 2.78 issueth from the Lake of Nicaragua) to the South Sea, for that there is no more but foure leagues betweene the Sea and the Riuer, so that there they might Trade to the Moluccas, and to the Coast of China, so would it be sooner and easier done then the long and troublesome Voyages of the Portugals, and sooner made, then to goe through the Straits of Magellan; which is almost vnpossible to passe thorow.

From this Land of Veragua vnto the Iland of Margereta, the Coast along is called the firme * 2.79 Land, not for that the other places are not of the firme Land, but because it was the first firme [ 50] Land that the Spaniards did conquer after they had past the Ilands. This Land is very hot, and hath much raine, and for this cause is very vnhealthfull, and the most vilest place of all the rest, is * 2.80 called Nombre de Dios: which is the first place inhabited after you haue passed Veragua. There may be in Nombre de Dios: about foure hundred houses, and hath a very good Port for shipping. The cause why the Spaniards inhabited here in this place, was for that it should bee the way by Land to the South Sea, and for the Trade of Peru, that is from hence vnto the Citie of Panama * 2.81 eighteene leagues. And Panama standeth on the Coast of the South Sea. To this Towne of Nombre de Dios doth come all Spanish shipping, and there discharge them, then put they the goods into small Barkes that goe vp a Riuer to a house which is called, The house of Crosses, [ 60] where the small Barkes doe discharge the goods againe. And then they put it on Mules so to carrie it to Panama, which is seuen leagues from This house of Crosses, all which they doe with much labour and great charge, because the Land hath great store of raine, and full of Mountaines, and very vnhealthfull, therefore they often want victuals, for the victuals they haue come

from Peru, and Noua Hispania. This Towne of Nombre de dios, since they haue had the traffike out of Spaine, are growne maruellous rich, and very well inhabited, but in short time the people left the Towne, sauing onely the Merchants, because of the vnhealthfulnesse * 2.82 thereof.

The King of Spaine hearing of the affaires of Drake and Oxenham, sent out of Spaine three hundred Souldiers which should make warre against those Negros that had aided the Englishmen, which were slaues vnto the Spaniards, but runne away from their Masters, and ioyned with the Englishmen, thinking that way to be reuenged of the Spaniards crueltie. But when these three hundred Souldiers were arriued in the Countrie, at their first comming they tooke many of the Negros, and did on them great iustice; according to their faults committed, but afterwards the Souldiers were a long time before they could get one Negro. Which newes being sent vnto the [ 10] King by his Captaines, as also how the Countrie was full of Mountaines and Riuers, and very vnhealthfull, insomuch that his Souldiers died, he did write to his Captaines to make agreement with those Negros, to the end the Countrie might bee in quiet. And the Negros inhabited two places where the Spaniards willed them, so was the Kings pardon proclaimed to all those Negros, from the time that they fled from their Masters into the Mountaines vnto that present day, on condition that all those Negros that did runne from their Masters that day forward, they should be bound to bring them dead or aliue; but if they brought them not, that then they should pay for them, and to make all quiet in the Mountaines: and on these conditions all things were concluded and agreed vpon. So the Negros dwell in great Townes, where they haue Spaniards * 2.83 for their Teachers, and a Spaniard for their Iudge; and with this they hold themselues very well [ 20] contented, and are obedient vnto their Rulers.

The King of Spaine hearing that Englishmen, as well as Frenchmen, haue vsed that Coast, hee caused two Gallies to be made, and well appointed, to keepe the Coast; the first yeere that they were made, they tooke sixe or seuen French shippes, and after this was knowne, there vsed few * 2.84 Englishmen, or French men of warre, to come on the Coast, vntill this yeere 1586. that the afore∣said Francis Drake came with a strong Fleet, of about foure and twentie ships, and did such harme as it is well knowne to all Christendome: but God sparing the King of Spaines life, he will suf∣ficiently prouide to keepe his Subiects from the inuasions of other Nations.

Now, to goe forward with our begunne worke, the first People that is in this Coast, being * 2.85 past Nombre de Dios, is called Cartagena, it is a healthfuller Countrie, and a greater Towne then [ 30] the other, and a better Countrie, with plentie of Victuals, and a very good Port for shipping, passing any of the rest, and is called Cartagena, for that it resembleth very much the Citie of Car∣tagena in Spaine: there are in it about foure hundred fire houses in the Citie; it is very rich, by reason of the ships staying there when they goe or come from Spaine. And if the ships chance to winter before they goe home, then they lie at Cartagena: also it is greatly enriched by the Mer∣chandise that here they doe discharge, for to carrie to the new Kingdome of Granada; and much Gold commeth from the said Kingdome vnto Cartagena. This new Kingdome of Granada, is * 2.86 two hundred leagues within the Land. From Cartagena to this Kingdome they cannot trauell by Land, because of the Mountaines, and standing waters, which lie in their way, so that they carrie their goods vp a Riuer, called The great Riuer of Magdalene: they can goe with their * 2.87 [ 40] Barques vp this Riuer but twentie leagues, yet the Riuer is both large and very deepe, but there runneth a great current, so that the Barques discharge the goods at a place in the Riuer, called Branco de Malambo, into small Canoas which rowe close by the shoare side. * 2.88

There is a passage by the New Kingdome, and Popayan, from Cartagena to Peru, by Land, which is about fiue hundred leagues, so that taking the two hundred leagues, which they goe vp the Riuer, the other three hundred leagues is a Countrie well inhabited, and quiet trauelling, so that oftentimes the Posts passe to and fro, but because the way is long, the Merchants doe not trauell that way but when they are forced thereunto, if any forraine Nations should take and keepe the South Sea, the King might haue his treasure brought to this place from Peru, and so into Spaine. For in times past there was a rebellion in Peru by the Spaniards, against the King, [ 50] and thorow these Prouinces he sent his power to suppresse them.

Santa Marta is a very poore Towne, because it bath beene often robbed of the Frenchmen, and hath no trade, but by a few Indians that dwell about them. Here beginneth the great Moun∣taines couered all with snow, which compasseth all the Countrie of India and Peru, vntill you * 2.89 come to the further end of the Straites of Magelan, these Mountaines are seene with the snowe vpon them aboue thirtie leagues into the Sea, in the bottome of this Wildernesse, or Mountains, there is a Valley called Tagrona, which is the richest place that is knowne: but because the Land that is ioyning to it is full of Mountaines, and the Inhabitants are very many, and withall * 2.90 of a good courage, and they vse to poison their Arrowes, so that in striking of a man, hee can∣not escape death. Therefore it lieth vnco••quered, and many Spanish Captaines there haue [ 60] beene slaine. * 2.91

On this Coast of The Firme Land, there are aboue seuentie Ilands of Sante Domingo, and Cuba, and Porto Rico, although it be not very great, yet it is inhabited by the Spaniard; the rest of all the Ilands haue beene inhabited by Indians, where was good store o•• Gold, and Pearles, and

Emeralds: but the Spaniards haue destroyed all those Indians from off the Earth, and in many of those Ilands is nothing of any value, therefore I haue small cause to intreat of them: but Santa Dom••ngo is an Iland of great bignesse, and hath beene very full of people and rich Mines of Gold and Pea••les, but now all is wasted away; for it was as full of people as any place of that bignesse in the world, yet now are there none left, for they were men of so hard a heart, that they killed themselues, rather then they would serue the Spaniards. It happened on a time, that a Spaniard called certaine Indians to goe to worke in the Mines, which kinde of labour did most * 2.92 grieue them, and would rather doe violence on themselues, then to goe; which the Spaniard perceiuing, he said vnto them, seeing you will rather hang your selues then to goe and worke, I will likewise hang my selfe, and goe with you, because I will make you worke in the other [ 10] world: but the Indians hearing this, said, wee will willingly worke with you, because you shall not goe with vs; so vnwilling they were of the Spaniards companie: so that of all the Inhabitants of this Iland, there was none escaped death, but onely these few, which was by the meanes of this Spaniard; or else they would haue hanged themselues also.

There is neere this Iland another Iland greater then Santa Domingo, called Cuba; it is like * 2.93 vnto Santa Domingo, although there is not such store of Sugar, the chiefest place in this Iland is called La hauana, and is a very good Harbour: these people are very rich, by reason of the ship∣ping * 2.94 that doth touch there, which are bound for Noua Hispania and Peru, therefore there is a Castle in this Harbour kept with Spanish Souldiers; for there is no other Castle in all the Land, nor Souldiers but onely here, and in Florida. There is also another Iland inhabited with Spa∣niards, [ 20] neere vnto this, which is called Porto Rico: it is but little, and euery way as plentifull as * 2.95 the other two are.

I will follow my Discourse of the Port Townes along the Coast of the maine Land, and pas∣sing * 2.96 once the Iland of Margareta, there are no Townes inhabited by the Spaniards, till you come to Fernanboke, which is on the Coast of Brasill: yet betweene the Iland and Fernanboke, there is * 2.97 the great Riuer of Maranoyn. This Riuer is one of the greatest in the world, it was first found when as the Spaniards did seeke out the other Coast, but none can goe into this Riuer because of the great current that commeth downe; and withall there are many shelues of sand lying a∣bout the mouth of it, whereby it was long before that the Riches which is in the Riuer was knowne, vntill the time that the Land of Peru was conquered; at which time a Captaine called [ 30] Gonsalo Pizarro, entring into the Countrie of Peru, came into a Land which they named La Cane∣la, * 2.98 because there came from thence great store of Cinnamon, but not altogether so good as that which commeth from the Indies. Proceeding further into the Countrie, he came to a great Ri∣uer, * 2.99 where he saw many of the Countrie people come vp in Canoas, bringing Gold to buy and sell with the Spaniards. The Captaine seeing this, was desirous to see the end of this Riuer, but could not trauell by Land because of the Mountaines, wherefore he made a small Pinnace, to goe see from whence these Indians brought their Gold; and he sent in this Pinnace, a Captaine vnder him, called Orillana, with thirtie men, the which went downe the Riuer, but could not returne to their Captaine Pizarro, because of the great current which was very strong against them, * 2.100 and forced them to passe the Riuer, and enter into the Sea, and so came to the Iland of Marga∣reta: * 2.101 [ 40] but as they passed the Riuer, they found it well inhabited with Indians, and to haue good store of Gold. These men with their Pinnace were passing downe this Riuer a yeere and a halfe; for the Riuer lieth very crooked, which maketh a long way by water, and the Spaniards neuer durst land, because they saw the Countrie so full of people; but tooke many Canoas, where they had good store of Victuals, and some Gold. Now this Captaine Orillana comming vnto Margareta with this good newes and riches, hee determined with himselfe, not to returne a∣gaine vnto his Captaine Pizarro, which sent him, but tooke his way from hence to the King of Spaine, and presented him with the Gold that he brought out of the Riuer. Whereupon the King sent him with a Fleet of ships, and sixe hundred men, to inhabite the said Riuer: but because of the great current, and shoalds that are in this Riuer, he left the most part of his men, and ships, and with those that remained, hee went vnto certaine Ilands hard by the Riuer, and built him [ 50] Pinnaces: but the Countrie being very vnhealthfull, hee himselfe died, and many of his men, and the rest that remained, went euery one the way that pleased him best.

The fame of this Riuer was straightway spred thorow Spaine and Portugall, so that a Gentle∣man of Portugall, called Leus de Melo, which asked licence of Don Iuan the third, then King of Portugall, that he might goe and conquer this said Riuer: for from the mouth of this Riuer to the mouth of this Riuer of Plate, is that part of America, which the Kings of Portugall doe hold according to the partition that the Kings of Spaine and Portugall both made betweene * 2.102 themselues; so that the King of Portugall hauing this Riuer in his part, hee gaue it to the said Leus de Melo, to conquer: who taking ten ships, and eight hundred men, among which there [ 60] were many Gentlemen, and comming to the mouth of this Riuer, hee lost all the shippes sauing two sayle, and in one of them that were saued was Leus de Melo, also the most part of the men that were in the ships were saued and got to shoare, and so went along vnto the Iland Marga∣reta, from whence they were dispersed throughout all the Indies. Thus these two seuerall Fleets

of ships being cast away, by such euill fortune, neuer any Captaine after, would giue the attempt to conquer this said Riuer. Yet from the new Kingdome of Granado, before spoken of, two or three Captaines haue gone by Land to discouer it.

None of all these came to any plaine discouerie till few yeeres past, a Captaine of the Coun∣trie * 2.103 of Nauarre, called Pedro de Orzua, who came into the Countrie of Peru, neere the place where before Captaine Pizarro had first discouered, and had with him about seuen hundred men, all Spaniards, which was maruell that he could haue so many, and amongst them there were ma∣ny Gentlemen, and old Souldiers of Peru, which caused many mutinies and insurrections. With all these men he came to the head of this Riuer, (all the matters that come from the Mountaines of Peru, and the Riuers which runne within the Land from sixteene degrees, and the Line, runne [ 10] all into this Riuer, which causeth it to be so great.) Now at the head of this Riuer, the Captaine Pedro de Orzua made fifteene Pinnaces, with many Canoas, in which he carried aboue two thou∣sand Indians to helpe him, with many Horses and other prouision, for to inhabite there, for it was not possible for him to carrie all his prouision by Land, for that the Mountaines bee very great, and betweene them many small Riuers, which issue out of this great Riuer aboue twentie leagues into the Land. So this Captaine hauing all his things in good order, went downe this Riuer with all his men, and came to a plaine Countrie from the Mountaines, where the Indians did dwell, and there held a Counsell, determining in that place to build a Towne, and to fortifie * 2.104 it very strong, because he would leaue all his stuffe, there and such men as were not Souldiers. So they began to make the said Towne, and worke on it all the Winter, where because it raineth [ 20] much, and is with all very hot, whereby sicknesse did beginne to rise among them, and also want of Victuals; wherefore his men began to murmure. These men came all out of the Land of Peru, which is the fruitfullest Land in all the World, and most richest; therefore these men were the more giuen to haue their fill of Bread and Meat, then to lay their bodies to labour, which was the cause: that although the Countrie in which they were, was very fruitfull, and also they saw with their eyes, the Gold that was there, as also how vp in the Countrie it seemed much better then the place in which they were, notwithstanding they murmured, and would needs returne for Peru, from whence they came.

There was among these men a Souldier of Bisca, called Lopez de Agira, a very little man of * 2.105 body, and was lame of one of his legs, but very vauant, and of good experience in the warres (this [ 30] man was one of the principall mutiners in Peru, and therefore giuen vsually thereunto) this fel∣low asked the Souldiers, what they went to seeke in those Wildernesses where as they were brought, for said he, if you seeke riches, there is enough in Peru, and there is, said hee, Bread, Wine, Flesh, and faire Women, so that it were better to goe thither and conquer that, and take it out of the hands of the Spaniards, for that would easily be done: for that all the Souldiers, & poore men of Peru would turne vnto them, and that were a better way then to goe and conquer the sauage people in those Mountaines, so that they once hauing the gouernment of Peru, that then the King of Spaine should agree with them, if not said he, we shall not lacke them that will send vs succour for to haue the riches that is in the Land of Peru. By these perswasions hee brought many Souldiers to be of his minde; and agreed with a young Gentleman of Siuill, called Don [ 40] Fernando de Gosman, the which was in loue with a yong woman, that the Captain Pedro de Orzua or Ossone had, and therefore he did the sooner agree with Lope de Agire to fulfill his intent. On a * 2.106 night, the Captaine being asleepe in his bed, these Souldiers entred into his Bed-chamber, & stab∣bed him with their Daggers, as also they sloe all the Captains friends, and they made a great crie, saying, Liue the King, liue the King, wherwith all the Campe was in an vprore. Then Lope de Agira made vnto the Souldiers a long Oration, & got them all to consent with him, some by force, some because they durst not say to the contrarie, and others with their good will, in the end they all a∣greed vnto his determined purpose. So they made the gentleman their head, and Lope de Agire was made Captaine, this done, and because the people should the better hold their opinion, hee did as great a villanie as euer any Spaniard did, for hee made an Altar, on which hee and all the Soul∣diers [ 50] did denie their seruice vnto the King of Spaine, and so as people without a King, they chose the said Don Fernando to be their King, and did vnto him homage. * 2.107

These matters being finished, they agreed among themselues which should be the best way for them to goe to Peru, for they could not goe vp the Riuer from whence they came, for the great currant, and also if they should goe thorough the land, they should be very weake for want of Horsemen, therefore they determined to goe downe the Riuer. Then said this Lope de Agire, that they would carry nothing with them, but the Pinnaces and Souldiers which should fight, and that it were best to leaue behinde them, all the Indians that they brought from Peru, with the women, and sicke men, vnto which their Generall Don Fernando would not agree, for that he knew that when they were gone, the people of the Countrie would kill them all. Lope de A∣gire [ 60] hearing this, and longing to be chiefe Gouernour himselfe ouer all, and taking vnto him thirtie of his owne Countrie men, of his own disposition, he sodainly killed Don Fernando, whom * 2.108 not twentie daies before hee had sworne to obey. But now by his subtile working, and being withall eloquent in his talke, he caused the people to make himselfe Gouernour, and made the

people beleeue that all these cruelties were done to saue themselues, but the tyrannie of this man did not end here (he was of the Countrie of Bisca, a land ioyning vnto France, therefore I rather beleeue that he was a Frenchman then a Spaniard, for that in the heart of a Spaniard there is not * 2.109 so much crueltie as this man had.) Now he being ready to goe his way, he determined not to carrie with him any Gentleman or other of high degree, and therefore hee slew all those which hee did know to be of high degree or Gentlemen, and then departed onely with the com∣mon Souldiers, and left behinde him all the Spanish women and sicke men, with all other creatures.

If I should rehearse all the cruell murders of this wicked man one by one, I should be ouer much tedious vnto you; onely I say in as few words as I may, that this man proceeded downe the Riuer, and had with him onely foure hundred men, but before he passed this Riuer, and came to [ 10] Margareta, he had no more left but two hundred and thirtie men, for the rest hee had done to death, and left ashore among the people of the Countrie: he vsed this tirannie because hee al∣waies * 2.110 stood in feare of his life, for that if he had seene but two Souldiers talke together, hee thought that he had alwaies consulted on his death, and therefore hee vsed the order aboue said, now he neuer went any way but that they had in his companie thirtie Biscains of his owne will and minde, for to execute his cruell desire: As these Souldiers with their Captaine came downe the Riuer, they saw many Canoas with Gold in them going to and fro, and people on both sides the Riuer, where in their passage many times they landed and got good store of Gold, and victuals. [ 20]

Now did they see also that which Oryllana had reported, which was that there were Ama∣zones, * 2.111 women that fight in the warre with Bowes and Arrowes, but these women fight to helpe their husbands, and not by them selues as Orillana reported from the company of men; there were of these women in diuers parts of the Riuer, and saw the Spaniards fight with their husbands, and came and helped them, and shewed themselues more valiant then their husbands, and therefore is named the Riuer of the Amazones: the Spaniards intent onely was to passe downe the Riuer, and therefore neuer sought to know the Countrie within the land; yet tooke they good store of Gold, and put it into one of the Pinnaces where he went himselfe, which Pinnace at the mouth of the Riuer was cast away, but he himselfe escaped, because as yet he had not made an end of his bloudie minde. But comming to the Iland of Margareta, the Gouer∣nour [ 30] thereof thought he had beene one of the Kings Captaines, receiued him with Pinnaces, and brought to him good store of victuals, but he put him to death presently and landed on the I∣lands, and tooke it and two Shippes that were in the Ilands, and tooke perforce one hundred and fiftie men to goe with him, and others that went willingly, with good store of victuals and many Horses, and then returned to the maine land, saying that with his small force hee would subdue the whole Indies; thinking that all the old Souldiers and poore peo∣ple in seeing of him would all turne to his side, and take his part, and so hee went deceiued in his owne conceit, for he had not gone two dayes Iourney vp in the Land, when the Captaine of new Granado came against him with a power of men, but Lope de Agire hoping that the other Souldiers would haue come all vnto him, whereby his strength might bee the more; but hee was deceiued, for his owne men left him and tooke the Kings Captaines part. Now seeing [ 40] himselfe destitute of his Souldiers, and voide of all helpe, he then shewed himselfe more cruell then did the tyrant Nero, for this man killed his owne daughter, being but sixteene yeeres of * 2.112 age, which he brought with him from Peru, for that she should not be made the bed of Villains, nor be called the daughter of a Traitor: these words he vsed vnto her, after he had giuen her her deaths wound: but before hee could finish this cruell deed, the Souldiers came vpon him, and cuchim in pieces; yet his daughter did die of her wound in that place, and thus you haue heard the euill end of this cruell man, for hee was the cause likewise that the King would neuer suf∣fer to haue this Riuer discouered, so that the riches resteth to this day vnknowne that is in * 2.113 this Riuer. [ 50]

Now hauing ended with this Riuer of Marannon, all the Coast between this Riuer and the Ri∣uer of Plate, is called the Coast of Brasill, taking the name of the wood in the Countrie, which is called Brasill wood (for there is great store of it.) Brasill was first found by Pedro Arnales Ca∣brall in the second time that the King of Portugall sent his ships for the East Indies, and so tooke possession of this Land, for the King of Portugall. The King Don Emanuel, hauing newes here∣of, sent ships for to discouer the whole Countrie, and found it to be the Land of America, which ioyneth to the West Indies; wherefore there was some controuersie betweene him and the King of Spaine, but in the end being both kinsmen, and great friends, they agreed that the King of Portugall should hold all the Countrie that he had discouered, the which was as I haue said, from the Riuer of Marannon to the Riuer of Plate, although the Spaniards say that it is no further then [ 60] the Iland of Santa Catalina, and hereupon there haue beene many controuersies, betweene the Portugals and Spaniards and many men slaine. * 2.114

There came in the yeere 1587. into this Riuer of Plate two English Ships and a Pinnace of the honorable the Earle of Comberland, being bound for the straights of Magelanos, and anchored ten

leagues within this Riuer, at a little Iland hard by the Iland called Seall Iland, &c. There is a port called la Para Iua, which few yeares past, the Frenchmen hearing of the troubles that were in Portugall, came to this place, and made there a Fort, and so the French Ships came euery yeare thither to lade Brasill wood. But they of Fernambocke with the helpe of the Spaniards went and * 2.115 burnt fiue ships within the Port, and tooke the Fort, but some of the Frenchmen ranne into the Mountaines, and others slaine, so that the Spaniards doe there inhabit to this day. Now to re∣turne vnto Fernambocke, inhabited by a Portugall Captaine called Eduarte Coelio, this is the grea∣test Towne in all that Coast, and hath aboue three thousand houses in it, with seuentie Ingenios of Sugar, and great store of Brasill wood, and good store of Cotton, yet are they in great want of victuals, for that all that they haue commeth out of Portugall, and from other places there on [ 10] the Coast. It is a barred Harbour, and for small Barkes, this place belongeth yet to the Sonne of Eduarte Coelio. Passing hence is the Cape of Saint Augustine, and next to that is the Riuer of Saint Francisco, which is also a great Riuer. Betweene this and the Bayha, it is all a Wildernesse, inhabi∣ted with cruell Sauage people; for whom soeuer they take they kill to eate. The Towne of Baya * 2.116 belongeth to the King, and therefore the Gouernour that gouerneth all the Coast along, is in this Towne of Baya, and also the Bishop; it is a Towne of a thousand houses, and hath fortie Ingenios of Sugar, and much Cotton, but no Brasill wood. The Sea runneth vp fourteene or fifteene leagues, where they get some ye••res good store of Ambergreece; here there is plentie of victuals, and although it be hot, it is a healthfull Countrey, and holesome aires. The next Coast is called, Las Ilhas, it is a small Towne not aboue one hundred and fiftie houses, there are but three Inge∣nios [ 20] of Sugar, the most part of these people are labouring men, and carry victuals to Fernambock in three small Barkes: this people belong vnto a Gentleman called Leucas Geralds.

From hence, the next to this Towne is called Porto Sequero: this hath foure smal Townes, and * 2.117 are in all about three hundred houses, it belongeth to a Gentleman called Vasco Fernandes Coy∣tenio: from hence they goe to the Riuer of Ienero, which hath about three hundred houses. In this place also the Frenchmen inhabited first, whóse Captaine was called Monsieur de Villegagnon, hee made here a Fort, and planted good Ordnance thereon, and lades euery yeere great store of Bra∣sill from thence, and had great friendship with the Sauage people, which serued him very well. But the King of Portugall sent a power of men aganst the Frenchmen, and first tooke the French ships by Sea, and then landed, and besieged the Fort, and in time tooke them with the Captaine, [ 30] and because the French Captaine was a Gentleman, and neuer hurt the Portugals, therefore they gaue thirtie thousand Duckets for his Ordnance, with all things that they had in the Fort, and so sent him for France, and the Portugals inhabited the Riuer. There is not at this present but two Ingenios, and great store of Brasil-wood, with plentie of victuals.

From this Riuer of Ienero, they go along the Coast of Saint Vincent, which hath foure Townes, the greatest is called Santos, and hath foure hundred houses, there are here three Ingenios, but a * 2.118 very poore Country. About few yeeres past there came two English ships into this Harbor, which were going for the Straits of Magellanes, who being in this Port, there came thither three of the King of Spaines ships, and fought with the Englishmen, but the Englishmen sunke one of them, and therefore the King commanded a Fort to be made, because that no English shippes that were [ 40] bound to the Straits should not victuall there, the which Fort standeth on the mouth of the Har∣bour, this Countrey belongeth to a Gentleman called Martin Alonso de Sousa, this is the last in∣habitance in all the Coast of Brasill; this said Coast is very full of Mountaines, and raineth much, therefore they cannot goe from Towne to Towne by Land. All the dwellings in this Countrey are by the Sea side, yet the Portugals haue many times trauelled vp in the Countrie a hundred and fiftie leagues, but finding no profit, inhabited in no place.

The Coast from Saint Vincent is all full of Mountaines, till you come to the Iland of Saint Ca∣talina, from this Iland till you come to the Straites of Magellanes, is very plaine and with∣out * 2.119 Woods.

The Riuer of Plate was discouered by Solis, and after by Sebastian Cabot, which went one [ 50] hundred and fiftie leagues vp in it and built a Fort; after by Don Pedro de Mendoza, who hauing lost eight ships, died in the way homewards: the poore men which hee left behind him for ve∣ry hunger, died the most part of them, for that there about were very few Indians, and therefore small store of victuals, but onely liued by hunting of Deere and fishing. Of all the men * 2.120 that this Don Pedro left behind him, there was liuing no more but two hundred men, which in the ships Boats went vp the Riuer, leauing in this place called bonas ayres, three Mares and Hor∣ses. But it is a wonder to see, that of thirtie Mares and seuen Horses which the Spaniards left in * 2.121 this place, that in fortie yeeres these beasts haue so increased, that the Countrey is twentie leagues vp full of Horses, whereby one may see the pasture, and fruitfulnesse of the Countrey. The Spaniards that went vp this Riuer, were three hundred leagues vp, and found the Countrey [ 60] full of Indians, where were great store of victuals, and the Spaniards dwelt among them as their friends, and the Indians did giue their Daughters to wise vnto the Spaniards, and so they dwelt in one Towne together, which the Spaniards called La Ascension, which standeth on the North * 2.122 side of the Riuer. These foresaid Spaniards, were twentie yeeres in this place, before any of them

in Spaine heard of these poore mens dwelling in this Riuer. But the Spaniards now waxing old, and fearing that if they were dead, that then there Sonnes which they had in this Countrey, which were very many, should liue without the knowledge of any other Christians; determined among themselues to make a ship, and so to send newes into Spaine, with Letters vnto the King, of all things that had passed within the Riuer among them. Vpon this newes the King sent them three ships, with a Bishop, Friers and Priests, and more men and women to inhabit with all kind of cattell. When this succour was come, they inhabited in two places more on the North side of the Riuer, and trauelled three hundred leagues beyond the Ascension, but found neither Gold nor Siluer, but returned backe againe to Ascension: the people are so multiplyed in this Citie, that it is now one of the greatest Cities in all the Indies, and hath aboue two thousand houses, it is a [ 10] fruitfull Countrey of all kind of victuall, and there is Sugar and Cotton, from this Citie of As∣cension, one hundred and fiftie leagues toward the Riuers mouth, there is another Towne, which they call Santa Fee. Also fiue yeeres past, they haue inhabited againe the Towne of Bonos Ayres * 2.123 on the South side, because they would haue some Trade with them on the Coast of Brasill, but there fortune was such, that the first time that they went to Brasill, and would haue returned to the Riuer of Plate againe, they were taken by two shippes of England, that were going to the Straits of Magellanes. The Coast along from this Riuer to the Straits of Magellanes, is a Land which hath not beene discouered, neither by Sea nor Land, sauing only certaine Ports which they▪ haue seene going to the Straits.

The next that sought to passe the Straits after Magelanes were two shippes of Genoa which [ 20] came to the mouth of the Straits, and with a great storme were put back againe, and one of them whose Master was called Pancaldo, put into the Riuer of Plate, and was cast away about Bonos Ayres, and to this day there is part of the ship to be seene, and some of the men are yet liuing in the Riuer among the Spaniards, and the other ship went home to Genoa againe. Also there was a Bishop of Placencia in Spaine, coueting Riches, made a fleet of foure ships to passe the Straits, and so to goe vnto the Moluccas, and getting license of the Emperour, he sent his ships to the Straits, and had very faire wind til they came thither, and entring the Straits twentie leagues, the storme of Westerly windes tooke them, and droue three of them ashoare, and the other went into the Sea, and the storme being past, hee returned into the Strait to seeke his companions, and found many men going on the shoare side, but the ships were ••eaten all in pieces, and they on the Land [ 30] called vnto the ship. But the Captaine seeing that his ship was but little, and had small store of victuals, he would not goe to them ashoare, but went on his Voyage, and passed the Straits, and because he was alone, he would not goe to the Moluccas, but went to the Coast of Peru vnto the Citie of Lam••, where the ship is yet vnto this day, the men that were in the Straits, where the three ships were cast away, were to the number of two hundred and fiftie men, whose Captaine was called Queros, being Kinsman to the Bishop of Placentia, it is fortie yeeres since these men * 2.124 were left there, but neuer heard of vnto this day. A yeere after this, certaine Merchants of the Groine in Galizia, set forth other three ships, which ship also came to the Straits mouth, where one of them was cast away withall the men, and the other returned for Spaine, also I haue had in∣telligence that there hath beene certaine Portugall ships, which haue come to the mouth of the [ 40] Straits, and loft two of their Pinnasses which they sent to know the Land, and so the ships retur∣ned, and after these other two French ships were sent from the Riuer of Ienero, by Monsieur de vil∣lagagnon ouer for the Straits, but when they came into the height of fortie fiue degrees, they put backe againe by a great storme of contrary winds. After all this the Gouernour of Chili, called Don Garcia de Mendoza Sonne to the Marquesse of Taneta, would also discouer the Straits from the South Sea, and sent from Chili two ships with a Captaine called Latherelio; but the danger to seeke the Straits by the South Sea, is more then by the North Sea, because all the stormes on * 2.125 the North Sea, come from the Land, and in the South Sea the wind and stormes came all out of the Sea, and forceth the ship on the shoare, so that these two ships were lost in fiftie degrees. The seeking of the Straits of Magelanes is so dangerous, and the Voyage so trouble some, that it is [ 50] almost vnpossible to be obtained, so that for the space of thirtie yeeres, no man made account of it, till of late yeeres one Francis Drake an Englishman, &c.

Captaine Drake carried from the Coast of Peru, eight hundred sixtie sixe thousand pieces of siluer, which is eight hundred sixtie sixe Kintals at a hundred pound waight, the Kintall, and e∣uery Kintall is worth twelue hundred Duckets of Spaine, which is a Million, thirtie nine thou∣sand and two hundred Duckets, besides this, he carried away a hundred thousand pieces of Gold, which is ten Kintals, and euery Kintall is worth fifteene hundred Duckets of Spaine, which a∣mounteth to a hundred and fiftie thousand Duckets, besides that which hee had in the ship that was not customed, which I doe not know of, as well Pearles, Precious stones, and other things of great value, besides the money he had in coine, with all this he went towards Noua Hispa∣nia: [ 60] and at an Iland which is before you come there called The Iland of Cockles, he discharged all * 2.126 things out of his ship and graued her there, and remayned there fiftie dayes, from hence he went along the Coast of Hispania, where he tooke many ships laden with Spices, Silkes, and Veluets: but no Gold nor Siluer, for here is none on this Coast.

Pedro Sarmiento was sent to the Straits with two ships, and at the Straits met with a storme,

and he not knowing how, nor which way in a night he was put into the Straits, the other ship runne more into the Sea, and came into fiftie eight degrees, the storme being past, he found many * 2.127 Ilands ioyning to the maine Lands, and so returned with faire weather all along the shoare, and neuer found any other way to enter the Straits, but only that which Magellanes did discouer, which is thought to be otherwise by the sayings of others, which affirme the Straits to be full of Ilands, to the Southwards.

Pedro Sarmiento entred the Straits, where his men were in a mutinie, and would haue retur∣ned * 2.128 for Lima, but he hanged one of them, and so went on his Voyage for Spaine, and told the King that there were two narrow points in the Straits, where he might build a Fort, and that the Straits was a very good Countrey, and had great store of Riches and other necessaries, and [ 10] very well inhabited with Indians. Vpon whose words, and for that there were more ships ma∣king readie in England to passe the Straits; The King sent Diego Floris de Valdes with three and twentie ships, and three thousand fiue hundred men, as also the Gouernour of Chili, with fiue hun∣dred old Souldiers new come out of Flanders. These ships had the hardest hap of any ships that * 2.129 went out of Spaine since the Indies were found, for that before they came from the Coast of Spaine, a storme tooke them and cast away fiue of the shippes, and lost in them aboue eight hun∣dred men, and the rest put into Calls, notwithstanding the King sent them word that yet they should proceed: and so did with sixteene saile of ships, for that other two ships were so shaken with the storme that they could not goe, and in the sixteenth saile Pedro Sarmiento was sent to bee Gouernour in the Straits, and had committed vnto him fiue hundred men for to stay in the [ 20] Straits: he had also all kind of Artificers to make his Forts and other necessaries, with great store of Ordnance and other Munition.

This fleet because it was late, did winter on the Coast of Brasill in the Riuer of Ienero, and from hence they went where the Winter was past, and about the height of fortie two degrees they had a storme, so that Diego Flores beat vp and downe about two and twentie dayes, in which time he had one of his best ships sunke in the Sea, and in her three hundred men and twentie wo∣men, that went to inhabit the Straits, and also most part of the munition that should bee left in the Straits. In the end the storme grew so great, that the ships might not indure it any longer, but were put back againe vnto an Iland called Saint Catalina, and there he found a Barke, where∣in were certaine Friers going for the Riuer of Plate, which Friers told him of two great ships of [ 30] England, and a Pinnasse that had taken them, but tooke nothing from them, nor did them any harme, but only asked them for the King of Spaines shippes. Now Diego Flores knowing that these English shippes would goe to the Straits, hee also was determined to goe to the Straits, al∣though it was the moneth of February, and choosing ten ships of the fifteene that were left, hee sent three ships that were old and shaken with the storme, he put in them all the women and sick men that were in the fleet, and sent them to the Riuer of Ienero: and left two other ships which * 2.130 were not for the Sea at the Iland, and he with the other ten ships returned againe for the Straits. Now the three ships in which the sicke men and women were, came to the Port of Saint Uin∣cent, where they found the two English ships, so they would haue the Englishmen gone out of the * 2.131 Harbour, and hereupon they fell at fight, and because that these three ships were weake with the [ 40] foule weather that they had, as also the men were the refuse of all the fleet, the Englishmen easily put them to the worst, and sunke one of them, and might haue sunke another if they would, but they minded not the destruction of any man: for it is the greatest vertue that can be in any man, that when he may doe hurt, he will not doe it.

Vpon this the Englishmen went from this Port to Spirito Sancto, where they had victuals for their Merchandize, and so returned home to England, without doing any harme in the Country.

Iohn Drake went from them in the Pinnasse (the cause why I know not) but the Pinnasse came into the Riuer of Plato, and within fiue leagues of Seale Iland, not far from the place where * 2.132 the Earle of Cumberlands ships tooke in fresh water, this said Pinnasse was cast away vpon a ledge of Rockes, but the men were all saued in the Boate. They were eighteene men, and went [ 50] ashoare vpon the North shoare, and went a dayes iourney into the Land, where they met with the Sauage people, these people are no man-eaters, but take all the Christians that they can, and make them there slaues, but the Englishmen fought with them, and the Sauages sl••e fiue English∣men, and tooke the other thirteene aliue, which were with the Sauages about fifteene monethes. But the Master of the Pinnasse, which was Richard Faireweather, beeing not able to indure this misery that hee was in, and hauing knowledge that there was a Towne of Christians on the o∣ther * 2.133 side of the Riuer, he in the night called Iohn Drake, and another young man which was with them, and tooke a Canoa which was very little, and had but two Oares, and so passed to the o∣ther side of the Riuer, which is aboue nine leagues broad, and were three dayes before they could get ouer, and in this time they had no meate, and comming to land, they hit vpon a high way [ 60] that went towards the Christians and seeing the footing of Horses, they follow it, and at last came to a House where as there was Corne sowed, and there they met with Indians which were Seruants vnto the Spaniards, which gaue them to eate, and clothes to couer them, for they were all naked; and one of the Indians went to the Towne, and told them of the Englishmen, so

the Captaine sent foure Horsemen, which brought them to the Towne behind them, then the Captayne clothed them, and prouided for them lodging, and Iohn Drake sate at the Captaines Table, and so intreated them very well, thinking to send them for Spaine. But the Vice-roy of Peru hearing of this, sent for them, so they sent him Iohn Drake, but the other two they kept, because that they were married in the Countrey. Thus I know no more of their affaires. But vpon this newes, there were prepared fiftie Horsemen to goe ouer the Riuer, to seeke the rest of the Englishmen and Spaniards, that were also among these Sauage people, but I am not certaine where they went forward or not.

But now let vs returne to Diego Flores, who passed from the Iland of Santa Catalina, towards the Straits in the middle of February, and comming in the height of the Riuer of Plate, hee sent the * 2.134 [ 10] Gouernour of Chili, with three ships vp the Riuer Bonas Ayres, and so to go ouer land to Chili. Of these three ships they lost two, but saued the men and the other prouision, and the third retur∣ned for Spaine. Then Diego Flores with the other seuen ships came as high as fiftie two degrees, which is the mouth of the Straits, and because it was the end of March, which is the latter end of Summer, so that the Countrey was full of snow, and withall a sudden storme came, that he could not see Sarmiento and his men ashoare but returned the second time to the Coast of Brasill, to the Riuer of Ienero, where he heard newes of the English ships, by the two ships that escaped from the Englishmen, whereupon hee left his Lieutenant Diego de Ribera, and Sarmiento, that they might the next yeere returne for the Straits. So Diego de Flores with foure ships which hee had left, and other foure which the King had sent to succour him, went all along the Coast to seeke [ 20] for the Englishmen, but could not find them, for they were gone directly for England, so he went vnto a Port called Parayna, where he found fiue French ships, and burnt three, and tooke two, and * 2.135 also the Fort that the Frenchmen had, and put in Spaniards, and the Frenchmen runne into the Mountaynes to the Sauages, this done, he returned for Spaine. And his Lieutenant Diego de Ri∣bera, and Sarmiento had the next yeere such good fortune, that they arriued safely into the Straits with all their ships, and so set ashore foure hundred men, and because the ships Boat could not land being once laden, the ship that had all the victuals and munition, that ship they runne ashoare in a Bay, and as the water did ebbe they tooke all things out of her, this beeing done, Diego de Ribera left Sarmiento with foure hundred men, thirtie women, and a ship with victuals for eight moneths, and with the other three returned, being in the Straits but eight dayes. [ 30]

Now Pedro Sarmiento made a Towne at the mouth of the Straits on the Northside, and put * 2.136 therein a hundred and fiftie men, and from hence hee went by Land, and sent the ship further in∣to the Straits, and fiftie leagues within the Straits at the narrowest place of all, where is a very good Port, here he made another Towne, which he named the Towne of King Philip, and also would haue made a Fort, and planted Ordnance for the defence of the Straits, but the Snow and the Winter was so great, that hee could not proceed in it; but hee tooke aboue fiue and twentie Mariners into the ship with him, and said, hee would goe see how the other people did, and so came to the Straits mouth to the Towne, and after hee had beene there a day or two with them, he said, that a storme put him from the Straits by force, and broke his Cables (but his men said to the contrary, that he himselfe cut his Cables; God knoweth the truth) and so he came to the Ri∣uer [ 40] of Ienero: and not finding any succour there came from the King, hee went to Fernambocke, asking aide of the Captaine for victuals, the Captaine incontinent, laded his ship with victuals and clothes for the men, so that hauing these things, hee tooke his way for the Straites, but be∣tweene the Cape of Saint Augustine, and the Baya, the wind came out of the Sea, with such vio∣lence, that it forced the ship to runne ashore, where Sarmiento had three of his men drowned, and he with the rest hardly escaped; the ship was lost, and all that was in her. And then he came by Land to the Baya, and the Gouernour of Brasill, bought a Barke that was there in the Harbour, and lading her with victuals and clothes for the men, hee hauing this prouision, with diuers o∣ther more that were needfull for his men, he tooke his Voyage for the Straits, and comming as high as fortie foure degrees, he met with a sudden storme, and was forced to throw all ouer-boord that he carried, and was yet in the end compelled to returne for the Riuer of Ienero: where hee [ 50] stayed for succour from the King a whole yeere; but there came not so much as a Letter for him, for the King was sore grieued at Pedro Sarmiento, because he told him that in the narrowest place of the Straits it was but a mile ouer, but Diego de Ribera and others told the King that it was a∣boue a league broad, that if a ship came with wind and current, all the Ordnance in the World could not hurt them, whereby the King thought that Pedro Sarmiento had deceiued him, in ma∣king him to lose so many men, and to be at so great a charges to no effect. Also the Gouernour of * 2.137 Baya, seeing the King wrote not to him, would giue Sarmiento no more succour, wherefore Sar∣miento went in his ship for Spaine, which he came last in from the Straits, and it is said, that he was taken by Englishmen, and so carried for England. It is reported that this Sarmiento▪ is the best Ma∣nner [ 60] in all Spainè, and hath say led farthest. After all this, the Captaine of the Riuer Ienero, ••ent * 2.138 a small ship with victuals for the Straits, but was also put backe in fortie degrees. This is all the Discouery that hath beene of the Straits of Magelanes, as well by the Spaniards, as other Nati∣ons, vnto this yeere 1586. It is f••ure yeeres since these poore and miserable Spaniards were 〈◊〉〈◊〉

in the Straits, from which time there hath no succour gone vnto them, so God he knoweth whe∣ther they be dead or aliue.

The Land that heth from the Straits to the Coast of Chili, no man hath trauelled it by land, because of the great Mountaines of Snow that lye in that Countrey, as also I may well say, that it hath not often beene done by Sea, for that all the ships that haue passed that way, haue at the least gone thirtie leagues of the shore, because of the shoalds, and many little Ilands that lie of the mayne land, and therefore there is nothing knowne what is in that Countrey. The first Inhabi∣tance that you haue after you passe the Straits, is on the Coast of Chili, and is called Castro, it is * 2.139 the worst place of all the Coast, for that in it there is small store of Gold, and little victuall, and very cold; this place is compassed with many shoalds, so that it is a Port but for small Barkes. [ 10] The next to this is Baldiuia, but before I passe any further, I will declare vnto you the situation * 2.140 of Chili.

This Coast lieth North and South, and is in length aboue a hundred leagues; and it is not in breadth aboue fiue and twentie leagues at the most, there runne from the great Mountaines into the Sea great store of Riuers, which maketh many Valleyes, and is the fruitfullest land in the World, for that it hath bread, wine, and other victuals great store. These Riuers bee very rich of Gold, and for to shew you in few words all that this Prouince hath: I say, that this land lack∣eth nothing, but might be called Paradise, but for that it lacketh only one thing, and that is * 2.141 peace. This land was first discouered in this order, after the Spaniards had conquered the King∣dome of Peru, as hereafter I will shew vnto you, they found in this Kingdome of Peru great [ 20] store of Gold, and asking the Indians from whence it came, they answered from Chili, wherefore Don Diego de Almagro, which was one of the Captaines that conquered Peru, went vpon this newes toward Chili with three hundred Horsemen. Now he must go round about the Mountains of Snow, which way the Indians that were his guides, did carrie this Captaine, because they should die all of cold. Yet the Spaniards, although they lost some of their Horses, came to the first Inhabitance of Chili, called Copiapo: which is the first plain land in the entring of the Prouince, but from hence he returned backe againe for Peru, because he had newes that the Indians had risen a∣gainst * 2.142 the Spaniards, & enclosed them; vpon which newes he returned without going any farther into the Countrey. Now this Captayne Don Diego de Almagro, beeing slaine in the Warres of Peru, after his death, another Captayne called Don Pedro de Baldiuia, with foure hundred * 2.143 [ 30] Horsemen went vnto Chili, and with smali labour he ouercame halfe the Countrey, which were subiect to the Kings of Peru, for they of Chili, knowing that Poru was ouercome by the Spa∣niards, they straight way yeelded the Land vnto the Spaniards, but the other halfe which was the richest, and the fruitfullest part, so had God made the men the valiants and most furious that shall be found among all the Sauage people in the whole Land.

The Prouince which they inhabit, called El Estado de Arauco, is but a small Prouince about * 2.144 twentie leagues in length, and is gouerned by ten principall men of the Countrey, out of which ten they choose the valiantest man for their Generall in the Warres. The Kings of Peru in times past could neuer conquer this part of Chili, nor yet any other Kings of the Indians. The weapons vsed by these people of Arauco are long Pikes, Halberds, Bowes and Arrowes: they also make [ 40] them Iacks of Seale-skinnes, and Head-pieces: in times past the heads of their Halberds and Pikes were of Brasse, but now they haue gotten store of Iron. They pitch their battels in manner like the Christians: for putting their Pikemen in rankes, they place Bowmen among them, and marshall their troupes with discretion and great valour. Now the Spaniards comming vnto this Prouince, sent word vnto them by other Indians, saying, that they were the children of God, and came to teach them the Word of God, and that therefore they ought to yeeld themselues vnto them; if not, they would shoot fire among them and burne them. These people not fearing the great words of the Spaniards, but desiring to see that which they had heard reported, met them in the field, and fought a most cruell battell: but by reason of the Spaniards great Ordnance and Caleeuers, they were in the end put to flight. Now these Indians thinking verily that the Spa∣niards [ 50] were the children of God, because of their great Ordnance which made such a noise, and breathed out such flames of fire, yeelded themselues vnto them. So the Spaniards hauing diui∣ded this Prouince, made the Indians to serue their turnes, for getting of Gold out of the Mynes, which they enioyed in such abundance, that he which had least had twentie thousand Pezos, but Captaine Baldiuia himselfe had three hundred thousand Pezos by the yeere. The fame of these riches in the end was spred as farre as Spaine; from whence soone after resorted many Spaniards to the land of Chili, whom Captaine Baldiuia caused to inhabit sixe Townes: to wit, Villa nueua * 2.145 de la Serena, called in the Indian Tongue Coquimbo; the second Sant Iago, which the Indians call Mapocha; the third, La Conception, called by the Indians Penco; the fourth, La Imperial; the fift, Baldiuia; and the sixt, La Villa Rica. Also he built a Fort in the middle of all the land, wherein [ 60] he put Ordnance and Souldiers: how beit all this their good successe continued not long: for the Indians in short time perceiung that the Spaniards were but mortall men as well as they, determi∣ned to rebell against them: wherefore the first thing that they did, they carried grasse into the said Fort for the Spaniards Horses, and wood also for them to burne, among which gr••••••e the In∣dians

conueyed Bowes and Arrowes, with great Clubs. This done, fiftie of the Indians entred the Fort, be tooke themselues to their Bowes, Arrows and Clubs, and stood in the gate of the said * 2.146 Fort: from whence making a signe vnto other of their Nation for helpe, they wanne the Fort, and slue all the Spaniards. The newes of this ouerthrow comming to the Towne of Conception, where Captaine Baldiuia was, he presently set forth with two hundred Horsemen, to seeke the Indians; taking no more men with him, because hee was in haste. And in a Plaine hee met the Indians; who comming of purpose also to seeke him, and compassing him about, slue most part of his companie, the rest escaping by the swiftnesse of their Horses: but Baldiuia hauing his Horse slaine vnder him was taken aliue. Whom the Indians wished to be of good courage, and to feare nothing; for the cause (said they) why wee haue taken you, is to giue you Gold enough. And [ 10] hauing made a great banquet for him, the last seruice of all was a Cup full of melted Gold, which * 2.147 the Indians forced him to drinke, saying, Now glut thy selfe with Gold: and so they killed him. This Baldiuia was a most valiant man, who had beene an old Souldier in the Warres of Italie, and at the sacking of Rome.

Vpon this discomfiture the Spaniards chose for their Captaine, one Pedro de Uilla grande; * 2.148 who assembling all the Spaniards in Chili, and taking with him ten pieces of Ordnance, marched against those Indians; but with so bad successe, that hee lost not onely the field, and many of his men, but also those ten Peeces of Ordnance which he brought. The Indians hauing thus got∣ten the victorie, went straightway against the Towne of Concepcion, from whence the Spaniards fled for feare, and left the Towne desolate. And in this manner were the Spaniards chased [ 20] by the Indians out of the Countrie of Arauco. But newes hereof being brought to the Marqueste of Cannete, Vice-roy of Pern, he sent his sonne Don Garcia de Mendoza, against those Indians, with * 2.149 a great power of Horsemen, and Footmen, and store of Artilerie. This Nobleman hauing sub∣dued Chili againe, and slaine in diuers battels aboue fortie thousand Indians, and brought them the second time vnder the Spaniards subiection, newly erected the said Fort, that stood in the midst of the Land, inhabited the Towne of Concepcion againe, and built other Townes for the Spaniards: and so leauing the Land in peace, he returned for Peru. But ere he was cleane departed out of the land, the Indians rebelled again, but could not do so much mischiefe as they did before, because the Spaniards tooke better heed vnto them. From that time vntil this present, there hath beene no peace at all: for not withstanding many Captianes and Souldiers haue done their vt∣termost, [ 30] yet can they not bring that People wholly in subiection. And although the Spaniards haue in this Prouince eleuen Townes and two Bishoprikes, yet haue they little enough to main∣tayne * 2.150 themselues, by reason of the Warres; for they spend all the Gold that the Land yeeldeth in the maintenance of their Souldiers: which would not bee so, if they had peace; for then they might worke in all their Mines.

Thus hauing spoken somwhat of the situation of Chili, and of the troublesome conquest there∣of, * 2.151 I will returne to my former discourse where I left, Baldiuia therefore being of 150. houses, hath twice beene burnt and spoyled by the Indians; so that now it is waxen poore, but before the Indians sacked it, it was very rich: and it standeth vp a Riuer foure leagues from the Sea. Pas∣sing from hence you come to the plaine Countrie of Arauco, being situate ouer against the Iland [ 40] La Mocha, on which Iland the Indians that inhabite belong to the maine Land.

Hauing passed this Plaine of Arauco, the next Towne of the Spaniards that you come vnto, is La Concepcion which hath beene the greatest and the richest Towne in all Chili; but by reason that the Indians haue burned the same foure times, it is now growne very poore, and hath small store of people: it containeth about some two hundred houses. And because it adioyneth vpon the Plaine of Arauco, where these valiant Indians bee, therefore this Towne is enuironed about with a strong wall, and hath a Fort built hard by it: and here are fiue hundred Souldiers conti∣nually in Garrison. Betweene this place and Ualparizo, the Indians call the Coast by the name * 2.152 of Mapocha. Sant Iago it selfe standing fiue and twentie leagues vp into the Countrie, is the principall Towne of all Chili, and the seat of the Gouernour; it consisteth of about eight hun∣dred [ 50] houses. The Port of Valparizo whither the goods come from Lima by shipping, hath about twentie houses standing by it. The next Towne neere the Sea side beyond this is Coquimbo, which standeth two leagues vp into the Land, and containeth about two hundred houses. Next vnto Coquimbo standeth a Port-towne, called Copiapo, inhabited altogether by Indians which serue the Spaniards: and here a Gentleman which is Gouernour of the Towne hath an Ingenio for Sugar: at this place endeth the whole Prouince of Chili. Here also the Mountaines ioyning hard vpon the Sea, are the cause why all the Land betweene Capiapo and Peru, contayning one hundred and sixtie leagues, lieth desolate.

The first Towne on the Coast of Peru, called Atacama, is inhabited by Indians which are slaues * 2.153 vnto the Spaniards. But before I passe any further I will here also declare vnto you the first Dis∣couerie [ 60] of Peru, with other matters there to belonging, and then will I returne to the Sea-coast againe: and to the end you may vnderstand me the better, I will beginne with Panama. After that the Spaniards had inhabited the North side of this mayne Land, passing ouer the Mountains they discouered the South Sea: where because they found Indian people with Gold and Pearles,

they built a Towne eighteene leagues to the West of Nombre de Dios, hard vpon the Sea side, and called it Panama. From hence they discouered along the Coast of Nueua Espanna: and for that Nueua Espanna was at the same time inhabited by Spaniards, there beganne a trade from thence to Panama: but from Panama by Sea to the Coast of Peru they could not trade in a long time, because of the Southerly windes blowing on this Coast almost all the yeere long, which are a hinderance to ships sayling that way: and by Land the passage was impossible, in regard of Mountaines and Riuers: Yea it was fifteene yeeres before they passed the Iland of Pearles, which is but twentie leagues from Panama. There were at this time in Panama two men, the one called Francisco Pizarro, borne in the Citie of Truxillo in Spaine, a valiant man, but withall poore; the other, called Diego de Almagro, was very rich. These men got a companie vnto [ 10] them, and prouided two Carauels to discouer the Coast of Peru: and hauing obtayned licence of the Gouernour of that place, Francisco Pizarro set forth with the two foresaid Carauels, and an hundred men; and Diego de Almagro stayed in Panama, to send him Victuals and other ne∣cessaries. Now Francisco Pizarro sayling along the Coast, met with contrary windes and raine, which put him to great trouble; and hee began also after a while to lacke victuals, for hee was sayling of that in eight moneths, which they now passe in fifteene dayes, and not knowing the right course, hee ranne into euery Riuer and Bay that hee saw along the Coast; which was the chiefe cause that he stayed so long on his Voyage: also thirtie of his companie died by reason of the vnhealthfulnesse of the coast. At last he came to an Iland called by him Isla del Gallo, being * 2.154 situate from the maine Land sixe leagues. From hence he sent one of his ships to Panama, for a [ 20] new supplie of victuals, and of men: which ship being departed, fortie of his men that remay∣ned behinde made a mutinie, and passed vp into the Countrie, meaning to returne by Land to Panama, but in the way they all perished, for they were neuer heard of vntill this day. So that Francisco Pizarro was left vpon the said Iland onely with thirteene men: who although hee had his ship there, in which he might haue returned, yet would hee rather die then goe backe; and his thirteene men also were of his opinion, notwithstanding that they had no other victu∣als, but such as they had from the maine Land in the night season. Thus hee continued nine moneths, before any succour was brought him from Panama: but in the end his ship returned with fortie men onely, and victuals: whereupon hee prosecuted his Voyage, till hee came to the first plaine Countrie of Peru, called Tumbez, where hee found a Fort, made by the King of * 2.155 [ 30] Peru, against the Indians of the Mountaines. Wherefore Pizarro, and his men were very glad, in that they had found a People of so good vnderstanding and discretion, being rich also in Gold, and Siluer, and well apparelled. At this Port of Tumbez, hee tooke thirtie thousand Pezos of Gold in trucke of Merchandise, and hauing two few men to proceed any further, he carried two Indians with him, to learne the Language, and returned backe for Panama. Vpon this Discoue∣rie, Francisco Pizarro thought it expedient to trauell into Spaine, to craue of the King the Con∣quest of this Land. Whither being come, the King granted his request. And with the money which he carried ouer with him, he hired a great number of men, with a Fleet of shippes, and brought also along with him foure of his Brethren, very valiant and hardy men. And being come to Panama, he straightway went on his Voyage for Peru, being accompanied with his Partner, [ 40] Diego de Almagro. They sayled first to the Iland, called Isla de Gallo; where Francisco Pizarro, and his Brethren went on Land, and left Diego de Almagro in the ships. And the whole num∣ber which afterward landed on the mayne Land were sixtie Horsemen, and one hundred and twentie Footmen, with two great Field-peeces.

But before we proceed any further, wee thinke it not amisse to describe vnto you the situation of Peru, and the naturall disposition of the Inhabitants: This Countrie was called Peru, by the * 2.156 Spaniards, of a Riuer so named by the Indians, where they first came to the sight of Gold. From which Riuer standing vnder the Line, till you come to Copiapo, the first Towne on the Coast of Chili, stretcheth the Land of Peru, for the space of eight hundred leagues: vpon sixe hundred whereof, from Atacama to Tumbez, did neuer drop of raine fall, since the Floud of Noah: and [ 50] yet is it the fruitfullest Land for all kinde of victuals, and other necessaries for the sustentation of mans life, that is to bee found in all the world besides. The reason why it raineth not in this * 2.157 Land, is because it being a plaine Countrie, and very narrow, and lowe, situate betweene the E∣quinoctiall and the Tropike of Capricorne, there runneth on the West frontier, not aboue twenty leagues from the Sea called Mar del Sur, Eastward thereof, a mightie ridge of high Mountaines couered with snowe; the heigth of which Mountaines so draweth the moisture of the cloudes vnto it self, that no raine falleth vpon the Vallies of Peru, From these Mountains issue great store of Riuers into the South Sea, with the waters whereof drawn by certaine sluces and chanels, they moisten their Vineyards and Corne-fields, and by this meanes the Land is so exceeding fruitfull. Betweene these Mountaines and the Mountaines of Chili, that stretch vnto the Straites of Ma∣gellan, [ 60] heth a Plaine of sixtie leagues ouer, being so cold, that it yeeldeth no Wheat, but good store of other vict••als. This Countrie of Peru is full of people well apparelled, and of ciuill * 2.158 behauiour. It hath many mines of God, and more of Siluer, as also great store of Copper, and Tinne-mines, with abundance of Saltpeter, and of Brimstone to make Gun-powder. There are

likewise Cattell of all sorts, among which there is a beast, in shape somewhat resembling a Ca∣mell, * 2.159 but no bigger then a Steere of a yeere old; they serue to carrie burdens, their flesh being good to eate, and their wooll apt for many purposes. This beast is accounted the most profitable of all others, for the vse of man: howbeit the Spaniards since their first comming haue reple∣nished this Countrie with Horses, Kine, Sheep and Goats, and likewise with plenty of Wheat. So that in few words, this Land hath abundance of riches and victuals, and is the healthfullest place in the world. There were in times past Kings of this Land which were mighty Monarchs, whose Dominions stretched twelue hundred leagues, and their Lawes were very ciuill, saue that they were worshippers of the Sunne. At what time the Spaniards first entred this Land, there were two Brethren of the bloud Royall, which stroue who should haue the Kingdome, the one [ 10] called Mango Inga, and the other, Atabalipa. Now Mango had possession of all the Mountaines * 2.160 and the Land within them: and Atabalipa was Lord of all the Sea-coast, and of the Vallies si∣tuate between the said Mountaines and the Sea. The Indians seeing the Spaniards at the first arriue vpon their shoare, called them Uira coche, which in their Language signifieth, The some of the Sea. Also Atabalipa the Indian Prince sent vnto them to know what they did in his Land, and what they sought for: the Spaniards made answer, that they were the messengers of a great Lord, and that they came to speake with the Prince himselfe: who sent them word, that they should come with a very good-will; and so Atabalipa stayed for them at a Citie called Caxamalca, being thirtie leagues distant from the Sea side. Whither being come, they found the Indian Prince sit∣ting in a Chariot of Gold, carried vpon mens shoulders, and accompanied with aboue sixtie [ 20] thousand Indians all ready armed for the warres. Then the Spaniards told them that they were sent from an Emperour (vnto whom the Pope had giuen all that Land) to conuert them vnto the Christian Faith. Whereunto Atabalipa answered, that he would gladly be friends with the Emperour, because he was so great a Monarch, but in no case with the Pope, because he gaue to another that which was none of his owne.

Now while they were thus in talke, the Spaniards discharging their two Field-peeces, and their Caliuers, set vpon the Indians, crying, Sant lago. The Indians hearing the noise of the Ord∣nance, and small shot, and seeing the fire, thought that flames of fire had beene come downe from Heauen vpon them; whereupon they fled, and left their Prince as a bootie for the Spa∣niards. Whom they at the first intreated very gently, wishing him not to feare, for that their [ 30] comming was onely to seeke for Gold and Siluer. During the time of Atabalipas imprisonment, his Captaines had slaine his Brother Mango, and had subdued all the Mountaines, and plaine Countries. Vpon which newes Atabalipa told the Spaniards, that if they would release him, hee would giue them all that they should demand. This communication hauing continued a whole day, at length a Souldier named Soto said vnto Atabalipa; what wilt thou giue vs to set thee free? The Prince answered, I will giue whatsoeuer you will demand. Whereto the Soul∣dier replied, Thou shalt giue vs this house full of Gold and Siluer, thus high, lifting vp his sword, and making a stroke vpon the wall. And Atabalipa said, that if they would grant him respite to send into his Kingdome, he would fulfill their demand. Whereat the Spaniards much maruel∣ling, gaue him three moneths time, but hee had filled the house in two moneths and an halfe; a [ 40] matter scarce credible, yet most true: for I knowe aboue twentie men that were there at that time, who all affirme, that it was aboue ten millions of Gold and Siluer. Howbeit, for all this, they let not the Prince goe, but thought that in killing of him they should become Lords of the whole Land, and so the Spaniards on a night strangled him. But God the righteous Iudge seeing this villanous act, suffered none of those Spaniards to die by the course of nature, but brought them to euill and shamefull ends.

Vpon the newes of these great riches, there came store of people out of Spaine, and inhabited many places in this Countrie. The King in recompence of the good seruices of the two fore∣said partners, appointed Diego de Almagro Gouernour of halfe the Land, and Francisco Pizarro of the other halfe, whom also he made a Marquesse. But these two consorts in parting of a Land belonging vnto other men, fell at variance and sharpe warre betweene themselues: and at length [ 50] Pizarro hauing slaine Almagro, got all the Land into his owne hands. Howbeit, this prosperi∣tie of Pizarro continued not long: for a bastard-sonne of Diego de Almagro, to bee reuenged of his fathers death, slue Pizarro, for which act he lost his head. In this controuersie betweene these two partners were slaine, also two brothers of Pizarro, and the third was carried prisoner into Spaine, and there died in Prison: but the fourth, called Gonsaluo Pizarro, rebelled with the whole Countrie, and became a cruell Tyrant, vanquishing many of the Emperours Captaines in battell, and possessing the Countrie in peace for two yeeres: howbeit, being in the end ouercome, hee lost his head like a Traitour. And thus died they all an euill death, that were causes of the death of that innocent King Atabalipa. And yet there are mutinies raised oftentimes by the Spa∣niards, [ 60] but the Indians neuer rebelled, after they had once peace granted vnto them. The Indian people of this Land, are parted among the Spaniards, some being slaues vnto the Gentlemen that conquered their Land, other some to others, and the residue to the King: and these Indians pay each man for his tribute seuen Pezos of fine Gold, which is about ten Ducats and an halfe. There

are in this Countrie aboue fortie Cities and Townes inhabited by the Spaniards: also they haue here erected nine Bishopricks and one Archbishopricke. * 2.161

Now after this Countrie was fully conquered and brought in good order, certaine Spaniards being desirous to discouer the land on the other side of the snowie Mountaines, found a very wholesome Countrie, and there inhabited. The said Prouince situate behinde the Mountaines is called The Prouince of Tucuman, wherein are fiue townes inhabited by the Spaniards, the last of * 2.162 them called Cordoua, from which towne vnto Santa Fee situate vpon the Riuer of Plate it is se∣uentie leagues. This towne of Santa Fee was built in that place, to seeke a way to Peru by the Riuer of Plate. And from hence downe the said Riuer to Buenos Ayres are 120. leagues, and from Buenos Ayres vnto Seal-Island you haue 40. leagues. [ 10]

Now hauing put down all that I know concerning the Countrie of Peru, and of the way from the Riuer of Plate vnto Tucuman, I will returne vnto Atacama the Southermost town vpon the coast of Peru, where I left. From this towne of Atacama till you come to Arica, all the coast is in∣habited * 2.163 by Indians subiect vnto the Spaniards. But since Captain Drake was here, they haue built Towers by the Sea side, whereon, seeing any saile that they doe mistrust, they presently make smoakes, and so from Tower to Tower they warne all the Countrey. Hauing before spoken of * 2.164 Arica all that I can, I will now proceede to the next Port called Camana being a Towne of Spa∣niards, and containing about two hundred houses. Here they make store of Wine, and haue a∣bundance of Figges and Reisins. The next Towne called Acari containeth about three hundred houses, and here is made the best and greatest store of Wine in all Peru. From hence passing along * 2.165 [ 20] the coast you come to El Calao the Port of Lima consisting of about two hundred houses: and * 2.166 here was a strong Fort built since Captaine Drake was vpon the coast. The Citie of Lima stan∣ding two leagues within the land, and containing two thousand houses, is very rich, and of more * 2.167 trade then all the Cities of Peru besides, and this Citie is the seate of the Viceroy, the Archbishop and the Inquisition.

Next vnto this standeth a small towne of the Spaniards by the Sea side called Santa: and next vnto Santa is another small towne of Christians called Cannete. From hence they saile vnto a rich * 2.168 Citie called Truxillo, being one of the principall townes of Peru, and containing about fiue hun∣dred houses. Then followeth Paita which hath to the number of two hundred houses. Leauing this towne they passe to Guaiaquil which standeth fortie leagues vp into a great Bay or Riuer, [ 30] at the entrance of which Riuer standeth Tumbez, a towne of the Indians. All this coast along from Atacama to Tumbez it neuer raineth, as I haue before said: so that all the houses in their townes are not tyled, but couered with boords to keepe off the heate of the Sunne, for they feare no raine at all. Guaiaquil is the first place where it raineth, and here they gather Salsaperilla. Here * 2.169 is also great store of timber, and at this place they build many Ships. Hence they saile along the coast to a small and poore towne called Puerto Vieio, which in times past hath beene rich with Emralds: but now since these stones in regard of their plenty are growne nothing worth, this towne likewise is waxen very poore. Below this Village standeth another called La Buena Uentura: but whosoeuer goe thither must needes meete with euill fortune, the place it selfe is so waterish and vnholesome. Here abide not aboue twentie men, who serue onely to transport [ 40] goods into a Citie standing fiftie leagues within the maine, in a Prouince called La gouernacion de Popaian. From Buena ventura and Popaian till you come to Panama there is no other towne, by reason of the high Mountaines, the manifold Riuers, and the vnholesomenesse of the Countrie. In this place doe inhabit the Negros that run from their Masters, and vpon these Mountaines was * 2.170 Oxenham the English Captaine and his men taken, as is before mentioned. Beyond these Moun∣tains standeth the Citie of Panama, being a rich place, by reason that all the treasure which com∣meth from Peru is brought thither, and it consisteth of about foure hundred houses. The coast run∣ning along betweene this Citie and Nueua Espanna is called Costa rica. * 2.171

Next vnto Costa rica, which is a Mountainous and desolate place, lieth the coast of Nicaragua, being inhabited by the Spaniards, and hauing many good ports belonging to it and is frequented * 2.172 [ 50] with trade of Merchandize; but hauing no knowledge of the situation thereof, nor of the towns therein contained, I surcease to speake any more of it.

A certaine Viceroy of Nueua Espanna called Don Luis de Velasco caused certaine Ships to be built for the discouery of the Malucos and of the coast of China: which Ships in sailing thither∣ward * 2.173 from certaine Islands, eightie leagues distant from the maine land, which the Spaniards, ac∣cording to the name of their King, called The Philippinas: and hauing conquered one of these I∣lands called Manilla, inhabited with a barbarous kinde of people, they built a fort and a towne thereupon, from whence they haue trade with the people of China. Vnto these Islands they haue foure great Ships that vsually trade, two of them continually going, and two comming: so that such Spices and Silkes as the Portugals bring home out of the East Indies, the very same doe [ 60] the Spaniards bring from these Islands and from China, for Mexico the chiefe Citie of Nueua Espanna. The principall Port townes of the coast of Nueua Espanna are Guatulco, and Acapulco.

All the Viceroyes and Gouernours that the King of Spaine sendeth for Peru and Nuena Es∣panna

haue a custome, for the obtaining of his fauour, to seeke and discouer new Countries. But the greatest and most notable discouery that hath beene from those parts now of late, was that of the Isles of Salomon, which were found in manner following. The Licenciate Castro being * 2.174 gouernour of Peru, sent forth a Fleete of Ships to discouer certaine Islands in the South Sea, vpon the coast of Peru, appointing as Generall of the same Fleete a kinsman of his, called Aluares de Mendanio, and Pedro Sarmiento as Lieutenant, and in the Viceadmirall went Pedro de Ortega. This Fleete departing forth of the hauen of Lima, and sailing 800. leagues Westward off the coast of Peru, found certaine Islands in eleuen degrees to the South of the Equinoctiall, inhabited with a kinde of people of a yellowish complexion, and all naked, whose weapons are Bowes and Ar∣rowes, and Darts. The Beasts that they saw here were Hogs and little Dogs, and they found some [ 10] Hens. Here also they found a muster of Cloues, Ginger, and Sinamon, although the Sinamon * 2.175 were not of the best; and here appeared vnto them likewise some shew of Gold. The first Island that the Spaniards discouered, they named Santa Izabella; and here they built a small Pinnace, with the which, and with their Ships Boate they found out betweene nine and fifteene degrees of Southerly latitude, eleuen great Islands, being one with another of eightie leagues in compasse. The greatest Island that they discouered was according vnto the first finder, called Guadalcanal, * 2.176 on the coast whereof they sailed 150. leagues, before they could know whether it were an Island or part of the maine land: and yet they know not perfectly what to make of it, but thinke that it may be part of that continent which stretcheth to the Streights of Magellan; for they coasted it to eighteene degrees, and could not finde the end thereof. The Gold that they found was vpon [ 20] this Island, or maine land of Guadalcanal, whereas they landed and tooke a towne, finding small graines of Gold hanged vp in the houses thereof. But because the Spaniards vnderstood not the language of the Countrey, and also for that the Indians were very stout men, and fought continu∣ally against them, they could neuer learne from whence that Gold came, nor yet what store was in the Land.

These Indians vse to goe to Sea in great Canoas, that will carrie one hundred men a piece, wherein they haue many conflicts one against another: howbeit vnto the Christians they could doe no great hurt; for that with a small Pinnace and two Falcons a few may ouercome one hun∣dred of them. At this place foureteene men mistrusting nothing, rowed to land, to take in fresh * 2.177 water, whom on the sodaine certaine Indians in foure Canoas set vpon, tooke the Ships Boate, [ 30] and slew all the men therein: wherefore a man cannot goe on shore too strong, nor yet be too warie in a strange land. Hereupon the Spaniards went on shore in their Pinnace, and burnt the Towne, and in this towne they found the small graines of Gold before mentioned. They were discouering of these Islands from one to another about foureteene moneths, at the end of which time (because that vpon the coast where they were, the winde continuing still in one place, might be an occasion of longer tarrying) they consulted which way to returne. Southward they durst not goe for feare of great tempests which are that way vsuall: wherefore sayling to the North of the line, they fell with the coast of Nueua Espanna; on which coast they met with such terrible stormes, that they were forced to cut their maine masts ouer-boord, and to lye nine moneths beating it vp and downe in the Sea, before they could get into any harbour of the Chri∣stians. [ 40] In which time, by reason of euill gouernment, and for lacke of victuals and fresh water, most of the men in their Admirall dyed; for fiue whole dayes together they had neither water * 2.178 nor meate: but in the other Ships they behaued themselues so well, that the greater part of them came safe vnto the land. He that passeth the Straits of Magellan: or saileth from the coast of Chili directly for the Malucos, must needes runne in sight of some of these Islands before spoken of. At which Islands lying so conueniently in the way to the Malucos, you may furnish your * 2.179 selfe with plenty of victuals, as Hogs, Hennes, excellent Almonds, Potatos, Sugar-canes, with diuers other sorts fit for the sustenance of man in great abundance. Also among these Islands you shall haue some quantity of Gold, which the Indians will giue you in trucke for other commodi∣ties. For the Spaniards in their discouery of these Islands, not seeking nor being desirous of Gold, [ 50] brought home notwithstanding 40000. pezos with them, besides great store of Cloues and Gin∣ger, * 2.180 and some Sinamon also, which is not so good as in other places. The discouerer of these I∣slands named them the Isles of Salomon, to the end that the Spaniards supposing them to be those Isles from whence Salomon fetched Gold to adorne the Temple at Ierusalem, might be the more desirous to goe and inhabit the same. Now the same time when they thought to haue sent colonies vnto these Islands, Captaine Drake entered the South Sea; whereupon commandement was giuen, that they should not be inhabited, to the end that such Englishmen, and of other Nati∣ons as passed the Straits of Magellan to goe to the Malucos, might haue no succour there, but such as they got of the Indian people. [ 60]

CHAP. XII.

Briefe extracts translated out of IEROM BENZOS, three Bookes of the New World, touching the Spaniards cruell handling of the Indians, and the effects thereof.

ANno 1641. Ierom Benzo went from Millaine to Siuill in Spaine, and thence to the New World, where he was entertained of the Spaniards, and practised with * 2.181 them the huntings of the Indians; which they did by lurking in couerts, till some [ 10] of the Natiues came within their reach; by bribing the Cacikes with trifles to procure captiues, and other meanes. Peter Chalice came while we were there to Amaracan with aboue 4000. slaues, and had brought many more, but with la∣bour, wearinesse, hunger, and griefe, for losse of their Countrie and friends, many had perished in the way. Many also not able to follow in the Spaniards swift march, were by them killed to preuent their taking armes. A miserable spectacle to see those troopes of slaues naked, with their bodies rent, maimed, starued: the mothers dragging or carrying on their shoulders their children howling, the neckes of all, armes and hands chained; not any growne Maide amongst * 2.182 them which the spoilers had not rauished, with so profuse lust that thence grew contagion and pernicious diseases. The Spanish horsemen in those warres vsed quilted Iackes with Launces and [ 20] Swords; the footemen, Sword Shield, and Crosse-bow, with lighter Iackes. The moisture and great dewes made Peeces vnseruiceable in those parts.

The Islanders in Hispaniola seeing no hope of better, or place for worse, killed their children, and then hanged themselues. The women by the iuice of a certaine hearbe caused abortions, that * 2.183 they might not procreate slaues to the Spaniards; others hanged themselues, as their husbands had done: some threw themselues from the tops of steepe hils, others into the Sea and Riuers; some starued themselues, and others with sharpe stones ripped and rent out their entrals: so that of two millions there found at first, now scarsely one hundred and fiftie persons remaine. Is this to conuert Sauages to the Christian faith? The same altogether hath happened in Cuba, Iamai∣ca, Porto Ricco, and other places. Yea whatsoeuer slaues haue beene after carried into the I∣slands, [ 30] to preuent their desolation, though in incredible multitudes, haue almost all perished with miserie. Once, in whatsoeuer places the Spaniards haue displaied their colours, by their examples of crueltie they haue left to the Natiues eternall monuments of implaca∣ble hatred.

After the natiue Islanders were killed with too much labour, the Spaniards procured slaues from Guinnee in great multitudes, and vsed their seruices in the Mines; which being exhaust, * 2.184 they employed them in Sugar-mils, and in breeding of Cattell. Some of the Spaniards are so cruell, that if a slaue hath not brought his diarie or day-scot, or otherwise hath angred his imperi∣ous Master, he strips him naked to cloath him with stripes (according to the Law of Baian, as they call it, deuised I thinke by some cruell Diuell) his hands and feete bound, and the prostrate * 2.185 [ 40] slaue tied to some crosse timber, with a rod or roape he is beaten till the bloud issue from all parts: after which the Master droppeth scalding Pitch or Oyle ouer all that wretched corpes, and then washed with Pepper of the Countrie and Salt mingled with water, he lies on a boord in a sheete or blanket till his Master thinkes him fit for labour. Others make a hole in the ground and there set him, his head onely excepted, all night long, which these Phisitians doe to cleanse and cure the vlcers of corrupt bloud. If any dye in these torments, his Master hath no other punishment but to pay the King another for him. These cruelties caused the Negroes to flie and wander a∣bout, till gathering head together they grew dreadfull to the Spanish Ilanders, whom they (when they got any into their hands) repaied with like cruelties. Whiles I was in that Iland, their ar∣mie was said to containe 7000. men, insomuch that the Spaniards feared to be driuen out by [ 50] these Moores and Negros. And when as An. 1545. the President Ceratus vrged Cesars Edict for * 2.186 the Indians libertie, the Iland was almost brought to a desert, not aboue 1100. Spaniards re∣maining therein: which (the strangers increasing) were in danger to loose at once their l••••e with the Iland. And the wonted meanes of getting wealth failing therein, few Spaniards are willing to stay there.

Nombre de Dios, in regard of the heate and moisture immoderate, is vnholesome, as also for the * 2.187 Westerne Marish or Fenne, whence are frequent funerals of the inhabitants. Not farre from it to the East, some fugitiue Negros keepe in the woods, which haue slaine many Spaniards, and haue entred into league with the Indians, shooting likewise poisoned Arrowes, and killing all the Spaniards which they can get. Gotierez a Spanish Captaine going vp the Riuer of Suera, feasted [ 60] the Cacikes of Suera and Chiuppa, and said that he came thither to reduce them from their Idola∣try * 2.188 and the Diuels tyrannie, and to shew them the truth: namely, that Iesus Christ the Sinne of * 2.189 God came from heauen to redeeme mankinde: and that he had brought a Priest with him, for no other purpose but to instruct them in Christianitie. Wherefore (said he) prepare your selues to the obedience of

the Diuine Law, and to acknowledge the soueraigntie of Charles the fifth, Caesar, King of Spaine, and Monarch of the whole world. The Indians answered nothing, and returned home. The next day the Gouernour sent for two other Caciques by a Spaniard, which trusting on his promise, came, and were bound in his Chamber with hard vsage. They had before giuen him 700. Duckets; now he picked a quarrell with them, and extorted from one 2000. Duckets, wrought in the formes of Tigres, Fishes, Birds, and other creatures: which the Gouernour seeing smaller then his expectation, caused a great fire to be kindled, and a chest to be brought forth, threatning to burne him, if in foure dayes he did not fill it with Gold six times; which hee promising to doe, found meanes to escape. Other Cacikes of the Countrie hearing hereof, burned their houses, cut downe their fruite trees and corne, and leauing a wildernesse to the Spaniards, fled to the Mountaines. [ 10] The other Cacike yet in durance, hauing beene often threatned with death except hee brought the Gold demanded, the Gouernour commanded to be cast to the Dogs: hee answered, that hee could not but maruell at the Gouernours vanitie, which had so often threatned that which he had rather should be performed, then to liue so miserable a life; contrary to his expectation, which had voluntarily * 2.190 come to him vpon his promise. Hee added, that he meruailed much what kinde of creatures Christians were, which executed such mischiefes wheresoeuer they came, and that the earth could longer beare and nourish such cruell beasts so patiently.

But at last the Gouernour carried him prisoner in a miserable expedition, where at a turning the Gouernour demanding of a captiue Indian, whether way would bring him to some Indian habitation, he answered, he could not tell; whereupon he commanded his Negro slaues to kill [ 20] him, which was done. Then he demanded of the Cacike, and hauing like answer, gaue like sen∣tence. He presently threw downe his burden, and prepared his head to the fatall stroke, with such patience, that the Gouernour remitted it, and gaue him his life. Three starued Spaniards were there left, and after killed by the Indians. The Gouernour commanded the Dogs to be kil∣led for food, keeping the prouisions left to himselfe. I gaue my part to another, because of the * 2.191 wormes therein; and went to the Gouernour, hoping to receiue somewhat of him, who sent me to the roots of trees to feed thereon. Then said another Spaniard; Sir Gouernour, if wee may not share together in good and bad fortune, warre you alone. Hereupon hee diuided three pounds of Cheese into foure and thirtie parts amongst vs. Two dayes after, the Indians suddenly set on vs, and slue the Gouernour as hee was doing his easement. I with anothers Helmet escaped that [ 30] showre of stones, wherewith it was then exceedingly battered; and the rest being slaine, with two others fled thorow a troupe of Indians making way to the Hills top, where wee found the Priest, with two others which had escaped by flight in the beginning of the fight, and after that, foure and twentie others ioyned themselues to vs. The Indians pursued vs, armed with our owne weapons, and dauncing about vs, cried in the Spanish tongue, Here is Gold Christian, here is Gold. Two which had lurked in the Woods till the Indians were gone, told vs, that the Indians had carried away the head, hands and feet of the Gouernour, and of two Negros, the rest being spoyled were throwne into the Riuer. If we had had but foure Horses (these they feare more then all armes) they had neuer aduentured on vs. On foot the Spaniards are commonly ouer∣come by them. In the first Mexican expedition, they tooke the Horse and Man to bee but one * 2.192 [ 40] creature.

That which hath carried the Spaniards into those Prouinces, is onely couetousnesse, whatso∣euer * 2.193 profession they pretend of Christian Faith. Neither will any of them stay in any place where Gold is not found. Antonius Sedegnus died with thought after three yeeres trauell in Paria with seuen hundred men, not finding this golden Sun-shine, fiftie onely of his men retur∣ning. Soto spent in Florida, what he had gotten in Peru. He threatned fifteene Cacikes, to burne them, except they brought him to the place whence they had their Gold. These promised any thing to preuent present execution, and after twelue dayes wandring were sent away with their hands cut off. When he told a Cacike which visited him with a Present, that he was a Christians the sonn of God, Creator of Heauen and Earth; and came thither to teach them the Diuine Law: If thy God, said the Cacike, bids thee robbe, kill, burne, and commit all mischiefe, wee can nei∣ther * 2.194 [ 50] beleeue Him, nor his Law. Soto finding no Mine, died at last of the bloudy Fluxe. The like may be said of Naruaez, twelue of whose companie fell mad with famine, and fell to biting and tearing each other. Of sixe hundred which hee carried forth, scarcely ten returned, which at Mexico reported that with breathing they had cured the sicke, and had raised three dead men to life. But I craue pardon of their holinesse, and shall easier beleeue that they killed foure liuing men, then that they raised halfe a dead one. Cortez set forth by Velasquez gaue him no accounts at all. Peter Aluarado left by Cortez at Mexico, fell vpon the Indians amidst their dances, and slue them. And when Cortez had returned from the defeat of Naruaez, and besieged Mexico, * 2.195 the Mexicans gathered all their Gold and Siluer, and threw it into the Lake, and by no torments [ 60] could bee compelled to confesse where it was; although Cortez tortured the Kings Scribe to death, and put the King also to vaine tortures for that purpose. Some say that Cortez stran∣gled him.

When I first trauelled in Nicaragua, I was entertained by a principall Cacike of those parts, * 2.196

called Gonzallus, a man of seuentie yeeres of age, and well skilled in the Spanish Tongue. Hee one morning, I sitting neere him, fixed his eyes on my face, said, Christian, what are Christians? * 2.197 they require Maiz, Honie, Silke, a Garment, an Indian Woman to lie with; they demand Gold, and Siluer. Christians will not worke; they are Gamsters, Dicers, lewd and blasphemous. When they goe to Church to heare Masse, they back-bite the absent, and they strike and wound each other. Hee con∣cluded, that Christians were not good. I said, they were the bad, and not the good, which did such things: hee replied, Where are those good? for I neuer yet saw any but bad. I asked, why they suffered Christians to enter their borders. Hee answered, Honest friend, thus it is: When the fame of the cruelty of Christians, which wheresoeuer they came, filled all with fire, sword and robbery, disper∣sed in these Prouinces, had comne vnto vs, and wee had heard that they would inuade vs, wee called a [ 10] Councell, of all our friends, and generally decreed rather to die then to yeeld our selues subiects to the Christians. When they had entred our Borders, wee made head against them, but most of vs after long fight terrified by the Horses, fled. And wee sent two messengers to desire pardon, and peace; with no other purpose but to gaine time to re-enforce our strength. Wee carried them many presents, entertayned them with dances, and within three dayes fell on them againe, but with ill successe; we seeke peace againe, and after that by common consent decree rather to die then to serue the Christians, and to kill him who∣soeuer shall flee from the battell. Thus wee take Armes. But our Wiues come weeping to vs, and beseech vs rather to serue the Christians, then to die shamefully: otherwise, to kill them first, with their chil∣dren, that they may not after losse of their husbands, come into the power of those bearded and cruell men. These prayers and teares brake our hearts, and wee voluntarily submitted our persons and goods to the [ 20] greedy Christians. Some yet, prouoked by wrongs, rebell; but were punished grieuously by the Christi∣ans, not sparing the very Infants. Others also which were innocent, were made slaues; and wee were then possessors neither of our wiues, nor children, nor any thing else. Many impatient hereof, killed their children, others hanged, and others famished themselues: till the King of Castiles Proclamation, by which wee were made free, made an end of those miseries.

The Indians, especially the sonnes of their Cacikes which can write and reade, confesse Gods Commandements good; but wonder that wee, of whom they haue them, doe not keepe them, * 2.198 and vse thus to say. Ho sir Christian, God forbids to take his Name in vaine, and thou continually for euery cause, bee it neuer so light, swearest and for swearest. God sayth, Thou shalt not beare false witnesse: but you Christians doe nothing but slander, and speake euill. God commands to loue your [ 30] neighbours as your selues, and to forgiue one another: You oppresse the poore, are rigorous to your Det∣tors, and if there be any poore Christians, you giue them nothing, but send them for reliefe to our houses. Some of them shewing a piece of Gold, will say, Lo here the Christians God, for this they are comne hither, for this they haue subdued vs, and done so many mischiefes, for this they are neuer quiet, but dice, blaspheme, curse, quarell, steale, commit rapes, and doe whatsoeuer villanie and lust.

There are Monkes which perpetrate those things openly by day-light, which others would bee ashamed to doe by night. And a Franciscan publikly preached, that there was neither Priest, * 2.199 nor Monke, nor Bishop in India, worthie the name of a good man. For they all had giuen them∣selues to couetousnesse, and still went to the wealthie Countries, and auoided the poorer. For these words he was apprehended, and carried to Guatimala. I haue also heard Priests discour∣sing [ 40] together, that they came out of Spaine into India for gaine, and nothing else. A Casikes sonne, when hee was a childe of great towardnesse, proued afterwards very lewd; and being asked the reason, said, Since I was made a Christian, I haue learned to sweare by the name of God, and by the Crosse, and by the words of the holy Gospell, and to blaspheme by the life of God; and I denie him, nor doe I beleeue. I haue further learned to play with the Die, and neuer to speake truth. I haue also got mee a Sword to make frayes, and now want nothing to liue like a Christian, but a Concubine, which I meane to bring home shortly. I once reproued an Indian, for dicing and blasphemie: Wee, saith he, learned these examples of your selues. And the Indians which are so lewd, are such vsual∣ly as haue beene brought vp by some Spaniards which studie nothing else. These for the most part, are the Miracles which the Spaniards haue done amongst the Indians. * 2.200 [ 50]

Many other Indians being demanded whether they bee Christians, answere, they are, because the Bishop hath crossed and blessed them, they haue built a Church, set vp there our Ladies I∣mage, * 2.201 and gotten a Bell. I asked one whether he were a Christian: What, said he, would you haue me bee a Bishops seruant ten or twelue yeeres, and keepe his Mule? Others asked thereof, say, that a Priest washed their heads foure or fiue times, &c. Hee reciteth the Letter of Didacus Lopez de Zunega, and other passages of Spaniards vices.

In the third Booke Benzo relateth the Acts of the Spaniards in Peru. Francis Pizarro, Diego Almagro, and Fernand Luques a Priest, enter into a league of Triumuirate for the Southerne Dis∣coueries, * 2.202 and therein to share equally, both the care, charge and gaine. They procure ships, and conuenient prouisions, and with two hundred and twentie Souldiers, Pizarro and Almagro, in * 2.203 [ 60] the yeere 1526. one a little after the other, set sayle for Panama. Pizarro hauing sayled three hundred miles, goeth on land, and is repelled by the Indians, himselfe wounded, and many slaine. Hereupon he returneth to Panama. Almagro went vp a Riuer in another Region, and was kind∣ly entertayned, and brought thence three thousand Duckets of Gold, with which in his re∣turne

he came neere to the place where Pizarro had receiued his bad entertainment, and himselfe in fight with them lost one of his eyes, and many of his Souldiers. Being comne to Panama with * 2.204 those showes of Gold, they redintegrate their designes, and with two hundred Souldiers, and many Indian slaues setting sayle, landed in another place, where they also were beaten backe to their ships, and many slaine. Thence they went to the Ile Gorgon, a small and desart Iland sixe * 2.205 leagues from the Continent. The Golden hopes would not permit them to giue ouer that which this strength could not enable them to winne, and therefore Almagro is sent to Panama to re∣inforce and encrease their numbers. Hee returned with eightie fiue Spaniards, and found Pi∣zarro, * 2.206 and the rest almost starued. Being refreshed they set sayle, and againe landing were re∣pelled with the losse of some Souldiers, and went to a desart Iland, which they called Cock∣Iland, for the shape of the Cape or Promontorie. Almagro againe returneth to Panama for more [ 10] Souldiers to bee reuenged on these Indians. Most of the Spaniards cursing their couetousnesse, would haue returned with him, but were not permitted, no not to write to their friends; which yet some closely did complayning of the Countrie, the leaders and their designes. Pedro de los Rios was then newly Gouernour at Panama, and hearing hereof presently sent one to Cocke-Iland, * 2.207 to Pizarro that hee should not detayne any there against his will, whereupon they all saue four∣teene departed. These liued on fish till Almagro came, who also could bring no supply by rea∣son of the ill rumour.

At last they agreed to sayle by the shoare, and search if any riches there presented themselues. * 2.208 They sayled fiue hundred miles, and came to Chira, a Prouince of Peru, and there going on shoare tooke some cattell, and Indians to learne the Spanish Tongue. Then returning to Tumbez, when [ 20] no Spaniard had so much courage, Peter of Candie (a Greeke borne in Candie) aduentured to goe * 2.209 on shoare, which he did, armed with a two-hand Sword. This spectacle of a bearded man was no little wonder to the Natiues. The Gouernour vsed him kindly, leading him into the For∣tresse, wherein was a Temple to the Sunne, full of stupendious riches. At the gate hee found certaine beasts like Lions, and two Tigres, but harmlesse. And when the Gouernour would haue giuen him at his departure certaine pieces of Gold, hee seemed to contemne them vtterly, so to dissemble the true cause of his comming. Then comming aboord he related what hee had seene: and they with ioy returned to Panama.

Hereupon Pizarro is sent to Spaine, by Almagro and Luquez, to obtaine of Cesar the conquest * 2.210 of that Prouince, for which purpose they borrowed 1500. Duckets. He notwithstanding makes [ 30] the sute in his owne name and accordingly obtayning commission, returned with his brethren Fernandez, Gonzales, Iohn, Pizarri, and Martin de Alcantara. Hence grew a quarrell, his part∣ners esteeming him perfidious, till Gama compounded the matter twixt him and Almagro (Lu∣ques being excluded, and therefore afterwards surnamed, The Foole) that Almagro should employ his wealth, and therefore participate in the honours, swearing each to other, and taking the Sa∣crament thereupon. Thus Pizarro went from Panama with 150. Souldiers, and many Horses, * 2.211 leauing Almagro shortly to follow. Hee came to Colonchia, thence to the Iland Puna, where hee was well entertained till rapes and robberies made the Natiues take Armes, which was to their greater losse, the Spaniards getting the victorie. Thence Pizarro went to the Continent of Tum∣bez, [ 40] fiftie miles distant. Where the Natiues refused his friendship, and sought to oppose him: but he by night entred the Riuer, and being guided by vnpassable wayes made a great slaughter of them, spoyled the Citie, and robbed the Sunnes Temple.

Atabaliba King of Peru was then at Cassiamalca, who hearing that a strange bearded Peo∣ple * 2.212 had robbed his Subiects, sent to Pizarro, threatning him, if he continued thus or there. Pi∣zarro answered, that hee was sent by his Emperour to succour those which desired his friend∣ship, nor might he safely returne to him, except hee had first seene his Royall person, and decla∣red to him things good both for his body and soule. Thus hee trauels thorow Chira, and by the Lords in the way is sued to for friendship, which hated Atabaliba. Meeting with a nauigable Riuer, he layd the foundation of a Colonie there called Saint Michaels, and shared the spoyles * 2.213 amongst his followers. Atabaliba derided their paucitie, and sends to them, if they loued their [ 50] liues to be gone. But he proceeded to Cassiamalca, and thence sent messengers to the King (then two miles off) to signifie his desire of acquaintance. Fernand Pizarro told him, that hee was brother to the Leader who was sent from the Pope and Cesar, to desire his friendship, and there∣fore desired audience, hauing some speciall matters to deliuer to him, after which hee would bee gone. The King answered, hee would first haue him depart his confines. The night following they prepared themselues for fight. The next day the King was in Pompe carried on mens shoulders, guarded with fiue and twentie thousand Indians. Friar Uincent de valle viridi a Do∣minican, * 2.214 carrying in the one hand a Crosse, in the other a Breuiarie, went to him, and by an In∣terpreter, signified that hee came to his Excellency by the mandate of the Imperiall Maiestie, [ 60] and that with the authoritie of the Roman Bishop, Vicar of the heauenly Sauiour, which hath giuen to Cesar the Lands before vnknowne, and now first discouered, that hee might send thi∣ther learned and godly men, to preach his most holy Name publikely to those Nations, and to free them from Diabolicall errours. Hauing thus said, he gaue to the King, the Law of God * 2.215, and

sayth, that he had created all things of nothing, and beginning with Adam and Eue, tells how Christ had assumed flesh in the wombe of the Virgin, and died on the Crosse, after which he rose againe, and ascended into Heauen. Then auerring the articles of the resurrection and of euerla∣sting life, he sheweth that Christ appointed Peter his first Vicar for the gouerment of the Church, and that this power succeeded to his successors the Popes, declaring lastly the power and wealth of Caesar the King of Spaine, Monarch of the whole world. Therefore the King should doe as be∣came him, if he accepted his friendship, and became his tributarie and vassall; and if lastly hee reiected his false gods and should become a Christian. Which if he would not doe voluntarily, let him know, that he should thereunto be compelled by force and armes.

The King answered, that not vnwillingly hee would accept the friendship of the chiefe Mo∣narch [ 10] of the world, but for a free King to pay tribute to a man whom hee had neuer seene, see∣med scarsely honest or iust. As for the Pope, he must needs appeare to be a foole, and a shamelesse man, which was so bountifull in giuing that which is none of his owne. Touching Religion, he denied that hee would alter that which hee professed; and if they beleeued in Christ, whom they confessed to haue died on the Crosse, they also beleeued in the Sunne which neuer died. And how (sayth he to the Frier) doe you knowe that the Christians God created all things of no∣thing, and died on the Crosse? The Frier answered, that hee was taught it by his Booke, and withall reached it to him, which he looking on, said, it said nothing to him, and threw it to the ground. The Frier presently tooke vp his Booke, and cried amaine to the Spaniards, Goe to Christians, goe to, and make them smart for so hainous a deed, the Gospels are derided and throwne a∣way. [ 20] Kill these Dogs which so stubbornly despise the Law of God.

Presently Pizarro giues the signe, and leades forth his men. The Gunnes amaze the Indians, as also the Horses, Drummes and Trumpets. Easily are they hereby, and terrour of their Swords chased, and Atabaliba himselfe taken by Pizarro, which commanded the footmen: without hurt or slaughter of any Spaniard. Ferdinand his brother, Captaine of the Horse, made a great slaugh∣ter amongst the Indians, sparing neither age nor sexe, and filling the wayes with Carkasses. The Frier also all the time of the battell animated the Spaniards, admonishing them to vse the thrust rather then the stroke with their Swords, for feare of breaking them.

The next day Pizarro visits his prisoner, and giueth him good words, who grieued with his chaines, couenanted for his ransome to giue them as much Gold and Siluer vessels (so that they * 2.216 [ 30] should not breake them) as should fill vp the roome as high as a man could reach. But when halfe so much was not brought in a moneths space, they perswaded Pizarro to kill him. The King excused himselfe by the length of the way, that it could not come in so soone. If they would send to Cusco, they might see themselues cause to credit him. Soto is sent thither with two Spa∣niards, which met Indians all the way laden with treasure. Almagro came to the sharing of this ransome.

Pizarro notwithstanding retayned his former purpose to kill him, that so hee might enioy * 2.217 the Countrey. Atabaliba desired to bee sent to Caesar, which hee refused. And none that consented to his death, came to a prosperous end. When Pizarro had told him of the Sen∣tence, hee exclaimed bitterly, and then turning with his deuotions to the Sunne, hee expo∣stulated [ 40] with Pizarro for breaking his oath, not onely to restore him to libertie vpon his ran∣some, but to depart out of his Countrie: but hee commanded his Negros to execute him, which with a cord fastned to a sticke, and wrung about his necke was soone dispatched. Then marched hee to Cusco, and was encountrered by Quisquiz, Atabalibas Captaine, whom hee * 2.218 ouerthrew, and entred Cusco by force, and got there more prey then before by Atabaliba. The Souldiers tortured the Inhabitants to confesse their treasures; yea some killed the In∣dians in sport, and gaue them to their Dogges to eate. After this hee beganne the Citie of Kings, on the Riuer of Lima, and made Almagro Gouernour of this new Prouince. Cae∣sar also gaue him priuiledge to bee Marshall of Peru, and to conquer three hundred miles further then Pizarros conquest, for himselfe. Hence arose suspicions and iealousies of Pizar∣ro * 2.219 [ 50] to Almagro, and after some quarrels Almagro is sent to Chili by Pizarro, so to ridde his hands honourably of him. New Oathes also passed. Hee passeth ouer the snowy Hills, where diuers both Men and Horses were frozen to death. Pizarro receiueth soone after, the title of Marquesse, from Caesar.

Mango Inga, brother of Atabaliba, whom Francis Pizarro in those broyles had crowned, * 2.220 was by Fernandez Pizarro taken and committed to chaines in Cusco: and vpon great promises by his brother Iohn freed: who seeing the Spaniards tooke a course of robbery rather then warre, rebelled, slue many Spaniards at their Mines, and sent a Captaine to Cusco, which tooke it, and slue Iohn Pizarro, with some Spaniards. The Spaniards againe recouered it, and againe lost it * 2.221, Mango besieging it with an hundred thousand Indians, which burnt it, and slue the Spaniards. [ 60] The Marquesse sent Diego Pizarro, with seuentie Spaniards, against Mango; but not one of them was left to carrie tidings of their destruction. About the same time Morgonius had like successe with his Spanish Band, going to relieue Cusco. Gonçales Tapia was sent with eightie horse, but he and most of his were slaine neere Guamanga. Gaeta another Captaine with his fiftie Spani∣ards

ranne the same fortune. The Marquesse sends Godoies with fortie Horse, but he being assay∣led, and seeing his men slaine, fled, and brought newes to Lima. Then did the Marquesse send Peter Lerma with fiftie Horse, and followed himselfe, and slue many of the Indians in battell; two hundred Horses, and foure hundred Spaniards, had beene lost, neither could hee heare of his bre∣thren any thing. He sent therefore to Cortese, to Truxillo, Nicaragua, Panama, to Alonso Alua∣rado, who first came to his succour with three hundred Spaniards, the most Horsemen. He ouer∣threw Tizoia (Mangos chiefe Commander) with 50000. Indians, and againe in another battell.

Meane while Almagro (whom the Marquesse thought to bee dead) returneth out of Chili, * 2.222 which had not answered his expectations, the fame whereof caused Mango, fearing to be hem∣med in of all sides, to leaue Cusco, (despairing to recouer his estate) with twenty thousand In∣dians, [ 10] setling himselfe on the Mountaines ouer Guamanga. When Gasca the President sent for him after, promising him peace, he refused, as warned by Atabalibas example. Almagro would haue entred Cusco in his owne right, as Gouernour, which Ferdinand Pizarro refused till he had leaue from the Marquesse. But he by night-entred, and imprisoned both Gonzales and Ferdinand Pizarro. The next day hee was proclaimed Gouernour, according to the Imperiall commission. He hearing of Aluarado, and fearing his comming, sent to him Messengers which Aluarado stayed, but was soone after taken by Almagro in his Tents.

Then doth hee returne to Cusco pompous, swearing to cast out all the Pizarrists. Aluarado and Gonzales corrupting their keepers get out of prison, and acquaint the Marquesse with these things, who prouided fiue hundred men to march against him, but the case was compromitted. [ 20] Yet did the Marquesse set men to murther Almagro by the way as hee should come to the place appointed, which tooke no effect, hee being warned thereof. After this they are reconciled, Oaths going before and after, which soone after were broken, and brake out into open warres, in which Almagro was taken, sentenced to death, which no pleading, appeale, intercession * 2.223 could reuerse; but he was first strangled in prison, and then beheaded by Ferdinand Pizarro, who had before beene his prisoner. His Father is not knowne; hee left a Sonne by an Indian Concu∣bine, bearing his owne name Diego.

The Marquesse sent his Brother Ferdinand to Spaine, with the processe of Almagro, and the * 2.224 Kings fifts. In the meane time one Rada a friend of Almagro, with yong Diego his son conspire against the Marquesse, who contemning their meannesse, was by them slaine in his owne house [ 30] with his halfe brother Martin de Alcantara: Diego Almagro inuades the gouerment, and makes all to sweare to him till Caesar had otherwise prouided. Hee goeth to Cusco, and there slayeth Garcia Aluarado, who had stabbed Sortello, and would haue done as much for him.

Caesar hearing of these broyles sent the Licentiate Vacca di Castro thither with commission, betwixt whom and Diego was fought a bloudy battell, three hundred slaine, on Caesars side one hundred and fiftie. Diego fleeth to Cusco, but by Roderigo Salazar, on whom hee had bestowed many benefits, was betrayed to Vacca, who cut off his head.

About this time the Decree for the Indians libertie was promulged and Blascus Nunnez Vela * 2.225 made Vice-roy of Peru, who arriuing at Nombre de Dios, A. 1544. there met with many Spa∣niards which had gotten much by the sale of Indian slaues; hee committed to the Officers, and [ 40] would haue confiscated their money, as against the late Law; which being done by him in a place out of his iurisdiction, it was vpon intercession restored. Going to Panama hee causeth the In∣dians to be freed, at Tumbez he meets with a Priest and a seruant of Gonzales Pizarro, which had beene in the battell against Almagro, and hanged them both. He executed a Frier also which had taxed the seueritie of Caesars Edict, and ill rewarding those which had serued him. And whiles he * 2.226 would remit nothing of vtmost rigour, he procured the hate of all, which after brake forth into a rebellion. He committed Vacca de Castro into prison, whereupon the Spaniards chose Gonzales Pizarro their Leader, Gouernor, and Procurator generall of the Peruan Prouinces. The Vice-roy also put the Kings Factor to death, whose brother the Licenciat Caruaial sware to be auenged of him. The Vice-roy after this was taken and imprisoned, but soone after sentenced to be sent back to Spaine by Aluarez, who at Tumbez freed him. His brother Vela Nunnez seeking to raise forces * 2.227 [ 50] for him was taken and executed. Ciuill wars grew hot, a battel was fought betwixt Pizarro and the vnfortunat Vice-roy there taken, whom Caruaial in reuenge of his brothers death caused to be done to death.

Gasca, a man of great subtilty, was sent to appease those affaires; who made the Indians to * 2.228 beare the carriages of his Armie on their shoulders, chained on a rowe, to preuent their flight; some fainting vnder the weight of their burthens, others with extreme thirst. Those which could not march with the Armie the Spaniards freed by cutting off their heads, to auoide the delay of the chaine: or if they were tied with ropes, they ranne them thorow with their wea∣pons: of some they cut off the legs, of others the nose, or armes. Gonzales Pizarro the chiefe * 2.229 [ 60] of the Rebels, ouercame Centenus in one battell, but in another was taken by Gasca, and execu∣ted; and after him his Camp-master Caruaial, a cruell man, which would deride his owne Countrimen, when he executed them; bidding them, because they were Gentlemen horsemen, chuse, which tree they would hang on. Gasca ordained that the Indians should pay tribute to * 2.230

their Lords onely of such things as the Countrie yeelded. For before, the Spaniards forced them by tortures to bring them Gold: if any not hauing it fled those torturers into the Woods, the Spaniards hunted them out with Dogs, and many so found were torne with Dogs, others hanged themselues. Once; the men of Peru conceiued so hard an opinion of the Spaniards, and of their * 2.231 cru lties, that they not onely denied them to be the sonnes of God, but thought that they were not borne into the world like other men, supposing that so fierce and cruell a creature could not be procreated of man and woman. They called them therefore Uiracochie, that is, Sea-froth, as if they thence had receiued originall. Nor can any alter this their opinion so deeply rooted, but God Almightie, saying, The windes ouerthrowe trees and houses, fire burnes them, but these Vi∣racochie deuoure all things, ••nsatiably seeking Gold and Siluer, which as soone as they haue gotten, they [ 10] play away at Dice, warre, kill one another, robbe, blaspheme, wickedly forsweare and denie God, neuer speake truth; and vs they haue spoyled of our Countrie and fortunes.

Lastly they curse the Sea, which hath brought to the Land so fierce and dreadfull an issue. If I asked for a Christian, they would not answere, nor looke on mee. But euery childe could say, There goeth a Uiracochie. They hid their ancient treasures, that the Spaniards should not finde them; saying, that all which they got, in comparison of these hidden, was but as a graine of Maiz to a dishfull. Some they buried in the Earth, and some ••b••y th••ew into the Sea. &c.

CHAP. XIII. [ 20]

Obseruations of things most remarkable, collected out of the first part of the Com∣mentaries Royall, written by the Inca GARCILASSODE LA VEGA, Naturall of Cozco, in nine Bookes; Of the Originall, Liues, Conquests, Lawes and Idolatries of the Incas, or Ancient Kings of Peru

THis Authour (of the bloud of the Incas, or as others call them, Ingas, Empereurs of Peru, by the mothers side, his father a Spaniard) hath written three L••••ge Volumes of [ 30] American affaires, one of Sotos expedition into Florida, in sixe Bookes; both the o∣ther of his owne Countrie of Peru the one contayning in nine Bookes the Historie of things done by the Incas, before the Spanish Conquest, the later those later Spanish-Peruan occurrents. Of his Floridan Historie wee haue onely borrowed a few notes, bringing on our Stage a Portugall, eye-witnesse of that Voyage, to act his owne part in our next Act or Booke•• out of the other I purposed more liberalitie, that thou mightst ••eare a Peruan speake of Peru: * 2.232 but the Worke growing so great, and wee hauing out of Acosta, and so many others presented so much before, fearing to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Reader with fulnesse (which may, if not here satisfied, goe to the Au∣thour) haue principally collected such things a•• either they had not, or had by false information recei∣ued and deceiued their Readers, whom this Authour correcteth; out of better intelligence. Besides, [ 40] hee seemes to hold counterpoise, as drawing things from their originall, with our Mexican Picture∣antiquities.

THe Language generall of Peru, hath three manner of pronunciations of some syllables much * 2.233 different from the Spanish, in which variety of pronunciation lieth the different significa∣tions of the same word. One way in the lips, another in the palate, and the third in the throat. The accent is almost alway in the last syllable but one, sildome in the syllable before that, and neuer in the last of all, as some ignorant of the Tongue haue affirmed. That Language of Cuzco doth also want these letters following, b, d, f, g, i consonant, the single l (they vse the double ll, as on the other side they pronounce not the double rr, in the beginning or midst of a word, [ 50] but alway single) and x: so that of the Spanish Alphabet they want eight letters, accounting the single l, and double rr. Hence they hardly pronounce Spanish words in which these letters are. Neither is there any plurall number, but certaine particles which signifie pluralitie, other∣wise the singular serues for both numbers.

In my time about 1560. and twentie yeeres after, in my Countrie there was no money coy∣ned, but they reckoned by weight, the marke, or ounce; as in Spaine they reckon by Duckets, so * 2.234 in Peru by Pezos or Castellans, euery Pezo of Siluer being foure hundred and fiftie Marauedies, * 2.235 and reduced to Spanish Duckets, euery fiue Pezos are sixe Duckets.

ANno 1484. Alonso Sanchez of Huelua, in the Countie of Niebla, traded in a small ship from * 2.236 [ 60] Spaine to the Canaries, and thence to Madera. In this his triangular trade, hee was one day taken with a tempest, which carried him twentie and eight or nine dayes hee knew not whence nor whither, and then the tempest ending, hee arriued at an Ile (which some thinke to bee Hi∣spaniola) where he went on land, and tooke the height. Hee wrote all occurrents, and after a

tedious voyage arriued at Tercera, but fiue of seuenteene being left, which all died there (spent * 2.237 with their ill passage) at Christopher Colon or Columbus his house, which gaue him that heart and courage to the discouery of the New World.

Blasco Nunnez de Balboa, An. 1513. discouered the South Sea, & was thereof made Adelantado, and the conquest of those Regions granted him by the Catholike Kings. He made three or foure Ships for discouery, one of which passed the line to the South, sailing along the coast; and seeing an Indian Fisherman at the mouth of a Riuer, foure of the Spaniards went ashore farre from the place where he was, being good runners and swimmers to take him.

The Indian maruailing what kinde of creature the Ship vnder saile might be, was taken in the mids of his muse and carried a shipboord. They asked him by signes and words (being somewhat [ 10] refreshed after that dreadfull surprize and bearded sight) what Countrie that was, and how cal∣led. The Indian not vnderstanding what they demanded, answered and told them his proper name, saying Beru, and added another word, saying Pelu: as if he should haue said, if yee aske me what I am, my name is Beru, and if you aske me whence, I was in the Riuer, Pelu being the common name of a Riuer in that language. The Christians conceiued that hee had vnderstood them, and answered to the purpose; and from that time Anno 1515. or 1516. they called by the name of Peru that great and rich Empire, corrupting both names, as they vse in Indian words. Some later authors call it Piru. After the discouery of the Incas Kingdome the name still conti∣nued, howsoeuer the Natiues to this day (seuentie two yeares since the conquest) will not take it in their mouthes, although they speake with Spaniards and vnderstand them: neither haue [ 20] they one generall name for all those Prouinces, as Spaine, Italy, France with vs, but call each by * 2.238 its proper name; and the whole Kingdome they called Tauantinsuyu, that is to say, the fourth part of the World. That Riuer also where they tooke the Indian, was after by the Spaniards called Peru. Yucatan receiued the name from like accident, the first discouerers asking the place, the In∣dian answering tectetan, tectetan, that is, I vnderstand you not, which they vnderstood of the pro∣per appellation, and corruptly called the place Yucatan.

From Panama to the Citie of Kings, the sailing is very troublesome, by reason of Southerne windes which alway ranne on that coast, as also of many currents: these forced the Shippes in * 2.239 that voyage to make large boords of fortie or fiftie leagues into the Sea, and then againe to land∣ward; vntill Fra••cis Drake an Englishman (which entred by the Magellan strait 1579.) taught [ 30] them a better course of sailing two or three hundred leagues into the Sea, which the Pilots be∣fore durst not doe, being fearefull of calmes, if they were once one hundred leagues from land, otherwise also vncertaine and ignorant.

Touching the originall of the Incas Kings of Peru, this author affirmeth, that when hee was a * 2.240 childe, his mother residing in C••sco her Countrie, euery weeke there came to visite her some of her kindred which had escaped the tyrannies of Atauhuallpa, at which time their ordinary dis∣course was alway of the originall of their Kings, of their Maiestie and great Empire, Conquests, and Gouernment: such discourses the Incas and Pallas hold in their visitations, bewailing their losses. Whiles I was a boy I reioyced to heare them as children delight to heare tales, but being growne to sixteene or seuenteene yeares of age, when they were one day at my Mothers in this [ 40] discourse, I spake to the ancientest (my Mothers Vncle) desiring him to tell me what he knew of their first Kings, seeing they kept not memory of their antiquities, as the Spaniards vse in wri∣ting, which by their Bookes can tell all their antiquities and changes which haue happened since God made the World. I desired him to tell me what traditionary memorials he had of their Ori∣ginals. He willing to satisfie my request, recounted to me in manner following, aduising mee to lay vp these sayings in my heart.

In old times all this region was vntilled and ouergrowne with bushes, and the people of those times liued * 2.241 as wilde beasts, without religion or policie, without towne or house, without tilling or sowing the ground, without raiment, for they knew not how to worke Cotten or Wooll to make them garments. They liued by two and two, or three and three, in caues and holes of the ground, eating grasse like beasts, and rootes of trees, and wilde fruits, and mans flesh. They couered themselues with leaues, and barkes of trees, and skins [ 50] of Beasts, and others in leather. Once, they liued as wilde beasts, and their women were in common and brutish. Our Father the Sunne (this was the Incas manner of speech, because they deriued their pe∣degree from the Sunne; and for any besides the Incas to say so, was blasphemie, and incurred stoning) seeing men liue in this fashion, tooke pittie on them, and sent from heauen a Sonne and a Daughter of his owne, to instruct men in the knowledge of our Father the Sunne, and to worship him for their God; to giue them lawes also and precepts of humane and reasonable course of life in ciuill fashion, to dwell in houses and townes, to husband the earth, to sowe and set, to breede cattle. With these ordenances our father the Sunne placed these his two children in the lake Titicaca, eightie leagues from Cusco; and gaue them a barre of Gold two fingers thicke, and halfe a yard long, for a signe that where that barre should melt with [ 60] one blow on the ground, there they should place their residence and Court. Lastly, hee commanded that when they had reduced the people to serue him, they should vphold them in iustice with clemencie and gentlenesse, behauing themselues as a pittifull Father dealeth with his tender and beloued children, like as he himselfe gaue them example in giuing ligh: and heate to all the world, causing the seedes and grasse

to grow, and the trees to fructifie, the cattle to encrease, the seasons to be faire, and encompassing the world once euery day: that they should imitate him, and become benefactors to the Nations, being sent to the earth for that purpose. Hee constituted also and named them Kings and Lords of all the Nations which they should instruct and ciuilize.

After these instructions he left them, and they went vp from Titicaca trauelling to the North, still as they went striking with that barre of Gold, which neuer melted. Thus they entred into a resting place seuen or eight leagues Southwards from this Citie Cusco, now called Pacarec Tampu, that is, morning sleepe, and there slept till morning, which he afterwards caused to be peopled, and the inhabitants boast greatly of this name, which the Inca imposed. Thence they trauelled to this valley of Cusco, which was then a wilde wildernesse, and staid first in the hillocke, called Huanacanti, in the midst of the Citie; and [ 10] there making proofe, his Golden Barre easily melted at one stroake, and was no more seene. Then said our Inca to his Sister and Wife, In this Valley our Father the Sunne commands vs to make our aboade; and therefore O Queene and Sister, it is meete that each of vs goe and doe his endeuour to assemble and draw hither the people to instruct and benefit them as our Father the Sunne hath enioyned vs. From the hil∣locke Huanacauri our first Kings went each to gather together the people. And because that is the the first place on which they were knowne to haue set their feete, and thence to haue gone to doe good to men; wee builded there a Temple to worship our Father the Sunne, in memorie of this benefit * 2.242 to the world.

The Prince went to the North, and the Princesse to the South: to all the men and women which they found in those wilde thickets, they spake, saying that their Father the Sunne had sent them fromheauen to [ 20] become instructers and benefactors to all that dwell in that land, to bring them from a brutish life to ci∣uilitie, with many other words to like purpose. Those Sauages seeing these two persons attired and ador∣ned with ornaments, which our Father the Sun had giuen them, and their eares bored and open, as their descendants haue continued, and that in their words and countenance they appeared like children of the Sun, and that they came to giue them sustenance; they gaue them credit, and reuerenced them as chil∣dren of the Sun, and obayed them as Kings, and calling other Sauages and acquainting them herewith, ma∣ny men and women came together and followed our Kings whether they would conduct them. Our Prin∣ces gaue order that some should be occupied in prouiding victuall in the fields, least hunger should force them backe to the Mountaines; others in making cottages and houses, the Inca instructing them how they should doe it. In this manner this our Imperiall Citie began to be peopled, being diuided into two * 2.243 halues, Hanan Cozco and Harin Cozco, that is, the high and the low Cozco, those which the King [ 30] drew thither dwelling in the high, those which followed the Queene in the low. One halfe had not more priuiledges then the other, but they were all equall; but those names remained as a memoriall of those which each had attracted: onely those of high Cozco were as the elder, and the other reduced by the Queen as the second sons of the same parents; or as the right hand and left. In like sort the same diuision was held in all the great townes and small of the Empire, by the high linages and the low, the high and low streetes or wards.

Moreouer, the Inca taught the men to doe the offices pertaining to their sexe, as to till the Land, to sowe seedes (shewing them which were profitable) teaching them to make instruments for that purpose, to * 2.244 make trenches for the water, &c. The Queene on the other side taught the women to worke in Cotten and [ 40] Wooll, and to make garments sor their husbands and children, with other houshold offices. These Indians thus ciuillized, went thorow the hils and wilde places to search out others, and acquainted them with these affaires, telling them what the children of the Sun had done for them, shewing for proofe thereof their new garments, and meates, and so brought much people hither, that in sixe or seuen yeares the Inca had trained many to armes for their defence, and to force those which refused to come to him. He taught them * 2.245 Bowes and Arrowes, and Clubs, &c. And to be short, I say that our first Father Inca reduced all the East to the Riuer Paucartampu, and Westward conquered eight leagues to the great Riuer Apurimac, and nine leagues Southward to Quequesana. In this Region our Inca caused to people aboue a hundred Townes, the greater of them of one hundred houses.

These were our first Incas, which came in the first ages of the World, of whom all the rest of vs haue [ 50] descended. How many yeares haue passed since our Father the Sunne sent these his first children, I cannot precisely say; we hold that it is aboue 400. yeares. Our Inca was called Manco Capac, and our Coya, * 2.246 Mama Ocllo Huaco, brother and sister, children of the same Sunne, and the Moone, our progenitors. I thinke I haue giuen thee large account of that which thou desiredst, and because I would not make thee cry, I haue not recited this storie with teares of bloud shed by the eyes, as I shed them in my grieued heart, to see our Incas come to an end, and our Empire lost.

This relation I haue faithfully translated from my mother tongue, which is that of the Inca, to the Spanish, which is farre short of the Maiestie of the stile, nor so significantly as that lan∣guage affordeth, and haue abbreuiated some things which might make odious the discourse. It is enough that I haue deliuered the truth of their conceit, as befits an Historian. Other like things [ 60] the said Inca told me in those visitings and discourses at my mothers house, which I shall recite in their due places.

The common people of Peru recite other fables of their Originals, the Collasuyu which dwell to the South from Cozco, and the Cuntisuyu, which dwell to the West; fabling that after the * 2.247

floud, the waters ceasing, there appeared a man in Tiahuacan•• Southwards from Cusco, so migh∣tie that he diuided the World into foure parts, and gaue them to foure men which hee called Kings, to Manco Capac, the North; the South to Colla; to Tocay, and Pinahua the East and West, and sent each of them to their gouernments, &c. Those of the East and North haue ano∣ther tale, that foure men and foure women in the beginning of the world came out of a rocke by Paucartampu, all brethren and sisters, the first of which was Manco Capac and his wife Mama * 2.248 Ocllo which founded Cosco (which signifieth a nauell) and subiected those Nations; the second Ayar Cachi or salt; the third Ayai V••hu (a kinde of Pepper) the fourth Ayar Sanca, that is, mirth and content. These fables they allegorise also, and some Spaniards would here finde the * 2.249 eight persons which came forth of Noahs Arke; wherewith I meddle not, nor with the other fa∣bles [ 10] which other Indian Nations haue of their progenitors; there being no honourable stocke * 2.250 which is not deriued from some Fountaine, or Lake, or Lyon, Tigre, Beare, Eagle, Cuntur or other Birds of pray, or Hils, Caues, &c. But I by the said Incas relation, and of many other In∣cas and Indians of those townes which the said Inca Manco Capac peopled, in the space of twen∣ty yeares which I there liued, receiued notice of all that I writ: for as much as in my childe∣hood they related their stories to me, as they vse to tell tales to children; and after being grown in age they gaue me large notice of their Lawes and gouernment, comparing this Spanish with the old, telling me how their Kings proceeded in peace and warre, and how they handled their subiects: and as to their owne Sonne they recounted to me all their Idolatrie, Rites, Ceremonies, Sacrifices, Feasts, ••••d Superstitions, much whereof I haue seene with mine eyes, it being not [ 20] wholly left when I was twelue or thirteene yeares old, who was borne eight yeares after the Spaniards had gotten my Countrie. I also purposing to write a storie of these things, did write to my Schoolefellowes for their helpe to giue me particular information of the seuerall Prouin∣ces of their Mothers, each Countrie keeping their annals and traditions; which reporting my intent to their Mothers and kindred, that an Indian, a childe of their owne land, ment to write a Historie thereof, searched their antiquities, and sent them to me; whereby I had notice of the conquests and acts of euery Inca.

Manco Capac to the East of Cosco, peopled thirteene townes of the nation called Poques, to * 2.251 the West thirtie, with the Nations Masca, Chilqui, Papuri; twentie to the North of foure peo∣ples, Mayu, Cancu, Chinchapucyu, Rimac tampu: 38. or. 40. to the South, 18. of which were of the [ 30] Nation Ayarmaca, the others of the Quespicancha, Mugna, Vrcos, Quehuar, Huaruc, Cauinna. This Nation Cauinna, beleeued that their first Parents came out of a certaine Lake, to which they * 2.252 say the soules of the dead haue recourse, and thence return into the bodies which are borne. They had an Idoll of dreadfull shape, which Manco Capac caused them to leaue, and to worship the Sun, as did his other vassals. These townes from 100. housholds the greater, and 30. or 25. the lesse, grew to 1000. families, and the lesse to 3. or 400. The tirant Atauhuallpa for their priuiledges which the first Inca and his descendents had giuen them, destroyed them, some in part, others wholly. Now a Viceroy hath remoued them out of their ancient scituation, ioyning fiue or sixe townes together in one place, and seuen or eight in another, a thing so odious and inconuenient * 2.253 that I cease to mention it. [ 40]

Manco Capac to reduce the abuses of their women, ordained that adultery should be punished with death, as likewise murther and robberie: hee enioyned them to keepe but one wise, and to * 2.254 marrie in their kindred or tribe that they should not be confounded, and that they should marrie from twenty yeares vpwards. He caused them to gather together tame and harmelesse cattle in flockes and heards to cloath them; the Queene teaching these women to spin and weaue. Hee taught them to make the shooe which they call Vsuta. He set a Curaca (or Cacique) ouer each se∣uerall Nation, chusing them to that dignitie which had taken most paines in reducing the Saua∣ges, the mildest and best minded to the common good, to instruct the rest as fathers. He ordai∣ned that the fruits which were gathered in each towne should be kept together, to giue to each man as he had neede, till lands were disposed to each in proprietie. Hee taught them how to [ 50] build a Temple to the Sunne, where to sacrifice and doe him worship as the principall God, and to adore him as the Sun and Moone, which had sent them to reduce them to ciuilitie. He caused them to make a house of women for the Sunne, when there should be women sufficient of the * 2.255 bloud royall to inhabit it; and propounded all things to them in the name of the Sun, as inioy∣ned by him; which the Indians simply beleeued, adoring them for his children, and men diuine come from heauen.

Manco and his successours wore their haire poled, vsing to that purpose Rasors of flint, a * 2.256 thing so trouble some, that one of our Schoolefellowes seeing the readinesse of Scissers said, that if your Fathers the Spaniards had onely brought vs Scissers, Looking-glasses, and Combes, wee would haue giuen them all the Gold and Siluer in our Land. They weare * 2.257 [ 60] their eares with wide holes caused by art to grow into a strange and incredible widenesse, whereupon the Spaniards called them Oreiones, or men with gteat eares. Hee ware on his head as a Diadem or royall ensigne a kinde of Ribben of many colours, which compassed his head foure or fiue times a finger breadth, and almost a finger thicke. These three were * 2.258

Mancos deuises, the llautu or ribband, the wide hole in the eare, and polling, as a kinde * 2.259 of Royaltie: and the first Priuiledge which the Inca gaue to his Vassals was to weare the fillet or ribband like the Inca, but theirs of one colour only, his of many. After some time, hee vouchsafed (as a great fauour) the polling diuersified in Prouinciall differences of the Eare-fa∣shions (which was a later and greater fauour) both for the boaring and Earing, or Iewell there worne.

The Inca growing old, assembled his principall Vassals in Cusco, and in a solemne speech told them, that he intended to returne to Heauen, and to rest with his Father the Sunne which called * 2.260 him, (which was practised by all his successors, when they perceiued themselues neere death) and now at his departure he minded to leaue them his chiefe fauour, to wit, his Royall Title, com∣manding [ 10] that they and their Descendants should be Incas without difference, as hauing beene his first subiects which he loued as children; and hee hoped that they would likewise serue his S••ccessor, and augment the Empire: that their wiues also should be called Pallas, as those of the Royall bloud. Only he reser••ed the Royall Head-••ire to himselfe and his Descendents the Kings which was a fringe or lace coloure••, extending from one side of the fore-head to the other. His sirname Capac signifieth rich (which they vnderstood of the mindes vertues) and mightie in armes. The name Inca signifieth Lord, or generally those of the Royall bloud. For the Curacas, though great Lords, might not vse that Title. The King is distinguished from all others by the appel∣lation Capa, Capa Inca signifying the only Lord, as the Grand Signior among the Turkes. They * 2.261 stiled him also Huacchacuyak, that is, Benefactor to the poore. They called them also Intip cha∣rin, [ 20] the Sonnes of the Sunne. Manco Capac reigned, some say thirtie yeeres, others fortie. Hee had many children by his Wife Mama Ocllo Huaco, and by his Concubines (saying, it was good to multiply children to the Sunne.) He called his Vass••ls also of the better sort, and recommen∣ded his Heire as by Testument in way of discourse to them, and to the rest of his children their loue and seruice of the Vassals, and to the Vassals their loyaltie to their King, and obedience to the Lawes. Then dismissing the Vassals, hee made another speech in secret to his children, that they should alway remember that they were children of the Sun, to worship him as their God, and to maintaine his Lawes giuing others examples therein; also to be gentle to the Indians, to vphold them in Iustice without oppression: that they should recommend these things to their posterities in all generations, saying, that they were the people of the Sunne, which he left vn∣to [ 30] them as his Testament; to whom he was now going to rest with him in peace, and from Hea∣uen would haue a care to succour them.

Thus died Manco Capac, and left his Heire Sinchi Roca the eldest brother, and begotten of Coya * 2.262 Mama Ocllo Huaco his wife and sister. Besides the Heire, those Kings left other sonnes and daugh∣ters which married amongst themselues to keepe the Royall blou•• entire, which they fabulously beleeued to be diuine, and of others humane, although they were great Lords of Vassals, called Curacas. The Inca Sinchi Roca married with his eldest sister, after the manner of his parents, * 2.263 and of the Sunne and Moone, thinking the Moone to be sister and wife to the Sunne. The Inca Manco was lamented by his Vassals very heauily, the Obs••quies continuing many moneths. * 2.264 They embalmed his corps to preserue it amongst them, and worshipped him for a God, Sonne [ 40] of the Sunne, offering many Sacrifices of Rammes, Lambes, Birds, Graines, &c. con••essing him Lord of all those things which he had left.

The name Inca descended to all the posteritie by the Male Line, not by the Female; all of this * 2.265 ranke were also called Yntip churin (children of the Sunne) and Auqui, or Infanta, which Title they kept till their Marriage, and then were called Inca. The lawfull Queene was called Coya; also Mamanchic, that is, Our Mother. Her daughters were likewise called Coya; the Concubines and other wiues of the bloud Royall, were called Palla, which signifieth a woman of Royall bloud. Concubines which were not of Royall bloud, were called Mamacuna, Mother. All the Royall Daughters were called Nusta, and if not of Royall Mothers, the name of the Prouince was added as Colla Nusta, Quitu Nusta. The name Nusta continued till they were married, and [ 50] then they were stiled Palla.

THe first Incas and their Amautas (which were their Philosophers) by light of Nature ac∣knowledged * 2.266 God the Creator of all things, which they called Pachacamac (the Sunne they held to be a visible God) Pacha signifieth the World, and Camac to quicken, of Cama, the Soule, as * 2.267 if Pachacamac, were the soule or quickner of the Vniuerse. This name they had in such venera∣tion that they durst not mention it; and if they were by occa••••on forced thereto, they did ••t with holding downe the head, and bowing the bodie, lifting vp their eyes to Heauen, and casting them downe to the ground, lifting vp their hands open straite from the shoulders, giuing smacks or lip-motions to the ayre (Rites per••ormed only to him and the Sunne) holding Pachacamac in [ 60] more internall reuerence then the Sunne, whom they named commonly on any occasion. They said that he gaue life to the World, but they knew him not, for they had neuer seene him, and therefore neither built Temples, nor offered Sacrifice to h••m; but said they worshipped him in

their minds, and held him for the vnknowne God. The Spaniards which tooke him for a Deuill, * 2.268 and knew not the generall Language, found out another name for God, Tici Uira-cocha, which neither I, nor they know what it meaneth: and if any should aske mee how I in my Language would call God, I would answre, Pachacamac: nor is there in that generall Language any o∣ther name for him. And all those which Authors report are corrupted of other Languages, or deuised by them.

The Incas in Cozco kept a Crosse of Marble, White and Garnation, which they call Iaspe Cristaline. They know not how long they had it. Anno 1560. I left it in the Vestry of the Ca∣thedrall Church of that Citie. The Crosse was square, three quarters of a yard lond, and * 2.269 three fingers th••••ke, and so much in br••adth, all of one piece well wrought. They [ 10] kept it in one of their Houses Royall, in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 roome which they call Hnaca, a holy place. They did not ado〈…〉〈…〉, but held it in venerable esteeme, either for the goodlinesse, or for some other respect which they knew not. The I••••as and all Nations subiect to them, knew not what it was to sweare: you haue heard of their respect to the name Pachaca∣m••c. The Witnesses were solemnely demanded in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cases by the Iudge, Doest thou * 2.270 promise to ••ell t〈…〉〈…〉th to the Inea? which he promising, the Iudge gaue him a caue at for lying or con∣cealing. They exceedingly feared to lye, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they were found to doe 〈◊〉〈◊〉, were grieuously pu∣nished, and in cases of great importance, with death, as hauing lied to the Inca: for so they spake to the Iudge as if it were to the Inca whom they worshipped for God. Besides Pachacamac, the Sunne, and Moone (as his wife and sister) and starres, they were forbidden by Law to adore * 2.271 [ 20] any thing. Pachacamac the supreme God had no Temples ordinarily, yet in a Valley called Pa∣chacamac was a Temple dedicated to that vnknowne God. The Spaniards attribute many other Gods to the Incas, through ignorance of their Rites in the first and second age, and of their lan∣guage; and not knowing the diuers significations of the word Huaca, which in the last syllable pronounced high in the roofe of the mouth signifieth an Idoll. It signified also things sacred in which the Deuill gaue answeres, also things consecrated as offerings to the Sunne; Temples like∣wise and Chappels and Sepulchres whence the Deuill spake: they gaue that name also to all * 2.272 things eminent and superexcellent in their kind, as the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Trees, &c. On the contrary they called the filthiest and most monstrous things Huaca, which might cause horrour, as the great Snakes of fiue and twentie or thirtie foot long. Huica was applied to all things also which go out [ 30] of the common course, as to a woman which had Twinnes, making great Feasts, and strowing flowres in the street with Dances and Songs for such her fruitfulnesse. The same name they gaue to sheepe which had Twinnes (for vsually there they had but one) and in their Sacrifices rather offered a Twinne 〈…〉〈…〉be, if they had i••, then another: likewise to an Egge with two yolkes, to those which had in their birth any member more or lesse then vsuall, as if one had six toes on his foot, a shorne lip, &c. also to Fountaines which yeelded extraordinary source of waters, to the ranke of the snowie Hils which runne thorow all Per•• to the Magelane Straits, to all extraor∣dinary Mountaines. Neither did they (as the Spaniards say) hold these for Gods, nor worship them, but for their eminence held them in * 2.273 venerable respect. The same word Huaca pro∣nounced with the last syllable in the inner part of the throat, signifieth to weepe; a thing vsuall [ 40] in that Langu••ge, for the same word in differing pronuntiation, to signifie things different.

As for the Idoll Tangatanga, which one Authour saith they worshipped in Chuquisaca, and that the Indians said it was ••hree in one, and one in three: I know no such Idoll, nor is there any such word in the generall Language of Peru: but the Prouince is one hundred and eightie leagues from Cozco, and the Spaniards corrupt all the words they take in their mouthes. It is likely that the Indians to flatter with the Spaniards, when they heard them preach of the Trinitie pretended some such likenesse of beliefe. The like I hold concerning their confessions, all which was inuen∣ted by the Indians to currie fauour with the Spaniards. I speake this as an Indian which know the naturall condition of the Indians: and I say that they had no Idoll with the name of the Trinitie, nor had any such word in their Language.

They beleeued the immortalitie of the soule, that the bodie was of earth, and called it Allpa∣camasca, * 2.274 [ 50] that is quickened earth. They beleeued another life after this, with punishment for the bad and rest for the good. They diuided the Vniuerse into three Worlds, Heauen called Hanan pa∣cha, or the high World, whither they said the good men went to bee rewarded for their vertues▪ this World they called Hurin pacha, the World below: the third vo•• pacha, the centre of the Earth, cal∣led, also Cuparpa huacin, that is, the house of the Deuill. The life in Heauen they said was quiet, free * 2.275 from troubles, as that of the inferior World, which we call Hell full of paine and trouble with∣out any rest or content, whereas this present life participated of both. Amongst the ioyes of the other life they did not reckon carnall delights nor other vices, but quietnesse of the minde only with rest of the bodie. They beleeued the Resurrection vniuersall, not glory nor paine, but to * 2.276 [ 60] this same temporall life. They made great reckoning of their haire which they polled or com∣bed from their heads, to lay it vp in some place, or in a hole of the wall, and if another Indian had seene it falne thence, he would take and lay it vp safe. I haue often asked the cause, and they * 2.277 would tell mee that wee were to returne againe to liue in the World (they haue no word for the

Resurrection) and that the soules should raise all that belonged to their bodies forth of the graues; we therefore lay our haire together that our soules should not bee troubled to seeke the same at that day when there shall be so great hurliburly and pressure, and if it were possible wee would haue it all in one place for quicker dispatch.

The Sacrifices to the Sunne were diuers: as creatures tame, great and small; Lambes were the * 2.278 principall, next Rammes, and then barren Ewes; Conies, all Birds which were for meate, and Sewet, or Tallow; Corne and Pulse to the Herbe Cuca, and fine garments (which they burned instead of Incense; their drinkes also, as that made of water and Maiz; and in their ordinarie meales when they haue eaten and are about to drinke (for they neuer drinke whiles they are ea∣ting) * 2.279 they put their finger in the midst of the first vessell, and looking vp to Heauen with reue∣rence, [ 10] they turne vp as it were, with a fillip, a drop of that drinke, offering it with thankfulnes to the Sunne, for that hee hath giuen them to drinke, * 2.280 and kissing wife mooued their lips twice or thrice to the aire, which with them is a signe of adoration; and then drinke off the rest without more Ceremonies. This I haue seene them often doe. Yet did not the Indians of the second age (which began and ended with the Incas gouernment) offer the bloud or flesh of men, but prohibited the eating thereof, wherein Historians haue bin deceiued, it beeing true indeed of some Regions before the conquest of them by the Incas. Neither did they sacrifice either men or children when their Kings were sicke, as one Historian writeth; for they held them not for dis∣eases, as those of the common people; but esteemed them as Messenges of their Father the Sunne, * 2.281 which came to call his Sonne to rest with him in Heauen; and those were their ordinary spee∣ches, [ 20] when they were to die.

When they entred into their Temples, the principall of those which went in, put vp his hand * 2.282 to his eye-browes, as if he would pluck off some of the haires, and whether he plucked off any or no, he puffed to the Idoll in signe of adoration and offering; this they did not to their Kings but only to their Idols, or Trees, or places where the Deuill gaue answeres. Their Priests and Witches did the like, when they went into their corners or secret places to conferre with the Deuill. This I dolatry I haue also seene them performe.

The Priests of the house of the Sunne in Cozco, were all Incas of the Royall bloud: for other * 2.283 seruice of the Temple were Incas of those which were such by priuiledge. They had a High or Chiefe Priest, which was Vncle or Brother to the King: or atleast legitimate of the bloud. The [ 30] Priests had no peculiar Vestment. In other Prouinces where were Temples (which were many) the Natiues were Priests, the Kinsmen of the Lords of those Countries; notwithstanding the * 2.284 principall Priest (or Bishop as it were) was to bee an Inca, that so they might hold conformitie of Rites with the Metropolitan: for in all preeminent Offices of Peace or Warre, they had In∣cas their Superiours. They had many houses of Virgins which obserued perpetuall Virginitie without going out of their house; and others of the Concubines for the King.

All their Lawes Ciuill and Sacred were attributed to Manco Capac, saying, that hee had left and perfected some himselfe, the others for his Successors to accomplish in their times: so to giue authoritie to all, as from the Sunnes Ordnance. And though some of the Incas were great Law∣makers, * 2.285 yet no memory is left of any particulars vnder their name, but all is attributed to the [ 40] first Inca.

The Incas deuided their Empire into foure parts: they called it Tauantinsuya, that is, the foure parts of the World. Hereof Cozco was the Centre, which in that Inca-language signifieth the Na∣uill * 2.286 of the Earth, or Land. The East-diuision they called Antisuyu of the Prouince Anti (a name also giuen to the Rew of Snowie Mountaines in the East) the West Cuntisuyu, the North Chin∣chasuyu; * 2.287 the South Collasuyu; each name deriued of some Prouince therein so called, and conti∣nued to the furthest extent that way, as Collasuyu to Chili, sixe hundred leagues from Colla, and Chinchasuyu to Quitu foure hundred leagues from Chincha to the North.

They ordained that in euery Towne great or small of their Empire, the Inhabitants should be registred by Tithings, and one of them should take charge of the other nine, as a Decurion or Ti∣thing man, * 2.288 [ 50] called Chunca Chancapa. Fiue of these Decurions had another Superiour, which had the charge of fiftie. Ouer two of those was another Superiour or Centurion. Fiue Centuries were subiected to one which had charge of fiue hundred, and two of those charges had a Chili∣arch or Captaine of one thousand: higher they went not.

The Tithingman gaue account to the Gouernour of those in his charge, to prouide them Seed or Bread-corne, or Wooll, or House-reparations, or other necessaries. He also was to informe of thir faults to the Iudges, which according to the greatnesse of the offence were also diuersified in order for dispatch of Iustice, and to take away need of Appeales, except in cases betwixt one Prouince and another, for which the Inca sent a speciall Iudge. If the Decurion neglected to in∣forme, the fault was now made his owne, and hee corrected for it: as also in the other case of [ 60] prouision. Hence there were no Vagabonds nor idle persons. The Father was corrected which did not educate or correct his children; the children also were punished in correspondence of their age: and the Tithingman was to informe of both. The Iudges punished them, they said, not for the fact, but the fault in transgressing the Incas commandement which they respected as Gods.

They had no purse-punishments, Fines or Confiscations; for to leaue them poore, was but to * 2.289 giue them more libertie to euill. If any C••••aca rebelled and deserued death; his sonne succeeded notwithstanding to his State. In warre they had Natiues for Captaines ouer their owne Countrimen, hauing Incas for their Superiours. The Iudge durst not arbitrate, but execute the Law, 〈…〉〈…〉e hee died for breaking the Royall commandement. This seueritie of the Officers and of the Lawes which for light offences inflicted death, prooued rather gentle then * 2.290 cruell and barbarous, few daring to transgresse: so that all that Empire, extended thirteene hun∣dred leagues; and consisting of, so many Nations and Languages, was gouerned by one Law, as if it had beene one house, the rather because they held the same diuine, and from the Sunnes ordi∣nance by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. [ 10]

And the Law-breaker was therefore accounted sacrilegious and accursed, insomuch that some accused by their owne consciences haue made confessions without other accusers, fearing to bring publike plagues on the State, as Diseases or Dearths, which they sought to preuent by appeasing God with their deaths. And I conceiue, that from these publike confessions, the Spanish Histo∣rians haue w••itten that the Indians of Pe•••• had confession in secret like Christians, and Confes∣sours appropriated: which is false, for in Peru they had no other then I haue mentioned: and the Indians which told the Spaniards thus, answered so to their questions, as they thought might best please them. Neither had they any Appeales Ciuill or Criminall. Euery Towne had a Iudge, and for higher matters they went to the Superiour Iudge in the Mother Citie. The Sentences of ordinary Iudges, were euery moneth related to the Superiour Iudges; and theirs to others their [ 20] Superiours, which were in the Court in diuers degrees according to the qualitie of Cases. The Su∣preame were the Presidents or Vice-royes of the foure parts of the World. This report was made to examine Sentences which had passed, and if they were found vniust, the Authors were seuere∣ly punished. The manner of rendring these reports to the Inca, and to those of his Counsell, was by knots in li••es of diuers colours, which serued them as it were Ciphers: for the knots of such or such colours declared the offences, and certaine threads of diuers colours fastned to the lines, shewed the punishment. This was their Arithmetike in which they were expert and certaine, some applying themselues to nothing else. If any Prouinciall controuersie could not be decided by those whom the King sent, it was suspended till his Visitation of those parts, and then hee himselfe would see, heare and sentence. [ 30]

The Tithingmen also gaue account euery moneth of all which were borne or died, and like∣wise * 2.291 at the end of the yeere; such as perished in the warres; they also related. The like Officers and Orders were in the Campes of warre, as in the Townes of peace. They permitted not to sacke the Townes which they conquered by force. For euery of those foure diuisions of the Em∣pire the Inca had Councels of Warre, of Iustice, of necessary businesse. These had subordinate Of∣ficers in diuers degrees which rendred accounts of all to the Supreme Councell. Each had a Pre∣sident * 2.292 or Vice-roy which receiued those accounts, and rendred the same ••o the King. These were Incas legitimate, of great experience in Warre and Peace. And these foure only were Counsellors of State.

Roca succeeded his Father Manco; he was called Sinchi, that is, valiant; excelling in manly * 2.293 [ 40] feates of Actiuity, Running, Leaping, casting stones or Darts, Wrestling, any of his time. His Fathers Obsequies beeing finished, hee sought to augment his Empire, assembled his Curacas to that end, and put them in minde of that which his Father had said to them, when he would re∣turne to Heauen, commanding the conuersion of the Indians, to the knowledge and worship of the Sunne; whereunto he was now obliged by his place, and for the profit of the bordering Na∣tions which had need thereof. They promised all readinesse, and he made his expedition to Col∣lasuyu and perswaded with faire words, the Nations Puchina and Chanchi, being simple and cre∣dulous * 2.294 of euery noueltie (as are all the Indians) and so proceeded without violence twentie leagues that way to the people Chuncara, in all things following his Fathers example. Hee also brought in other Nations on each hand; some affirme a great many. He is thought to haue reigned thirtie yeeres: and then professing that he went to rest with his Father the Sunne, hee left Llo∣que [ 50] Yupanqui his sonne to succeed him, and a numerous Issue besides. His name Lloque signifieth * 2.295 left handed (for so he was) Yupanqui was added for his vertues, and signifieth, thou shalt account or reckon, to wit, his great exploits and good parts. If any thinke the word may imply aswell the recounting of vices, let him know that in that Language it is not so, the same Verbe not beeing flexible to euill transition which is vsed to good, nor to good which may be applyed to euill, but their elegance enforceth a change of the Verbe in change of the obiect. The name Yupanqui, as * 2.296 that of Capac were for their merits giuen to three other Incas. He reduced vnder subiection pro∣ceeding by the Collasuyu, the people Cama by perswasions. The Ayavari refused and fought with him, and after fortified themselues and indured many skirmishes, but by siege and famine were [ 60] subdued.

After that he went to Pucara, which was a Fortresse builded by him: and sent to the Pancar∣colla and Hatuncolla, which listned to his proposition, being a great Nation, or rather a multitude of Nations, which had many fables of their originall, some from a Fountaine, others from a

Caue, others from a Riuer. They worshipped a white Ramme as their principall God, being Lords of much cattell. They said that the first Ram in the world aboue, made more reckoning * 2.297 of them then other Indians, and had multiplied their Cattell. They offered to that Ram Lambs and tallow in Sacrifice. All of them agreed in this Ram deitie, in other their gods differing, but now exchanged all for the Sunne. Afterwards Titicaca, and Chucuytu, and Hurin Pa••••ssa were subdued by him. Now to intermixe somewhat of the Sciences which the Incas had.

Their Astrologie and and naturall Philosophie was little, by reason their Amautas or Pphylo∣sopher, * 2.298 wanted letters. They bet••er vnderstood mortall learning, and left it written in the practise of their lawes. They obserued the solstices and equinoctials by certaine towers. The Moone and Moneth they called Quilla, the yeare huata. The eclipses of the Moone they attri∣b••ted [ 10] to her sicknesse, fearing that she would dye and fall from heauen, and kill all below, and * 2.299 therefore they sounded Trumpets, Cornets, Drums, and such Instrumencs as they had, beating, and making their Dogs also to houle, thinking her affectioned to Dogges, for a certaine seruice which they fable done by them, and therefore imagine she would respect them, and awake out of her sleepe caused by sicknesse. The ecclipse of the Sunne they say happeneth for some offence done against him, for which he is angrie. The spots in the Moone they fable to haue come of a Foxe, which being in loue with the Moones beautie, went to heauen, and touching her with his forefeete left those foule memorials. They make their children to cry Ma••••a Quilla, Mother Moone doe not dye lest all perish. The men and women cry likewise in her ecclipse with horrible noise: when she recouers her light, they say Pachacamac hath cured her and commanded her [ 20] not to dye, that the world should not perish; and giue her great thankes. All this I haue seene with mine eyes. The lightning and thunder they adore not for gods, but honour and esteeme them as the Sunnes seruants resident in the ayre, not in heauen. Like account they make of the * 2.300 Rainebow, which the Kings Incas placed in their armes and scutchion. In the house of the Sunn•• was a roome for each of them. They made no Prognostications nor Predictions by signes of the Sunne, Moone, Comets, but by their dreames often and strange, and by their sacrifices. The Sun * 2.301 euery euening set in the Sea, and with his heate dried vp much of the water, and swam vnder the earth thorow it to the East. For Phisicke they vsed purging and bleeding, but had no skill of Vrines or Pulse: some rootes and hearbes they made medicinable vse of, especially of Tobacco. * 2.302 [ 30]

In Geometrie they had some skill for partitions of their grounds, but nothing for speculation; and so much Geographie, as with plats or pictures to expresse the Nations. I haue seene one of * 2.303 Cusco, and the confines admirably artificiall. Arithmeticke they practised with knots, as is said, and with graines of Maiz, and small stones, making perfect accompts. Musicke they had in some ru••es of art; with diuers Instruments, as Pipes proportioned to a consort, and flutes and songs. * 2.304 The Amautas also had some practise of Poetrie, and composed Comedies and Tragedies. The Actors were not base persons, but Incas and the Nobilitie, sonnes of the Cur••••as. The argu∣ment * 2.305 was the acts of their ancestors. These were represented before the King and Lords at Court. They had no base or dishonest parts intermixed. They made Verses short and long with measuring the syllables without rimes, I haue giuen an instance; the argument is (like that of Iu∣piter [ 40] and Iuno in our Poets) the daughter of a King had a pitcher full of water to moisten the earth, which her brother brake, and with the blow caused thunders and lightnings. They were found in knots and particoloure•• threads, being very ancient. The words are thus in Peruan and Eng∣lish, * 2.306 the syllables also in like number and meeter.

Cumac Nusta Totallay quim Puyunuy quita Paquir Cayan Hina Mantara Cunun numum Ylla pantac Camri Nusta Unuyu Quita Para Munqui May 〈…〉〈…〉piri Chich•• 〈…〉〈…〉qui Riti munqui Pacha rurac Pacha camac Vira cocha Cay h••••apac Ch••ras••nqui Cama sunqui.

Fairest of Nimphes, Thine owne Brother, This thy Pitcher Now is breaking; Whose hard striking Thunders, lightens, And throwes fire-bolts. But thou sweet Nimph, Thy faire Pitcher Powring, rainest: Sometimes also Thou sendst forth haile, Thou sendst forth snow. The worlds maker, Pachacamac Viracocha [ 50] To this office Hath thee placed And authorised.

Now for Handicrafts, the Goldsmiths (of which they had so many) knew not to make an * 3.1 an••••le of Iron, nor of other mettall; nor to cast Iron, although they had Mines thereof. They v∣sed for anuiles certaine hard stones, of a pale greene colour, which they plained and smoothed with rubbing one against another. They were rare and precious. They knew not how to make hammers with handles of wood, but wrought with instruments made of Copper and Laton mingled, in forme of a Dye, of seuerall sizes, which they held in their hands to strike with as men [ 60] doe with stones. They had no Files nor Chissels, nor Bellowes for casting of mettals, but vsed Pipes of Brasse, halfe a yard long or lesse, and ioyned eight or tenne together as there was neede. Neither had they skill to make tongues. And yet did they make marueilous workes. Their Car∣penters * 3.2 were as much to seeke or more, hauing no Iron tooles, but an Axe and a Hatchet and

those of Brasse; no Saw, nor Augre, nor Plainer, nor Nailes, but fastned all things with lines or ropes of a kinde of heath. Neither were their Masons in better case: they vsed a certaine blacke * 3.3 stone not to cut but to beate their stoneworks with force of their armes, and yet haue left incre∣dible Monuments of their art. The Iesuites and other Religions haue instructed the youth since in other arts, in Dialogues and Comedies of Scripture. One Iesuite in praise of our Lady the Virgin Mary composed a Comedie in the Aymara tongue, the argument was Gen. 3. I will * 3.4 put emnitie betweene thee and the woman, and betweene thy seede and her seede: She (so the Romists reade and make of it this remarkeable vse) shall breake thy head, &c. A dialogue of the faith was recited at Potocsi before 12000. Indians, and another of the Sacrament at the Citie of Kings be∣fore innumerable, the Indian youth acting and pronouncing with such seemely gestures as much affected the Spaniards. The Licentiate Iuan Cuellas read the Latin Grammer to the Mestizos of [ 10] Cozco, with good fruite.

MAyta Capac followed his predecessors examples, and went forth with 12000. men (the for∣mer * 3.5 expeditions had beene with lesse company, as of 7000 and so vpwards as the state en∣creased) and couering his couetousnesse and ambition with pretence of conuerting people to his religion * 3.6, came to the disemboking of the great lake Titicaca, and made Boates for transport∣ing his army. He brought vnder by faire meanes the Tiahuanacu, which people had admirable buildings. One was a hand-made Mount admirable high, founded on stones ioyned with mor∣ter, none could tell for what cause. In one roome thereof stood two figures of Giants cut in stone [ 20] with long garments downe to the ground, with couerings on their heads, well worne with age. * 3.7 There was also a huge wall of stones so great that it may breede wonder what force of men might be able to bring or raise them where they are, seeing that in a great distance there are no quar∣ries. There are other braue buildings, great porches or frontals, in diuers places each made of one stone in all the foure parts; yea to greater admiration some of these are set on stone, of which some are thirtie foote long, and fifteene broad, and sixe in front, and these stones so great, and the porches are of one peece; nor can it be imagined with what instruments they were wrought. The Naturals say they are ancienter then the Incas times, and that they imitated these in buil∣ding the fortresse of Cozco; and knew not who made them, but haue a tradition that they were all made in a night. It seemeth that they were neuer finished, but were onely beginnings of what [ 30] the founders intended. Diego de Alcobaça a Priest, my Schoolefellow, & borne in the same house that I was, being also my foster brother, and a Preacher to the Indians; which hath beene there, wrote to me that in that Region Tiahuanacu fast by a lake called Chuq••i••itu, there stands a mar∣ueilous house, with a faire Court fifteene yards square, compassed with a high wall, on one side whereof is a great hall 45. foote long, and 22. wide, couered like the house of the Sunne in Cus∣co. This Court with the wals and floore, hall, roofe, porches, and thresholds of two doores (the one of the hall, the other into the court) is all made of one peece wrought in one rocke: the wals of the hall and of the wall are three quarters of a yard thicke. The roofe though it seeme of tha••ch is of stone. They say it was dedicated to the Maker of the World. There are also many stones cut * 3.8 in shapes of men and women, so naturall as if they were aliue drinking with cups in their hands, [ 40] some sitting, some on their feete, others as it were passing, others with children in their armes, and 1000. other postures. The Indians say that for their sinnes, and for stoning a man which pas∣sed thorow that Prouince, they were conuerted into statues. But to returne to our Inca, he sub∣dued many Nations or pettie habitations; such as would not be wonne by perswasions, hee mastered with seege and hunger. Battels were very rare. Hee died hauing raigned about thirtie yeares, and was bewailed a yeare after the custome. His Sonne Capac Yupanqui succeeded, the * 3.9 fifth Inca.

His first care, after his Diadem assured, was to visite his Kingdome; in which visitation hee spent two yeares, enquiring into the courses of his Ministers and Gouernours. After this hee went vp from Cozco with 20000. men, and went Westward. Hee caused a Bridge to be made in the Riuer Apurimac at Huacachaca, lower then that of Accha. Hee passed ouer it to the [ 50] faire Prouince Yanahura, which gladly receiued him; thence to Aymara, there being be∣twixt those two Prouinces a Region dishabited of thirtie leagues; which passed, he found at the hill Mucansa much people of that Prouince (which is thirtie leagues long, fifteene wide, rich of * 3.10 Mines of Gold, Siluer Lead and Cattell) to encounter him. But he sought rather to beseege them on the hill, hauing purposely sent men about, and by hunger forced them to composition after a moneths siege. Hauing pacified the Aymaras, hee proceeded to Cotapampa and Cotanera of the Nation Quechua; and after to the Vallie of Hacari, great and fertile. Hee made ano∣ther expedition, leauing his Brother his Lieutenant of his Kingdome, and the foure Masters of his Campe his Councellours, chusing others to serue him; and went to the Lake of Paria, [ 60] where two Curacas at contention, made him arbitrator, and themselues his subiects in the diuision Collasuyu. Thence thorow a spacious Countrie vnpeopled, but full of Cattell and hot Springs; hee came to the Prouinces Tapacri and Cochapampa. Hee made another Bridge in the water-passage of Titicara. The former of Huacacha••a was made of Osyers, this of Bull∣rushes

there growing, of which they made foure cables as big as a mans legge, reaching from one side to the other; on which they laid great bundles of the same matter as bigge as an Oxe, strongly tied together and to the Cables: ouer these bundles they made two other cables which * 3.11 they fastened surely with the bundles: vpon these they laid other little bundles as bigge as a mans arme, wouen into each other and with the cables; these were as the causey of the Bridge. This Bridge is thirteene or foureteene foot broad, and about one hundred and fiftie paces long. They renewed it euery sixe moneths. Often vse made readinesse and quicke dispatch. They re∣moued it as they saw occasion. The In••a passed further to Chayanta, thorow a dishabited Coun∣trey: this with fiue other great Prouinces he subiected, and then returned to Cozco, and rewar∣ded his Captaines. [ 10]

The Kingdome now reached one hundred and eighty leagues from Cusco Southwards, and Westwards to the Sea, sixtie leagues one way, and eightie another: to the East thirteene, to the South-east fortie. He adorned the houses of the Sunne which Manco Capac had founded, and that of the Virgins, with other great workes. After this he sent the Prince Roca with an army of 20000. men, by the way of Chi••chasuyu Northwards from Cuzco, which had continued at a * 3.12 stay since Manco Capac, but seuen leagues from the Citie, the Country beyond being rough and vnpeopled. He entred into the rich Countrey of Sura, which gently receiued him, as did also the next called Apucara, which was in enmitie with the former. The like successe hee had in Rucana, Namasca, and other Vallies to Arequepa eightie leagues outright, and foureteene in breadth. The Inca transplanted people from those parts to Apurimac, both being hot Regions. [ 20] Old Inca Capac Yupanqui after these things dyed, leauing about eightie children (some of them left one hundred, some two hundred, and some aboue three hundred) and his Sonne Roca succeeded. Let vs now speake of Cozco and the holies thereof. * 3.13

One of the principallest Idols of that Empire was Cosco, the Imperiall Citie, which the Indi∣ans * 3.14 worshipped as a thing sacred, because it was founded by Inca Manco Capac, and because it was the house and Court of the Incas their gods. If an Indian in the way met another which came from Cozco, though otherwise equall, and now he himselfe were going thither, he gaue him respect therefore as his superiour for hauing beene there; how much more if he were a neere dweller, or Citizen there? The like was in Seedes, Pulse, or whatsoeuer was brought from Coz∣co, more esteemed for that cause then those of other parts in other respects as good. To hold it [ 30] still in reputation, the Kings adorned it with sumptuous buildings, of which the principall was the Temple of the Sunne, euery Inca increasing it, which is said to be builded by Yupanqui, be∣cause * 3.15 he enriched it, being before founded by Manco. The Chappell or shrine of the Sunne was that which is now the Church of Saint Domingo (although not the same altogether) wrought of polished stone. The high Altar (that we may so call it, for they knew not how to make an Altar) stood to the East, the roofe was thatched (for they could not make tile.) All foure wals were co∣uered from the top to the bottome with Plates of Gold. In the East or high Altar stood the figure of the Sunne, made of one planke or plate) of Gold, twice as thicke as the other plates * 3.16 on the wals; the face round with rayes and flames of fire, all of a peece. It was so great that it tooke vp all the end from one wall to the other. Neither had they any other idols in that or any * 3.17 [ 40] other Temple but this: for indeede (whatsoeuer others say) they worshipped no other gods but the Sunne. This Idoll fell by lot, in the Spanish Conquerours sharing, to one Mancio Serra, whom I knew and left aliue when I came to Spaine, who lost it at play in a night, whence they said Prouerbially, hee had plaid away the Sunne before it was vp. Hee was after chosen the ordinary Alcalde of the Citie many yeares, and grew to abhoore play very much. But by such a share falling to one man, may be guessed the exceeding riches of that Citie. On the one side and on the other of that Image were the deceased bodies of the Kings, pla∣ced according to their antiquitie, as children of the Sunne, embalmed (wee know not how) so that they seemed aliue. They were set in their seates of Gold placed on plankes of gold, * 3.18 holding their faces to the people. Onely Huayna Capac was placed before the figure of the [ 50] Sunne with his face to it: as his best beloued sonne, whom they worshipped in his life time for his vertues. These corpes the Indians did hide with the rest of their treasures, the most of which is not yet knowne. Anno 1559. the Licentiate Polo found fiue of them, three of the Kings, and two of the Queenes. The principall doore looked to the North, as it still abides. That and the other lesse doores were lined with plates of Gold, in manner of a Porch. Without the Temple, on the top of the wals ran all alongst a chamfred worke of gold, in forme of a Crowne, aboue a yard broad, round about the Temple.

Beyond the Temple was a Cloister of foure squares (one of which was the Temple) round a∣bout the top whereof was such a crowne of chamfered gold, as is before mentioned, aboue a * 3.19 yard broad, instead of which the Spaniards haue set vp one of white plaister. There were * 3.20 [ 63] squares, or seuered Chappels standing by themselues, couered like a pyramis, which made the three other sides of the Cloister. One of them was dedicated to the Moone, all which and the doores thereof was couered with plates of Siluer. Her Image was placed therein like that of the * 3.21 Sun, with a womans face in a planke of Siluer. Thither they went to visite her, and to commend

themselues to her as the wife and sister of the Sunne, and mother of the Incas, and all their ge∣neration; and called her Mamaquillia, Mother Moone: but offered no Sacrifices to her as to the Sunne. On each hand of the Moones image were the bodies of the Queenes deceased ranked in order of their antiquitie. Mamaoello Mother of Huayna Capac stood before the Moone face to * 3.22 face, for producing such a Sonne. The next roome to that of the Moone, was dedicated to the Planet Uenus, and to the seuen Starres, and to all the Starres in common, which they held to * 3.23 be the seruants of the Moone, and therefore placed them about their Lady to be ready at hand for any seruice. The next roome was lined with siluer also, and the porch of siluer. The roofe was made with resemblances of Starres great and small, like the starrie firmament. The next to this of the Starres was dedicated to the Thunder and Lightning and Thunderbolt, all [ 10] which were signified in one word Yllapa. They worshipped them not for gods, but held them for seruants of the Sunne. They made no picture thereof. The fourth roome or Chappell was dedicated to the Rainebow, which they esteemed seruant to the Sunne; this roome and the former were all garnished with gold. On the golden plankes of this was the Rainebow painted. When they saw a Rainebow in the skie, they couered their mouth with their hand, saying, that if their teeth were vncouered they would consume. The fifth building was for the chiefe Priests, and the other Priests which serued in the Temple, not to eate or drinke in, but for consultation about their Sacrifices: it was garnished with gold from the top to the bottome.

The chiefe Priest was called Villac Vmu, that is, the Priest which speaketh, namely to the people, * 3.24 [ 20] what the Sunne hath giuen him in charge, or diuels, or dreames, or other diuinations haue fore∣told. Three of those fiue roomes remaine, the Gold and Siluer except. Those of the Moone and Starres are downe. Euery side had foure Tabernacles without, which had like workes on them in stone, as within of mettall. Not onely the wals but the floores of those Tabernacles also was of Gold. The Images were also pouldered with Gemmes, Turkesses, and Emeralds; for they had no Diamonds nor Rubies. There were twelue doores to the Cloister, and as many Taberna∣cles or shrines, besides that of the Moones Chappell and of the Starres, these were of S••luer, the rest were all plated ouer with Gold in forme of Porches. They had also in the house of the Sunne * 3.25 many other roomes or chambers for the Priests and seruants of the house, which were Incas of priuiledge: For none but an Inca might enter into that house; nor any woman, no not the wiues [ 30] or daughters of the King. The Priests serued their courses by weekes, which they reckoned by the quarters of the Moone: in which space they departed not out of the Temple day nor night. The Porters and all inferior officers were of the same townes which serued in the Kings house; * 3.26 there being no difference made in the two houses of the Father and the Sunne, but that one had * 3.27 women, the other no Sacrifice in it, equall otherwise in Maiestie. For seuerall Sacrifices they had seuerall roomes. In the house were fiue Fountaines of water which runne thence in pipes of Gold: the Pillars were some of stone, others of Gold hollow, others of Siluer; there they wash∣ed the Sacrifices. Onely one of these Fountaines were left to water the garden of the Couent, till 1558. when it being occasionally broken, no Indian could tell whence that water came, or how tohelpe it. Such traditions of sacred things it seemes were kept by their Priests, and now [ 40] lost. Occasion seuen moneths after found the water, which they amended without further search of the Fountaine, the pipes lying very low. * 3.28

This Garden was in the Incas time a Garden of Siluer and Gold, as they had in the Kings houses, where they had many sorts of Hearbes, Flowers, Plants, Trees, Beasts great and small, wilde, tame, Snakes, Lizards, Snailes, Butterflies, small and great Birds, each set in their place. They had Maiz, Quinua, Pulse, Fruit-trees with the fruite on them all of Gold and Siluer, re∣sembling the naturall. They had also in the house heapes of wood, all counterfeit of Gold and * 3.29 Siluer, as they had in the house royall: likewise they had great statues of men and women, and children, and many Pirua or Trosses for corne, euery day inuenting new fashions of greater Ma∣iestie, vsing yearely on the Sunnes chiefe festiuities to present him so much Siluer and Gold [ 50] wrought into counterfeit formes. All the Vessell (which was infinite) for the Temples seruice, Pots, Pans, Tubs, Hogsheads, was of Gold and Siluer, euen to the Spades, and Pickaxes for the * 3.30 Garden. Like to this Temple of Cozco were others in many Prouinces of that Kingdome, in which euery Curaca indeuoured according to his power to haue such riches of Gold and Siluer. But the most famous was that of Titicaca.

This might for Gold and Siluer compare with that of Cozco. It is an Iland in the mids of a Lake of the same name, where their fables tell that after the floud, the Sunne first shined; and * 3.31 after that, he exposed his Sonne and Daughter (as ye haue heard) to ciuillize the world. In these respects it was holden for a place sacred thorow all that Empire, and a Temple was built therein, all lined with plates of Gold, dedicated to the Sunne. All places subiect to the Empire, yeerely [ 60] offered Gold and Siluer and Precious stones, in thanksgiuing to the Sunne for his benefits there done them. This Temple had the same Seruice as that at Cozco. Of the offerings of Gold and Siluer was such a quantitie stored in the Ile, besides that which was wrought, that it is more matter of wonder then credit. Blas Valera saith, that the Indians reported that there was enough

to build another Temple from the foundation, and when the Spaniards came, they threw it all into the Lake.

In the Valley of Orcos, six leagues Southwards from Cuzco is a little Lake aboue a mile about, but very deepe, into which the report was that much of Cuzco treasure was throwne. Some * 3.32 Spaniards agreed to be at cost to emptie it, Anno 1557. but hauing entred fiftie paces into their maine worke, by which they had thought to haue conueied the water into the Riuer Yucay, they were encountered with a rocke, which seeking to make way thorow, they brought forth more fire then stone, and were enforced to giue ouer. The Indians are thought to haue hidden infinite treasures. But for that barren rockie Ice the Incas were at further cost to couer the stone with good earth, that it might beare Mayz (which growes no where in that cold Region) of which a [ 10] little quantitie grew, and by the King was offered to the Sunne in his Temple, and to the cho∣sen Virgins in Cuzco, which were to send it to other Monasteries and Temples, one yeare to one, and another to another, that they might haue of that graine which seemed to haue come from * 3.33 heauen. They sowed it in Gardens of the Sunnes Temple, and made such adoe about keeping and bestowing it, that that Indian thought himselfe a happy man which had a graine of that Maiz, and that he should neuer want bread all da••es of his life.

THe Incas had houses of Virgins retired in many Prouinces, touching which the Spanish Hi∣st••rians haue beene deceiued. I will speake of the house at Cusco called Acllahua, that is, the * 3.34 ••ouse of the chosen, to wit, for their beautie, or stocke, to serue the Sunne. These liued not in the [ 20] Te••••pl•• of the Sunne, but distant a streete from it, a row of houses going betweene them. For neither might men enter where the Nuns were, nor women where the Priests were. It was ne∣cessary that these women hould be of royall bloud, without any mixture of either side. There were in inordinarily 1500. Nunnes. Some of them were ancient, called Mamacuna, that is, * 3.35 Mothers which take charge, or care of the rest. Some were as Abbeffes, others as teachers of the Nouices both in ••••tes and handiworkes, as to spin, weaue and sow; others were porters, or pro∣u••ders of necessaries. They liued in perpetuall closure to their dying day, neither might they * 3.36 speake with any man, or see any man or woman, but those of their owne house. Onely the Coya and her daughters might haue leaue to enter and conferre with them. By them the Inca sent to know how they did, and whereof they had neede. The principall gate was not opened [ 30] but for the Queene, or to receiue Nouices. They had twentie Porters, which men might not passe the second gate vnder paine of death. They had fiue hundred Girles for seruice of the Mo∣nasterie, * 3.37 daughters to those which the first I••ca had priuiledged to be Incas. These also had their * 3.38 Mamacunas. The principall exercise which the women of the Sunne did, was to make all the garments and robes that the Inca or his Coya did weare, and those fine robes which were offered * 3.39 to the Sunne. The King himselfe might not giue those Garments to any of his Curacas which were not of his bloud. They made also the Bread for the Sacrifices to the Sunne at the great feasts Raymi and Sittua, called Zancu, and the drinke which the Inca then dranke.

All the Vtensils of the house, euen to Pots and Pans, were of Gold and Siluer, as in the house of the Sunne. They had such a Garden also as the other, of golden Plants, Birds and Beasts. O∣bedience * 3.40 [ 40] and Virginitie was perpetuall, vnder paine of burying quicke. Any man which should defloure, must not onely dye himselfe, but his wife, children, kindred and neighbours. Such the Law, but there was neuer found cause of execution. Like to these of Cuzco, dedicated to the Sunne, were other Nunnes and houses in principall Prouinees of the Kingdome. In which were * 3.41 admitted those of the bloud Royall, pure, and mixed, and daughters also of the Curacas as a great fauour. Also some of the fairest of the common people to be concubines for the Inca, and not for the Sunne, but kept with like vigilance. Their life was like the other, and their maintenance from the Inca. Their workes the Inca might impart with others, and themselues also he might take out for his Concu••ines, which then might not returne againe, but either serued the Queene or were sent into their Countries with great credit. Those also which were old in these houses [ 50] might haue like license. Those that were dedicated for the King present, when hee was dead, were called Mamacumas, and were instructers of those Concubines which entred for the New Inca. * 3.42

Euery of these houses had a Gouernour, which must be an Inca: a steward and others officers. All the vessels were of Gold and Siluer, as in the houses of the Sunne and of the King, so that all the Gold and Siluer in the whole Kingdome was spent in manner in the Sunnes seruice, and of those which were esteemed his descendants. The Curacas were stinted what vessels of Plate they might haue for their owne vse, which was but little. They might neuer be bestowed on o∣ther men, which had beene chosen women for the I••ca; for they held it a profanation of that * 3.43 which was holy; yea to be a slaue to the Inca was more estee••ed then to be wife of another [ 60] Lord. esteeming him as next to the Sunne; wherein some Spanish authors haue beene deceiued. yet did he reward his great men with women, but they were the daughters of other C••••••cas 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Captaines, which held this for a fauour done them that he should esteeme their daughter as a i••well, which with his owne hand he would bestow. Sometimes (but ••••••dome) he be〈…〉〈…〉 on

some of the Curacas his owne Daughters which were (as they esteemed such as were not of the whole bloud) bastards, which hee had by women not of his Inca-kindred, which was holden Diuine.

Besides these, there were many other of Royall bloud which liued retired in their owne hou∣ses * 3.44 with vow of Virginity, though not inclosed in any Monastery: which tooke libertie to goe out to visit their kindred neere them in their sicknesse or trauell. Such were highly reputed and were called Ocllo, a sacred name: and if they lost their chastitie, were burned aliue or cast to the Lyons Denne. One of these very old I knew, which visited my Mother, beeing her Grandfa∣thers sister. Widowes in the first yeere of their widow-hood kept very close; those which had * 3.45 no children married againe; but those which had, continued continent all their liues: in which [ 10] respect the Lawes allowed them many priuiledges, and the tillage of their grounds before the Cutacas of Incas.

And for matter of Marriage in Cozco, once in a yeere or two, the King assembled all the youth * 3.46 of both Sexes, of his owne Linage, the Males of twentie to foure and twentie, the Maids of eigh∣teene and so to twentie (he permitted them not sooner to marry) and called them forth, such a man and such a maide, and hauing ioyned them with his owne hand, deliuered them to their Parents: after which the Marriage Feast was solemnized by the new Parents, two, foure, or sixe dayes. These were legitimate wides and the most honoured. The day following his Officers did the like for the Citizens, obseruing the distinction of High and Low Cozco. The Gouernour in each Diuision with the Curacas did the like in their gouernments, the Inca neuer vsurping but [ 20] assisting the Curacas Iurisdiction. Those of one Prouince might not marry with those of another, * 3.47 but obserued the Rites of the Tribes of Israel: not might they got to liue out of their Prouinces or out of their owne Townes, or the Wards of the same Towne.

In defect of children by the lawfull Wife, the Inheritance by Law fell on the eldest of the bloud lawfull, as from Huascar to Manco and neuer to Bastards: for which Lawes sake Ata∣hualpa destroyed all the Royall bloud, hee being a Bastard. Others might not marrie their sister, but the Inca only. The Prouinces differed in some cases, the elder Sonne of the Inca succeeding, in other places all the brethren after each other, and somewhere the best esteemed of the Sonnes. * 3.48 Such vsages were before the Incas times, and not broken by them.

The Incas made a great Feast at the wayning of the•••• ••••••••st Son, which was at two yeeres old [ 30] or vpwards, & they first cut off his haire with a flint-razor, the Fathers beginning, each following in his dignity: then did they name him and offer presents. The same was imitated by the Curacas * 3.49 and the people. Their children were brought vp without any dainty nicenesse. Assoone as they were born they washed them in cold water, and then put them in blankets. They gaue them the breast but at morning, and noone and night, thri•••• a day, how much soeuer they cried, lest they should be gluttons. But if I should follow our Author in houshold affaires, I should be too long.

Inca Roca their sixth King pursued his Northerne Conquests to Chanca, a valiant Nation, * 3.50 which say they descended of a Lyon, and therefore worshipped the Lyon for God. I haue seene them in their Feast of the Sacrament twelue of them like Hercules, at tired in a Lyons skinne. He proceeded to the end of the Prouince A••ta••••••••lla and thence to Uramarca and Hancohuallu and [ 40] Uillea, Sulla, and Vtunsulla. After that he sent his Sonne the Prince Yabuarhuarac to Antisuyu or the East, where since Manco Capac they had done nothing. They say that when this Prince was borne, he wept bloud, and so his name signifieth. Other Historians haue herein beene decei∣ued. * 3.51 He tooke with him fifteene hundred Warriours, and three Campe-masters. Hee went to Hau••sca (which was after, the lot of my Father Garcilasso de la Vega) and thence to the Vallies where the herbe Cuca groweth, so much esteemed by them: and beyond it to Cannac-buay which hath fiue leagues of descent almost perpendicular, and striking terrour to the beholders: how much more to them which goe downe, the way winding like a Snake? In these Prouinces of the Antis they worshipped Tygres and great Snakes fiue and twentie or thirtie foot in length, called Amaru, which doe no harme, being as some say, charmed to that innocence by a great Magi∣cian. They worshipped also the herbe Cuca or Coca as the Spaniards call it. In this Expedition [ 50] the Prince added thirtie leagues to the Empire, but ill peopled. The Inca Roca leauing the Prince his Deputie, went with thirty thousand to the Conquest of Chareas: and added fiftie leagues square to his Souereigntie: after which he dyed and his Sonne Yahuar Huaeac succeeded. Rocas * 3.52 Lawes and Schooles which he is said first of all to haue founded in Cozco, for the Arts aforesaid, I omit. He was wont to say that Pachacamac must needs be a great King which had such a house as the glorious Heauens to dwell in: also, that if he were to worship any thing below, he would worship a wise and vnderstanding man: Yet saith he, that which beginneth, groweth, dieth ir∣recouerably, ought not to be worshipped.

Yahuar Huacar or weep-bloud, for the ill diuinings of that accident at his birth, stayed a good [ 60] while in visiting his Kingdomes before hee thought vpon Conquests. Yet at length hee sent his Brother Inca Mayta with twenty thousand South-westward, which conquered from Arequepa to Tacama. After this he minded a more haughtie Designe to conquer Caranca and other Regi∣ons * 3.53 in the Diuision Collasuyu valiant people, but was soone called to other thoughts by the ill

demeanour of his eldest Sonne, whom therefore hee purposed to disherit for his cruell conditions. He caused him to liue with the Shepherds which kept the Cattle of the Sunne in Chita, which * 3.54 he did, carrying himselfe like a Shepherd three yeeres and a halfe. He came one afternoone to his Fathers house and sent to speake with him, who sent him word that he should goe thither where he had placed him, hauing incurred death by breaking his precept. Hee sent word that hee came with a message from as great a Lord as himselfe, which when he had deliuered he would returne. He maruelling what Lord that should be, admitted him to his presence, and heard him tell that at noone that day, as he was feeding the Sunnes cattell, there stood a man, before him in a strange * 3.55 habit and forme, hauing a beard on his face aboue a span long, and clothed to the foot, with an vnknowne creature fastened to his necke. He said (that he was the Sonne of the Sunne and brother [ 10] of Manco Capac the first Inca, and therefore to them all: that hee was named Viracocha Inca, and came from the Sunne our Father to giue him aduise that the most of the Prouinces of Chinchasuyu, both subiects and others, were in armes and comming with a mightie Armie to destroy the Imperiall Ci∣tie Cozco: that therefore he should preuent and prouide in time. And feare them not, for in whatso∣euer aduersitie I will succour thee as my flesh and bloud. After these words hee vanished away. His Father chid him and would not beleeue him. Three monethes after came newes of the Re∣bellion of many Nations which had killed their Gouernours, and had assembled thirty thousand Souldiers in demand of Cozco: Hancohuallu was their Generall. This was the first Rebellion of the Prouinces which the Iucas had conquered, and was so sudden to Yahuar Huacac that hee fled out of Cozco with a few followers, with purpose to secure himselfe in Collasuyu. The Citizens [ 20] were readie to flee each his way, till some thinking of the Prince (whom vpon that Dreame or Vision they called Viracocha Inca, his former name is vnknowne) gaue him intelligence thereof. He gathered what forces he could, and followed his Father to whom hauing presented in a pithy speech, the miserable leauing of the house and holies of the Sunne, and of the Sunnes Virgins to such prophane Enemies, hee bid those which loued an honourable death before a shameful life to follow him: which foure thousand of the Royall bloud did, to whom others from all parts assem∣bled. Hauing set order in Cozco, hee went with eight thousand resolute Warriours to meete the enemy which had now passed the Riuer Apurimac.

THe next day came newes of 20000. men, comming to his aide from Cuntis••y••, which [ 30] hee attributed to Viracocha which had promised him succour in all distresse; this bred him * 3.56 respect, and confidence to the businesse with the Indians. He entertained these supplies ioyfully, which told him of other fiue thousand comming two dayes behind. To these hee sent word to Embuscado themselues in a place appointed, that so in the fury of the battle they might come forth vnexpected. This they did and much daunted the enemies, especially when with shouts and cryes manifold small troupes came in also which were of such as had fled from Cozco, * 3.57 who hearing of the Princes resolution made head as they could and made the Rebels thinke that they should neuer see an end of their enemies.

A brute was also raised, and rumoured in both Campes that Virachoca turned stones and trees * 3.58 into men, to fight for the Prince. The battle continued eight houres with so much bloud, that [ 40] a Brooke in the Plaine ranne therewith. Twentie thousand were slaine on both sides, twelue thousand of the Rebels side besides their Generall and Campemasters taken.) Father Acosta hath * 3.59 much of this Viracocha, but altogether fabulous. For the Indians esteeme him next to the Sunne, and his Son not aboue him, beleeuing but two Gods the inuisible and visible as is said; the Indians telling Fables to please the Spaniards, and some things for want of the Language were not rightly vnderstood by the Spaniards. The Prince after the Victory sent three Messengers, the first to * 3.60 the house of the Sunne (for in all things they dealt with him as if he had beene a bodily man, set∣ting him meate and drinke, &c.) the other to the house of the Virgins, the third to his Father. He dealt very midly with the Rebels and their wiues and children, pardoning them and proui∣ding for the Widowes and Orphans. Hee was receiued with great Iubilee in Cozco, and thence [ 50] went to the Straits of Muyna, to visit his Father which seemed malcontent. They spake some words in priuate, and the Prince came forth and said that his Father would not returne to Coz∣co. This (whether true or false) was enough, and in vaine had he now gainsaid it; so that a Pal∣lace of pleasures was there built for the Father to spend the rest of his dayes, his Sonne taking * 3.61 the Diademe. This Vision of Virachoca with a beard and clothed to the foot, whereas the beard∣lesse Natiues are clothed but to the knees, was the cause that the Spaniards at their first comming were called Virachoca: and for that they tooke and killed the Tyrant Atahuallpa, which had slaine Huascar the right Heire, and wrought so many cruelties. Which caused that six Spaniards a∣lone, of which was Soto and Barco, went to Cozco two or three hundred leagues without harme. They called them also Incas, Sonnes of the Sunne. That which some say, b 3.62 that they were cal∣led [ 60] Virachoca, because they came by Sea, saying that the word signifieth the fat (or scumme) of the Sea, they are deceiued: for Virachoca is the Sea of fat, or tallow (Vira, sebo; cocha, mar) so that it appeares to be a proper name, and not compounded. I conceiue further that the Artillery was the cause that they were called Virachoca.

This Inca Uiracocha by his victorie and vision was so esteemed, that in his life time they wor∣shipped him as a God sent by the Sunne for reparation of things amisse, reuerenced him beyond his predecessors. He b••ilt a Temple for memoriall of that Vision to Uiracocha in Cacha, therein * 3.63 imitating, as much as was possible, the place where hee saw the same, and therefore without a roofe: it was an hundred and twenty foot long, and eighty wide, of stone fairely wrought, with foure doores, the Easterne onely open, with his figure ••n a Chappell, somewhat resembling those Images which wee make of the Apostles. The Spaniards destroyed it, as they did other famous workes which they found in Peru, scarsely any Monument remayning: which they did to search for ••••easure vnder them. He made also two h••ge Birds called C••ntures (so great, that * 3.64 some haue beene found with the extremes of their wings extended, fiue Varas, or Spanish yards [ 10] asunder) they are fowles of prey, so fierce, that their dammes breake their talons; ••he beake so strong, that at once they will breake the hide * 3.65 of a Cow. Hee made the picture of these two Birds, one representing his father in mysterie fleeing from Cozco, the other Uiracoch, He sought to gratifie his Commanders and Subiects, and sought new conquests. Hee sent Pahnac ••••y t•• Inca his brother against Caranca, Ullaca, Llipi, Chicha and Ampara. These two last worshipped the ranke of Hills for their heigth, and for the Riuers which t••ey yeeld. These were all subie∣cted: and Eastward to the Sierra, or snowy H••ll, Southwards to the furthest Prouince of Char∣cas two hundred leagues from Cozco. So that the Sea and the Hills on each hand, and South∣ward the Defarts betwixt them and Chili, bounded the Empire. Northwards hee went with thirty thousand warriours to Huamanca, and other Nations which hee subiected. Hee made a [ 20] water-passage twelue foot in the channell, to run an hundred and twenty leagues from betwixt * 3.66 Pareu and Picuy to Rucana••; and another thorow all the diuision Cuntisuyu from South to. North one hundred and fifty leagues from the high Sierras to the Quechuas: which may be ranked with the Wonders of the world considering the Rockes they brake thorow without instruments of steele, and onely by stones with force of hands. Neither know they to make arches, but were driuen to goe about. The Spaniards haue suffered them all to perish: as they haue permitted two third parts of those which were to water the Corne grounds to be lost also.

Embassadours came from Tucma (the Spaniards call it Tucuman) to the Inca, offering vassalage, * 3.67 whom hee made to drinke in his presence (an inestimable fauour) and promised so much better respect as his course deserued. Hancohuallu not withstanding all his kinde vsage, left his Coun∣tries [ 30] to goe seeke new and the Inca sent Colonies to the Chancas. This Inca they say had a fore∣telling of the Spaniards comming. Hee died, and left his sonne Pachac••••ec Inca his heire. It is supposed that he raigned aboue fiftie yeeres. Anno 1560. I saw his body in Cozco, in the pos∣session * 3.68 of Licenciate Polo, with foure others: this with white haires, the second of T••pac Inc•• Tupanqui, the third of Huayna Capac, which two were hoary but not white: the two other were Q••eens; Mama Rantu wife to Viracocha and Mama Ocllo mother of Huayna Capac. They were so whole that there wanted not haire, eie-brows, nor haire on the eie-lids. They had their garments, ribands, & diadems, as while they liued. They were set as the Indians vse with their hands acrosse on their breasts, the right hand ouer the left, their eyes downwards, as looking on the ground, and seemed as if they had beene aliue, and full fleshed. The Indians would neuer tell the Spaniards [ 40] their embalming arte. They weighed so little, that they were easily carried to the Gentlemens houses which desired to see them. The Indians by the way kneeled to them with sighs and tears.

When the Inca had conquered any Prouince, and setled the gouernment, hee improued the lands which would beare Mayz, sending Enginers to that purpose for conueyance of waters, * 3.69 without which they sowed no Mayz in those hot Countries. They also made plaine the fields, and layd them in squares, the better to receiue the water. They made plaine the Mountaines which were capable of seed, as it were in scales or steppes, one plaine subordinate to another, therefore called Andenes. Hauing thus improued the Land, they diuided it, to each Towne their share by themselues; each subdiuided into three parts, one for the Sunne, a second for the King, * 3.70 and the third for the Naturals; with that prouision, that alway the Naturals should haue suffi∣cient, and if the people increased, the Sunnes and Incas part were lessened, that they should not [ 50] want. The like diuision they made of the grounds which needed not such watering, sowed with other seeds. The Andenes commonly belonged in greatest part to the Sunne, and the Inca. The * 3.71 Mayz grounds they sowed euery yeere, heartning them with dung, as Gardens.

They first husbanded the Sunnes grounds, next that of Widowes and Orphanes, and of the * 3.72 old and sicke, all which were holden for poore, and had peculiar men in euery Towne appoin∣ted Officers for that purpose. They had seed also, if they wanted, out of the Store-houses. Each man was tied to husband enough for prouision to his owne houshold. The lands of those which * 3.73 serued in the warres were prouided as those of the poore; their wiues for that time being re∣spected as widowes. And if any were slaine in the warres, great care was had of his children. [ 60] After these lands, each man tilled his owne, one helping another in course; then those of the Curaca, which were last culti••ated in euery Towne. In Huayna Capacs time, one of the Cha∣chapuyas was hanged for tilling the Curacas land his kinsman, before the widowes, and the Gal∣lowes was set vp in the Curacas land, where hee had transgressed the Incas precept. The last of

all was the Incas lands, which thought his good to be grounded on the prosperitie of his Sub∣iects. These and those of the Sunne were common workes which they did with their best or∣naments * 3.74 and rayment, with spangles of Siluer and Gold, and feathers on their heads, as on fe∣stiuall dayes; with songs in breaking vp their ground, in praise of their God and Prince. One Anden neere Cozco, being the first in the Kingdome which was dedicated to the Sunne, was til∣led onely by Incas and Pallas of the bloud Royall with a great feast in their beast iewels, making * 3.75 Songs of Haylli, that is, of triumph. Their Plough (or Spade rather) was of wood, a yard long, * 3.76 plaine before and pointed, round behind, foure fingers thicke; halfe a yard from the point was a stirrup of two pieces of wood fastned to the principall, in which he set his foot, leaping and thrusting it forcibly into the ground vp to the stirrup. They went in companies, seuen er eight [ 10] together, and digged vp turfes of incredible bignesse. The women went besides them to helpe * 3.77 with their hands to lift vp the earth, and weed out the rootes, and to cheare them with Songs. The Land was diuided to each man according to the number of his familie, and to the Curacas in greater proportions: likewise the water and other things necessary.

The principall tribute which they payed was this labouring the grounds of the Sunne and * 3.78 Inca, gathering their fruits, and keeping them in places appointed. Of their owne priuate lands they payd nothing. Other tributes were their making of clothes, shooes and armes for expense in warre, to which end they had wooll of the Cattell of the Sunne and Inca, which were innu∣merable in the Hills, and Cotton in the Plaines. The poore were ••ied to giue on certaine dayes so many pipes of Lice so to acknowledge subiection, and to keepe themselues cleane. The Roy∣all * 3.79 [ 20] kindred, Priests, Ministers, and Curacas were tribute-free; the chiefe Captaines to Centu∣rions, the Iudges, Officers and Souldiers in time of seruice, young men vnder 25. and old men * 3.80 aboue 50. and all women and maidens: Their labour was not imposed but voluntary. Gold, Siluer and Gemmes were not reckoned tribute, nor treasure, nor price of other things bought and sold, or of mens labour. Onely they esteemed them for beautie, and thereof made voluntary * 3.81 presents for the Temples, Nunneries and houses Royall. For they might not visite a Superiour without a Present. The Curacas in the principall feasts must visite the Inca, and made him Pre∣sents of these or other things of account, as materials for buildings, Lyons, Tigres, Beares, Pa∣rots, Monkies, great Snakes, or any other thing faire, fierce, great or strange. The King had in * 3.82 euery Towne two places, one to keepe his goods for the seruice of the Sunne and himselfe, ano∣ther [ 30] for prouision against deare yeeres; besides others for high-wayes, &c. Wooll was distribu∣ted euery two yeeres, as any had need for garments for them and theirs, so that none needed to begge, neither had they any beggars in later times. I neuer saw Indian man or woman in my * 3.83 time that begged, but one old woman named Isabell, which did it more to goe from house to house, as a Gipsie or Iuggler, then for any need. The Incas also caused to build publike Innes for * 3.84 entertainment of Strangers, which had all necessaries free out of the Kings Store-houses: and if any were sicke, they were likewise prouided for. None trauelled in priuate affaires, but in the Kings businesse. When any new co••quest was made, they recorded on their quipus the quantitie, qualitie, site and other conditions of the lands of each Prouince, Towne and Diuision, that order might accordingly be taken. The Mines were giuen to the Curacas. Salt, Fish and Cotton were [ 40] common, none to applie any part to himselfe, but to gather what hee needed. Each man might plant trees in his owne ground and enioy them at his pleasure. The lands were diuided as you haue heard.

THe seruice and ornament of the houses Royall of the Incas may seeme to haue exceeded any Kings of the world in some things. The buildings of their Houses, Temples, Gardens, and * 3.85 Baths were adorned with stone fairely wrought, and set so close that the ioynture could not bee seene. Many of them had melted Lead or Siluer or Gold for the ioyning, which caused the to∣tall destruction of them all, by the Spaniards seeking for those metals. They had the counter∣feits in Gold and Siluer of herbs which growe on walls, as if they had beene the plants there [ 50] growing: and likewise the resemblances of Mice, Butterflies, Snakes great and small, Lizards seeming to moue; the Incas chambers were lined with Gold, with figures of Men, Women, * 3.86 Birds, all knowne Beasts wilde and tame, all in their naturall figure and largenesse in Gold and Siluer; the Incas Chai••es of state were of solid Gold, without backes, hauing a great square Table of Gold ouer them. All the vessels of seruice both for Table, Butterie and Kitchin, small and great, were of Gold and S••luer; and that in all the Kings houses, so that when hee iour∣neyed in progresse they did not remoue them from one house to another, as likewise in the Pro∣uinces where he had occasion to march with his Armies, or to visite his Kingdomes. Hee had in * 3.87 them also of like metals many Granaries and Repositories not to keepe Graine, but to expresse Maiestie. [ 60]

Hee had store of rich garments, the Inca neuer vsing to weare one thing twice, but giuing them once worne, to his kindred. The bed-furniture was of the wooll of the Uicunna, so fine, that King Philip: Beds are thence furnished. Feather-beds they had not, but had such Mantles layd ouer and vnder them. Tapistrie was suppl••ed with linings of Gold and Siluer on the walls.

Their prouisions for diet were abundant, they preparing for all their kindred and seruants: the houres were from eight to nine in the morning, and in the euening lightly by day-light. Their drinking lasted till night, for whiles they eate they drinke not.

Their Gardens and Orchards had all the fairest trees and plants planted, and many others * 3.88 counterfeited of Gold or Siluer; as Mayz with the leaues, stalkes, roots, and reedy tops of gold and siluer mixed, and so in other herbs and flowers; some comming forth, some halfe growne, some ripe; with counterfeits of Lizards, Butterflies, Snakes, Foxes, wilde Cats (for they had none tame) Birds of all sorts and postures, set on trees and plants; Deere, Lions, Tigres, and whatsoeuer creatures the Land had, set in due places. Their Baths had great vessels in which they bathed themselues, of gold and siluer, and water pipes of the same. They had also [ 10] wood-stackes counterfeited thereof. The most of which treasures the Indians hid from the couetous Spaniards, vnwilling that others should bee serued with that which was for the seruice of their Kings.

The seruants and officers for Water, Fewell, and the Kitchin, for the Tab••e of state (for the * 3.89 Women and Concubines prouided for the Inca himselfe) Butlers, Porters, Keepers of the Ward∣robe, Iewels, Gardens, and in other Offices, were not particular persons: but for euery Office they had two or three Townes assigned, whose charge it was to send men of ab••litie and trust, by dayes, weekes, or moneths changed in course: and this was their tribute; the whole Towne being punished in any defect. These Townes were within sixe or seuen leagues of Cozco, being those which Manco the first Inca had reduced from Sauages to Townes of ciuilitie, and these [ 20] were Incas by priuiledge, and had the title and attire according. The Incas huntings were at * 3.90 certaine times of the yeere with twentie or thirtie thousand men, one halfe going on the right hand, the other on the left, circling in twen••ie or thirtie leagues, bringing in whatsoeuer wilde beasts ••n that compasse, and killing all they pleased. Euery foure leagues they had Posts, swift * 3.91 runners for sudden messages, called Chasquis, either by word or quipus. But now wee will re∣turne to Pachacutec.

Pachacutec hauing finished the solemnities visited his Kingdome, to examine the courses of * 3.92 his Gouernours: and then set forth his brother Capac Yupanqui with an Armie, which passed thorow the Prouince Sausa, corruptly by the Spaniards, called Xauxa, which professe to be de∣scended of a man and a woman which came out of a Fountaine; their Townes were l••ke For∣tresses: [ 30] they worshipped the fig••re of a Dog, and did eate Dogs flesh sauourly. They had also an Idoll like a man, in w••ich the Deuill spake. This people called Huanca were subiected, the Tarma and Pumpu also and Chucurpu, Ancara, Huayllas (in which Prouince he grieuously puni∣shed Sodomites, a sinne before vnknowne to the Indians) after which conquests hee returned to Cozco, ha••ing gained sixtie leagues North and South in that Expedition, continuing three * 3.93 yeeres. Pachacutec was busie in making Lawes, building Temples, founding Houses for elect or chosen Uirgins in the Prouinces (which was to make such Prouinces, Citizens and Naturals of Cozco) in erecting Fortresses also in his frontiers, and Royall Palaces in the most delectable pla∣ces, and Store-houses to keepe prouisions against yeeres of dearth. He spent three yeeres in visi∣ting his Kingdome, and after sent his brother Inca Capac Yupauqui with his sonne the Prince In∣ca [ 40] Yupanqui, knighted that yeere after their manner, and fiftie ••housand men by Chinchusuyu to * 3.94 Pincu, Huaras, Piscopampa, Cunchucu, which being subiected, hee proceeded to Huamachucu, where they worshipped particoloured stones, and sacrificed mans flesh, which was in that con∣quest altered. After that they came to Cassamarca (famous for the taking of Atahualpa by the Spaniards) where they first stood out and after yeelded, and there was founded a Temple for the Sunne, and a house of Virgins, which after grew one of the chiefe in the Kingdome. In re∣turning * 3.95 they subdued the Yauious, and were with festiuall pompe entertained in Cozco, each Na∣tion in the Citie gracing the solemnitie, singled in their seuerall bands with warlike Musike, ad∣ding Songs of triumph: betwixt the Generall and the Prince went the Inca Pachacutec, till they came to the limits of the Temple of the Sun, and then they put off their shooes, except the * 3.96 Inca which at the doore of the Temple was vnshod also, where entring, adoring and rendring [ 50] praises for the victories, they returned to the Market place where they solemnized the feast with songs, dances, and good cheere. Each Nation arose from their place and sung and danced before the Inca after their Countrie guise. This continued a moneth.

After this the King with his sonne and brother went to the conq••est of the Vallies Pisco, * 3.97 Yea, Chincha, which Countries hee enriched with a R••uer from the Sierras, turning the course which naturally went Eastward into the West, to water the grounds. All those Nations for fiue hundred leagues space worshipped the Sea, besides the particular Idols of each People, and called it Mamacocha, or Mother Sea, for her plentie of fish, wh••••h shee gaue them to eate. They worshipped also the Whale for the monstros greatnesse. In another expedition the Vallies Runa [ 60] huanac, Huarcu, Malla, Chilca, all subiect to one Prince, were subdued, the Inca besieging and fa∣mishing their Armie. Then passed they to the Vallies of Pachacamac, Rimac, Cancay and Hua∣man, which also h••d one King, called Cuysmancu. The Spaniards corruptly call Rimac, Lima: Pachacamac had the name of the inuisible God, neither had they any Temple to him in all P••res

but here, the edifices and sacrifices whereof were remarkable. Besides beasts they sacrificed men, women and children. The Spaniards confound the Temple of Rimac, with that of Pachacamac, which were differing, that of Rimac being an Oracle (for Rimac signifieth him that speaketh) of much veneration with the Natiues, and after the conquest with the Incas. The Spantards foun∣ded there the Citie of Kings, so named, because founded on the day of the Epiphanie. Their Idoll was kept in a Temple, not so sumptuous as that of Pachacamac.

Cuysmancu refused subiection to the Incas demands in name of the Sunne, saying his Pachaca∣mac was the Creator and preseruer of all, and therefore greater then the Sunne, to whom they had erected a Temple, where they offered the best things they had, and held him in such reue∣rence, that wh•••• the King entred his Temple to worsh••p him, he did not dare to looke on him, * 3.98 [ 10] but he and the Priest went backwards with their shoulders towards the Idoll: and that hee also adored Rimac which fore-told things to come; and Mamacocha, the Sea. The Inca sent him word that they also in their hearts worshipped Pachacamac, but without Temple or Sacrifice, because they knew him not, and were fearefull to pronounce his name. Many other words of perswasion passed, and peace was concluded, on condition that they should worship the Sunne, as did the Incas, and make him a Temple apart as to Pachacamac; that they should take away their Idols in the Temple of Pachacamac, and worship him without Statue; and that they should cease humane Sacrifices: that a House of Virgins should be erected in the Valley of Pachacamac: that Cuysmancu should remaine in his Lordship, acknowledging the In••a Lord Soueraigne, and obeying his Lawes, and that Rimacs Oracle should still bee in estimation. And thus Royall af∣faires, [ 20] and those of greatest moment were after consulted of in Pachacamacs Temple, vulga•• busin••sses were remitted to Rimac. Pachacutec hauing beene a great King and Priest and Cap∣taine, enriched the Temple of the Sunne, couering the walls with plankes of Gold, as also the Shrines, and of the Cloister. Where the Idoll of the Sunne was, there is now the blessed Sacra∣ment, * 3.99 and in the Cloister are Processions, and yeerely Festiuals in the Couent of Saint Domingo.

Hee sent his sonne in another Expedition, who comming to the Valley, entred Pachacamacs Temple, but without Sacrifices or verball Orisons, onely professing mentall adoration. He vi∣sited also the Temple of the Sunne with rich offerings, and then the Idoll Rimac: and after mar∣ched to Huamac, where Chimu a great Lord reigned: from thence to Truxillo in the Vallies Par∣munca, Huallmi, Santa, Huarapu and Chimu. Here while Chimu would admit no new Gods, a * 3.100 [ 30] bloudy warre followed, which at last ended in his vassallage. The Inca now hauing enlarged his estate aboue an hundred and thirty leagues North and South, and in breadth from the Hills to the Sea some sixtie or seuenty leagues, fell to founding Townes, Temples, St••re-houses, and re∣formed the Empire, ennobled the Schooles, augmented the Schoole-masters, caused all the Ca∣racas and all Officers to learne the Cusco Language (as common) and much enlarged Cozco. Hee * 3.101 reigned about fiftie yeeres, or as others, aboue sixtie, and left Ynca Yupanqui his successor, leauing aboue three hundred sonnes and daughters. The Spanish Authours confound the father and the sonne. Many of his sentences and lawes are recorded by the authour, here omitted: as likewise the * 3.102 transplanting of Colonies, order of bringing vp the Curacas heires in the Court; the common or Court Tongue; the description of Cozco, the Schooles, and the three Royall Palaces, Almes, &c. for all these [ 40] I remit the curious to the Authour, fearing blame for this our length. Yet their chiefe Feast of the Sun, rites of triall and installing of Knights, I haue added.

Cozco was another Rome, in which the Sunne had foure Festiuall solemnities obserued, the * 3.103 principall in Iune, which they called Yntip Raymi, as it were The Sunnes Easter, and absolutely Raymi, in acknowlegement of the Sunnes Deity ouer all, and his being Father of the Incas, Manco and his descendants. All the principall Captaines which were not then in the warres came to it, and all the Curacas, not by precept but of deuotion, in adoration of the Sunne, and veneration of the Inca. And when age, sicknesse, distance or businesse in the Kings affaires de∣tained * 3.104 them, they sent their sonnes or brethren with the chiefe of their kindred to that solem∣nitie. The King did performe the first ceremonies as Chiefe Priest: for although they had a high * 3.105 [ 50] Priest alwaies of the bloud Royall, Brother or Vncle to the King, legitimate by Father and Mo∣ther; yet in this Feast proper to the Sunne, the King himselfe, as first-borne of the Sunne, was the principall Solemn••zer. The Curacas came in their greatest brauerie, and best deuises; some like Hercules, in Lions skinnes with their heads in the Lions head-skinne, as boasting of descent * 3.106 from a Lion; some like Angels, with great wings of a Cuntur fourteene or fifteene foot distant in the extremes stretched out, as descended of that Fowle; some with vizors of most abomi∣nable and deformed formes, and those are the Yuncas; others with golden and siluer ornaments; and others with other inuentions. Euery Nation carried the armes which they vsed in fight, as Bowes and Arrowes, D••rts, Slings, Clubs, Lances, Axes, &c. the pictures also of whatsoeuer ex∣ploits they had done in the seruice of the Sunne o•• Incas. Once; all came in their best accoultre∣ments [ 60] and brauerie that they were able.

They prepared themselues to this festiuitie with a rigorous Fast, in three dayes eating no∣thing but a little white raw Mayz, and a few herbs with water; not kindling a fire in the Ci∣tie, * 3.107 or accompanying with their wiues all that time. The Fast ended, or the night before the

Feast the Priests Incas made ready the Sacrifices and Offerings, which euery Nation is to pro∣uide. The women of the Sunne make that night a great quantity of dowe of Maiz called çancu, * 3.108 whereof they make little loues as bigge as a common Apple. Neyther do these Indians euer eat their Maiz made into bread but at this Feast and at another called Citua; then eating two or three bits at the beginning of the meale; their ordinary meales in stead of bread haue çara par∣ched or boyled in graine. The Virgins of the Sunne prepare this bread for the Inca, and those of his bloud; for the rest, innumerable other women are appointed, which make it with Reli∣gious care.

In the morning early the Inca goeth accompanied with all his kindred, 〈…〉〈…〉ed according to * 3.109 their age and dignitie, to the chiefe street of the Citie called Haucapata: and there expect the [ 10] Sunne rising, all barefooted, looking to the East with great attention; as soone as he peepes forth, fall on their elbowes (which is as kneeling here) adoring him with their armes open, and their hands before their faces, giuing kisses to the ayre (as in Spaine it is the vse to kisse a mans owne hand, or the Princes garment) so acknowledging him their God. The Curacas set themselues in * 3.110 another street next thereto, called Cussipata, and make the same adoration. After this the King riseth on his feet, others remaning on their elbowes, and taketh two great vessels of Gold full of drinke, the one in his right hand, as in the name and steed of the Sunne, as if he did drinke to his kindred (this was their greatest courtesie of the S••perior to the Inferior, and amongst friends, to giue them drinke) and powres it into a pipe of Gold, by which it runneth into the house of the Sunne. After this he drinketh part of that in his left hand, giuing the rest to the Incas in a [ 20] small Cup, or out of the same vessell (this sanctifying or giuing vertue to all that is brought forth) euery man drinking a draught. The Curacas drinke of that which the women of the Sunne haue * 3.111 made. This done, they went all in order to the House of the Sunne, and two hundred paces be∣fore they came at the doore, they put off their shooes; only the King stayed till hee came at the doore. Then the Inca and his entred in and adored the Image of the Sunne, as naturall Sonnes. The Curacas abode in the street before the Temple. The Inca offered with his owne hands the * 3.112 vessels in which he had done that ceremony; the other Incas gaue their vessels to the Priests (for they which were not Priests, might not doe the Priestly office, although they were of the bloud.) The Priests hauing receiued the Incas offered vessels, went forth to receiue those of the Cu∣racas which brought them in order of their antiquity, as they had bin subiect to the Empire; they * 3.113 [ 30] gaue also other things of Gold and Sil••er, with Sheep, Lizards, Toads, Snakes, Foxes, Tigres, Li∣ons, variety of Birds, and whatsoeuer most abounded in their Countries. The offerings ended, they returned to their streets in order. Then the Incas Priests, bring sorth great store of Lambes, barren Ewes and Rams of all colours (for sheep in those parts are of al colours, as Horses in these) all being the C••••tle of the Sun. They take a black Lambe (which they esteeme the holiest colour for * 3.114 Sacrifices and the Kings weare commonly black) and offer that first for Soothsaying (a thing vsed by them in all things of moment in peace and warre, looking into the heart and lungs for prog∣nostications) they set the head to the East, not tying any of his feet, open him aliue (being hol∣den by three or foure Indians) and that on the left side, to take out his heart and entrals with their hands, without cutting. The best Augury was if the lungs mooued when they were taken [ 40] forth: the worst, if the Sacrifice in the opening arose on the feet ouercomming those which held it. If one prooued vnluckie, they assayed another of a Ram, and another of a barren Ewe; if all prooued v••••ucky they gaue ouer keeping the Feast, and said the Sunne was angry for some fault. which they had done, and expected wars, Dearth, Murrayne, &c. After this Augury, they ope∣ned not the other Sacrifices aliue but cut off their heads, offering the bloud and heart to the Sun.

The fire which they vsed must bee new, giuen them, as they said by the hands of the Sunne, which they did by the force of the Sunne beames shining thorow a Iewell which the High Priest * 3.115 held in his hand (as by a burning Glasse) on Cotton. With this fire they burned the Sacrifice and rosted that dayes flesh: and carried thereof to the Temple of the Sunne, and to the house of Vir∣gins to keepe all the yeere. And if the Sunne did not shine, they made fire with motion of two smooth round stickes: but this absence or refusall of the Sunne they esteemed vnlucky. All the [ 50] flesh of those Sacrifices was rosted openly in the two streets aforesaid; they parted it amongst the Incas, Curacas, and common people which were at the Feast, giuing it with the bread çancu. After this they had many other Viands: and when they had done eating they fell to drinking, in * 3.116 which vice they exceeded, though now the Spaniards example haue that way done good, and this vice is infamous amongst them. The Inca sitting in state sends his Kinsmen to the principall in his name to make them drinke, first the valorous Captaynes, next the Curacas which haue not bin Commanders in war, then to Cozco-Incas by priuiledge: the manner was this; the Inca which brought the drinke said, the Capa Inca sends thee banketting drinke, and I come in his name to drinke with thee. The Captaine or Curaca tooke the Cup with great reuerence and lifted vp his eyes to [ 60] the Sunne, as giuing him thankes for such a fauour, and hauing drunke, returned the Cup to the Inca with shew of adoration, not speaking one word. Hee sends to the Captaines in generall; but to some speciall Curacas only; the rest the Incas in their owne name, and not in the Kings, cause to drinke. The Cups were holden in great veneration because the Capa Inca had touched

them with his hands and lips. After this beginning they fell to freer drinking one to another, and after that to dancing, the Feast continuing nine dayes with great iollity, but the Sacrifices held but the first: and after they returned to their Countries.

Now for their Knights, till they had that order, they were not capeable of the dignities of * 3.117 warre or peace. The youths of the Royall bloud (for none else might be in election) from sixteene yeeres old vpwards, first made experiments of themselues in rigorous tryals, whether they could indure the hard Aduentures of warre. Euery yeere, or each other yeere, these noble youths were shut vp in a house where old Masters examined them. They were to fast seuen dayes strictly, with a little raw 〈…〉〈…〉ne and water, to try their endurance of hunger and thirst. Their Parents and brethren al〈…〉〈…〉ed for them to intreate the Sunne to fauour them. They which could not [ 10] sustaine this fast, were reiected as vnsufficient. After this they heartned them with meate, and tryed their actiuitie in running of a certaine Race a league and halfe long, where was a Banner set, which he that first came at was Captaine of the rest: others also to the tenth were subordinate∣ly honoured. Their next tryall was in skirmish, one halfe to keepe, the other to get a Fort; and they which were now keepers, were another day besiegers, where eagernesse and emulation sometimes cost some their liues in that ludicrous warre. Then followed wrestling betwixt e∣quals, leaping, throwing small and great stones, also a Launce and a Dart, and other Armes, shoo∣ting, casting with a sling, and exercise in all weapons of warre. They caused them to watch ten or twelue nights as Centinels, comming suddenly on them at vncertaine houres, shaming those which they found sleeping. They tryed with wands how they could indure stripes, beating them [ 20] cruelly on the armes and legs (where the Indians goe bare) and if they made any sad remonstrance of sorrow they reiected them, saying how would they beare their enemies weapons? They were to bee in manner vnsensible. A Fencer also made semblance with a two hand Club cal∣led Macana, another while wit•• a Pike, to hit or strike them, and if they shrugged, or in their eyes or body made shew of feare, they were reiected. Next they made triall whether they had skill to make their armes of all sorts, and shooes called Vsuta, like those which the Franciscans weare.

After all these, the Captaines and Masters of these Ceremonies tell them of their pedigree from the Sunne, the noble Acts of their Ancestors, and instruct them in courage, clemency and milde∣nesse to the poore, with other parts of morality. The Heire apparant indured no lesse rigorous [ 30] tryals then others, except in running for the Banner, and all that tryall time (which was from one New Moone to another) he went in poore and vile habit to teach him to pity the poore. These things done, the King solemnly attended, made a Speech to them, and each on their knees receiued at his hand the first Ensigne of dignity, which was to boare a hole in their eares.

The New Knight kissed his hand, and the next person to the Inca put off his Vsutas, and put him on gallant shooes of Wooll. Then did he goe to another place, where other Incas put him on breeches, as the token of manhood, which before he might not weare: after which they put on his head two kinds of flowres, and a leafe of another herbe which will long keepe greene. No other men might weare those flowres. The Prince had the same Ensignes, and differed only in his yellow fringe of Wooll (which none but he, and that first after his tryall, might weare) and [ 40] an Axe of Armes with a kinde of Iaueline aboue a yard long; which when they put in his hand, they said Aucunapac, that is, for tyrant Traytors. The Kings fringe was coloured; he ware besides on his head two feathers of a B••rd called Coreq••enque, which are said to bee but a Male and a Fe∣male, in one place only called Villacanuta. These they weare vpon their fringe; and euery new Successor must haue new. When the Prince is Knighted all of the bloud Royall adore him as their Prince.

INca Yupanqui bestowed three yeeres in visiting his Kingdome, and afterwards resolued on a * 3.118 difficult designe, namely to passe the Antis Eastward from Cozco, that hauing trauersed those hig•• Hils, he might find passage by some Riuers running thence Eastward: for the Hils them∣selues [ 50] still couered with Snow falne and falling were impassable; mooued by a tradition of many Habitations and Countries in those parts. One of which was called Musu (by the Spaniards, Moxos) to which he might enter by a Riuer in the Antis diuided into fiue, which all make the Riuer Amarumayis; which I suspect to fall into the Riuer of Plate, the greatest Riuer knowne after Orellana. With this determination he sent to cut a great quantity of that stuffe which the Spaniards call Higuera, wherein they spent two yeeres, making thereof a kind of Boats, so many as receiued ten thousand Souldiers with their prouisions, each holding thirtie, fortie, fiftie more or lesse, with their prouisions in the midst. Thus went they downe the Riuer, and had great encounter with the Chanchu which liued on both sides the Riuer, all painted and naked with fea∣thers on their heads armed, with Bowes and Arrowes. They were reduced to subiection, and * 3.119 [ 60] sent presents of Poppenjayes, Monkies and Huacamayas, Waxe and Honey, which they conti∣nued till the death of Tupac Amara the last of the Incas, whom the Vice-roy Francis de Toledo beheaded.

A Colonie of these was planted neere Tono, some sixe and twenty leagues from Cozco. They

proceeded in their Conquest till they came at Musu two hundred leagues from Cozco. These hearing their Relations of the Iucas conquests and deuotions, and Viracochas vision, were content to accept of their friendship, and confederacie, but not to acknowledge vassallage. They per∣mitted them to make a plantation there, and gaue them their Daughters for Wiues, being now * 3.120 not aboue a thousand left, the rest wasted in the ill wayes and warres. They sent an Embassage also to Cozco which were well entertained and instructed in all their Rites. These Peruans would haue returned into their Countrey about the time of Huayna Capacs death but hearing of the Spanish conquest, stayed.

Anno 1564. one Diego Aleman a Spaniard hearing of Gold in those parts, with twelue others * 3.121 went on foote with an Indian Curaca for his guide (the ill wayes admitted no Horses) and ha∣uing [ 10] trauelled into the Musus Countrey after eight and twentie dayes, were set vpon and tenne Spaniards killed, Diego himselfe taken, and two only escaped in the darknesse of the night. The Indians made Diego their Captaine (of a Captiue) against their enemies. About this Golden prize the Spaniards after fell into contention, diuers hauing gotten the grant, and many were slaine by their emulous Competitors, and so made an easie prey to the Chunchus. Three they took and after two yeeres dismissed them. One of them was a Frier and Priest whom they requested at his departure to send for their conuersion which was not done. But let vs returne to Inca Yupanqui.

After this Expedition to the Musus, hee resolued on the Conquest of the great Prouince Chirihuana, which is vpon the Antis Eastward from Charcas. And because the Countrey was * 3.122 [ 20] vnknowne, he sent Spies which brought word that it was a wretched Countrey, wilde Moun∣taynes, m••ry Marishes, Lakes and Bogs, vnprofitable for Seed and Husbandry, and the Natu∣rals brutish worse then beasts without Religion or worship of any thing, without Law, Townes, or Houses, and eating mans flesh, hunting to that end the Neighbour Prouinces, and drinking their bloud, without difference of sexe or age; eating also their owne when they dyed, and w••en they had eaten their flesh, they layd the bones together and mourned for them, burying those Re∣likes in Rockes or hollow Trees. They were clothed in skinnes, and abstayned not from sisters, mothers, daughters. Good Inca Yupanqui (so they vsed to call him) hearing this, said they were more bound to the Conquest, to the end to ciuilize them; for therefore our Father the Sun hath sent vs. [ 30]

Hee sent tenne thousand men which spent two yeeres, and returned without hauing ef∣fected * 3.123 their Designe by reason of the ill condition of the Countrey. Neyther had the V••ce-roy Do•• Francis de Toledo any better successe in the like attempt. Anno 1572. in which by reason of the badnesse of the wayes vnpassable for Mules, his Litter was carried on mens shoulders, whom the Chiribuanas followed with cryes threatni••g to eate them. Such terrour they cause to the borderers, that an hundred of them will flee from ten: yet this little conuersation with those which the Inca sent, instructed them to leaue eating their dead friends, and to dwell in houses in common.

The good King Inca Yupanqui after this, proceeded to another purpose of conquering Chili, * 3.124 and from Atacama sent Spies to discouer it, and the difficulty of the wayes; which passed the [ 40] Deserts and left markes in the way left they should loose it at their returne, there beeing eighty leagues of Wildernesse from Atacama to Copayapu, which is a little Prouince well peopled, from which to Cuquimpu are other eightie leagues vnpeopled. These hauing giuen aduice to the Inca, he sent ten thousand men of warre vnder the command of Sinchiruca with prouisions necessary; and after them sent ten thousand others both to succour them, and to terrifie the enemy. When words would not perswade the men of Copayapu to receiue the command of the Lord of the foure * 3.125 parts of the World, they came to skirmishes and after to composition, vpon the comming of the second Army. The Inca hereupon leuied other ten thousand, and sent them to follow the former which marched eighty leagues, and after many troubles came to another Valley or Prouince called Cuquimpu, which they subdued. And so proceeded conquering all the Nations which are till you come to the Valley of Chili, whereof that whole Kingdome takes the name. This ex∣ploit [ 50] was sixe yeeres in hand, the Inca still sending fresh supplies of men and prouisions of armes, clothes and other necessaries, so that he had fiftie thousand men of warre in Chili. They went fifty leagues further Southwards to the Riuer of Maulli, stil vsing faire meanes rather then cruel∣tie * 3.126 to reduce them. And thus the Empire was aduanced aboue two hundred and sixty leagues beyond Atacama: yet ambition looking further, they passed the Riuer Maulli with twenty thousand men. Three dayes they fought cruelly till halfe of both sides were slaine: the three dayes following they were content to sit still in expectation, and after that departed from each other without further accomplishment. Maulli was now the Southerne boundarie, and the Inca hauing intelligence sent them word rather to cultiuate and order what they had got∣ten [ 60] then to seeke new Conquests. Thus they fortified the Frontiers and attended the admi∣nistration * 3.127 of Iustice, and building Houses for the Sunne and the King.

Diego de Almagro was the first Spaniard which discouered Chili, but hauing purchased nothing

but the sight and innumerable troubles in the way, he returned to Peru, which was the cause of the generall Rebellion of the Indians of Peru, and of the discords and Ciuill warres of the Spa∣niards. Pedro de Valdiuia, made the next Discouerie, and happily conquered them, but as vn∣happily * 3.128 was put to death by the Araucans his vassals, after hee had raised his profits to a hundred thousand Pezos yeerely, which yet did but enlarge his appetite. The Araucans had assembled twelue or thirteene thousand, notwithstanding which numbers Valdiuia still had the better, by reason of the Horsemen, ten of which would breake thorow a thousand Indians, which there∣fore would not deale with the Spaniards in the Plaines but kept the Hils. A certaine old Cap∣taine * 3.129 hearing hereof, would needs goe thither to see what that Military mysterie might be, that one hundred and fiftie men should hold vnder so many thousands. He called a Councell, and asked [ 10] if the Spaniards were mortall and made of flesh, subiect to humane infirmities of wearinesse and sleepe; and likewise of their Horses; which being affirmed, hee taught them another course of battle, diuiding all their thousands into so many bands single, each of which should fight, and doe what they could, and when they were wearie should conuay themselues away, and giue place to another Regiment; meanewhile to recollect themselues into their ranke againe, and to refresh themselues: so likewise should the second and third and all of them doe in their order. Thus they fought and fled, and still seemed to the Spaniards both broken and whole, they hauing often broken the bands, which yet kept still neere the number which they had at first. This troubled them, their bodies and horses yeelding to wearinesse by long continuance from morning till afternoone: and then Valdiuia commanded his men that they should re∣coyle [ 20] by degrees, making a defensiue warre till they might recouer certayne Straits, where they might easily by the strength of the place bee defended. This was heard by one Philip a Chili Seruant of the Gouernours (by his Indian name, Lautram) who fled to his Countrimen, * 3.130 and told them this his Masters intent. Whereupon they sent some Regiments to make good that place, so that about Sunne-set the Spaniards thinking to secure themselues there, came to the Sunne-set and irrecouerable night of their Fates. The Gouernour and a Frier were taken, the rest slaine: three Indians fled and carried newes of this disaster. Val∣diuias death is diuersly told; some say that that Philip killed him, some that another Captayne did it with a Clubbe whiles others by his promises were wonne to giue him libertie. Francis de Rieros which then was a Captayne in Chili, from the reports of * 3.131 [ 30] Indians, tels that the Chilois made dances all night, at the end of each dance cutting off a piece of the flesh of both their Prisoners and eating it before their faces. Notwith∣standing they doe not ordinarily eate mans flesh. This was Anno 1553. and euer since the Rebellion hath continued: at which time Don Sebastian rebelled in Potosi and Fran∣cis Hernandes Giron in Cozco, Rebellions later then those of the Pizarrists and Almagrists.

I might adde to these affaires of Chili, the great Earth-quakes, A. 1600. in Peru, at Arequepa, the rayning of sand, as also of ashes about twenty dayes from a Vulcan breaking forth; the ashes falling in places aboue a yard thicke, in some places more then two, and where lest aboue a quar∣ter of a yard, which buried the Corne-grounds of Maiz and Wheat, and the boughes of Trees were broken and fruitlesse, and the Cattle great and small dyed for want of pasture. For the [ 40] sand which rained couered the fields thirty leagues one way, and aboue forty another way round about Arequepa. They found their Kine dead by fiue hundred together in seuerall Heards, and whole Flockes of Sheepe and Heards of Goates and Swine buried. Houses fell with the weight of the sand, others cost much industry to saue them. Mighty Thunders and Lightnings were heard and seene thirty leagues about Arequepa. It was so darke whiles those showres lasted that at m dday they burned Candles to see to doe their businesse. This from Peru: from Chili they write that the Rebellion of Arauco groweth euery day stronger. On Wednesday the foure and twentieth * 3.132 of Nouember 1599. there came in the morning vpon the citie of Valdiuia, about fiue thousand Indians of the bordering places, and of the places adioyning to Imperiall, Pica, and Putem, three thousand hors∣men and the rest foot; seuenty of them Harcabuse men, and two hundred in coates * 3.133 of Maile (Cotas.) [ 50] They came vnperceiued, hauing set double Espials on the citie. They came in Squadrons ranked in or∣der; for they knew that the Spaniards were asleepe, and had but foure men in their Corps de gard, and to walke the round. They were blinded with their fortune some twentie dayes before hauing beaten the In∣dians from their Fort in Vega, and the Marishes of Paparlen, slaying many that for eight leagues a∣bout no Indian durst be seene. Thus entred they the streets of that vnhappy citie, and fired the houses; then tooke the gates, and in two houres space with fire and Sword destroyed the Towne, and wanne the Fort and Artillery, killing foure hundred Spaniards of both Sexes; sacked three hundred thousand Pe∣zos of spoile, consuming all the rest. The shippes of Vallano, Villaroell, and another of Diego de Roias, were at anchor in the Riuer, and if some had not escaped in Canoas to carry them newes, they had runne the like fortune. The Spaniards seuerity a little before made them thus cruell, hauing sold so ma∣ny [ 60] of their wiues and children for slaues to Merchants, which carried them out of their Countries, be∣ing * 3.134 baptized, and hauing kept Priests fiftie yeeres. Now first, they destroyed the Churches, and bra••e the Images in pieces. Ten dayes after Coronel Francisco del Campo, came with three hundred men sent

from his Excellency from Peru, to succour those Cities. Hauing seene this lamentable destruction, he went to succour Osorno, and Villarrica, and sad Ymperiall, of which hee knew nothing but that it had * 3.135 beene besieged a yeere by the enemies, hauing nothing to eat but dead Horses, Cats, Dogges, and Hides. But first he succoured Osorno, to which the victorious enemies had gone from Valdiuia. Newes came at the same time, whiles I was writing, that those of Ymperiall were dead with famine, all saue twentie whom hunger forced to a worse destinie, to goe to the Indians. Lord haue mercy on vs. Amen. March 1600. from Saint Iago.

Father Diego de Alcobaza (whom I haue before mentioned) writ to me, Anno 1601. that the Indi∣ans * 3.136 were growne of such dexteritie in warres, that euery Indian on horsebacke with his Lance, durst sally out on any Spanish Souldier, were he neuer so valiant: and euery yeere many goe from Peru thither [ 10] but none returne. They haue sacked two Townes, and killed all they found in them, carrying away the wo∣men and daughters and seruants: and lastly, they killed in an Enboscada the Gouernour Loyola, which * 3.137 was married to a daughter of Don Diego Sayritupac the Inca, which went from Viliacapampa, be∣fore your Worship went to those parts. God haue mercy on the dead, and giue remedie to the liuing. Other things he writ so irkesome, that I forbeare to recite, as of the plagues of Arequepa, one of which * 3.138 was that Wheate was worth that yeere ten or eleuen Ducats, and Maiz thirteene. Anno 1602. the disasters of Arequepa, continued as the Iesuites haue written. Anno 1604. Padre Maestro * 3.139 Francisco de Castro gaue mee this further Relation of Chili. Of thirteene Cities which are in this Realme of Chili, the Indians haue destroyed sixe, viz. Valdiuio, Imperiall, Angol, Sancta Cruz, * 3.140 Chillan and Conception. They wasted and consumed therein, the Houses, Churches, Deuotion, Bean∣tie [ 20] of the fields; and yet the greatest misery is, that the Indians haue gathered heart and courage for greater spoyles and destructions of Cities and Monasteries. They haue bent their minds to mischiefe and cunning stratagems. They besieged the Citie Osorno, and consuming the Spanish forces, they retired to * 3.141 a Fort in which they haue held them as it were in a continuall siege, the besieged sustayning themselues with seeds and herbes. In one of the sieges which that Citie sustained, they broke the Images: in the last they killed the Centinels, and safely entred and seised the Fort, the Spaniards not perceiuing, and whiles they were busie in spoyle, the Spaniards came on them, and got from them the women and Nuns. The last Victory of the Indians, was the taking of Villarrica, with great slaughter of Spaniards, firing * 3.142 it in foure parts. They killed all the Freers of Saint Domingo, Saint Francis, and our Lady of Pitie, and the Clergie men: they captiued all the women which were many, and of a good account. [ 30]

Now let vs returne to the Inca Yupanqui, who now determined to ceasse further inuading and conquest, His Realme now extending a thousand leagues. He made many Fortresses and Tem∣ples to the Sunne, and Nunneries, and Royall Palaces, and Conueyances of water. Especially hee bestowed paines on the Fortresse of Cozco, for which his Father had brought great store of stones. He visited his Kingdome to see with his eyes the necessities thereof that he might reme∣die them, which he did with such care, that he merited the surname of Pious. After which hee dyed full of Trophees, hauing enlarged his Empire so farre to the South, and a hundred and forty leagues Northwards.

Tupac Inqua Yupanqui his eldest Sonne succeeded. The Fortresse of Cozco which hee built may * 3.143 seeme a worke of Deuils rather then men, the stones (or Rockes rather) in three circuits about [ 40] being so many and great, the Indians hauing neither Iron nor Steele to cut or worke them, nor Oxen, nor Carts to draw them, but all done with force of men with great Cables, and that tho∣row vneuen wayes in rough Mountains. Many of them they brought ten, twelue, fifteen leagues, * 3.144 particularly that stone which the Indians call Saycusca, that is, wearied, which was brought fif∣teene leagues, and passed the Riuer Yucay little lesse then Guadalquiuir at Corduba. The most came from Muyna, fiue leagues off. Many of them are so close, that scarsly the place where they are * 3.145 ioyned can be discerned, which required the lifting vp and often setling one stone vpon another, hauing neyther Square, nor Rule. Nor could they make Cranes or any sort of Engine to helpe them. It seemes that the Incas thought hereby to expresse their magnificence and power, and the skill of their workmen. This Fortresse was built on a Hill on the Northside of the Citie, so steepe that way that it could not bee assaulted, and therefore one wall serued on that side two [ 50] hundred fathomes long. They had no morter but vsed a kind of coloured clay faster then it. On the other parts they made three wals one before another, each aboue two hundred fathomes, in forme of a halfe Moone; there were stones in them, but such as were admirably great. A Priest of Montilla hauing beene in Peru and seene them, told me that hee could not imagine how they * 3.146 could be laid but by the blacke Art. And indeed this in respect of the want of Art may bee said to exceed the seuen Wonders of the World: for it is easie to conceiue how the Pyramides of Egypt and wals of Babylon might be made, which here is not. Eu••ry wall in the midst had one gate which had one stone eleuated the breadth and height thereof. Betwixt one wall and ano∣ther was about thirty foot: the battlements were aboue a yard high. The height I cannot ex∣actly [ 60] tell. Within those wals were three strong Forts, the middlemost called Moyoc Marca, or the round Fort, in which was a Conduit of good water brought farre off vnder ground, the In∣dians * 3.147 knew not whence: it was knowne only to the Inca and some chiefe Councellors. In this the Kings remained when they went to visit the Fortresse, and the wals were all adorned with

gold and siluer and counterfeits of beasts, and birds, and plants, enchased therein, which serued for Tapestry. The second Fort was called Paucar Marca, the third, Sacllac Marca, both square, with Roomes for Souldiers which must be Incas of priuiledge, for no other Nation might enter, it being the house of the Sunne for warre, as Temples were for Prayer. The Captaine was of * 3.148 the bloud Royall legitimate. They had vnder earth passages from one Fort to another very ar∣tificiall with Labyrintian windings and turnings inextricable but by a Thread. When I was a Boy I often saw the ruines thereof, but none of vs durst enter the Vaults further then wee had * 3.149 Sun-light.

The whole worke was of stone, some polished, some rude. They had to draw the great Stone Saycusca twenty thousand Indians with Cables, one halfe before, the other behind; in one vne∣uen [ 10] passage it killed three or foure thousand Indians. They call it wearied, because they were wea∣rie * 3.150 and neuer layd it in the building. The Architect was Callacunczuy. The Spaniards not only doe not repaire the Fortresse, but pull it downe to build their priuate houses, euery of their hou∣ses in the Citie beeing therewith adorned. In such manner haue they cast so great Maiesty to the ground. The three wals stand because they cannot ruine them for their greatnesse, yet some part they demolished to seeke the Chaine of gold which Huayna Capac made. This Inca beganne this Fortresse which continued fiftie yeeres before it was finished.

THe Great Tupac Inca Yupanqui (his name Tupac signifieth Resplendent or Illustrious, for such were his Acts) after the accomplishment of solemnities concerning his Fathers Funerals, * 3.151 [ 20] and his owne Coronation, which consumed one yeere; visited his Kingdome, the better to know and to be knowne of his Subiects, and for better execution of Iustice by his Officers and Iudges, in which he spent foure yeeres. This done, he leuied forty thousand Souldiers to proceed in the course of his Fathers, which palliated their ambition of Souereigntie and Dominion, with re∣ducing men from Barbarisme and beastiality to Ciuility and Religion. He marched to Cassamar∣ca, and entred the Prouince of Chachapuya. Eastwards from Cassamarca, a Countrey of valiant * 3.152 men and very faire women. They worshipped Snakes, and the bird Cuntur was their principall God. It then contayned aboue fortie thousand Families. Their chiefe Armes were slings, and they wore a kinde of sling-net for their head tyre (hee cals both by the name honda.) Beyond them are the Huacrachucu a fierce and warly Nation, which weare on their head a blacke leash of Wooll [ 30] with white flyes here and there, and for a feather a piece of a Deeres horne: these worshipped in those times Snakes, and kept them pictured in their Temples and houses. These lay in the way to the former, and much bloud was lost in fight on both sides; whereupon the Inca, after their ancient custome, sought to reduce them by faire meanes, intimating that hee came more to doe them good as they had done to other Nations, suffering the Curacas to rule still; then to rule ouer them, seeking no more but that they should worship the Sunne, and leaue their barba∣rousnesse. * 3.153 He diuided his Armie, and sent some to take the most commodious places, so that they were forced to seeke peace. He stayed there, the Countrey being rainy, till the next Summer, and sent for twenty thousand men more, instructing the Huacrachucus meane while in his de∣uotions and Lawes, and to conuay away the waters, and make the grounds fit for seed to their [ 40] great benefit.

The next Summer hee entred the Prouince Chachapuya, where notwithstanding the wonted gentle message he was incountred with a cruell warre. This Prouince was fiftie leagues long, and * 3.154 twenty broad, reaching to Muyupampa, which is thirtie leagues long. The Hils were craggie, and in places very steepe and snowie; three hundred which he sent to spie, were drowned in the snow, not one escaping. The prowesse and numbers of the Inca brought all by degrees to subie∣ction, Pias, Charmac cassa (an open passage of the snowie Hill, very dangerous where the three hundred were lost) Cuntur Marca, Cassa Marquilla, all Mountaynous and craggie places, till hee came to Raymipampa, so called of a Feast which he solemnized there to the Sunne in his Campe, * 3.155 being a faire Valley; and thence to Muyupampa, where Ancohualla entred as is before said in Vi∣racochas [ 50] time, rather then he would bee a subiect to the Inca; these and Cascuyunca now yeel∣ded. The next Summer hee marched on to Huancapampa, a great Nation, but diuided amongst themselues, naked and warring not for wealth but women, worshipping Birds, Beasts, Plants, * 3.156 euery one as himselfe pleased. These he tamed by hunger (staruing such as came not in) and gaue them Masters to instruct them in husbandry, and how to clothe themselues, to water their fields, and to plant Townes, so that it became one of the best Prouinces in Peru. More to ennoble it, hee after built there a Temple and house of Virgins, prohibiting the eating of mans flesh, and gaue them Priests and men learned in the Lawes to instruct them. Afterwards he * 3.157 added three great Prouinces, Cassa Ayahuaca and Callua to his Signory, which liued ciuilly, hauing Townes and Fortresses, and a kind of Republike or free State, hauing their meetings and choice [ 60] of Gouernours. These Conquests ended, he spent long time in visiting his Kingdom, and bu••lding Temples, Nunneries, Store-houses, Aquaeducts, especially taking care of the Fortresse at Cozco.

Some yeeres this way spent, hee marched Northward to Huanucu, which containeth many * 3.158 disunited Nations, whom he easily conquered, and planted Townes there, being a fertile Coun∣trie,

and temperate, making it the chiefe Prouince of many others in those Confines. He built * 3.159 there a Temple for the Sunne, and a house of chosen Virgins, twenty thousand Indians perfor∣ming seruices in course to those two houses. He went next to the Prouince Cannari, which ware their haire long, tied on a knot in the Crowne. By these head-tires in the time of the Incas, each Indian was knowne of what Nation he was; which in my time they continued, but now they say all is confounded. These Cannaris before this worshipped the Moone as chiefe Deity, and great Trees and Stones in the second place; but now were brought to the Incas Sunne-religion, and their Countrie ennobled with a Temple, Nunnerie, Palaces, Water-passages, &c. The Na∣tion Quillacu is belowe the Cannari, the most miserable of Nations, neither hauing good land, nor aire, nor water, whence grew a Prouerbe applied to couetous misers, hee is a very Quillacu: on these the Inca imposed a tribute of Lice, that so they might learne to be cleanly. Tupac Inca [ 10] Yupanqui and his sonne Huayna Capac much ennobled those Prouinces of the Cannaris, and of Tumipampa, with building Royall houses, adorning the Lodgings in stead of Tapestry with coun∣terfeits of Herbs, Plants and Creatures of gold and siluer, the Porches chased with Gold and in∣layed with Emeralds and Turquesses: a Temple also of the Sunne enchased with Gold and Sil∣uer, the Indians custome being to make oftentation of seruice to their Kings, and to flatter them filling their Temples and Palaces with all the treasures they were able (in Pots, Pannes, and o∣ther vessels of gold and siluer and much costly raiment.) Hauing returned to Cozco, his ambition not long after brought him backe to Tumipampa, where he gained many Prouinces vnto the con∣fines of the Kingdome of Quitu, viz. Chanchan Moca, Quesna, Pumallacta, (that is, the Land of [ 20] Lions, by reason of the store there, being also worshipped for Gods) Ticzampi, Tiu cassa, Capam∣pi, * 3.160 Vrcollasu and Tincuracu, barren and barbarous Regions, which he sent Masters to teach Ciui∣litie and Religion. After that, he made another expedition with fortie thousand men to Quitu, * 3.161 the name of the Kingdome and King. It is seuenty leagues long and thirtie broad, fertile and rich. They worshipped Deere, and great Trees.

The warre continuing long, he sent for his sonne Huayna Capac to come with twelue thou∣sand men more to exercise him in warre. Huayna Capac signifieth from a childe rich in magnani∣mous exploits. Capac was a title giuen to things of greatest eminence. And this seemed praeemi∣nent in him that he neuer denied any woman any sute, v••ing to them gentle compellations of * 3.162 Mother, Sister, Daughter, according to their age, &c. Tupac Inca returned to Cozco, and left his sonne to dispatch the warre, which was three yeeres before Quitu was reduced, beside two [ 30] yeeres which his father spent: the reason whereof was the Incas custome to gaine not by fire and sword, but as they could make the Natiues forsake it; which had this effect, that their con∣quest was more durable, and their vassals bare them better affection. At the end of those fiue * 3.163 yeeres the King of Quitu ••••ed, and the people subiected them to Huayna Capac, which vsed them gently. He passed on to Quillacenca, that is, Iron-nose Prouince (so called for their boring the * 3.164 nostrils, and wearing Iewels thereat) a vile, brutish, lousy People, without Religion, eating any carion. They were easily subiected, as likewise the next Prouince of like condition Pastu, and Otauallu a People more ciuill and warlike, and Caranque a barbarous Nation which worship∣ped Tigres, and Lions, and great Snakes, in their Sacrifices offering the hearts and bloud of men [ 40] which they ouercame in warre: these he ciuillized also.

Tupac Inca was busie in his Fortresse at Cozco, keeping twenty thousand men at worke therein with great order and emulation of each Nation to exceed other. Huayna Capac returning, was receiued with great triumph,: and because he had no children by his eldest Sister Pillcu Huaco, he was secondly married to his second Sister Raua Ocllo, the Incas still vsing that marriage in imi∣tation * 3.165 of Manco Capac, and for certainty of the bloud on both sides. King Tupac, and his Coun∣cell ordained that both should be lawfull Wiues, and holden for Queenes, and not for Concubins. Hee married also Mama Rucu, his Vncle Amara Tupacs eldest daughter the next in bloud to the former, hauing no third Sister of whole bloud. By Raua Ocllo he had Huascar Inca; and by his Cousin-german, Manco Inca. Tupac Inca drawing neere to death called together his children (which were aboue two hundred) and made the wonted discourse or Testament, commending * 3.166 [ 50] peace and iustice and care of their vassals to them, and to shew themselues indeed the children of the Sunne: recommending to the Prince, the reducing and conquest of the Sauages to the seruice of the Sunne, and a politike life, and to follow the example of his Fore-fathers, and to chastise the Huallcauilcas which had slaine his Captaines in rebellion. Hee said h•• was now go∣ing to another life, his father the Sunne calling him to rest with him. Thus died Tupac Inca, fa∣mous for the benefits done to his Countrie, therefore called Tupac Yaya, Illustrious Father. By Mama Ocllo he had sixe sonnes; the eldest, Huayna Capac: the second, Auqui Amaru Tupac Inca; the third, Quehuar Tupac; the fourth, Huallpa Tupac Inca Yupanqui (my mothers grand∣father;) the fi••th, Titu Inca Rimachi; the sixth, A••qui Mayta. They embalmed his body which [ 60] I saw Anno 1559. as if it had beene aliue. The rest of this eighth Booke the Authour hath spent in description of the creatures of principall note of those parts, in which out of Acosta, and others hauing beene tedious already, we will not here trouble the Reader.

THe mighty Huayna Capac, after other things set in order, hauing a sonne (Huascar) borne, for whom he made twenty dayes feast; began to propound great and rare deuises to him∣selfe. * 3.167 One was a Chaine of gold, much sought but neuer seene by the Spaniards. The Indians vse much dancing, and are as easily distinguished one Nation from another by their dances, as by their head-tires. The Incas had a graue kinde of dancing in measures, men alone without wo∣men, hand in hand, singing in their soft paces, three hundred or more in a solemne feast, the Inca himselfe sometimes dancing with them: at other times they danced about, still comming nee∣rer to that Royall centre. This holding of hands in a ring gaue occasion to make the golden Chaine, that they might dance by it without touching hands, as I haue heard the fore-mentio∣ned old Inca, (my mothers Vncle) discourse. Hee told mee that it contained the length and * 3.168 [ 10] bredth of the great street of Cozco, which is seuen hundred foot, and the bignesse of euery linke thereof was (he said) as bigge as his wrest. Augustin de Zarate calls it Maroma, a Cable, from the report of Indians then liuing, and sayth, it was as much as two hundred Indians could lift) Much haue the Spaniards sought for this and other treasures, whereof they could neuer finde any foot-print. Prince Ynti Cusi Huallpa (that was his name before, and signifieth Huallpa the Sunne * 3.169 of reioycing) was in memorie of that which was made to honour his birth called Huascar, an r added to Huasca (which signifieth a Rope, their Language not differencing a Chaine from a Rope) by which addition Huascar might be without signification, and auoyde the ill sound of a Rope, which was added to his former name at his waining and polling Feast, when hee was two yeeres old. After that hee leuied fortie thousand Souldiers, and went to Quitu, in which Voyage hee * 3.170 [ 20] tooke for his Concubine the eldest daughter of King Quitu aforesaid, which was there kept in the House of the chosen, or Nunnerie; and by her had Atahuallpa, and other children.

Thence he went to the Plaines, and made conquest of the Valley of Chimu (now Trugillo) and Chacma, Pacasmayn, Canna, Collque, Cintu, Tucmi, Sayanca, Mutupi, Puchiu Sallana, bestowing much cost to conuey water, and benefit his new conquests. After some time spent at Quitu, hee * 3.171 leuied another Armie of fifty thousand, and conquered Tumpiz (a vicious, luxurious People, and Sodomiticall, which adored Tigres and Lions, and sacrificed the hearts and bloud of Men) and Chunana Chintuy, Collonche, and other confining places. Hee made a faire Fortresse in Tum∣piz, and set there a Garrison: he built a House of the Sunne, and another of Virgins: and after * 3.172 that entred into the Prouince Huancauillca, which had killed those Masters which his Father Tupac Inca Yupanqui had sent to instruct them. Hee commanded all the Curacas to come before [ 30] him, which durst doe no other, with all the chiefe men, to whom one of the Masters of the Campe made a Speech of their treason and bad demerits: Notwithstanding the Inca vsing his naturall clemency, and making account of his title Huacchacuyac (The benefactor or louer of the * 3.173 poore) both pardoned all the common people, and would so farre remit the better sort which had beene doers in that businesse, that though all had deserued death, yet one onely of tenne whom the lot should designe to execution, should die: and of the Curacas, and Captaines, each should lose two teeth in the vpper iaw, and as many in the lower, both they and their descendants, in memorie of falsifying their promise to his father. They which feared that all should passe the sword were content, and the whole Nation would needs both men and women participate in [ 40] that tooth-losse, and did likewise to their sonnes and daughters, as if it had beene a fauour. One * 3.174 of that Nation I knew in my fathers house at Cozco, which largely recounted the premisses.

The Inca spent much time in visiting his Kingdome from Quitu to Charcas, aboue seuen hun∣dred leagues, and sent Visitors to Chili, whence his father had drawne much Gold. This done, he raised an Armie of fifty thousand men of the Northerne Prouinces, and hauing visited the Temple of Pachacamac, and caused the Priests to consult with the Oracle, which promised pro∣speritie to his designes, and the l••ke at Ramac; hee passed thorow those Vallies to Tumpiz, and sent to the Iland Puna, twelue leagues in compasse, the Lord whereof was called Tampalla, a man * 3.175 which kept many women and boyes for his lust; besides the Sea, their common Deitie, they wor∣ship Tigres and Lions, and sacrificed the heart and bloud of Men: These receiued the Incas com∣mands, [ 50] but after killed and threw ouerboord his men as they were conueying them to the Con∣tinent, and sacrificing some of them, which the Inca seuerely reuenged, both on them, and on their consederates in the Continent, and commanded them to keepe the memorie of that dis∣mall execution in mournfull songs; enioyning them to obey his Gouernour which kept the For∣tresse of Tumpiz. From Tumpiz he proceeded in visitation of his Kingdome to the Chichas, with * 3.176 intent to doe the like in the Southerne part, and sent Presents fine garments to the Gouernours, Curacas, Captaines and Royall Officers, according to the custome of the Incas. But hearing that the Chachapuyas were in rebellion (to whom hee sent Messengers, which receiued ill vsage and answers) he made a Bridge, and marched ouer the Riuer, and came to Cassa marquilla, with purpose to destroy them. [ 60]

The people not being able to hold out, fled into the Mountaines, and others more wisely knowing his gentle disposition, procured a Matron of their Countrie, which had beene Concu∣bine * 3.177 to Tupac Inca Yupanqui to meet him with a multitude of feminine supplicants, which so well played her pitifull part in a perswasiue speech seconded with cries and lamentations of

that chorus of women, that the Yuca relented, taking her vp from the ground, called her Ma∣manchic (our mother) granted her request, and gaue her commission to make an end of the busi∣nesse, sending some vnarmed Incas with her to that purpose. The Chachapuyas in remembrance * 3.178 of this fact encompassed the place where shee had met the Inca, with three walls, not permit∣ting the foot of man or beast to touch so holy ground: the vttermost wall of clay, the second of stone vnpolished, the inmost of polished stone, which the couetousnesse of the Spaniards ouer∣threw, as they did other the best buildings, to search for treasure.

Huayna Capac went to Manta (in which Countrie stands the Port which the Spaniards call * 3.179 Puerto Uteio) which worshipped the Sea and Fishes, Tigres, Lions, and great Snakes, and a∣mongst other things a great Emerald, which they say, was little lesse then an Estriches egge. [ 10] In their greater Feasts they shewed it publikely; the Indians came from farre to adore it, and sacrifice to it, and to present it with small Emeralds, as daughters to the mother; the Priests and Cacike, telling them that this was the most agreeable offering. Thus were many Emeralds ga∣thered here together, where Don Pedro de Aluarado and his companions (one of which was my father Garcilasso de la Vega) found them in the conquest of Peru, and brake most of them on an Anuill, saying (like bad Lapidaries) that if they were precious stones they would not breake with the greatest blowes, and if they brake they were but Glasse. But their goddesse-Emerald * 3.180 the Indians had conueyed away before, neither could it since be found by any industrie. The peo∣ple of Manta were open and shamelesse Sodomites, and in their marriages the Bridegrooms kins∣men and friends had first hansell of the Spouse. They flayed the Captiues which they tooke in [ 20] Warre, and filled the skinnes with ashes, and hanged them vp at the doores of their Temples, and in their feasting and dancing places. These with the Apichiqui, Pichunsti, Saua, and other Nations confining on the Coast, he subiected. These were more brutish then the Mantans, and not onely raced their faces with stones, but deformed their children with laying one boord on the fore-head, and another in the necke, so keeping them in presse from day to day, till they were foure or fiue yeeres old, to make them broad-faced, shauing away the haire of the crowne * 3.181 and necke, and letting it growe on the sides, making it curle and bush out to more monstrositie.

From these he went to Saramissu and Passau, vnder the Equinoctiall Line, where they wor∣shipped * 3.182 nothing at all, and had neither Towne nor House, but liued in hollow Trees, went na∣ked, vsed women in common, neither did their lusts stay there; had their faces quartered into [ 30] foure coloures, yellow, azure, particoloured and blacke, their haire, long, curled and full of filth, (I saw them with mine eyes when I came for Spaine) and are the sauagest people that can bee imagined. Huayna Capac would none of them, but said, let vs returne, for those are not wor∣thie to haue vs to be their Lord. The Indians haue a tradition that at the Point of Saint Elena * 3.183 there came in Boats of Rushes, huge Giants higher then common men from the knees vpwards, their eyes as bigge as Saucers, and other members proportionable; they had no women with them, and were clothed in beasts skinnes, or naked. They setled themselues there, and dig∣ged Wells admirably deepe in the Rocke, yeelding very coole water. One of them did eate more then fiftie men; and were forced to get fish for their diet. They killed the women of the Countrie in vsing them; were great Sodomites, and were therefore at last by fire from Hea∣uen [ 40] consumed, leauing onely some bones of them as memorials, which haue beene, and still are there found. Anno 1550. there were as great bones found at Mexico. In this Point of Saint Elena, neere to Puerto Uteio, are certaine Fountaines of pitchie substance fit to calke ships, boi∣ling * 3.184 out very hot.

Huayna Capac one Raymi or Feast day of the Sunne, looked vp to the Sunne, which the high * 3.185 Priest, one of his Vncles, told him was vnlawfull. But soone after hee looked vp againe, and againe was reproued by the Priest: but he answered, Answere mee to these questions; I am your Lord, and which of you dares bid mee rise and goe a long Iourney? None, said he, would bee so mad. And if any the greatest Curaca be commanded by me to goe from hence to Chili, will he not doe it? The Priest answered, that none would disobey him in any thing. Why then I say (said the Inca) that * 3.186 [ 50] our Father the Sunne must needs haue a greater and mightier Lord then himselfe, which commands him euery day to take such a Iourney: for if he were a superiour Lord, he would some time or other rest him∣selfe. The Caranques rebelled and were seuerely chastised, and 2000. of them beheaded in a Lake, * 3.187 and rherefore called Yahuarcocha, or Sea of bloud. After this, with much griefe that he was forced to such sharpe medicines, he went to Quitu, and finding his Sonne Atahuallpa, wittie, wise, war∣like, and comely of personage (as vsually were the Incas and Pallas) hee much affected him, and still would haue him about him, and so handled the matter, that with consent of his Brother Hu∣ascar, he set him in possession of the Kingdome of Quitu, and other Prouinces, giuing-him expe∣rimented Captaines and part of his Armie, the better to secure himselfe, and to pacifie the vn∣settled new-gained Prouinces in his Fathers life time, to that end transplanting Nations from one [ 60] Region to another.

Huayna Capac made two famous Royall wayes, the one alongst the Hills within Land, the other by the Sea-side. From Cozco to Quitu are fiue hundred leagues by the Sierras, rockie and craggie way, which hee made plaine, breaking downe the high, and exalting the lowe places

sometimes fifteene or twenty stades or mans heights, that a Cart might haue gone on them till the wars of the Indians and Christians much endammaged them. By the Plaines he made another * 3.188 of lesse diffi••ultie, making mud-wals to hold in the way, forty foote broade with a high causie both in the Vallies, and in the sands, driuing stakes therein to know the way which is there so moueable and changeable, the like space of 500. leagues.

B••••ied in these affaires and great workes he had newes of the Spaniards (those which Basco Nunez de Balboa first discouerer of the South Sea, had sent vpon discouery 1515. who, as before is said, imposed the name Peru) which filled him with wonder and care. Hee liued after this in peace eight yeares, and dyed Anno 1523. hauing ••aigned two and fortie yeares, not minding the prosecuting of further conquests after he had heard of the Spanish Ship, by reason of a Prophesie [ 10] or ancient Oracle which the Incas had, that after so many Kings a strange Nation should come * 3.189 and destroy their Kingdome and Idolatry. Three yeares before that Ship was seene, as they were celebrating the Sunnes festiuall solemnity, an Eagle Royall, which they call Anca, pursued fiue or sixe kistrels and as many small haukes, which set vpon the Eagle and beate her, so that hauing * 3.190 no way to escape, she fell in the market place amongst the Incas, as seeking helpe at their hands. They tooke her and did what they could to relieue her; but within few dayes she died; an au∣gurie seeming to presage some disaster to that state. There were also greater earthquakes then the ordinary (to which Peru is vsually subiect) and the Sea often swelled ouer the shores; the aire no lesse terrified them with comets. The Moone in a cleere night had three circles round a∣bout her very great, one of bloud, the middlemost blacke, the vtmost of smoake. Llayca a diuiner * 3.191 [ 20] told the Inca; Onely Lord, know that thy mother the Moone aduiseth thee that Pachacamac threat∣neth the royall bloud, and to send great plagues on thine Empire; the first circle signifying the bloudy warre which shall follow when thou art gone to rest with thy Father the Sunne, betwixt thy posteri∣tie, that in few yeares it shall altogether faile: the second shewes the destruction of our Religion and re∣publique and alienation of thy Empire, which shall turne all into smoake as is signified by the third circle. Inca was troubled, but put it off saying, thou hast dreamed those fooleries last night, and saist my Mother hath sent me such intelligence. But the Soothsayer answered, he might see it with his owne eyes, and consult with other diuiners, which he did, and found the same sight and answere; hee yet made seemings not to beleeue, saying hee did not beleeue the Sunne would permit that to happen to his progenie. He offered notwithstanding many Sacrifices to him, and appointed the [ 30] Soothsayers in all parts to consult with their seuerall Oracles, especially with Pachacamac and Rimac, whose answers were obscure and doubtfull. These things I heard of two Captaines of Huayna Capacs guard, then eightie yeares old, and baptised, speaking hereof with teares, Don Iuan Pechuta, and Chauca Rimachi, as also of Cusihuallpa that old Inca, and of my Mother and her Brother Don Fernando Huallpa Tupac Inca.

Huayna Capac one day bathing himselfe came forth cold, and found himselfe deadly sicke, made a testamentall discourse, saying, that he was now going to heauen to rest with his Father the * 3.192 Sunne, which called him out of the bath, euer since which time he was so indisposed of body: when I am dead you shall burie my body as is vsed to be done with Royall bodies, my heart and entrals in Quitu, in token of the loue which I beare it; my body you shall carrie to Cozco to lay it with my ancestors. I com∣mend [ 40] you to my Son Atahuallpa whom I so much loue, who remaineth for Inca in my place in this King∣dome of Quitu, and in all the rest which he shall conquer by armes to augment his Empire. And for you the Captaines of my armie, I charge you in particular to serue him with that fealty & loue which you owe to your King, in all and euery thing doing what he shall command you, which shall be the same that I shall reueale to him by order of our Father the Sunne. I likewise commend vnto you iustice and clemencie to∣wards the Vassals, that the Title of Louer of the poore giuen vnto vs, be not lost; and that in euery thing you doe like the Incas, Sonnes of the Sunne. Hauing made this speech to his children and kinsmen, he called the rest of the Captains and Curacas which were not of the bloud royall and gaue them in charge fealty and seruice due to their King, and at last concluded: It is many yeares since that by reuelation of our father the Sunne, we hold that when twelue Kings are passed of his Sonnes, there shall * 3.193 [ 50] come a new and vnknowne people into those parts, and shall gaine and subiect to their Empire all our King∣domes and many others. I suspect that they shall be of those whom we know to haue gone alongst the coast of our Sea: they shall be a valiant Nation which euery way shall exceede you. We well know that in mee is compleat the number of twelue Incas. I certifie you that a few yeares after my departure from you, that new Nation shall come and fulfill that which our Father the Sunne hath spoken, and shall gaine our Empire and rule ouer it. I command you that yee obey and serue them as men which euery way shall haue aduantage of you: whose Law shall be better then ours, and their armes more mightie and inuincible then yours. I leaue you in peace, for I goe to rest with my Father the Sunne which cals mee.

All this the Indians held in great veneration, and fulfilled euery iot thereof. I remember that [ 60] one day that old Inca speaking in presence of my Mother, and rehearsing these things, and the * 3.194 Spaniards entrance, and their conquest: I asked him how, their Countrey being so rough, their people so warlike, and their number so many, they lost their Empire to so few Spaniards. He an∣swering me, repeated the foretelling or prophesie of the Spaniards aforesaid, and said that the

Inca had commanded them to obey and serue them, for euery way they should haue the aduantage of them. And for that obiection of cowardise, he answered me. These words which our Inca said vnto vs, being the last that euer he spake to vs, were more powerfull to subiect vs and quite our Empire, then the armes which thy Father and his companions brought into this Land. Thus died Huayna Capac; * 3.195 his body was embalmed, and carried to Cozco; his heart interred in Quitu. His funerall solem∣nities and mourning continued a yeare, according to the custome of the Inca Kings. Hee left a∣boue * 3.196 two hundred sonnes and daughters; some Incas affirme aboue three hundred to exaggerate the crueltie of Atahuallpa, which slew them almost all: who therefore was so odious, that the Spaniards hauing put him to death, were thought men sent from their God the Sun to take vengeance on the destroyer of his seede. And when they brought Cockes and Hens with them * 3.197 [ 10] into Peru, they hearing the Cockes crowing said, that in perpetuall infamie of that tyrant and abhominable memory of his name, they pronounced it in their crowing, saying Atabuallpa, and would answer the Cockes crowing with reckoning the name Atahuallpa: wherein the children imitated them in those times, so that if they had heard a Cocke crowe, they would recrow in like tune the name of Atuhallpa: a thing which I my selfe and other boyes my Schoolefellowes, chil∣dren of Spaniards by Indian women haue often done, together with the Indian children. They named likewise on such occasion his principall Captains, whose names were of so many syllables, Challcuchima, Quilliscacha and Ruminnaui. The Spaniards thought they did this for his honour, saying the Cockes made this honorable mention of him: so Blas Valera writeth, which receiued it of the Indians of Quitu his naturall subiects, which applied to a good mention that which those [ 20] of Cozco deuised in euill, for his cruelties there done.

Huayna Capac being dead, his two Sonnes Huascar and Atahuallpa raigned quietly for the space * 3.198 of foure or fiue yeares, one in Cozco, the other in Quitu. After which Huascar began to thinke with himselfe that he had done ill in consenting to his father in the matter of Quitu, which now was his brothers; whereby he was barred vp also from further conquests; the other three waies being locked vp by the Antis, the Sea and Chili; so that his brother might by new conquests make himselfe greater then he: and whereas now his stile was Capa Inca (onely Lord) in time, the other might both equall and exceede him. These things more and more troubling him, hee * 3.199 sent a Messenger to his brother, saying; that by the ancient constitution of the first Inca Manco Ca∣pac, the Kingdome of Quitu, and all the Prouinces which he possessed, belonged to the crowne and Em∣pire [ 30] of Cozco, which howsoeuer he had quitted to him vpon his Fathers command, yet was it more by force then iustice, being to the losse of the crowne and preiudice of the successors; and therefore neither ought his Father to command it, nor was he obliged to fulfill it. Yet seeing he had giuen consent, he was content vpon these two conditions; first that he should adde nothing to his Empire; secondly, that hee should doe him homage and fealtie, as his vassall and feudatarie. Atahuallpa receiued this message with great humilitie and seeming submission, and three dayes after returned answere, that in his heart he had alwayes reknowledged vassallage; being returned to the Inca by Post, he was much * 3.200 content, sending reply, that he againe confirmed that estate to his Brother conditionally, that by such a time he should make his personall homage at Cozco. Atahuallpa answered hee was a happy man to vnderstand such the Incas pleasure, that he would doe it by the time set him; but [ 40] for greater solemnitie, he did beseech his Maiestie to giue him leaue that all the Prouinces of his estate should come with him to celebrate in Cozco the obsequies of Huayna Capac his Father, with rites agreeable to those of Quitu and the other Prouinces, which ended, hee and his would doe their due homage.

All this did Huascar grant, and Atahuallpa made vse of to his proiect of soueraigntie. He sent proclamation to all his Prouinces, that all men seruiceable should in such a space make ready to * 3.201 goe to Cozco to celebrate his Fathers obsequies, and to performe the homage to the Monarch Huascar Inca, and that therefore they should set forth in their best ornaments and brauery for greater solemnitie. But priuily he sent to his Captaines to leuie the best Souldiers which should carry their armes closely; for he more minded executions then exequies. He commanded them ••o march in bands, fiue or sixe hundred together, one band two or three leagues after the other: [ 50] and when they came within ten or twelues dayes iourney of Cozca, that they should ioyne to∣gether, the last doubling their iournies to ouertake the former. In this manner Atahuallpa sent aboue 30000. men, most of them old Soldiers of his Fathers, with choise Captaines, and appoin∣ted two Camp-masters or Generals, Challcuchima and Quizquiz. Huascar relying on the loyal∣tie * 3.202 of his Subiects, and his Brothers faire promises, not onely suspected no treason, but prouided them necessaries. Atahuallpa vsed this dissimulation, knowing himselfe of vnsufficient power to warre openly on his brother. But some of the experimented Gouernors and Captaines, as they passed, could not but resent and disgust this course; and signified so much to the Inca, who thus awakened out of his dreame, sent to gather forces in the South parts and East and West: to Chin∣chasuyu [ 60] he sent not, which were the best Soldiers, because of these forces marching thorow their Countrie. The other through long peace were vnaccustomed to armes, of which were leuied a∣boue * 3.203 30000. the rest being too remote for a sudden businesse.

Atahuallpas men passed the Riuer Apurimac without contradiction, and embattelled them∣selues

in three squadrons, so marching to Villacunca within six leagues of Cozco. He himselfe a∣bode still in the confines of his Kingdome, there to obserue the successe of this battel, wherein he placed his chiefe trust, by reason of the negligence of the other side, & the courage of his old soul∣diers. These thought the shortest way the surest, before more forces might be assembled by * 3.204 Huascar, and within two or three leagues Westwards from the Citie was the battell fought, in which one side fought to get, the other to keepe the Inca, whose vnhappy fate made him priso∣ner to Atahuallpas men as he was fleeing thence with 5000. which were all in manner slaine in presence, some by the enemies, some by themselues seeing their Lord prisoner. Many also not willing to enioy liberty after he was taken, offered themselues prisoners. They set a sure guard about the Emperours person, and sent to proclaime his taking thorow all the Empire, lest other [ 10] forces should come to his succour; sending word also to their Master Atahuallpa. Hee vsed his victory most cruelly; for dissembling that he would restore Huascar to the Kingdom, he summo∣ned * 3.205 all the Incas in the Empire, and all the Rulers and Officers to appeare at Cusco by such a day, to capit••late on certaine Articles to be obserued betwixt the two Kings, that they might liue together in loue like brethren. Thus all the Incas, except those whom sicknesse, age, or remotenesse hindred, came thither, whom Atahuallpa caused to be put to diuers and cru∣ell deaths.

For he knowing that he was not of the Incas bloud legitimate, that is, by the C••ya or sister of the King, nor yet of the whole bloud, so to challenge the inheritance by Father and Mother, * 3.206 remoued these rubs out of the way of his ambition; yea all those who were of the halfe bloud, [ 20] though further from claime, yet lest they might imitate his example, he caused also to be slaine. Not contenting himselfe with the death of his two hundred brethren and sisters, the children of Huayna Capac, he proceeded to the Vncles, Cousens, and all, whe••her legitimate or bastards: some he caused to be beheaded, some hanged, some were cast into Riuers with weights at their neckes, some cast from high precipices. All which were done before he had passed Sausa, nintie leagues off the Citie. Yea they brought forth Huascar to see these dismall executions, that he might dye in the death of euery of his kinsmen. The Curacas Captaines and Nobility they brought forth being the rest of the prisoners bound, to the Valley of Sacsahuana, and made a long lane of them, thorow which they made poore Huascar to passe couered with mourning weedes, and hauing a roapeabout his necke: they seeing their Inca in this case, fell downe with cries to [ 30] doe him reuerence, and were therefore s••••ine with Ha••chets and Clubs before his fa••e. After this the cruelty passed to the women and children o•• the bloud royall, Atahuallpa commanding to take them all (but those in the house of Virgi••s) which were brought to the field Yahuarpam∣pa, or bloudie field, a name confirmed by the cruell executions, by staruing, hanging, and diuersi∣fied * 3.207 tortures on that tender sexe, and innocent age. E••ery quarter of the Moone they renewed these cruelties, from which some were yet suffered to escape, of which number were my Mother and her Brother then eleuen yeares of age or vnder, which they sent away in disguised habits of the common people; for all degrees might they be knowne by their habit.

Of the Auquis or Infants Royall which escaped, were Paullu and Titu the Sonnes of Huayna * 3.208 Capac. Don Carlos the sonne of Paullu, marr••ed with a Spanish woman, by whom hee had Don [ 40] Melchior Inca, which in the yeare 1602. came into Spaine to receiue rewards promised for the seruices of his Father and Grandfather in the pacification of Peru, Anno 1604. I receiued a let∣ter * 3.209 of Valladolid that he was allowed 7500. Duckets of reuenue in the Citie of Kings, and that he must bring his wife to Spaine, that the Indians which are his inheritance shall be set ouer to the Crowne, and that he shall no more passe to the Indies. This is the chiefe of the bloud of the Incas, by the male line descended of Huayna Capae. Of Ataruallpa I knew one Sonne and two Da••ghters, one of which Donna Angelina by Marquesse Piçarro had a Sonne called Don Fran∣cisco, he died a little before I came ••o Spaine: the next day, before his buriall many Incas came to my Mothers, and amongst others her old Vncle, who said that Pachacamac had preserued him many yeares to see an end of all his enemies; and instead of mourning much, reioyeed; [ 50] whereof I demanded the reason why we should be glad for the death of our Kinsman? he biting his ma••••le (which with them is a token of grea•• a••ger) said, What, wouldst thou be the kinsman of an Auca, sonne of an Auca (that is, a tyrant traitor) which destroyed our Empire, killed our Inca, con∣sumed our bloud and linage, which did so many cruelties so differing from the nature of the Incas? I could eate him raw without sauce now he is dead: for his Father the traitor Atahuallpa was not the son of Huayna Capac our I••ca, but sonne of Q••i••u Indian, which with his mother wrought treason to our King; otherwise he would neuer haue done, no not imagined such things to his enemies, much l••sse to his kindred, say not therefore, he is our kinsman, thou wrongst thy kindred to reckon to it so cruell a tyrant, &c. This Francisco whiles he liued, seeing the hatred which the Incas, and all 〈…〉〈…〉hee Indians bare * 3.210 him, had little to doe with them, and came little abroad, they still calling him Auca. His Fa∣ther [ 60] destroyed the Officers and Seruants of the Kings house, and the Townes whereof they were, being by Manco Inca priuiledged Incas, of some a third, of others a fifth or a tenth part. Hee na∣med also and committed great mischiefes on the Cannaries, & slew 70000. of them, because they would not subiect themselues to him at the beginning of his rising, whereby there were said to remaine fifteene times as many women as me••.

In the end of the yeare 1603. the Incas of Peru writ to Don Melchior Carlos Inca, and to me, ••all their names desiring vs to make supplication to his Maiestie, to command that they should * 3.211 be exempted from tributes which they paid, and other vexations which they suffer no lesse then other common Indians. They sent painted in white Chia taffata the Tree royall from Manco Capac to Huaina Capacs sonne Paullu, in their ancient habit, with the coloured ribbon of their heads, and eare-rings in their eares, with Partisans instead of Scepters in their hands. Their phrase was much mixt with Spanish, for now they are all Spaniolized. They rehearse much mi∣series * 3.212 of their life, for which cause I doe not here record it. They write with much confidence that the King would not onely relieue them, if he were made acquainted, but reward them, as the posterity of Kings. At the side of euery Kings picture they set those of his posteritie, with [ 10] the title Capac Ayllu, or the Royall stocke, distinguishing each Kings descendents. Of Manco Ca∣pacs posterity there remaine 40. Incas: of Sinchi Roca 64. of Lloque Yupanqui 63. of Capac Yupan∣qui 56. of Mayta Capac 35. of Inca Roca 50. of Yahuar Hnacac 51. of Viracocha Inca 69. of Pa∣chacutec and his Sonne Yupanqui put together 99. of Tupac Inca Yupanqui 18. of Huayna Capac 22. These two last generations (as neerer the Crowne) Atahuallpa with great diligence destroy∣ed. The whole summe is 567. persons, all descended by the male line; for of the female they made no such account, except they were Sonnes of the Spaniards which conquered the Land; for those they call Incas also, beleeuing that they descended of their god the Sunne. This writing was signed by eleuen Incas, agreeing to the eleuen descents, each for all of his race.

CHAP. XIIII. [ 20]

The suppliment of the History of the Incas, briefely collected out of the Authors second part, or Generall Hi∣story of Peru.

THus haue we run thorow the Authors first part, or Commentaries Roiall, of the o∣riginall and liues of the Incas. In his second part, entituled the Generall History of Peru, he relates the Spanish Acts, Discoueries, and conquests there; part of [ 30] which in Benzo, Vaz, and others ye haue seene already, and the Spanish Authors haue related the same at large. I will briefely touch a few things to perfect this * 3.213 our story of the Incas. In the taking of Atahuallpa he relateth at large the Ora∣tion of Frier Uincent de valle viridi. First, touching God, his creation of the world, and of man. Secondly, Touching Adams sinne and Christs redemption on the Crosse. Thirdly, his power gi∣uen * 3.214 to the Apostles, and ouer them and all Christians to Peter and his successor the Pope. Fourth∣ly, the Popes gift of all those Countries to the Emperour, Lord of the world, to the end to bring them to the Christian faith. Fifthly, the Emperours authorising Francis Pizarro as his Embas∣sador and Lieutenant, that those Realmes might receiue that benefit, and that he might begin alliance [ 40] and confeder acie betwixt the Emperours Maiestie and the Inca, in such sort that his whole Kingdome should become tributarie, and the Inca become his subiect and wholly deliuer vp his Kingdome and re∣nounce the administration thereof, as other Kings and Lords haue done. Secondly, after such peace and friendship, and subiection voluutary or by force, hee was to giue obedience to the Pope, and receiue the faith of Christ, quite abandoning his superstition of Idols, inuented by the Diuell. All which, O King, thou art to take well in worth as being very profitable to thee and thine: and if thou deniest, know that thou shalt be compelled by warre, fire and bloudshed, and all thine Idols shall bee throwne downe to the ground. And we will constraine thee with the Sword, that leauing thy false Religion whether thou wilt * 3.215 or no, thou shalt receiue our Catholike Faith and pay Tribute to the Emperour giuing vp thy Kingdome to him. But if thou shalt obstinately resist, know for most certaine, God will suffer, as of old Pharao and all his Army perished in the Red Sea, that thou likewise and thine Indians shall bee destroyed by our [ 50] Armes.

This Oration was kept by the tradition of Quipu•• (or Quippos) which are the knot-records of Cassamarca where the deede was done: the words of trinity and other Christian Mysteries were not well vnderstood, and therefore ill deliuered by the Interpreter: that language still wanting proper tearmes for them, and being forced to Indianize Spanish words for that purpose. Atahuallpas answere was, with great griefe for those last words, of Pharao and destruction, say∣ing, * 3.216 Atac (an interiection of sorrow) and first complained of his Interpreter, and that this mi∣nacing message was contrary to the former which they had sent him; that their Prince and they might seeme tyrants so to goe about destroying the world, killing and robbing those which had [ 60] done them no wrong: or else that they might seeme the seruants of Pachacamac which had sent them to their destruction; which if it be so, he and his were ready to offer themselues to what∣soeuer pleased them, not for feare of their minaces or armes, but to fulfill his father Huayna Ca∣pacs command at the houre of his death, that they should serue a bearded Nation more valiant

then they, which was to come and bring them a better Law and Customes. But if this bee so, Pachacamac is pitifull and mercifull, whom they ought to imitate, and not to beginne with robberies and cruelties as they had done in Tumpiz, and the confines. It seemed strange, he said, to him, that the Emperour should bee Lord of the World, and yet the Pope should make him a new grant; and then also is the Pope greater then he, and Lord of the world. Againe hee had shewed no reason why hee should pay tribute onely to Charles; which rather hee thought was due to God, as Creator, or to Adam the first man, or to Christ the best man, or to the Pope which hath power to giue his Kingdome and person to another, of all which he in his speech had dis∣coursed. And if he had any right ouer him, it had beene meet, fi••st to haue signified it to him, before menacing of warre, fire, and slaughter, &c. The Spaniards impatient of this long dis∣course [ 10] fell to rifling the Indians, others to robbing an Idoll Temple of the Siluer plates; and com∣ming forth to fight, the Indians raised a great shout. But the Inca with a great voice comman∣ded * 3.217 that they should not smite nor hurt the Spaniards, though they tooke or killed the King. Frier Uincent made a plausible Speech to the Spaniards, in fauour of the Indians; but they could not heare him for the crie: neither did the King cast the Booke on the ground, or the Frier crie ven∣geance * 3.218, as some haue written, with other things against the Pope and the death of Christ. Fiue thousand Indians were slaine, and no Spaniards hurt, but the Generall by one of his owne, slight∣ly, in the taking of Atahuallpa. When he had agreed on his ransome, which was neuer wholly paid, for want of time to accomplish it * 3.219: (4605670. Ducke••s of it came in) Soto and Barco were sent to Cozco, which at Sausa in the way had sight of Huascar, there kept prisoner; who by [ 20] signes desired aide of the Spaniards to restore him to his Empire, promising three times as much as Atahuallpa had done, better able to performe it, as hauing and knowing where to fetch the treasures of his progenitors: whereas Atahuall••a had little treasure but what he tooke from Churches. They answe∣red, t••at they must first goe to Cozco whither they were sent: and in the meane time Atahuallpa had intelligence of these passages. Hee subtilly to sound the Spaniards, how they would take the dea••h of his brother, fained himselfe very sorrowfull for that hee had heard one of his Captaines had killed him, and refused to eate, making shew of much griefe. Pizarro comforted him, and promised to right and reuenge the euill on him which had done it. He seeing that Pizarro tooke it in no worse part, sent a speedy Post to dispatch him so suddenly, that the Spaniards could not tell but that it had beene done before. His owne death followed after (as before is recited, a••d [ 30] Huascar at his death foretold) by the vniust iustice of the Spaniards, many of which protested by word * 3.220 and writing against that cruelty, in vaine. His corps were carried to Quitu to be interred, where vnder pretence of more honourable Obsequies, Ruminnaui one of his Captaines (following his * 3.221 examples) wrought a great treason; made a feast to Q••illiscacha brother of Atahuallpa, and o∣ther great men, whom hauing made drunke vnawares with the drinke Sora, a heady liquour for∣bidden by Law, hee siue, with Challcuchima the Generall, and the Sonnes and Daughters of Atahuallpa, and all that might stand in the way of his ambition. Hee buried aliue the Chosen Virgins, which smiled at his reports of the Spaniards (interpreting it to lust, being done ra∣ther to please him) causing to vndermine and cut the Hills to execute that dismall fate more terribly. After some bickerings with the Spaniards, hee fled to the Antis, and there peri∣shed [ 40] miserably.

Manco Inca Brother of Huascar, came to the Spaniards at Cozco, to demand the repossession * 3.222 of the Empire, by inheritance due to him. They made him faire semblance: and he offered to promote the Gospell (according to his Fathers testament, as a better Law) and the Spanish af∣faires. Articles were agreed on, and they granted him a Diadem with great solemnitie, bu•• so farre short of the wonted, that the old men cried as fast for the want of that, as the yong boyes shouted for ioy of this. When afterwards he propounded the accomplishment of those Articles which had beene made betwixt the Spaniards and the Indians, that the Naturals might liue in quiet, and knowe what seruice to performe to the Spaniards, with the reall restitution of his Empire: the Gouernour Pizarro, and his brethren excused themselues by the broyles and stirres [ 50] which had growne amongst themselues, which hither to permitted not the accomplishment. They further expected answer from the Emperor their Lord, of whom he might hope for al good, (the Articles being good for both parts) to whom they had giuen account of the capitulations, his brother Hernando being shortly to returne with answere. But when he was a••riued at Tum∣piz, the Ma••quesse tooke occasion to rid himselfe of the Incas importunitie, and with many faire words intreated him to returne to his Fortresse till things might be perfected: which he doing, they held him there Prisoner, fearing his haughty courage. The Indians seeing their Inca Priso∣ner, * 3.223 were much grieued, but he comforted them, saying, that he and they ought to obey the Spa∣niards, for so Huayna Capac had commanded in his Testament, and that they should not be wea∣ry till they had seene the last issue of these things. Hee hoped that this his imprisonment would [ 60] turne into greater liberalitie with him, these Utracochas being a Nation comne from Heauen.

The Marquesse dismissed himselfe of the Inca, whose person and guard hee commended to his brethren Iuan and Gonzalo, and went to the Citie of Kings, to people and e••large it. The Inca Manco with much obsequiousnesse to all the Spaniards, and many presents of Gold, Siluer,

Gemmes, Fruits, &c. making no shew of griefe for his imprisonment, obtayned his libertie; which he had laboured the rather, hearing that Hernando Pizarro was comming to gouerne in * 3.224 Cozco. Hee gate leaue to goe to Yucay, which was the Garden of the Kings, to which place he summoned his Captaines, and complained of the Spaniards breach of promise, in not performing the Capitulations which they had made with Titu Autauchi, his brother, and that they had laid him in prison with Iron fetters: that he had perceiued their ill mindes from the beginning, but suffered it to iustifie his cause with God and with the world, that none might obiect to him the disturbing of the peace. But now he could no further relie on their vaine promises, well know∣ing that the Spaniards shared the Land amongst themselues in Cusco, Rimac, and Tumpiz, where∣by it well appeared that they intended not the restitution of the Empire to him: and that he [ 10] was loth to make further triall of their fetters, and therefore required their best aduice, intending with Armes to recouer his right, trusting in Pachacamac, and his father the Sun, that they would not herein forsake him. They told him, that he might looke for like reward at the hands of those strangers as Atahuallpa had found, notwithstanding the payment of his ransome: and it was Pachacamacs great grace, they had not dealt with his Royall Person likewise, &c.

Thus Manco raised forces, so that 200000. Indians came to Cozco, and shot Arrowes with fire * 3.225 on them on all the houses of the Citie generally, without respect of the Royall houses, only they reserued the Temple of the Sunne, with the Chappels within it, and the house of the Virgins: * 3.226 which two they spared (thogh their wealth was gone) not to commit any sacrilegious act against their Religion. Three Hals also they reserued wherein to make their feasts in time of raine, one [ 20] of which was in the house that had belonged to the first Inca, Manco Capac. (The author proceedes in the particular fights and seege of the Spaniards, too long here to rehearse.) In diuers places they killed seuen hundred Spaniards. But at last Manco was driuen to forsake the Countrey b 3.227 by the inequality of the Spaniards horses, Guns and other offensiue and defensiue armes, against which they had no experiments to make resistance. In the ciuill-vnciuill broiles and warres of the Spa∣niards in Peru, some of them fled to Manco Inca to auoide the Viceroies seuerity, one of which was Gomez Perez a cholericke man, which playing at Bowles with the Inca, would stand so stiffely on measuring of his cast, and the earnest folly of play, that forgetting all good manners, he one day vsed the Inca as if he had beene an Indian slaue; wherewith the Inca prouoked gaue him a blow with his fist on the breast, whereupon Gomez with his Bowle strooke the Inca on the [ 30] head so great a blowe, that hee fell downe dead. Whereupon the Indians set on the Spaniards, * 3.228 which first fled into the house to defend themselues there, but were fired out; and the Indians hauing killed them with enraged furie, had purposed to eate vp their flesh raw: but after left them to the birds and wilde beasts, for foode. Thus died Manco by the hands of those whom hee had preserued from death, and had kindly vsed in those wilde Mountaines of Uill∣ca campa, which hee had chosen for his securitie. I was present, when some Inca•• present at the act, with teares recounted this to my Mother, which came afterwards from these Moun∣taines * 3.229 with the Inca Sayri Tupac, the sonne of that vnfortunate Prince, by order of the Vice∣roy Mendoza, Marquesse of Canete. This Vice-roy vsed (to perswade that comming in of the Inca) the Ladie Beatriz his Fathers Sister, which so wrought with his Guard, hee be∣ing [ 40] then too young to take the Diademe, that vpon promise of certaine conditions hee came and rendted himselfe to the Vice-roy, and after went to Cusco, and was baptised by the name of Don Diego, together with his wife Cusci Huarcay, grandchilde to Huascar Inca, An∣no 1558. Shee was a faire woman, but somewhat pale, as are all the women of that Coun∣trie, about sixteene yeeres olde. I went in my mothers name to visite the Inca, and to kisse his hand, which vsed mee courteously, and two small vessels of gilt Plate were brought forth, of which he dranke one, I the other. He spent his time, one day visiting one part, and another, ano∣ther part of the Citie. Hee adored the Sacrament, calling it Pachacamac, Pachacamac. He went thence to the Valley of Yucay, and there remayned till his death, which was about three yeeres after, leauing no issue but a daughter, which was married to Martin Garcia de Loyola. His bro∣ther [ 50] Tupac Amaru tooke the Mountaines.

Francisco de Toledo second sonne to the Earle of Oropesa, being Vice-roy, determined to bring * 3.230 from the Mountaines of Uillca campa the Prince Tupac Amaru, the lawfull Heire of that Em∣pire, after his said brothers death without issue male. Hee sought to doe it by faire and gentle perswasions sending Messengers to that purpose, promising him maintenance from his Maie∣stie for his person and familie. His kindred and friends told him that his brother had receiued small recompense from them, or society with them, and therefore counselled him not to goe, it being better for him to liue there, then to die with his enemies. The Spaniards counselled the Vice-roy to force him, alledging that his Indians robbed the Merchants, hoping also by his im∣prisonment to recouer the treasures * 3.231 which his progenitours had hidden. Such robberies were [ 60] indeed committed in his father Mancos time, but seldome, they being forced thereto of ne∣cessitie for want of victuals, which the Mountaines yeeld not. But after his death there was no such matter. The Vice-roy sent Martin Garcia Loyola, with two hundred and fiftie Soul∣diers well prouided ag••inst the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••he strength of those passages was abated, and the wayes

plained after the issue of Sayri Tupac, so that the Prince Tupac Amaru fled, and the Spa∣niards pursued, and hee being guilty to himselfe of no crime, yeelded himselfe with his wife, two sonnes and a daughter, and all his Indians, looking for no ill measure, but maintenance at their hands.

The Vice-roy framed a processe against the Prince, and against all the Incas of his kindred, and * 3.232 against the Mestizos begotten of that stocke by the Spaniards, some of which were condemned to be tortured, that so they might finde some clearer matter against them. One of their mothers came to the prison, and cried out that they had got that reward, for that their Fathers had con∣quered the Countrey, for which their Children should be all hanged. Why did they not as well kill their Mothers, for whose sinnes Pachacamac had suffered this, which had beene traytors to * 3.233 [ 10] the Inca for loue of the Spaniards; with other outcries of vengeance in this world, and the next from Gods hand. Thus went shee crying in the street, which made the Vice-roy surcease his pur∣pose, & he proceeded not to put any to death: but banished them to liue a lingring death in diuers parts of the world, out of that, which their Fathers had conquered. Some he sent to Chili (one of which was the sonne of Barco aforesaid, which had beene with Huascar) others to the new Kingdome of Granada, to the Iles of Barlouent, to Panama, to Nicaragua, and some hee sent to Spaine, one of which was Iuan Arias Maldonado, who liued there an exile ten yeeres, and recoun∣ted these things to mee; hee after got leaue of the supreme Councell of the Indies to returne to Peru, for three yeeres to recouer his goods, and then to returne to Spaine, there to end his dayes. All the rest perished in banishment. The Indians of the bloud Royall, which were sixe and thir∣tie of the principall of the bloud Royall, he exiled and confined to the Citie of Kings, and with [ 20] them the two sonnes and daughter of the poore Prince, the eldest not ten yeeres old; the Arch∣bishop of Rimac or The Kings, pitied the young g••••le, and brought her vp: the two sonnes with three and thirtie more died in little aboue two yeeres, comming out of a cold hilly Countrie to the hot Plaines by the Sea. The three remayning were Don Carlos my School-fellow, sonne of Don Christouall Paullu, and two others, which were sent home to their houses, but died all in a yeere and halfe after. Of Don Carlos sonne we haue said before, that hee came into Spaine in * 3.234 hope of great rewards which in Peru were promised him. He died Anno 1610. at Alcala de He∣nares of griefe to see him selfe shut vp in a Monastery, and left one sonne with three daughters. The sonne died being a childe of little more then a yeere old, and so the Rent granted by the Contractation house at Siuill to his father ceassed. [ 30]

Now for the Prince Tupac aforesaid (to returne to him) they sentenced him to lose his head, which was executed, the Crier proclayming his treason and tyrannies against the Catholike Ma∣iestie * 3.235 of King Philip the second, King of Spaine, and Emperour of the New Word. They told the Inca that he was sentenced to lose his head, without any particular cause mentioned: hee answered, hee had done nothing worthie of death, that the Vice-roy might send him prisoner to Spaine, to kisse the hands of his Soueraigne King Philip which would be securitie enough. And if his father were not able with 200000. Indians, to subiect 200. Spaniards in Cozco, what needed the Vice-roy now feare any new commotion? The religious hastened to instruct him for bap∣tisme, to which he was willing, he said, his Grandfather Huayna Capac hauing commended the [ 40] Christian Law, as better then theirs: He was Christened by the name of Don Philip, with as much griefe of those which were present, as was ioy made at the baptising of Saiti Tupac. The Spa∣niards did not imagine that the sentence should be executed, being so contrarie to humanitie, and disagreeable to the Maiestie of King Philip. It was performed on a Scaffold in the chiefe Street of Cozco. Many sought to petition the Vice-roy, which knowing their errand, would admit none to audience. They set the Prince on a Mule, with a rope about his necke, his hands tied, one go∣ing before, to proclaime his treason. He not vnderstanding Spanish, asked the Friers, and hearing that he proclaimed him Auca, called him to him, and said to him, Say not so for thou knowest it is a lye, and I neuer did or thought treason, as all the world knoweth; but ••ar, that I must die for the Vice-roys pleasure, and not for my faults against him or the King; I appeale to Pachacamac, that this is true. [ 50] The multitude crying and lamenting, they feared some stirre, there being 300000. soules assem∣bled in the streets, they hasted to set him on the Scaffold. The Priests prayed him to still the cla∣mours and out-cries of the people. Hee stretched out his arme with his hand open, which hee layd on his eare, thence letting it fall by degrees to his thigh; whereupon followed a sudden si∣lence, as if there had not beene a man left in the Citie. Which made the Spaniards to wonder, and the Vice-roy amongst others which stood at a window to see the execution. Thus died the Inca with great magnanimitie, as the Incas haue beene in such cases accustomed, he worshipping the Images of our Sauiour, and of the Vargin, as the Priests taught him.

The Vice-roy returned with great wealth, and with 500000. Pezos in gold and siluer, and * 3.236 going to kisse the Kings hand, he had him get him to his house; he had not sent him to Peru, to kill [ 60] Kings, but to serue Kings. The Councell of Indies receiuing information against him arrested all his treasure aforesaid, which filled him with such griefe that hee died within few dayes after. * 3.237 Loyola, which had taken him, and was husband to his brothers daughter, was sent generall to Chili, where the Araucans hauing spies on him, when hee had sent most of his Souldiers to gar∣risons,

with voices of birds and beasts gaue signes to their fellowes, which came in with a great power of Indians, and killed him and all his Spaniards. Anno 1603. * 3.238

Thus haue wee fleeted the creame of the Incas Historie of the Incas; the Spaniards (whose acts hee principally handleth in his second part) haue enough of their owne to relate their acts, some of which also follow, and others haue gone before, to shew how they conquered and vsed their conquests of and in the New World. The greatnesse of that State, and strangenesse of the rising, proceeding, and ruine of the Incas, made mee the larger, though all this be not so much in words, as one of the seuenteene Bookes, out of which it is gathered. It may bee of good vse, both to vnderstand the Spanish Indian Historians, as Acosta, &c. and in many things in which for want of Language, and acquaintance with the Incas, they haue receiued and deliuered errours, to amend them: and in this kinde, for antiquities, is a iewell, such as no other Peru Merchant hath set to sale. If I haue seemed confused, and without exact method, I [ 10] haue followed my Authour, who setting forth the former part, Anno 1608. published the other, 1617. hauing receiued of some later occurrents better intelligence. Wee will now leaue this Inca-Spaniard, and briefly recount from the Spanish Actors and Authors, what passed in those first and great mutations. Ramusio published these three following Discourses at large, which wee haue thus contracted.

CHAP. XV.

Briefe Notes of FRANCIS PIZARRO his conquest of Peru, written by [ 20] a Spanish Captaine therein employed.

A Certaine Spanish Captaine, whose name is not added to his Tractate writeth, that in Februarie 1531. he went with Pizarro from Panama, who arriued, and stayed three moneths at Tumbez, and thence went to Tangarara, and founded Saint Mi∣chaels, where he heard of Atabalipa or Atahualpa, and his warres with his bro∣ther Cusco: who sent a Spie thither, and as hee marched, presents, to Pizarro. Hee with tortures learned of two Indians what and where Atabalipa was. They marched on (he sayth) to Cax••malca, a Citie foure miles in circuit, entred with two Gates. On * 3.239 one side of the Citie is a great Palace walled about, with a great Court planted with trees. This [ 30] they call the House of the Sunne, whom they worship, putting off their Shooes when they enter. And such there are in euery great Towne. There were two thousand houses, in streets straight as a Line, the walls of strong stone, three paces (or fathoms) high; within are faire Fountaines of water, and in the midst a greater street then any in Spaine, walled about; before which is a For∣tresse of stone, with staires from the Street to the Fort. On one side of this Street is the Pa∣lace of Atabalipa with Gardens and Lodgings, the houses all painted with diuers colours: in one roome were two great Fountaines adorned with plates of Gold, in one of which runnes water so hote that a man cannot indure his hand therein, the other being very cold. The people are neate, the women are honest, weare a wrought Girdle on their long garments, aboue that a Mantle which couereth them from the head to the midst of the thigh. The men weare white [ 40] Frockes without sleeues. The women in a Palace made Chicha for the Armie. After the Armies * 3.240 approached, a Frier of the Order of Saint Dominike, went and told him that the Christians were his friends. The Cacique (Atabalipa or Atabuallpa) answered, that first hee would haue them restore all that they had taken in his Land, and after hee would doe as hee should see cause. The Frier with a Booke in his hand, beganne to speake to him the things of God; hee demanded the booke, and the Father gaue it him, and he threw it downe about his people. The Indian Inter∣preter ranne and tooke it vp and gaue it the Father, who suddenly returned, crying, Come forth Christians, come forth, and set on these Enemies, Dogs, which will not accept the things of God, whose Prince hath throwne on the ground the Booke of our holy Law. Thereupon the Gouernour sounded the Trumpets, and gaue a token to the Gunner to discharge the Ordnance, and the Spaniards on foot and horsebacke rushed on with such furie, that the Indians hearing the dreadfull thunders [ 50] of the Artilerie, and seeing the force of the Horses, fled: the Gouernour went directly to the Litter in which Atabalipa was whom hee tooke, many Indians whose hands were cut off bea∣ring the same Litter on their shoulders. Sixe or seuen thousand were slaine besides many which had their Armes cut off, and other wounded.

Atabalipa, by an Indian, sent to the other Indians, that they should not flee, for hee was still aliue in the Christians hands, whom hee commended for a good Nation, and commanded his to serue them. Hee was about thirtie yeeres old, a personable man, somewhat grosse, with thicke * 3.241 lips, and eyes incarnate with bloud; his speech graue. The next day the Spaniards got fiftie thousand Pezos of Gold (each worth one Ducket and two Carolines) and seuen thousand Markes [ 60] of Siluer, and many Emeralds, wherewith the Cacique seemed content: and said, that he would giue him as much Gold as would fill a roome to such a marke, higher then a tall man could reach * 3.242 by a spanne, the roome being twenty fiue foot long, and fifteene broad. The Gouernour asked how much Siluer hee would giue? he said, that hee would haue tenne thousand Indians, which

should make a partition in the midst of the Palace, and fill it with vessels of Siluer of diuers sorts, all which he would giue for his ransome. The Gouernour promised him his libertie on this con∣dition, and to worke no treason against the Christians. Fortie dayes were set, and twentie pas∣sed in which came no Gold. Then we learned that he had taken his brother Cusco * 3.243 his brother by the father, a greater man then himselfe. He had told some, that Atabalipa promised the Gold which he had, and hee would giue the Christians foure times as much as the other had promised: which being told to Atabalipa, he caused him suddenly to bee dispatched. Hee killed another of his brothers, which had said he would drinke in Atabalipas skull, but contrariwise he drunke in his; which I my selfe saw, and all that went with Hernando Pizarro. I saw the head with the skinne, the flesh drie, and the haires on, and his teeth closed, and betwixt them a Pipe of Sil∣uer, [ 10] and on the top a Cup of Gold fastned to the head, with a hole going into it. His Slaues put Chicha into the Cup, which ranne by the mouth into that pipe, whence Atabalipa drunke.

Anno 1533. the Gouernour gaue his brother Hernando leaue to goe with a Companie of Spa∣niards to Guamachuc••, and there he found an hundred thousand Castiglians of Gold, which they brought for Atabalipas ransome. Diego Almagro came with an hundred and fiftie men to our succour. Because the Gold came so slowly, Atabalipa willed the Gouernour to send three men to Cusco, laying the blame on his imprisonment, which made the Indians not to obey him. These Christians were carried by Indians in Hamacas, a kinde of Litters, and were serued. They arriued at Xauxa, where was Chilicuchima, a great Captaine of Atabalipa, the same which had taken Cusco, which had all the Gold at his command. He gaue the Christians thirty burthens of Gold, of which each weighed an hundred pounds. They said it was little, and he gaue them fiue bur∣thens [ 20] more, which they sent to the Gouernour by a Negro, whom they had brought with them. They went on to Cusco, where they found Quizquiz, a Captaine of Atabalipas, which made * 3.244 little account of the Christians. He said that if they would not restore his Master for that Gold he would giue, he would take him out of their hands: and sent them presently to a Temple of the Sunne, couered with plates of Gold. The Christians without the helpe of any Indian (for they refused, saying they should die, it being the Temple of the Sunne) with Pickaxes of Brasse * 3.245 disfurnished the same, as they told vs afterwards, and spoyled the Temple. Many Pots and vessels of Gold were also brought (which there they vsed for their cookery) for ransome of their Lord Atabalipa. In all the house, there was such store of Gold, that it amased them. They were [ 30] amazed to see one seat in their house of Sacrifices which weighed nineteene thousand Pezos of * 3.246 Gold: in another where old Cusco lay buried, the pauement and the walls were couered with plates of Gold and Siluer, which they did not breake, for feare of the Indians displeasure, nor many great earthen Pots there, couered with Gold likewise. In that House were two dead and embalmed, neere to whom stood a woman with a Maske of Gold on her face, which fanned a∣way the winde and Flies. Shee would not let them enter with their shooes on: they went in and tooke much Gold, but not all, for Atabalipa had intreated them, because there lay his Fa∣ther. They found there a great house full of Pots and Tubs, and vessels of Siluer. They would haue brought much more then they did, but that they were alone, and aboue two hundred and fiftie leagues from other Christians: but they shut it vp, and sealed it for his Maiestie, and the [ 40] Gouernour Francis Pizarro, and set a guard on it.

Ouer the Riuers as they passed, they found two Bridges together, one open for the vulgar, the other shut for the passage of great men. Hernando Pizarro trauelling ouer the Mountaines with his Horse, where the way was made with hands in many places as a Scale or Staires, which * 3.247 ware off his Horse shooes, commanded the Indians to shooe his Horses with Gold and Siluer, and so came to the Citie, bigger then Rome, called Pachalchami * 3.248, where in one filthie chamber was an Idoll of wood, which they said, was their God which giues life to all things, at whose feete were many Emeralds fastned in Gold. They haue him in such veneration, that none may serue nor touch him, nor the walls of the house, but such, as they say, are called by him. It is certanie, that the Deuill there speakes to them, and tells them what they should doe. They come [ 50] 300. leagues off to him, and offer him gold, siluer, and iewels, giuing it to the Porter which goeth in and returnes them an answer. They which serue him must be pure and chaste, abstaining from eating, and women. All the Countrie of Catamez payeth him tribute. The Indians feared that the Idoll would haue destroyed the Spaniards: which neuerthelesse entred without scruple, and brought very little Gold thence, for the Indians had hidden it all; they found the places whence they had carried great store; so that they got not aboue 30000. Pezos, & of a Cacike 10000. more. Chilicuchima sent them word, that he had store of Gold for them at Xauxa, but deceiued them.

They brought him and other great men to Atabalipa, which put coarse Cloth on them be∣fore their entrance, and did him great reuerence, lifting vp their hands to the Sunne, with thankes that they had seene their Lord, and came by little and little neerer him, and kissed his [ 60] hands and feet, who shewed great signes of Maiestie, and would not looke any of them in the face. They tied Chilicuchima to a stake, and set fire to him, to extort a confession of old Cuscos Gold from him, which (much burned first) said that Quizquiz had it in keeping: and that old Cusco, though dead, was still obserued, and had victuals set before him; and told of another Pa∣uilion,

where were great vessels, from whence the Gouernour sent and fetched much Gold. The Christians came from Cusco with aboue an hundred and ninety Indians laden with Gold. Some vessels were so great, that twelue Indians had much adoe to bring them. The Gouernour mel∣ted all the small pieces, which I can well tell, for I was keeper of the house of Gold, and saw it melted, and there were aboue nintie Plates of Gold: there were in that roome two hundred great tankards * 3.249 of Siluer and many small, with pots and other peeces very faire. I thinke I saw weighed of the Siluer 50000. Markes. There were also in the same roome eighty tankards of Gold, and other great peeces: there was also a heape higher then a man of those plates of ve∣ry fine Gold; and to say truth, in all the roomes of the house were great hils or heapes of Gold and Siluer. The Gouernour put them together and weighed them before the Offi••••rs, and then [ 10] those some to make the shares for the company. The Gouernour sent the Emperour a present of 100000. pesoes in fifteene tankards, and foure pots, and other rich peeces. Euery footman had 4800. Pesoes of gold, which made 7208. Duckets, and the Horsemen twice as much, besides other aduantages. Before the sharing he gaue Almagros company 25000. * 3.250 pesoes, and 2000. pesoes of Gold to those which had staid at Saint Michaels: and much gold to all that came with the Captaine, two or three great Cups of gold a peece to the Merchants, and to many which had gotten it, lesse then they deserued. I say it, for so it fared with me. Many presently, a∣mongst which I was, demanded leaue to returne to Spaine, and fiue and twenty obtained it. When Atabalipa heard they would carry the gold out of the Country, he sent for men to come * 3.251 and assault the Gouernour. A few dayes before two Sonnes of old Cusco came thither and lodg∣ed [ 20] with the Gouernour, one * 3.252 of them was naturall Lord of the Countrey. Vpon newes of for∣ces comming, they brought Atabalipa by night to a stake to burne him aliue, by the command of the Gouernour; but he said he would be a Christian; whereupon after Baptisme th••y strang∣led him that night, and the Countrey was quiet. The Gouernour made the eldest Sonne of old Cusco Lord of the Countrey, which caused great ioy to the Natiues. Wee arriued in Siuil, Ianu∣ary the fifteenth 1534.

CHAP. XVL. [ 30]

The Conquest of Peru and Cusco, called New Castile, and directed to the Emperour by FRANCISCO de XERES, Secretary to Captaine FRANCIS PIZARRO which conquered them.

FRancis Pizarro liued in Panama which the Gouernor Pedrarias de Auila had peo∣pled. He was Sonne of Captaine Gonzalo Pizarro of Trugillo: hee obtained li∣cence * 3.253 of Pedrarias to goe vpon new discoueries; and hauing bestowed a good part of his estate in a Ship and necessaries, he departed from Panama Nouember the [ 40] foureteenth 1524. with one hundred and twelue Spaniards, and some Indians: * 3.254 seuentie daies after they went on land, which after they named Of Hunger, with eightie men, the rest being dead, and sent the Ship to the Iland of Pearles neere Panama for victu∣als, hoping of their returne in twelue dayes, which continued forty seuen, they liuing on the Seas wilde prouisions meane whiles, whereby twenty dyed, and the rest were very weake. A Cow hide which they had for seruice of the Ship, they had shared amongst them and eaten be∣fore the Ship returned. Then did they proceede on the Voyege, and came to a Towne which the inhabitants had forsaken, where they found store of prouisions: and the next day the Countrie * 3.255 people set on them, easily ouerthrew ours being weake, gaue the Captaine seuen wounds very dangerous, and left him for dead; slew fiue, and wounded seuenteene of the rest: whereupon they returned for Panama, and he staied at Chuchama to refresh and cure himselfe. A little before [ 50] Diego de Almagro his companion was gone for his succour with a Ship and seuenty men; and lan∣ding at the place where Pizarro was beaten, was there assaulted and lost one of his eyes; many * 3.256 Christians were wounded, but for all that they fired the towne, and put the enemy to flight: sailing thence, they came to a great Riuer which they called Saint Iohns, and found there some shew of Gold, and returned, and found Pizarro in Chuchama.

Almagro was sent to Panama, where Pedrarias misliked and crossed this designe which had proued hitherto so vaine; but he with much adoe returned with one hundred and ten men to Pi∣zarro, * 3.257 with whom fiftie of the former remained of both companies, one hundred & thirty being dead. In two Ships they set forth and spent three yeares in great trauell; hunger killed the most [ 60] of them, that fiftie onely remained: not finding neuerthelesse any good Countrie. Then it was their hap to finde great hopes of Gold and riches, comming to Cancebi, and tooke six men to * 3.258 learne their language. Almagro was sent for more men to Panama, whiles Pizarro staied at Cock-Iland. But some had written to the Gouernour to be freed from thence. The Gouernour

sent licence to those which would; onely sixteene staied there with Pizarro fiue moneths till the Ship returned, and then on the last day of the time granted them, hauing made better dis∣couery ariued at Panama.

Pizarro was sent into Spaine to get graunt of the Countrey, which in large Commission hee obtained, and after his returne departed from Panama with three Ships, and 180. men, and 37. Horse. In thirteene dayes he arriued at the Port of Saint Matthew, which was as much as before he could doe in two yeares, and landing there, found all the Country in armes. They marched till * 3.259 they came to a great towne called Coache, which they suddenly assaulted, and there got in Gold, to the value of 15000. Castellines, and 750. pounds * 3.260 of Siluer, and many Emeralds, which they then knew not, and therefore for small trifles exchanged them with the Indians. Thence the Go∣uernour [ 10] sent backe for men and horse to Panama and Nicaragua. He went with his Spaniards to the Isle Puna, rich and populous, which subiected themselues, and because it was winter, staid there. Those Indians rebelled and raised forces. Hee tooke the Cacique (hauing vnderstanding hereof) and made great slaughter of the Ilanders, and hauing beheaded ten principall men, he set free the Cacique to call together the Ilanders, which had fled to Tumbez. Pizarro went thence to Tumbez, where he found the Indians in armes. Three which had gone in the Boates were robbed and slaine, but Tumbez and many other places rued it.

May 16. 1532. he departed from Tumbez and was well receiued in many places, to which he gaue notice that he came to bring them in subiection to the Emperor, and to the knowledge of the holy Catholik fai••h; to which many of the Caciques yeelded. Comming to a good Riuer, which he found to haue a good Port, he planted a Colonie sixe leagues from the Sea, and called it Saint [ 20] Michaels. At Chira he found that the Cacique of that Towne, and another of Almotaxe had con∣spired * 3.261 to kill certaine Christians; hee tooke them both with their chiefe men and burned them aliue, sparing the Cacique himselfe of Chira, whose fault was left, and giuing him Almotaxe also. This execution was dreadfull to the whole Country. There he shared the Gold which the Ca∣ciques, and the men of Tumbez had giuen them, and paid the Marriners their fraight. He depar∣ted thence the foure and twentieth of September 1532. hauing newes of Atabalipa at Caxamal∣ca: 55. abode at Saint Michaels, and with the Gouernor remained 62. horsemen and 102. footmen. * 3.262

As he marched he receiued better intelligence of Atabalipa, and of Cusco, in which old Cusco lay interred in a place which had the roofe and wals couered with Gold and Siluer. Hee sent a [ 30] Captaine to Caxas and G••••camba, with certaine horse and foote. He learned of the way (which he passed betwixt these two townes, the latter of which had a faire stone Castle) that it reacheth from Cusco to Quito aboue 300 leagues, so broad that six h••rsemen may ride abrest, with water passages all alongst for trauellers to drinke, and houses for their lodging euery dayes iournie; with * 3.263 this Captaine returned an Indian with a present from Atabalipa, of two Fountaines of stone and two b••rtnens of dried Ducks (which is the fashion of that Country) signifying his great desire to see the Gouernour at Caxamalca. All the way from the Riuer of Saint Michaels to Chineha is a Vallie well peopled, hath the way made by hands, walled on both sides with trees in many pla∣ces set for shadow, made by old Cusco. The people liue much after one manner. They sacrifice their children, and sprinkle the bloud on their Sepulchers, and daube their Idols faces therewith. [ 40] Their sacrifices goe dancing and singing to their death. The Temples are compassed with stone wals and seated in the highest part of the Citie. He sent an Indian messenger to Atabalipa with words of greatest kindenesse. Leauing the Chincha way, he tooke that which goeth to Cassamal∣ca, and ascended a great Mountaine, the horsemen leading vp their horses, sometimes mounting as it were by staires, there being no other way; till they came to a fortresse of Stone walled with and founded on the rocks. As they proceeded in this Mountaine, they found it very cold. The wa∣ters on the top were very cold that without heating they could not drinke them, and they set vp their tents and made fires when they staid, because of the cold.

Here came messengers with ten Sheep for a present from Atabalipa, which told Pizarro of the great victories which he had had against his brother. But hee answered that his Emperour was [ 50] King of Spaine, and of the Indies, and Lord of the whole world, & had many seruants which were greater Lords then Atabalipa; and he had sent him into these Countries to draw the people to the knowledge of God & to his subiection: and with these few Christians, said he, I haue ouercome greater Lords then is A∣tabalipa. If he will haue friendship I will helpe him in his wars, & leaue him in his estate, but if he choose warre, I will doe to him as to the Cacikes of Puna and Tumbez. The Indian which Pizarro had sent returned from Caxamalca and related that Atabalipa there abode with an armie, and would haue slaine him, had hee not said that the like should be done to his Messengers, then being with the Spaniards: that he could not speake with him, but an Vncle of his, which had enquired of the Christians and their armes, all which he extolled to the vtmost.

The Gouernor came to Caxamalca the fifteenth of Nouember 1532. Atabalipa sent other mes∣sengers [ 60] with presents. Fernando Pizarro was sent to his campe with another Captain, which did * 3.264 his message to him, but he did not once looke on him, but was answered by a principall man; till the other Captain signified that he was brother to the Gouernor; & then the tyrant lifted vp his eyes and obiected the reports of their ill vsage of his Caciques, but for his part he would be friend

to the Christians, taking them to be good men. They promised helpe against his enemies. He said, he would employ them against a Cacique which had rebelled, together with his Soldiers. Pizar∣ro answered, ten of their horsemen would be enough to destroy him without helpe of your Indi∣ans. Atabalipa laughed and bad they should drinke, saying he would the next day see his Brother. They to excuse drinking, said they fasted, but he importuned them, and women came forth with vessels of gold full of drinke of Mayz. Hee looked on them without speaking a word, and they went againe and brought greater vessels of gold, whereof they dranke, and were licenced to de∣part. There seemed to be 30000. men in the Campe; they stood without their tents with lances * 3.265 in their hands, like to Pikes. The next morning, being Saturday, came a Messenger from Atabali∣pa, saying that he would come to see him with his people armed. He answered, that he should vse [ 10] his pleasure. The Gouernour had placed his horse and foote couertly in great houses that they * 3.266 should not stirre forth till opportunity serued (the signe being giuen, and the Ordnance thereupon discharged) then to rush out suddenly from diuers parts & assault the Indians. And seeing Atabalipa staid so long, till neere night, he sent a Messenger to him, signifying his desire to see him. Hereupon he moued to the town with his armie in squadrons, singing & dancing, richly adorned with gold and siluer. The Gouernors purpose was to take him aliue, & therefore expected his entrance into that walled or closed stree of Caxamalca, which the Indians had forsaken with the fortresse, & left to him. It was late before he came into the town, and being come into the streete he made a stand.

The Gouernor sent Frier Vincent to him with a Crosse in one hand, and a Bible in the other, be∣ing entred where Atabalipa was, he said by an Interpreter, I am a Priest of God, and teach the [ 20] Christians things diuine, and come likewise to instruct you that which the great God hath taught vs, and is written in this Booke. And therefore on Gods behalfe, and of the Christians, I pray you to become their friend; for God commands it, and it shall be well for you; and come to speake with the Gouernor which expects you. Atabalipa asked for his Booke, which he gaue him shut. He not knowing which way to open it, the Frier stretched forth his hand to doe it, and he with great disdaine hit him on the arme, and at last opened it himselfe. And without wondring at the letters or paper, as other Indians vse, cast it a way fiue or six paces from him: and to the words which the Frier had said to him, he answered with great pride: I well wot what thou hast done in this voiage, and how thou hast handled my Caciques, and taken away their goods. The Frier an∣swered, the Christans haue not done this, but some Indians without the Gouernours knowledge, [ 30] who knowing it caused them to make restitution. Atabalipa replied, I will not depart hence till they bring it all to me. The Frier carried this answer to the Gouernor, and that he had throwne the holy Scripture on the ground; who presently set on the Indians, and came to the litter where Atabalipa was, and tooke him by the left arme, crying Saint Iames, S. Iames. The Ordnance plaied the trumpets founded; the horse and foot set forth; the Indians fled, the horsemen pursuing & slay∣ing, the footmen killing all in the streete, the Gouernour got a wound on the hand in sauing his prisoner. In all this hurliburly there was not an Indian which lifted vp his armes against the Chri∣stians. Pizarro bid his prisoner not be amased at his captiuity, for with these Christians, though few, I haue subiected greater Lords then thou art to the Emperor, whose vassall I am, who is Lord of Spaine, and of all the world; a••d by his order I am come to conquer these lands that you may [ 40] come to the knowledge of God, &c. adding many words of their pitie to the conquered and his good parts and acts. The Spaniards had no harme, onely one horse had a small wound: whereupon the Gouernor thanked God for the ^bmiracle. The Sun was down before they began, and the bat∣tell lasted halfe an houre. 2000. Indians were killed, besides those which were wounded, and 3000. taken. In the stree of Caxamalca, Pizarro caused to build a Church for the Masse, and forti∣fied the place against all occurrents.

Atabalipa promised for his ransome to fill a roome 22. foot long, and 17. wide, with gold vp as high as the middle of the roome, higher by one halfe then a mans height, in pots and other vessels, plates & peeces: and the same roome twice filled with siluer, in two moneths space. But so much not comming in so soone, the Gouernor sent three men to Cusco, February 15. 1533. commanding one of them in the name of his Maiesty, & presence of a Notary, to take possession thereof. A Ne∣gro [ 50] which went with them returned, Aprill 28. with 107. burthens of gold, and seuen of siluer, May 25. Fernand Pizarro came to * 3.267 Caxamalca with Chilicucima, May the thirteenth, the Nota∣ry returned from Cusco with relation that they had taken possession, & had found 30. great Cities in the way besides small. He said that there was a Pallace with plates of gold, foure square, each square containing 350, pases from corner to corner, 700. of which they had taken away, each of which waighed 500. Castilians: from another house the Indians had taken as much as 200000. Castilians, which they reiected ^dbecause the gold was base. He said that Chischis was there w••th 30000. men for guard of the Citie. They brought 178. burthens of gold, each as much as foure In∣dians bare on their necks, so that it could not come thither in a moneth by reason of requiring so [ 60] many Indians to carry it. It was the thirteenth of Iune before the gold came from Cusco, w••ich was two hundred burthens & twenty fiue of Siluer. After this came sixtie burthens of base gold, taken from wals of houses. It was shared on S. Iames his day. The fifth being taken out for his Maiesty, euery horseman had 8880. Castilians in gold, and 362. markes in siluer, each marke being eight ounces. The footemen had halfe so much, some more and some lesse, as the Gou••rnour

valued their merits. The Emperours fifth was 262259. Castilians * 3.268 of Gold and 51610. Markes of Siluer.

He set apart a quantity for those of Saint Michaels, and for those which came with Alma∣gro, and the Merchants, and all the Marriners, Prices of things were according: a Horse was commonly sold for 1500. Castilians of Gold; a vessell of six quarts (Bocali) of wine for sixtie Castilians, I paid fortie for foure quarts: a paire of shooes for forty, as much, or fiftie for a sword. I paid twelue for halfe an ounce of bad Saffron: ten for a sheet of Paper to write; nothing see∣med cheape but Gold and Siluer, insomuch that they would not stand to weigh their Gold, but gaue it in masse; and if hee gaue not twice the quantitie, hee cared not. Debtors ^a went from house to house with Indians laden with Gold to pay their debts. Atabalipa beeing accused of [ 10] Treason by another Cacique, that he sought to rayse forces in Quito, was therefore sentenced to be burned, and brought forth to execution, where he said he would be a Christian, and Frier Vincent baptized him and comforted him at his death; the Gouernour commanded he should not be burnt but strangled, which was executed on a Saturday, about the same houre that he was taken. One of his Brothers was made Lord by the Gouernour in presence of the Caciques, with great solem∣nitie, they lifting vp their eyes to the Sunne with thankes for giuing them a naturall Lord. Fer∣nando Pizarro was sent to Spaine, and some others had license, many flocking thither, hearing of the Riches there gotten.

Herera Dec. 5. l. 3. saith that Atahuallpa had desired his libertie because his ransome was paid, and his promise fulfilled (as Pizarro himselfe by sound of Trumpet acknowledged) which being deferred, his [ 20] Captaines offered him to free him by force. Atahualpa refused and commanded them to serue the Christi∣ans. The Yanaconas a slauish kind of people, desiring to free themselues from the Oreiones and Incas in those broyles raysed false newes that Armies were raysed to assault the Spaniards. Pizarro seeing th•• Atahualpa stood in his way, and hindered his foundation of a Spanish Empire in those parts, which could not be without the dissipation of that of the Incas, nor that without Atahualpas death, Y esto tenia por iusto, pues era prouechioso, He held it iust because it was profitable: Hee spake to the Inca complaning of insurrection which he answered was but the rumour of his enemies, that he had paid his ransome, &c. Pizarro made shew (dissembling his purpose) of great feare of the enemies (which caused the Spaniards to vrge and importune Atabalipas death (and to speake as you haue read in them) whereupon Pizar∣ro had sufficient colour for his Designe, 〈…〉〈…〉king shew that the Treasure paid in name of a ransome was [ 30] not for the Incas libertie, but lest the Indians should hide it. Frier Vincent consented also, and so he was sentenced to be burned, &c. Hee addet•••• out of Seneca, Prosperum ac ••oelix scelus virtus vocatur. Thus the Kings Chronicler, saying also that Fernand Pizarro was Atahualpas friend, and his brother did it after his departur••. He died in Prison, and all the rest (of whose names Herera giueth a Catalogue) were slaine and murthered in ciuill 〈…〉〈…〉rres, or came to ill ends. Yea, still the warres continue in Arauco, to the death of many Spaniards, besides the ciuill ••arres of Giron, &c. in Peru after that of the Pizar∣rists. God is iust, and therefore Pizarro the Mu••••herer of Atahualpa (a cruell Murtherer also) was murthered, and so hee that murthered Pizarro, and so forwards; the Serpents Issue and Generation of Hell proceeds from murther to murther, the Deuill himselfe being a Murtherer from the beginning. Once; Peru alone with Chili (both subiects to the Incas Empire) hath more aduanced the Spanish Treasures [ 40] then all the New World besides: neither is there any so likely way to supplant that Castilian-American greatnesse, as by the Araucos.

CHAP. XVII.

Relations of Occurrents in the Conquest of Peru after FERNAND PIZARROS departure written at XAVXA, Iuly 15. 1534. by PEDRO SANCHO, Notary Generall in the Kingdomes of New Castile, and Secretary [ 50] to the Gouernour FR. PIZARRO, subscribed by the said Gouernour himselfe and others, and sent to his Maiestie.

TEn or twelue dayes after Fernand Pizarros departure, two Spaniards came from Cuzco with Gold, part whereof was melted being small and fine pieces, taken out of the wals of a certaine house in Cusco, being aboue fiue hundred wedges or plates of Gold, the small weighing foure or fiue pounds a piece, the greater ten or twelue. All the wals of that Temple had beene couered with them. They brought a chaire or throne of most fine Gold, weighing eighteene thousand Pezos, and a Fountayne of Gold of [ 60] excellent workmanship, and the mould in which it was cast; and many other pieces, pots and vessels: which all mounted to two Millions and a halfe, and beeing melted into most fine Gold came to be one Million 320000. Pezos and vpwards: out of which his Maiesties fifth was taken, aboue 260000. Pezos, they made it vp 270000. Of Siluer there was 50000. Markes, his Ma∣iesties

part 5000. the rest was shared amongst the company according to their qualities and me∣rits. After this, the Gouernour made an act before a Notary, in which he acquitted Atabalipa of his promise to the Spaniards, for so much as the house would hold, and caused it to bee published in Caxamalca by the sound of a Trumpet, acquainting Atapalipa himselfe therewith by an Inter∣terpreter, declaring withall that for his Maiesties seruice and security of the Countrey, he would still detayne him with a guard, till more Spaniards came for his security: specially considering that hee had taken order for leuying of men of warre to assault the Spaniards, which hee had no meanes to auoid but by keeping him fast, and his Captayne Generall Chilichuchima. A few dayes after the Indians reuealed the Treasons of that Tyrant, notwithstanding all his good vsage by the Gouernour and Spaniards, which was preuented by his death: his sentence of burning by reason [ 10] of his Baptisme being executed with strangling, and after his death some part of his clothes and flesh were burned. It was late in the Euening, and the next morning he was solemnely buried in the Church, as if he had beene the chiefe Spaniard in the Campe: which gaue much satisfaction to his principall Caciques and Captaines.

This done, in presence of many Commanders and Cacikes he gaue them a Lord in the name of the Emperour, a Sonne of Guaynacaba (Huayna Capac, or as the Spaniards vse to call him Guai∣nacapac) called Atabalipa, b 3.269 to whom the Empire was due, and placed him in his Seat, they all offering the Rites of vassallage to him, to wit, a white feather, according to their custome. The new Inca fasted three dayes for the deceassed, shut vp from all societie but his Pages, and after came forth honourably attired and attended with about fifty Cacikes and Captaines there pre∣sent, [ 20] and did eat together on the ground (for they vse no Tables) after which, he offered a white Feather in token of his vassallage to the Emperour. The Gouernour receiued it and embraced him with much loue, and concluded a peace, taking the names of the Cacikes, and the Countries vnder their command, and intimated that he was sent by his Emperour to giue them knowledge of the true God, Father, Sonne, and Holy Ghost, and what they should obserue for their saluati∣on; and that that God and his Vicars left on earth (for he ascended to Heauen their to remayne in glorie) had giuen those Prouinces to the Emperour to take charge thereof, who had sent him to instruct them in the Christian Faith, and to bring them vnder his obedience: and caused his Commission to bee read and interpreted to them. They all acknowledged the Emperour for their supreme Lord, and next vnder him their Lord Atabalipa, and in signe thereof lifted vp [ 30] (each of them twice) the Royall Banner. All this act was entred into writing with testimonies, and great Feasts were made by them.

At this time the Gouernour ceased the partition of the Gold and Siluer amongst the Spani∣ards, and Atabalipa gaue the Gold of the Fifths Royal to the Treasurer of his Maiesty, which was carried to Xauxa where the Gouernour intended to plant a Colonie of Spaniards, hauing intelli∣gence of the good Countrey thereabouts. He prouided him of Indians for carriages, and sent a Captaine with ten Horsemen to inhabit Saint Michaels till ships came, and after that to returne to Xauxa. He heard that some of Atabalipas Captaines had slaine Gariticus his Brother, which grieued much both the Gouernour and the present Atabalipa. He as he marched heard of diuers which were vp in Armes against him, fiue leagues from Xauxa, whereupon he put Chilichuchima [ 40] in chaines, by whose meanes the report was that they had done it. They went and adioyned themselues to Quizquiz. When he came to Xauxa, none of his Spaniards were willing to abide there because the Countrey was in Armes, yet he left a Colony of eighty men with Officers. A∣bout this time died Atabalipa of sicknesse, of poyson giuen by Chilichuchima, as was reported, who sought to haue the rule remaine in Quito, and not in Cusco. The Gouernour bad them pro∣uide a Successor. Calichuchima would haue Aticoc Sonne of Atabilipa, but others and the Gouer∣nour liked better of a Brother of Atabalipa (Sonne of Guanacapa.) He came to a Towne where he found much Siluer in great sheets of twentie foot long and one broad, a finger thicke. They receiued intelligence of a skirmish with the enemy by another band of Spaniards, in which eigh∣teene horses were hurt and one slaine; in another the Spaniards had the victory. The Gouernour caused Chilichuchima to be burned, who refused to become a Christian, and called vpon Pachaca∣mac. [ 50] After this he marched to Cusco, which hee entred on Friday the fifteenth of Nouember 1533. And the next day made that Sonne of Guaynacapac their Lord, being the right heire, and commanded the Cacikes to obey him.

Incontinently the New Cacike (or Inca) gaue order to assemble forces against Quizquiz; in foure dayes fiue thousand were comne together well armed, with whom the Gouernour sent a Captaine with fiftie Horse, remayning himselfe for the guard of the Citie. These hauing done somewhat against the enemy, were forced to returne by the ill mountanous passages. The Caci∣que hauing fasted three dayes, and performed and receiued the Rites of vassallage (before mentio∣ned in his Predecessor) at the Gouernours request leuied greater forces, so that aboue fiue and twen∣tie [ 60] thousand went with the Spaniards, which made a Bridge of three hundred and sixtie foote long, broad enough for two Horsemen to passe abreast, and passed to Bilcas. Some of them went to the succour of Xauxa which had obtayned good successe against their enemies.

The Gouernour after this caused all the Gold to bee melted by experienced Indians, which a∣mounted

to 580200. Pezos and vpwards of good Gold. The Emperours fifth was 116460. Pe∣zos and vpwards. The Siluer was melted, and weighed 215000. Markes, of which 170000. and vpwards was good, in Vessels and Barres, the rest alayed with other Metals. The fifth was de∣ducted thence for his Maiestie. Amongst other things there were sheepe of fine Gold very great, and ten or twelue Statues of women in their iust bignesse and proportion, artificially composed of fine Gold. They performed like veneration to them as if they had beene aliue, clothing, a∣doring, giuing them to eate and talking with them. There were others of Siluer in the same sta∣ture. All this Treasure was shared betwixt those of Cusco and the Spaniards of Xauxa.

In March 1534. the Gouernor assembled all the Spaniards, and made a solemne act of the foun∣dation of a Towne and possession taken in the midst of the chiefe street, by the name of the noble and great Citie of Cusco: bounds were set out for a Church, and priuiledges allotted to such as * 3.270 [ 10] within three yeeres should come thither to dwell. Aboue twelue thousand married Indians were designed to the Prouince of Collao, to his Maiesties Mynes of Gold in those parts.

After this he departed with the Cacique towards Xauxa. There he had newes of two hundred and fiftie comne from Panama to Saint Michaels, seuenty of them horsemen, and of Aluarados landing with foure hundred men, and one hundred and fiftie horsemen. Hauing ouerthrowne his enemies, he tooke order for founding a Church in Xauxa, and sent some Spaniards with an Army * 3.271 of Indians to pursue the enemies. There is a Mountayne of Snow which continueth from Caxa∣malca to Xauxa, where Snow lyeth all the yeere. The people are more ciuill and better Souldiers. On the other side the Mountayne (Eastward) they are Sauage people feeding on fruites, hauing small store of Maiz. All their Tribute was Feathers. From Xauxa to Cusco the Countrey enlar∣geth [ 20] it selfe from the Sea. Collao is a plaine Countrey and cold, and hath many Riuers where gold is taken. The Mountaynes continue from Tumbez to Xauxa, and thence to Cusco, if the way bee not made by hands, footmen could not passe, much lesse horsemen: and they haue many houses * 3.272 full of Brasse to worke c 3.273 vp the same. All the rough Mountaynes are wrought like staires d 3.274 of stone. There are some places where foure or fiue mens heights, the way is wrought and made vp with stone worke; in others it is cut out of the stone. There are places of entertainment in e∣uery Countrey, and by the way one within two or three leagues of another, made for the Lords which visit the Countrey: and euery twenty leagues principall Prouinciall Cities where the tri∣butes of smaller places are kept. All those great Townes haue store-houses full of the Countrey [ 30] Commodities. There are store of cattle and pastures with their Pastors.

The Citie of Cusco might be worthy the sight if it were in Spaine, full of great mens houses, all Lords and Caciques, hauing houses there. The most of those houses are of stone, and some are * 3.275 halfe of stone: the streets are straight in right crosses, and narrow; in the midst runneth a Con∣duit of water inclosed with stone on each side of which a horseman may passe and no more. The Citie is situate on the top of a Hill, and many houses are built on the side of it, and others below on the Plaine. The Market place is square, paued with small stones. About it are foure houses of Lords of stone painted and wrought; the best of which was Guainacabas: the gate is of white and red Marble, and of other colours, and hath faire Terrasses. On the sides of the City ranne two Riuers, which rise a league higher, ouer which are Bridges. Vpon a Hill hard and rough is [ 40] a very faire Fortresse of earth and stone, with great windowes towards the City. Within it are many Roomes, and one principall Towre in the midst of foure or fiue circuits e 3.276 one higher then another; the Lodgings within are small, the stone very fairely wrought and so close ioyned that there is no shew of morter, and as smooth as planed boords. It hath so many Roomes and Towres that a man is not able to view them all in a day. Many Spaniards which haue beene in Lumbar∣die and other strange Kingdomes, say that they haue neuer seene such a building as this Fortresse, nor Castle more strong. There may abide within fiue thousand Spaniards. It cannot be vndermi∣ned being seated on a Rocke. On the City side which is a ragged Hill, is but one wall, on the o∣ther side three, one higher then another, the inmost being highest. The goodliest spectacle are these encompassing circuits, being of stones so great, that no man would imagine them layd [ 50] there by the hands of men, as great as pieces of stonie Mountaynes and Rockes; some being of the height of thirty f 3.277 spannes, and and as much in length, and none is so little but it is more then three Cart-••odes. The Spaniards preferre them before the buildings of Hercules or of the Romanes. They are reuersed g 3.278 that they cannot be battered in plano, but in the slipping h 3.279 tur∣nagaines which goe outwards, made of the selfe-same stone. Betwixt wall and wall is earth laid so broad that three Carts may goe abreast. They are made like three steps, the second be∣ginning on the height of the first, and the third on that of the second. All this Fortresse was a Store-house of Armes, Clubs, Launces, Bowes, Arrowes, Axes, Shields, Cotton Mandilions quilted, and other armes and garments for Souldiers, gathered from all parts of the Empire, co∣lours of diuers sorts and Metals. From this Fortresse may bee seene many houses. In the Val∣which is compassed about with Hils are aboue 100000. houses; many of them houses of plea∣sure [ 60] of the Souereignes Lords and Caciques, others are Store-houses full of Wooll, Armes, Mettals, Clothes and such things as the Countrey yeeldeth; there are Horses where the Tributes are kept, and there is one, where are aboue 100000. dried Birds, of whose Feathers they make

garments. And there are many houses for that purpose. There are Shields, Targets, Plates of Brasse to couer houses, and incredible store of prouisions for Warre. Euery Souereigne Lord de∣ceassed hath his owne house of these goods and Tributes which they had in their life (for by their Law the Successor may not inherit it) their Gold, Siluer, and Clothes apart. They worship the Sunne and haue made him many Temples, and of all things they offer somewhat to the Sunne.

Two Spaniards were sent to Colao, and were forty dayes in the iourney. They say it is well peopled, mountaynous, and out of measure cold: so subiect, that hauing many cattle, no man dares kill any without license, though neuer so great. There is a great Lake (Titicaca) in the midst of the Prouince, in which are two Ilands, in one of which is a Temple of the Sun in great veneration, where they offer Gold and Siluer and other things. There are aboue sixe hundred In∣dians [ 10] which serue there, and a thousand women. The Mynes of Gold are beyond this place, some of ten, some twenty, and that of Guarnacabo is forty fathome deepe, darke and narrow, in which one alone at once, entreth, none following till he be comme forth. Other Mynes they pursue no further then a mans height, that he may reach the earth to another: which made some say that all the fields were Gold Mynes. Guainacapa is honoured as if hee were aliue, and his bodie is brought forth into the street with Musicke and Dances, and there are some day and night atten∣ding him to chase away the flyes. The Lords that come to the Citie, goe first and salute him, and then the King. To these Feasts 100000. soules assembled. Had it not beene for the quarrels be∣twixt those of Quito and those of Cusco, the Spaniards could not haue entred into Cusco, nor haue * 3.280 it. And the Mountaynes are such that ten men may defend ten thousand. Many Horses fell [ 20] downe and brake their neckes. The Spaniards themselues maruell at what they haue done, and how they are still aliue. It hath fal••e out well that this Sonne of Guainacaba was made their Lord, for whose loue other Lords haue giuen their obedience to the Emperour. He is very friend∣ly to the Christians. Iuly 15. 1534. in Xauxa Subscribed Francisco Piçar∣ro, &c. [ 30]

The end of the seuenth Booke. [ 40] [ 50] [ 60]

Notes

• * 1.1

  I finde at the end of the Booke some me••••cinall receipts, and the name subscribed Ir. Ma••••el 〈…〉〈…〉sta∣on E〈…〉〈…〉 e••ro do Colagi•• da 〈◊〉〈◊〉: whom I••magine to haue beene Author of this Treatise. Cooke re∣ported that he had it of a Friar: but the name Ie∣sus diuers times on the top of the page and often mention of the Fathers and soc••∣etie maketh me thinke him a bro∣ther of that or∣der, besides the state-tractate fol∣lowing.
• * 1.2

  Their opinion of a floud.
• * 1.3

  Of the know∣ledg that they haue or the Creator, and of the Soule, Paradise, Di∣uels,
• * 1.4

  Diuels feare.
• * 1.5

  Caraibas iug∣ling.
• * 1.6

  No proper name of God.
• * 1.7

  Of the Mari∣ages. They giue no dowries to their daughters or to the sous, but they serue their mother in law.
• * 1.8

  Tailes.
• * 1.9

  Drinkings.
• * 1.10

  Of the manner th••y keepe in their eating and drinking.
• * 1.11

  Liberality, and opinion of niggardi••e.
• * 1.12

  Their diet.
• * 1.13

  Drinking.
• * 1.14

  Feasts.
• * 1.15

  Daunces.
• * 1.16

  Rudenesse.
• * 1.17

  Of the man∣ner that they haue in their sleeping.
• * 1.18

  One House containeth many Fami∣lies.
• * 1.19

  Nakednesse.
• * 1.20

  Modesty. Painting.
• * 1.21

  Galantry.
• * 1.22

  Neatnesse,
• * 1.23

  Mourning.
• * 1.24

  Apparell.
• * 1.25

  Of their Hou∣ses.
• * 1.26

  Childebirth.
• * 1.27

  Loue and e••••∣cation of chil∣dren.
• * 1.28

  Friers and Ie∣suires paines with Indians children.
• * 1.29

  Of the custom they haue in harboring, or entertayning their guests.
• * 1.30

  Of the custom they haue of drinking of smoake.
• * 1.31

  Of the man∣ner of pay∣ments and husbandrie.
• * 1.32

  Of their Iewels and Brooches.
• * 1.33

  Filthily fine.
• * 1.34

  Of the vsage of their wiues, and how they man them.
• * 1.35

  Iealousie. Of their dan∣ces and their songs.
• * 1.36

  Instruments.
• * 1.37

  Womens dan∣ces.
• * 1.38

  Of their bu∣rials.
• * 1.39

  Lamentations to be lamen∣ted.
• * 1.40

  Of the Instru∣ments they do vse.
• * 1.41

  Of the wea∣pons they doe vse.
• * 1.42

  Cruel arrowes
• * 1.43

  Cunning Ar∣chers.
• * 1.44

  Their Arts.
• * 1.45

  Quick sighted.
• * 1.46

  Great Trauel∣lers and swift.
• * 1.47

  Swords.
• * 1.48

  Gentle cruell keeper.
• * 1.49

  Festiuall pre∣paration and solemnitie.
• * 1.50

  Black Saints.
• * 1.51

  First encoun∣ters.
• * 1.52

  The womens parts.
• * 1.53

  Their songs, &c.
• * 1.54

  Adorning of the Captiue.
• * 1.55

  The fatall Sword.
• * 1.56

  Crocodiles teares.
• * 1.57

  Hallowing the Sword.
• * 1.58

  Butchery rites.
• * 1.59

  Block-head.
• * 1.60

  Cerrmonies of making a new Gentle∣man.
• * 1.61

  Markes and habit of new Gentrie.
• * 1.62

  Titles of Honour,
• * 1.63

  See before in in M. Kniuet.
• * 1.64

  Portugals vse of Sauages.
• * 1.65

  Pitiguaras.
• * 1.66

  vi••t••n a peo∣ple eaten out by the Portu∣gals.
• * 1.67

  Tupinaba.
• * 1.68

  Ca••ete.
• * 1.69

  Tupinaquin.
• * 1.70

  Timimins. Tamuya.
• * 1.71

  Arara••e.
• * 1.72

  Vnchristian impietie of some Portugals
• * 1.73

  Scuentie six Nations of Ta∣puya. See of these Master Kniuet which liued with them.
• * 1.74

  A roote so called.
• * 1.75

  Cowards and cruell.
• * 1.76

  Tucanucu and other Nations many.
• * 1.77

  Caue-houses.
• * 1.78

  Anhe••im, &c.
• * 1.79

  Great Paps.
• * 1.80

  Cumpehe Saua∣ges not Canibals
• * 1.81

  Guaitaca.
• * 1.82

  Beast in hu∣mane shape.
• * 1.83

  Of the Cli∣mate & Coun∣trie of Brasill, & of some nota∣ble things found there, as well one the Land as one the Sea.
• * 1.84

  The wilde Boare, 3. kinds and more.
• * 1.85

  Acuti,
• * 1.86

  Paca••
• * 1.87

  Iagoarete. M. Kniuet call•• them Tigres.
• * 1.88

  Bold vain-glo∣rious Indians.
• * 1.89

  Carigue.
• * 1.90

  Ant Beare, or Tamandua, a strange-shaped beast.
• * 1.91

  Tatu, or Arma∣dillo. The Badas are the Rhinoce∣rots.
• * 1.92

  Canduacu, or Porcupine: diuers kinds.
• * 1.93

  Hiraras or Ci∣uet Cats.
• * 1.94

  Aquiqui, Apes or Monkies. Ape-king.
• * 1.95

  His Oration.
• * 1.96

  His Page.
• * 1.97

  Many kindes of Monkies.
• * 1.98

  Their Physike.
• * 1.99

  Monkie-tricks.
• * 1.100

  Cuati.
• * 1.101

  Other kinds.
• * 1.102

  Wilde Cats.
• * 1.103

  Iagoarucu.
• * 1.104

  Tapati.
• * 1.105

  Iaguacini.
• * 1.106

  Biarataca.
• * 1.107

  Stinking beast.
• * 1.108

  Priguica, or La∣zinesse.
• * 1.109

  Simple food.
• * 1.110

  Twelue kinds of Rats.
• * 1.111

  Of the Snakes that are on the land, and haue no poison. Gib••ya.
• * 1.112

  Egge-eater.
• * 1.113

  Caninana.
• * 1.114

  Long-snout.
• * 1.115

  Gaitiopi••:
• * 1.116

  Boyuna.
• * 1.117

  Snakes that haue poison▪ Iar••rac••.
• * 1.118

  Curucucu.
• * 1.119

  Boycininga.
• * 1.120

  Ibiracua.
• * 1.121

  Ibiboboca.
• * 1.122

  Store and sore.
• * 1.123

  Carima, a drug so called.
• * 1.124

  Musk-snake.
• * 1.125

  Scorpions.
• * 1.126

  Poisonous Re∣gion.
• * 1.127

  Parots.
• * 1.128

  Varietie of Pa∣rots. The A∣rara.
• * 1.129

  Anapuru.
• * 1.130

  Araruna.
• * 1.131

  Aiurucur••.
• * 1.132

  Tuin.
• * 1.133

  Guiraiub••.
• * 1.134

  Yapu.
• * 1.135

  Dangerous to the eyes.
• * 1.136

  The Guaimim∣bique: others call it the To∣mineios.
• * 1.137

  Generation.
• * 1.138

  Note for Phi∣losophers.
• * 1.139

  Guiranhe eng eta.
• * 1.140

  Tangara.
• * 1.141

  Dance.
• * 1.142

  Quereina.
• * 1.143

  Tucana.
• * 1.144

  Guirapanga.
• * 1.145

  Macucagua.
• * 1.146

  Mutu. Hard egges.
• * 1.147

  Dogs poison.
• * 1.148

  V••u.
• * 1.149

  Turtles innu∣merable.
• * 1.150

  Ostriches. Anima. Horne medi∣cinable.
• * 1.151

  Acaiu, a kinde of Chesnut.
• * 1.152

  Many vses thereof.
• * 1.153

  Mangaba.
• * 1.154

  Or Musk-rose.
• * 1.155

  Murucuge.
• * 1.156

  Ill gathering.
• * 1.157

  Araca.
• * 1.158

  Ombu.
• * 1.159

  Fruit causing teeth to fall.
• * 1.160

  Iacapucaya.
• * 1.161

  Haire-fal-fruit Graes.
• * 1.162

  Araticu.
• * 1.163

  Pequea.
• * 1.164

  Iabaticaba.
• * 1.165

  Cocos.
• * 1.166

  20. kinds of Palmes.
• * 1.167

  The Pine tree.
• * 1.168

  Of the Trees th•••• 〈…〉〈…〉rue for m〈…〉〈…〉ines. Cabueriba. Port E••gaddi. A medicine for wounds.
• * 1.169

  Cupayba. For wounds.
• * 1.170

  Ambayba. For wounds.
• * 1.171

  Ambaigtinga. For the Col∣licke.
• * 1.172

  Igbacamuci. For the blou∣dy Fluxe.
• * 1.173

  Igcigca. Fo•• cold dis∣eases.
• * 1.174

  Gumme A∣nime.
• * 1.175

  Curupicaiba. For wounds, and for the Poxe.
• * 1.176

  Caaroba. For the Poxe.
• * 1.177

  Caarobmocoran∣diba. For loosenesse and the Poxe. Iaburandiba. For the sick∣nesse of the Liuer. For the Tooth∣ake. Cassia fistulae. Of the Oyles the Indians doe vse to an〈…〉〈…〉 themselues withall.
• * 1.178

  Moxerequigba.
• * 1.179

  Aiuruatubira.
• * 1.180

  Aiabutipita.
• * 1.181

  Ianipaba. For the Laske,
• * 1.182

  Iequitimguacu.
• * 1.183

  Beades and Sope.
• * 1.184

  Of the tree that hath wa∣ter.
• * 1.185

  Note, Com∣pare this with those mentio∣ned by A. Batle in Congo. Of the Trees that serue for timber.
• * 1.186

  Cedars and Nutmegs.
• * 1.187

  Mandioca.
• * 1.188

  The iuyce is poison.
• * 1.189

  Other kindes.
• * 1.190

  Nana.
• * 1.191

  Pacoba, Adams Tree.
• * 1.192

  Murucuia.
• * 1.193

  Many other Brasilian plants.
• * 1.194

  Ietigcucu.
• * 1.195

  A purge.
• * 1.196

  For the bloudy Fluxe.
• * 1.197

  A remedie for poyson.
• * 1.198

  Tyroqui or Ta∣reroqui. For the bloudy Fluxe.
• * 1.199

  Perhaps the worme in the fundament mentioned by Sir R. Haukins. Embeguacu For the Fluxe of bloud.
• * 1.200

  Caa obetinga. For wounds.
• * 1.201

  Cobaura. For wounds.
• * 1.202

  The Holy herbe, or Tobacco. For sundry diseases.
• * 1.203

  For the worme
• * 1.204

  Camaracatimbae For scabs, and the Poxe.
• * 1.205

  Aipo.
• * 1.206

  Meade-Mal∣low.
• * 1.207

  Caraguata.
• * 1.208

  It causeth to abort.
• * 1.209

  Timbo. Baite for fishes
• * 1.210

  Sleeping herb. An h••r••e so called.
• * 1.211

  ••rua vi••a: See M. Harcourt his Guiana Rela∣tions.
• * 1.212

  Brasilian herbs smell not.
• * 1.213

  Of the Canes.
• * 1.214

  Oxe-fish, Ma∣••ati.
• * 1.215

  Or Greace, or Oile: so af∣ter. Ma••tega in the Portugall word.
• * 1.216

  Beijupira.
• * 1.217

  The Oxe eie.
• d 1.218

  Or foure shillings a piece.
• e 1.219

  Or Greace.
• * 1.220

  Camurupi.
• f 1.221

  Or Butter:
• * 1.222

  The wild fish.
• * 1.223

  The Whale.
• * 1.224

  Ambergrise,
• * 1.225

  The Sword fish
• * 1.226

  Battle with Whaies.
• * 1.227

  A Tortoise.
• * 1.228

  Tuborones, or Sharkes.
• * 1.229

  Pelgrimes.
• * 1.230

  The flying fish.
• * 1.231

  Soles and Sal∣monets. A little red fish very daintie in Spaine.
• * 1.232

  Of the vene∣mous fishes.
• * 1.233

  Toad fish deadly.
• * 1.234

  Puraque, or Torpedo. See Iobson.
• * 1.235

  Caramuru.
• * 1.236

  Amoreatie.
• k 1.237

  A fish so cal∣led
• * 1.238

  Ierepomonga. Strange Sea Snake.
• * 1.239

  Mermen, or Monsters of the Sea.
• * 1.240

  Of the Shel∣fishes. Cuttle fishes.,
• * 1.241

  Apula.
• * 1.242

  Sea-fomes.
• * 1.243

  Sea Crabs. Vza.
• * 1.244

  Guainumu.
• * 1.245

  Aratu.
• * 1.246

  Ten or twelue kinds of crabs.
• * 1.247

  Oysters.
• * 1.248

  Note for lime.
• * 1.249

  Muscles.
• * 1.250

  Perewinkles.
• * 1.251

  Wilkes.
• * 1.252

  Pir••guaig.
• * 1.253

  White Corral.
• * 1.254

  Prawnes.
• * 1.255

  Of the Trees that g••ow in salt-water. Mangues.
• * 1.256

  Gnats.
• * 1.257

  Guiratinga.
• * 1.258

  Caripira.
• * 1.259

  Note.
• * 1.260

  Guaca.
• * 1.261

  Guirateont••on.
• * 1.262

  Cal••amar, or Sea-stamper.
• * 1.263

  Ayaya.
• * 1.264

  C〈…〉〈…〉▪
• * 1.265

  G••••••••▪
• * 1.266

  Of the fresh Riuers▪ and the things that in them are.
• * 1.267

  Cururijuba a great Snake many wayes wonderfull.
• * 1.268

  Manima.
• * 1.269

  Water Lizards. Iacare (or Cro∣codile.
• * 1.270

  Hard Egges.
• * 1.271

  Iaguarucu. A great Dogge. This seemeth some kind of the Hippopeta∣mas. Atacape. Iaguapopeb••.
• * 1.272

  Baeapina.
• * 1.273

  Water-hogge.
• * 1.274

  Guararici. Men dye with hearing it.
• * 1.275

  Horses.
• * 1.276

  Kine.
• * 1.277

  Swine.
• * 1.278

  Sheepe.
• * 1.279

  Goates.
• * 1.280

  Hennes.
• * 1.281

  Turkies.
• * 1.282

  Geese and Duckes.
• * 1.283

  Dogges.
• * 1.284

  For one kind are called Li∣mas, as it wer•• the Female.
• * 1.285

  Trees.
• * 1.286

  Fig-trees.
• * 1.287

  Quinces.
• * 1.288

  Vines.
• * 1.289

  Roses.
• * 1.290

  Plants and Herbes.
• * 1.291

  Wheate.
• i 1.292

  That is ••oure b•• ••••l, and an ha••e.
• k 1.293

  N••••e that the Alque••que cont••i••eth 18. bush••ls. S••elling he••b••s.
• l 1.294

  An herbe so called. Ve••mine Insecta.
• * 1.295

  The first Arti∣cle.
• * 1.296

  Weaknesse of the Portugals in Brasill, how much and whence.
• * 1.297

  The second Article.
• * 1.298

  Brasill peopled with exiles.
• * 1.299

  Iesuites com∣plaint for not being call••d to counsels of warre.
• * 1.300

  Depopulati∣ons.
• * 1.301

  The fourth Article. Wast of the In∣dians by Portu∣gals.
• * 1.302

  Portugals wily manner of wronging the Nati••••s.
• * 1.303

  Manifold in∣iuries.
• * 1.304

  Who now are the Canibals?
• * 1.305

  Vnchristian Antichristian wickednesse.
• * 1.306

  Effects of ty∣rannie.
• * 1.307

  Conuersing.
• * 1.308

  Reuersing.
• * 1.309

  Diuersing.
• * 1.310

  Inuerting.
• * 1.311

  Aduersing.
• * 1.312

  Auersing.
• * 1.313

  Pe••uer••ing••
• * 1.314

  Animad••••••∣ting.
• * 1.315

  The fift Arti∣cle.
• * 1.316

  Note. Subue••••ing.
• * 1.317

  Ca••••ch〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ the Bra••••l••an Ton••ue.
• * 1.318

  The sixt Ar∣ticle.
• * 1.319

  Slauerie of the Indians.
• * 1.320

  Wicked man∣stealing.
• * 1.321

  Through you is my name blas••hemed a∣mongst the G〈…〉〈…〉s.
• * 1.322

  The se••uenth Article.
• * 1.323

  The mercies of the vngodly are cruell.
• * 1.324

  The tenth Ar∣ticle.
• * 1.325

  Lerius with other Prote∣stants went at Vil. his request to M. Calu••, to Brosill, he there forti••ying and pretending E∣u••ngelicall re∣formation, from which he after apostati∣sed. The Story is long, which I had by mee wholly trans∣lated, but store hath bred a sore; and the most of it I haue omitted; as also all The∣uets Voyage thicher, and that of Stadiu•• in those parts, though al Eng∣lished, and rea∣die for the Presie. Chap. 10. Beasts are bred in America al∣together vn∣like vnto ours. The wild beast Tapiroussou, which resem∣bleth a Kow, and an Asse. Most American beasts without tailes. Targets of the hide of the wilde beast Tapiroussou. Grieuous fa∣mine. The taste of the flesh of the Tapiroussou.
• * 1.326

  Boucan, and the Barbarians Kit∣chin.
• * 1.327

  The manner of preseruing meats among the Americans.
• * 1.328

  Meale of fishes
• * 1.329

  Mans flesh laid vpon Boucan.
• * 1.330

  Seouassou a kind of Deere. Taiassou a Bore.
• * 1.331

  Swine, with an hole in their backe▪ Agouti.
• * 1.332

  Tapitis, a kinde of Hare.
• * 1.333

  Reddish Mise.
• * 1.334

  Pag, a beast marked with spots.
• * 1.335

  Sarigoy, a stin∣king beast.
• * 1.336

  Tatou, armed with scales. The Armadillo.
• * 1.337

  Iacare, or Cro∣codiles, kept tame.
• * 1.338

  Touous, Lizards
• * 1.339

  The greatest Lizards in A∣merica, edible.
• * 1.340

  Toades eaten in America.
• * 1.341

  The Americans vse to eate ve∣ry great Ser∣pents.
• * 1.342

  The Authors report of a protigious Lizard.
• * 1.343

  Ian-ouare, a wilde beast, dangerous to men.
• * 1.344

  Dogs, first see••▪ by the Ameri∣cans.
• * 1.345

  Cap. 44.
• * 1.346

  Cap. ••2.
• * 1.347

  C•••••• Monkeys.
• * 1.348

  The industrie of the Mon∣keyes in deli∣uering their young from danger. The mancer of taking Mon∣keyes.
• * 1.349

  Sagouin a beau∣tifull little beast.
• * 1.350

  Hay, a defor∣med beast.
• * 1.351

  Coaty, with a monstrons great snout.
• * 1.352

  Chap. 11.
• * 1.353

  Oura, birds.
• * 1.354

  Arginau-oussou, Indian Hennes. Arginau miri, our Countrie Hennes.
• * 1.355

  Arginau-ropia, an egge.
• * 1.356

  Vpec, Indian Duckes.
• * 1.357

  Iacous, a kinde of Pheasant.
• * 1.358

  Mouton, a rare Bird.
• * 1.359

  A kinde of great Par∣tridges.
• * 1.360

  Arat, a Bird with excellent Feathers.
• * 1.361

  Canide, a Bird with blew fea∣thers.
• * 1.362

  Feathers, of the which, caps, garments &c. are made.
• * 1.363

  Aiourous, great and very faire Parrats.
• * 1.364

  A wonderfull storie of a Par∣rat.
• * 1.365

  Lib. 10. cap. 43.
• * 1.366

  Toucan, a Bird of the bignesse of a Pigeon.
• * 1.367

  The mon∣strous bill of a Bird.
• * 1.368

  Panu a Bird with a red breast. Quampian, a Bird of a scar∣let colour. Gonamboch, a very litle bird.
• * 1.369

  The variety of the American Birds.
• * 1.370

  The dotage of the Barbarians who obserue the singing of a Bird. American Bees.
• * 1.371

  Yra, Hon••▪ Yetic, blacke Waxe.
• * 1.372

  Arauers, But∣ter-flies.
• * 1.373

  The Barbarians most desirous of reuenge. Land Crabs.
• * 1.374

  The report of a Barbarian, concerning a fish with hands and counte∣nance, resem∣bling the shape of a man. Chap. 13. Of the trees, hearbs, roots, and most ex∣quisite fruits which grow▪ in the American soyle. Ar••b••••tan, the Br••sil tree, and the forme thereof.
• * 1.375

  The Country of America wanteth all beasts of bur∣den. The Barbarians cut the timber and carry it in∣to the Ships. The ancient manner of fel∣ling trees, a∣mong the Bar∣barians. The Brasil wood, almost without smoak The ashes of the Brasil wood dye shir••s of a red colour.
• * 1.376

  The confe∣rence of a cer∣taine Barbari∣an with the A••thor.
• * 1.377

  An excellent sentence deli∣uered by a Bar∣barian.
• * 1.378

  Foure or fi•••• kindes of the Palmes in A∣merica.
• * 1.379

  A tendrell or yong branch in the top of the Palmes to be eaten.
• * 1.380

  Aijri, a thorny kinde of Ebeny
• * 1.381

  Aou-ai, a kinde of wood of a most stinking smell.
• * 1.382

  Very many A∣merican trees beare poiso∣nous fruits.
• * 1.383

  The tree Choy∣ne, of whose fruite the Bar∣barians make their Maraca.
• * 1.384

  Sabaucaie whose fruite is pro∣perly vsed for the making of vessels. This is a kinde of Coco. Acaiou, a fruite to be eaten.
• * 1.385

  Paco-aire, a tend••r shrub.
• * 1.386

  Paco, a long apple.
• * 1.387

  Paco, a Figge in t••ste.
• * 1.388

  The leaues of Paco-aire, are o•• an huge bignesse. The Author saith it is like the Musa
• * 1.389

  Petasitis large round leafe.
• * 1.390

  The Bombasin Cotton trees.
• * 1.391

  Ameni-iou▪ Bomb••••in Cotton.
• * 1.392

  Reeds, where∣with the Barba∣rians head their Arrowes. M〈…〉〈…〉stick.
• * 1.393

  Trees conti∣nually flouri∣shing in Ame∣rica. The Plant A∣nanas, and the leaues thereof.
• * 1.394

  Ananas the most excellent fruit of all A∣merica.
• * 1.395

  All the trees, herbs, & fruits of America (ex∣cept three) differ from ours.
• * 1.396

  Chap. 14. For what cause the American•• make warre.
• * 1.397

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cannot be re∣conciled to their enemies.
• * 1.398

  Senatus. The Americans yeeld obedi∣ence to the elder sort. The Oratio•• of ••he elder Americans.
• * 1.399

  Tacape a kinde of woodden Club.
• * 1.400

  Orapat, a Bow.
• * 1.401

  The herbe To∣cou, s••ru••ng in steed of Bow strings. The length of their Arrowes.
• * 1.402

  The Americans most skilfull Archers.
• * 1.403

  Targets of Leather.
• * 1.404

  The Barbarians little esteeme Iron Swords.
• * 1.405

  The elder Bar∣barians, Cap∣taines of the Armie.
• * 1.406

  The Barbarians keeping no or∣der, yet march without con∣fusion. Inubia, huge hornes. Whistles, of mens bones.
• * 1.407

  Ygat, a Boat of the barke of a tree.
• * 1.408

  The first stra∣gem of the Barbarians.
• * 1.409

  The howling and exclama∣tion of the Barbarians comming to the ••••ttell. The sh••wing of the bones of the slaine.
• * 1.410

  The Barbarians are exceeding fierce.
• * 1.411

  The bodies & weapons of the Barbarians decked with feathers.
• * 1.412

  The captiues are bound.
• * 1.413

  Captiues bought by the Frenchmen.
• * 1.414

  Their feasting with mans flesh, &c. is here omitted, though fully handled by the Author: be∣cause we haue glutted you al∣ready, &c.
• * 1.415

  Chap. 16. Of their Reli∣gion. Cicero 1. de Le∣gibus. The Tououpi∣nambaultij are ignorant of the true God, and acknow∣ledge no false gods, nor the creation of the world. Computation of times. What the Bar∣barians thinke of the Scrip∣ture.
• * 1.416

  The Barbarians hearing of the true God, con∣tinue standing still and won∣dring. Toupan, Thun∣der. Psal. 29.
• * 1.417

  The Americans beleeue the immortalitie of the soule.
• * 1.418

  Aygnan an euill Spirit vexeth the Sauages.
• * 1.419

  Master Kniuet, which liued long with the Sauages hath told me, that he knew one of their Ca∣raibes or Diui∣ners con••erre with this Spi∣rit in tormen∣ting one of his fellowes; and threatning if he so dealt with them, that they would all goe to the white men, &c. whereupon the man reco∣uered, whereas many other had died. And this shewes that which Tully saith of the vniuersali∣tie of religion, how o••uer these want so∣lemne formes of it. Deos fecit timor. They which will not Deum vereri tanquam paren∣tem, timebunt vt hoslem, Varto, They are so much liker the Deuiil which worships: not God, yet belee∣ueth and trem∣bleth. Iam. 2. Caraibes false Prophets. A relation of a great solem∣nitie of the Barbarians.
• * 1.420

  The singing of the Barba∣rians.
• * 1.421

  The howling, and horrible gestures of the Americane wo∣men.
• * 1.422

  Lib. 3. cap. 3.
• * 1.423

  Lib. 2. cap. 3. & lib. 3. cap. 1.
• * 1.424

  Deut. 12. 6. 7.
• * 1.425

  The Americane women a••e led with the same spirit, where∣with our coun∣trie Witches are. I once saw To∣mocomo a Vir∣ginian dance, with such ••x∣ta icall visages and diabolicall behauiour, as if the Deuill had beene in him.
• * 1.426

  The forme of the American Cottages.
• * 1.427

  The gesture of the Barbarians dansing in a round circle.
• * 1.428

  The Caraibes consecrating Maraca.
• * 1.429

  Petum by the Authour is thought to dif∣fer from To∣bacco, because it hath a plea∣sing sent, &c. I thinke it the same. The Caraibes blowing vpon the Barbarians.
• * 1.430

  The confused opinion of the Barbarians concerning the floud.
• * 1.431

  Feast follow∣ing.
• * 1.432

  The decking of Maraca.
• * 1.433

  A grosse Su∣perstition.
• * 1.434

  A most grosse Errour.
• * 1.435

  1. Reg. 18. 19.
• * 1.436

  Truth putteth falshood to flight.
• * 1.437

  How the an∣cient Barbari∣ans entertaine the Frenchmen.
• * 1.438

  The occasion of declaring the true God vnto the Bar∣bariaus.
• * 1.439

  The Barbarians hearing speech of the true God, were astonished. A relation of a Barbarian most worthy to bee noted.
• * 1.440

  The Barbarians promise to em∣brace the wor∣ship of God, & are present at Prayers.
• * 1.441

  The Barbarians acknowledge their owne ig∣norance and blindnesse.
• * 1.442

  The degrees of Consan∣guin••tie.
• * 1.443

  Polygamie,
• * 1.444

  The wonder∣full agreement betweene the American wo∣men. The Sauage•• abhorre adul∣ter••e. Single women loose.
• * 1.445

  How the Ame∣rican women great with child b••haue themselues. Child-birth.
• * 1.446

  The American men per∣forme the of∣fice of Mid∣wiues.
• * 1.447

  The little In∣fants Gugawes to play withal. What the mā∣ner is of giuing American names.
• * 1.448

  The food of In••ants.
• * 1.449

  The American Infants are ve∣ry clean with∣out the vse of linnen clothes
• * 1.450

  In what thing•• the Barbarians busie them∣selues. Naturall sh••mefastnesse is obserued in the American Marriages. The purgation of the Ameri∣can women.
• * 1.451

  The Barbarians liue peaceably together.
• * 1.452

  The punish∣ment o•• mur∣therers among the Barbarians. Leui••. 24. 19. 20
• * 1.453

  After what manner the villages and American fami∣lies are orde∣red.
• * 1.454

  The transpor∣ting of the A∣merican Villa∣ges.
• * 1.455

  What grounds the Americans peculiarly pos∣sesse.
• * 1.456

  How the Ame∣rican women spin the cotten
• * 1.457

  Inis, Cotton Beds.
• * 1.458

  How the Beds of the Barbari∣••••s are prepa∣••ed and spred.
• * 1.459

  Fome, whic•• among the A∣mericans sup∣plieth the vs•• of Sope.
• * 1.460

  The Ameri∣can women make huge, meane, and little earth•••• vessels.
• * 1.461

  Pot•• and oth•••• vessels, of fruits, pan〈…〉〈…〉 and baskets.
• * 1.462

  The Barbarian•• curteously en∣tertain guests,
• * 1.463

  A pleasant dis∣course of thos•• things which befell the Au∣thour when he first went vnto the 〈◊〉〈◊〉,
• * 1.464

  The Author•• name in the American lan∣guage.
• * 1.465

  Their memo∣rie.
• * 1.466

  The American women be∣wayle the comming of Guests.
• * 1.467

  The gesture of the Guest a∣mong the A∣mericans.
• * 1.468

  How M••••ssac••t entertaine••h his Guest.
• * 1.469

  How strangers requite their Host.
• * 1.470

  The Barbarians carrie Stran∣gers vpon their shoul∣ders.
• * 1.471

  Two legged amblers.
• * 1.472

  The Barbarians practis•• chari∣tie euen by the direction of nature.
• * 1.473

  A notable ex∣ample of the curtesie of the Barbarians.
• * 1.474

  How much the Barbarians e∣steeme kniues, and other merchandises.
• * 1.475

  Pages, the Bar∣barians Physi∣cians.
• * 1.476

  How the Bar∣barians handle the sicke.
• * 1.477

  The Graues, and rites of buriall of the Americans.
• * 1.478

  A very deuil∣lish errour.
• * 1.479

  Dan. 14.
• * 1.480

  To••pin.
• * 1.481

  Mendoza•• crueltie.
• * 1.482

  R. Parana V∣rassa.
• * 1.483

  R. of Plate, Lechuruas.
• * 1.484

  Buenos Aeres built.
• * 1.485

  Carendies.
• * 1.486

  Gipsies.
• * 1.487

  The fight or ••••irmish with the Indian Carendies.
• * 1.488

  Of the buil∣dings of the Citie of Bonos A••res, and of the famine which they in∣dured there.
• * 1.489

  Miserable fa∣mine.
• * 1.490

  How some sai∣led vp the Ri∣uer of Parana, or the Riuer of Plate.
• * 1.491

  How the town of Buenas Aeres was befieged, assaulted, and burnt. Foure Nations of Indians.
• * 1.492

  Their fights & weapons.
• * 1.493

  Foure ships burned.
• * 1.494

  They muster their Soul∣diers, and build ships to goe further. The most of 2000. died of famine.
• * 1.495

  They goe vp the Riuer.
• * 1.496

  Tiembus.
• * 1.497

  Don Petro Me••∣doza being a∣bout to retur•• into Spaine dieth in t•••• wa••.
• * 1.498

  Alfonso Gabr••••o is sent away from Spaine to∣wards the riuer of Pl••te.
• * 1.499

  They saile fur∣ther vp the Ri∣uer of Paran•• toward C〈…〉〈…〉nda R. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 abol. Carios. Sh••ep of Peru. Curenda.
• * 1.500

  Description of these Sauage••.
• * 1.501

  We came to Gulgaisi & Ma∣cuerendas. Gulgaisi.
• * 1.502

  Macuerendas.
• * 1.503

  Huge Serpent.
• * 1.504

  We came to Zemais Saluais∣co, and Nepe∣nes. Zemias Saluais∣co.
• * 1.505

  Mep〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.506

  Of the Riuer Parabol, and the people•• ••uere∣magbas, and Ay∣gais. Cueremagbas. Men o•• tall stature. Their gallantry
• * 1.507

  Aygais.
• * 1.508

  Of the people Carios.
• * 1.509

  Carios custome:
• * 1.510

  Of the Citie Lampere, how it was besieged and won by assault. Their fortifi∣cations. Stratagem.
• * 1.511

  The Spaniards in foure yeeres had not seene a morsell of bread.
• * 1.512

  A Castle is built in Lam∣pere, and is cal∣led the Assump∣tion.
• * 1.513

  Aygais de∣stroyed.
• * 1.514

  Piemb••s.
• * 1.515

  Parabol well peopled.
• * 1.516

  Mount Fer∣nando. Weibingo. Paiembos tre∣chery.
• * 1.517

  Carcariso.
• * 1.518

  Amte, beasts called Sheepe of Peru; and it seemeth big∣ger and stron∣ger in these pa••ts then t〈…〉〈…〉: For the Author rode on one, which in Peru beareth a smal burthen.
• * 1.519

  Naperus.
• * 1.520

  Peisennos.
• * 1.521

  Wickednesse of some 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.522

  ••iftie Sp••••iards slaine by Tiem∣〈…〉〈…〉 treacherie.
• * 1.523

  ••p〈…〉〈…〉ards be∣sieged.
• * 1.524

  Captain Men∣doza slaine.
• * 1.525

  Gabreros com∣ming out of Spaine with 200. Souldiers thither.
• * 1.526

  S. Katharines.
• * 1.527

  Custome of Mariners••
• * 1.528

  Greatnesse of Parana.
• * 1.529

  They are wracked. Iustice on the negligent P••∣lot.
• * 1.530

  Aluarez Nun∣nez.
• * 1.531

  Note. Francis∣cus Lopez ••hap. 89. writeth of this Aluarez Nunnez that in the yeere 1541. he was sent from Caesars M••iestie, with 400. men, and 46. horses to the Riuer of Plate. And he was 8. whole moneths in this Voyage. And therefore first in the yeere 1542. hee arriued at the Assumption. Ship wracke & trauel by land. 100. men lost.
• * 1.532

  Sauage nation of Surucusis.
• * 1.533

  Village of Carios.
• * 1.534

  Achkeres hanged.
• * 1.535

  Indian fottifi∣ca••ions.
• * 1.536

  〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉.
• * 1.537

  Dabero com∣meth in.
• * 1.538

  Paiembos.
• * 1.539

  Bascherepos.
• * 1.540

  Surucusis.
• * 1.541

  Carchararis.
• * 1.542

  Generall not beloued.
• * 1.543

  Hee returneth.
• * 1.544

  Ernandus Rie••∣fiere sayleth vp the Riuer to the Guebuecu∣sis, and Achke∣res. Guebuecusis; 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 Riuer.
• * 1.545

  Achkeres. Men of tall stature. They are cal∣l••d Achker••s, which signi∣fieth Croco∣diles, o•• the store (〈…〉〈…〉∣meth (of ••hos•• creature••••n those par••••
• * 1.546

  Scherues.
• * 1.547

  Pri••sts and woo••den Earings. Cunning pain∣ters.
• * 1.548

  Wild pompe of the King.
• * 1.549

  Stags and Estridges.
• * 1.550

  Musicke.
• * 1.551

  Weauers.
• * 1.552

  Gold and Sil∣uer.
• * 1.553

  The Amazones described.
• * 1.554

  Iland of Ama∣zones.
• * 1.555

  Siberis.
• * 1.556

  Wading Iou••∣ney.
• * 1.557

  Bellie-shifts,
• * 1.558

  Gnats.
• * 1.559

  Trauels in ho•• waters.
• * 1.560

  Orethuisen.
• * 1.561

  Locusts.
• * 1.562

  The Amazons are still further off: I doubt beyond the re∣gion of T••uth; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the title be properly meane of such as ar•• here de∣scribed. For wa〈…〉〈…〉ke wiues liuing in socie∣tie with men, are many. Gold and sil∣uer.
• * 1.563

  Thirtie dayes wading.
• * 1.564

  Profitable tricke.
• * 1.565

  Vnhealthfull Countrie.
• * 1.566

  Wicked pre∣cept.
• * 1.567

  The Authours sicknesse.
• * 1.568

  Fight with the Carios.
• * 1.569

  Fraemidiere.
• * 1.570

  Siege and con∣quest.
• * 1.571

  Carieba.
• * 1.572

  Fortification▪ and Engines,
• * 1.573

  Iuberic Sabaie. 46. leagues from Assump∣tion.
• * 1.574

  R. Stuefi••.
• * 1.575

  44.
• * 1.576

  Naperus.
• * 1.577

  Mapais.
• * 1.578

  Two kindes of Amidas, one a∣ble to beare men. Acosta mentions those of Peru to bear fiftie pounds or little more.
• * 1.579

  Zemie,
• * 1.580

  Fields of Mais▪ &c.
• * 1.581

  Toban••••,
• * 1.582

  Peionas
• * 1.583

  Mayegory,
• * 1.584

  Marronos,
• * 1.585

  Paronios.
• * 1.586

  Symanos. Wall of bushes Barconos.
• * 1.587

  Leyhannos. Grashoppers.
• * 1.588

  Carchconos.
• * 1.589

  Suboris. They dye of thirst.
• * 1.590

  Roote holding water.
• * 1.591

  No ••••ine in 3. moneths. Drinke of a roote.
• * 1.592

  Peisennos.
• * 1.593

  Maigenes.
• * 1.594

  Quickset wall.
• * 1.595

  Fight betwixt Carios and Mai∣genos.
• * 1.596

  Carookies.
• * 1.597

  Salt Country.
• * 1.598

  Samdela.
• * 1.599

  Machcasies▪
• * 1.600

  Spanish tongue. They ariue in the Kingdome of Peru. Pedro Ansuetes.
• * 1.601

  Strang worms▪
• * 1.602

  A Letter on▪ of Peru.
• * 1.603

  Potosi.
• * 1.604

  Hony in trees. Bees without stings.
• * 1.605

  Ciuill conten∣tions.
• * 1.606

  Gaberetho.
• * 1.607

  Bar••••y. Barede.
• * 1.608

  Gingie.
• * 1.609

  Biesaie.
• * 1.610

  Riuer Vrquam. Huge Water∣snakes.
• * 1.611

  Scheuetveba▪
• * 1.612

  He arriued at Antwerpe, whence he had set forth at first in Ianuarie 1554.
• * 1.613

  This ship was named the Re∣pentance: an ominous n••me and vnfortu∣nate, as vsually those celestiall characters sort not to terre∣striall fabrikes: instanced in the Reuenge, Thunderb••lt, and this Resen∣tance, with the Iesus of Sir Io. Hawk.
• * 1.614

  Considerati∣ons for pre∣tended Voy••∣ges.
• * 1.615

  Prouisions b••••∣ter prouided at Plimout••. then at London, Note. Danger of Por••s open.
• * 1.616

  Parts requisite in a good Mariner.
• * 1.617

  Abuses of some Sea fa∣ring men.
• * 1.618

  Master Thomas Candish.
• * 1.619

  Master George Reymond.
• * 1.620

  Note.
• * 1.621

  He addes ano∣ther remedie in taking away impr••sts. The conse∣quence of In∣structs at de∣parture.
• * 1.622

  False calking.
• * 1.623

  For preuenti∣on thereof.
• * 1.624

  Example. See Cap. ••rings last Voyag••: in which the Great Iames was oft endan∣gered thereby.
• * 1.625

  Aduice for shooting at Sea.
• * 1.626

  Two English sh••ps haue h••••eby much wro••ged each other by mis∣taking.
• * 1.627

  The Madera Ilands.
• * 1.628

  Canarie Ilands.
• * 1.629

  Gorgosho.
• * 1.630

  The desc••i••∣tion of Tenerif. and the Pike. Of a Tree in Fierro. One M. Lewis Iack∣son, now dwel∣ling in Hol∣bo••••e, told me that A. 1618. he had beene in this Iland, and seene this Tree, which he thus described; It is as big as an Oake of middle size, the barke white like Ha•• d∣beame; sixe or seuen yards high, with ragged boughs; the leafe like that of the Bay, white on the bottome, and greene on the other side. It beareth neither fruit nor flower. It is scituate in the decliuitie of a Hill; in the day it is withered, dropping ••n the night (a cloude hanging thereon) yeelding water sufficient for the whole Iland; which containeth 8000. soules, and aboue 100000. beasts, Camels, Mules, Goats, &c. It falls into a Pond made of bricke, floored with stones very thight, by pipes of ••ead conueighed from the Tree to it, and thence diuided into seuerall Ponds through all the Iland. They which dwell vp-hill fetch ••t in barrels. They water therewith also their Corne-grounds. The Pond holds 20000. tuns, and is filled in a night. He added a re∣port [ 60] (perhaps deuised to keepe off busie fingers, or with busie tongues to multiplie wonders) that the Moores hauing ta••en that Iland from the Christians, went to fell that Tree, but each blowe recoyled on the striker. Hee affirmed also that hee had beene ••p the Pike of Teneriff, two miles. He saith the South side is healthfull, the North very Aguish, and subiect to Calentures; and the Inhabitants on one side looke lustie, on the other withered.
• * 1.631

  The first disco∣uerers of these Ilands. Exercises vp∣on the South∣wards of the Canaries.
• * 1.632

  ••••pe de Verde.
• * 1.633

  The vnwhol∣somnesse thereof.
• * 1.634

  The heate. The Breze. Another cause of Feuers is the d••wes which fall eue∣ry night: so that the ex∣ceeding moi∣sture and vn∣soundnesse thereof cau∣seth men lying or watching in the open aire to fall sicke. The remedie.
• * 1.635

  The influence of the Moone in hot Coun∣tries.
• * 1.636

  Saint Iago.
• * 1.637

  Sacked by Ma∣nuel Serades, Sir Francis Drake, and Sir Antho∣ny Sherley. Fuego. Fiery hill.
• * 1.638

  Brano, good watering.
• * 1.639

  The Palmito▪
• * 1.640

  The Plantan, great leaues.
• * 1.641

  Placentia▪
• * 1.642

  The Cocos, & their kindes.
• * 1.643

  Coquillos.
• * 1.644

  A third kinde.
• * 1.645

  Cyuet-Cats.
• * 1.646

  Munkeyes. Parrots.
• * 1.647

  Tawt or taught, a Sea∣terme, sig. stiffe and fast. Morning and euening praier
• * 1.648

  Change of water.
• * 1.649

  Error in reck∣oning.
• * 1.650

  Note.
• * 1.651

  The lesse of Edward ••otton.
• * 1.652

  Current-con∣sideration▪
• * 1.653

  New found-land Current.
• * 1.654

  Leuant Sea. Brasil and South Sea.
• * 1.655

  Currents of smaller force neere the shore
• * 1.656

  A discourse of the Scuruey, or Scor••••••••.
• * 1.657

  The signes.
• * 1.658

  Azores. Strange effect of calmes.
• * 1.659

  The remedies.
• * 1.660

  By Diet.
• * 1.661

  By shift.
• * 1.662

  By labour.
• * 1.663

  By early eating and drinking.
• * 1.664

  Ten thousand English dead of the Scuruie in 20. yeeres. By sowre O∣ranges and Lemmons. By Doctor Steuens water. By Oyle of Vitry. By the Aire of the Land. The company sicke, and dis∣mayed.
• * 1.665

  Prouerbe.
• * 1.666

  Brasill. Cape Saint Augustine. Farnambuca.
• * 1.667

  Todos Santos. De Vitoria.
• * 1.668

  Dangers of fire. By heating of Pitch.
• * 1.669

  Vse of ••ugge Gownes.
• * 1.670

  Preuention. Diuers ships as the Primrose, Iesus of Lubeck, Robuck, Blacke Lion, &c. haue beene burned. By hooping & scu••ling of Caske. Note.
• * 1.671

  By natures of waters.
• * 1.672

  By swearing.
• * 1.673

  An excellent order for ship∣swearing.
• * 1.674

  Custome feed•• vice, which se∣uerity starueth
• * 1.675

  Pi hy discourse of diuers fishes and their de∣scription. The Dolphin.
• * 1.676

  The Bonito.
• * 1.677

  The Sharke.
• * 1.678

  His mouth.
• * 1.679

  Superstition▪
• * 1.680

  All-deuouring.
• * 1.681

  Three rowes of teeth. Whelping.
• * 1.682

  Pilats ••••shes.
• * 1.683

  Sea hawking and hunting.
• * 1.684

  Flying fishes.
• * 1.685

  Alcatrace.
• * 1.686

  The fight of the Whale. with the Sword-fish and Thresher.
• * 1.687

  The strokes heard two leagues. Of Whales, see our Greeneland discourses. li. 3. c. 2. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.688

  Amber-greece
• * 1.689

  Amber.
• * 1.690

  Corall.
• * 1.691

  Best times to passe the line frō the North∣wards to the Southward.
• * 1.692

  Port of Santos.
• * 1.693

  For preuenti∣on of annoy∣ances, &c. in Harbours.
• * 1.694

  S〈…〉〈…〉rds per∣iury.
• * 1.695

  Their punish∣ment.
• * 1.696

  Note for that harbour.
• * 1.697

  The vertue of Oranges.
• * 1.698

  Distilling of Salt water.
• * 1.699

  Vnskilfulnesse of the Masters M••te.
• * 1.700

  Prouidence of God, and the ca•••• of the Master.
• * 1.701

  Care of Stee∣ridge.
• * 1.702

  Exquisit in the Spaniards and Portugals.
• * 1.703

  Cape Blanco.
• * 1.704

  Saint Ialmes I∣lands, alias Saint Annes.
• * 1.705

  Gannets.
• * 1.706

  Purslane.
• * 1.707

  Cherries.
• * 1.708

  Palmitos.
• * 1.709

  Purgatiues.
• * 1.710

  Artechoques, or Prick-pears▪
• * 1.711

  A good note to take or re∣fuse vnknow•• fruits.
• * 1.712

  Contagious water.
• * 1.713

  Waste & losse of m••n. Hawke burnt.
• * 1.714

  Sholes of A∣brcoios.
• * 1.715

  Industry of the 〈…〉〈…〉ans. They surprise 〈◊〉〈◊〉 French.
• * 1.716

  G〈…〉〈…〉at Canoa. San sebastian.
• * 1.717

  Wise stratagem
• * 1.718

  The merry e∣uents of a care full watch.
• * 1.719

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.720

  Palmito Iland.
• * 1.721

  The creatures.
• * 1.722

  Cape Frie.
• * 1.723

  Ienero.
• * 1.724

  Little Iland.
• * 1.725

  Isla Grand.
• * 1.726

  Shels of mo∣ther of Pearle.
• * 1.727

  Price of Ne∣groes.
• * 1.728

  Cassaui meale
• * 1.729

  And for Be∣uerage.
• * 1.730

  The manner of planning Iuca.
• * 1.731

  With the la∣bour of the women.
• * 1.732

  The descripti∣on of Brasil.
• * 1.733

  Its Hauens.
• * 1.734

  Strang worme. Variation of the Compasse.
• * 1.735

  The ouer∣throw of the Voyage by a perfidious man
• * 1.736

  The cunning of Runna∣wayes.
• * 1.737

  Birds like Swans. Such the Hollanders found in the Straits which they called Mayres. Caugh•• with Line & Hooke.
• * 1.738

  Proue good refreshment.
• * 1.739

  Care of the Patagones.
• * 1.740

  Land vn∣knowne.
• * 1.741

  A descri••tion of the same. A caueat for comming sud∣denly to ne••re an vnknowne Land.
• * 1.742

  Point Tremoun∣taine. Faire Iland.
• * 1.743

  Conduit-head.
• * 1.744

  Hawkins Mai∣denland. Beds of Ore∣weed, with white flowres.
• * 1.745

  Our comming to the Straits.
• * 1.746

  Description thereof.
• * 1.747

  Pedro Sarmien∣to buildeth San Philip.
• * 1.748

  Hogs.
• * 1.749

  Ilands of Pen∣gwins. Note.
• * 1.750

  Since it hath bin plainly found that all the South part are Ilands.
• * 1.751

  Good prouisi∣on in the Straits. The descripti∣on of the Pengwin.
• * 1.752

  Hunting the Pengwin.
• * 1.753

  The keeping for store.
• * 1.754

  The Guls.
• * 1.755

  Ducks.
• * 1.756

  Cunning Ar∣chitecture.
• * 1.757

  Their neatnes.
• * 1.758

  Of Seales, or Sea-woolues.
• * 1.759

  Description of the Seale.
• * 1.760

  Their Sentinel.
• * 1.761

  The second peopling of the Spaniards.
• * 1.762

  Elizabeths Bay.
• * 1.763

  The Riuer of Ieroni••••.
• * 1.764

  Another chan∣nell.
• * 1.765

  Blanches Bay.
• * 1.766

  Obiection of waste. Answere.
• * 1.767

  Warning a∣gainst wormes which eate throug••s••aps.
• * 1.768

  Of sheathing ships. In Spaine and Portugall, with double plankes.
• * 1.769

  With Canuas.
• * 1.770

  With burnt plankes. In china with Varnish.
• * 1.771

  in England,
• * 1.772

  Best manner of sheathing
• * 1.773

  The Natura••.
• * 1.774

  Long Reach.
• * 1.775

  Mouth of the Straits.
• * 1.776

  Note.
• * 1.777

  Tempest.
• * 1.778

  English Bay.
• * 1.779

  The natiues houses.
• * 1.780

  Sloth cause of imagination.
• * 1.781

  Tobias Coue.
• * 1.782

  Setting of the ship vpon a Rocke. To the labo∣rious God pro∣pitious.
• * 1.783

  Crabby Coue.
• * 1.784

  Gods gracious deliuerance.
• * 1.785

  Voyage ouer∣throwne by gi∣uing way to murderers. Edward Fenton and Master Thomas Candish.
• * 1.786

  Master William Hawkins.
• * 1.787

  The mending of an vnser∣uiceable An∣chor.
• * 1.788

  Entertainment of time to a∣uoid idlenesse. A kind of hot Spice in the Straits.
• * 1.789

  In gathering of Wi••ters Barke.
• * 1.790

  Of Pearles in the Straits.
• * 1.791

  Discourse of Pearles how they breed.
• * 1.792

  Preuention of Rats.
• * 1.793

  The calamities they bring to a ship.
• * 1.794

  Backwardnes in the compa∣ny.
• * 1.795

  Cape Desire.
• * 1.796

  South part of the Straits Ilands. The Hollanders challenge the discouery of new Straits by Mayre and Schouten be∣fore twice sai∣led about by Sir F. Drake. See sup. the Preface to the second Chap∣ter of lib. 3. Sir F. Drake imbraceth the Southermost point of the World. Since this, in that Voiag•• where∣in W. Adams was Pilot (whose voiage and Seb. Werts ye haue in the former Tome) Theodore Ge∣rards one of that fleet, was caried by tem∣pest (as ••hey write to 64. de∣grees South, in which height the country was mountai∣nous & coue∣red with snow, looking like Norway. It see∣med to extend towards the I∣lands of Salo∣mon, Simon de Cordes another of that fleet after prosperous successe in Chili, was taken by the Portug••ls at the Molucca••, and carried to Mala ca pri∣soner. Mocha. Baldiuia and Conception wonne from the Spaniards by the Indians. Beefe kept most safely in Pickell.
• * 1.797

  Iland Chule.
• * 1.798

  Iland Mocha.
• * 1.799

  Note.
• * 1.800

  Treacherie of the Indians.
• * 1.801

  Of Sheepe.
• * 1.802

  Their apparel,
• * 1.803

  and housing.
• * 1.804

  Strange To∣bacco. People of Chily
• * 1.805

  Their weapons
• * 1.806

  Their hate to the Spaniards.
• * 1.807

  Imperiall.
• * 1.808

  A cruel storme in the Sea of Ladies. In it they lost their light horsman. Saint Maries.
• * 1.809

  City of Con∣ception. Iuan Fernandes.
• * 1.810

  Good to auoid discouery.
• * 1.811

  Wilfulnesse of Mariners.
• * 1.812

  They seize vpon foure ships.
• * 1.813

  And the Ware∣houses.
• * 1.814

  They seize vpon another ship, and some gold. Light Anchors brought from the North Sea.
• * 1.815

  And the first Artillerie.
• * 1.816

  Sayles of Cot∣ton-cloth.
• * 1.817

  They depart from Lyma,
• * 1.818

  and conceale their weaknes.
• * 1.819

  The noblen's of Alonso de Soto.
• * 1.820

  The enemy l••ste d••nge∣rous then the Wine.
• * 1.821

  Description of ••he Bay.
• * 1.822

  Note of tides.
• * 1.823

  A new deuise for stopping a leake without boord.
• * 1.824

  Spar•• Rudders and to take off at pleasure.
• * 1.825

  Bay of Quin∣tera.
• * 1.826

  Ingratitude punished.
• * 1.827

  Coquinbo.
• * 1.828

  Excellent har∣bour.
• * 1.829

  Arica in Chily, much com∣mended.
• * 1.830

  For all sorts of fruits.
• * 1.831

  Chinchilla a rare beast.
• * 1.832

  Litle Cocos.
• * 1.833

  And plentie of Gold.
• * 1.834

  The Indians forbid the search of gold. Euery showre, a showre of gold.
• * 1.835

  Linnen and woollen cloth made in Co∣quinbo.
• * 1.836

  The valour of the Araweant.
• * 1.837

  The mischiefe of corrupt, or scantie pro∣uisions
• * 1.838

  Of d••tayning and de••••au∣ding o•• wages.
• * 1.839

  Of Mariners by challenge of Pillage.
• * 1.840

  The lawes of Oleron, concer∣ning Pillage.
• * 1.841

  Note or brand rather for tal∣tongued-fin∣gred fellowes. Wh••t ought to be reputed pillage.
• * 1.842

  Against the disloyalties of Captaines.
• * 1.843

  Concealment; of much more value, then the Trading.
• * 1.844

  The preuen∣tion of vndue pillagings.
• * 1.845

  Aric••.
• * 1.846

  Moormereno.
• * 1.847

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Spaine.
• * 1.848

  Ouercha••gi••g of Artilerie••.
• * 1.849

  The amity of the Indians.
• * 1.850

  Their rudé manners and expert swim∣ming.
• * 1.851

  Bay of Pisco. Cape Sangalean
• * 1.852

  Chilca.
• * 1.853

  Aduise giuen by Sea and Land.
• * 1.854

  Returne of the Spanish Armado.
• * 1.855

  Scoffed at.
• * 1.856

  They set forth the second time.
• * 1.857

  Few men 〈◊〉〈◊〉, a Ship in the South Sea.
• * 1.858

  Port of Sant••. Plantation of the Ilands of Salomon.
• * 1.859

  Malabrig••.
• * 1.860

  Current.
• * 1.861

  Punta de Au∣gussa.
• * 1.862

  Point of Au∣gussa. Illas de Lobos.
• * 1.863

  Puma.
• * 1.864

  Medicinable Riuer.
• * 1.865

  Scoales of Crocodiles.
• * 1.866

  P. de S. Elena.
• * 1.867

  Puerto vicjo.
• * 1.868

  Bay of Ataca∣mes.
• * 1.869

  They dismisse their Indians.
• * 1.870

  Distresse of Spaniards.
• * 1.871

  Occasion of their ruine.
• * 1.872

  A taut saile is that which proportiona∣bly is to high for the vess〈…〉〈…〉. Boy of S. Ma∣thew.
• * 1.873

  The Indians led by a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Chase the Spa∣niards.
• * 1.874

  Spanish Arma∣do.
• * 1.875

  Pride and vn∣rulinesse fore∣runners of ruine.
• * 1.876

  The vnaduised courage of the multitude.
• * 1.877

  The beginning of the fight.
• * 1.878

  The inexperi∣ence of the Spaniards, and ef the English Gunner. And careles∣nesse of the English.
• * 1.879

  How farre a Commander is to trust his officers.
• * 1.880

  Deceit of the Gunner, and his extreme carelesnesse, and suspicious disloyaltie.
• * 1.881

  Who to ac∣count a true Marriner.
• * 1.882

  His knowledge for Materials.
• * 1.883

  For prouisions.
• * 1.884

  For Nauigatiō
• * 1.885

  Office of the Master.
• * 1.886

  Office of the Pilot. The Boate∣swaine.
• * 1.887

  The Steward.
• * 1.888

  The Carpenter
• * 1.889

  The Gunner.
• * 1.890

  Directions in secret.
• * 1.891

  Why the Spa∣nish Admirall came to lee∣wards.
• * 1.892

  Rule for Ord∣nance.
• * 1.893

  Intertainment of Spaniards.
• * 1.894

  The English 75. The Spaniards 1300.
• * 1.895

  The Spanish discipline.
• * 1.896

  The Souldiers.
• * 1.897

  The Gunner.
• * 1.898

  The Marriner.
• * 1.899

  Officers in a Ship of War. Captaine of the Ship. Captaine of the Soldiers. M. Del Campo. &.
• * 1.900

  Ill order.
• * 1.901

  Prying of the Spaniards into our Discipline.
• * 1.902

  Their imitati∣on of our Dis∣cipline.
• * 1.903

  Englishman lost the English and therefore the man.
• * 1.904

  The Spaniards pay deerly for their rashnesse.
• * 1.905

  And take a new resolution
• * 1.906

  Great Ord∣nance 〈…〉〈…〉e 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ship neere.
• * 1.907

  S••r••nge e〈…〉〈…〉 of Th〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.908

  Policies to a∣u••ide boor∣dings.
• * 1.909

  Dispute con∣cerning ships of Trade.
• * 1.910

  Concerning the Prince his ships.
• * 1.911

  Courses for Artillery after boording.
• * 1.912

  Disuse of en∣gines of Anti∣quitie.
• * 1.913

  Sir R. H. woun∣ded.
• * 1.914

  The Spaniards patley.
• * 1.915

  Perfidiousnesse often found in Spanish promi∣ses.
• * 1.916

  The rest of this confe∣rence, being long, is omit∣ted. They resolue to fight out.
• * 1.917

  The Enemy breatheth.
• * 1.918

  The English re∣paire their defects.
• * 1.919

  Vice-admirals mast shot away
• * 1.920

  Aduantages omitted.
• * 1.921

  The difference of shot.
• * 1.922

  Their effects.
• * 1.923

  Errors in fight.
• * 1.924

  Learned from the Flemings & Easterlings. 1. To fight vnarmed. 2. To drinke to excesse.
• * 1.925

  Folly of the bold English.
• * 1.926

  The Spaniard surpas••eth vs onely in tem∣perance.
• * 1.927

  The v••e & pro∣fit of arming, exactly obser∣ued by the Spanish.
• * 1.928

  Armes more necessary by Sea, then at Land.
• * 1.929

  The Reuenge auenged.
• * 1.930

  The third cause. Race-ships of Warre disliked
• * 1.931

  Wast-clothes, not so vsef••ull as other deuī∣ses.
• * 1.932

  The disaduan∣tage of Ships to lee-ward.
• * 1.933

  And the best remedie.
• * 1.934

  Crosse-barre, and Chainshot misliked.
• * 1.935

  The Spaniards Fore-Mast thrice shot through.
• * 1.936

  The Company againe impor∣tunate to come to com∣position.
• * 1.937

  The English surrender.
• * 1.938

  Gloue sent for pledge.
• * 1.939

  Braue & wor∣thy Spaniard.
• * 1.940

  The mildnesse of a Generall after victorie.
• * 1.941

  The Daintie in danger of perishing.
• * 1.942

  Michael Angel recouereth the ship.
• * 1.943

  Many Ilands.
• * 1.944

  Fishing for Pearles.
• * 1.945

  The places where Pearle are found.
• * 1.946

  Great Pearle.
• * 1.947

  The Generall continueth his honourable v∣sage, towards the sicke and wounded.
• * 1.948

  Spanish Surgi∣ons ignorant▪
• * 1.949

  Misprision of the terme Pi∣rats.
• * 1.950

  What a Pirate is.
• * 1.951

  Three sorts of defiances.
• * 1.952

  The custome of Spaine for warre.
• * 1.953

  The custome of England.
• * 1.954

  A disputation, concerning Buena Querra.
• * 1.955

  The Resoluti∣on, &c.
• * 1.956

  The noble vsage of the English. But abused in these dayes.
• * 1.957

  Don Beltran satisfied and answereth.
• * 1.958

  Short arrowes for Muskets.
• * 1.959

  Tampkin is a small piece of wood turned fit for the mouth of a Peece.
• * 1.960

  Iohn Oxnams Voyage to the South Sea. What the Sy∣marons are.
• * 1.961

  Their habita∣tion.
• * 1.962

  Their assi∣stance.
• * 1.963

  Iohn Oxnam capitulateth with them,
• * 1.964

  His folly, and Breach of pro∣mise.
• * 1.965

  His pursuit.
• * 1.966

  See the Storie before. This is added of later intelligence.
• * 1.967

  La Pacheta.
• * 1.968

  The Generall certifieth the Audiencia of his successe. The great ioy of the Spa∣niards.
• * 1.969

  Note. English trea∣cherie procu∣red by Spanish Gold.
• * 1.970

  I haue this Letter trans∣lated into Spa∣nish, and prin∣ted by them; together with the discourse of the whole action, much agreeing with this, except where they lust to magnifie their Spanish worth. The Daintie, named the Uisitation.
• * 1.971

  Penguin Iland.
• * 1.972

  Port Famine.
• * 1.973

  The Riuer of Geneuera.
• * 1.974

  Mocha.
• * 1.975

  Santa Maria. Valparaso.
• * 1.976

  Gold.
• * 1.977

  Arica. Pisco. Chincha.
• * 1.978

  Sixe of the Kings ships.
• * 1.979

  Lima. Paita. Atacame.
• * 1.980

  Baia de Sant•• Mateo.
• * 1.981

  Panama. Paita. Lima.
• * 1.982

  Gnamanga.
• * 1.983

  Cus••o.
• * 1.984

  Potosi.
• * 1.985

  Master Lucas s••nne to Ma∣ster Tho. Lucas.
• * 1.986

  This is part of another Letter.
• * 2.1

  I found this paper amongst others of Ma∣ster Hakl. with∣out the name of the Author. Lima. Payta.
• * 2.2

  Acapulca.
• * 2.3

  Zumpanga.
• * 2.4

  Mexico.
• * 2.5

  Atrizco.
• * 2.6

  Angeles.
• * 2.7

  Vera Cruz.
• * 2.8

  Saint I. de Vllua.
• * 2.9

  Saint Domingo.
• * 2.10

  Iamaica.
• * 2.11

  Not one natu∣rall in Hispani∣ola.
• * 2.12

  Cartagena.
• * 2.13

  Saint Martha.
• * 2.14

  Nombre de dios.
• * 2.15

  Veragua.
• * 2.16

  Costa ri••ca.
• * 2.17

  Panama.
• * 2.18

  Venesuela.
• * 2.19

  Granada.
• * 2.20

  Quito.
• * 2.21

  Tuca••••.
• * 2.22

  Chili.
• * 2.23

  Potossi and Porco.
• * 2.24

  Fiue millions laden at Car∣tagena yearely the Kings, and as much of o∣ther Merchants Arequipa.
• * 2.25

  Cusco.
• * 2.26

  Emeralds.
• * 2.27

  14000. Negros.
• * 2.28

  Wine and As∣ses deare. Quito. Lima.
• * 2.29

  Potasi and the Mines.
• * 2.30

  Preciosa peri∣cula.
• * 2.31

  The Latine word is Stad••a, which in ordi∣nary sense were 25. miles. Auracanes not su••iect.
• * 2.32

  Mexico.
• * 2.33

  R〈…〉〈…〉ct to Priests.
• * 2.34

  Deare Masse.
• * 2.35

  Hides.
• * 2.36

  Maguey tree.
• * 2.37

  The Viceroy of Peru. ••allao.
• * 2.38

  Saint Philip of Au••iria.
• * 2.39

  Indian gouern∣m••nt.
• * 2.40

  Spaniards life.
• * 2.41

  Indians dispo∣sition & state.
• * 2.42

  Iustice i••ine∣ran••.
• * 2.43

  Mestizos.
• * 2.44

  Indian Prouin∣ciall Councell.
• * 2.45

  Ecclesiasticall Reuenues.
• * 2.46

  Seminaries.
• * 2.47

  Kings Reue∣nu••s 12. Mil∣lions from ten Springs.
• * 2.48

  Perhaps it is one of those eight or some later, which followeth in Spanish, contayning more particulars then this hath: Or else it may be of Luys di Vaez, &c.
• * 2.49

  The printed discourse (so I call it rather than translati∣on) in English cals it the fifth part: but the Spanish hath the fourth, perhaps ac∣counting the East Indies for a second, Ame∣rica the third, and this the fourth, recko∣ning all the first knowne parts for the first. Description of the people.
• * 2.50

  See of their Boats in Ma••••es Voyag••.
• * 2.51

  Vses of the Coco.
• * 2.52

  P. de la v••ra Cruz.
• * 2.53

  Riuers.
• * 2.54

  Great Ilands.
• * 2.55

  Bay in 15 deg. 40. minutes.
• * 2.56

  The Sereno is the Dew which fals eue∣ry night in great (almost) snowers, infe∣ctions to those which are a∣broad in the aire, as is be∣fore obserued in Drakes Voi∣ages, &c.
• * 2.57

  L. of Loretto.
• * 2.58

  Plus vltra.
• * 2.59

  3. Naui••s. Ki•• Io••dan.
• * 2.60

  Taumaco Is〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 2.61

  Mas desosenta Islas y vna grande tierra que se llama Manicolo.
• * 2.62

  Chicayana Isla.
• * 2.63

  He made two Voyages.
• * 2.64

  Guatopo Isla.
• * 2.65

  Mecaraylay Is〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 2.66

  Tucopio Isla. Manicolo terr•• grande.
• * 2.67

  ••ono fono Isla.
• * 2.68

  Pilen, Isla. Pupan Isla.
• * 2.69

  Pouro gran tierra.
• * 2.70

  15. Grados. The first Voy∣age.
• * 2.71

  The second Voyage. Isl•• de Santa Cruz.
• * 2.72

  Part of this Discourse was published by M. Hak out of a written copie contayning the whole. I haue added & inserted those things which I thought fit, lea∣uing out such as before haue bin by others deliuered. The Ports. Saint Iuan de Lua. Mexico.
• * 2.73

  Silkes and clothes.
• * 2.74

  Wine and oyle denied. Vineyards, Ports and shipping.
• * 2.75

  Aguatorke.
• * 2.76

  Cornauake Val∣ley. 400000. fire∣houses in this Valley.
• * 2.77

  Veragua rich of Gold.
• * 2.78

  A Channell to be made.
• * 2.79

  Terra firma.
• * 2.80

  Nombre de Dios ha••h 400. hou∣ses.
• * 2.81

  Panama.
• * 2.82

  Here follow∣ed h•• ••••stori••s o〈…〉〈…〉 Sir 〈◊〉〈◊〉 D〈…〉〈…〉ke, and ••o••n O••e••h••m, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 you haue be••ore more com∣pleat. ••••rre made with the Ne∣gros.
• * 2.83

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Townes.
• * 2.84

  Seuen French ships taken by two Gallies. Fr. Drake with 24. ships.
• * 2.85

  Cartagena.
• * 2.86

  New Granada.
• * 2.87

  Magdalena a great Riuer.
• * 2.88

  The Riuer of B••anco de Ma∣lambo.
• * 2.89

  Great Moun∣taines couered with snowe.
• * 2.90

  Tagrona Valley.
• * 2.91

  70. Ilands. Santa Domingo. Cuba, and Porta Rico.
• * 2.92

  A strange way to keepe men aliue.
• * 2.93

  Cuba.
• * 2.94

  La hauana.
• * 2.95

  Porto rico.
• * 2.96

  The Port Townes.
• * 2.97

  Fernanboke. The Riuer of Maranoyn.
• * 2.98

  La Canela.
• * 2.99

  The great Ri∣uer of Maran∣non.
• * 2.100

  Orillana.
• * 2.101

  Margareta 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iland.
• * 2.102

  Brasill con∣quered.
• * 2.103

  Pedro de Orzua, or Oss••••a
• * 2.104

  Towne foun∣ded.
• * 2.105

  Lopez de Agira his mutinie.
• * 2.106

  The Captaine murthered.
• * 2.107

  Fernando de Gusman chosen King.
• * 2.108

  He is slaine.
• * 2.109

  Hard conceit of French cru∣elty by Span. and Portugals.
• * 2.110

  Nothing so cruell as feare proceeding from an ill conscience.
• * 2.111

  R. Amazones why so called. Note the truth of that which hath mocked men touching Amazons in A∣sia, Africa and America. None other haue yet by credible reports beene found but war∣like wiues, and not solitary v∣nimamians. His treason at Margarita.
• * 2.112

  Lope de Agire slayeth his daughter, and is slaine.
• * 2.113

  Great riches hidden within the Riuer of Maragnon. The coast of Brasill.
• * 2.114

  Two English ships. See their storie sup. l. 6.
• * 2.115

  Parawa now i••habited by Spaniards. Fernambock hath 3000. houses.
• * 2.116

  Baya a town be∣longing to the King: for hee gaue most part of this Coun∣try to Gentle∣men, becau••e they found no Myn••s, &c. As Ilhas hath 150. houses.
• * 2.117

  Porto Sequero h••th foure small townes. Rio de Ienero hath 300. houses. Villagagnons Fort taken. Of him and it you haue before in Lerius.
• * 2.118

  The Coast of Saint Vincent hath foure townes. Two English ships by Fen∣ton and Ward.
• * 2.119

  The Coast of Saint Vincent.
• * 2.120

  See sup. in Schmidel.
• * 2.121

  Breed of 30. Mares and se∣uen Horses.
• * 2.122

  La Ascension.
• * 2.123

  Santa Fee. Bonos Ayres▪
• * 2.124

  Captaine Queros. Quiedo cais him Za∣margo.
• * 2.125

  Fr. Drake. You haue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and C••nd••shes, and other English and Du〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉y∣ages thorow the Stra〈…〉〈…〉 be∣fore.
• * 2.126

  The Iland of Cockels. Others say the Iland of Cario.
• * 2.127

  Fiftie degrees fiue minutes.
• * 2.128

  Pedro Sarmien∣to.
• * 2.129

  D. F. de Valdes his disaduen∣tures.
• * 2.130

  The Riuer of Ienero.
• * 2.131

  Port of Saint Vincent. Fenton.
• * 2.132

  Iohn Drake. Seale Iland.
• * 2.133

  Richard Faire∣weather.
• * 2.134

  Bonos Ayr••••.
• * 2.135

  Parayna.
• * 2.136

  Pod••o Sa••mien∣to builded within the Straits. Two townes in the Straits▪ Nombre de Ie∣sus and Philips Citie.
• * 2.137

  Sarmi〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 taken by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 W. Ra〈…〉〈…〉 Barkes.
• * 2.138

  This di〈…〉〈…〉 w•••• 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 2.139

  Castro.
• * 2.140

  Baldiuia. Chili.
• * 2.141

  How Chili was first discouered
• * 2.142

  Copiapo.
• * 2.143

  Pedro de Ual∣diuia.
• * 2.144

  El Estado de Arauco.
• * 2.145

  Villa nueua de la Serena, La Conception, Sant Iago, La Imperial, Baldi∣uia, La Villa Rica, the first six Townes that were inha∣bited in Chili.
• * 2.146

  A stratagem of the Indians of Chili, against the Spaniards.
• * 2.147

  The death of Baldiuia.
• * 2.148

  Pedro de Villa grande.
• * 2.149

  Don Garcia de Mendoza.
• * 2.150

  11. Towns, and 2. Bishoprikes in Chili.
• * 2.151

  A description of the Townes of ••hili. Baldiuia. The Prouince of Arauco, ouer against the I∣land La Mocha, situat•• in 38. degrees and a halfe La Concepcion.
• * 2.152

  Valparizo, which is the Port of S. Iago standeth i•• 3••. d••gr. 40 min. Coquimbo st••n∣deth in 20. deg. 30. min. Copiapo.
• * 2.153

  A description of Peru.
• * 2.154

  Isla del Gallo.
• * 2.155

  Tumbez.
• * 2.156

  The Riuer of Peru.
• * 2.157

  The cause why it raineth not in Peru.
• * 2.158

  Gold, Siluer, 〈…〉〈…〉er, 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 and 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 2.159

  The sheepe of Peru, called Llamas.
• * 2.160

  Atabalipa and Mango, by o∣thers called Gaspar, in strife.
• * 2.161

  Nine Bishop∣ricks, and one archbishoprick in Peru.
• * 2.162

  The Prouinces of Tucuman. Cordoua.
• * 2.163

  Atacama.
• * 2.164

  Camana.
• * 2.165

  Acari.
• * 2.166

  Al Calao.
• * 2.167

  Lima.
• * 2.168

  Santa. Cannete. Truxillo. Paita. Guaiaquil. Tumbez.
• * 2.169

  Salsaperilla. Ships built at Guaiaquil. Puerto Vieio a place where Emralds a∣bound. La Bucna ven∣tura. La gouernacion de Popaian.
• * 2.170

  Negros fled frō their Masters. Panama.
• * 2.171

  Osta rico.
• * 2.172

  The Prouince of Nicaragua.
• * 2.173

  The discouery of the Philippi∣nas. The Isse of Manilla.
• * 2.174

  The discouery of the Isles of Salomon.
• * 2.175

  Cloues, Gin∣ger, and Sina∣mon.
• * 2.176

  The Isle of Guadalcanal.
• * 2.177

  A Town burnt.
• * 2.178

  Abundance of good victuals vpon the Isles of Salomon.
• * 2.179

  A new rich trade for Gold, Cloues, Gin∣ger, and Sina∣mon.
• * 2.180

  Why these Isles were cal∣led the Isles of Salomon.
• * 2.181

  Ben. l. 1. c. 1. He serued 14. yeares in the Span••sh-Indian expeditions. C. 2. C. 3.
• * 2.182

  Indians spoiled.
• * 2.183

  C. 25.
• * 2.184

  L. 2. C. 1. Negro slaues succeede.
• * 2.185

  Law of Bayon diuellish de∣uise.
• * 2.186

  Armie of 7000 fugitiues.
• * 2.187

  C. 9. See Drakes and Oxenhams sto∣ries.
• * 2.188

  C. 11.
• * 2.189

  Gotierez his conuerting of Indians.
• * 2.190

  Indian magna∣nimitie.
• * 2.191

  Hungry March
• * 2.192

  Indians feare of Horses.
• * 2.193

  Cap. 13. Examples of couetousness. Sedegnus and his 700. men. Sotos acts in Florida.
• * 2.194

  Pam. Naruaez.
• * 2.195

  Cortez and Al∣uarado.
• * 2.196

  C. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.197

  Indians conceit o•• Christians.
• * 2.198

  Cap. 18.
• * 2.199

  Monkes and Friars.
• * 2.200

  Span. Miracles.
• * 2.201

  Indian Christia∣nitie.
• * 2.202

  Lib. 3. c. 1. Triumuirate.
• * 2.203

  First Voyage.
• * 2.204

  Second Voyage.
• * 2.205

  I. Gorgon.
• * 2.206

  Third expedi∣tion.
• * 2.207

  Cock-Iland.
• * 2.208

  Fourth expe∣dition.
• * 2.209

  Peter of Candy.
• * 2.210

  Cap. 2.
• * 2.211

  Fifth Voyage Puna now Saint Iago.
• * 2.212

  Cap. 3. Atabaliba of Atabualpa.
• * 2.213

  Saint Michaels.
• * 2.214

  Frier Vincents embassage, not in Gods name.
• * 2.215

  So he calls his Breuiary.
• * 2.216

  Cap. 4. Atabalibas ran∣some.
• * 2.217

  Cap. 5. Pizarros perfi∣dious cruelty.
• * 2.218

  Quisquiz.
• * 2.219

  Cap. 6. Chili.
• * 2.220

  Mango Inga his acts.
• * 2.221

  The Citie: some say they held the Castle. Spanish dis∣asters
• * 2.222

  Cap. 7.
• * 2.223

  Almagro put to death.
• * 2.224

  Cap. 8. Ferd. sent to Spaine, where he is thought to haue died in prison. The Marquesse slaine. Cap. 9. Vacca de Castro cuts off Diego.
• * 2.225

  Cap. 10. Vice-roy Vela.
• * 2.226

  Cap. 11.
• * 2.227

  Cap. 12
• * 2.228

  Cap. 13. Gascas acts in Peru.
• * 2.229

  Cap. 14. Cap. 15.
• * 2.230

  Cap. 1••
• * 2.231

  Peru ••onceit of S〈…〉〈…〉rds. Cap. 21.
• * 2.232

  L. 8. c. 2.
• * 2.233

  Ex Praesatione. O〈…〉〈…〉e cusco Tongue. Three pronun∣ciations. Accent. b. d. f. g. i. x. l. rr. wanting.
• * 2.234

  Monie.
• * 2.235

  P••zos.
• * 2.236

  The first Book of the first part.
• * 2.237

  This Spanish re∣port some of themselues conceale, o∣thers deny: see sup. ca. 1. §. 4. To. 1. l. 2. I haue here giuenthis voyage (or fa∣ble) because the particulars are so full and plaine in this author: where∣as Gomara saith neither in the man, nor time, hor place, &c. is agreed on: see G••m p 2. c. 13. Name of Peru whence and how.
• * 2.238

  The like you may before read of China, a name no•• ther knowne, &c. Iucatan.
• * 2.239

  Sir F. Drake teacher of na∣uigating the S. Seato the Span.
• * 2.240

  C. 15. Atahualpa or Atabalipa his cruelties.
• * 2.241

  Indian fables of their Origi∣nals.
• * 2.242

  Temple to the Sunne.
• * 2.243

  Cusco or Cozco first inhabited.
• * 2.244

  Vse of Arts.
• * 2.245

  Vse of Armes.
• * 2.246

  The Incas Em∣pire dured a∣bout 400. years Valera hath 5. or 600.
• * 2.247

  The Floud.
• * 2.248

  See sup. p. 1060.
• * 2.249

  Fables and al∣legorisers.
• * 2.250

  Conceits of the originals of all chiefe fa∣milies.
• * 2.251

  c. 20.
• * 2.252

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 2.253

  Spanish altera∣tions.
• * 2.254

  Mancos lawes.
• * 2.255

  Suns Nunnery
• * 2.256

  Poled heads.
• * 2.257

  Wide bored eares.
• * 2.258

  Fillets.
• * 2.259

  Ensignes of dignitie.
• * 2.260

  Cusco and the Neighbours Incas by priuiledge, which none elsewere ex∣cept of the Royall bloud. Royall Dia∣deme.
• * 2.261

  C••••a and Huac∣charuyak pecu∣liar titles to the King.
• * 2.262

  Manco dieth. Sinchi Roca succeedeth.
• * 2.263

  Curacas.
• * 2.264

  Mancos Fune∣rall.
• * 2.265

  Titles of ho∣nour.
• * 2.266

  The second Booke.
• * 2.267

  Amautas, the learned Peru∣ans. Pachacamac, the name of God. Ignoto 〈◊〉〈◊〉. August in Z••r••t. l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈…〉〈…〉ith that 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 V••••cent de valle vir••••i, that they held the Sun for God, the earth for Mother, & Pachacamac for Creator of all.
• * 2.268

  Acosta cals him Uiraro••ha, and saith ••hey had no proper name for God.
• * 2.269

  A Crosse in Cozco before the Spaniards came.
• * 2.270

  No swearing.
• * 2.271

  Acosta by this will bee better vnderstood & corrected.
• * 2.272

  Huaca and the diuers signifi∣cations there∣of, vnknowne to the Spani∣ards occasio∣ne〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in their stories, Twins rare.
• * 2.273

  He seemeth also to make a difference twixt the ado∣ration to the Sunne, & wor∣ship or reue∣rence of the Inca. Acosta taxed. See before in Acosta. pag. 1041. &c.
• * 2.274

  Their beliefe of the soule.
• * 2.275

  Three Worlds.
• * 2.276

  Resur••••ctio••
• * 2.277

  Ha〈…〉〈…〉-super∣stition.
• * 2.278

  Sacrifices.
• * 2.279

  Peru diet.
• * 2.280

  Dau•••• dos o tres besos ••l ayre Peruans no Man-eaters. or Officers. Acosta and o∣thers taxed.
• * 2.281

  Incas conceit of sicknesse.
• * 2.282

  Eybrow-rite.
• * 2.283

  Priests of Peru.
• * 2.284

  Cozco Metro∣politan: others had as it were 7 Bishops and Priests.
• * 2.285

  All Ordinan∣ces attributed to Manco.
• * 2.286

  Diuision of the Empire.
• * 2.287

  Anti, called by Acost••, Arides.
• * 2.288

  Tithings and Tithingmen. See the like with vs in Lamb. peramb. of Kent. Orders of Of∣ficers. Chunca Camayu.
• * 2.289

  Penalties. No fines.
• * 2.290

  Nothing more merci••ull then seueritie vn∣partiall, which makes all to feare; so Guns haue prooued sauers o•• mens liues, the gene∣rall feare of Ordnance cau∣sing few bat∣tels, and con∣sequently ••••wer sl••ine in warres then when & where they haue not beene. No auricular confessi••n in Peru, as Acosta, &c. Iudgements examined. Quippos.
• * 2.291

  Monethly and yeerely ac∣counts.
• * 2.292

  But foure pri∣uy Counsel∣lors.
• * 2.293

  Roca Inca his acts.
• * 2.294

  Indian creduli∣tie.
• * 2.295

  Lloque Yupan∣qui the third Inca.
• * 2.296

  Strange Grammer.
• * 2.297

  See Acosta.
• * 2.298

  Of the Peruan A••••s. Astrologie.
• * 2.299

  Dreames of Ecclipses.
• * 2.300

  Thunder and lightning. Rainbow.
• * 2.301

  Dream-diuina∣tions.
• * 2.302

  Medicine.
• * 2.303

  Geometry. Chorography. Arithmeticke.
• * 2.304

  Musicke.
• * 2.305

  Poetry.
• * 2.306

  A Peruan hym in spondaike verses.
• * 3.1

  Handicrafts. Goldsmiths.
• * 3.2

  Carpenters.
• * 3.3

  Masons.
• * 3.4

  Note.
• * 3.5

  The third Booke.
• * 3.6

  This lesson the Spaniards haue learned too well since.
• * 3.7

  Admirable buildings. Pe∣dro de C••eaza. c. ••05. han〈…〉〈…〉th this 〈…〉〈…〉m his owne 〈…〉〈…〉t more largely.
• * 3.8

  Men-stones.
• * 3.9

  Capac Yupa••qui the fi••th Inca.
• * 3.10

  Osyer Bridge.
• * 3.11

  Bul-rush bridg See Acosta of their waies to passe Riuers.
• * 3.12

  Remouing of people from one place to another.
• * 3.13

  Many children
• * 3.14

  Religious re∣putation of Cozco and the superstitious holies therein.
• * 3.15

  The Temple of the Sunne.
• * 3.16

  Rich hangings
• * 3.17

  Sunnes image.
• * 3.18

  Bodies of Kings deceased. Huayna Capac.
• * 3.19

  A rich Cloister
• * 3.20

  Fiue Chappels
• * 3.21

  Moone Chap∣pell.
• * 3.22

  Chappell of Venus & Stars.
• * 3.23

  Chappell of Starrie skie. Chappell of thunder, light∣ning and bolt. Chappell of Rainebow.
• * 3.24

  Priests.
• * 3.25

  Women might not enter. Moueable weekes.
• * 3.26

  Seruitors.
• * 3.27

  Sacrifices. Fountaines.
• * 3.28

  Garden of gold and siluer.
• * 3.29

  Golden coun∣terfeits.
• * 3.30

  All vessels and instruments of Gold.
• * 3.31

  Rich Temple at Titicaca.
• * 3.32

  Spanish vnder∣taking for trea∣sure.
• * 3.33

  Sup••••st••tious corne.
• * 3.34

  The fourth B••••k••. Ho••••es of Vir∣gins.
• * 3.35

  1500. Nuns.
• * 3.36

  Exceeding st••••ktnesse.
• * 3.37

  Men Porters.
• * 3.38

  Nun••workes.
• * 3.39

  Robes for perfume.
• * 3.40

  Golden Gar∣den. P••rpetuall vir∣ginitie.
• * 3.41

  Other Nunne∣ries.
• * 3.42

  Mamacumas when.
• * 3.43

  Spanish authors deceiued.
• * 3.44

  Another sor•• of Nunnes.
• * 3.45

  Widowes.
• * 3.46

  Marriages.
• * 3.47

  Tribes, towns; wards, not in∣termarrying. Lawes of Inhe∣ritance.
• * 3.48

  Diuers cu∣stomes.
• * 3.49

  Care of In∣fants.
• * 3.50

  Inca Roca the six King 〈◊〉〈◊〉 conquests.
• * 3.51

  Acosta and o∣ther, say that it was thorow gri••••e of cap∣tiui••ie, Cuca. Steep & deepe descent of fiue leagues.
• * 3.52

  Yahuar Huaeac the seuenth Inca. Apophtheg••••es.
• * 3.53

  Yahuarhu••••ac acts.
• * 3.54

  Feare of his Sonne.
• * 3.55

  A vision of the Prince.
• * 3.56

  The fift Book.
• * 3.57

  Great battle.
• * 3.58

  Aduantage by Fa••les.
• * 3.59

  Acosta taxed, See sup. 1060.
• * 3.60

  Their dealing with the Sun.
• * 3.61

  Why the Spa∣niards were called Viraco∣cha.
• b 3.62

  Acosta saith they were so called because they came by Sea: Benzo, as the froth or scumme of the Sea, in con∣temp••
• * 3.63

  Viracochas Temple.
• * 3.64

  Condores or Contors, huge birds.
• * 3.65

  Cuero, per∣haps it should be cuer••••, the borne:
• * 3.66

  Huge Aquae∣ducts.
• * 3.67

  Tucma.
• * 3.68

  Bodies of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Kings seene. See sup. Acost••••
• * 3.69

  Manner of i••▪ prouing and allotting lands.
• * 3.70

  The Sunne, Inca and p••o∣ple sharers.
• * 3.71

  Andenes.
• * 3.72

  Order of til∣lage.
• * 3.73

  Care of Wi∣dowes, Poore, and Souldiers.
• * 3.74

  Workes in common done with festiuall alacritic.
• * 3.75

  Incas labour.
• * 3.76

  Spade.
• * 3.77

  Women.
• * 3.78

  Tributes of labour.
• * 3.79

  Lowse-tribute.
• * 3.80

  Scotfree-men.
• * 3.81

  Gold and Sil∣uer no money. Presents.
• * 3.82

  Repositories.
• * 3.83

  No beggars.
• * 3.84

  Innes and tra∣uellers. Hospitals. Course in new conquests.
• * 3.85

  The Sixth Booke. S••upendious buildings and riches of the Incas.
• * 3.86

  Their houses.
• * 3.87

  Garments. Cieça, Zarate, Gomera, and o••her Spa∣nish writers te∣stifi•• the same of th••se prodi∣gious t••easures in Peru.
• * 3.88

  Gardens, Or∣chards and Bathes.
• * 3.89

  Seruants and Officers.
• * 3.90

  Huntings.
• * 3.91

  Posts.
• * 3.92

  Pachacutec, the ninth Inca. Sausa Dog∣worshippers.
• * 3.93

  Benefite and prerogatiue of Nunneries an•• Sun-temples.
• * 3.94

  Peruan Knight.
• * 3.95

  Forme of Pe∣ruan triumph.
• * 3.96

  Shoo c••re∣monie.
• * 3.97

  Riuer turned out of the cour••e. Sea worship∣ped. Pachacamacs T••mple, and Oracle ••t 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ac o•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.98

  Rites of Pacha∣camacs Temple
• * 3.99

  Exch••nge and succ••ssion of Idols.
• * 3.100

  Other Vallies subdued.
• * 3.101

  Common Tongue.
• * 3.102

  See of their Feasts in Acosta.
• * 3.103

  Cozco as Reme, mother of su∣perstitions. Raymi, that is, the Feast.
• * 3.104

  Generall as∣sembly.
• * 3.105

  The King was chiefe Priest at that Feast.
• * 3.106

  Brauerie and Deuises.
• * 3.107

  Fast of three dayes.
• * 3.108

  Bread festiual.
• * 3.109

  Adoration of the rising Sun.
• * 3.110

  Festiuall and consccrsted Drinke.
• * 3.111

  Procession bare-foot.
• * 3.112

  Oblations,
• * 3.113

  Strange Offe∣rings.
• * 3.114

  Sacrifices and Auguries. Black fairest. Soothsaying vsuall. Rites thereof.
• * 3.115

  Holy fire.
• * 3.116

  Festiual eating and drinking.
• * 3.117

  Manner of making Knights.
• * 3.118

  The seuenth Booke. Inca Yupanqui the tenth Inca. The Musus in∣uaded.
• * 3.119

  The Chunchus su••dued.
• * 3.120

  Peruan Colony in the Musus Countrie.
• * 3.121

  Spanish at∣tempts fru∣strate.
• * 3.122

  Chirihuana. A Sauage beast∣ly Nation.
• * 3.123

  Inuasions of the Incas and S••aniards ••••o∣strate.
• * 3.124

  Chili dis〈…〉〈…〉∣red.
• * 3.125

  Sudued.
• * 3.126

  B〈…〉〈…〉le at Pu∣rumancu.
• * 3.127

  Spanish acts in Chi••i. Almagros Di••∣couery.
• * 3.128

  P••d•• Valdiuia.
• * 3.129

  An old ••••ili Captaine his policie, where∣by Arauco hath beaten the Spaniards.
• * 3.130

  Philip ••etray∣eth his Master.
• * 3.131

  Others say, they powred molten gold downe his throate. Later acci∣dents in Peru and Chili. Prodigious showres of sand & ashes 1600. They tell also of fearefull Earthquakes at Arequepa 1582. See su••. p. 940. 941.
• * 3.132

  A Letter writ∣ten by a Citi∣zen of Iago in Chili.
• * 3.133

  Note the A∣vaucans armes gotten from the Spaniards.
• * 3.134

  Valdiuia de∣stroyed.
• * 3.135

  Ymperiall fami∣shed.
• * 3.136

  Another letter 1601. Indians Valour.
• * 3.137

  Gouernour Loyola slaine.
• * 3.138

  Dearth.
• * 3.139

  1604.
• * 3.140

  Sixe Townes destroyed.
• * 3.141

  Osorno Fort taken.
• * 3.142

  Villarrica ta∣ken.
• * 3.143

  Yupanqui Inca his acts and death.
• * 3.144

  Fortresse of Cozco a rare worke.
• * 3.145

  See sup. 1056. Acostas Rela∣tion.
• * 3.146

  The wonders of the world not so wonder∣full as Cozco Fortresse.
• * 3.147

  One round Fort and two square.
• * 3.148

  House of the Sun for warre.
• * 3.149

  Labyrinth.
• * 3.150

  Spanish acts.
• * 3.151

  The eigh••h Booke. Tupac Inca Yu∣panqui the 11. King of Peru.
• * 3.152

  Cassamarca.
• * 3.153

  Huacrachucus subdued.
• * 3.154

  Chachapuya. Muyupampa.
• * 3.155

  Raymipampa.
• * 3.156

  Huancapampa.
• * 3.157

  Three ciuill Prouinces subdued.
• * 3.158

  Huanacu or 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.159

  Pedrode Cieç•• sa••th 3000••. c. 80. h•• calls it Guanuco, and sai••h, there was a Royall hou••e very admirable of great stones cunningly placed; neere to which was the Temple, &c. Cannari. Quillacu. Louse-tribute. Cieça cap. 44 p. x calls it Thome∣bamba, and is large in this point.
• * 3.160

  See Ci••ça c. 46.
• * 3.161

  Quitu.
• * 3.162

  Huayna Capacs bounty to wo∣men.
• * 3.163

  Quitu subdued
• * 3.164

  Quillacena.
• * 3.165

  Huayna Capa•••• marriages.
• * 3.166

  Tupa Inca•• death and pro∣genie.
• * 3.167

  The ninth Booke. Huayna Capac the twelfth.
• * 3.168

  A gold chaine of incredible length and greatnesse.
• * 3.169

  Huascar as Roper.
• * 3.170

  Atahuallpas mother. Further con∣quests.
• * 3.171

  Vallies in the Plaines sub∣dued.
• * 3.172

  Tumpiz or Tumbez sub∣dued. Huancauilca punished.
• * 3.173

  Huacchacuyac a title of the Incas.
• * 3.174

  Tooth-rite.
• * 3.175

  1. Puna subie∣cted. Their treason.
• * 3.176

  Di••ry songs.
• * 3.177

  Chachapuyas rebellion and pardon.
• * 3.178

  Thankfulnesse.
• * 3.179

  Marta. Puerto Vieco. Their foolish deuctions.
• * 3.180

  Emerald∣goddesse a huge gemme,
• * 3.181

  Platter-faced;
• * 3.182

  Barbarous people.
• * 3.183

  Giants. See sup in Acosta. pag. 1002. &c.
• * 3.184

  Bituminous Springs.
• * 3.185

  Reuerence to the Sunne.
• * 3.186

  Wife apoph∣thegme. See sup. 1028.
• * 3.187

  Caranques re∣bell. 〈…〉〈…〉a sai••h 20000. perhaps including all which were sl••ine in the wa••re. Atabuall••a put in posi••ssion. of Quitu, and oth••r Prouin∣ces subdued by his f••th••r.
• * 3.188

  High way workes gr••ater thē the worlds seuen wonders o•• A〈…〉〈…〉s Alpe-way. Span••sh Ship.
• * 3.189

  Prophesies and
• * 3.190

  Prodigies fore∣signifying the l••ss•• of the In∣cas Empire.
• * 3.191

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 a diui∣ner.
• * 3.192

  Huayna Capacs sicknesse and last will, or speech before his death.
• * 3.193

  The Prophesie of the Incas Empire.
• * 3.194

  Cusihuallpa his comment on that speech.
• * 3.195

  Huayna Capacs death.
• * 3.196

  Indians hate to Atahuallpa for causes follow∣ing.
• * 3.197

  Cock conceit, whrreby it ap∣peareth that they had no Cocks before in Peru.
• * 3.198

  Huascar the thirteenth, and last Inca Empe∣rour.
• * 3.199

  Huascars mes∣sage to Atabu∣allpa.
• * 3.200

  Hisanswer and pretended hu∣militie.
• * 3.201

  Atahuallpa le∣uieth forces to assault Huascar vnder pretèce of obsequies to Huayna Ca∣pac.
• * 3.202

  Huascars secu∣ritie.
• * 3.203

  Se••o medicina ••aratur.
• * 3.204

  The battell be∣twixt Atahuall∣pas men and Huascar. Huascar taken.
• * 3.205

  Atahualpas cru∣elty and dissi∣mulation.
• * 3.206

  Ill conscience fearefull, and therefore ty∣rannically cruell.
• * 3.207

  See of it in Vi∣••acoch••.
• * 3.208

  A Catalogue of the posteri∣ty of the Incas.
• * 3.209

  Don Melchior next in bloud kept in Spaine. At〈…〉〈…〉 son and second daughters. His whol•• po∣sterity w••sted.
• * 3.210

  Hatred of thè Incas and In∣dians to Atahu∣allpas Sonne.
• * 3.211

  Miscrable state of the Incas in Peru.
• * 3.212

  Tree Royall of Incas and their posteritie li∣uing in April 1603.
• * 3.213

  Frier Vincents speech to Ata∣huallpa.
• * 3.214

  Note the lat∣ter part of this Friers Orati∣on: for which cause I haue inserted it at large.
• * 3.215

  Strange Preaching of Christianiti••.
• * 3.216

  A••••huallpas an∣swer.
• * 3.217

  Easie victorie an•• cruell Spa∣niards which kill ••o m••ny not resisting.
• * 3.218

  So they which were there, and Go∣m••ra, Benzo, Herer, &c. but the later In∣quifi••ors seem ashamed of Vincents fu••ie.
• * 3.219

  See contra. cap. vlt. Huascars pro∣mises to the Spaniards. Huascar slaine.
• * 3.220

  Atahuallpa slaine.
• * 3.221

  Ruminnauia cruelties.
• * 3.222

  Manco Inca. The Incas be∣gan and ended with Manco; as the Empire of Rome with Au∣gustus and Au∣gustu••u••, and of Constantinople with two 〈…〉〈…〉on∣stantines.
• * 3.223

  Manco impri∣soned.
• * 3.224

  Mancos en∣largement and taking Armes.
• * 3.225

  An Armie of 200000. Indi〈…〉〈…〉
• * 3.226

  Cozco burnt.
• b 3.227

  When Alma∣gro returned out of Chili and Alu••rado with other Spaniards came in.
• * 3.228

  Gomez an vn∣grateful proud Sp〈…〉〈…〉d. Manc•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 slaine.
• * 3.229

  Sayri Tupac his sonne.
• * 3.230

  Tupac Amar•• his tragedie.
• * 3.231

  Hinc ill•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cry••••••.
• * 3.232

  Bloudy Vice-roy.
• * 3.233

  What became of the Incas race.
• * 3.234

  Don Melchi••••s the last Incas death.
• * 3.235

  Tupac Am••ru executed.
• * 3.236

  He is baptised Philip.
• * 3.237

  Vice-roys iust reward. Leyolas death.
• * 3.238

  Araucans policy
• * 3.239

  Cax••malca or Cassamarca de∣scribed.
• * 3.240

  Chicha is a kind of Drinke made of Maiz. Frier Vincent. This is denied by Inca Vega, because (it seemes) the thing seemes odious, rather then false: and he might not tell tales offen∣siue to Spanish eares: epsecial∣ly to the Friers which authori∣zed his Booke to the presse.
• * 3.241

  Atabalipa ta∣ken; descrip∣tion of his per∣son.
• * 3.242

  A Marke is in these discour∣ses 8. ounces.
• * 3.243

  These first entrers of Peru call both Huay∣na Capac and Huascar by the name of their chiefe Citie Cusco.
• * 3.244

  Iourney to Cusco, and gold there.
• * 3.245

  In the inside, &c. See sup. in the Inca Vegas relation.
• * 3.246

  Huayna Capacs Sepulchre.
• * 3.247

  Poore shifts for horse shooes.
• * 3.248

  This was the Temple of Pa∣chacamac, in the former re∣lation. This Idoll perhaps was that which the Natiues had kept from before the In∣cas conquest, for then they worshipped none. Estet••s treatise of this Voyage is in R••musio.
• * 3.249

  Cantari.
• * 3.250

  Others say 100000.
• * 3.251

  Atabalipas pre∣tended trea••on
• * 3.252

  Manco.
• * 3.253

  Pizarros be∣ginning.
• * 3.254

  Land of Hun∣gre.
• * 3.255

  Pizarro woun∣ded.
• * 3.256

  Almagro woun∣ded.
• * 3.257

  Three yeares troubles.
• * 3.258

  Cock Iland.
• * 3.259

  Vnderstand of pounds by weight, as by m••rk••s eight ounces, by Ca∣stellines Pezos. Puna.
• * 3.260

  Perhaps they had done this before the In∣c•••• conquest. But our Inca author de••ieth this, and Casas tels that the Spaniards deui∣sed such impu∣tations of so∣domy and hu∣mane sacrifices &c to couer and colour their cruelties in all places.
• * 3.261

  Saint Michaels founded. Cacike and o∣thers burned.
• * 3.262

  Pizarros army.
• * 3.263

  Long high∣way. Atabalipas pre∣sents.
• * 3.264

  Caxamalca. For di••and Pi∣zarro and Soto sent to Ataba∣lip••.
• * 3.265

  Atabalipa taken without fight of the Indians. Braue bragge.
• * 3.266

  Spanish mira∣cle; none woū∣ded where non striketh, as he saith before. Atabalipas ran∣som, which was paid and be ac∣quitied, as Pi∣zarro himselfe w〈…〉〈…〉es in the next chap. yet was he mur∣thered, & that after they had made him a Christian C••••za c.119. saith that God ••unish••d the Spaniards for their cruel∣ties to the In∣dians, and few died naturall deaths, all that had hand in A∣tabalipas death died miserably. For this God suffered the wars, &c. he na meth also Car∣uaias, Robledo, Belalcazar, To∣uar, Martin, &c. whom God plaged for ty∣rannies to the Indians.
• * 3.267

  He had been at Pachacamac, Est••tes dis∣course of that Voiage is at large in Ramu∣••••, here omit∣ted. Herera saith, that in their sharings, the Spaniards valu∣ed gold of 14. carats at 7. and by the abun∣dance thereof grew to great excesses in ga∣ming, pride & other vices: he saith that the three sent to Cusco were fooles & ••heir behauior cau∣s••d the Indians to vnde•• value the Spaniards.
• * 3.268

  A Ma••ke is 8. ounces and a Castilian is a Pez•• which containeth in this Peru ac∣connt after In∣ca Uega 450. Marauediz; e∣uery 5. Pe••••s or Caste〈…〉〈…〉s being six Duc∣kers: about seuen shillings English. Golden Age. Miserable com∣forters.
• b 3.269

  Other Incas made; one cal∣led Atabalipa, to serue the Spaniards turn. Without them (as in the con∣clusion they confesse) they could, being so few, neuer haue perfected their cōquest. But first they vsed the Cus∣coans against those of Quito, and lastly to pacifie all to the Spanish subiection. Af∣ter which they performe no∣thing but fal∣shood and cruelty, Pi••ar∣ros purpose be∣ing alway by any way to e∣rect the Spanish Empire. Second sha∣ring. Garitico slaine: for as the war had bin begun by Atabalipa the first, a∣gainst Cusco: so after his death, it was by his Cap∣taines conti∣nued against the Iucas there seeking to ad∣uance Quito aboue Cusco, & the seed of A∣tabalipa to the Souereigntie. Chilichuchima burned. Manco Inca made Lord. Third sharing of gold and siluer at Cus••o: Images of beasts & men in gold,
• * 3.270

  Cusco a Spanish Colonie.
• * 3.271

  Other Spani∣ards enter Peru.
• * 3.272

  Countrey de∣scribed.
• c 3.273

  Immatonare.
• d 3.274

  Scaloni.
• * 3.275

  Description of Cusco, as it was when the Spa∣niards first came thither. For after the Indians burnt the most part of it in Mancos wars with Pi∣çarro. The Fortresse
• e 3.276

  Gironi.
• f 3.277

  See sup. pag. 1056. Acosta saith he measured some aboue 38. foot long, &c.
• g 3.278

  Voltati.
• h 3.279

  Sguincio de i∣gironi.
• * 3.280

  Note this▪